Ritual Civilization and Mythological Coding: Cultural Interpretation of Li Ji [1st ed.] 9789811543920, 9789811543937

Table of contents :
Front Matter ....Pages i-lvii
“Rebirth” Mythology: The Source of the Symbolic Significance of the Capping Ritual (Qicui Tang)....Pages 1-104
Holy Space: The Symbolism of “Miao (廟)” (Qicui Tang)....Pages 105-164
Between the Sacred and the Profane: On the Spatial Narrative of Places in the Hall of Distinction (Qicui Tang)....Pages 165-201
Universal Understanding: Research on the Narrative of the “People from the Five Directions” in Li Ji (Qicui Tang)....Pages 203-230
Endless Cycle: Perspective on Mythological Time and Space in Yueling (Qicui Tang)....Pages 231-291
Ritual Healing: Records of Disasters and ritual function in Li Ji (Qicui Tang)....Pages 293-319
Back Matter ....Pages 321-346

Citation preview

Understanding China

Qicui Tang

Ritual Civilization and Mythological Coding Cultural Interpretation of Li Ji

Understanding China

The series will provide you with in-depth information on China’s social, cultural and economic aspects. It covers a broad variety of topics, from economics and history to law, philosophy, cultural geography and regional politics, and offers a wealth of materials for researchers, doctoral students, and experienced practitioners.

More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/11772

Qicui Tang

Ritual Civilization and Mythological Coding Cultural Interpretation of Li Ji

123

Qicui Tang Shanghai Jiao Tong University Shanghai, China

Sponsored by “B&R” Book Program ISSN 2196-3134 ISSN 2196-3142 (electronic) Understanding China ISBN 978-981-15-4392-0 ISBN 978-981-15-4393-7 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-4393-7 Jointly published with Shanghai Jiao Tong University Press The print edition is not for sale in the China Mainland. Customers from the China Mainland please order the print book from: Shanghai Jiao Tong University Press. © Shanghai Jiao Tong University Press 2020 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publishers, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publishers, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publishers nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publishers remain neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Proofread by Kexin Gao and Jingfeng Qu This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Foreword

Mythology: Source Code of the Chinese Culture The concept of “mythology” was never seen in Chinese academic parlance, nor was it an academic discipline in any form until scholars who studied in Japan such as Liang Qichao and Jiang Guanyun imported into modern Chinese in early twentieth century. Over the course of more than a century, Chinese mythology has made great achievements, as well as showing clear limitations. Initially, a group of scholars, many of whom were literati, such as Lu Xun, Zhou Zuoren, Mao Dun, Zheng Zhenduo, and Xie Liuyi, developed an interest in introducing and studying mythologies. This is the reason why even today the teaching of mythology in China is still restricted to the folk literature of the Chinese department curriculum in universities. Thus, any school that does not include folk literature in their course arrangement would not teach any professional knowledge of mythology. Compared with major progress accomplished in mythology research worldwide since the twentieth century, China shows obvious limitations in isolating the subject in discipline classification. For instance, in Theories of Myth, the six volumes authored and published by globally authoritative mythology scholar Robert A. Segal, mythology study regarding literature only occupies one volume out of six, as in less than 20% of the mythology research, while the remainder consists of philosophy, history, archaeology, religion, psychology, anthropology, and mythology research from the perspectives of other disciplines. In light of the status quo of mythology research in China, literature-oriented viewpoint of mythology has emerged as a bottleneck that hampers the development of humanities study in China. Many tasks need to be accomplished to serve as a critical and indispensable theoretical foundation for the improvement of China’s mythology research and humanities research in general. These tasks include the effective summary of the feats and research experience of Chinese mythology study over the last century, reflections on the restraints, obstructions and hindrances of the analytical tools employed by Chinese scholars, proposal of corresponding academic measures to break free from shackles and bottlenecks, renewal of the perspectives on myths and

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knowledge system of mythology research, staying abreast of and responding to international academic development trends, and selective and rational learning from academic innovations. Past experience indicates that if restrictions of literature-oriented mythology research in China were to be mitigated, it is advisable to fully harness the advantage of mythology concepts in consolidating cross-disciplinary knowledge including literature, history, philosophy, religion, and psychology. This breakthrough would offer a new perspective to humanities scholars and stimulate them to delve into cross-disciplinary contemplations, discover, propose, and solve new problems, especially the vital issue of how to connect and reconfigure research mindsets and focal points of literature, history, and philosophy studies. Chinese mythology research in the past century mainly emphasized the search for stories akin to Greek mythology from ancient texts, but neglected a fundamental question: why was mythology not studied by the ancient Chinese? In other words, why is the term “mythology” absent from the ancient Chinese language? Since such a fundamental cultural question was not identified at an earlier stage, thoughts or discussions of any depth were not common among scholars. The most prominent feature of Chinese culture and tradition is the holistic and pervasive quality of myths. The countless number of Confucian temples and God of Wealth shrines scattering across the country silently manifest the tremendous deity-making power of this multiethnic nation. Even a substantial portion of fundamental contents being considered as part of “Chinese philosophy,” “Chinese history,” or “Chinese science” by modern scholars, as in those who came after the permeation of western education and thoughts in China beginning from the end of the Ming Dynasty, are largely founded upon mythology. Rarely do visitors of the Forbidden City understand why the palace’s Chinese name, Zijin Cheng (“Forbidden City”), evidently derives from myth! In antiquity, people were sure that the imperial palace on earth corresponded to the Ziwei Palace that housed the Celestial Emperor up in heaven as described in myths. It was the symbol of governance of the Celestial Emperor at the nexus of heaven, thus creating the name Zijin Cheng for the imperial palace in human realm. It is common knowledge that “human beings are an integral part of nature” is one of the main features of Chinese culture, yet people often forget that this concept is founded upon a mythological concept or directly derived from a mythological mindset, which acts like a cultural gene for Chinese traditions. Even Confucius, who proclaimed he “does not speak about mythical powers or mythological beings,” was actually an ardent believer in “destiny,” and devoted particular attention to the mythological and symbolic meanings behind supernatural creatures like the kylin (Chinese unicorn) and phoenix. A maniac from the State of Chu even directly referred to Confucius himself as a “phoenix.” People of today only see mythology presented in its textual form of narration; thus, mythology is categorized as a part of literature in its modern sense. However, in cultural tradition, there are considerable quantity of graphical or physical forms of narrations and representations of mythology, for instance, a myriad of imperial structures from the Ming and Qing Dynasties such as the aforesaid Forbidden City, Temple of Heaven, Temple of

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Earth, Temple of the Sun, and Temple of the Moon, not to mention the long-standing system of “emperor’s governance from the Hall of Distinction, a venue with significant political and religious functions.” If myth-based thoughts and principles were to be disregarded in common idioms and sayings of ancient times such as “emperor as the son of the Loong” and “prosperity brought by the Loong and the phoenix,” and idioms and sayings of today such as “Chinese as the descendants of the Loong” and “great Loong ascends into the sky” (to symbolize China’s rise to prosperity and power), Chinese culture would be so disfigured that it would resemble nothing like the one as we know today. Take another example, a reference book, and how mythology was so penetrating and pervasive in Chinese culture. Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters is widely believed as the first ancient Chinese dictionary. The book is organized by radicals or “section heads,” and upon a closer look at the Chinese characters under the most important radicals in the opening chapter, one would notice that this reference book is well structured, with over 9000 characters arranged from “yi” (一, beginning of all things) to “hai” (亥, the last of the twelve earthly branches), taking clear cues from the order of space and time from the mythological worldview. As to why the characters under the radicals “yi,” “er,” “shi,” “san,” “wang,” and “yu” were placed at the beginning of the dictionary, the profound reasoning may only be clarified if one were to investigate the spiritual basis, and mythology foundation in Chinese tradition, and simply judging by the number of strokes in the characters would not suffice for an explanation. Han Dynasty scholar Xu Shen compiled the book, and the way he described many Chinese characters was filled with mythology concepts, even though the term “mythology” did not yet exist in his times. From the cognitive anthropology angle, content about mythology and beliefs expressed in Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters without the use of mythology terminology are vividly indicative of the mythological disposition in Chinese cultural tradition. As in the Su Dongpo’s poem, “the true face of Mount Lu I cannot tell, only because I am in the midst of it,” the ancient Chinese did not need to use the term “myth” because their worldview and behaviors were shaped and dominated by mythology! From this perspective, pictograph, as a coding format of culture, in itself represents the source code of the myth concept, which is exactly the reason why contemporary scholars may re-understand Chinese tradition from the consolidating perspective of mythology study. This is also the original intention behind the composition of the Mythistory Series: How to genuinely unleash mythology currently bound within literature classes, and transform it back into an effective conceptual tool that connects literature, history, and philosophy and sheds light on Chinese cultural research, which in turn would enable scholars to overcome the prejudice of tradition and the boundaries of modern academic discipline structure, and re-study Chinese ideological traditions and historical traditions. There are 20 volumes planned for the Mythistory Series, divided into the Chinese Mythistory series and World Mythistory series. The World Mythistory series will include Sumerian Mythistory, Greek Mythistory, Japanese Mythistory, and Korean Mythistory, among others, which provide insight into world civilization

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and East Asian civilization and serve as a backdrop to examine Chinese Mythistory. The Chinese Mythistory series consists of one overview volume and the various separate summary volumes. The summary volumes look into important classics in the pre-Qin era, Qin Dynasty and two Han Dynasties as subjects, including the likes of the Book of Documents, Analects of Confucius, Spring and Autumn Annals, Li Ji, Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial, Tale of King Mu, and Master Huainan, which delve into the mythistory and myth philosophy inherited in these classics, and showcase fresh analysis and interpretation of these writings. We hope that the various volumes could be combined into a mutually connected and corresponding academic corpus as a whole which could deepen reader’s comprehension about the development of Chinese culture and its unique features. By continuing the author’s style and research methodology (see “Anthropological Decoding of Chinese Culture” collection jointly compiled by Shuxian Ye with Xiao Bing and Wang Jianhui in the 1990s), this series collectively exhibits the author’s cross-disciplinary contemplations during recent years and gathers a group of young scholars with sharp and inquisitive spirit of exploration (authors of this series are all humanities scholars who aspire to carry out cross-disciplinary research and conduct studies revolving around several academic bodies active in relevant academic circles such as the Chinese Literature and Anthropology Research Association and Chinese Mythology Study Association). The series attempts to decipher the source codes of Chinese culture via new perspectives offered by mythistory and put on display the latest major innovations and outcomes in humanities research and studies on Chinese classics. The commencement of this project originally relied on the “mythology research for the exploration of the origin of the Chinese civilization” major project of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, but in 2009 it was independently listed as a Guangdong strong cultural province project, and thus received emphatic support and funding assistance from the Publicity Department of the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee and the publishing company of the Nanfang Daily Press. In 2010, the newly founded Research Center of Literature and Humanities at Shanghai Jiaotong University also provided extensive aids in human resources, material resources, and other aspects to this corpus. Here, sincere gratitude is extended to Publicity Department of the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee, the publishing company of the Nanfang Daily Press, Shanghai Jiaotong University and the Literature Research Institute of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. Beijing Taiyanggong, China June 2010

Shuxian Ye

Introduction

Amid the trends of the search for sources and origins of civilizations, what kind of role does Li Ji (translated name is The Book of Rite, or Liki by Legge) play in the search for the source of ritual civilization? And amid the continual influx of new materials and new insights of present day, from which perspective should one unveil how the Chinese ritual system was built, standardized, and classicized under the “great unity” notion inherent in the Chinese language, as well as the underlying mythology coding behind rites, so as to reconstruct the cultural origin of the ritual civilization behind Li Ji?

Part One: Review and Introspection on the Research of Li Ji The rationale behind the selection of this subject matter was based on three points. First point is two major research trends, i.e., the “Program of the Search for the Origin of the Chinese Civilization” by the country in early twenty-first century, and the “cultural inheritance and historical memory” research by the academic circles. Li Ji, as literature critical to the study on ritual civilization, is invaluable to this “search for the roots and inquiry for the sources” type of research. The second point is revisits and renewed perceptions of the conventional research pathways and themes regarding Li Ji. This book attempts to reposition Li Ji within three contexts —the textual records (referring to the “ji,” meaning “record” or “book,” a part of the Chinese title Liji) contained in the book, its underlying ritual civilization, and research history of Li Ji, and tries to utilize the textual narration of Li Ji to enter into the Chinese ritual world behind the words and expose the hidden cognitive coding principles covered up or rewritten by writing and power. Thirdly and lastly is a trial

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research using the classic as subject, in response to the search for sources of Chinese civilization that gained popularity in recent years among academic circles, and the comparative mythological study perspective used in the textual research and explanation of ancient classics.

Thorough Understanding of the Idea of Rite through Li Ji The impacts of the tide of globalization and the rapid assimilation of cultures have made the affirmation and reinforcement of local cultural traditions and cultural identity realistic demands of modern ethnic nations. Therefore, the progress of globalization and the self-recognition of local culture have become the most discussed key subjects within the twenty-first-century academic research in humanities and social sciences. It was exactly against this backdrop that China initiated the “Program of the Search for the Origin of the Chinese Civilization” at the advent of the twenty-first century, assembling experts from a multitude of disciplines such as archaeology, history, astrology, geography, physics, chemistry, zoology, and botany in a concerted scientific research endeavor to seek the sources of Chinese civilization. The humanities academia meanwhile began research on the method, physical manifestation, form of expression, and other aspects of “cultural inheritance and historical memory,”1 joining the tides for the search of sources of civilization. The “quadruple evidence method” advocated and applied by Prof. Shuxian Ye in humanities and the mythology perspective in search of the origin of Chinese civilization promoted in recent years are both methods to broaden the perspectives of traditional literature and uncover rafts of long-neglected cultural inheritance and historical memories that come into play when rethinking about ancient text research method. Based upon this type of cross-disciplinary and cutting-edge exploration, this book focuses on Li Ji as the subject matter and delves into Li Ji presentation and cognitive codes of ritual civilization inheritance and memory method.

1

In 2007, the School of Histories, Languages and Cultures of the University of Otago, New Zealand, commenced a research on Chinese historical memories. Between November 17 and 20, 2007, the School of History and Culture and Center for Tibetan Studies of Sichuan University, the City University of Hong Kong, and the Singapore Institute of Technology jointly hosted the “Cultural Inheritance and Historical Memory Academic Symposium,” and 20 scholars participated in the discussion from various viewpoints including sociology, history, ethnography, archaeology, and classic texts. The large quantity of publications on cultural memory research of the Chinese publishing industry since 2000, such as How Societies Remember by Paul Connerton (2000), On Collective Memory by Maurice Halbwachs (2002), Memory (Darwin College Lectures) (2006), Das Soziale Gedächtnis: Geschichte, Erinnerung, Tradierung by Harald Welzer (2007), and City Corners and Memories: Social Ecology Perspective (2008) are indicative of the intense interest in cultural inheritance and historical memories among scholars.

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The most unique institution of Chinese civilization is without doubt a general principle that centers on “ritual institution,” whether that be described by the Chinese themselves or by the other.2 What they call as “three hundred major rites, three thousand minor rites,” the Chinese society is a typical “ritual society.”3 Not only do rites and ceremonies exist from birth till death, permeate every aspect of the life of Chinese people from daily mundaneness to ritual celebrations,4 and impose political and ethical orders that keep all parts of society stable and responsible, but are also deeply rooted in the dao (way) and de (virtue): As long as an individual “genuinely and earnestly” masters and practices the ritual etiquettes demanded by 2

In terms of self-description ever since ancient times, especially since the 1980s after a series of archaeological cultural discoveries, people have reaffirmed the essence of Chinese culture, as in the ritual music institution. Ritual Institution of the Longshan Era by Gao Wei, Chinese Ritual Culture by Zou Changlin and others are monographs on this subject; in terms of description by others, such as De l’esprit des lois or The Spirit of Laws by Charles de Secondat, Baron de Montesquieu in the eighteenth century, The Religion of China: Confucianism and Taoism by Max Weber in the twentieth century, Confucius: The Secular as Sacred by American Sinologist Herbert Fingarette and The World of Thought in Ancient China by Benjamin Schwartz, among other publications, all deem “rite and ritua” as the core principle behind ancient Chinese culture. 3 In Natural Symbols, well-known symbolic anthropologist Mary Douglas used “group-grid theory” to analyze the relationships among different social norms and individuals. In this theory, the “group” and “grid” denote the interactions between two dimensions, which form the four quadrants A, B, C, and D representing various social circumstances and aspects. People in Quadrant A have strict and clear restrictions and personal role norms, and they form a society where formalities are very important. They rely on these ritual behaviors to express the relationships between individuals and between humans and gods, forming a society commonly referred to as a ritualized society. In such a society, the behaviors of both individuals and the group are dictated by prescribed order, as do the actions of the society and the universe. Meanwhile, aspects related to the body of human beings, from appearance and speech to attire and social gestures, are all shared and connected symbols for communication. For details, please refer to Natural Symbols. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1970. pp. 95. This quadrant also reveals the model of the Chinese society. 4 Ritual is normally defined as: (A) religious ritual or etiquette, though in earlier western academic writings the terms “rite” or “ritus” are more commonly used because the earliest ritual research were all carried out within the scope of religious study; and (B) a more encompassing term that includes norms, customs, and procedures in daily life, but also indicates daily and mundane ceremonies of interest to social anthropologists. For details, please refer to Wang Xiaobing, Characters, Ritual and Cultural Memory. Jiangxi Social Sciences, 2007 (2). Translations of literature might use terms such as “rite” or “ritual,” and the terminology used in this book follows the terminology in the source. Due to the complicated nature of the term in Chinese, thus in Chinese the author uses “rite,” a term in relatively common usage within academia. 5 Here, it refers to quintessence of the Confucian ritual institution described in the pre-Qin classic Li Ji, and for details please refer to its chapters Summary of the Rules of Propriety, Doctrine of the Mean, and Record of Music. American Sinologist Herbert Fingarette applied contemporary philosophical knowledge and concluded that the central doctrine behind Confucius’ ideologies was an emphasis on ritual acts: “For Confucius, it was precisely the image of holy rite that unified or integrated all dimensions pertaining to the existence of human.” Rite is an expression of human nature formed through the accumulation of human experience and history, and ritual practice may elevate human nature toward perfection within the overall community. For details, please refer to Herbert Fingarette, Confucius: The Secular as Sacred, 2002. Translated by Peng Guoxiang et. al. Nanjing: Jiangsu People's Publishing Ltd. pp. 15.

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society, one would obtain inner spiritual perfection and transcendence, achieve the state of “harmony,” and approach sainthood.5 Thus, ritual institution is the most important content for search for the origin of civilization, from literary text to cultural text. As such, Li Ji recorded interpretations of ritual spirit and institution by early ritual experts. Thus, it is considered as the doctrine through which posterity learns, improves, and performs ritual etiquette, much like the viewpoint of modern anthropology “insiders” on the field study, which is especially crucial to the search for the origin of ritual civilization. In antiquity, the collective known as the “Three Rites” was the most important classic literature pertaining to li, or rite. The “Three Rites” consist of the Rites of Zhou that details governance and bureaucracy, the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial6 that describes social and familial norms, while Li Ji is the amalgamated “records” of interpretations of “rites” by scholars during the Warring States period and the Qin and Han Dynasties. This version of Li Ji is historically known as the Dai Sheng’s Li Ji, which was composed by Dai Sheng for use in the ritual conference held during the 3rd year of the Ganlu Era under the reign of Emperor Xuan of Han Dynasty (51 BC). This text edged into the “Three Rites” echelon because it was enhanced by annotations from Eastern Han Dynasty eminent Confucian philosopher Zheng Xuan, and it also received widespread acceptance by the court because the rites described herein matched the needs of social order construction at the time. Thus, Li Ji overtook the other two texts and became the most prominent constituent of the “Three Rites.” More importantly, as time advances, public opinions were that the writings in the “Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial were hard for people to understand and perform”7 and that the “Rites of Zhou and the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial were too complicated and strenuous to be applied in the current times.”8 Li Ji deep and profound yet highly readable and easily understood content written in an elegant and sophisticated

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Li Ji goes by many names including Rites, Records, Dai Sheng’s Li Ji, and Dai De’s Li Ji, and is often not clearly distinguished from the Book of Etiquette and Rites, resulting in much confusion. Recently, Mr. Lv Youren tallied statistics with regard to the citation of the “book” in around a dozen classics and ancient texts from the pre-Qin period and the two Han Dynasties, discovering that Li Ji was referred solely to as Li prior to the throne of Emperor Xuan of Han Dynasty, and then started to be called Ji at the ritual conference held during the 3rd year of the Ganlu Era under the reign of Emperor Xuan of Han (51 B.C.), while the title Liji was not used until the times of Emperor Yuan of Han, and it was only after the Wei and Jin Dynasties when the names Dai Sheng’s Rites or Dai Sheng’s Li Ji emerged. For details, please refer to Lv Youren, Explanations on Li Ji, 2009. Shanghai: East China Normal University Press. pp. 1–4. 7 Huang Kan, Brief Discussion about the Ritual Study, Huang Kan’s Studies and Other Works, 1964. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 444. 8 This was the last wish of economist Jiang Sheng, and Confucian scholar Sun Xingyan promptly remarked: “Understanding the meaning of rites thoroughly lies in reading Li Ji”. Quoted from Huang Junlang, Textual Research on Li Ji, 2003. Taipei: National Hall of Editing and Translation. pp. 78.

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manner meanwhile emerged as the instructional classic for people to learn to perform rites and conduct ritual study. This is why famed Confucian scholar Sun Xiyan remarked “Understanding the meaning of rites thoroughly lies in reading Li Ji,” and contemporary scholar Liang Qichao also said: To learn about the fundamental Confucian doctrines and how they changed, apart from reading the Analects, the Mencius and the Xunzi, the most crucial source is Li Ji. And since there are much about Li Ji, a broad spectrum of information is available.9 Confucianist Gao Ming also succinctly summed up views on Li Ji in three sentences: Without reading Li Ji, one would not understand the root cause behind the formation of Chinese culture. Without reading Li Ji, one would not understand the norms which one should abide by. Without reading Li Ji, one would not understand the principles behind the formation of the country’s institution.10 Some scholars even opine that Li Ji contains the ideals capable of cultivating healthy psychological and behavioral norms in everyone, which in turn would foster empathy and empathetic customs, and consequently enable society to exist in a harmonious and healthy state.11 Whether such a comment is substantiated is a whole different topic of discussion, it is a remedy for the current society marred by rapid changes, lack of tradition, and individuals that panic due to the inability to ascertain one’s own purpose of existence. As for the present, ancient classics are still significant to the nourishment of the folks of today, and therefore, research on Li Ji still embodies a certain degree of spiritual ecology purpose. Li Ji discussed in this book includes both the versions by Dai Sheng and his uncle Dai De, with Dai Sheng’s later edition occupying the more central role.12 Bamboo slips unearthed from a tomb of the State of Chu of the Warring States

9

Liang Qichao, How to Interpret and Read Important literature—Li Ji, quoted from Huang Junlang, Textual Research on Li Ji, 2003. Taipei: National Hall of Editing and Translation. pp. 78. 10 Gao Ming, New Explorations in Ritua Study, 1984. Taipei: Student Books Taiwan. pp. 23–24. 11 Huang Junlang, Textual Research on Li Ji, 2003. Taipei: National Hall of Editing and Translation. 79–80; in addition, master’s and doctoral theses of Li Ji expert Li Suying, respectively, discuss the views on life and death and views of politics and religion in Li Ji, while new publications Sweet Burden and Thoughts on and Applications of Ritual Study even more emphatically followed the style of Zhou He’s The Treasury of Knowledge of the State of Rites and Ceremonies—Li Ji in employing more basic speech and lexicon conducive to the study and spread of contents, making them genuine contemplations and actualizations in the use of ancient classics for the nourishment of present-day folks by modern scholars. 12 With regard to Li Ji by Dai De and his nephew Dai Sheng, and issues related to the compilation of Li Ji, the raft of varying voices have never quieted down in academic circles. It is generally believed that the book went through three stages: attached to Li chapters is “Ji”; formations of the independent chapters but not their compilation into the book as a whole; compilation as a book, as in Li Ji by Dai De and Dai Sheng. For details, please refer to Qian Xuan, General Theories on the Three Rites, 1996. Nanjing: Nanjing Normal University Press. pp. 35; Hong Ye, Quotations from Li Ji, 1983. Shanghai: Shanghai Guji Press.

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period at Jingmen in Hubei Province in 1993, alongside Chu bamboo scrolls put on display at the Shanghai Museum at the beginning of the twenty-first century, supplemented the study of Li Ji with new materials and aroused the attention of both domestic and foreign scholars. Since many of the materials mentioned above are pertinent to this version of Li Ji, some scholars even began referring to this set as the Jingmen Li Ji.13 It is a consensus that this version of Li Ji was compiled and revised after the original, and under this premise there exist two opposing viewpoints. One side argues that this version of Li Ji includes texts and materials from the pre-Qin period as an evidence, not fabricated by posterity and attests to the credibility of literature handed down from previous generations; the other side asserts that by comparison with three versions of the Black Robes chapter in Li Ji, this edition of Li Ji has been found to contain a myriad of artificial editing (order changes, misplaced passages, insertions, modern representations of ancient written characters) and revisions, and thus drew the conclusion that any purported use of texts and materials from the pre-Qin period may be unfounded.14 However, if “editing” is to be deemed as a method to reconstruct ritual study and to interpret and establish rites, then it is an integration of the scopes of both historical memories and real conceptions, a reflection of the correlative thinking mindset adopted by the Chinese during interpretation of traditions, and a means through which the potentates seek and strengthen the legitimacy of their regality by editing and revising classics. Therefore, the value of a classic is that it can transcend time and space, functioning as a medium through which people may comment, while remain over the course of being continually discussed, revised, rewritten and updated. It constitutes an existence in multiple dimensions jointly with the bygone fragments of history, relics, and remains buried in tombs, ceremonies, and literature that have survived to this day, and the exegesis and annotations of the classic itself. It is precisely this type of existence that highlights the value of a “classic” as an instructional sacred text that “originates from sacred narratives”15:

13

Chen Lai, Bamboo Slips from Tomb of the State of Chu at Guodian Could be Called the Jingmen Li Ji, Renmin Zhengxie Bao: August 3, 1998. 14 For details, please refer to Li Xuejin, Guodian Bamboo Slips and Li Ji, History of Chinese Philosophy Vol. 4, 1998. Xing Wen (US), Re-understanding of Li Ji—Texts Related to Li Ji from the Guodian and Shanghai Museum Bamboo Slips, Chinese Ancient Civilization and Academic History, 2006. Baoding: Hebei University Press. pp. 201–214; Xia Hanyi (US), Attempted Discussion on Evidence of Incorrect Arrangement of Bamboo Slips of Black Robes and Its Reasons and Consequences in the Course of the Compilation of Li Ji, Xia Hanyi, Different Views on Ancient History, 2005. Shanghai: Shanghai Guji Press. pp. 343–361; Hu Zhihong, The Obscurity and Reemergence of Primordial Confucian Moral and Political Ideologies—Discussion on the Guodian, Shanghai Museum and Inherited Versions of Black Robes, Confucius Studies, Vol. 1, 2007. 15 Karen Armstrong, The Holy Occurrence of Narratives: Rectification of Mythology. Translated by Shuxian Ye. Journal of Yangtze University. Vol. 5, 2008.

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From the perspective of the source of cultural history, the earliest classics were all sacred texts. The concept of a classic in the literary sense was born out of the concept of the sacred text in the religious sense, and is a secular product resulting from changes, weakening and loss of the original religious beliefs and the separation between government and religion.16 Accompanying the advancement of secularism is inevitable misinterpretation and misunderstanding of classics. However, the original mindset and cognitive coding contained in the classics were not completely lost; instead, they remain alive but hidden inside written characters and symbols, myths, and ceremonies. This is also precisely the reason why ritual scholars of the past spared no trouble in tracing and underscoring the sacred origin of “rites” and their capacity to “govern the country” and “reassure the monarch and educate the people”17 when attempting to reconstruct rites. In most cases, progression in a discipline is stimulated by new discovery. “Since antiquity, the advent of new knowledge or new discipline is mostly derived from new discovery.” The adage “Books from the hearth of Confucius gave rise to the study of ancient literature since Han dynasty; the discovery of ancient artifacts from the state of Zhao in Song dynasty gave rise to the study of ancient relics and ancient characters since Song dynasty” published by the master of Chinese culture Wang Guowei18 in 1925 still holds true today. The pity is that comprehension about Li Ji has not been clarified or enhanced even with the discovery and interpretation of new materials. Amid the continual influx of new materials and new insights of present day, how to consolidate resources, re-study the realm of Chinese history and classics, analyze “rites” from the “book” (or “record”), review the “book” from remnants of newly discovered rites and ceremonies, contemplate the spiritual doctrine behind Chinese ritual civilization, explore the onset of such ritual civilization, and uncover the mythology ideologies and cognitive coding hidden within such ritual civilization has become key agendas crucial to a thorough understanding of the entire ideological system of Chinese ritual civilization.

Review on the Research of Li Ji Through textual research in Textual Research on Li Ji (from Han Dynasty to Qing Dynasty) by Taiwanese scholar Huang Junlang and Summary of Research Work on the Three Li (from Han Dynasty to 1999) by mainland Chinese scholar Wang E., as well as master’s and doctoral theses and academic journal articles of the past two decades collected and collated by the authors, one could get a sense of the vibrancy 16

Shuxian Ye, Misinterpretation of Classics and Knowledge Archaeology. Journal of Shaanxi Normal University. Vol. 4, 2006. 17 Ruan Yuan (Qing Dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 1222, 1371. 18 Wang Guowei, The Will of Wang Guowei, 1965. Shanghai: Shanghai Guji Press. pp. 65.

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and diversity in research on Li Ji. Reviewing relevant discourses held by Chinese and foreign scholars from the past and present, it can be seen that research on Li Ji revolves around a couple classic topics and their corresponding academic pathways. Scholars from fields such as Confucianism, history, philosophy, literature, archaeology, and anthropology conducted research from different perspectives. Nevertheless, there are several common research areas like the era of the compilation of the book, arrangement of contents and the book’s examinations and corrections as subjects of interest among traditional Confucian and history scholars, the original meaning of the character li (rite) and the origin of rites, the pedigree of the Three Li and appraisal of relevant names and objects, changes in the origin and development of the ritual institution, and philosophy of life encompassed by Li Ji. The mythology viewpoint on the other hand is seldom seen. The following segment will focus on and briefly comment on these aforesaid topics.19 (A) Era of Compilation of the Book, Arrangement of Contents, and the Book’s Examinations and Corrections:

19

There is quite a throng of foreign scholars that conduct research on ancient Chinese ritual institution, studies, and ideologies. Summary of Research Work on the Three Rites by Wang E contained some 125 works of research on Li Ji undertaken by Japanese scholars, and another 89 studies that delve into the Three Rites in general, totaling more than 200 pieces. These efforts looked into a variety of aspects of Li Ji, such as the era of its compilation, examinations, and corrections on the chapter arrangement of the whole book, study on ancient literature, word and objects contained therein, textual research on rites and ceremonies, tracing the source of ritual institution, connotations of ideologies and mindsets. Since the author does not possess sufficient capacity to read Japanese research and publications, descriptions on relevant Japanese studies will not be dwelled upon at the current stage. With regard to European or North American studies on Li Ji, at present no summarizing or cataloging type of article has been found in China, and the majority of materials examined by the author talked about “rite” in the context of Confucianism or the development of history of Chinese ideologies, but all of them agree that “rite” is at the core of Confucianism. James Legge’s study on Li Ji as a part of the Sacred Books of the East may be considered the earliest and most direct research of its kind. In the Sacred Books of the East, Legge used three chapters to discuss the meaning behind the title Li Ji and introduced the classic's annotated, along with an 875-page translation of Li Ji, which function as the fundamental literature for western scholars to study Chinese thoughts and ritual institution. The master’s thesis of Song Zhongxiu from the English Department of Fujian Normal University was titled Research on Legge’s English Translation of Li Ji, focused on the book of its namesake and offered a brief account about the history of the spread of Li Ji in the west. Unfortunately, the author has not yet been able to read this paper, and thus could not provide any details. The materials here have been sourced from a dissection of the content formulated for the 1963 New York University reprint of the Sacred Books of the East by Yue Feng’s A Bridge Spanning the East and West—Research by British Sinologist James Legge, 2004. Fuzhou, Fujian People’s Publishing House. pp. 368.

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There is still no definitive answer about the compilation process of Li Ji to date, with the majority agreeing that the classic was a collection of writings about rites from the end of the Spring and Autumn period to the Qin and Han Dynasties, put together by Western Han Dynasty scholar Dai Sheng.20 It was then elevated to imperial status because of the addition of annotations by Eastern Han Confucianist Zheng Xuan, and included as a part of the “nine classics” from the reign of Emperor Taizong of Tang Dynasty. Therefore, it is also a consensus that Li Ji is not the fruit of one man of one period of one location.21 Yet, if dig a little deeper, debates continue regarding the era and author of the various constituent texts/chapters. In the past several decades, the discovery and interpretation of a raft of oracle inscriptions, bronze vessel inscriptions, bamboo slip inscriptions, and silk books from the pre-Qin period have provided a slew of new evidences to help determine the compilation time of the various constituent chapters of Li Ji. Published by the Zhonghua Book Company in 2007, the Investigation of the Compilation of Li Ji22 is a new research outcome based on a combination of old literature and recent archaeological findings. The book looked into the compilation periods of the 46 chapters of Li Ji, and the editors and editing time of the whole book, dedicated segments to expound the compilation of Li Ji and the distribution and dissemination of the classic during the Eastern Han Dynasty. Strenuous efforts were dedicated to cleansing, supplementation, and verification of previous research and studies. It could be considered the latest and an authoritative research feat about the compilation of Li Ji. The Royal Regulations, Proceedings of Government in Different Months and Places in the Hall of Distinction chapters in Li Ji are widely considered

20

In addition, there is also the Dai De’s Li Ji edited and compiled by Dai De; with regard to proposals about the compiler of the classic, there is also the theory that Shu Suntong of early Han Dynasty was responsible, or that enthusiasts “collecting the books from the burning remains caused by the Chimei Peasants Uprising Force and observing no family doctrines” and put together the book, or that Dai De deleted materials compiled by Liu Xiang, in turn Dai Sheng deleted materials compiled by Dai De, and then Ma Rong supplemented with additional materials, among other possibilities. For details, please refer to Textual Research on Li Ji, 2003. Taipei: National Hall of Editing and Translation. pp. 29–31; Hong Ye, Quotations from Li Ji—Investigations into the Source and Development of Ritual Studies in the Two Han Dynasties, from editor Liu Mengxi, Chinese Modern Academics Classics—Hong Ye, 1996. Shijiazhuang: Hebei Education Press; Cai Jiemin, Era of Compilation of Li Ji, from New Oriental, Vol. 1–1, 1940. Wang E., Investigation of the Compilation of Li Ji, 2007. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. 21 With regard to the specific compilation method of Li Ji, there are mainly six theories, i.e., compilation by students of Confucius, compilation by those from the Six Dynasties era, deletion and editing of an ancient Li Ji by Dai De and Dai Sheng, inheritance by Dai De and Dai Sheng, deletion and editing by Dai De and Dai Sheng based on a text called Qutaiji, and compilation by a group of Confucian scholars of the early Han Dynasty. For details, please refer to Xu Xichen, Era of Compilation of Li Ji and Its Value as Historical Material, from Research on the History of Historical Study, Vol. 4, 1984. 22 This is a Lanzhou University doctoral thesis by Wang E. in 2004.

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to be the last ones to be compiled, and these were dissected and determined that their main bodies were all compiled toward the middle or end of the Warring States period, thereby providing a new platform to facilitate studies on Li Ji. American Sinologist Edward L. Shaughnessy and Chinese scholar Hu Zhihong, among others, all applied textual criticism and ideological archaeology methods to compare and contrast different versions of the Black Robes chapter in Li Ji, namely, from an edition handed down from generations, the Guodian edition, and the Shanghai Museum. They believe that Black Robes from the handed-down edition is the result of major changes at the hands of scripture lecturers under the social climate of the Western Han autocracy, with the original Confucian moral and political ideologies contained therein having been confused or obscured, while the concept of social order and law received more emphasis. The advent of the Guodian edition and the Shanghai Museum edition unveiled the importance of original Confucian moral and political ideologies that Han Dynasty Confucianists had put on Li Ji about 2,000 years ago. Zeng Junze focused on the various past examinations and corrections on the chapter arrangement of the whole book, and from this angle discussed the ritual study reconstruction, mindset, and hermeneutic meaning of the editors during the course of their chapter arrangement examinations and corrections and content interpretations. Past editors always attempted to rearrange and interpret Li Ji through reclassification, editing, paraphrasing, and clarification. However, the fact is that editing and reconstruction is an interpretation method that stresses more on the whole entity and has not gained widespread acceptance from the formal study of Confucian classics.23 Thus, it has become ever more important to observe the sociology of knowledge that analyzes “rites” from the “book.” (B) Original Meaning of the Character Li (Rite) and the Origin of Rites: Anyone that studies the origin of “rites” starts from the structural composition and the origin of the character li. According to ancient dictionary Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters by Eastern Han Dynasty scholar Xu Shen, “Li (禮) is the code of conduct, which tells people to worship gods and pray for fortune. The word consists of two parts, i.e., ‘shi’ (示) and ‘li’ (豊) with ‘li’ (豊) signifying the pronunciation.” Li (豊) is the vessel for performing rite. It looks like a bean. Any word with the part of “豊” will adopt the pronunciation of “豊,” which is the same as li “(禮).” Further, “Li (豊), originating from beans, with pictorial resemblance.” This has become a golden rule for the interpretation of li (禮). Taiwanese scholar

23 Zeng Jun, Unconventional Explanation of Classic Discourse: Restructuring of Compilation— One Investigation into Explanation Method of Li Ji. Journal of Shanxi Normal University, Vol. 3, 2006.

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Fig. 1 Holy Food—Jade

Qiu Yanwen once discussed the different explanations for the form of the character li (禮) over the course of history, from Xu Shen’s Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters to Wang Guowei, and summed up a four-part conclusion: When comprised of 礻and 豐, the character looks like a vessel formed by two jade components; when comprised of 礻and 豊, the character looks like a ritual vessel; when comprised of 礻and 乙, the character looks like a bud beginning to sprout; and when comprised of 礻and 玄, the character looks like the mythical blackbird, a migratory bird that newly took flight, symbolizing the commencement of ritual performance.24 (Fig. 1) The discovery of oracle inscriptions brought about new changes in the way the word “Li (礼)” was interpreted. The eminent scholar Wang Guowei attempted to use oracle inscriptions to decipher the characters 豊 and 禮. “豊” has the forms of dou (豆, type of ancient container) and (珏, jade), which initially referred to the containers (namely dou) holding two strings of jade ware as sacrifices to deities, then referred to the use of wine as sacrifices to deities (thereby deriving the world 醴) and finally became the collective term for all sacrificial ceremonies (thereby

24

Qiu Yanwen, Textual Research on Ancient Chinese Ritual Institution, 1990. Taipei, Wenchin Publishing House. pp. 17–26. 25 Wang Guowei, Explanation of Rites, Vol. 6. 2006. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company.

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deriving the word 礼)25. This became a canonical form with far-reaching impact since Xu Shen’s definition, which was lauded and supplemented by academia. Liu Shipei, He Bingdi, Guo Moruo, Yang Kuan, Jin Jingfang, Wang Meng’ou, and others also support this interpretation, except that Yang Kuan commented on the need to further clarify the relationship between “醴” and “禮.” According to the theory in the Chapter of Conveyance of Rites in Li Ji, which goes: “At the first use of rites, they began with meat and drink,” Yang holds that ancient people first exhibited particular ceremonies when allocating means of subsistence, especially in eating and drinking. A classy gift to present and show respect is “醴,” and thus this type of ritual is called “醴,” but thereafter all sorts of offerings to gods became encompassed under “禮.”26 By subsequent and logical extension, rules that needed to be followed in production and life, and systems and means to maintain the governance of the nobility all came to be called “禮.” Physical jade artifacts from 8000 years ago discovered by archaeologists serve as even more ancient proofs that substantiate Wang’s theory. Anthropologist Prof. Shuxian Ye found a jade-venerating tradition in China around 8000 years ago in the form of burial jades, ritual jades, sacrificial jades, and edible jade, and he believes that “yu” (玉, jade) is a holy food offered to the realm of the immortal gods and spirits. The function of holy rites was to use eating and drinking as a form of offering and sacrifice to realize a communication between human and godly domains. In a visually clear manner, the characters “禮” and “醴” denote the food (jade) and wines offered to the deities.27 Paleographers Qiu Xigui, Kang Yin, and others opine that the character “豊” is not comprised of “豆,” but of “壴” and “珏,” and thus is the term for a type of drum.28 Zheng Jiexiang supplemented with the argument that an early form of “禮” depicts the shape of a drum and refers to ancient people’s sacrificial offering of jades to deities and spirits amid drum music.29 Liu Zongdi believes that the oracle inscription “ ” resembles a feather-ornamented drum placed on a drum stand and symbolizes the use of drum music and dancing as tribute to gods.30 Yang Zhigang’s Research on Chinese Ritual Institution adopts a more general stance, stating that “豊” is somehow related to ritual activities of the ancient folks, whether that be praying to gods by offering jades held in vessels, or presenting jade as tributes to deities and spirits amid drum music, or offering or drinking sweet wine as a form of prayer (Fig. 2).

26

Yang Kuan, New Investigations into Ancient History, 1965. Beijing, Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 307–308. 27 Shuxian Ye, Hexi Corridor: Mythology in Western China and the Origins of Huaxia, 2008. Kunming: Yunnan Education Publishing House. pp. 33–41. 28 Qiu Xigui, Names of Several Musical Instruments in Oracle Inscriptions, Journal of Chinese Literature and History, Ch. 2, 1980. 29 Zheng Jiexiang, Explanation of Rites—Jade, Civilization of Huaxia, 1987. Beijing: Peking University Press. 30 Liu Zongdi, Ritual Institution and Primitive Dancing, Ethnic Arts Quarterly, Vol. 4, 1998.

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Fig. 2 Drum and Dance as Offering

In the beginning, was “礼” written as “豊” or “豐”? Was it comprised of “豆” or “壴”? Neither oracle inscriptions nor bronze vessel inscriptions show any conspicuous sign of the character “礼” of today, so debates continue. Paleography scholar Lin Yun analyzed and differentiated “豊” and “豐” in oracle inscriptions or bronze vessel inscriptions. Lin believes that these two characters originally differ drastically both in pronunciation and meaning. However, due to the similarity in their forms compounded with erroneous use in writings in the official script, the subsequent outcome is the mixed understanding and misunderstanding of these two characters without a clear distinction between them. “豊” was originally comprised of “珏” and “壴” and was the primordial form of “礼” because ancient rites often used both jades and drums, a fact that is evinced in both archaeological and ethnological materials. The character “豐” meanwhile is comprised of a pair of “丰,” which represents the sounds of the drums, and perhaps the drums were so thunderous and loud that eventually the character came to denote meanings like “big” and “full.” Moreover, the character “豐” is pronounced as feng because of its source in “丰,” and the posterity used “丰” solely indicate meanings such as “luxuriant” and “exuberant.” Therefore, the pronunciation and meaning of “豐” have nothing to do with “豊.”31 Xu Fuguan compared oracle inscriptions against literature of early Zhou Dynasty and suggested that “禮” was originally “豐.” However, “豐” does not equate to “禮.” This is because “礼” (rite) as preached by Confucius actually includes the

31

Lin Yun, Identifying Feng and Feng, Research on Ancient Characters, Ch. 12, 2006. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 181–186.

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connotations of both “豐” (rites and ceremonies for gods) and “彝” (code of dignified manner). This also signifies a switch from religion toward humanities.32 Yang Zhigang further employed statistical methods to record and analyze Western Zhou Dynasty bronze vessel inscriptions and early Zhou Dynasty literature, and discovered that during early Zhou Dynasty the character “礼,” defined as all forms of rites and ceremonies, had already been developed from the oracle inscription character “豐” (specifically denoting rites and ceremonies for gods).33 However, the author also realizes that some literature were produced at a later time, and “豐” still appears in the referenced bronze vessel inscriptions. Similar to how Xu Fuguan is skeptical about Wang Guowei’s theory, it seems that the character “豐” encompasses such a breadth of references that it cannot be directly proven that “豐” and “礼” are the same. Jia Jinhua and others looked into archaeological finds, such as images and words on ritual jade objects like yue (a type of ancient weapon), dagger-axe ge and qiong/cong (a type of tube-shaped object), symbols on potteries, oracle inscriptions, bronze vessel inscriptions, bamboo slip inscriptions, silk books, literature and explanations of Chinese characters in ancient books, then meticulously collated the evolutionary sequence among characters like “我,” “義,” and “儀.” They concluded that the original form of “義” is the pictogram “我”—the ancient weapon yue (“钺”) symbolized power and the yue was also once used as the logo or emblem of certain tribes, and then evolved into two related meanings: one is the dignified manner of a tribe; the other represents the norm, duty, and justice of a tribe. The first meaning is much more primitive than the second. In Western Zhou Dynasty and Spring and Autumn period bronze vessel inscriptions, as well as Warring States period bamboo slips, the character denoting dignified manner was still “義” or its variant forms. Nevertheless, the character “儀” did not appear anywhere in the pre-Qin period and emerged only around the start of the Han Dynasty. This constitutes the evolutionary process of 我-義-儀.34 This outcome is a step forward in the theory of traditional studies on explanations of Chinese characters in ancient books that “義” and “儀” are related. In tandem with investigation into the origin of the characters “礼” and “仪” is the quest for the root of rites. At present, there are seven predominant viewpoints. The first theory is of human feelings and relationship, as represented by Xunzi, Sima Qian, Li Anzhai, and others, and the second theory is of prehistoric sacrificial ritual, as represented by Xu Shen, Wang Guowei, Guo Moruo, He Bingdi, Wang Meng’ou, Noah E. Feher, Shuxian Ye, and others. The third one is the theory of primordial drumming and dancing as tribute to gods, as represented by Qiu Xigui, 32

Xu Fuguan, About the History of Chinese Human Nature (pre-Qin volume), 2001. Shanghai: Shanghai SDX Joint Publishing Company. pp. 36–40. 33 Yang Zhigang, Research on Chinese Ritual Institution, 2001. Shanghai: East China Normal University Press. pp. 86–88. 34 Jinhua Jia and Pang—fei Kwok, From Clan Manners to Ethical Obligation and Righteousness: A New Interpretation of the Term yi 義. The Royal Asiatic Society, JRAS, Series 3,17, I (2007), pp. 33–42.

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Fig. 3 Power, Dignified Manner, and the Source and Rise of Rites

Kang Yin, Zheng Jiexiang, Liu Zongdi, and others. The fourth theory is of primitive ceremonies and rites, as represented by Yang Kuan, Li Zehou, Yang Zhigang, Zou Changlin, Jia Jinhua, and others. The fifth one is the theory of social contacts, as represented by Yang Xiangkui, and the sixth one is the theory of folk customs, as represented by Liu Shipei, Lv Simian, He Liankui, and others. The last theory is of drinks and foods distribution and allocation, as represented by Yang Yingjie. With regard to the origin of rite, within Li Ji are a few different expressions, such as originating from the concept of taiyi (namely polaris), or originating from sacrifices to gods, or based on human feelings and relations, or based on drinking and eating, among others, so it can be deduced that the origin of rite is quite a complicated matter.35 Of the theories on the source of rite formulated by subsequent scholars, many are not completely distinguished from each other and oftentimes there are overlaps (Fig. 3). These interpretations enriched our understanding of “rites” and serve as solid bedrock upon which further discussions may be conducted. There is plenty of room for discussion because obviously none of the interpretations is conclusive. While reading through different materials, the author has always been pondering this question: Was “豐” or “豊” the original form of the character “禮”? Of the discovered literatures, in silk books as late as one produced during the Warring States

35

Zou Changlin meticulously analyzed the various descriptions of the origin of rite in the text of Li Ji. For details, please refer to Zou Changlin, Chinese Ritual Culture, 2000. Beijing: Social Science Literature Publishing House. pp. 61–78.

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period, both “豐/豊” appear but no traces of “禮” could be found. When and how did “豐” and “豊” transform into “禮”? What was the underlying linguistic context of the transformation? Why does the present-day academia have different interpretations for the same form of an oracle inscription, bronze vessel inscription, bamboo slip inscription, and silk book character? Clearly, how did “豐/豊” turn into “禮” is still a question in need of an answer. (C) The Pedigree of the Three Li and Appraisal of Relevant Names and Objects: Huang Kan’s Brief Discussion about the Ritual Study delves into the heart of the matter and recounted relevant classics since the Three Li: If one wants to really understand Three Li and Zheng’s annotations, he can do nothing but turn to the books by the four masters, namely, Lu Deming, Kong Yingda, Jia Gongyan, and Du You. The Literary Explanations by Lu was completed by Chen Shi. There are also other versions and abbreviated readings. The Six Dynasties version is a generalized form of understanding. Later, Yan wrote a book after ancient styles, and Kong and Jia made annotations to rites. Kaicheng Stone Classics of Tang seemed quite different. To read Three Li, one has to identify the pronunciation and meaning, which is the key to understanding this book. Despite the use of imperial style in annotations, Kong made correction, cited old sayings, and paid attention to rich phrases and logic flow. There is no way to list out all rites annotators. In the Qing Dynasty, most of the classics were newly annotated and studied, except Li Ji, which reveals the peerless difficulty in doing so. Jia’s annotations to the Rites of Zhou are concise and to the point, as shown in most of the explanatory texts, regardless of a certain circuitous part of the narration. Therefore, 70 or 80% of Sun’s new annotations are still in use. The annotations to The Etiquette are in good logical order, rich in choice of words, and all-inclusive in interpretations. The weighing of words is careful. In case of some improper wording, the reason must be spotted. The broad sense is not well considered, but details are over-stressed. Discussions of rites in the Comprehensive Compendium of Institutions are elaborate which mainly focus on rules and rituals. However, the writing is superb. In this regard, no one could have achieved this but Mo Zong. The early Song scholar Nie Chongyi used old graphs when writing The Graph Interpretations to Three Li. Though it may seem disorderly, the graph approach to the understanding of rites cannot be neglected. In General Understanding of Rite Scriptures and Classics, Zhu Zi attempted to generalize the categories of rites, and his later writings, such as the Guidelines of Rite Books, General Studies of Five Li and Case Studies Approach to Rites, were but copycats of the similar styles. In the analysis of rite classics, each paragraph ended with the title. This practice was also found in the Periods and Commas of the Text of Zheng’s Annotations to Rites and the Sentences and Paragraphs of the Rites. There lived a lot of ritual scholars in the Qing Dynasty, who gradually placed emphasis on the detailed aspects of ritualized systems regarding the manners of clothes and palatial rooms, the ceremonies for capping, wedding, funeral and sacrifices, the formulation of military and official payrolls, and the theories of astronomy and geography. The rituals for all these aspects may be traced back to

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the ancient sources and were recorded in great detail. When it comes to Three Li, there were a wealth of books of general introduction, reviewing, annotation, revision, and collation, such as the Guidelines of the Rite Books, Verifications of the Discussions at the White Tiger Hall, Rite Notes, Ancient Traceability Studies, On Rites, The Zhi Container Approach to the Rites, General Investigation of Five Li, and The Ancient Approaches to the Rites Books. The well-defined family doctrines are shown in Chen Li’s narrative; the concise descriptions are better than Jin E’s wording; the detailed analysis is no better than Huang Yizhou’s scrutiny.36 This is introductory literature that aims to guide subsequent readers about how to learn and understand ritual study, and without doubt it is also a brief but brilliant insight into ritual study. Just as the author has said before: of the Three Li, the Rites of Zhou is encompassing in its scope, the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial is complex and dense, while Li Ji is varying and diverse. Further, there are even fewer that are well versed and accomplished in all components of the Three Li. Apart from the books listed above, some other relatively recent outcomes include the exhaustive and comprehensive General Interpretations of the Three Li37 composed over the course of some three decades by Lin Changyi (1803–1876), scholar of the end of the Qing Dynasty, which employs the Rites of Zhou and the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial as the general outline, selects mutually provable content from Li Ji and other books, and traces the root and discusses the development of the source of the ritual code of the Xia, Shang, and Zhou Dynasties and the connotation of the ceremonies of the Six Dynasties. The whole book consists of 280 volumes, of which 230 volumes are interpretations and other 50 volumes are images from the Three Li. The Collection of Images of the Three Li by Song Dynasty scholar Nie Chongyi was republished with added explanations and interpretations by Ding Ding.38 The most prominent of contemporary scholar well versed and accomplished in all components of the Three Li ought to be Qian Xuan, who’s General Theories on the Three Li39 expands upon his own older works General Interpretations of the Names and Objects in the Three Li40 and Glossary of the Three Li,41 incorporates new materials unearthed by archaeologists, provides comprehensive descriptions on the aforesaid books, names and objects therein, ritual institution, and format of rites and ceremonies, and serves as quite a detailed and thorough examination and verification of the sources of the subject matter. 36

Huang Kan, Huang Kan’s Studies and Other Works, 1964. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 449–453. The quote jurong zhi Chen refers to Chen Li, linhai zhi Jin refers to Jin E., and dinghai zhi Huang refers to Huang Yizhou. 37 Li Changyi, General Interpretation on the Three Rites, 2006. Beijing: Beijing Library Press. 38 Nie Chongyi, New Definitions of Images of the Three Rites, edited by Ding Ding, 2006. Beijing: Tsinghua University Press. 39 Qian Xuan, General Theories on the Three Rites, 1996. Nanjing: Nanjing Normal University Press. 40 Qian Xuan, General Interpretations of the Names and Objects in the Three Rites, 1987. Nanjing: Jiangsu Ancient Literature Publishing House. 41 Qian Xuan and Qian Xingqi, Glossary of the Three Rites, 1993. Nanjing: Jiangsu Ancient Literature Publishing House.

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(D) Changes in the Origin and Development of the Ritual Institution: The study on the origin and development of the ritual institution is one of the cornerstones in the research scope of traditional rituals study,42 and research on changes in the origin and development of the ritual institution mostly follows either one of the two paths. One approach is to rely on literature and materials and then collate subsequent history on the ritual institution, such as History on Chinese Confucian Ethics43 by Cai Shengsi, but the largest is the seven-volume History on the Chinese Ritual Institution44 by Chen Shuguo. The other option is to rely on archaeological discoveries and ethnological materials and trace the roots. A slew of specific case studies meanwhile adopt both methods, such as Investigation into Rites behind Emperor’s Decrees in Zhou Dynasty by Qi Sihe, New Investigations into Ancient History by Yang Kuan, Research on Rites behind Imperial Offerings of Prisoners of War by Gao Zhiqun, Research on System of Cauldron Usage in Zhou Dynasty by Yu Weichao and Gao Ming, Ritual Institution of Liangzhu Culture by Wu Ruzuo and Mu Yongkeng, Ritual Institution of the Longshan Era by Gao Wei, Sacrificial Institution of the Shang Dynasty by Chang Yuzhi, Sacrificial Institution for Ancestors in Inscriptions on Western Zhou Dynasty Bronze Vessels by Liu Yu, Worship and Origin of “Rite” in Prehistoric Central Plains by Li Yujie, Remains of the Ritual Institution and Origin of Ritual Music Culture by Xu Hong, Prehistoric Culture in the Qilu Region and Ritual Vessels of the Xia, Shang and Zhou Dynasties by Wang Yongbo, and other discussions on specific types of vessels or the ritual institutions of a certain period or location. The most systematic of these is the Chinese Model in the Origin of Civilization,45 which is based on the archaeological system of cultural geographical divisions and the unique features of vessels, proposes the Chinese model in the origin of civilization—the emergence, development, maturity, and changes in the ritual institution—and is regarded as the soul of Chinese Neolithic archaeological culture and the core engine that drives such cultural development. The book offers insight into ancient rites, from the ceramic sacrificial vessels in the pre-Yangshao culture, ceramic ritual vessels in the Yangshao culture, ritual wine vessels from the Longshan culture to the Xia and Shang Dynasties, the bronze ritual wine vessels of the Xia and Shang Dynasties, and the comprehensive ritual institution of the Zhou Dynasty. In terms of geographic contents, the book contains the Loess Plateau region and its predominant

42

Liu Feng already provided a brief description on ritual institution research outcomes using oracle bone inscriptions, bronze vessel inscriptions, and archaeological and ethnographical materials achieved since Wang Guowei’s Theories on the Institutions of the Shang and Zhou Dynasties. For details, please refer to Liu Feng, Ritual Study Ideologies and Consolidation of Society in the Pre-Qin Era, 2003. Beijing: China Renmin University Press. pp. 14–20. 43 Cai Shangsi, History on Chinese Confucian Ethics, 2006. Shanghai: Shanghai Guji Press. Earliest edition was published by the Hong Kong Chung Hwa Book Co. in 1989. 44 Chen Shuguo, History on the Chinese Ritual Institution, 2002. Changsha: Hunan Education Publishing House. Earliest edition was published in 1991. 45 Bu Gong, Chinese Model in the Origin of Civilization, 2007. Beijing: Science Press.

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use of painted ceramic ritual vessels, the Liao River region and its large-scale ritual and sacrificial centers and predominant use of temples, altars and jade pendants, the Qilu region and its predominant use of wine vessels, the Jianghuai region and its blend of different rites and ceremonies, the Lake Tai region and the predominance of rites and ceremonies of the Nuo (exorcizing) culture, and the five major geographic divisions including Lingnan, which were vastly influenced by the feudal ethics and rites of the Central Plains. Sinologist Noah E. Feher emphasized instead rites in ancient literature and life as a telescope to peer into ancient Chinese culture. The first chapter in this book discusses the origin and changes in the rites based on Chinese archaeological findings, where the author remarks that rites originated from holy shamanistic rituals, and then transformed into means through which the nobilities employed to maintain their rule. The second chapter collated records and discussion pertaining to rite found within the Book of Songs, Analects, Mozi, Mencius, and other historic texts. The third chapter further focuses on opinions regarding the relationships between rites and customs, rites and the law, and rites and daily life as written in the Xunzi, where the author believes that Xunzi substantially enriched and improved the connotations and meanings of rites, considering him a pinnacle in this regard. This is why Xunzi’s standing among Confucius’ disciples ought to be reassessed, as Xunzi was not only a medium through which the pre-Qin era beliefs transformed to those of the Han Dynasty, but also achieved the transformation of Confucianism itself: Unity between the cultivation of internal morality and the norms of external society.46 Research relevant to archaeological system of cultural geographical divisions, ruins, vessels, and objects is obviously significant to the search for the origin of the civilization of China, the “state of rites and ceremonies.” Meanwhile, there is no doubt that the ritual scope has shown that the “establishment of rules for rites and composition of appropriate music for different occasions” first took place at a much earlier time than previously believed, bringing forth new possibilities for systematic research on ritual institution and relevant beliefs in the pre-writing era when no literature was written or the era at the onset of writing when there were many erroneous usages of written characters, and for the revelation of the Chinese Model in the origin of civilization. Unfortunately, studies within the archaeological domain on mythical rites and spiritual beliefs have not yet offered much interpretation on the “material language” manifested in ruins, vessels, objects, and other materials. They only go as deep as identifying a certain altar, pit, or artifact as the ruins or relic once used for sacrifice or burial, but the answers to the pertinent whys and hows are still missing. This is the cue for comparative mythological study and the anthropological ritual perspective, so that archaeological system of cultural geographical divisions, ethnography, oral myths, ritual development and performance, and literature handed down from previous generations may be compared side by side to prove and interpret each other, and reveal the ritual and ideological coding information hidden inside “material language.” Noah E. Fehl, 禮 Li: Rites And Propriety In Literature And Life. Hong Kong: The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1971.

46

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Vision and Introspection on Trends of Research on Li Ji Taking a look back at the master’s and doctoral theses and relevant publications of Li Ji, it is not hard to see that Li Ji and related research are all constantly being revisited and reinterpreted. Once deemed a challenge few would be willing to tackle, Li Ji actually turns out to be a hugely important research topic in the twenty-first century. Beginning from 1998, one or several master’s and doctoral theses related to Li Ji could be found each year, not to mention the pervasiveness in the use of Li Ji as material and evidence in studies on other topics. Research subjects include: (A) Research and reflections on Li Ji,47 (B) literary, philosophical, or ideological research on the text of Li Ji,48 and (C) research on the ritual

47

Northern Dynasty Studies of Dai De’s and Dai Sheng’s Li Ji by Pu Chuanzhen (2002 National Taiwan University doctoral thesis), Research on Zheng’s Annotation Study of Ancient Characters in Li Ji by Fu Huachen (2004 Nanjing Normal University master’s thesis), Research on Early Qing Dynasty Study of Li Ji by Zeng Jun (2005 Central China Normal University master’s thesis), Preliminary Exploration into Zheng Xuan’s Annotations of Li Ji by Zhang Qin (2006 Anhui University master’s thesis), Research on Legge’s English Translation of Li Ji by Song Zhongxiu (2006 Fujian Normal University master’s thesis), as well as Research on Sun Xidan’s Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji by Wan Liwen, Research on Chen’s Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji by Su Cheng’ai, Research on Zhu Bin’s Compilation of Teachings of Li Ji by Lan Yao, and Proofreading Notes on the Exact Implications of Li Ji by Chang Xuhuai (all 2007 Nanjing Normal University master’s thesis). 48 Views on Humanhood in Li Ji by Lin Wenqi (1998 Chinese Culture University doctoral thesis), Research on Humanities and Aesthetics in Li Ji by Lin Wenqi (1999 National Taiwan Normal University doctoral thesis), Image of Confucius in Li Ji by Lu Jing (2002 Lanzhou University master’s thesis), Cultural Values and Outlooks in Li Ji and Its Tension Structure by Sun Shenghe (2005 Chinese Academy of Social Sciences doctoral thesis), Research on the Humanistic Spirit and Value of Ritual Culture by Zhang Zihui (2006 Zhengzhou University doctoral thesis), The Creation and Realization of Purpose: Philosophical Ideologies in Li Ji by Gong Jianping (2005. Beijing: The Commercial Press. Previously a doctoral thesis), Research on the Main Themes and Ideologies of Li Ji by Chen Kaixian (1998 Sun Yat-sen University doctoral thesis), Discussion on the Political Connotations of Zhou Dynasty Society Based on Forms of Music Described in Li Ji by Liu Jianting (2006 Shaanxi Normal University master’s thesis), Inner Sage, Outer King—The Ideological, Political and Educational Goals of Li Ji by Long Sizhao (2002 Capital Normal University master’s thesis), Three Sacrificial Rites of the Pre-Qin Period and Primordial Taoist Respect for Morality and Spirit of Never Forgetting to Pay a Debt of Gratitude by Li Yongming (2003 Sun Yat-sen University master’s thesis), and Research on Marital Ethics and Ideologies in Li Ji by Chen Conglan (2005 Northwest Normal University master’s thesis).

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institution and ritual customs described in the text of Li Ji.49 Generally speaking, although these theses adopt a variety of different research pathways and take on broad or narrow scopes, they all attempt to interpret some certain aspects of Li Ji. It is abundantly clear that Li Ji occupies an extraordinary position within historical memory. Though there is still plenty of room for the interpretation and analysis of Li Ji, the crux of the matter is the pathway to be taken. In light of the aforesaid studies, it can be seen that conventional Li Ji research pathway either, on the one hand, stresses on “analysis of rites from the book” (or “record”), entailing text-only studies and concentrating on typical themes such as era of compilation of the book, arrangement of content and the book’s examinations and corrections, and the literary and philosophical connotations in the texts of the “book,” with the majority of these explorative efforts coming from the Confucian, literary, or philosophical areas of research; or, on the other hand, emphasizes on “verification of the book from rites,” entailing the transformation of the texts of the “book” into material to corroborate archaeological findings, with the majority of these explorative efforts coming from the historical or archaeological areas of research. Regardless of the choice in the “analysis of rites from the book” method or the “verification of the book from rites” approach, most researchers tend to neglect the narrators of the “rites” in the text of the “book,” consider them a part of the “rites” in cultural texts and proceed to verify or falsify in a positivism manner. Recent years have witnessed the growing prevalence of interpretation and analysis of the version of the Black Robes inscribed on bamboo slips from the State of Chu, which brings attention to the roles of narrators and compilers of the “rites.” Nevertheless, positivism remains the mainstream. Fundamentally speaking, this “Li Ji” is a collection of a myriad of interpretative narrations by ritual experts, with “rite” always existing in a perceptual state, straddling both realms of fact and fiction. Thus, any analysis of “rites” from the “book” would only be able to analyze “rites” chosen from the perceptual state, and similarly “rites” discovered via archaeology could only have discovered remains and relics of materializations of perceptions of people from that period. Therefore, the narrators’ and compilers’ narrative intents and their cultural coding, as well as the perceptions and mindsets behind the “rites” as expressed by archaeological culture, along with other aspects, are worthy of investigation and restoration with a focus on seeking cultural root as per the domain of sociology of knowledge. The logical question would then be how 49 Research on the Capping Ritual in the Pre-Qin Era by Dai Panghai (2005 Zhengzhou University doctoral thesis) collates the advancement and changes in the capping ritual during the pre-Qin period from the ritual institutional history perspective; Deduction of Ritual and Customs: Research on Li Ji from the Perspective of Folklore Studies by Wu Yuchang (2007 Beijing Normal University doctoral thesis) discusses the relationship between rituals and customs from the scope of folklores as described in the text of Li Ji, and studied specific cases of debates with regards to rituals and customs over the course of ritual study history; and Four Types of Communication between Heaven, Human, Demons and Gods in Ancient China and Their Meanings by Taiwanese scholar Yang Rubin (1987 National Taiwan University doctoral thesis) considers rites and ceremonies in Li Ji one type of method to communicate with demons and gods by the way of symbols and actions.

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Fig. 4 How to Make “Objects” Talk

could one most authentically enter the textual space of Li Ji and the world of Chinese ritual institution behind? Research on Li Ji is in need of new perspectives and new pathways (Fig. 4).

Part Two: Mythology and Ritual: New Perspective on the Source of Rituals The research on mythology, rituals, and their symbolism is one of the crucial topics of study prevalent throughout anthropological research. Narration of myth was a form of language, and performance of rituals was a form of behavior. Views vary as to whether the two coexisted and then separated, or existed separately before joining as one. Yet, it is certain that mythology and ritual have always been intertwined with each other since the beginning. Myth is “a linguistic behavior that

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is opposite to or concomitant with ritual behaviors,”50 which in Greek “myth” refers to “something said during ceremonies,” implying that when “myth” was expressed as words it was already in coexistence with ceremonies.51 Even Clyde Kluckhohn, the anthropologist that creatively propounded the idea that myth and ritual may exist separately, still admitted that “the connection between the two is pervasive” because myth and ritual share the same psychological basis, with ritual using symbolic and dramatized format of expression to repeatedly satisfy a fundamental need of society, while myth provides ritual with its intrinsic content. Walter Burkert was even more absolute than Kluckhohn, but he also acknowledged that myth and ritual will naturally supplement and strengthen each other: Myth endows simple human behaviors with a sacred origin, while ritual transforms simple stories into a most respectful and submissive prescribed behavior.52 Modern historical and contemporary ethnographical materials indicate that mythological narration itself is an intrinsic and inseparable component of the ritual process: Ritual performer are required to concisely restate the creation of the world, and this type of creation entails the use of myth to endow a series of names and titles with a wide array of characters, locations, animals and objects, so that knowledge crucial to survival may be passed on to posterity far into the future.53 Myths, especially origin myths, create behavioral norms for humans and reveal a real world that transcends both experience and rationale. Ceremonies meanwhile represent conduit that traverses the gap between the holy and human domains and the chasm between life and death, turning “objects” of the human world into symbols of divine manifestation, or “have already formed a ‘revelation’ that no other magical-religious ritual (rite, myth, holy ritual) may express.” Even if their

50

Jane Ellen Harrison, Themis—A Study of the Social Origins of Greek Religion, 1912. Cambridge University Press. pp. 328. In John Wickery (editor), Mythology and Literature, 1995, translated by Pang Guoqing et al. Shanghai: Shanghai Literature & Art Publishing House. pp. 73. This judgment became the most profound declaration for the mythology-ritual theory, garnered widespread support from scholars, and found extensive application in fields of study outside Greek research including religion, art, and literature. For details, please refer to Edgar Hammond, The Ritual View of Mythology. In John Wickery (editor), Mythology and Literature, 1995, translated by Pang Guoqing et al. Shanghai: Shanghai Literature & Art Publishing House. pp. 72–77. Even today, mythological archaeology and mythological ritual research still indicates that Harrison's research discovery remains fundamentally insightful even though it has been the subject of criticisms and corrections by a number of subsequent scholars. For details, please refer to Ancient Art and Ritual, preface and translation by Liu Zongdi, 2008. Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company. 51 Clyde Kluckhohn, General Theories in Mythology in Ritual. In John Wickery (editor), Mythology and Literature, 1995, translated by Pang Guoqing et al. Shanghai: Shanghai Literature & Art Publishing House. pp. 102–103. 52 Robert A. Segal, Myth: A Very Short Introduction, 2008, translated by Liu Xiangyu. Beijing: Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press. pp. 244–245. 53 Edmund Ronald Leach, A View of Ritualization from Conceptual and Societal Development. In Shi Zongzhu (editor), Selection of 20th Century Western Religious Anthropology Literatures, 1995. Shanghai: Shanghai SDX Joint Publishing Company. pp. 507.

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Fig. 5 Origin Myths, Ceremonies, and Memory of Objects

meanings have long been forgotten, their structures still exist, witnessing those prehistoric symbols and facilitating their “rediscovery” by posterity (Fig. 5).54 Image of rock carvings of Fuxi and Nüwa in Huaibei of Anhui Province. Fuxi, Nüwa, compass, three-footed bird, nine-tailed fox, toad, jade rabbit, ring, lotus, swimming fish, and other icons are obviously key elements for storytelling. Through these symbols, the origin myths and prayers for life in prehistoric times are narrated. From Gu Sen’s Schema of Life (from Fig. 24 on pp. 53 of Art and Science by chief editor Li Yanzu). In myth-ritual research of modern day, the once highly controversial topic of the chronological relationship between myth and ritual is no longer important. More importantly, ritual serves as the “window” for the source of cultural power and a storage of memories, and engenders the possibility of human cognition and creation of the world.55 Even in the age of writing, both literature and memorial architectures have to rely on ceremonies or ritual actions to attract attention and give play to their functions as collective memory and social norm.56 Myth, meanwhile, is similar to history in that it “may be understood as a form of memory or a form of commemoration that is used to learn about the past or experience the past”,57 and thus “myth” attains purpose as sacred narrations and early historical memories born out of human experience. Following progress in cognition of historical narrative, mythological narrative, and ritual narrative, all three have become agreed-upon narrative formats of collective human history and memory, unshackling the previously opposing myth and history from knowledge-building speech. As a representative in cultural gene and the common source of literature, history, and philosophy, mythological ritual has “become an effective gateway and pathway that 54

M. Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion, Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 1996, pp. 448–450. 55 Bell, C. Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice. New York & Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1992, p. 221. 56 Wang Xiaobing, Characters, Ritual and Cultural Memory. Jiangxi Social Sciences, 2007 (2). 57 Donald R. Kelley, Face of History, 2006. Translated by Chen Heng et al. Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company. pp. 25.

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leads people to re-study the sources and roots of all civilizations and traditions.”58 At the same time, early mythological narrative also lurks in early classic narrative modes, compilation frameworks, and reasonable interpretation in the form of ideological codes. Therefore, the ideological codes that explain early classic narratives are pivotal to the present-day search for the origin of civilization. As early as the start of the twentieth century, French scholar Marcel Granet and Chinese scholar Wen Yiduo coincidentally employed mythological ritual theories to research about the Book of Songs, and they both underscored the social vitality manifested in ritual activities in rural villages, focused on the interaction between “rite” and “wilderness,” observed the root of rites and ceremonies through people in rural villages and the wild, and redefined the evolution of ancient celebrations, rites, and ceremonies.59 Zheng Zhenduo employed the theory of priest-king sacrifice revealed in Sir James George Frazer’s The Golden Bough to study and restore the scene of sacred rituals in the Tang Dao Pian.60 In the 1940s, Granet’s disciple Ling Chunsheng adopted comparative mythological study techniques and the archaeological anthropologic scope to conduct research, and restored the relationship between Hymn to the Fallen, Honoring the Dead, and sacrificial offering of decapitated head.61 At this point, the research of classic literature and texts from the perspective of mythological ritual was already exuding a unique charm. In the 1980s, following the rise of popularity in the use of and research in archetypal literary criticism, a slew of anthropological and cross-cultural interpretations and studies of ancient Chinese texts include the Doctrine of the Mean, Songs of Chu, Book of Songs, Laozi, Zhuangzi, Mountains and Seas, Records of the Grand Historian, and Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters carried out by Xiao Bing, Shuxian Ye, Wang Zijin, Zang Ke, and others, as exemplified and led by the formulation of the internal model and mythological archetype behind the rules of development and changes of the Chinese cultural system described in Philosophy of Chinese Mythology. Their impacts reverberated throughout academia, outcomes learned by posterity, and these efforts are demonstrative in recognizing and harnessing cultural codes hidden deep inside the textual narratives of early Chinese classics. In the research history of Li Ji, the paper Comparative Mythology Study Interpretation on Li Ji—Proceedings of Government in Different Months focused on the phenology during the second month of spring as the subject, and interpreted the mythological mindset background behind this ancient ritual and calendar system, offering a feasible and systematic explanation to a difficult question and

Shuxian Ye, Mythistory in China—From “Chinese Mythology” to “Mythological China”. Journal of Baise University, 2009 (1). 59 For comment details, please refer to Hong Kong scholar Chen Bingliang, Mythology-Rite-Literature, 1985. Taipei: Linking Publishing Co., Ltd. pp. 71–72. 60 For details, please refer to Zheng Zhenduo, Tang Dao Pian, 1957. Shanghai: Ancient Literature Publishing House. 61 Ling Chunsheng, Frontier Ethnic Groups of China and Pan-Pacific Cultures, 1979. Taipei: Linking Publishing Co., Ltd. pp. 601–636. 58

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Fig. 6 Exploration of the Meaning of the Unearthed Sacred Objects

unsolved mystery that has troubled Confucianism study throughout history.62 This reveals long-forgotten ancient mythological knowledge obscured by texts, uses a solid case study to call attention to the cross-cultural interpretation capacity in the myth-ritual anthropology theory, and directly provides a brand new scope contributive to the research of Li Ji (Fig. 6). In order to deepen the exploration into the restrictions imposed by mythological mindset on ancient Chinese classic narratives and prehistorical civilizations, nowadays the academic circle has beckoned for departure from the conceptual boundaries of “myth” and “history” under the influence of modern western academic discipline system, urging for re-entry into the primordial linguistic context of Chinese culture. These voices ask for the use of cultural holism of “mythological China” and the new scope of comparative mythological study to conduct source-tracing research on early classics like the Book of Documents, Spring and Autumn Annals, Rites of Zhou, Li Ji, Master Lü’s Spring and Autumn Annals, and other texts, and dissect how historical narratives in local Chinese writings perpetuate the cultural coding model in oral mythological and historical narratives and the origin of Chinese historical and sacred narratives.63 This sort of “source-tracing” research meanwhile must work in tandem with archaeological objects and physical proofs that are of utmost and fundamental importance in the search for the source of Chinese civilization. Thus, performing “rediscovery” on archaeological objects has also become a mandatory action: Explore the background mythologies and beliefs represented by unearthed “sacred objects”, so as to describe the process of the rise of civilization based on the 62

Shuxian Ye, Comparative Mythology Study Interpretation on Li Ji - Proceedings of Government in Different Months. Journal of Shaanxi Normal University. 2006 (2). 63 Shuxian Ye, Mythistory in China. Journal of Baise University. The term “mythological China” refers to 5,000 years of cultural traditions built from a perception mode and mindset characterized by a “human beings as an integral part of nature” mythological attribute.

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evolution of objects, then identify the unique impetuses behind dominant myths and ritual perceptions.64 Meanwhile, within the sphere of archaeology, the inclination to rely on mythological rite and rituals, spiritual belief, and other elements to explore the ideology behind physical material has become more profound in research that aims to seek the root of civilization. Corresponding achievements have been announced and published,65 and consequently the “Chinese model as to the origin of civilization” was propounded, as in the emergence, development, maturity, and changes in the ritual institution constitute the foundation bedrock that underpins the origin of the Chinese civilization: In archaeological cultural research, seeing a vessel as merely a vessel is inadequate. Archaeological culture should be regarded as the materialized form of the living habits and spiritual activities of a common entity comprised of a certain group of people. Otherwise, the big picture will be compromised. All things considered, ancient China was essentially a society that took agricultural and farming production as its economic foundation. Developing together with material culture was a spiritual habit of revering the heaven and earth and the corresponding social order. The three factors interacted with each other, constrained the progress and direction of Chinese society, and painted a brilliant and diverse historical picture. This book sums up this type of social spiritual habit and social order as ancient rite, and holds that it is the soul inside the Chinese Neolithic archaeological culture, a treasure trove of ideology filled with accumulated knowledge and experience, and the genuine origin of the ritual institutions of the Xia, Shang, and Zhou Dynasties.66 As the materialized remains of the spiritual belief and perceptions as well as ritual actions that represent how a population from a specific area dealt with, adapted, and adjusted to their relationships with the universe, with nature, and with other people, the architectural ruins, alter ruins, burial rules, vessels, objects, and other factors in archaeological culture combine into narratives about “objects,” all of which possess vital religious and political symbolisms as they silently convey the faiths and ritual practices of the remote antiquity. This coincides, albeit somewhat distantly, with postmodern epistemological research on sacred narratives of mythological ceremonies, which leans on prehistoric archaeological objects and ruins for verification. The connection between the two will yield pleasant and surprising fruits. 64

Shuxian Ye, Comparative Mythological Study Perspective in the Search for the Origin of Chinese Civilization. Jiangxi Social Sciences, 2009 (6). 65 Summary of Augury Texts from Yin Dynasty Ruins by Chen Mengjia, Research on Augury Texts from Yin Dynasty Ruins by Daobang Nan, and others are relatively early research outcomes. Art, Myth and Ritual: The Path to Political Authority in Ancient China by archaeological anthropologist Kwang-chich Chang is a relatively early work to carry out joint observations of archaeology, mythology, ritual, unearthed vessels, objects and motifs, and other elements. In Archaeological Explorations in Ancient History and Collection of Archaeological Theories on the Pre-Qin Period and the Two Han Dynasties, Chinese “avant-garde archaeology” pioneer Yu Weichao studied the relationship between ancient relics and beliefs. 66 Bu Gong, Chinese Model in the Origin of Civilization, 2007. Beijing: Science Press. pp. IV–V.

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Li Ji is a classic textual record of Chinese ritual civilization, which records not only the narratives of the “book” itself and the underlying coding rules, but also the cultural text behind the “book,” namely, the life of “rites and ceremonies.” All of these rely on sociology of knowledge, mythological ritual theories, and archaeological objects for their source-tracing investigation and verification.

Part Three: Ritual Narrative and Mythology Coding: Research Ideas of This Book It was exactly the inspiration and contribution of this new vision that helped the author take root in the cultural context of the pre-Qin period and the knowledge resource of present day, re-study the text of Li Ji, and reveal how Chinese myth-oriented historical narratives and cultural codes dominate and restrict the cultural text narratives of ritual institution civilization. China has long been known as a “state of rites and ceremonies,” and rites and ceremonies have become a unique method for organizing and observing the world, as well as a basic means to achieve harmonious relationships between people and between human and gods, and to ascertain a peaceful society: Rites governs the heaven and earth, which emanates from the Initial Chaos of Cosmos. In essence, rites are the embodiment of human desires and emotions. If proper rites are followed, the family will be extended and thrive, the state will be governed in peace, the kings and vassals will behave in good order, and the imperial administration will be righteous and impartial. If these rites are not observed, the governmental rules and laws will be out of practice, the political teachings will be despised, the yin and yang will be mistakenly in the upper realm of existence, people and gods will become annoyed in the lower realm of existence. Therefore, people say: When a man is born, he should treat rites with primal importance. Without right rituals, he cannot make proper sacrifices to gods of the heaven and earth, and discern the rankings of king and officials and the seniority of people in the social hierarchy. The significance of rites is absolutely huge!67 “Time is a controlling factor in rite,” but as the world changes, time will magnify or reduce the harms or benefits of rites, and anthropological research has discovered: Ceremonies code and strengthen behavioral models, socialize people and impel them to culturally adapt to existence and various relationships. Ritual plays a key role as it is a way to express and maintain cosmology.68 As a symbolic communication system culturally constructed out of a series of modeled and sequenced speeches and actions, ceremonies are not only expressed 67

Ruan Yuan (Qing Dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 1222. 68 Fiona Bowie, The Anthropology of Religion: An Introduction, translated: Jin Ze, 2006. Beijing: China Renmin University Press. pp. 165.

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through a diverse range of media.69 They are persistently passed down from generation to generation, continually introducing core values and behavioral methods of the past into the present, thereby indicating the continuity and stability in the symbolic narratives of certain key ceremonies,70 since ritual must be performed at a certain place according to a certain temporal order and must rely on certain media including the human body and objects. Thus, to a certain extent ritual is “a type of performance of cultural play”71 and possesses narrative and inscriptive attributes identical to theatrical arts and historical texts. Even if the original meaning of a ritual has been forgotten by posterity, the ritual structure passed on from generations ago still preserves a plethora of lost or obscured cultural memory and information. In the performance of a ritual, the body is the most basic symbol common to all humans—everyone has a body that belongs to both oneself and society. The body has become the most prevalent and effective emblem to manifest the meanings of society: The body is a model, and it could represent any limited system. The functions of its different parts and the mutual relationships among these parts provide a source of symbolism of other complex systems.72 As a miniaturized universe and a symbol of society, the body always forms a homomorphic correspondence relationship with sacred land, the universe, and the society, characterizing the formation of early thinking models and their cosmologies.73 The performance of all rites and ceremonies recorded in Li Ji, from those with real-life relevance such as social and court etiquette, daily norms in appearance, attire and speech, birth, coming-of-age, marriage or burial, to those with sacred purposes such as the worship of heaven and earth, and holy homage to ancestors and gods, require standardized training and performance by the human

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Tambiah, S. J. A Performative Approach to Ritual. London: The British Academy and Oxford University Press, 1979, p. 119. 70 For instance, comparative religion scholar Mircea Eliade discovered that when people interpret the creation of events and things that occur in the universe—the world, gods, and humankind, first and foremost is the reliance on the recurrence of the taichu myth, or absolute beginning, which has continually remained in use even to this day, reaching extreme prevalence throughout the course of human history. For details, please refer to Cosmos and History: The Myth of the Eternal Return, translated: Yang Rubin, 2000. Taipei: Linking Publishing Co., Ltd. pp. 74. Take, for another example, anthropologist Maurice Bloch, whose research on the changes in the circumcision ritual of the Merinda people over the past two centuries indicates that the symbolic narrative of said ritual is extremely stable. Maurice Bloch, From Blessing to Voilence, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986, pp. 190–191. 71 Fiona Bowie, The Anthropology of Religion: An Introduction, translated: Jin Ze, 2006. Beijing: China Renmin University Press. pp. 182–184. 72 Douglas, M. Purity and Danger. London and Henley: Routledge and Paul, 1976, p. 115. 73 Douglas, M. Leviticus as Literature, Oxford & New York: Oxford University Press, 2000, c1999.

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body. And the standardized training and performance by the human body all adhere to mythological codes of “following the rules of previous emperors” and “returning to the roots.”74 However, the perplexity is that even though the textual narratives in Li Ji are full of discussions and expressions from a mythological mindset, filled with a myriad of titles of deities and spirits and a plethora of sacrificial rites and ceremonies. Over the course of the reconstruction of past ritual studies, the creation of ritual music always ends up being traced back to Fuxi, Nüwa, and the Yellow Emperor, the creators of humankind, as well as the perennial emphasis on “rite” having derived sacredly from the “taiyi” concept and its function to “govern the country” and “reassure the monarch and educate the people.” However, following mythological emperor Zhuanxu’s reform on sacrifice-offering rituals, and the revolutionary changes in the fortification of the throne of the Shang and Zhou Dynasties and the historicization of the genealogy of gods, the foundation of sacred beliefs embodied in ritual and ritual acts gradually diminished in the textual narratives of the classics. Such diminishment is manifested firstly as the decrease in the number of sacrificial vessels and rituals carried out by shamans and priests, and secondly the elimination of mythicization and the norm to “not speak about mythical powers or mythological beings” as Confucius proclaimed, instead transferring to reinforcement of the “way” of Confucianism and characterizations of the class and order under the crown.75 The sacred origin narratives of “rites” were increasingly simplified and abstract over the course of numerous editing, compilation, annotation, and rewriting performed by various interpreters of the past, turning into non-story enumerations and semantic elucidations, with the sacred root of ritual performance being cast and left in a dark corner. Such sacred root could only be recognized, albeit barely, in the pious attitude of “worship god as if god is present,” in the specific time and space of the performance of a ritual, and in burial rite that treats death as new life. Thus, there emerges a peculiar phenomenon, in which China practices complicated and elaborate ritual behaviors, but with the absence of “mythology” that conforms to modern western canonical format. However, as the concept of mythology gradually emerges out of fissures in modernized academic discipline structure and the veil of scientific reason, mythology stands on the solid bedrock of archaeological discoveries and materials, and regains its cultural gene status and sacred narrative quality. Re-study the texts of Chinese classics, and one would undeniably and profoundly experience and recognize the “five millennia of cultural traditions constructed by a mythicized mode of perception and mindset where human beings are an integral part of nature.” The mythological narratives in Li Ji were made abstract, simplified and remodeled For details please refer to Tang Qicui, The “Beginning” as Normality and Ritual narrative: A Clairvoyance on Mythological China through the Mythological Mindset. Journal of Baise University, 2009 (2). 75 Benjamin Schwartz has put forth a keen analysis on the matter. For details please refer to Benjamin Schwartz, The World of Thought in Ancient China, translated: Cheng Gang, 2005. Nanjing: Jiangsu People’s Publishing Ltd. pp. 69. 74

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into enumerations and semantic elucidations in distant antiquity.76 However, the “storage” functionality inherent in rites and ceremonies enable them to leave behind traceable information within the thinking model established within the text of the “book” including the writings, overall narrative format, literary organization, core symbolic icons, and ritual time and space, as well as the cosmos and ritual symbols restricted therein. Human ritual acts are “inseparable from basic mythological analogies and symbolic codes. From the pangolin ritual of the Leli tribe in Africa, to the holy communions at the Notre Dame in Paris, France, or the Cologne Cathedral in Germany, they are all symbolic narratives that are performed based on some kind of mythological perception.”77 This is exactly the reason why the renewed cognition, construction, and presentation of mythological codes hidden behind ritual institution civilizations are possible and extraordinarily meaningful. Ritual narrative meanwhile serves as a vital resource through which one may obtain an understanding of mythological China: Complicated and elaborate ritual activities may offer another perspective to look at Chinese myths. There are connections between numerous perceptions expressed in rites and ceremonies and those within myths. The dilemma between the Confucian ideals to “not speak about mythical powers or mythological beings” and to “worship god as if god is present” perhaps exposes a fact that the disguised survival and self-expression method of mythological mindset in an age of reason”.78 Rites and ceremonies that have continued through generations form the most important medium to store cultural memories. However, ritual activities are unable to explain themselves, and therefore, We could only look for missing elements among close-knit relationship between ritual and mythology, or discover or reconstruct lost myths based on existing relevant ritual activities, or restore extinct or incomplete ritual models based on existing myths.79 There is some type of mutually dependent relationship between mythology and ritual, which is contingent upon some type of perennial function of the two elements. Just as anthropologists Brown and Wagner observed: When humans discover a sphere of action or experience that feels to be beyond their rational or technical control, dominance may be imposed through symbolism. Both ritual and mythology are symbolic processes bound tightly together by this fact, as well as other facts. Mythology is a lexical symbolic system, while ritual is an objectified and behavioral symbolic system. Both ritual and mythology are For details, please refer to Shuxian Ye, Mythistory in China—From “Chinese Mythology” to “Mythological China”. Journal of Baise University, 2009 (1). 77 Shuxian Ye, Ritual Narrative and Historical Writings—Cultural Memories and Ritual Narrative in Place of Preface for the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial. Journal of Baise University, 2009 (2). 78 In Shuxian Ye, Post-modern View on Mythology—Brief Comments on the Brief Mythistory. Comparative Literature in China, 2007 (1). 79 Shuxian Ye, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House. pp. 264. 76

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symbolic processes that use the same type of emotional method to treat the same type of situation or circumstance.80 When oral mythology and behavioral ritual both convert into textual narratives or ritual ruins such as tombs, sacrificial pits, vessels, and motifs or symbols inscribed on them, then such a special “knowledge system” consisting of “symbolic” icons (including Chinese written characters) and the ritual narratives that consider the “beginning as normality” becomes a crucial gateway to unleash symbols, codes, and interpretation purposes. Cognitions of the ritual narrative and behavioral norms of “following the rules of previous emperors” and “never forgetting to pay a debt of gratitude” endow “reasons” into the “revolutions” of nearly ten thousand years of ritual institution changes as embodied in vessel forms and shapes, motifs and decors, altar and pit configurations, and other manifestations in archaeological ruins and relics, and provide internal evidences conducive to the mutual verification and mutual interpretation between commonalities in archaeological objects and mythological and ritual narrative. They also engender the possibility for contemporaries to effectively explain and understand archaeological objects and ancient literatures. This is because culture is a system, “a system that contains meanings, symbols, values and perceptions. The only way is to discover the internal model that amalgamates the system’s mechanism of generation and conversion, and build an archetype with in-depth explanation and interpretation capacity,”81 would not merely make confirming the “meta-language” for investigation into specific myth and ritual feasible, but also inevitable. In light of the above, this book primarily relies on the intrinsic connections and relationships between mythology, rites and “materialized” icons and symbols, adopts the “quadruple evidence method” technique as basic methodology, and re-studies the textual ritual narrative of Li Ji, in an attempt to analyze “rites” from the “book” and review the “book” through “rites” amid the two-way interaction between the “book” and the “rites.” This book also references a multitude of evidence symbols and mediums of memory such as archaeological discoveries, ethnography, images, oracle inscriptions, and bronze vessel inscriptions and enters the origin of the Chinese ritual world, in an attempt to reveal potential human cognition codes obscured or rewritten by literature and power. The overall concept of this book revolves around the mythological mindset coding behind the sacred time and space narratives and its “following the rules of previous emperors” explanation of the textual ceremonies recorded in Li Ji, starts with the mythological connotations and symbolic meanings behind the primordial time and space of the capping ritual that marked the beginning of social life, and proceeds into the shrine and hall of distinction where sacred acts are performed, in order to discuss the relationships between the sacred space narratives, changes in 80

Clyde Kluckhohn, General Theories in Mythology in Ritual. In John Wickery (editor), Mythology and Literature, 1995, translated by Pang Guoqing et al. Shanghai: Shanghai Literature & Art Publishing House. pp. 96–97. 81 Shuxian Ye, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House. pp. 6–7.

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identity, and power narrative in Li Ji. Subsequently, narrative of the people around the nation functions as the core around which the political dialogue models of the universal recognition of the “king” and ethnic coding are discussed. Thereafter, schema of the yueling (the lunar order) will be used to discuss how temporally and spatially mixed and similar mythological worldview construct the calendar system and mythological mindset background of ritual narrative, and to unearth the classic meaning of “narrative” and the quintessence of ritual narrative within the boundaries drawn by contemporary western narrative and the context of ancient Chinese narrative. Lastly, the distinct way of expression of memories about calamities recorded in Li Ji is used to reveal normative narratives consolidated by societies and the narrative functions in crisis ceremonies within the mythological code system.

Part Four: The “Quadruple Evidence Method” in Anthropology: Research Methodology of This Book The main objective of this book is to consolidate various kinds of resources, re-study the textual ritual narrative of time and space in Li Ji, reveal how the ritual institution built, standardized and classicized under the “great unity” notion inherent in the Chinese language obscured and covered the ritual cultures of many regions, discover how ritual institution was coded by mythological mindset, and reconstruct the cultural origin in the ritual institution civilization behind the “book.” However, any research that centers on the text of Li Ji is subliminally mandated to adopt the approach of using the “book” (or “record”) to study the “rites” in the first place. Nevertheless, such “records” of the rites were not completed by any one single person from any one single period. Harms and benefits differ in different times, plus what happened already thousands of years ago were merely recorded in simple but profound texts, especially after the burning of the books during the Qin Dynasty, burying the Confucian scholars alive in Han Dynasty, stratifications in culture, and selections and rewritings by interpreters and compilers, the textual information in Li Ji has suffered from severe loss. Similarly, ritual institution remains and relics presented by underground archaeological discoveries are plagued by numerous blind spots and voids. But more importantly, are there precise matches between textual ritual institution and materialized remains of ritual institution? If so, how could they match with and explain each other? These tough problems consequently lead to the question of methodology. Only when methodology is consistently renewed and updated could better research be conducted on new materials. Here, methodology refers to the vision used for the treatment of new materials. From a certain point of view, vision determines how a person treats and interprets materials, and endows materials with meaning and purpose.

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Since the twentieth century, the rise and growth of archaeology and anthropology in China engendered disruptive developments in the knowledge structure and research methods of the academic community. Within the sphere of ancient history and ancient literature study, the sole dominance of the traditional text and literature textology research model was overturned, and elements such as unearthed literature (mostly oracle inscriptions and bronze vessel inscriptions), oral literature obtained from on-site investigations, and relics of and images from physical objects excavated by archaeologists have been gradually introduced, together forming the “quadruple evidence method”82 anthropological technique that has brought about a revolution in the canonical form of research methodologies. Behind the discovery, development, renewal, and practice of the symbols for quadruple evidence, from literature to archaeological discovery, from text to culture, from speech to behavior, from characters to images, are both the expansions of literature,83 and the gradual easing of segregation and rejection artificial knowledge levels in the perceived probability of human cultural inheritance and historical memory symbols.84 As such, marks of history obscured for the sake of orthodoxly The “quadruple evidence method” is a methodology advocated by Prof. Shuxian Ye based upon his practice, advancement and summarization of methodologies promoted by preceding luminaries such as Wang Guowei, Wen Yiduo, Guo Moruo, and Gu Xiegang, among others. For details, please refer to Shuxian Ye in Anthropology’s “Triple Evidence Method” and Updates to Textual Criticism (Book Town, 1994[1]), Quadruple Evidence Method - The Visual Persuasiveness of Comparative Iconography (Literary Review, 2006[5]), Research on Erlitou Site’s Bronze Medal Decoration and Xia Dynasty Myths—Renewed Discussions on Quadruple Evidence Method (Ethnic Arts Quarterly, 2008[4]), Xuanyuan and Youxiong—Discussions on Chinese Authority in Anthropology and Interpretation by Quadruple Evidence Method (Journal of Guangxi University for Nationalities 2008[5]), Rong Cheng Shi and General Interpretation on Xia Dynasty’s Yu the Great’s Drum Mythology—Five Discussions on the Canonical Form of Knowledge Archaeology in the “Quadruple Evidence Method” (Ethnic Arts Quarterly, 2009[1]), and Research and Envision on Evidence in the Textual Criticism of Chinese Studies—From the Single Evidence Method to the Quadruple Evidence Method (paper for the Beijing Xiangshan “2nd International Conference on Evidence Law and Forensic Science” held in July 2009) in Evidence Science, 2009 [4]). 83 All new discoveries would be converted to wenxian (research and reference work or “literature,” but here also more broadly understood as “documentation”) and here “literature” has been given some degree of openness. The term wenxian first appeared in the book Eight Lines of Eight Dancers Apiece in the Analects of Confucius. According to textual research and criticism conducted by Liu Shipei, the initial meaning of the term wenxian was much more complex than its later evolution, and used to indicate both the system of decrees and regulations, as well as code of dignified manners and movements. This suggests the anthropological vision of the ancient people, which focused on “the search for roots of rituals, ceremonies and etiquettes in isolated and backward regions far away from centers of civilization.” Moreover, the rituals, ceremonies, and etiquettes that one learned to perform were in and of themselves integral parts within the scope of wenxian. Oral culture, ethnography and field research, archaeological physical objects, and their images would ultimately be converted into textual or visual wenxian. 84 For related discussions, please refer to Tang Qicui, Cognition, Justification and Presentation— Discussion on the “Quadruple Evidence Method” of Anthropology, a paper for the Beijing Xiangshan “2nd International Conference on Evidence Law and Forensic Science” held in July 2009, from Social Science Front, 2010[6]). 82

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written literature and local knowledge that never received recognition slowly surfaced and gathered behind a narrative united under a Dynasty, forming a multidimensional and multi-vocal historical reflection that offers the possibility of reconstructing the cultural context of ancient classics ever closer to the real history. Previous scholars utilized new perspectives and new materials to explore the ancient classics in an era when “no literature was written,” and utilized imagery and ritual narrative to explore criticisms and fill the voids and blind spots arising from the lack of textual narrative materials. These are directions and guidance conducive to future studies. From the point of view of semiotic theories, the historical actuality of human civilization advancement is the course of the use and changes in symbols. The most basic method for the presentation, communication, memory, and inheritance of human culture is either “oral” (speech, as in the third type of evidence), “written” (text, as in the first and second types of evidence), and “visual” (physical objects and images, the fourth type of evidence), which form the three most fundamental types of symbols: Speech, writing, and imagery.85 Yet, the categorization of evidence is just adherence to standard, merely a method whereby separate facts are put together, then a certain object is cast into a certain category to differentiate said object from other objects, which would facilitate assessment and selection of the source, qualification, and other aspects of various forms of evidence in order to accomplish the objectives of justification and presentation. In reality, the various types of evidence symbols are not so easily and clearly differentiated from each other, and often exist as a conglomeration of multiple forms. Take, for instance, the first type and second type of evidence, which are text and written symbols; they are differentiated from speech and image based on the manifested physical object and the sequence of appearance; at the same time, from the perspective of information and content, text symbols are records of language symbols, ritual actions and their settings, and vessels and objects, and they are indirect forms of communication that remain after blocking all direct forms of communication such as the diverse and information-dense sounds (passionate/subdued, solemn/witty, elegant/vulgar, exclamation/parallel story), bodily movements (forcefulness and speed of movement, social and court etiquette, solemnity and mannerism displayed by the body, and other aspects), and configuration of physical objects (layout of venue, time and The term “图象” (“image” or “icon”) is a comprised of the characters “图” and “象” in ancient Chinese, and here the term “图象” is used broadly to refer to material culture and their images and ritual narrative that Prof. Shuxian Ye spoke about. With regard to literature of the pre-Qin era, the term primarily denotes pictorial encyclopedias, maps, archaeological physical objects, and visible phenomena (including ruins of settlements, relics and their embellishments and motifs, sculptures, forms and structures of tombs, wall paintings, ground paintings and rock paintings) and their photos, sculptures, costumes, and inserted images in textual literatures. If the scope were to be include modern times, then the term also encompasses drawings, photos, dances, video productions, scenarios, postures, and any other symbols presented in a visual method. However, here the term mostly denotes the former. For the value of “images or icon” in historical research, please refer to Peter Burke, Eyewitnessing: The Use of Images as Historical Evidence, 2008. Beijing: Peking University Press.

85

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space of ritual, combination of ritual vessels and their placements and motifs, and other aspects). Thus, speech and imagery have been preserved in textual form, and early characters also possess image features due to their innate pictographic origin. It is extremely random and unpredictable that the culture of a long gone era, with its perceptions, beliefs, and ceremonies of that period, can be discovered and recognized after millennia. Only its material manifestation—image, the fourth type of evidence—can work like a memory storage that functions as the most critical medium and symbol for contemporaries to understand the ancient world. Imagery itself as a cultural inheritance symbol has attained qualities similar to that of oral art, writing, and historical narrative. Imagery pertains to the technical level, survival status, and spiritual world of humans, acts as the primary witness and carrier of the memories of yesteryear, and possesses some even more primordial narrative meaning—it is a direct display of the mindset and worldview of the era in which it existed. Just like the Eiffel Tower as depicted by Roland Barthes, it is not just purely an object to be looked at, but an “object” of symbolism and mythology, becoming a representative and a portal to look back at the subject, and working as a medium between the subject and the object, thus becoming a cultural expression system in the contemporary world.86 For archaeology of knowledge, the meaning of physical object in cultural cognition is even more profound. “Object” is something produced and used by a certain social group in accordance with its cultural tradition, and in this process of production and usage they shape themselves.87 Therefore, the discovery of an “object” discovers not only this “object” that was used in the past, but also the people that produced this “object” and their behavioral methods and beliefs. Thus, the imagery is “sufficient as the narrative spirit that leads the textual shell, becoming an evidence that visually convinces the reader/viewer”,88 showcasing the transcendence and richness of imagery narratives and the tension among imagery, text, and speech (Fig. 7). If the process of the generation of the linear cognition and purpose of the four types of evidence symbols is to be juxtaposed against the history of human civilization development, this process is obviously not the natural order or form of existence of the evidences themselves. In the pre-writing period, historical–cultural memories and inheritance rely on the third and fourth types of evidence— mythology, song, ritual, and physicality (form of settlement, habitat arrangement, means of survival, techniques, etc.) passed down orally, and via imagery (rock painting, motif, and decoration). Research indicates that relatively complex oral communication already took place approximately 100,000 years ago, relatively extensive relics and images of ritual behaviors already appeared about 30,000 years ago, but the oldest texts discovered thus far are no more than several thousand years old. “If the span of all human advancement occurred within one year, then the 86

Roland Barthes: The Eiffel Tower and Other Mythologies, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997. 87 Kirshenblatt—Gimblett, Barbara. Destination Culture: Tourism, Museums and Heritage, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998, pp. 2. 88 Shuxian Ye, Bear Totem, 2007. Shanghai: Shanghai Literature & Art Publishing House. pp. 15.

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Fig. 7 Narrative of Object: Sacrificial Altar Unearthed at the No. 2 Sacrificial Pit at Sanxingdui Site and Illustration of Sacrificial Ritual

invention and utilization of our holy written text happened only during the last month. And for a long time, writing was a unique technique only mastered by a select few.”89 In his book The Power of the Written Tradition,90 renowned British anthropologist Jack Goody points out that roughly 5000 years ago, the emersion of text and writing momentously changed the way humans lived much like the advent of agriculture. Text and writing afforded an opportunity for speech to be preserved for the first time, which not only made it possible for the world’s knowledge to be documented and stored and considerably expanded the space through which cultural connotations may be spread, but also gave rise to the “power of written tradition” that trumps “purely oral” tradition. “Language is a purely human and non-instinctive method of communicating ideas, emotions, and desires by means of a system of voluntarily produced

89 Chao Gejin, Oral Traditions from the Perspective of Folklore Studies, Journal of Guangxi University for Nationalities, 2003 (5). 90 Goody, Jack. The Power of the Written Tradition, Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 2000.

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symbols”; meanwhile, “The written forms are secondary symbols of the spoken ones—symbols of symbols.”91 Swiss linguist Ferdinand de Saussure even went so far as to argue that the sole rationale that justifies the existence of text is to express speech. The reason that text caught up and surpassed speech in “prestige” lies in the material inscriptive attribute of written text, which is stronger, more enduring, and more unified than spoken speech, in addition to being more easily learned and mastered. Thereafter, the existence of text replaced the absent speech, and posterities have always learned speech through text: A written word is often tightly associated with the spoken word it represents, but in the end the order of rank was reversed: People eventually consider the what the sound symbol represents to be just as important as, if not more important than, the sound symbol itself.92 Yet, text functions as symbol for the documentation of speech and the earliest textual records are often closely related to sacred sayings, such as the oracle inscriptions and bronze vessel inscriptions of the Shang and Zhou Dynasties, the scriptures of the Bimaw shaman priests of the Yi people, the Dongba scriptures of the Nakhi people, and other examples are all records of speech in sacred exchanges, and written text must be addressed with a spoken exclamation in order to actuate its sacred function. Therefore, from the perspective of the changes in the medium of cultural memory, written text, which emerged during the apex of oral traditions, is also the earliest recorder of oral culture: The earliest text naturally reflected the profound traditional elements of oral culture and ancient religious and mythological beliefs. Especially for Chinese characters, which are noted for their fundamentally logographic attribute, in the various structures and components used in their coinage are a plethora of direct embodiments rooted in religious speech and performance traditions, thus often dubbed the visual symbol archetype for exploring the mythological mindset of said tradition.93 Text is a symbolic sign representing human thoughts and cognitions of the world, and contains a system of purpose originating from the beginning of its coinage. More importantly, Chinese characters and their typical “logographic mindset” have, to the fullest possible extent, preserved the representation of mythological mindset and the cultural and psychological structures and mindsets. Thus, following the “mythological mindset and ancient characters research” performed in the 1980s,94 scholars have once again taken the three sets of early 91

Edward Sapir, Language: An introduction to The Study of Speech, translated: Lu Zhuoyuan, 1997. Beijing: The Commercial Press. pp. 7–17. 92 Ferdinand de Saussure, Course in General Linguistics, translated: Gao Mingkai, 1980. Beijing: The Commercial Press. pp. 47–48. 93 Shuxian Ye, On Holy Words—Chinese Literature and “Mythistory”, Journal of Baise University, 2009 (3, 4). 94 Shuxian Ye, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House. Pages 3–4 of the introduction and page 319 of the main body contain detailed arguments on this subject. Said book relies on analysis of the shape of Chinese characters and their evolution to construct a system of original meanings of early Chinese language and establish the origin of Chinese mythological philosophy.

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Chinese characters “告”(诰), “各”(格), and “假”(嘏) as cases to analyze and restore the stature and function of sacred speech within the perception of the ancient people, to examine the ritual sources and mythological belief sources in sacred oral literature since ancient times, and to confirm the sacred origins of the texts of the Chinese “classic historic documents” as represented by the Book of Documents. Thus, the first and second types of evidence have been instilled with new meaning: “As in how to utilize textual history, with its disruptive, concealing and obscuring characteristics, to reconsider history of the text-less but more ancient times” (Fig. 8).95 Given the textual attribute of the research subject in this book, both the first and second types of evidences are the most fundamental evidences, and therefore, studying the structures and forms of Chinese characters and their changes to establish the system of original meanings of early Chinese characters in order to renew the comprehension and cognition of the original context of ritual institution culture is naturally a fundamental research method. For example, Chap. 1 and 2 analyze and compare written literature and oral culture with physical objects and imageries, interpret and reconstruct the original meaning of the structure and form of the characters “冠” and “廟,” and examine the hidden ritual context, mythological mindset, and meanings in their mutual recognition with and imitation of cosmogony, so as to reveal the mythological beliefs, cognitive codes, and level of authority behind ritual spatial layouts and institutionalized narratives. Oral, textual, physical object, and image narratives were media for communication and format of knowledge that continued and coexisted with each other during the course of history. However, it was due to the special status artificially conferred to textual symbols and written texts that enabled “the process of literature, including metaphor, visual expression, narrative, to impact the documentation method of cultural phenomena, from rough records of ‘observations’ in the beginning to complete books to the method through which these forms and structures ‘obtain meaning’ in certain reading activities,”96 and that granted literature a higher priority in the ranking of various forms of knowledge under specific social authority scenarios. A great deal of “knowledge” was veiled or rewritten by established rules of differentiation and exclusion, for the sake of service to the incumbent authority at the time. In light of the fact that the lion’s share of currently unearthed texts and literatures, as well as highly symbolic ritual vessels, all came from large-scale tombs and burials, there is no doubt that text and ritual vessel manifest special status. Yet, for the masses, oral transmission of myths and ceremonies, and physicality and imagery were still the main staple for inheritance and memory. Speech and imagery also became tools through which the ruling class maintained their power. For instance, Yu the Great, the legendary ruler and founder of Xia Dynasty, “forged cauldrons with engravings of animals” to educate his Shuxian Ye, On Holy Words—Chinese Literature and “Mythistory”, Journal of Baise University, 2009 (3, 4). 96 James Clifford and George E. Marcus, Writing Culture, translated: Gao Bingzhong et al., 2006. Beijing: The Commercial Press. pp. 32. 95

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Fig. 8 Written Texts and Sacred Speech

people about what are holy and what are evil. He also created the “flags of five colors” to represent the peoples from five directions. The Book of Changes— Commentary on the Appended Phrases spoke of sages’ use of imagery narratives summed up as “imagery used to fully convey meaning” and “the full discovery of the profundity of the Book of Changes is encouraged.” Sima Qian traveled across the lands and recorded and collected information about people and events from a span ranging from the time of the Yellow Emperor to contemporaries during the throne of Emperor Wu of Han Dynasty, and attributed to Sima is the quote “everyone speaks about the Yellow Emperor, but most of what were spoken are exaggerated.” This conveys the notion that traces of history may be discovered from cultural memories transmitted orally, but the nobles and officials would speak of no such things, thus illustrating suspicious and disdain toward orally transmitted cultural memories in an age when written text reigned supreme. Modern anthropology’s discovery and renewed comprehension of oral cultures, ceremonies, remains, and relics are effective means to uncover and reconstruct cultural diversity which has been concealed by texts written under the command of the ruling power. Occupying the role of “the Other” in the modern time-space, records of living culture found in ethnographic observations in anthropology studies function as observable, accessible, and interlocutory “living reflections” of ancient human behaviors that could no longer be directly observed. Archaeologists have applied “middle-range theory” in rigorous analogical reasoning of physical object remains, historical records and human behavioral phenomena similar to living societies, and utilized cross-cultural comparisons to restore material fragments back to complete systems, succeeding in the “reconstruction of past societies and search

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for lost elements”.97 Historical literature, ethnography, archaeological remains, and the “comparison can stimulate contemplations on certain questions, in turn helping us form more a comprehensive understanding about archaeological materials” because “detailed analysis…may accurately explain the important technical factors. But these techniques themselves do not interpret prehistory. The interpretation of prehistory relies solely on comparison of ethnography”.98 This is determined by the fact that the research subject cannot experience the “past.” In addition, since there are various time and space distances between today and the different “pasts,” thus, symbols and formats of memories of different “pasts” also vary. In terms of research on ritual institution civilization, for the prehistoric period, the chief bases are archaeological remains. For the ritual institution of the Xia Dynasty, the notion of “lack of enough literature as proof” already took root during the times of Confucius, and the bases available are limited textless archaeological remains and a modicum of literature supplemented by posterity. For the ritual institution of the Shang Dynasty, there are not only a vast quantity of archaeological remains, but also oracle inscription records and some literature supplemented by posterity. For the ritual institution of the Zhou Dynasty, research may already rely on a balance of both archaeological materials (including relics with writings) and ancient literary materials. However, the “speech” evidences from oral transmissions could no longer be recovered, and whatever survived have already been converted into written evidence and object evidence. Due to the errors in written evidence and considerable loss of object evidence, the use of “multiple evidences” technique is especially needed in research of the pre-Qin period if revolutionary breakthroughs in research scope and methodology are to be actualized. At the same time, there is also an imbalance in the probative force of different types and sources of evidence. Inherited literature (first type of evidence) have preserved the elements of greatest concern to people of the past because of their inscriptive attribute, though featuring the most obvious traces of artificial intervention. Literature from unearthed oracle inscriptions, bronze vessel inscriptions, bamboo slip inscriptions, and silk manuscripts (second type of evidence) are relatively direct firsthand material, but they are often hard to decipher due to fragmentation and necessitates the establishment of an interpretive background or context by the way of historical literatures, ethnographic materials, physical objects, and images. Living cultures documented in ethnography (third type of evidence) offer an expansive scope and function as the most common and effective materials for analogical reasoning and explanation of archaeological materials, but their 97

Zhang Guangzhi, Civilization of the Shang Dynasty, translated: Mao Xiaoyu, 1999. Beijing: Beijing Crafts and Arts Publishing House. pp. 51–52. 98 The former is attributed to Smoke Pit and Smoked Skin—Analogies in Archaeological Inferences (1967) by well-known new archaeology expert Lewis Roberts Binford, and the latter is attributed to Analogies in Ethnography and Archaeological Explanations (1969) by well-known new archaeology expert Keith M. Anderson. In Archaeology: Discovering Our Past by Robert J. Sharer (American), translated: Yu Xiqu, 2009. Shanghai: Shanghai People's Publishing House. pp. 342.

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usefulness are hindered by their highly varied levels of quality overall. Archaeological physical objects and images (fourth type of evidence) may provide the most direct and most visual evidence, even offering information neglected by written records, but their wordlessness and possible partiality could engender extremely disparaging bias in interpretation. It is clear that each type of evidence symbol has their own “substance” and “limits,” and must lean on other symbols for supplementation or assist other symbols to maximize their narrative function: “Objects, images and patterns of behavior can signify, and do so on a large scale, but never autonomously; every semiotic system has its linguistic admixture”.99 “Only when a symbol and its signifier fill up themselves could they fulfill and complete themselves”.100 Only when each evidence symbol relates to, compares, verifies, replaces, and supplements each other, which is based on the principle of inter-evidence mutual supplementation to empower the four types of evidence to form a multidimensional “field” of interpretation, it would be possible to more genuinely approach and present the “signified” of each symbol and reconstruct lost cultural memories. At present, the most emphatic and prolific research case in China is the critique and practice of multidimensional and quadruple evidence method in historical interpretations performed by Prof. Shuxian Ye. For instance, Ye interpreted the “bear flag” of Yu the Great of the Xia Dynasty by matching and comparing a multitude of multidimensional materials including “bears and tigers on flags” as recorded in the inherited literature Rites of Zhou (first type of evidence), documentation of Yu of Xia Dynasty’s central bear flag found on newly discovered Rongcheng Shi bamboo slip from the pre-Qin period (second type of evidence), myths related to the bear god prevalent throughout the entire Eurasian continent (third type of evidence), and a batch of ten physical sacred emblems with bear insignia discovered at the Erlitou culture ruins (fourth type of evidence), serving as a vital breakthrough in the explorative study of Xia culture, which is still fraught with heated debates today due to the lack of textual evidence.101 Take, for another instance, the general interpretation on the “placement of drums,” another myth related to Xia Dynasty’s Yu the Great, which was performed based on the interconnected relationships of the four types of evidences, involved interpretation of narrative on Yu’s placement of drums in his court as seen on the Rongcheng Shi bamboo slip at the Shanghai Museum, entailed restoration of said narrative within several millennia of genealogy from the ceramic drums of Yangshao culture to the wooden drums at the Erlitou site alongside the narrative’s internal relationships

99

Roland Gérard Barthes, Elements of Semiology, translated: Wang Dongliang, 1999. Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company. pp. 2–3. 100 Jacques Derrida, Of Grammatology, translated: Wang Jiatang, 1999. Shanghai: Shanghai Translation Publishing House. pp. 209. 101 For details, please refer to Shuxian Ye, Deciphering the Bear Flags of Yu the Great, in Ethnic Arts Quarterly, 2008(1).

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with mythologies, ceremonies and magical and religious instrumentation systems, and revealed the mysterious connotation behind the genesis of drum music rituals.102 Consequently, predicated on the values in the transformation of methods of archaeology of knowledge and multidimensional writings in anthropology, and with application in the search for the origins of Chinese civilization, the “quadruple evidence method” technique is elevated as a humanities research methodology in its general sense. In terms of methodology, this book has been deeply influenced by “quadruple evidence method” and attempts to apply the said technique and its indirect supplementations to archaeology of knowledge-style exploration and analysis about the ritual time and space as described in Li Ji, and discover how ritual institutions were coded by mythological mindsets that possessed cultural genes, so as to restore the cultural origin of the ritual institution civilization behind the “book.” Specifically, the particular content and discourses in each chapter are as below: Chapter 1 attempts to comprehensively apply the coming-of-age ritual as described in ritual institution literature such as the Small Calendar of the Xia chapter in the Dai De’s Li Ji, the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial, and the Canon of Yao chapter in the Book of Documents, unearthed literature like the Day Book, Chu Silk Manuscript, various types of astronomical and archaeological images, and other archaeological and ethnographic materials to clarify disputes regarding the time of performance of the capping ritual, confirming that said ritual’s archetype derived from springtime celebration. The forms of characters within the “guanmian” (to cap or to crown) family, unearthed capping imagery, and relevant myths and ceremonies are analyzed and examined to demonstrate that the shapes and materials of the “cap” central to the capping ritual were designed or chosen for their symbolisms as medium or ambassador in holy communication. Consequently, among relevant observations of yin (feminine) spaces, belly of the Green Loong of the East, and motifs of man-eating Loongs and tigers on bronze vessels, it has been discovered that there might possibly be a symbolic approval shared between the “east room” and the bosom of Mother Nature. Lastly, through analysis of the connections between examination, promotion, age, education, personal status, and the threshold of the time of the capping ritual, the symbolic meaning of the “three caps” ritual at the secular level is revealed. Chapter 2 begins with the shrine system in the pre-Qin era as recorded in inherited literature and archaeological materials, and discusses the architectural layout and classification rules of the “shrine.” Then it studies the case of conversion into capping ritual space and uncovers the relationships between the door, steps, halls, rooms, positions, directions and cognitive codes, transitions in identity, and power narrative. Lastly, the perspectives of etymology, cosmogonic myth, and archaeology are adopted to analyze one by one the frequency in the appearance of the character

102

For details, please refer to Shuxian Ye, Rong Cheng Shi and General Interpretation on Xia Dynasty’s Yu the Great’s Drum Mythology—Five Discussions on the Canonical Form of Knowledge Archaeology in the “Quadruple Evidence Method”, Ethnic Arts Quarterly, 2009(1).

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“廟” (shrine or temple) in bronze vessel inscriptions, and the various component pictograms in its structure such as

,

etc. It is found that the numerous constituent pictograms in the character “廟” (shrine or temple) in bronze vessel inscriptions are all typical sacred symbols related to genesis in cosmogonic myths. Their combinations manifest imitations and repeats of mythological worldview and ritual scenarios. Consequently, the chapter renews the comprehension and cognition and reveals the obscured and long-forgotten ancient mythology knowledge behind written characters. Chapter 3 corroborates with the previous chapters and relies on ritual theories, and archaeological discoveries including remains of ritual institution buildings and illustrations of restored sacrificial altars and sites, and looks through the three dimensions of a ritual space and reexamines how people used patterned narratives to construct meaningful cultural space, so as to reveal the symbolic relationships between political etiquettes and rituals such as position and order of the Hall of Distinction and the emperor’s tour of the lands including the five great mountains, and that of the architectural and structural form of the emperor’s mingtang. Chapter 4 leverages “multiethnic historicism” and a myriad of archaeological system of cultural geographical divisions, reviews, and reflects on the narratives of the “people from the five directions” and the scope and limitations of research thereof, and offers insight into the subjectivity of historical views and the importance of context. The narrative spatial model of the “people from the five directions” is discussed again from the world awareness perspective of the narrative subject, and it has been discovered that the “five directions” configuration is a representation, memory of, and identification with the conceptual world, and the meaning of its ethnography lies in the showcase of the world awareness schema of the “ruler” and its extensively historical ethnic coding concepts. Chapter 5 employs the perspectives of comparative mythology and astronomical archaeology to analyze sacred time and space in the “endless cycle” in the phenology of Yueling, the “beginning of the year” in ritual calendar systems, and the “beginning as normality” in human activities, and the mythological mindset background and deep psychological mechanism in discourse of power. Under the dual scrutiny of ancient Chinese context and contemporary western “narratives,” the composite characteristic of the textual ritual narrative in Li Ji is uncovered in order to highlight the nature of ritual narrative to strengthen cultural identity and cultural consolidation. Chapter 6 relies on environmental archaeology and research outcomes of unearthed literature such as divination texts in oracle inscriptions, Lian Gong Tang metal inscriptions and Bamboo Manuscripts from Chu State of Warring States Period at the Shanghai Museum, references to crisis ceremonies in ethnographic records, and uses the special descriptive method of memories of disasters in Li Ji to reveal the narrative functions in social order restoration and emotional and psychological cure possessed by normative narratives consolidated by the society and crisis ritual narrative under mythological mindset’s cognitive codes.

Introduction

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As stated above, this book uses factual cases to respond to and witness the multidimensional interpretative prowess of the quadruple evidence method. At the same time, given the importance of the notion “to investigate the nature of things for knowledge” in the cognition of Chinese traditional culture, as well as the significance of physical objects and images in breaking the shackles of language and the limitations and blind spots of writing, and to offer vivid and direct insights into historical contexts under the current scholarly trend of reflecting upon the dominance of writing, this book makes use of a large quantity of archaeological objects and images, ethnographic images, oracle inscriptions and bronze vessel inscriptions, and crafted diagrams and illustrations to visually represent the character “礼” (li, as in rite, ritual). Using the visual and easily perceptible imagery narrative collaboratively with mythological ritual narrative and textual narrative to authenticate each other expanded the research scope to the prehistoric period. It also afforded more direct evidence symbols conducive to interpreting hidden conceptual information, including the intricate connection between the cap in the “three-step capping” ritual and the bird-shaped spirit, the relationship between the character “廟” in bronze vessel inscriptions and cosmogony, the linkage between the Hall of Distinction and Neolithic sacrificial altars, or the association between the phenological cycle in the Proceedings of Government in Different Months and ritual calendar systems. The hope is to achieve some type of multidimensional and comprehensive proof and representation of the subject matter.

Contents

1 “Rebirth” Mythology: The Source of the Symbolic Significance of the Capping Ritual . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 “Rebirth” and the Spring Rite: Investigation into Timing of the Capping Ritual . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1.1 “Rebirth” Mythology: Springtime Celebration Ceremonies and Repayment of Debt of Gratitude . . . . . 1.1.2 Resurrection After Death: Spring Celebration Ceremonies and Coming-of-Age Ceremonies . . . . . . . . . 1.1.3 Abandonment of Youth and Formation of Virtue: Spring Sacrificial Rite for the Earth and Capping Ritual . . . . . . 1.2 Symbolism of “Rebirth”: The Archetype of the “Cap” . . . . . . . 1.2.1 Guan, Mian, Jue, Bian: Characters in the “Guan” Family Seen on Oracle Inscriptions and Bronze Vessel Inscriptions and Explorations of Their Meanings . . . . . . 1.2.2 Duke and Emperor: Headdresses of the Shang and Zhou Dynasties Found Among Excavated Cultural Relics . . . . 1.2.3 Birth and Rebirth: Phenology of the Second Month of Spring and the Original Symbolism of the “Cap” . . . 1.3 Sacred Place of “Rebirth”: The East Room and the Space for Capping Ritual . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3.1 North Hall, Day Lily, and Mother . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3.2 The East Hall, the 4th Mansion of the Azure Loong of the East, and the Womb of Mother . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4 The “Three-Step Capping” Ritual and Age Grade . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4.1 “Three-Step Capping,”“Four-Step Capping,” and “Five-Step Capping” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4.2 Age Classification and Capping Ritual . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4.3 Men’s Club, Biyong (The Imperial College), and Capping Ritual . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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2 Holy Space: The Symbolism of “Miao (廟)” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 Pre-Qin Shrine System Seen in Inherited Literature and Archaeological Materials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.1 Pre-Qin Shrine System Recorded in Inherited Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.2 Ancestral Shrine Structures Seen in Archaeological Sites and Ruins . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 Ritual Space and Identity Narrative: Analysis of the Interior Space of Miao (廟) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.1 Door: Difference Between the Inside and the Outside 2.2.2 Steps: Difference Between Host and Guest . . . . . . . . 2.2.3 Hall: Orderliness in Superiority and Inferiority . . . . . 2.3 Structure of Miao (廟) and Mythology Coding . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.1 Explanation of the Character “廟” in the Scope of Traditional Narrative Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.2 Explanation and Interpretation of the Character “廟” from the Scope of Comparative Mythology . . . . . . . . 3 Between the Sacred and the Profane: On the Spatial Narrative of Places in the Hall of Distinction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 Form and Structure of Hall of Distinction and Ritual Space . 3.2 Order of Positions Inside the Hall of Distinction and Space Narrative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3 Hall of Distinction and “Hierophany” of the Universe . . . . .

Contents

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4 Universal Understanding: Research on the Narrative of the “People from the Five Directions” in Li Ji . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1 Re-narrating the Narrative: The “People from the Five Directions” from a Multiethnic Historicism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1.1 Current “Scope”: Appeals for a Multiethnic Historicism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1.2 Narrative: The “People from the Five Directions” in the Royal Regulations Chapter of Li Ji . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1.3 Re-narratives: The “People from the Five Directions” in Modern Academic Scope . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2 Ethnicity Coding: Narrative of the “Five Directions” and Cognitive Schema of “World” Understanding . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.1 Space of the Five Directions and Cognitive Schema of “World” Understanding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.2 The “People from the Five Directions” and the Intention of the Sage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.3 Representation and Identification: The “People from the Five Directions” as Ethnography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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5 Endless Cycle: Perspective on Mythological Time and Space in Yueling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1 Schema of Yueling and Mythological Worldview . . . . . . . . 5.2 Phenology and Endless Cycle of Yueling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.1 Yueling Plant Phenology and the Cycle of Time . . . 5.2.2 Animal Phenology and Time and Space of Yueling . 5.2.3 The Five Emperors, Gods, and Time and Space in Yueling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3 The “Beginning” as Normality and Ritual Narrative . . . . . . 6 Ritual Healing: Records of Disasters and ritual function in Li Ji . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1 Disasters Memory in Li Ji . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.1 Drought and Rain Praying . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.2 Locust Plague . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.3 Disasters of Wind, Rain, and Flood . . . . . . . . 6.1.4 Snow, Frost, and Hailstone . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.5 Solar Eclipse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2 Records of Disasters and Climate Change . . . . . . . . . 6.3 Relieve Disaster with Witchcraft and Ritual . . . . . . . .

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Epilogue . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 321 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 327 Imagery Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 341 Postscript . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 345

Chapter 1

“Rebirth” Mythology: The Source of the Symbolic Significance of the Capping Ritual

What was the origin of the belief in the circle of life? Why was the capping ritual treated as a “second birth”? How did being conferred a cap and new attire symbolize a new life? What were the original symbolisms of the “three cap” ritual and the “cap”? Why was the capping ritual always held in the shrine during springtime? This chapter takes on the point of view of “rebirth” mythology and expounds on the original symbolisms of the capping ritual. Scholars generally trace the root of the capping ritual to the coming-of-age ceremonies in clan societies and the meaning in their identity transition,[104] but studies mostly concentrate on features ubiquitous among the coming-of-age ceremonies in tribal societies—death and resurrection, and identity transition—to observe direct transition meaning in clear-cut symbols such as capping, naming, and costume changes, largely overlooking the symbolic meanings inherent in the relevant symbolic signs as well as their sacred origins. Based on the foundation of commonality, one could dig deeper and ask: What is the origin of the belief in the circle of human life? Why was coming-of-age ceremonie considered a second birth? What is the meaning behind the mark of the “second birth”? Why were capping and costume changes used as marks of new life in Chinese coming-of-age ceremonies? To answer these questions, it is necessary to first focus on the original meanings of the time of hosting of the capping ritual and the “cap” itself. This chapter attempts to discuss the original symbolic meanings inherent in aspects such as the archetypical image of the time and space of hosting of the capping ritual and the “cap,” and age classification from a “rebirth” myth point of view.

1.1 “Rebirth” and the Spring Rite: Investigation into Timing of the Capping Ritual The capping ritual was a pivotal point in life when an individual would grow up and make independent decisions, and once held a very prominent position in history. In Li Ji—Meaning of the Ritual of Capping, it was recorded “In ancient times, saints © Shanghai Jiao Tong University Press 2020 Q. Tang, Ritual Civilization and Mythological Coding, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-4393-7_1

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and emperors all valued the capping ritual. As to performing the capping ritual, people will choose the proper day and persons through practing divination, which showed their sincere respect to capping ritual as well as rites.” Moreover, in the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial, the opening chapter is Capping Rites for a Common Officer, signifying the meaningfulness of the beginning of life. In records on the process of the capping ritual, the center of attention was primarily the cumbersome process and interpretation of meaning, yet the time of capping ritual was largely left undocumented, which has become a widely debated question among ritual study scholars over thousands of years. The majority of disagreements seen in literature arise from two issues: First of all, was the capping ritual always held in certain month(s)? And secondly, which days in each month were deemed auspicious to perform capping ritual? With regard to the first issue, there are two drastically divergent opinions. One group of scholars including Jia Gongyan believes in specific months, while the other group including Hu Peihui and Chen Li believes that there are no specific month requirements. The former point of view is founded upon the phrase “the second month of the year is the best time for marrying off one’s daughter and for the capped man to get married” from the Small Calendar of the Xia chapter in the Dai De’s Li Ji, arguing that Capping Rites for a Common Officer did not specify a month for holding the ritual, but capping ceremonies were always held in the second month of the year.1 The opposing side justifies their claim based on the quote “straw shoes in the summer, leather shoes in the winter,” thus deducing that any weather and therefore any month was acceptable to host the capping ritual.2 Du You of Tang Dynasty meanwhile balanced between the two sides: “the rites of capping ritual did not have a fixed time; if spring and summer are not suitable, then autumn and winter would suffice. If this year was not suitable, then the new year would suffice.”3 The various theories all seem substantiated, and the debate does not appear to have an end. 1 Ruan Yuan (Qing Dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 945. Or perhaps the meaning of “at the forefront of the month” in the “three-step capping” oration meant that the ritual was held during the first lunar month of the year. 2 Just as “rite, the summer capping ritual uses straw shoes, the winter capping ritual uses leather shoes, and there’s no specific timing for the ritual” written in Verifications of the Discussions at the White Tiger Hall by Qing Dynasty scholar Chen Li, this verifies the “first month argument” as seen in “shijiu jianzheng” and Capping Rites for a Common Officer’s “sanjia”: “Zheng annotated: the first lunar month is the preferred timing”. Chen Li, Verifications of the Discussions at the White Tiger Hall, 1994. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 496. Qing Dynasty scholar Hu Peihui’s Meaning of the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial refutes Jia Gongyan’s opinion through the lack of divination methods in ancient times, the shoes worn in summer and winter, and the assertion that Small Calendar of the Xia’s “the capped son marries” in the second month actually refers only to “marriage” as stated in Qin Huitian’s General Theories on the Five Li. Hu Peihui, True Meaning of the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial, collated and revised: Duan Zhongxi, 1993. Nanjing: Jiangsu Ancient Literature Publishing House, pp. 7–8. 3 Du You, Comprehensive Compendium of Institutions, 1984. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 321.

1.1 “Rebirth” and the Spring Rite: Investigation into Timing …

3

With regard to the second issue, literature have stated that masculine/yang days should be chosen for external affairs, and feminine/yin days ought to be selected for internal affairs,4 and in the Offering of Mutton chapter of the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial, Jia Shu said: “Masculine days for external affairs, and feminine days for internal affairs. Capping rites, nuptial rites and sacrificial rites are internal affairs. Outings are external affairs, such as expedition and official tours. If so, the jia, bing, wu, geng, and ren days are masculine days, and yi, ji, xin and gui days are feminine days.”5 In Day Book in the Qin Dynasty Bamboo Slip from Shuihudi (Type A) also remarked: Yin days are beneficial for family matters such as sacrificial rites, marrying off children and marrying wife. On Yang days, everything goes well. In the year ritual, the states, prefectures and people from four directions come, to make sacrifice. Gods of heaven and earth will enjoy the sacrifice and the people’s wish come true. When the sacrifices are delivered, it is a sign of auspiciousness”. On Yang (external) days, the wilderness becomes an auspicious place where one may farm or hunt. Yang days are suitable for sacrificial rites. Affairs done in the village will be propitious. Things cannot be done in the wild. On good days, it is better to hold events. Making sacrifices is auspicious. So are the capping, wagon making, clothes making. These are signs of auspiciousness.6 The capping ritual is considered a propitious rite and an internal affair, and thus should be held on feminine days. Yet, dates of capping ceremonies were scarcely recorded in literatures, and rarely was any crucial information mentioned. Months were not specified, and the choices in masculine or feminine days were also not strictly enforced.7 4 In the Summary of the Rules of Propriety

book of Li Ji, it was written that “masculine days should be chosen for external affairs, and feminine days ought to be selected for internal affairs.” Zheng annotated: “everything goes well on one’s trip is yang, and trips are external affairs.” Ruan Yuan (Qing Dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 1251. 5 Ruan Yuan (Qing Dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 1196. 6 Wu Xiaoqiang, Collected Explanations on Qin Dynasty Bamboo Slips and Day Books, 2000. Changsha: Yuelu Bookstore, pp. 23–24. 7 The capping of the Dukes of Lu, Cai, and Xu documented in the Commentary of Zuo, the capping of Zhao Wenzi documented in the Discourses of Jin segment of the Discourses of the States, the capping of Lord Huiwen of Qin Dynasty and King Zhaoxiang of Qin Dynasty documented in the Records of the Grand Historian, and other instances all did not record dates. In the Guansong portion of the Family Sayings of Confucius, it was recorded that in the sixth month in the summer King Cheng of Zhou Dynasty was capped, but there was no specific date mentioned. Records that show specific month and date include the capping of Qin Shi Huang was on the day jiyou in the fourth month of the ninth year documented in the Records of the Grand Historian; capping of the crown prince on the day jiayin in the first month as documented in the Annals of the Xiaojing Emperor of the Records of the Grand Historian. It was documented in the Annals of Emperor Hui of the History of the Former Han: on the seventh day of the first lunar month the emperor held the crowning ritual and absolve people of all. It was documented in the Etiquette Part One of the Book of the Later Han: the ritual is held to adhere to that in the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial. Moreover, it was written in the Annotations to the Living of Emperor Xian of Han Dynasty: "On the day renzi in

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Based on newly unearthed literature in the twentieth century, namely, records about “capping day” in Day Book that were popular in Qin and Chu territories as seen on the State of Chu Bamboo Slips from Jiudian and Qin Dynasty Bamboo Slip from Shuihudi, researchers believe that Qin and Chu prophets all considered the jian days and xiu days of each month as auspicious days for the capping ritual, but there’s no clear pattern in the choice of month. However, a perplexing phenomenon is that most Qin and Chu bamboo slips mention capping ritual and nuptial ritual together just like Small Calendar of the Xia, thus believing that: “Theoretically, the capping ritual may be hosted in any month, but since weddings or marrying off one’s daughter were relatively common in February, so people might have been more accustomed to hold capping ritual in this month.”8 Therefore, the argument finally leads to the opinion that there were no specific month requirements for capping ritual. Yet, if one were to take into consideration the ubiquity in timing and seasons for hosting coming-of-age ceremonies in other parts of the world and their symbolic meanings of “resurrection after death” and ridding the old to embrace the new, and combine with the Chinese “rebirth” mythology of using springtime celebration as a way to repay a debt of gratitude, a more general and holistic understanding about Chinese capping ritual performance dates and their ritual symbolism may be attained. This hypothesis could be proven from three aspects.

1.1.1 “Rebirth” Mythology: Springtime Celebration Ceremonies and Repayment of Debt of Gratitude The Silk Book from the State of Chu unearthed from Zidanku, Changsha, Hunan Province in 1942 not only hints at the rightward rotation of the orbit of celestial bodies through its distinctive design,9 but also contains the most detailed origin myth the first month of the 18th year of the Jian’an Era, the Jibei King was capped outdoor to see his parents." Further, Collected Explanations on Qin Dynasty Bamboo Slips and Day Books (Type B) by Wu Xiaoqiang, it was written that the month of Gengwu (the fifth month of the year of Jia or Ji, which occurs once every 5 years) is auspicious for capping ritual. Changsha: Yuelu Bookstore, pp. 181, 219. 8 Liu Lian, A Look at the Choice of Date for Capping Ritual from Chu and Qin Day Books. Bamboo and Silk Manuscripts (Center of Bamboo and Silk Manuscripts of Wuhan University): www.bsm. org.cn/show_artides.php?id=426. 9 Silk manuscripts are square and colorful pictures, comprised of pictures on the exterior and texts on the interior. The 12 deities in the four directions on the outer rim and the blue, red, white, and black woods on the four corners symbolize the beginning of the four seasons and hint at commencements and closures. The texts on the interior are two pieces that are placed in reverse of one another, with the writings on the right about genesis of the world, and the writings on the left being astrological divination. Starting with the first piece, then it is necessary to rotate the silk manuscript by 180 degrees counterclockwise in order to properly read the second piece. Then proceed to the first month of spring on the outside, and then rotate to the right in order to read the taboos of the 12 months on the exterior. For details, please refer to Feng Shi, Archaeoastronomy in China, 2007. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, pp. 18–19.

1.1 “Rebirth” and the Spring Rite: Investigation into Timing …

5

found thus far. The heaven and earth have not yet been divided, and the universe is in a chaotic state. It is difficult to differentiate darkness and light. Fuxi and Nüwa of the Huangxiong clan mate, give births to four children, establish heaven and earth, and create the four seasons. After hundreds and thousands of years, the day-night cycle loses its order. The four seasons are disrupted, and the celestial bodies tremble. None of the jiuzhou (the nine administrative states in ancient China) could not be reached. Gods grant the essences of four trees and return stability to the three skies and four poles. The sun and moon return to normalcy. Leap month is defined to regulate yearly cycles. The sun and moon come and go. The first day of each month orderly follows the last day of the previous month, and the day-night cycle is settled. The universe is reborn after the crisis, and vitality is restored to the lands.10 For this book, the most meaningful revelation of this origin myth is: At its creation the universe was characterized by a normal sun-moon cycle and continual and uninterrupted rotation of the four seasons, and disorder in the sun-moon cycle and disruptions in the four seasons meant distortion in the universe, but the return to normalcy of the sun-moon cycle and the four seasons meant that the universe had survived the crisis and would be reborn. But regardless of initial creation or ensuing rebirth, the regularity of the sun-moon cycle was always the key indicator. Han Dynasty engraved bricks of the human-headed, snake-bodied Fuxi and Nüwa with their tails entwined always held sun and moon compasses, pointing to heaven and earth. Similarly, Han Dynasty engraved bricks at Dabaodang Town of Shenmu City feature human-faced, birdbodied God of Spring Gou Mang and God of Autumn Ru Shou, respectively, holding sun and moon compasses, aptly portraying the central roles of the sun and the moon in origin myth (Fig. 1.1).11 The governance of the four gods and their creation of the four seasons is identical to the Fuxi and four sons, respectively, governing the four directions and four seasons as described in the Canon of Yao chapter in the Book of Documents. Master Huainan: Patterns of Heaven has preserved a more systematic account. In the cyclic movement of the bucket handle of the Big Dipper, it turns clockwise, pointing to yin in the first lunar month and chou in the eleventh lunar month. The Heavenly King opens four directions, namely, southeast, southwest, northeast, and 10 This paragraph is missing a great deal and has relatively large quantities of varying interpretations and ambiguity in the meaning of the words. Gonggong could have been benevolent or malevolent (Gonggong calculated and predicted the astrological phenomena of the next 10 days and ordered the deities to conjure wind and rain to nurture the people. However, the deities generated much chaos as they were not able to properly master the timing of the wind and rain. Thus, he decided to make the sun and the moon work and rest in turn. Or it could be understood that Gonggong calculated and predicted the astrological phenomena of the next 10 days to operate in accordance with the four seasons, but due to lax calculations and predictions, chaos in the four seasons ensued and so intercalation was used to correct the mistake. Further, due to unpredictable wind and rain, and disorderly daytime and nighttime, the sun and moon were greeted and sent off so that they could work on their own accords, respectively, during the day and at night), but all claims are conjectures at best. For related discussions, please refer to monographs by Yang Kuan, Li Xueqin, Li Ling, Feng Shi, Dong Chuping, and others. 11 For this theory, please refer to Yang Kuan, The Divine Imagery of the Four Seasons and their Origin Myths in the Chu Silk Manuscripts. In Literary Heritage, 1997(4).

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Fig. 1.1 Photos of human-faced, bird-bodied door gods holding sun and moon, found on Han Dynasty Tomb door frame unearthed from Shenmu, Shaanxi Province (Photo by Ye Shuxian)

northwest. The handle of the Dipper rotates according to these directions and finishes one cycle after 12 months (a year) and then starts over the process again (Fig. 1.2).12 This illustrates the calendar system origin and relevant beliefs based on the establishment of the four seasons in accordance with the sun’s orbit around the “canopy.” A substantial volume of materials indicate that the rise and setting of the sun, moon and stars, especially sunrise and sunset, not only gave birth to human’s earliest measurement of time and space and religious rituals related to the sun during the day and the moon during the night, but also stimulated the genesis of life philosophy and social order that centered on the cycle of life and death and replacement of the old with the new. In mythologies, cyclical changes and endless cycles such as sunset and moonrise, phases of the moon, hibernation and reemergence of animals, flourishing and withering of plants, the ebb and the flow of tides, and other phenomena were always imbued with special symbolism that always coincided with the homomorphism and symbolic resemblance with human life. In the Shiming, it was written: “When the sky turns grey, it is like the fire (sunlight) extinguishes, and the moonlight goes out. On the contrary, the reemergence is when the moon falls and rises again

12 Gao

You (Han Dynasty), Commentaries on the Master of Huainan, 1986. Shanghai: Shanghai Bookstore Publishing House, pp. 42–45.

1.1 “Rebirth” and the Spring Rite: Investigation into Timing …

7 Pictures of the Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions on the lacquered coffin cover in the Tomb of Marquis Yi of state Zeng, photographed by Tang Qiyi at the Hubei Provincial Museum. The Records of the Grand Historian: The Big Dipper symbolized the carriage of the emperor and the supremacy of the monarch. The yin and yang are divided and the four seasons are created.

Fig. 1.2 Big Dipper like waggon of Emperor

and life is revitalized. The morning is when the sunlight reemerges.”13 Here, the phases of the moon and the disappearance and reappearance of sunlight imply the resurrection and regeneration pattern of life. In his general view of the archetype of western literature, literary critic Northrop Frye pointed out that the very beginning of human imagination already followed some type of prototype provided by the cycles and changes of natural phenomena. Sunlight disappears every day, plants wither every winter, and human life always end after a certain span. However, the sun will rise again, a new year will come around, and new babies will be born. In this world of life, perhaps the most initial and most fundamental of imaginations, and the most foundational principles in all religions and arts, all see a type of decay and demise in human death or the vanishing of the sun and moon, as well as a type of image or prototype of death-transcending resurrection in the appearance of new life among human beings and in nature.14 Each cyclical process in nature is associated with the death and resurrection, disappearance and return, and withdrawal and reappearance of a certain god, like how withering in autumn and fertility in spring are identified with Adonis, and just as how the Buddha reincarnates in accordance with the life cycles of animals and humans. The most common association is with that of the sun god, who dies as dark falls and comes back to life amid the rays of dawn, or diminishes beginning from the end of summer solstice each year, and then starts to revive after the end of winter solstice. This kind of cyclical phenomena is usually divided into four phases, for instance, morning, noon, 13 Composed and published: Liu Xi, verified: Bi Yuanshu, supplemented: Wang Xianqian, Verifica-

tion and Supplementation to Interpretations of the Terms, 2008. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 19–20. 14 Northrop Frye, Fearful Symmetry, 1969. Princeton University Press, p. 217. In Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, pp. 8–9. The Philosophy of Chinese Mythology meticulously and systematically examined and discussed Chinese mythology’s meta-language and its characterization.

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dusk, and evening throughout the course of a day; spring, summer, autumn, and winter throughout the course of a year; budding, growth, withering, and decay over the life of a plant; and birth, maturity, old age, and death over the life of a person.15 Within mythological mindset, the cycle of sunrise from the east and sunset to the west has also been regarded as the westbound sun, riding on a chariot, or sailing on a giant boat, being devoured by a massive monster and ushered into the netherworld. In winter when the sun is held up in the netherworld, the mortal world is shrouded in desolation and hunger. When the sun returns from the netherworld, the land blossoms, foods become abundant, the weather warms up, and people rejoice. The east and spring are associated with the resurrection of the sun, and therefore, during winter solstice when the sun is at its weakest but on the verge of rebound, people would organize sun-boosting magical rituals and spring celebration ceremonies.16 George Hegel believed that such forms of celebration of birth and mourning of death of gods are behavioral symbols rooted in the personification of divine elements into mortal events, and the discovery of the most common meanings in nature: “The sun loses its warmth in the winter, but in spring the warmth is restored, and the land is once again rejuvenated, as she dies and is reborn again.”17 In nature, observations in flora and fauna that are consumed as foods and their relevant influences are most prone to capturing human attention and imagination. It was ingrained in the human mind that the cycles of the sun, moon, stars, and human activities affect the growth of animals and plants. People were keenly interested in seasonal changes such as fertility in spring and withering in winter and performed artificial ritual interventions because they knew full well that crops and foods grew from the lands because of these seasonal changes. “The seasons to these ancient Chinese folks were like what the Horae goddesses were to the Greeks as they symbolized harvest and fruition.”18 The seasonal cycle always takes place across the span of a year, consisting of the vitality in spring, growth in summer, harvest in autumn, and withering in winter, or it could be an extensive draught season followed by abundant precipitation like Oceania, or the annual overflow of the Nile once every three hundred some days that keeps the surrounding lands fertile. Just as written in the Royal Regulations chapter of Li 15 Northrop Frye, Archetypal Criticism: A Theory of Myths (in Anatomy of Criticism. Please refer to

Mythology—Archetypal Criticism, selected and edited: Ye Shuxian, 1987. Xi’an: Shaanxi Normal University Publishing House, pp. 209–210. 16 In The Origin of Things, German anthropologist Julius Lips described in detail magic-based sunboosting ceremonies (translated: Wang Ningsheng, 2005. Lanzhou Dunhuang Culture and Arts Publishing House, pp. 328–329). Philosophy of Chinese Mythology by Ye Shuxian provides a detailed explanation and description of aspects such as magic-based sun-boosting ritual related to the jiaosige song during China’s Han Dynasty. 17 Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, Vorlesungen über die Ästhetik (Lectures on Aesthetics) (Vol. 2), translated: Zhu Guangqian, 1996. Beijing: The Commercial Press, pp. 68–69. 18 Horae, the Greek goddesses for time sequence, are the ones in charge of the cycle of the seasons and natural orders. In the beginning, there were only goddesses for the winter and summer, and then those for spring and autumn were added later. Thus, spring festival was initially actually held during the fifth month. Jane Ellen Harrison, Ancient Art and Ritual, translated: Liu Zongdi, 2008. Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, p. 40.

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Ji, customs differ “because sustenance differs depending on the coldness, warmth, dryness and humidity of the lands, the breadth of the valleys or the flowage of the rivers.” For instance, the calendar system and rituals of the Egyptians both originated from their observations of the high and low tides of the Nile and the resulting abundance in food supply, the calendar system, and rituals of the various South Pacific islanders relied on information about monsoons, the autumn ritual of the Eskimos meanwhile was based upon a bigger focus on winter rather than spring, residents in central Oceania hold a myriad of ceremonies during rain season due to their interest in the transition between the dry and wet seasons, while the Yueling ritual calendar system of the Chinese and related ritual rules were founded on observations of the sun, moon, stars, and phenology north of the Yangtze River. The fauna and flora periodicity that people attach importance to depends on said people’s social and geographical conditions, “all primordial calendar systems were ritual calendar systems, which were essentially comprised of a string of dates for rituals and celebrations, and a series of recurring dates that had special attributes and meanings, with an unending periodicity constituting their basic mode.” Moreover, the internal mechanism that drove people to repeatedly and zealously perform ritual acts founded on periodic seasonal changes was actually a delayed and intensified method to release or quench desires.19 Sacrifices to gods with the goal of stimulating life force in agricultural produce, animal, plant, and humans could follow the coming and going of winter and summer, could be held in any month within the year or could pay special attention to a particular festival or several festivals depending on the demands and desires of the people. For example, for Chinese emperors, nobles, and ancestral temples, there were rituals and ceremonies such as Chunshao, Xiati, Qiuchang, and Dongzheng (all referring to sacrifices in different seasons), making offerings to the god of soil and god of grains, touring the five great mountains, hosting of major Nuo performances during spring and autumn, among other arrangements. Although the date of springtime revival differs among different lands due to varying ecological environment, longitude, and latitude,20 the grandest and most popular festival is still the Spring Festival or the Chinese New Year. For instance, this holiday is known as “ánoixis” in Greek and can be understood as “the opening.” The Dionysia festival and its related theatrical performances all derived from spring.21 The ancient

19 Jane Ellen Harrison, Ancient Art and Ritual, translated: Liu Zongdi, 2008. Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, pp. 30, 29. 20 Just as the island nation of Tonga in Oceania is the world’s first place to usher in a new year because of its location on the west of the international date line. Western Samoa (now Samoa) is the world’s last place to begin a new year because of its location on the east of the international date line. According to the current Gregorian calendar, China is the world’s 12th place to start a new year. The beginning of a new year in western nations instead is December 25th, the date of the rebirth of Jesus. In ancient times, however, the rain season and arrival of spring varied from place to place, thus the start of the year differed. Take, for instance, the July is the first month in the calendar of ancient Greece and Athens. 21 For details, please refer to Jane Ellen Harrison, Ancient Art and Ritual, translated: Liu Zongdi, 2008. Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, p. 32.

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Chinese called this day “元日” (yuanri) or “元旦” (yuandan),22 which referred to the day of the beginning of a year, and celebrations for the Spring Festival started from the La ritual on the La month (the last month), of the traditional Chinese calendar and continued until the 22nd day on the first month of the traditional Chinese calendar. Here, instead of defining the Spring Festival as a single day, it might be more proper to consider a transitional period as winter eases into spring, which would be what anthropologists term a temporal “sensory threshold.” Chinese terminologies such as “辞旧迎新” (cijiu yingxin, “farewell to the old and welcome the new”), “辞岁” (ci sui, “farewell to the year”), and “过年” (guo nian, “to celebrate the New Year”) have still preserved the primordial meaning of “transition period.” Just as Jane Ellen Harrison pointed out: “Strictly speaking, the new year ought to start from the winter solstice, the stars have returned to the sky, each day becomes shorter than the day before, the sun is at the end of its road. Following the return of the sun, the new year begins, but we are accustomed to hosting new year celebrations in spring because this is when the winter has gone and the spring has arrived, when life is restored and when conditions are ripe for agricultural endeavors to kick off.”23 Such a striking resemblance to Chinese tradition. According to changes in the sun, moon, stars, and phenology recorded in the ancient calendar, during the second month of winter (the 11th month on the traditional Chinese calendar), “the day is the shortest.” “Each day becomes shorter than the day before. The stars have returned to the sky. The year is coming to an end, and a new year is going to begin.”24 At this stage, the land of death where “the heaven and earth are not connected, and everything is congested, thus turning into winter”25 is fostering hopes of new life, which was described as “battle between yin and yang leads to turbulence for life forms.”26 However, the real starting point that symbolizes the sun’s appearance above the horizon in the east and the revival of the lands is actually spring equinox, as recorded in Li Ji chapter Proceedings of Government in Different Months about the second month of winter when “the sun and moon are divided. The thunders make a sound. Lightnings begin. The insects wriggle and emerge from 22 Similar to the records in the Canon of Shun of the Book of Documents “Shun went to the Imperial Ancestral Temple of Yao in an auspicious day of lunar January” and Kong Anguo’s Commentary on the Book of Documents, “The first month of the lunar year and the first day of a month symbolize auspiciousness,” it is written in Literary Selection-Zhang Heng’s Eastern Metropolis Rhapsody: "Thus, on the first day of the first month of spring, flocks of sheeps rise from four directions." Xue Zhong commented: "The various feudal lords arrive from the four directions on the first day of the first lunar month." And in Menglianglu-Zhengyue, Song Dynasty scholar Wu Zimu wrote: "The first day of the first lunar month is called yuandan, and also colloquially called new year. This is the beginning sequence of the year.". 23 Jane Ellen Harrison, Ancient Art and Ritual, translated: Liu Zongdi, 2008. Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, p. 52. 24 Sun Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007 (1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 503. 25 Sun Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007 (1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 488. 26 Sun Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007 (1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 497.

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their habitats.” From the viewpoint of comparative mythology, the primordial myth of rebirth after death is exactly what the phenology of the second month of winter implies.27 The uncanny accuracy with which the ancient people observed the changes in the orbit and positions of the sun over the course of a year still amazes people today. In the Canon of Yao chapter in the Book of Documents, during spring equinox one ought to “respect the arrival of the sun and determine when the sun rises from the east,” while during autumn equinox, one ought to “respect the departure of the sun and determine when the sun sets in the west.” In other words, during the two equinoxes, when the sun and the celestial equator overlap, one should greet and welcome the sun or bid farewell to the sun. In the Discourses of Zhou, a constituent book in the Discourses of the States, the matter is explained as such. In the remote past, kings not only ruled the world, but showed respects for Heavenly God, understanding the importance of gods and showing prudence when making sacrifice to them. Then came the calendar system based on the movements of the sun and the moon, which acted as governmental proceedings for the people. The vassals of the states were appointed by the king when they governed the people.28 The line that connects the spring equinox and the autumn equinox is a crucial sign in the reset of orders in the mortal realm and also symbolizes the boundary between life and death. As early as prehistoric times, according to written texts legends of and ruins for sun worship were already very common. During the Neolithic time, because the sun was worshipped by the ancient people as god and thus became the most important decorative imagery on ritual vessels, as well as the most preeminent deity to be worshipped. There are abundant evidence that illustrate people’s reverence for the sun, including the sun pattern on Yangshao culture’s painted pottery of, sun pattern on Dawen culture’s painted pottery, Langzhu culture’s standing bird at sacrificial altar, the Yuqiong star and feather crown sacred emblem and sun-worshipping rock painting, Sanxingdui site’s bronze sacred tree and bronze feather crown, and Jinsha site’s gold foil sunbird (Fig. 1.3). The sun has a tremendous impact on human life, and many nations across the globe have memories of sun observations and sun god worships. Divination texts on Shang Dynasty oracle inscriptions have a copious quantity records on worshipping sunrise.29 In Li Ji, observations and worships of the sun governed the action of the people in the form of a calendar system that matched the ways of nature, thereby becoming the best embodiment of the combination of holy power and regal authority. For example, the Single Victim at The Border Sacrifices chapter of Li Ji says this about sacrifices during spring equinox. 27 For

details, please refer to Ye Shuxian, Comparative Mythology Study Interpretation on Li Ji— Proceedings of Government in Different Months. Journal of Shaanxi Normal University. 2006 (3). 28 Xu Yuangao, Collection of Interpretations of the Discourses of the States, 2006 (2002). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 33. 29 Liu Qing, Collation and Research on Divination Texts and Mythologies on Oracle Inscriptions, 2008. Kunming: Yunnan Education Publishing House, p. 1.

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The left image shows a wall painting from Chengziya Site Museum, which depicts the relationship between the ceramic kitchen utensil xin and sun worship. The right image shows a sun-shaped bronze object in the Sanxingdui Museum collection. Both images demonstrate complex about the sun's movement from east to west. (Photographs by Tang Qicui)

Fig. 1.3 Sun-worship complex

The holding of outskirts sacrifices to the heaven to welcome the arrival of the longest day time, and was to express their thanks to the gods on high that they took the sun as chief god to be offered. The space which marked off to offer was in the south suburb of the capital, because it was the bright position of yang. Where there was swept clean to hold a sacrificial ritual. This showed that they advocated simplicity. The sacrificial vessels should be made of earthenware to symbol the nature of heaven and earth. The ritual to offer to the heaven was held in the capital’s outskirts. This was called an outskirts sacrifice. All things are rooted from the heaven, and the man from his ancestor. This is the cause why to offer the ancestors with heaven. The offering of heaven in the outskirts of the capital was to thank the sky and think of his ancestors.30 The Meaning of Sacrifices chapter of Li Ji has an even more detailed account. When holding the sacrifice of heaven in the outskirts in order to repay gods on high, they take the sun as the highest god to offer with the moon associated. Xiahoushi held the ritual of offerings to heaven in the evening, the people of Yin held it at noon, and the people of Zhou held it from daybreak till evening. They offer the sun on the altar and offer the moon in the pit. This is used to distinguish brightness and darkness, the up and the down. The sacrifice of the sun is in the east and of the moon is the west. This is used to distinguish in and out, and to correct the position. The sun comes out in the east and the moon in the west. This shows the length of day and night, and shows the sun and the moon move in cycles. In this way all things under heaven are interacted in harmony.31

30 Ruan Yuan (Qing Dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980).

Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 1452–1453. Yuan (Qing Dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 1594–1595. 31 Ruan

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Large-scale sun worship and moon worship hinged upon spring equinox and autumn equinox. In the Sir Square Field chapter of Zhuangzi, it was recorded that Confucius said: “The sun comes out from the east and enters the horizon at the western extreme, and all things are subject to the effects of this. When the sun comes out, everything lives. When the sun sets, everything dies.”32 All creatures come into life at sunrise and rest at sunrise. In the eyes of the ancient people, spring equinox and autumn equinox were critical moments when yin and yang alternate, when life and death crosspaths, thus making these periods the most opportune times to celebrate life and mourn death. This is what anthropologists refer to as the birth of comedies and tragedies with the death and resurrection of the sun god as the basic mode.33 Archaeoastronomic research has discovered that the earliest form of calendar systems devised from observations of the sun was the “two equinoxes two solstices” system. The four directions were defined based on the sighted positioning and motion of the sun at the equinoxes and the solstices. The four winds depicted the phenological characteristics during the equinoxes and the solstices. The trends of the four major solar terms of the equinoxes and the solstices became the bedrock that would evolve into the four seasons. Gods of the equinoxes and the solstices were the precedent of gods of the four directions, who then became gods of the four seasons. The shape of the M45 burial cave at Puyang, Henan Province, dated to approximately 4500 BC, shows the two equinoxes and the daily diurnal motion of the sun during winter solstice, while the Sanhuan stone altar at Niuheliang, Liaoning Province, dated to about 3000 BC, also matches the daily diurnal motion of the sun during the equinoxes and the solstices.34 Unearthed from Erlitou in Yanshi, Henan Province, circular bronze objects and bronze yue (ancient weapon) have inlaid “cross” patterns which denote the yearly diurnal motion of the sun. Furthermore, the two rings of 13 evenly distributed “cross” icons both on the inside and outside are identical to the “12 months in a normal year, 13 months in a intercalary year” notion discovered on divination texts on Shang Dynasty oracle inscriptions, as well as the intercalary year determination method to “use intercalary month to confirm the four seasons that comprise one year” as documented in the Canon of Yao chapter in the Book of Documents. The appearance of the intercalary month was used to mediate precession of the equinoxes in ancient Chinese calendars which considered both yin and yang elements (Fig. 1.4).35 32 Lu

Yongpin, General Interpretation on the Zhuangzi, 2003. Beijing: Economy & Management Publishing House, p. 319. 33 For details, please refer to Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, Chap. 3. Said chapter has a detailed discussion on eastern, southern, western, and northern China’s respective mythologies and ceremonies associated with the four seasons. 34 For details, please refer to Feng Shi, Archaeoastronomy in China, 2007. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, pp. 254–259. 35 In ancient calendars, the period for one rotation between the sun and moon, or daytime and nighttime was considered one day. The period for one full moon phase was considered 1 month, the period for a full grain cycle from sowing to harvest, as divided into the four seasons, was considered 1 year. One year has 365 and a quarter days, approximately equal to the 366 days mentioned in the Canon of Yao of the Book of Documents. The traditional Chinese calendar, on the other hand,

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1 Wind gods of the four directions on a 2 Bird motif and indicators of the four directions Hemudu culture's ceramic doupan square on a Liangzhu culture's jade relic and sacrificial plate. altar.

3 On the outside of the Erlitou inlaid turquoise circular artifact are 61 pieces of turquoise, multiply this by six and the number comes to exactly 366, symbolizing 366 days in a tropical year. The 13 "crosses" on the inside denote the 13 months in a leap year.

On the sides of the Liangzhu culture's jade artifact were carved four groups of 12 cloud motifs, which represent the 12 months of the year. Flying birds can be seen above and below the four groups of cloud motifs, representing the god of sun. Shrine trees can be seen on the left and right, For details please refer to Feng Shi, representing the ancestral gods. In ancient times, rituals of this kind coincide with mythological Archeoastronomy in China, pp.210, ceremonies. 208, 222.

Fig. 1.4 Imagery of gods of the four directions, gods of the four winds, two equinoxes and two solstices, and intercalation configuration on unearthed objects

The four solar terms based on the two equinoxes and two solstices are indicative of the yearly diurnal motion of the sun, and were obtained through measuring shadows generated from sunlight: “The sun-shadow measurement method is used to measure the distance from the four sides of the land, and correct the sun shadow position to obtain the position of the center. When the location is in the south, the sun shadow is short and the climate is hot. When the location is in the north, the weather is cold. When the location is on the east side (and the sun shadow is right in the middle), the weather is dry and windy.”36 During summer solstice, the daytime is the longest, while during winter solstice the daytime is the shortest, and these were the easiest to observe. However, over extensive periods of measurement, people discovered that a tropical year comprised of the four equinoxes and solstices did not remain constant, and every year the date on which sun hits the equinoxes and solstices also differed. Although the differences were minute, and after prolonged durations, these deviations would slowly but surely accumulate to precession of the equinoxes. Thus, as the beginning of the subsequent years continue to delay, eventually the winter

consists of only 354 days and thus short of the Gregorian calendar by 11 and a quarter days. Every 3 years, the traditional Chinese calendar needs to include an intercalation, typically at the end of the year, thereby creating a leap year with 13 months. The ancient Chinese attached huge importance to leap year because it affected the livelihood of the people (Commentary of Zuo—Sixth Year of the Duke Wen of Lu). 36 Ruan Yuan (Qing Dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 704.

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solstice was chosen as the start of an astronomical year, a system that has been maintained ever since.37 From the perspectives of anthropology and the mythological mindset, people’s observation of the sun and moon and the relevant sacrificial rituals and ceremonies were all driven by their interest in the periodicity of sustenance. As such, the cycle of equinox-solstice-equinox-solstice-equinox that constitutes astrology’s yearly diurnal motion of the sun is represented by on the ground as the birth, growth, abundance, and death in the phenology of animals and plants. As recorded in China’s earliest Shang Dynasty oracle inscriptions, the character “年” (“year”) denoted the annual ripeness and harvest of grains, and thus, during Yin (Shang) Dynasty a single year consisted of the rice season and the wheat season.38 In other words, people were more interested in when the plants would bud and blossom again. Therefore, the periods or seasons when rainfall was plentiful, when grass was verdant, when the wind was warm, when flowers bloomed, and when birds flew about were compared to the start of the sun’s resurrection, while the opposite was deemed the start of the sun’s consumption by monster. As such, in the gaps between the nodes on nature’s cycle of equinox-solstice-openingclosure-equinox, naturally emerged magical ceremonies such as sun-boosting, prayer for good harvest, welcoming of new births, and mourning of deaths. The time from winter solstice to spring equinox is precisely the course of the elongation of the sun’s shadow, as in the process of the sun’s resurrection from the north to the east. Grand spring-welcoming ceremonies were held on the day of beginning of spring. In the first month of spring, three days before this ritual, the court historian presents himself before the emperor, saying that when it’s the beginning of spring, the heaven’s grace is in the east. Thus, the emperor starts fasting and abstain from meat and wine, etc. On that day, he himself leads the three ducal ministers, nine high ministers, the feudal princes and main officers, to welcome the spring in the eastern suburb.39 37 Just as observations revealed to people that the occurrence of winter solstice of the first year came at midday, the occurrence of winter solstice of the second year was delayed by a quarter of a day, and the pattern continued until the fifth year when the occurrence of winter solstice would revert back to midday. Divide the number between the winter solstice of the first year and the winter solstice of the fifth year by four, then one would obtain the number of days in the four respective years. According to calculations about the timing of the observations of the four mid-season stars recorded in the Canon of Yao as presented in Discussions on Determining Precession of Equinoxes by Zhu Kezhen, the era of the observations of the three lunar mansions of niao, huo, and xu should have been around the end of the Zhou Dynasty or the start of the Shang Dynasty, while that for the lunar mansion mao (昴) is thought to be approximately 2,700 BC. Shang Dynasty divination texts mention 547 days, which is precisely one and a half tropical year in the ancient Chinese "fourquarters calendar" system. At that time, one tropical year was possibly 365–365.5 days in length, while the actual length of a tropical year during the two Han Dynasties was 365.2423 days; thus, cumulative deviation was only 0.0308 day or less than 45 min. For details, please refer to Feng Shi, Archeoastronomy in China, pp. 272–274 and 219. 38 For details, please refer to Chen Zungui, History of Chinese Astronomy, 1984. Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House, p. 205. 39 Sun Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007 (1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 413.

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Thereafter are rituals such as issuance of decree, prayer for good grain harvest, and paying homage to the fields. In reality, as early as the beginning of winter, the emperor would host a large-scale yinzheng (sacrificial ritual in winter) at ancestral temple, and “praying for a blessing on the coming year to the Honored ones of heaven; sacrifices with an ox, a ram, and a boar at the public altar to the spirits of the land, and at the gates of towns and villages”40 would be carried out for the purpose of “never forgetting to pay a debt of gratitude.” After winter solstice, the spring ox-whipping ritual characterized by “issuing orders to the proper officers to institute on a great scale all ceremonies against pestilence, to sacrifice animals on all sides, and then to send forth the ox of earth, to escort away the (injurious) airs of the cold” would take place, signifying the start of the process of “repayment of debt of gratitude.” Then during the second month of spring, “the fortunate day is chosen, and orders are given to the people to sacrifice at their altars to the spirits of the ground.” On the day of the arrival of phoenix, the emperor sacrifices to the first god governing marriage and fertility with a bull, a ram, and a boar41 to culminate in the spring celebration. As such, it is evident that the concept of time among ancient people was a cyclical one. The alternation between winter and spring, as in the temporal sensory threshold between winter solstice and spring equinox, had garnered additional interest because of its significance to people, as it symbolized the return of the sun to its original status and its resurrection, and thus people felt compelled to host a variety of grand ceremonies to beckon and celebrate the new climate engendered by the sun god resurrection. Well-known religion historian Mircea Eliade once pointed out that in the myths and religions of primitive people and early civilizations exist some kind of mysterious power that mandates the world to return to the beginning of the universe once every year in order for the universe to renew and recreate itself. Bronze yue with a “cross” pattern and inlaid turquoise from Erlitou site in the collection of the Shanghai Museum. By decorating the bronze yue, a symbol of regal authority, with the “cross” motif, a mark of the sun, meant bestowing to the holder a power bequeathed by heaven, and also represented the order of operation in a calendar system characterized by its never-ending cycle and rebirth of all creatures. The memories of ancient time manifested in the concept of year and the imitated model of world creation still persist today in the forms of mythological ceremonies and nianhua (New Year Pictures) (Fig. 1.5). The concept of year and the date of the new year vary due to climatic, geographical, and cultural differences, but there is always a type of cyclical periodicity, as in a span of time that has a beginning and an end. The end of one period and the beginning of the next period is proclaimed by a series of ceremonies, with the intention to imitate the world creation model in order to renew the world.42 40 Sun Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007 (1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company,

p. 490. 41 Sun Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007 (1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company,

pp. 424–425. Mircea, Myth and Reality, trans. by W. R. Trask, New York: Harper & Row Inc. 1963, p. 42.

42 Eliade,

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Fig. 1.5 Ridding the old and embracing the new, and the new year as a restart from the beginning

1.1.2 Resurrection After Death: Spring Celebration Ceremonies and Coming-of-Age Ceremonies Ethnographic materials show that in the primitive age, young males and females always used to gather during spring (or rain season, namely, the beginning of a year) to celebrate. One aspect of such celebration was sexual activity that aimed to ensure the continuation and expansion of human society and to signify the return of vitality to the earth and the reawakening of all organisms. On the other hand, the celebration was the coming-of-age ritual that symbolized an initiation rite for those who died and then “reborn” as adults. Such coming-of-age ritual used to be sort of festivity held each summer for a group of young males and young females that comply with specific rules, including certain age segment and recent maturity. Thus, this type of death and resurrection human ritual could trace its genesis back to celebrations hosted to cheer the land’s return from desolation to fertility. Human life and the life of nature were regarded as two constituents of the same life force that moved and pulsated to the same beat and pace.43 Research on Greek god of wine Dionysus conducted by British anthropologist Jane Ellen Harrison shows that the Greek name Dionysos originally meant “divine young man,” and he was also known to the Greeks by the names Kouros or Ephebos, meaning a god of spring who brought forth renewal of life to the mortal realm, or a god of youth that endowed society with vim and vigor, thus coming-of-age ceremonies were often linked with Dionysus. A physicalizing notion is that during the rebirth celebration and ritual the performer playing Dionysus would hold an olive

43 George Thomson (UK), The First Philosophers, translated: He Ziheng, 1963. Beijing: SDX Joint

Publishing Company, p. 87. Quotation is originally from p. 132 of the English edition of Thomson’s Aeschylus and Athens. In ancient Greece, the summer was the beginning of the year, thus in the quotation the age ritual was held in the summer, but its connotation is identical to spring.

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1 “Rebirth” Mythology: The Source of the Symbolic Significance …

branch (Korythalia), a symbol of burgeoning youth. A segment of an inscribed ode discovered at ruins on the island of Crete offers a partial glimpse to this memory. Io, Kouros most great. I give thee hail, Kronian, Lord of all that is wet and gleaming, you have come at the head of your Daimones. To Diktè for the year, Oh march and rejoice in the dance and song… And then the ode describes how a boy was snatched from his mother by a group of warriors, brought to participate in the initiation rite, and then the warriors performed their tribal dance around the boy. This fits the Dionysian legend of how the god was born twice: “The first birth was identical to other ordinary mortals, from the womb of his mother. The second birth was extraordinary, from the buttocks of his father.” Harrison believed this to be both an ode for spring and also an ode to youth during the coming-of-age ritual. Although the segment regarding the coming-of-age ritual is missing bits and pieces, the message being conveyed is still rather clear. Obviously, the coming-of-age ritual was initially an imitation of the order of the seasons.44 In China’s neighboring country Japan, whenever spring comes around, the coming-of-age ritual is one of the activities included in the celebrations and festivities. Youngsters await the arrival of deities. They would wait in group in the mountains, eat only vegetables, abstain from satisfying any individual desires, and after surviving a multitude of bodily torments, they would be blessed as new members of a group.45 From literature of the pre-Qin period, such clear and complete account of ceremonies could no longer be found, but the much could be deduced from the Spring Rite, where males and females gathered in the name of the return of spring to the lands and the revival of life. The Rites of Zhou specially established matchmaking officers that “controlled the judgment (matching) of the masses,” whose duty was to find men and women who were not married. In the second month of spring, it’s ordered that unmarried men and women could meet and start relationships. Elopement is allowed. Those who don’t participate and don’t have particular reasons will be punished.46 Why was it necessary to issue edicts as the method to require such a ritual be held during the second month of spring? Zheng annotated that the second month of spring was an optimal time for marriage and thus the wills of nature ought to be followed. The Discussions at the White Tiger Hall: Marriage contains an explicit explanation.

44 During the spring rite festival in Greece, youths dressed as deities hold freshly blossomed olive branches adorned with fresh lamb wool, and people sing to their heart’s content: Green olive branches, goddesses soar in the sky, grant me figs, spring cakes are tasty and fragrant, honey and balm, spring wine accentuate the spring ambiance, the goddesses drink to inebriation, succumb to stupor under the springtime sun. For details, please refer to Jane Ellen Harrison, Ancient Art and Ritual, translated: Liu Zongdi, 2008. Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, pp. 66, 72–73. 45 Shingo Nishijima, Zhen Hun Lun, in Tanaka Issei, Conditions of the Generation of Drama Literature from Sacrificial Rituals and Its Process in China, in Cultural Heritage, debut issue, 2007. 46 Sun Yirang, True Meaning of the Rites of Zhou, 1987. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 1040– 1046.

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1 Ju County's Western Zhou dynasty bronze square mirror case with naked persons decor, which could associate with the "gao qi" Spring Rite Day sacrificial ritual and rebirth mythology that people at the time practiced and believed, as well as an embodiment of the people's longing for prosperity (Photograph by Tang Qicui at the Shandong Provincial Museum). 2 According to legends, the San Yue San or "Third Day on the Third Month" Festival of the Li people originated from the ethnic group's ancient rebirth mythology. On this day each year, young men and young women gather at Wuzhi Mountain (Limu Mountain) to serenade each other, choose future spouse and reiterate stories from the eras of poetries and odes. From Painting about Customs of the Li People of Hainan of the Ming dynasty.

Fig. 1.6 Continuous iteration of spring rite, maturity, marriage, and reproduction

Why to get married in springtime? Spring is the time of interconnection between heaven and earth, the time of resurrection of all creatures, the time of sexual intercourse between yin and yang. Small Calendar of the Xia goes: “February is the time for you to marry a woman.”47 In many parts of the Airs of the States part of the Book of Songs were poems and odes about meetings of men and women in the valleys by the waters, serenading each other to arouse the ambiance, connecting with one another soul to soul, and ridding bad fortune. Literature interpreters cunningly cover up the content, or mock these “erotic poems,” but anthropologists have adopted the ritual perspective in explaining the source of such writings. For instance, Marcel Granet’s research on the Book of Songs has found that many grand festivities and gatherings in ancient China were not only symbols of the rhythm of changes in the seasons and in social life, but the ritual singing and dancing competitions that garnered the most interest at these festivals were actually related to the ancient orgiastic carnivals and coming-of-age celebrations. During these celebrations, all unmarried young males and young females, as in those who did not yet have a role in communal affairs (namely those who had not yet participated in coming-of-age ritual), would be assembled together, during which they would be granted the right to enter marital obligation (and also initiated into a group eligible for sexual activities). Such treaty relied on them to maintain the status of unity in the allied parties. Thus, celebrations became a form of celebration for the youngsters (Fig. 1.6).48 Spring gatherings were more potent in their orgiastic carnival and coming-of-age celebration characteristics. Since such activities held collectively on sacred ground signified the start of a season, they were actually religious activities. “The ambiguous sense of trust that people possessed at a gathering instilled the gathering with a type 47 Chen Li, Verifications of the Discussions at the White Tiger Hall, 1994.

Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 466. 48 Marcel Granet, Fêtes et chansons anciennes de la Chine (Festivals and Songs of Ancient China), translated: Zhao Bingxiang et al., 2005. Guilin: Guangxi Normal University Press, p. 195.

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1 “Rebirth” Mythology: The Source of the Symbolic Significance …

of spiritual power unique to religious activity.”49 This sort of ceremonies held during the seasonal change was a sign of hope to acquire power of new life. The association between coming-of-age rituals and spring celebrations is very conspicuous. They share the same season in the revitalizing springtime. They share the same ritual in resurrection after death. They share the same symbolisms in ridding the old and welcoming the new, bidding farewell to the past, reborn again, and starting a new journey in life. “The first birth puts him into the mortal world. The second birth puts him into society. After the first birth, he belongs to his mother and female relatives. But the second birth enables him to grow up to become in league with other men and warriors.”50 These are the common features shared by coming-of-age ceremonies of peoples around the world. With regard to the theme of “rebirth,” The Golden Bough51 by Sir James George Frazer, Rites and Symbols of Initiation (Birth and Rebirth)52 by Mircea Eliade, The Andaman islanders53 by Alfred Reginald Radcliffe-Brown, Primitive Mentality54 by Lucien Lévy-Bruhl, and The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritual55 by Victor Turner, among other works, have already provided a plethora of cases and 49 Marcel

Granet, Fêtes et chansons anciennes de la Chine (Festivals and Songs of Ancient China), translated: Zhao Bingxiang et al., 2005. Guilin: Guangxi Normal University Press, p. 198. Furthermore, in footnote ➀ on p. 176, Granet uses the fact that orgies and content of age-related initiation rites in the Anna Perenna festival depicted in the Record(s) of the Seasons of Jingchu had been altered or obscured by exegete as a cross-reference, and asserts that the comment "ripe time for capped son to marry" under the phrase "to marry off daughters" in Small Calendar of the Xia is currently the only material about coming-of-age ritual characteristics in sexual competition. This once again confirms that sexual and love song competitions described in the Airs of the State portion of the Book of Songs contain coming-of-age ritual characteristics. Since the Book of Songs is the literature preserved and passed down by scholars aligned with an orthodox code of ethics, it is not inconceivable that the revelry and licentiousness were intricately altered, while the highly pertinent coming-of-age ritual had been omitted. Such an insight is very penetrating. "Capped son to marry" may be understood as a preceding or subsequent element, or a concurrent activity, but the lack of literature renders any solid conclusion improbable. However, capping and marriage have been integrated as one in the life of posterity, so the high degree of association is quite obvious. In actuality, within many ethnic groups, the coming-of-age ritual is the most basic requisite for marriage. 50 Jane Ellen Harrison, Ancient Art and Ritual, translated: Liu Zongdi, 2008. Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, pp. 68, 66. 51 James George Frazer, The Golden Bough, translated: Xu Yuxin, 2006. Beijing: New World Press, pp. 644–650. There are numerous examples of death and resurrection rituals in age ceremonies around the world. 52 Eliade, Mircea, Rites and Symbols of Initiation: the Mysteries of Birth and Rebirth, Trans. Willard R. Trask, Spring Publications 1995. This book focuses on discussions about symbols of birth and rebirth in initiation ceremonies, especially coming-of-age ceremonies for adolescents. 53 Alfred Reginald Radcliffe-Brown, The Andaman Islanders, translated: Liang Yue, 2005. Guilin: Guangxi Normal University Press. This book has detailed discussions on the meanings behind the coming-of-age ritual of the Andaman Islanders. For details, please refer to chapters two and five. 54 Lucien Lévy-Bruhl, La mentalité primitive (Primitive Mentality), 2007. Beijing: The Commercial Press, pp. 339–345 have a section with a high concentration of examples and discussions on the meanings of the transition into an "adult." 55 This book contains a detailed research about the circumcision ritual of the Ndembu people.

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theoretical expositions. The various theorists might differ in their subject of research or matter of interest, but their consensus with regard to the symbolisms of comingof-age rituals is irrefutable. The common reason is that the general cognition around the world is that a child is an “incomplete” person, and the maturity of the body is a necessary but not sufficient condition. Those mysterious factors and mysterious ceremonies intended to induce psychic powers between youngsters and the essence of a totem or tribe are the most critical. Individuals who did not yet experience a coming-of-age ritual, regardless of his age, would always be categorized as a child. A myriad of facts have proven this point.56 Even if a tribe did not have its own coming-of-age customs, when members of this tribe visit others, regardless of their prestige or age, they would still be treated as a juvenile and relegated to the ranks of women or children by the host. This was a fact that Hoaweite witnessed in a ritual of the Kadjawalung people in southeastern Oceania. At the time, guests inside the hut included two to three men from the Biduelli tribe with their wives and kids, and there was also one man from the Krauatun Kurnai tribe with his spouse and offspring. When the ritual began, one stayed behind while all the other guests departed. This was because these two tribes do not have coming-of-age system, thus these guests would never be considered “adult”. The only person that remained was an elder chief of the Biduelli tribe, but he was immediately driven away, to squat with the other women and children. The reason was apparent: He never became an “adult” and so he was only a child.57 In the same vein, aspects of daily life in ancient China varied between children and adults, from materials and colors of cap and attire, to activity space, content of study, forms of entertainment, and speech, among others. Even the most clever or gifted person was still deemed just a child prodigy without the age ritual. Even the emperor would have to be assisted with the regency of officials or with empress dowager “administering the state from behind a veil” until he has been subject to the capping ritual. The most famous exemplar of the latter is the Duke of Zhou acting as regent for his nephew King Cheng. There are even more examples of the former. Being capped before marrying was a general rule, as were being capped before governing the state or leading the army, which was the direct reasons why the Duke of Caijing and the Duke of Xuling were forcibly capped in front of the troops. According to records from Li Ji chapters such as Tangong, Questions of Zengzi and Record of Smaller Matters in the Dress of Mourning, the mourning of a deceased uncapped 56 Lévy-Bruhl referenced a substantial quantity of materials from Primitive Secret Societies by Hutton Webster, such as the use of the term koirana, or "child," by Wainimala tribe elders to refer to men and kids that have not yet undergone coming-of-age ritual; the people of West Kimberley (Union of South Africa) believe that children prior to their second circumcision ritual (held 5 years after the first circumcision ritual) are no different than dogs or other animals. The life of a South African begins from adolescence. On Savage Island (now Niue), children that have not been subjected to the rite of matapulega (or mata pulega, similar to circumcision ritual) will never be considered a true member of his tribe. Samoan Islander males that have not been tattooed are considered juvenile, cannot think about marriage, have no authority among males, and are often pitied or looked down upon by others. For details, please refer to La mentalité primitive (Primitive Mentality), pp. 340–341. 57 The Native Tribes of South-east Australia, p. 530. Lévy-Bruhl, La mentalité primitive (Primitive Mentality), pp. 340–341.

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person, as in the funeral of a juvenile, did not permit the display of the corpse.58 Pasager summed up this phenomenon as. Just like a dead person, children who had not yet reached puberty could only be compared to seeds not yet sowed. The state of a juvenile was like the state of this seed, a state of inactivity and death, but this was death that contained potential life.59 Allegorically, the purpose of the coming-of-age ritual was to use death to invigorate this “potential life” and enable a “child” to become a “complete” person and a “cultured” person, as in the Chinese verb “to become a person.” In this ritual, both “death” and “life” were symbolic—a reincarnation of the spirit or soul—and death was used to restore and revert to the beginning in order to reestablish connections with gods and supernatural beings and obtain spiritual birth.60 In most cases, separation or isolation was used to represent removal from the circle of female relatives, and individuals had to suffer through a series of painful tests such as fasting, sleep deprivation, scarification, dental ritual mutilation, tattoo, circumcision, hair removal by yanking, insect bites, whipping, burn, forest survival, and devouring by beasts to symbolize “death.” On the other hand, resurrection or emergence from exhaustion, pain, feebleness, unconsciousness, fear, or the womb (like hut, tomb, belly of animal) would signify rebirth because of attainment of “new spirit” from psychic powers established with mystical powers such as the essence of a collective society, totem, mythological ancestor, or human ancestor. When a child had reached puberty, in accordance to customs it was necessary to perform a certain extent of coming-of-age ritual, with one of the most common methods being mimicking the murder of one’s adolescent child and then galvanizing his resurrection. The child would wake up from extreme unconsciousness, or it could be understood as gradual recovery of bodily function, but ancient people interpreted this as the totem’s injection of new life force into the child. Thus, judging from the imitated death and resurrection phenomena of such coming-of-age ceremonies, the essence of these rituals can be considered an exchange of life between human and the totem.61

58 In antiquity, juvenile males or females that died before reaching maturity was referred to as shang

(殇), meaning "die young." There are three types of shang according to the age of death, i.e., 16–19 (chang shang), 12–15 (zhong shang), and 8–11 (xia shang). In the Record of Smaller Matters in the Dress of Mourning of Li Ji: "Those who have been permitted to marry…may undergo the rite of an adult upon death." The arguments about the form funerals for juveniles that died on the field in the Langzhi Battle between the states of Qi and Lu as described in the Tangong portion of Li Ji were also documented in the Commentary of Zuo—11th Year of the Duke Ai of Lu. In the Questions of Zengzi of Li Ji, it was written that "ritual for death without a corpse is shang (殇)." 59 Passarge, Okawangosumpfland und seine Bewohner, Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, V, p. 706(1905) In Lévy-Bruhl, La mentalité primitive (Primitive Mentality), p. 341. 60 Mircea Eliade, Rites and Symbols in Initiation, Spring Pub. 1995. 61 James George Frazer, The Golden Bough, translated: Xu Yuxin, 2006. Beijing: New World Press, p. 644.

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The ritual participants that emerged from hut, burial cave, or belly of animal behaved totally like a “newborn.”62 For instance, boys of the Yao people that partook in comingof-age ceremonies would have to shave and wash their bodies, wear conical hats or cover their heads, and refrain from speaking to symbolize the fetus carried by the womb. A white belt would be wrapped around each of their waists to symbolize the umbilical cord. Falling into a net symbolized falling into the womb and crawling out of the net symbolized birth. Cutting of the white belt symbolized emergence from the womb as a new life; agents of the spiritual realm would mimic breastfeeding; educate and exhibit yin yang pass symbolized the participant’s transfer from kin to society, attainment of divine and social approval, and achievement of real “reincarnation.”63 The scrupulous imitation of the birth process in many different new birth ceremonies can no longer be observed, but many components like naming, speaking with a new tongue or tone, change of costume, and learning of new dance persist to this day.64 Within Chinese territory, the use of methods like change of costume, capping, naming, and tattoo to mark “rebirth” are prevalent. Take, for instance, the change of costume and capping in ancient Chinese capping ritual, among ethnic groups such as the Nakhi, Pumi, Mosuo, Yi, Tu, Hani, Bai, She, and Lisu people, the primary agendas in the coming-of-age ritual for girls are the change of costume and capping, and the “second birth” and naming conducted to imitate and reiterate the initial birth and naming process, and thus their meanings are quite clear. The coming-of-age ritual for the Mosuo people is a typical example of rebirth mythology. The Mosuo ritual is normally 62 Take, for instance, the Kikuyu people of East Africa, before carrying out circumcision ritual, the son would coil himself by the feet of his standing mother, the mother would pretend to be in pain as if giving birth, while the son would emit sounds akin to a crying baby and then get baptized. James George Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy Vol. 1, p. 228. On the island of Ceram (now Seram) of Indonesia, when adolescent young men have been granted permission in his initiation ritual, they would be blindfolded and then brought to the Kakin Association, where a demon invited by the priest would emit low roars inside the wooden house. When the boys enter the wooden house, dull chopping sounds and sharp squeals would immediately emanate from the building, a sharp blade dripping blood would pierce the roof of the shed to denote the beheading of the boys, after which their mothers would cry right away. A few days later, the boys would walk back with a wooden staff that represents their passage through the supernatural realm, and they would behave as if they were newborn, teetering along and abstained from speech. Then their guardians have to teach them the various actions necessary in daily life, as if coaching an infant. On the islands of Papua New Guinea, children that have been "devoured by monsters" would return with their eyes shut tight or blindfolded, and upon their return to their village, females in their tribe would cry and welcome them, as if the children have been resurrected in their graves, while the kids themselves would act like newborn and pretend unable to understand the words of fellow tribesmen. In totemic societies, such as Native Americans, tribe members would often play the roles of the wolf, crow, eagle, bear, or other entities on totems and sudden snatch children about to mature into adults. Then women would cry desperately, relatives would host funerals for the children, and then a year later these children would return on the backs of people dressed as totemic animals to symbolize rebirth. For details, please refer to James George Frazer, The Golden Bough, translated: Xu Yuxin, 2006. Beijing: New World Press, pp. 647–650, 646. 63 For detailed discussions, please refer to Deng Qiyao, The Secret Language of Costume, 2005. Chengdu: Sichuan People’s Publishing House, pp. 109–113. 64 Jane Ellen Harrison, Ancient Art and Ritual, translated: Liu Zongdi, 2008. Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, p. 70.

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1 “Rebirth” Mythology: The Source of the Symbolic Significance … Summer solstice

South (summer) Chang Yi

Growth

Autumn equinox

Zhurong

Experienced and mature Death

Sacrificial rite

Birth

Miraculous transformation Child

Spring equinox

Able-bodied male

East (spring)

Yellow Emperor Old child

Ancestral spirit

Nighttime

Han Liu

West (autumn)

Zhuanxu

Hide Winter solstice

Daytime

Coming-of -age Ceremonies and Seasonal Changes

North (winter)

Lineage of the Yellow Emperor

Fig. 1.7 Coming-of-age ritual and change of seasons

held on the eve of the new year of the traditional calendar, and the young men and young ladies from the same village to partake in the ritual are gathered and grouped according to gender. Then they are led by elders to eat and sleep together, and they would assemble around a holy bonfire, where they would be taught secret knowledge and the origin of the skirt/trousers ritual. The heavenly god Abadu wanted to amend the cohabitation of humans and beasts, unpredictable life and death, and the lack of order of seniority in relationships, so it was decided that on the eve of the new year when the old year would transit into the new year, all creatures between heaven and earth would be given a maximum age. What happened was that humans slept and did not stay up for the transition between the old and new year, and only woke up when the counting reached “13 years old.” The awoken humans regretted gravely and were not willing to comply, so they kicked up a row and eventually, under the mediation by the god of heaven, the humans exchanged the lifetime with the dogs, which were originally granted an age of 60 years old. Therefore, human lifespan was a holy gift from gods. The humans and gods agreed that during the transition between 2 years, humans would have to stay up, and eat well and drink well as a way to pay homage to the dogs. In addition, with the passing of the old year and the start of the new year, all 13-year-old girls and boys would have to convene around the male/female pillars to host relevant ritual, and take off old costumes and don new clothes to symbolize the exchange of life and “rebirth” (Fig. 1.7).65 “Rebirth after death” from hut, tomb, cave, or belly of animal was a popular theme, but at a deeper level it symbolized a child’s “return to the womb of the world, the belly of the world, the paradise on earth”66 in order to facilitate rebirth, obtainment of new life, and the transition from a biological person to a social person. In terms 65 Story relayed from Deng Qiyao, The Secret Language of Costume, 2005. Chengdu: Sichuan People’s Publishing House, pp. 105–107. 66 Joseph Campbell, The Hero with a Thousand Faces, translated: Zhang Chengmo, 2000. Shanghai: Shanghai Literature & Art Publishing House, p. 82.

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of the world where the child lived in, that meant departure from mother’s bosom and accession into father’s masculine world. It is not hard to see that although coming-of-age ceremonies have a great deal of forms, some being more complex or simple than others, yet rebirth after death, reincarnation and identity transition, power enhancement, and belief in the cycle of life are so broadly unanimous. In China, an individual is not merely the subject of a “birth-growth-maturity-aging-death” cycle of life. In ancient mythologies and legends pertaining to the mythical emperors, the emperor of heaven is a manifestation of the cycle of death of the father and birth of the son, which implies the endless vitality of the world.67 People realized the shortness and frailty of the life of an individual, as well as the continuation and fortification of the overall life of a clan. People also realized that in this world of survival, the strong, whether that be animal, spirit, or human, could acquire food more effectively. Thus, all wished to obtain a strong body and sufficient skills, even hoping to attain the strength and hunting prowess of the strong through methods like imitation, ritual, and prayer. Life and death are unavoidable for any individual, and over the lifespan of an individual there are infant stage and old age that require care from others, but there is also a phase of youth and vigor that allows the individual to take care of others independently. Thus, the phase of youth and vigor is no doubt a phase of widespread interest, which gives rise to the coming-of-age ceremonies that underscore training, physical exercise, and testing to augment strength and release the old to welcome the new. For population groups, the training and physical exercise of generations after generations of youths are of utmost significance, since they constitute a phase in the life cycle of an individual, but even more importantly they are the key to the renewal of the life force of the group. In the world of adults, especially the successors of wise seniors, only the strong that passed tests, “qualified to become a member of the whole group and take charge of maintaining the group, and were blessed by gods” could shoulder his due responsibilities, making this a more essential “rebirth after death”: “The past juvenile in the youth dies, while the new adult in the youth is reborn.” Japanese scholar Tanaka Issei, as influenced by British anthropologist Jane Ellen Harrison and fellow Japanese scholar Shingo Nishijima, holds that the spiritual nature of comingof-age ceremonies lies in imitating the departure of winter and arrival of spring in natural cycles in order to refresh the life force of the group and individuals.68 As sound as this theory might appear, it is marred by oversimplification and absence of proof, which has inspired and prompted the author to renew understanding and interpretation of the capping ritual.

67 Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House, p. 108. 68 Tanaka Issei, Conditions of the Generation of Drama Literature from Sacrificial Rituals and Its Process in China, Cultural Heritage, debut issue, 2007.

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1.1.3 Abandonment of Youth and Formation of Virtue: Spring Sacrificial Rite for the Earth and Capping Ritual Within myths about rebirth after death, life always had to rely on some medium or opportunity to make “rebirth” a possibility. Spring and rain seasons were always the best windows of opportunity, while water, fire, earth, and wood were the classic media. Particularly with agricultural civilizations and societies, not only did water, fire, earth, and wood form the foundation for life, but they possessed some kind of innate magical power and deemed manifestations of the god of life.69 The spring rite of prehistoric China and its related symbols have preserved the ancient sacred belief and information. In Li Ji, human obtains positioning within the cycle of the universe. Human is the great kindness of earth and heaven, the intersection of yin and yang, the encounter of ghosts and gods, and the essence of Chinese Five Elements. Thus, human is the heart of universe.70 Here, human is like a symbolic icon in the universe, transcending its concrete existence, traversing between heaven and earth in accordance with the rhythm of the four seasons, yin and yang, the five elemental forces, and the alternations of the sun and the moon. In line with the mythological mindset in which the heaven and human are synchronized, the four seasons become the mode of life of the people and the driving force behind their ceremonies. While emphasizing the relationships between the “homomorphically corresponding” cycle of life and death and endless vitality between human, society, and the four seasons, the positioning of human is established at the center between heaven and earth, and nearly all human activities revert back to the essences of heaven and earth (Fig. 1.8). The ancients made ritual by use of heaven and earth as meridian line, and of the sun and the moon as law and order, of three luminaries as consulting. This is the root of government instruction.71 The earth supported all things, while heaven hung out its brilliant signs. They derived their material resources from the earth. They derived rules for their courses of labor from the heavens. Thus, they were led to give honor to heaven and their affection to the earth, and therefore they taught the people to render a good return to the earth.72 The “never forgetting to pay a debt of gratitude” concept’s return to the beginning of the universe and the commemoration and obtainment of the magical power are the very innate motivation that spurred people, who adhered to a cyclical perception of time, to celebrate spring. It is also the inspiration for the acquirement of life force

69 For

details, please refer to Sir James George Frazer The Golden Bough, pp. 474 and 918. Yuan (Qing Dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 1442. 71 Ruan Yuan (Qing Dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 1684. 72 Ruan Yuan (Qing Dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 1449. 70 Ruan

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Fig. 1.8 Mythological worldview and coming-of-age ritual. Diagram of sequences of nature, life journey, and universe cycle. Source Amended from Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, Fig. 1, p. 19

of the individual, which constituted the power of the group. The connection between the two is clear in the diagram above. The diagram offers a relatively succinct depiction of the homomorphically corresponding relationships between the sequences of nature, mythological worldview, and the journey of life. A single tropical year may be expressed as the sun’s two consecutive passing of the same of any one of the equinoxes or solstices. Mr. Zhu Kezhen’s research on climate changes in China for the past 5,000 years indicates that among all the ethnic groups that practiced agriculture and animal husbandry in the Yellow River drainage basin since the Neolithic, acute observation and knowledge about the two equinoxes and the two solstices across the seasons were of absolute priority, as the arrival of spring equinox always signaled the commencement of life for the new year.73 However, as stated above, the selection of which equinox or solstice as the starting point of the new year was contingent upon the local geographic conditions and the time and season when food began to appear. Ancient Chinese calendar systems are somewhat complicated, with incorporation of yin and yang elements, compounded by various amendments to the first day of the calendar year. 73 The people of the ancient Shang and Zhou Dynasties used observations of the Xin or "Heart" mansion of the Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions, as in the red supergiant Alpha Scorpii, during the dusks during early spring to determine the spring equinox. Other smaller states at the time adopted their own respective measures to establish the spring equinox. For example, the people from the state of Tan in the coastal region of present-day Shandong Province observed the earliest arrival of barn swallows each year to gauge the advent of the spring equinox. These concur with Li Ji chapter Proceedings of Government in Different Months, which reads that a series of activities were held with the appearance of the phoenix during the second month of spring. For details, please refer to Zhu Kezhen, Preliminary Research on Climate Changes in China in the Past 5,000 Years, in Acta Archaeologica Sinica, 1972(1).

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According to the Great Treatise chapter of Li Ji: “(He should) collect and revise the national calendar and change the color of the dress.” According to Kong’s Annotation of Zuozhuan Zhengyi: “Revise the national calendar. The word Zheng means the beginning of the year. The word Suo means the beginning of a month. Those who proclaim kinghood should announce that the governing of the country starts with my administration, changing the old and using the new. Zhouzi, Yinchou and Xiayin are terms to describe the changes of month. Xia Dynasty started the year from the first lunar month, Shang Dynasty started the year from the twelfth month, and Zhou Dynasty started the year from the eleventh lunar month. Zhoubanye, Yinjiming and Xiapingdan means the alterations of months.” Further, according to the Calendars, one of the component treatises in the Records of the Grand Historian: “The king to represent the heavenly will must be careful in announcing the beginning of the calendar period, to carry out changing the commencement of the year and month and alterations in the color of dress. In doing this, the heavenly will is observed and the people’s demand are satisfied.” Therefore, the first day of the year in the calendars of the Xia, Yin (Shang), Zhou, Qin, and early Han Dynasties varied, while the times after Emperor Wu of Han reverted back to the Xia Dynasty calendar. This reveals two questions. First of all, the amendment to the first day of the year in the calendar after a dynastic change symbolized the invalidation of the previous government and reset of the beginning of time. The new government’s symbolic expressions of calendar amendment and costume change were also projected into the identity transition ritual of an individual, expressed as capping, costume change, naming and congratulatory oration, all of which preserved the “reincarnation” meaning of the ritual. For instance, the speech for the “three caps” ritual. On this good day, you start to experience capping ritual. You abandon your childhood ideas. If you cultivate your virtues, you will be long-lived and auspicious, and will be awarded a well-being. At auspicious time, you must wear a cap again, and your behavior must be correct. You must be kind and be cautious about your virtues. In this way, you can live a long life and accept huge bliss forever. According to the government proceedings of the year and month, you put on your gown. When the brothers are there, you show your might and virtues. May you live long and endless, accept the blessing of heaven.74 From “abandoning juvenile thought to nurture adult virtues” of the initial capping, and then “following a decent code of conduct and adopting prudence in words” of the second capping, to the “when the brothers are there, you show your might and virtues,” the “juvenile thought” versus “adult virtues,” the “prudence in behavior” versus “prudence in morality,” all constitute sharp contrasts against one another. From the “abandonment of juvenile immaturity” to “adoption of adult maturity,” this was clearly a procedure that followed the process from “old” to “new” and from “death” to “birth.” 74 Ruan

Yuan (Qing Dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 30.

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An early Western Zhou dynasty beast-shaped and patterned you wine vessel from the collection of the Shanghai Museum, photo by Ye Shuxian. This vessel once contained wine offered to ancestors and spiritual beings, and oration from diviner to pray for blessing.

Fig. 1.9 Wine sacrificed for divine blessing

Long live you will, blessed by heaven and the greeting of rites/wine. Look at sweet wine, the fragrant sacrifices. Pay homage to ancestors, and you will be blessed with the virtues and longevity from heaven. Look at clear wines and the finest sacrificial offerings. At the capping ritual, brothers all come. Be friendly all the time and you will be blessed forever. Look at the witty wine and the good dried meat and candied fruits. You wear the ritual uniforms and behave in order. You will be blessed with government rankings from heaven. Loot at the fragrant wine and orderly present food vessels. You wear ritual uniform, to enjoy the big feast. Upon the celebration of heaven, you will be blessed forever (Fig. 1.9).75 It indicated the connection between the capping ritual and the heavenly deities and ancestors: Wine and accompanying foods functioned as media, symbolizing the on-site presence of deities and ancestors. The psychic powers shared between the capped subject and the spirits of ancestors, the reverence and veneration of ancestors, and the deities’ and ancestors’ safeguarding of the capped were showcased. In turn, the capped was conferred the right and obligation to protect ancestral spirits and defend the homeland and nation. The oration for the capping ritual of the emperor was even more undeniable: “On this auspicious day of the month, king wears the capping suit, gets rid of naive ideas and takes the responsibility of governance, as if to receive the missions of Heaven and to honor the expectations from the six directions and the ancestors, over an external course of existence.” From the Cultivation and Education chapter in the Garden of Stories by Western Han Dynasty scholar Liu Xiang. Wearing the cap means that one already becomes an adult. Virtue cultivation and self-discipline are to get rid of evil thoughts. There must be a celebration when he starts to being capped. Undergoing certain rituals serves as a constant warning to him. After the coming-of-age ritual, he should wear a cap in doing right things and get rid 75 Ruan

Yuan (Qing Dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 30.

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of naive ideas about playing and amusements; he should move onto a path to virtue cultivation and studies. Therefore, clothes are but an emblematic image. Thus, his devotion to cultivate his virtues never changes even if the clothing doesn’t manifest his strong points. Cultivation from the inside and proper clothes and etiquette on the outside guarantee one’s good reputation. Wearing right cap and clothes is the unvarying practice that kings will implement, as they not only nourish the virtues but also form the right manners.76 The rebirth connotation of abandoning immature thoughts and formation of virtue and reincarnation inherent in the capping ritual is thus described even more clearly from the viewpoint of social norm. Second of all, this phenomenon also indirectly demonstrates that the timing conflicts with regard to the performance of the capping ritual, which literature have recorded to take place in the first, second, third, or fourth month, could very likely have been the result of amendments to the first day of the calendar year and intercalary months. Converted to the ancient calendar, the temporal sensory threshold would have been between winter solstice and spring equinox.77 A set of materials from Guibei meanwhile have preserved rather primordial records of the timing of the capped ritual in a “wild” manner. “At places like Guibei and Lingchuan, for the capping of males and females, the spring equinox or autumn equinox would be chosen, then the right day and time would be picked, the position and direction would be selected, and seniors would be invited to confer caps. Then respect would be paid to parents, elders would pour them wine, wine would also be given to guests to celebrate, then areca nut wrapped in bamboo leaf would be presented as gift from the sleeve.”78 Ceremonies taking place after winter solstice, apart from “never forgetting to pay a debt of gratitude” sacrifice at the end of the year, were all “return to the beginning”—bidding farewell to coldness and welcoming warmth, bidding farewell to the old, and welcoming the new. These efforts all speak for the process of the transcending of sensory threshold of the postmortem rebirth of the sun and the periodicity of springtime celebrations. For the folks, the Spring Festival itself was never just a 76 Composed:

Liu Xiang (Han Dynasty), verified: Zhao Shanlun, Verifications of the Garden of Stories, 1985. Shanghai: East China Normal University Press, p. 563. 77 Take, for example, the capping of Qin Shi Huang in the fourth month. Assuming that the Zhou Dynasty calendar was in use at the time, then the first month of the year would have been the 11th month of the Xia Dynasty calendar, and thus the fourth month was the second month of the ancient calendar. The Qin Dynasty calendar was still in use during early Han Dynasty, which considered the month of Jianhai, as in the tenth month of the ancient calendar, as the first month of the year. Emperor Hui of Han Dynasty was capped in the third month, which equated to the 12th month, or the month of winter solstice or winter solstice, in the ancient calendar. With regard to the capping of King Cheng of Zhou, the Guansong portion of the Family Sayings of Confucius recorded that King Cheng was capped in the sixth month of the ancient calendar, as in mang. However, the Bamboo Annals reads "autumn, cap." Due to the special circumstances of keeping vigil for the dead, as well as the lack of literature and evidences, thus further discussions on this issue will be put on hold for now. 78 Li Fanzi, Records of Lingchuan County Vol. 4 People Part I—Rites and Customs. Copy from stone block printing. 18th year of the Republic of China (1929).

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simple point in time, but rather a continual span of more than a month that more or less coincided with the timeframe of the sun’s potential life in death, resurrection, and reappearance. Furthermore, a wide array of rituals would be held during this stretch, such as whipping of the ox, sacrificing to the earth, praying to the goddess Gaomei (who governs marriage and fertility), and paying homage to the fields by the emperor. Elements like “earthen ox,” “earth,” “Gaomei,” and “emperor” in these rituals represented or brought the revival of the lands, renewal of all creatures, promotion of new life, and abundance in harvest. The god of earth or the god of grains was originally the empress of the earth, and the ritual of paying homage to the fields by the emperor was actually the intercourse between the emperor and the earth’s mother god, who represents all females under the heaven, for the purpose of stimulating the robustness of natural fertility. The god of wood Goumang, who governs life, and the mother god of the earth Gaomei, who oversees birth, have a symbolic identity relationship within the oriental mythology system.79 For example, the “spring ox” was not only closely tied to god of farming Hou Ji and god of spring Goumang, but the ox itself was an ambassador of the arrival of spring. In Greek mythology, Dionysus, the god of spring, wine, and rebirth, was also the god of farming and god of grains that “swung the hoe and sowed seeds to reduce the labor of farmers,” and his incarnation and ambassador was the bull. During the springtime festival that celebrates the resurrection of the wine god, women wearing floral wreaths on their heads and covered with fresh flowers on their bodies would. Tease a bull and then shoo it away, hoping that it would bring spring back. People would be singing the earliest “shoo the bull” song: The sunshine of spring is beautiful, when will the god of wine return. The temple is homely and clean, may blessings benefit the masses. The holy beast runs wild, the clatter of its hooves resounding around the alleys. At the same time, the bull butchered at Delphi during Bysios (the month when spring begins) is extraordinary, for it is a holy beast that saves the people with its own death. In the city of Magnesia in Asia Minor, at the end of each year, officials would descend on the temple fair and select the strongest and most magnificent bull, raise and rear it with fastidious care, perform extravagant parades of the animal, and then sacrifice it during the first appearance of the new moon in the month for sowing seeds as a way to earn blessings for the folks of the city.80 The key is that this bull possessed the magical power to bring about plentitude in harvest, fertility among livestock, and prosperity for the people, and when the masses shared its meat, they obtained the bull’s magic and power. As one of the cradles of agrarian civilization, China naturally shares a close-knit relationship with the bull. From the characters in terms such as “特牲” (te sheng, meaning an animal used for sacrifices), and the use of “犊” (du, a calf) in paying homage to heaven and earth by the emperor, to the use of “牢” (lao, animals like 79 For details, please refer to Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House, pp. 69–75. 80 Jane Ellen Harrison, Ancient Art and Ritual, translated: Liu Zongdi, 2008. Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, pp. 53–56.

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Fig. 1.10 Spring ox-whipping narrative in new year painting. Qing Dynasty new year painting depicting the whipping of the spring ox, from Yangjiabu, Weifang, Shandong Province

ox and sheep used for sacrifices), and the Chinese characters for other sacrificial offerings, there are many resemblances to the “sacred ox” of Athens, Delphi, or Magnesia. Encyclopedic dictionary Cihai explains chun niu (春牛) or “spring ox” as such (Fig. 1.10). The earthen ox is an icon of agricultural endeavors, which is constructed out of a rattan structure and then covered with soil. One ancient custom was a springwelcoming ritual, known as dachun or “whip the spring (ox),” held before the beginning of spring, during which someone would dress up as “Goumang the god” and whip the earthen ox, while local officials would burn incense and pay homage. Tang Dynasty Lu Zhao wrote in poem Memorial to Throne during Redelegation to Lian Zhou about Spring Ox: “why children would use to whip the spring ox for welcoming the season when there’s toil in the field and hunger in belly.” And Southern Song scholar Meng Yuanlao wrote in the Beginning of Spring segment of The Eastern Capital: A Dream of Splendor: “The day before the beginning of spring, the spring ox was brought to Kaifeng and whipped (to celebrate) for spring.”81 According to records in Li Ji chapter Proceedings of Government in Different Months, bidding farewell to coldness and welcoming spring, and praying for prosperity and abundant produce were clearly the intents of the earthen bull-whipping ritual, but specific agendas were not documented. Fortunately, in Ning County of Gansu Province, which was a major habitat during the pre-Zhou era, still preserved a remarkably grand and formal “dachun” ritual prior to the Republic of China period. Before the arrival of spring, people would “dachun,” namely, celebrate the coming of spring with some rituals (at the eastern suburb of the downtown of the county city). The skeletal frame of an ox measuring about 20 feet tall and several dozen feet long would be constructed out of wood, after which reed mats would be pasted on the frame to form the body, and then painted to create the spring ox. A giant pit would be dug next to the ox, to be thoroughly lined with chicken feather from the bottom to the rim, which would be used to verify spring. On the day which marks the beginning of spring, the dachun site would be electrified as villagers assemble and bang their drums and gongs, and then the prefectural and county officials would personally 81 Cihai,

1989. Shanghai: Shanghai Cishu Publishing House, p. 4228.

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partake in and preside over the dachun ritual. The finale of the dachun ritual had the prefectural and county officials whip the “spring ox,” and at this stage the atmosphere would be shrouded in smoke and haze from burning incense and reverberating with the booms and clangs of the drums and gongs. When the government officials finished their symbolic whipping of the spring ox, it would be the crowd’s turn and they would beat the spring ox with wooden sticks, which would disintegrate in mere moments. At this moment, the chicken feather in the pit would start to ruffle, even without a draft of wind, foreshadowing that the god of spring would really descend on the human realm.82 In this detailed description, the “earthen bull-whipping” ritual recorded in the Proceedings of Government in Different Months and its symbolic meaning become exceptionally clear. Especially, fascinating is the supplementation of the verification of spring’s arrival with the chicken feather pit. From the action of the emperor as documented in the Proceedings of Government in Different Months, to people dressing up as “Goumang” as explained in Cihai, and the whipping of the spring ox by county officials at Ning County, one underlying agenda is the executioner of the ritual. Evidently, both the emperor and county official are the heavenly and local gods, while the “Goumang” in the Proceedings of Government in Different Months is the god of spring, wood, earth, and life, thus possessing internal connections with Hou Ji. Hou Ji, the forebear of Zhou, is “the son of Jiang Yuan, empress of the earth and incarnate of goddess Gaomei,” as well as “the son of the god of sun Di Jun.”83 Hou Ji shares a deep connection with ox and farming, and can resurrect himself after death, as recorded in the Master Huainan: Forms of Earth: “Hou Ji is to the west of the jian mu (sacred tree), can resurrect himself after death.” Further, in the Classic of Regions Within the Seas: South chapter of the Classic of Mountains and Seas, it was written about jian mu: “There is one kind of trees, which looks like ox. When pulling it, the tree bark will fall off, which resemble the tassels on the caps, as well as yellow snake skin.” The jian mu is a sacred tree that also functioned for measuring shadow from sunlight and a conduit that connected heaven and earth, as per the book You Shi in Master Lü’s Spring and Autumn Annals: “In the south of Bai Ming (a mythological nation in ancient China), beneath the sacred tree, there are no shadows even during the noon, and no sound is heard when someone shouts because it’s the center of earth and heaven.” Further, as recorded also in the Master Huainan: Forms of Earth: “The sacred tree is located at Duguang (a mythological location), where the (heavenly) emperors may ascend or descend as they wish.” Thus, Hou Ji, the god of farming, grains, earth, wood, and spring, shares a symbolic identity relationship with Goumang (Fig. 1.11). Goumang has the body of a bird and head of a human, holds a compass, and is an assistant to the emperor of the east Taihao (Fuxi) and the god responsible for spring. The name Goumang was derived from the budding and growth of grass and wood 82 Yu Junde, New Explorations on the History and Cultures Before Zhou Dynasty, 2005. Lanzhou: Gansu People’s Publishing House, p. 230. 83 Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House, p. 72.

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Fig. 1.11 Shrine for the god of earth in Dadiwan, Qin’an, Gansu Province, the site of ceremonies for the god of earth during spring and autumn (Photo by Ye Shuxian)

in spring, and “the two characters Gou and Mang became symbols of spring and life.”84 An interesting note is that the character “社” (she) is related to both the icons for earth and wood in ancient Chinese writings such as bronze vessel inscriptions and Han Dynasty bamboo slips, and divination texts on oracle inscriptions have recordings such as “贞 五牛” and “贞 十牛,” thus perhaps is the original “ 社” character.85 Similar records can be found in the Minggui chapter of the Mozi, and in the Strategies of Qin—Third chapter in the Strategies of the Warring States. Thus, there is an unquestionable symbolic connection between Goumang the god of earth and the god of spring with wood, soil, and life. The god of youth Dionysus, holding an olive branch, was also known as the god of tree in ancient Greece, and was “always pictured as a straight wooden pole with no arms, a jacket, a bearded face to represent his head, and head and body covered with branches and leaves to display the nature of this god.”86 At this point, we can more clearly see relationships between spring sacrifices for the earth, the god of earth, and coming-of-age ceremonies. Meanwhile, the branches and leaves worn by the god of earth or Goumang’s bird-bodied, human-headed figure 84 Yuan

Ke, Ancient Mythologies of China, 1961. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 49. all of the above references and Ma Xulun’s discussion, please refer to Modernized Explanations of Ancient Words and Characters, Vol. 1, 1961, p. 186. 86 James George Frazer, The Golden Bough, translated: Xu Yuxin, 2008. Beijing: New World Press, p. 561. 85 For

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provide clues to unveil the meanings behind the “cap,” the most critical symbol at the heart of the capping ritual.

1.2 Symbolism of “Rebirth”: The Archetype of the “Cap” The capping ritual, as a highly simplified and symbolic ritual, its qualities as a specific demonstration has long diminished, but as a cultural relic it could still be deemed a live performance of death and rebirth, as manifested in elements such as the controversial capping ritual timing, capping, and costume change in sacred temple, the Chinese character “冠” for cap and oration of the capping ritual. Meanwhile, the symbolic meaning of the most central symbolic sign of the capping ritual—the “cap” of the three caps ritual—still remains elusive. At present, the three chief opinions regarding this matter are as follows: First of all, traditional literature interpreters consider it as a symbol of respect to ancestors87 ; following the entry of the anthropologic point of view at the start of the twentieth century came two relatively representative viewpoints, one is the claim by the likes of Yang Kuan that the cap is a symbol of status,88 a rather common belief among current research on the capping ritual, and the other one is the claim by the likes of Cen Jiawu and Zhou Xuanlong that it is a totemic 87 Traditional literature interpreters have always adopted the meaning of respect to ancestors in their interpretation, whether it be the "record" in the Capping Rites for a Common Officer chapter of the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial, or the Meaning of the Ritual of Capping chapter of Li Ji, or Digest of Capping Ritual in the Rite and Ritual Classics of the Compilation of Books of Past and Present: The three-step capping ceremonies define the ambitions of the capped (in an initiation rite), each of them being larger than before. In the first ritual, the capped wears the black cloth cap, in line with the oldest capping system. In the second ritual, the capped wears a skin cap in praise of the king’s virtues. In the third capping ritual, the capped wears a cap with square top, in a sacrificial rite, suggesting that he should start to own the right to partake in sacrifices. For a descendant of the lords and dukes, the first ritual with black cloth cap means not forgetting the original ancestral practices; the second ritual with the skin cap and court-robe means the right to partake in political affairs; the third ritual with the cap having the square top (for sacrificial purpose) means the right to partake in sacrificial rites. Not forgetting the original ancestral practices, one can serve the sovereign and be loyal to him, thereby becoming loyal to the gods. Each of the three ceremonies comes bigger than before, indicating that the bigger ambition, the more rights the capped will have. 88 At the start of the twentieth century, following the accession of the anthropological perspective, people began to pay attention to the symbolisms of identity transition and authority obtainment in the "three-step capping" ritual. Thus far, the most comprehensive explanation on this subject matter ought to be the relatively exhaustive discussion by ancient historian Yang Kuan in New Explorations in the Capping Ritual. Yang opined that costumes for the capping ritual originated from attires from the ancient time, while the black woven cap granted during the first capping was purely ritual and based on a type of cap worn by the ancient Zhou clan during fasting. The xuanguan headdress, a formal headdress prevalent during the three dynasties (Xia, Shang, and Zhou Dynasties) among adults that had undergone their "three-step capping" ritual, was developed from the black woven cap and also known by names such as weimao, zhangfu, and wuzhui. The leather headdress granted during the second capping was similarly based on a type of cap worn by the ancient Zhou clan and fashioned from white deer hide. As per the phrase "this costume is for expedition, field work, hunting" about the leather headdress and the su ji pleated ritual garment in Fumian of the Discussions at the White Tiger Hall, as well as Eastern Han Dynasty Confucian scholar He Xiu’s annotation of

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symbol.89 The three viewpoints appear to be independent of each other but there are actually internal connections among the three: Traditional literature interpreters point out that the “capping” action has a “mi zun” (increasingly noble) connotation, while the “cap” holds the meaning of honoring one’s original aspiration and paying homage to deities, but they did not analyze further to identify which kind of aspiration. Yang Kuan took over the reigns here and began discussions on the subject, and traced the roots of the black woven cap, leather headdress, and ritual headdress back to their origins as ancient attire and their symbolism in the acquirement of power to fast, to govern people, to direct military affairs, and to make sacrifices, which imply highly symbolic remains of the skills training and examination ritual in clannish comingof-age rituals. As for the totemic symbolism angle put forth by Zhou and others, to a certain extent they further advanced the status power theory, namely, the meaning and origin of the headgear, a symbol of identity transition, and power acquisition in clannish coming-of-age ritual, in initiation rites of totemic societies. However, is this the original meaning of the “cap” in the capping ritual? Thus, there arose the question: Why did people participating in the coming-of-age ritual dress themselves in the image of totem? What was the original model of the cap? What is the most quintessential symbolism in capping and costume change? These questions involve the shapes, structures, functions, and origins of the “cap.” To answer these questions, apart from referencing materials about other cultures, it is also necessary to search for clues in local Chinese ancient textual materials and unearthed physical objects pertaining to the “cap.” The author attempted the inquiry from the following several aspects.

"pi bian, a martial bian" in the Gongyangzhuan during the first year of the reign of Duke Xuan of Lu (608 BC), the leather costume was worn by the Zhou clan for hunting and battle toward the end of the clan system period, and was a capped costume for military purposes. As per the phrase "A great officer wore the cap with the square top when assisting at a sacrifice of his ruler; but that of skin when sacrificing at his own shrines. An ordinary officer used the latter in his ruler’s temple, and the cap of dark cloth in his own" in the Miscellaneous Records chapter of Li Ji, the phrase "jue bian, a cap of the ancestral temple of the Zhou people" in Fumian chapter of the Discussions at the White Tiger Hall, and other examples, the jue bian ritual headdress granted during the third and final capping was a ritual headdress with a flat top, and similar shape, structure, and function as the mianguan headdress, though one class lower and lacking the tassel-like hanging strings of beads. In other words, all caps and costumes bestowed during the capping ritual all have their roots in antiquity, symbolizing the status and privileges of the noble class of the time and indicating their will to partake in monumental affairs, thus the phrase "granting of three-step capping to express one’s aspiration." So what were these aspirations? Obviously, being empowered with the right to rule others as a noble, enlist in the military to protect the state, and to participate in sacrificial rites, according to hierarchy. For detailed discussions, please refer to New Explorations in the Capping Ritual and New Investigations into Ancient History, pp. 247–255. 89 Theorization about the Zhou clan is chiefly based on Mr. Cen Jiawu’s History of the Art of Totem, specifically information on totemic decoration, rites, and ceremonies, in which primitive tribes marry to symbolize their totems. For details, please refer to Cen Jiawu, History of the Art of Totem, 1987. Shanghai: Xuelin Publishing House. Chapter Four; Zhou Xuanlong, Capping Ritual in Ancient China, Folklore Studies, 1994(1).

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1.2.1 Guan, Mian, Jue, Bian: Characters in the “Guan” Family Seen on Oracle Inscriptions and Bronze Vessel Inscriptions and Explorations of Their Meanings Chinese characters are pictographs, and the highly visually suggestive nature of the early written characters are no doubt just like living fossils. What did the characters “冠” (guan), “冕” (mian), “爵” (jue), and “弁” (bian) look like in their ancient forms? Most “冠” researchers refer to Xu Shen’s interpretation of “冠” recorded in Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters. Philologists most often regard “冠” as a compound ideogram, since the combination of the pictographs “冖” (“覆盖” or fugai “to cover”), “元” (“人首” or renshou “head of human”), and “寸” (“手” or shou “hand”) means taking a cap and putting it on one’s head, symbolizing that from such a point in time forward one has to follow the etiquettes of adults. As for the , a variant of “冠,” it denotes the hosting of the capping ritual in temple.90 In Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters-Textual Research on the Six Books, Ma Xulun refuted this theory from a phonological angle: When it comes to the words 元 (yuan), 大 (da), 人 (ren) and 天 (tian), a man has hands (shou in Chinese), why does it follow the form of shou? The reply is: Guan (cap) is the collective name of the caps and hats, a character invented after 冃 (mao), 冃 (mao) is the initial character of 幂 (mi). After phonetic, 幂 (mi) becomes 幔 (man). 冠 (guan) and 幔 (man) is phonetically identical in vowel. However, the phonetic part of 冠, namely 冖, is derived from 冃 (mao) as 幂 (mi), which means something wore on head as a decoration. Otherwise, it inherently means 冠, contains the part 寸, and pronounces 完 (wan). In metal and bone inscriptions, the two words 宀 and 冃 are similar, and for this reason, they are written as 冠. 冠 means capping ritual.91 In fact, this theory propounded another kind of character component combination method, namely, “the meaning of the character 冠 derives from 寸 and its pronunciation derives from 完,” but there is no explanation as to what would be the meaning behind the “冠” character formed through such a method. In Textual Criticism of Historical Materials on Shang and Zhou Dynasties, Ding Shan opines that originally “冠” was the character “莞” and soundly supplements the theory that “冠” was derived from “完”. The word (莞) is written as in oracle inscriptions. Shaped like a man with, it should be original character of . The lower part has the form of , which is shaped like a cap. The upper parts resembles the young pheasant’s feathers inserted into the warrior’s cap in a typical Ping Opera. As for the he warrior wearing the cap 90 Zhou

Xuanlong, Capping Ritual in Ancient China, Folklore Studies, 1994(1); Zhang Chi, A View of Capping System, Rite and Ritual of Zhou Dynasty from the Character "Guan", Culture of Chinese Characters, 1999(1); Liu Zhiji, Review of Culture of Chinese Characters—Explanation on Guan, 1996. Nanning: Guangxi Education Publishing House, p. 19. 91 Modernized Explanations of Ancient Words and Characters, Vol. 7, 1999. Shanghai: Shanghai Education Publishing House, p. 74.

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1 “Rebirth” Mythology: The Source of the Symbolic Significance …

decked with the pheasant’s feathers, the bone inscription

should be handed down

from the Yin and Shang Dynasties. This character may be written as

in the late

Zhou Dynasty, became 莞 in official script. The scholar Xu Zhen failed to understand the inherent meanings of 莞 by changing the tail part of 莞 to 艸, explaining that “ ” has the part of 艸 (grass), and can be made into “mat,” and it has the form of 艸 and is phonetically 完. This theory of Ding Shan’s is crucial to the discussion on the rudimentary model of “冠” and its relationships with the caps and headdresses. If modern representation of the ancient character “

” is really the original form of “冠,” the oracle inscription

character “图像” is a pictograph, the human wearing “ below

“ on his head, then

, with the top portion resembling a cap with a feather attached. The whole

character changes from

to

, like a person wearing a feathered cap, and not

like a person holding a cap. (Interpretation of ), Yu Shengwu commended the statement “ In Shi is the head cover for barbarian infants” from Xu Shen’s Explaining Graphs and from oracle inscriptions is the same as Analyzing Characters, and asserted that the character , like the shape of a cap decorated with sheep’s horns and the shape of cap worn by ancient barbarians.92 In Oracle inscription Characters Interpretation Vol. 7, Li Xiaoding agrees with Yu’s interpretation and adds head cover for Hunan infants as an evidence. Yu wrote that the top portion resembles sheep’s horn decoration, and head covers for Hunan infants today often take the shape of anima’s head, especially the head of the tiger. Two ears would protrude from the top, for purported evil-banishing benefits, and echoes the shape and form of this character, so it could be regarded as an adminicular evidence. As for the character , there are suspicious that it is a variant of “冕免” and it resembles the wearing a cap… the seal script character reducing

into

. Then

in bronze vessel inscription, like a person was simplified and converted from

,

was added to form “冕,” and thereafter forming the

basis for other phonograms with the same radicals.93 If so, the significance is monumental. The characters “冠,” “冕,” “弁,” and “帽” are approximate to each other as pictographs, and Han Dynasty seal has retained a

92 Edited:

Yu Shengwu, Modernized Explanations of Oracle Inscription Words and Characters, 1999 (1996). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 3352–3353. 93 Li Xiaoding, Collected Explanations of Oracle Inscription Words and Characters, 1982. Institute of History and Philology of the Academia Sinica, pp. 2548.

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39

modicum of this form: .94 Also, in Explaining Graphs and Analyzing CharactersTextual Research on the Six Books, Ma Xulun expounded about bronze vessel inscription characters

and

, asserting that they are the originals of “弁” and “冕,”

as the physical objects of “弁” and “冕” were originally one and the same, differing only by administrative or military usage. and 冒 and it is also considered a word derived 冕 is a modified form of 门, from 兜. 冒 is the character invented after 门. In metal inscriptions The Tripod for Duke Lu to Conquer , it is written as

, 冕 is written as . 冒 changes from

; in The Tripod for Duke Conquering to

. In the beginning, it has

the bucket form as a pictograph character with two openings exposed, and then it becomes word in official script of Han dynasty in which the openings turn into eyes and ears. In The Book—Guming, it is written: One person wears a cap and holds a sword, one person wears a cap and holds a spear, one person wears a cap and holds a qu dagger, one person wears a cap and holds a tong axe. These people are guards holding weapons. How come they wear a brocade with drooping jade beads? Obviously, it is the helmet on their heads. In the Chapter Liyun of Li Ji, it is written: (For ministers and great officers to) keep the cap with pendants and the leather cap, or military weapons, in their own houses is contrary to propriety. The leather cap is the amour that cannot be kept at home. For capping ceremonies of ministers or above,

means cap. For literary officials, the cap is

; for military officials, it

means 冕 (Fig. 1.12).95 In terms of the character “爵” in “爵弁” (jue bian ritual headdress), according to Xu Shen’s Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters: “Jue is a ritual vessel.” “ ( ) resembles 雀 (que, sparrow in Chinese) in form. This character holds wine and has a handle, so this drinking vessel looks like sparrow. In ancient Chinese language, it takes the form of

as a pictographic character.” Luo Zhenyu fur-

ther proved this with character form from oracle inscription and praised Xu Shen’s extensive effort. Wang Xiang then supplemented with theory on the common root between the characters “雀” and “爵”: “I suspect that people in the past made jue (an ancient wine vessel with three legs and a loop handle) based on que and create characters based on jue.”96 Interpretations of the jue bian headdress in subsequent literature only focus on its resemblance to the head of birds, but if one were to make associations with Mr. Ding Shan’s theory of feathered “

94 Modernized

“ as the original form of

Explanations of Ancient Words and Characters, Vol. 7, 1999. Shanghai: Shanghai Education Publishing House, p. 73. 95 Modernized Explanations of Ancient Words and Characters, Vol. 7, 1999. Shanghai: Shanghai Education Publishing House, pp. 99–100. 96 Yu Shengwu, Modernized Explanations of Oracle Inscription Words and Characters, 1999 (1996). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 2743.

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1 “Rebirth” Mythology: The Source of the Symbolic Significance …

Fig. 1.12 Decoration of

“冠,” Yu Shengwu’s theory of sheep’s horn adornment in “ of “冠冕,” Li Xiaoding’s theories of “

“ as the archetype

“ as the tiger-head caps of Hunan and “

“ as a variant of “冕,” along with the wide range of feathered caps found among unearthed cultural relics and inherited jade objects, then the relationship between “ 爵” as a wine vessel, “爵” as headwear and bird-like shapes and forms might not be so farfetched after all. Comparing with patterns on Shang and Zhou Dynasties bronze vessels, motifs of dances in rock paintings, and children’s caps and witch hats in ethnographic materiis extremely meaningful. Moreover, decorative motifs on Shang and als, the icon Zhou Dynasties bronze vessels share extensive connections in terms of both appearance and connotations with guan (chixiao), the archetype of the mythical bird, which is the mythological ancestor of the Shang people.97 As the “divine manifestation” of 97 The

chapter “Jade Phoenix of the Shang Dynasty” in Collection and Research on Jade Objects of the Shang Dynasty (2004. Beijing: Blue Sky Publishing House) by Chang Qinglin and Owl Worship and History of the Huaxia Civilization (Journal of Tianjin Normal University, 2004[5]) by Sun Xinzhou, among others, all assert that the mythical bird mentioned in the phrase "arrival of the divine phoenix that gave rise to Shang Dynasty" is actually the owl (chi xiao). Contemporary scholar Wen Yiduo previously examined and verified the archetype of the mythical bird to be the phoenix, and Ma Chengyuan in Motif and Decor of Bronze Vessels of the Shang and Zhou Dynasties concurs. However, from chi xiao-shaped potteries and chi xiao-faced potteries of the Neolithic, and bronze chi xiao statues and the bevy of chi xiao motifs found at the Yinxu site that was the former capital of Shang Dynasty, as well as the resemblance of the characters "商" and "雚" to the appearance of the owl, along with the goddess qualities of death and resurrection, militarism, and wisdom of the chi xiao (colloquially called the "owl") as recorded in ethnography, so the argument that the mythical bird is based on the chi xiao appears to have gained the upper hand.

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41

a prehistoric goddess and the goddess of destiny of death and rebirth, the chixiao is seen ubiquitously in the ornamental pattern and shapes of prehistoric pottery, jade ware, and bronze objects.98 Therefore, the visual and phonetic relationships between the characters “冠,” “雚,” and “莞” are not random, and the connections between the original symbolism of “冠,” bird-like deities, and rebirth can be substantially postulated. The aforementioned character origin verifications performed by philologists indicate that 冠, 冕, 弁,冒, 胄, (

) and other characters that appear totally different today

all originated from the same icon during their creation:

. This is per-

haps the most primordial shape and structure of the cap (冠), the covering of one’s head with grass, leather, hemp, cloth or other items, and ornamentations such as sheep’s horn, feather or tiger’s head, or the various adorned with , were all done based on local conditions at the time. With regard to tracing and identifying the origin of clothing, it was mentioned in the Records on Clothing of the Book of the Later Han. Ancient inhabitants in caves and wilds, wore fur clothes and leather caps, and there was no institution. In posterity, when sages invented silk and hemp, they imitated patterns of birds to add colors of affluence. When they observed how birds and beasts and whiskers, they created caps as ornaments for the have a institution of horns, head.99 For clothes and leather caps, and imitation of horns of birds and beasts, these descriptions are exactly the philological interpretations of ancient characters. Currently available early imagery materials of caps, and ritual headdresses of various ethnic groups collected by anthropologists, are solid foundations upon reach relevant sources may be sought. God-like being wearing feathered headdress seen on Liangzhu jade qiong, Shang Dynasty jade figurine wearing feathered headdress excavated from tomb of Sao Hao in Anyang, dancing bronze figurine wearing mountainshaped horned headdress and holding rings excavated from Western Zhou Dynasty tomb at Rujiazhuang in Baoji of Shaanxi Province, jade figurine wearing horns excavated from a Warring States period tomb at Sanji in Pingshan of Hebei Province, which figurine playing lacquered se (zither-like ancient string instrument) and wearing bird-shaped headdress excavated from a Warring States period Chu state tomb at Changtaiguan in Xinyang of Henan Province, and horn-shaped silver headdress excavated from an Eastern Han Dynasty Xianbei tomb at Liulong Gou in Yi County of Liaoning Province. A wide variety of caps related to animals are recorded in literatures, such as the sandpiper, pheasant, the mythical beast xie zhi, tiger, phoenix, bird’s tail, and cicada, and they all have their inspirations. The cap worn by a jade 98 Ye Shuxian, Misinterpretation of the Classics and Knowledge Archaeology—Take Chixiao—Book of Songs for Example, Journal of Shaanxi Normal University. 2006 (4); Ye Shuxian, Quadruple Evidence Method: The Visual Persuasiveness of Comparative Iconography—Take for Example Cross-cultural Interpretation as Symbolized by the Owl (Literary Review, 2006[5]). 99 Fan Ye, Book of the Later Han—Yufu Xia, 2006. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 3661.

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1 “Rebirth” Mythology: The Source of the Symbolic Significance …

1 Face of the eagle god with a 2 Bronze statue of Bixia 3 Qing dynasty concubine crown with human face, from tomb of a Yuanjun with phoenix phoenix (photo by Tang Qicui at Palace Duke of Jin at Quwo, from (photo by Tang Qicui at Museum) Cultural Relics 2009(1), pp.8, Qingzhou Museum) Fig.10

Fig. 1.13 Wearing a bird

figurine excavated from a Shang Dynasty tomb at Dayangzhou in Xingan looks like a peacock displaying its covert feathers100 and could be regarded as a model of the jue bian ritual headdress. Since the original form of the cap has been clarified, then the origin and function of the cap could also be hypothesized. Based on Master Huainan: In the World of Man, Gao Chunming stated in Investigation into the Names and Objects of Chinese Costumes that “caps worn by humans do not keep the wearer warm, shield the wearer from winds, or cover the wearer from exposure.” It divided ancient Chinese headwear into three categories: jin (巾) or “soft cap” for tidying hair, mao (帽) or “hard cap” for warmth, and guan (冠) “formal headdress” for embellishment (in this book, all formal or ritual headdresses or headwear “冠” may also be referred to as “cap,” as in the cap used in the “capping ritual,” unless otherwise specified for other types of caps by terms such as “soft cap” or “hard cap”). Concluding that the soft cap and the hard cap were more pragmatism-oriented while the formal headdress was designed for ornamental purpose101 might be a bit straightforward and oversimplified, which demonstrates the subsequent functional divisions between hard cap and formal headdress. Just as German anthropologist Julius Lips observed (Fig. 1.13). The appearance of the cap was always accompanied by social meanings and religious meanings that had nothing to do with practical functions. The exquisite head gears of many African tribal chiefs are ostentatiously the regalia of prestige, just 100 Song

Zhenhao, Shapes and Forms of Costumes of Jade Statues of the Shang Dynasty, in Annals of Institute of History, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, 2004, Vol. 2. Beijing: The Commercial Press, pp. 86–87. 101 Gao Chunming, Investigation into the Names and Objects of Chinese Costumes, 2001. Shanghai: Shanghai Culture Publishing House, p. 190.

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43

as the canopy umbrella was an insignia of nobles or leaders in primitive peoples. This concept persisted, from the different caps that signified the rank of a Chinese official in ancient times, to the golden embroidery proportionate to rank that embellishes the caps of army and navy officers of certain countries; they all adhere to the same principle. Low temperature forces people to wear caps, parkers (leather caps), or similar items; thus, headgears in cold areas always come in simple and pragmatic forms, but for those who live in warmer regions, the cap is the precursor to the crown.102 In many tribes and clans, young men are permitted to wear a cap only after passing the coming-of-age ritual, and this cap is often adorned with feather for very intriguing reasons.103 According to agenda illustrated in the Capping Rites for a Common Officer chapter of the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial, such a shiguan li capping rite would confer in order the black woven cap, leather headdress, and ritual headdress. This is the so-called “three-step capping,” and the differences between each capping are the different shapes, structures and colors of the cap, first black, then white, and lastly crimson (or red). Under this context, these three colors could be implying the course experienced by the capped, as in transitioning from the death of the dark world (black) to birth (white) and then ascending to adulthood (red). The next question is, what are the meanings behind the shapes and structures of the caps? As for the original purpose of the capping ritual, such subsequent shapes of headwear have clearly deviated far away from the earliest intent. Lucky for us, we have the chance to comb over buried cultural relics, ancient textual materials, and adminicular evidences from foreign cultures, which engender new possibilities for discussions about the origin of the capping ritual. Due to reasons such as natural decay or artificial damage, it is pretty much impossible to see caps from several thousand years ago in pristine form, and today we could merely lay our eyes on components of caps, or other objects and items with special symbolic significance such as axe, yue, ritual artifacts qiong and bi, motifs on pottery, or human figurines in special poses. These visible parts and patterns have survived because they were made from or exist 102 Julius

Lips (Germany), The Origin of Things, translated: Wang Ningsheng, 2005. Lanzhou Dunhuang Culture and Arts Publishing House, p. 53. 103 In certain tribes, particularly those in the Oceania and surrounding islands, young men wear caps as a mark of adulthood, but said cap would only be granted after passing rigorous test of courage. The Kabiri people of Papua New Guinea call this type of cap the "diba," which is conical in shape, covered in lime, and decorated with feathers and flowers. They would fix the cap onto the head and wear it even in their sleep. Youngsters in the Mount Hagen tribe, also in Papua New Guinea, are permitted to wear caps when "beard grows on cheeks," and they call the cap "eliya" or "kano." Members in the nearby Murick tribe, however, are only qualified to wear caps after passing coming-of-age ritual. O’Connor has seen such capping ritual among the people of Pohnpei of Micronesia. Similar items exist in all corners of the world, and take, for instance, Native Americans in northwestern Alaska have such type of cap as well, which they call "cloud cap." This peculiar conical headwear has long functioned in their mysterious ways over eons. From a certain point of view, they seem to have lost their noble quality, instead of obtaining magical value. They became the hats worn my wizards and witches of the Middle Ages. Julius Lips (Germany), The Origin of Things, 2008. Shaanxi Normal University General Publishing House, pp. 53–54.

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1 “Rebirth” Mythology: The Source of the Symbolic Significance …

Fig. 1.14 Actual Bian and Mian headdresses excavated

in certain materials that represent immortality or eternity, such as jade and bronze. Meanwhile, the earliest designs, as well as the comparison of the emperor’s crown to heaven and search for the origin of caps in subsequent literatures, all point to the sacred origin and symbolism of caps (Fig. 1.14). In the search for the origin of caps documented in traditional literatures, investigations would usually trace back to the ancient era when people wore fur clothes and leather caps. According to the Conveyance of Rites chapter of Li Ji: “there’s no silk or linen for people to make clothes, so they wore feathers and fur” while Zheng annotated: “this was in ancient times.” During the age of the Three Sovereigns, the mian (冕, the crown) came into being during the times of the Yellow Emperor, of which “the cap” is very vividly reflected in the original character form of the family of the 冠 character. Referencing numerous literatures, cultural relics, foreign cultural materials, and other sources, the functions of caps could be summed up as (1) protection, (2) disguise, (3) divine communication, and (4) dignification. Secular functions such as warmth or blockage of sunlight are naturally classified into the “protection” category, and in this context may be considered an essential item for the wearer, and thus this function will not be discussed here. The shapes and functions of caps to be discussed in this book mainly pertain to those who transcend secularism and possess sacred and ritual symbolic values, and thus the four categories can be boiled down to divine communication. The rationale is simple; in terms of “protection,” people realize the sacredness and feebleness of the head, and this realization is exemplified in terms and notions such as tianlinggai (天灵盖, cranium or literally “cover of the heavenly spirit”), linghun jusuo (灵魂居所, literally “residence of the soul”), and fafu shouzhi fumu (发肤受之父母, roughly translated as “My body, hair and skin are given by my father and mother [so I dare not damage any of them, as this is the least I can do to honor and respect my parents]”). At the same time, experience also taught people that damage to the head could easily result in death, and modern science has also proved that life ultimately ends when the brain dies. In terms of disguise, people camouflaged themselves as prey or the enemy to achieve their objectives in a more clandestine manner, and of course this is not within

1.2 Symbolism of “Rebirth”: The Archetype of the “Cap”

45

the scope of discussion. However, when people dressed themselves up as preys and then hosted dance ceremonies before or after hunts, such as baishou shuaiwu (百兽 率舞, literally “dance of a hundred beasts”), maogusi dance of the Tu people, bear sacrificial ceremonies, or other rituals, these customs had then become sacred in nature, because they entailed imitation of preys or totemic animals to obtain power, not to mention the animal performers that facilitated the death and rebirth of participants in coming-of-age ceremonies. When implementing their magic, religious figures like shamans, witches, and wizards, the headgears they wore are called shenmao or shenguan (literally “sacred cap” and “sacred headdress”); thus the divine communication purpose is clear. When both caps and clothes were prepared, and when they became symbols of status, insignia of seemingly secular status and dignity in imperial power was actually still underpinned by divine communication or divine imitation connotations in the bequest of imperial power by gods, such as the headdresses worn by the kings of Zhou during ceremonies all adhered to the rules of heaven.104 Therefore, if sacred ceremonies or taboos are the starting points, then the original meanings of caps have a mysterious nature—a medium or symbol of divine communication. The divine communication quality of the cap is not only manifested in the mandatory donning of sacred costumes and sacred caps when shamans, witches, and wizards perform their magic, but the materials, shapes, and structures of the headwear, or the rank and location of the tomb where a cap was found, these aspects all serve as proofs. Deer hide, bear hide, tiger hide, ox leather, bird feather, jade, and other materials often used to craft ritual caps are all known for their sacredness, dignity, and other symbolic features, while some would claim that the conical shape and structure might have been determined by the spherical contour of the human skull. But how to explain the accessories and embellishments above the orb? The erect feathered cap, the mianban horizontal board like the roof on the top of the cap, the mianliu strings of beads that hang from the front and back of the board, and the pair of yutian jade earpieces that hang down the left and right sides, among other components, as well as a color scheme typically consisting of reddish black above and yellowish 104 It was written in the Sifu part of Chunguang of the Rites of Zhou that when performing ceremonies,

the emperor wears auspicious clothes. When sacrificing to the heaven and god, he wears big fur coat and the crown. Zheng Xuan also referred to the Book and said: "To observe the phenomena in ancient times: images such as moon, stars, mountain, dragon, five colors of beautiful flowers and insects, as well as embroidery like Zong Yi (meaning: worship and filial piety), algae (meaning: cleanliness), fire (meaning: brightness), flour and rice (meaning: support and breeding), Fu (meaning: cutting and decisiveness), Fu (meaning: discernment, discernment, doing good turns and fending off vices. These are the 12 images of ancient emperor’s clothing embroidery." In the Single Victim at the Border Sacrifices chapter of Li Ji, it was stipulated that during yingyue ceremonies kings wore mian ritual costume to symbolize the sky. The internal mechanism meanwhile focused on order, as written in the Xici part of the I Ching: The Yellow Emperor, Emperor Yao, and Emperor Shun wear hanging clothes as they governed the world. The phenomena of heaven and earth must not be reversed. Humans need to know superiority and inferiority, what is above and what is below must not be in disorder, then the will of the people shall remain stable and the country will be well governed. In the Lushi, it was written: The Yellow Emperor imitates heaven and earth, using fine materials for ritual cloth and crown, designing decorative images on the deep-color costume.

1 “Rebirth” Mythology: The Source of the Symbolic Significance …

Warring States period eagle and bird golden crown from Aluchaideng, Hanggin Banner, Ih Ju League, Inner Mongolia

Standing statue wearing a sun from the Jinsha site

46

Figurine wearing earring on a golden staff from the Sanxingdui Site

Fig. 1.15 Cap and headdress as conduit to divine authority

red below, were these all just meaningless decor? Moreover, such elaborate caps were not worn by just any common folk. Such caps were predominantly unearthed from large- or medium-sized tombs, located near the head of the tomb owner, or painted on important ritual objects, including axe or yue that represented divine authority and military command, jade zong and bi that were offered to heaven and earth (for instance, the vast number of cap-shaped items from Liangzhu), ceramic figurines (for instance, feathered cap icons on Dawenkou culture’s ceramic figurines unearthed from Lingyang River tomb, or capped ceramic figurine of military leader from Shijia River), crowns (jade crown from Lingjiatan in Anhui Province, or gold crown from Aluchaideng), or bronze headdress excavated from large sacrificial pits like Sanxingdui, among other examples. The Hongshan culture jade circlet object, which resembles hair-tying caps commonly seen in times when ritual institution was prevalent, is deemed the best example that demonstrates the holiness of such type of headdress, considering the precise location of where it was discovered and the burial method of the tomb owner. According to the report, three jade artifacts were found inside the M4 tomb, the largest of the Hongshan culture graves at the Niuheliang site, of which the jade circlet object (hollow, called a “jade hair-tying object” by archaeologists Su Bingqi, Yang Hongxun, and others) was discovered to have been set horizontally beneath the head of the tomb owner. Two pig head-shaped (or bear head) jade objects were placed upside down in a line across the chest of the body, and the tomb owner’s head was turned toward the east, while the body was lying on its back. Theorists surmise that such a posture denotes harmony among heaven, earth, and all things, indicating that the tomb owner must possess the capacity to communicate with heaven and earth, thus ought to have been a head wizard or of a similar sort (Fig. 1.15).105

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The fundamental reason behind the tireless and unparalleled attention to the head among all people is that “the head has always been regarded as the location of the soul, and a conduit to communicate with gods above. Therefore, headwear became a common method of personal adornment among all ethnic groups.”106 Ancient men of letters had long realized that in early writing, the structure for characters like “天,” “元,” “人,” and “大” (meaning sky, essence, person, and big, respectively) were the same, and the common underlying reason is the ancient people’s observations of and contemplations about the dome-like sky, as to them the sky represented everything above the head.107 From the perspective of these ancient people, the sky covering everything above their heads was an unreachable and mysterious apogee, and when the scope is reduced to the human body, no doubt the head was analogous to the sky. Thus, Xu Shen’s Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters recorded: “the heaven is the highest form of all and of paramount importance. It is made of ‘一’ (yi, one) and ‘大’ (da, big).” In bronze vessel inscriptions, the character “天” was written , the character “元” was written as ,108 and people wearas ing caps were originally written as or , all of which clearly serve to emphasize the importance of the head to human beings. Human figures on rock paintings and unearthed human figurines that portray dancers wearing caps indicate the connection between human and the “sky.” If music and dancing could be considered methods to communicate with gods, then the cap was the tool. In ethnographic study, the Tu people (also known as the Monguor) of Qinghai Province called their coming-of-age ritual “dai tian tou” (戴天头, literally meaning “wear sky head”), the Yi people’s “tian pu sa” (天菩萨, literally meaning “Bodhisattva of the sky”), the Miao people’s wearing of horn-shaped headdress, shaman’s divine caps and other elements, and Shang Dynasty jade figurines wearing tall caps or horns, are all manifestations of ideologies of mythological symbol mindset that “regard any sharp point and protrusion as representations of intimacy or closeness with the sun and gods in the sky. It was this very mentality that gave birth to the earliest notion of communication with deity, as in considering pointy mountain peaks and top of trees as conduits to communicate with gods; and it was this very mentality that led to the earliest roof shapes and cap shapes, as in pointedness and protrusion.”109 The pi bian leather headdress

105 Liaoning

Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archeology, Brief Report on the "Goddess Temple" of Hongshan Culture and Jishi Tombs Group in Niuheliang of Liaoning. Cultural Relics, 1986 (8). 106 Wang Xiaodun, Research on Early Chinese Thoughts and Symbols, 2008. Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House, p. 392. 107 Yu Shengwu, Interpretation of Several Ancient Characters Based on Tian, Da and Ren, in Vol. 15 Research on Ancient Characters, 1986. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. 108 For shapes of characters, please refer to Modernized Explanations of Ancient Words and Characters, Vol. 1, pp. 17, 9. 109 Wang Xiaodun, Research on Early Chinese Thoughts and Symbols, 2008. Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House, pp. 392–393.

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1 “Rebirth” Mythology: The Source of the Symbolic Significance …

in the “three-step capping” is actually a “cone, much like the’melon-like skull cap’ worn by posterity” crafted out of white deer hide.110 At a more primordial level, the model of the earliest roof and cap designs is an omnipresent existence above people’s heads: the “dome” (as in the sky). In turn, the roofs and caps themselves were epitomes of the dome of the sky and universe. This notion is clearly demonstrated in a mythological tale. In a Yuelu Balan (in West Africa) story, the mischievous god Eideshu often create chaos using his magical cap. The story reads. One day, this peculiar deity strolls along a path between two fields. He sees one farmer working in each of the fields, and decides to play a joke on the two of them. He puts on a cap, which is white on one side, red on the other side, green in the front and black in the back (this is the colors of the four directions of the world: as in Eideshu is the personification of the “center of the world”, or axis mundi, world axis or world pillar)…111

1.2.2 Duke and Emperor: Headdresses of the Shang and Zhou Dynasties Found Among Excavated Cultural Relics Li Ji: Royal Regulation said that “Youyushi took part in the sacrifice with his huangstyle cap on the head. Xiahoushi took part in the sacrifice with his shou-style cap on the head. The people of Yin took part in the sacrifice with his xu-style cap on the head. The people of Zhou took part in the sacrifice with his court cap on the head.” The “ji” of the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial: Capping Rites for a Common Officer also states: “The bian of Zhou dynasty, xu of Shang dynasty, the shou of Xia dynasty, the three kings wore the same kind of fur clothes.” It can be seen that sacrificial caps of the four dynasties differ, and in his Discussions at the White Tiger Hall, Han Dynasty historian and ritual expert Ban Gu’s discussion on the shapes and structures of caps and headdresses revolves around “the ways of nature,” and the shapes and structures of the bian of Zhou Dynasty, xu of Shang Dynasty and the shou of Xia Dynasty all symbolize the beginning of a year.112 However, what are the specific forms, and are there any connections between the various cap forms? 110 Qian

Xuan, General Interpretations of the Names and Objects in the Three Li, 1987. Nanjing: Jiangsu Ancient Literature Publishing House, p. 13. 111 Joseph Campbell, The Hero with a Thousand Faces, translated: Zhang Chengmo, 2000. Shanghai: Shanghai Literature & Art Publishing House, p. 37. 112 "What is mian anyway? In the 11th month, yang rushes under the ground water and everything seems to be capped, shaking forth and backward. This is the so-called capping. What is Xu (冔) anyway? In the 12th month, yang is converted and extended before looming. It is the converged status. In the 13th month, yang returns to origin, and gives birth to everything. Another is called shou. What about the imperial or ranking cap? The imperial cap is made as per heavenly rules, having red color but losing its nature." For details, please refer to Chen Li, Verifications of the Discussions at the White Tiger Hall, 1994. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 498–503.

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The costumes and caps worn by Zhou Dynasty emperors during sacrificial rites are all meant to allude to the sky. The close association between the sun deemed the master of the sky, and birds also indirectly indicate quite a degree of connection between the caps and costumes in “three-step capping” and the bird. As ritual caps of four dynasties, the shou of Xia Dynasty and the xu of Shang Dynasty, especially the latter, there is a grave shortage of related literature, so conclusions are hard to draw. Examples such as the story about the “arrival of the mythical bird that gave rise to Shang dynasty,” the mythology of Jiandi’s pregnancy with Shang Dynasty predynastic founder Qi after she swallowed a swallow’s egg, and the vast number of jade figurines of people wearing feathered cap and bird-shaped ornamentations for caps unearthed from Shang tombs, along with divine beings wearing feathered cap discovered in Western Zhou Dynasty tombs at Fengxi and Liuli River, all illustrate the relationship between the archetypes of xu of Shang Dynasty and bian of Zhou Dynasty, the sun and bird feather. The earliest recorded “emperor’s crown” were also crafted in the image of the bird feather. Zheng Xuan’s comments about the quote “people of the Yu clan dance with huang” (note: Yu Dynasty, or the “Yellow Emperor’s dynasty,” purportedly came before the Xia Dynasty) in Li Ji: Royal Regulations reads: “The huang, a type of cap, decorated with image of feather.” Tang Dynasty Confucian scholar Sun Yingda referred to “dance for the emperor” and “build palace for the emperor” in the Rites of Zhou as an evidence and proposed that the feather ornamentation is based on the five-colored phoenix feather. Zheng Xuan’s comments in the Wushi part of the Rites of Zhou say that “huang dance” (or “crown dance” or “imperial dance”) is also “dancing while covered in feather,” and Zheng Xuan’s comments in the Yueshi part of the Rites of Zhou say that “imperial dance” entails “covering one’s head with a feathered cap.” Thus, it can be seen that using feather as an ornamentation (worn like a plume, or drawn as a decorative image), or covering one’s head or face with feather (like wearing a feathered cap), was prevalent for the headwear of ritual dancers. The divine being wearing feathered cap as seen on the jade qiong of the Liangzhu culture of Yaoshan, dubbed the “emblem of the tribe of the divine beings” by academia, is deemed an annotation for the imperial dance. The divine being wearing feathered cap is like an emanating sun, and the divine being is kneeling in a manner that exposes a teethed vagina, and thus the design was likely inspired by the image of the goddess of earth-reproduction-fertility.113 The character “介” (jie) on the goddess’ feathered cap has been judged by scholars to be the character “天” (sky), while the protrusion at the center marks the location of the heavenly pillar of the cranium.114 The feathered cap seen on ceramic figurine unearthed from the M17 tomb at Lingyang River attributed to Dawenkou culture, which existed before Liangzhu culture, is widely believed to be a “huang” (皇) in the phrase “people of the Yu clan made sacrifices with huang.”115 113 Xiao

Bing, The Shapes and Connotation of the "Divine Beings and Animal Faces" of Liangzhu Culture, in Archaeology and Cultural Relics, 2003(6). 114 Feng Shi, Archeoastronomy in China, 2007. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, pp. 132–133. 115 Li Xueqin, Discussions on Symbols of Danwekou Culture Potteies from Xinchu, in Cultural Relics, 1987(12).

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Fig. 1.16 Divine beings wearing feathered caps since the neolithic. 1 Excavation of the Xiaojia Wuji site; 2–3 motifs on a jade tool from the Longshan era collected from Liangcheng Town; 4 Zhou Dynasty divine and human faces unearthed from Xi’an; 6, 7 jade objects passed down from generations. Sketches from Du Jinpeng, Archaeological Research on the Xia, Shang and Zhou Dynasties, pp. 678–681

Researcher Du Jinpeng conducted comparative study on bronze and jade divine images unearthed from Xingan, jade figurines of divine beings wearing feathered cap discovered in Western Zhou Dynasty tombs by the Liuli River, feathered caps of Dawenkou culture’s ceramic figurines, holy emblems on jade qiong of Liangzhu culture, jade caps with feather-like adornments, feathered caps of Longshan culture and those from Shang and Zhou Dynasties, as well as jade artifacts, feather caps and human figurines passed down from generations circulating in the United States, Taiwan, and other regions. Du discovered a high degree of similarity between their shapes, structures, and functions, expressing a relatively conspicuous inheritance and evolutionary relationship, and concluded about their functions as such. These divine images are mostly suited for inlaying but not being worn as an accessory or even sewn on as embellishment, thus they should be ornaments for caps and headdresses, akin to cap badges or insignias common among posterity. The application method of the jade cap ornaments of Liangzhu culture is similar to the aforesaid jade divine images, and most of them were found around the heads of bodies buried in large tombs. They are cap ornaments just like the three-pronged jade artifacts, with hole for a mortise and tenon joint at the bottom, while their backsides were engraved with divine insignias. These are obviously inserted vertically into the top of the cap, and are emblems of the identify status and prestige (Fig. 1.16).116

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Furthermore, on these ancient bronze and jade objects engraved with divine images, if one object contains the imagery of two deities, then the two images must be different. Take, for example, 2, 3, 6, and 7 in Fig. 1.16, which show human face on one side and bird face on the other. Even if both faces are human faces, they still differ, with one brandishing tusks and the other without. Even on the jade artifacts of Liangzhu culture, a complete divine system necessitated the combination of both divine person and divine bird. From this we may deduce a rule, as in a complete divine system portrayed on these ancient jade relics ought to include two types of divine representations with different faces. Although either one could exist independently, it would only represent one side of a divine being.117 These jade cap ornaments from after the Neolithic and their divine functions evince the facticity in the existence of the “huang dance” noted in the Rites of Zhou and the “huang sacrificial ceremonies” mentioned in Li Ji. Meanwhile, the character “皇” (huang) in bronze vessel inscriptions, the character “皇” in the small seal script promulgated as the standard during Qin Dynasty, and feather caps found in excavations all serve as traces and clues for philologists and archaeologists to examine the changes of the “emperor’s crown” (huang guan 皇冠). The original meaning of the character “皇” (huang) on bronze vessels of the Shang and Zhou Dynasties has been the subject of heated debates with no consensus in sight. However, “the two theories of’resemblance to the sun’s emergence above the horizon’ and ‘headdress worn by the king’ appear to be more logical. The only caveat is that ‘皇’ is often seen in inscriptions on bronze vessels of the Shang and Zhou dynasties, but few appear to resemble the character ‘日’ (sun), with the exception of Wang’s claim to be very close. Xu agrees with Wang, and asserted that it is a ‘王’ component in the lower part of ‘皇’, which sounds the most sensible.”118 The aforementioned Wang is Wang Rongbao of Shi Huang fame, who was the first to notice the relationship between the character “皇” and the “huang sacrificial ceremonies” mentioned in the Pattern of the Family and Royal Regulations of Li Ji. Wang proceeded to deduce the changes in headdresses of the four dynasties and the evolution of the character “皇”. In the era of Xun, the cap for ancestral temple is equivalent to the shou of Xia, xu of Yin and mian of Zhou. Following the rules of Yao, Xun made no changes. The imperial clothing conforms to the old rules of the period of Three Emperors and Five looks Kings. In ancient scripts, the word 皇 is a pictograph character in which likes the cap ornament. After study, I found that the ancient script like cap rim, word “弁” as has the upper form of , and this is extremely alike to the ancient script of 皇, suggesting that the two are of the same origin. The accurate implication of 116 Du Jinpeng, Brief Discussions on Several Questions about the Jade and Bronze Statues in Shang

Dynasty Tombs at Xingan, in Cultural Relics in Southern China, 1992(2). 117 Du Jinpeng, Brief Discussions on Several Questions about the Jade and Bronze Statues in Shang

Dynasty Tombs at Xingan, in Cultural Relics in Southern China, 1992(2). Xiaoding, Afterthoughts on Reading Modernized Explanations of Ancient Words and Characters on Bronze Vessels, Vol. 1, in Modernized Explanations of Ancient Words and Characters, Vol. 1., 1999. Shanghai: Shanghai Education Publishing House, p. 233. 118 Li

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the word 皇 is 冕 (mian), without need for breakdown analysis. The innate meaning of 皇 is 冠 to be worn by a king, because it is a self-proclaimed name of the king. According to some books, the word 皇 is “grand” and its innate meaning is obscure. In small seal script, 皇 is written as “self-proclaimed king”, in which the original form is lost.119 Xu Zhongshu lauded Wang’s theory and proved that the form on the top of the character “皇” is the shape of the headdress worn by a king through referencing the mountain-shaped crown donned by King Cheng of Zhou Dynasty as seen in a painting of the Duke of Zhou assisting the young King Cheng of Zhou as regent. Xu then argued that it is the character “王,” and not a “hat rack” that appears similar to the character “土,” that forms the lower component of the character “皇,” and further assets that the characters “士,” “王,” and “皇” are all forms that depict sitting, thus different from “冠.”120 Xu’s theory demonstrates the hierarchical position of “the cap” (冠). With regard to the unmentioned shapes and structures of the “crown” (皇 冠), Guo Moruo previously looked at the phrase from the inscription text Shi Gui, and traced the origin of and put forth an explanation about the character “皇”. In antiquity, the person with feather worn on his head was considered the emperor or king. The headdresses donned by the chiefs of primitive tribes were the same. Thus, it can be deduced that the original meaning of “ 皇” is an imperial crown adorned with feather. Below, I shall present, in approximate chronological order, a couple of examples of the character “皇” seen in inscriptions on bronze vessels of the Shang and Zhou Dynasties: ( ); ( ˗ ( ) ); ( ); ( ) ; Does this not clearly illustrate that kings and emperors of China wore ornamented caps? And obviously, this ornamentation was initially feather, but as time progressed the posterity might have substituted it with objects like gold or jade. Thus, the original meaning of the character “皇” is a crown with attached with five-colored feather. The distinguishing feature here is the five-colored feather, and therefore the five-colored feather is “皇.” Subsequently, physical feather was ousted in favor of representing image or text but should still be considered “皇.” By extension, it came to embody meanings such as glory, magnificence, grandeur, greatness, dignity, sternness, and leisure (kings do not have to labor). At the time of Qin Shi Huang (the first emperor of Qin, 259–210 B.C.), the character “皇” was firmly instated as the highest rank of rulership. This is a part of the evolutionary history of the character “皇.”121 In the 1990s, Zeng Xian delved into the changes of the character “皇” and expounded further, opining that the character “皇” roughly experienced three phases. The earliest example may be found on motifs and inscriptions on bronze vessels, and the character was a pictograph of the tail feather of the phoenix. The second stage was 119 Wang Rongbao, Shihuang, in Peking University Chinese Study Quarterly, Vol. 1 No. 2, in Modernized Explanations of Ancient Words and Characters, Vol. 1, pp. 227–228. 120 Xu Zhongshu, Seeking for the Source of the Three Characters Shi, Wang and Huang, Journal of the Institute of History and Philology of the Academia Sinica, No. 4 of 4th copy, 1934. 121 Guo Moruo, Clusters of Western Zhou Dynasty Bronze Vessels at Zhangjiapo of Chang’an, 1965. Beijing: Cultural Relics Press, p. 5.

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the coinage of the character “翌” in the ancient writings of the Warring States period, created as the feathered “皇” was used as an instrument in dancing. The third and last was the character “皇” as written in the small seal script, and the derivation of meanings such as “lord” and “king” based on connotations like “beauty” and “greatness,” as well as exclusive use for the highest rank of rulership under Qin Shi Huang.122 With regard to legends of the wearing of fa (瞂), huang (皇), wu (午), gan (干), xin (辛), or sheng (胜) by idolized kings as documented in literatures, cross-references with cultural relics reveal that the wearing of decorative caps originated from ancient “cap-wearing” magic practice. The fa, huang, wu, gan, xin, sheng, or other headwear donned by divine beings were all magical instrument, weapon, or other devices worn on the head as a symbol of the power to conquer and govern, and were associated with the bird gods that different people worshipped.123 In continental Europe, “arts from the beginning of the Neolithic, goddesses had all been depicted as priestesses wearing crowns or seated on elevated thrones. In early historical records and folk literatures, she was referred to as queen, empress, female sovereign or concubine.” This crown (or horn, snake, bird, or others) symbolizes wisdom, wealth, and the power of rebirth: “Enables a person to know everything about the world, to find hidden treasure and to speak the language of animal.”124 Thus the original divine meanings of the cap and the act of wearing a cap can be observed, as well as the innate evidence for their conversion into symbols of regality (Fig. 1.17). From jue and bian headdresses to the feathered caps of Shang Dynasty, the crowns of the Yu clan, and the figurines of divine beings with feather ornamentations from throughout the prehistoric lands and eras, the wearing of the feather was a common and continual phenomenon. Meanwhile, legends of holy beings wearing feathers and divine beings wearing feathered caps provide the original meanings and foundation of belief in the holiness of the wearing of feathers by ancient people. Then, with regard to the capping rites for a common officer, the symbolic meaning of the caps in the “three-step capping” becomes increasingly clear. Comparing with the divine communication quality of the wearing of feathered caps by adults, for young initiates that had not yet completed identity transition, not yet reborn and still in their sensory threshold status, the “capping” actually represented another secret and unspoken meaning: Psychic powers with deities or ancestors, and completion of a resurrection ritual. According to ethnographic materials, the coming-of-age ritual for the males of the Amis people, one of the indigenous peoples of Taiwan that inhabit lands near Hualien, entails changing into costume and feathered cap, and serves as a most direct evidence to the “capping” institution in the pre-Qin period. The sacred object of said coming-of-age ritual is a white fowl, with its plucked feather tossed onto the 122 Zeng Xiantong, Interpretations of the Characters "Feng," "Huang" and Other Characters of Relevance, Journal of Chinese Linguistics, Vol. 8, 1997. Beijing: Beijing Language and Culture University Press. 123 Wang Xiaodun, Research on Early Chinese Thoughts and Symbols, 2008. Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House, Chap. 4. 124 Marija Gimbutas, The Living Goddesses, translated: Ye Shuxian et al., 2008. Guilin: Guangxi Normal University Press, pp. 128, 220.

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Fig. 1.17 Mountain-shaped headdress with divine being and feather Motif. Mountain-shaped headdress of Liangzhu culture (photo by Ye Shuxian at the Shanghai Museum)

body of the participant, believed to magically expel evils and bad spirits and imbue the participant with divine powers. At night, the father and elder brothers of the participant help the participant change clothes. The participant would take off the white children costume, put on red garments that symbolize maturity, wear feathered cap, pierce his ears to wear a rod, and participate in a singing and dancing festivity, so as to acquire the freedom for relationship and marriage and attain the right and obligation to partake in public affairs of the community.125

1.2.3 Birth and Rebirth: Phenology of the Second Month of Spring and the Original Symbolism of the “Cap” The meaning of a coming-of-age ritual is to expose a child to a series of ordeals, such as the training for skills and testing via bodily pains like tattoo, incision, teeth notching and circumcision, the learning and attainment of the secret knowledge of one’s tribes, and judgment by gods and spirits. Only those who pass these ordeals earn the qualification to “born again” as adult. Comparing with the natural birth from the womb of one’s mother the first time, the crux of the second birth is the symbolic death and rebirth. The entity in charge of this mission of death and rebirth could be the ancestor, deity, spirit (as the intermediary between deity or spirit and human, 125 Zhou Mingqi et al., An Encyclopedia of Festivals and Sacrificial Rituals for the Chinese Nationalities, 1995. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Education Press, pp. 179–180.

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sometimes ancestors are categorized as deity or spirit), or monster and demon. Human being eaten by tiger, human being eaten by two tigers, human being eaten by two Loongs, and eagle grabbing human head are decorative themes prevalent on bronze vessels of Shang and Zhou Dynasties might be associated. Moreover, the Liangzhu culture’s insignia featuring a divine being wearing a feathered cap and exposing a teethed vagina as an image of the goddess of earth-reproduction-fertility naturally reminds one of the deities Goumang, the Chinese god of spring and earth with the head of a human and a body of a bird. The relationship between said god, the second month of spring, and the timing of the capping ritual has already been explained in previous sections, but what is the connection between the god of the second month and the death and resurrection ritual of the capped person? The comparative mythology analysis of “phenology of the second month of spring”126 in Li Ji chapter Proceedings of Government in Different Months offers a fantastic answer. Whether it is the phenology of plants or the phenology of animals, there is no direct personification of “The Great Mother” or “The Great Goddess” that may not be deemed an inheritance from the prehistoric era. In other words, by the time of Li Ji, narrative mythological stories revolving around the image of the goddess at the center during the prehistoric era had been abstracted and altered into nonstory, semi-abstract and enumerative narration with the goddess secluded. What replaced the goddess and her plots and stories were the animal and plant avatars that were originally attributed to her. Although the enumerative narrations expressed in ritual books arranged according to phenology are missing any plot, the subtexts with goddess symbolism still suggest a wide breadth of imagination behind the abstract textual records.127 With regard to the close connection between the phenology of the second month of spring and the ancient goddess belief, the author humbly and respectfully simplifies Prof. Ye’s sophisticated discussion as below (Fig. 1.18). As such, let’s reconnect with the symbolic identification between the god Goumang, the god of mother earth, the god of wood and the god of grains as explained in Chap. 1. The arrival of the phoenix (representing the deity) during spring equinox brings renewal and vitality to the world, and foods and hopes to humans: “the story of’arrival of the mythical bird that gave rise to Shang dynasty’ should be a fable of the resurrection of grains, flowers and woods of the earth upon the arrival of the god

126 In

the second month of spring, the sun is in the position of Kui (one of the 28 stars, today’s Andromeda), and then moves to position of Hu (one of the 28 stars, today’s Canis Major and Puppis) at the dusk. In the next morning, the Jianxing Star is in the mid-sky position. This month uses The Day of Mu (wood) as the main day. Governing the month are Taihao, the heavenly emperor, Goumang, the heavenly god and scaly creatures. Take Hushen (the god of family) as the main god for sacrifice and offer him sacrificial foods mainly consisting of spleen. The rain starts to fall. Peach trees and plum trees blossom. Yellow cormorants tweet. The eagles flying in the sky are replaced by cuckoos. Ruan Yuan (Qing Dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 1361. 127 Ye Shuxian, Comparative Mythology Study Interpretation on Li Ji—Proceedings of Government in Different Months, Journal of Shaanxi Normal University. 2006 (3).

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Fig. 1.18 Phenology of the second month of spring and resurrection after death

of spring.”128 Based on the belief that heaven and humans are in the same state, as in “all things are born in spring, growing in summer, harvested in autumn and hidden in winter, the principle of heaven and earth, the standard of the four seasons, is the way that will not change,” the intention to emulate nature to attain the power for renewal can be deduced in the choice of the capping ritual being hosted at this juncture. Swiss scientist F. Speiser interprets the fundamental meaning of tribal coming-ofage ceremonies as the sharing of the tribe’s important food. This food is the source of life and has been instilled with mysterious power. The god would only bestow gifts to those who have obtained permission through the passing of sacred coming-of-age ceremonies. This god is the god of abundant harvest. German anthropologist Julius Lips describes this theory as such. In the oldest cultures, the ancestral god is a sacred power attached to important foods. The “gods of abundant harvest” in agrarian societies are deemed the sacred keeper of foods, while ancestors function as an intermediary between ordinary humans and the god of abundant harvest. Ancestors help coming-of-age ritual participants attain the favor of the harvest god, who would bestow foods and the strength of adult. Acquisition of this kind of strength mandates the “death” of the child and the “birth” of an adult. This is precisely the mindset that led to the string of events common in coming-of-age ceremonies: Fasting; kidnapping of children by the spirits of the dead; preparation for the sharing of foods (participants are hidden, and then instructed about foods and rules for obtaining foods by spirit); improvement in physical conditions for boys to prepare for maturity; the sharing of foods with assistance from demons that represent the dead; removal of fasting restrictions; and acceptance of the participants as fully grown human beings.129 This is the process of death and subsequent resurrection. In ethnographic study, the coming-of-age ritual for the males of the Amis people, one of the indigenous peoples of Taiwan that inhabit lands near Hualien, usually takes place around the time of harvest on the 15th day of the 8th lunar month. Feathers plucked from white fowls tossed onto the participants possess magical power to expel evils and bad spirits and imbue the participants with divine powers. At night, the father and elder 128 Ding

Shan, Investigations in Ancient Chinese Religions and Mythologies, 1988. Shanghai: Shanghai Literature & Art Publishing House, p. 12. 129 Julius Lips, The Origin of Things, translated: Wang Ningsheng, 2005. Lanzhou Dunhuang Culture and Arts Publishing House, p. 250.

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brothers of the participant help the participant change clothes. The participant would take off the white children costume, put on red garments that symbolize maturity, wear feathered cap, pierce his ears to wear a rod, and participate in a singing and dancing festivity.130 Food, test, bird, feathered cap, and coming-of-age ritual all assimilate as one. More importantly, the change of costume and capping procedure is an ethnographic material testament to the process of the capping ritual. In the initiation ritual of many tribal societies, initiates are usually dressed up like totemic animals to symbolize maturity. For example, in an initiation ritual in Oceania, members would dress up like totems using materials such as colored mud, feathers, and leaves. Among some indigenous peoples of Angola, young initiates would wrap themselves in snake-skin-like clothes fashioned from roots or fibers to express their ardent hope to transform into totem. Young warriors in the Wolf tribe of Native Americans in Texas would wear wolf skin and imitate the movements of wolves during their coming-of-age ritual. The people of the Eagle tribe in Peru often dress like avian using bird feathers.131 In the Hemudu culture from as far back as some 7,000 years ago, the link among the bird, ritual, and foods (rice and plants) was already formed. The ruins of the Hemudu culture is located in a region known in antiquity as Baiyue, and even today the legend of “bird field” still perpetuates, which tells that “rice was brought by sparrows.” In present day, the Fenghua area has still somewhat preserved a custom colloquially called the “sparrow festival,” which pays homage to the sparrow, the god of rice, on the 29th day of the twelfth lunar month of the traditional Chinese calendar. It is customary for folks in the Quzhou area to feed birds with new rice after a fresh harvest.132 On the other side of the sea is Japan, where “ballad of the rice flower god” is created: “A person is born, a person grows up…from the paradise on the other side of the sea, cranes and condors bring rice seedlings from under their wings. From each stalk of seedling dropped to the ground would emerge three more stalks, and from three stalks of seedling dropped to the ground would emerge seven more stalks. From 130 Zhou Mingqi et al., An Encyclopedia of Festivals and Sacrificial Rituals for the Chinese Nationalities, 1995. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Education Press, pp. 179–180. 131 For details, please refer to Cen Jiawu, History of the Art of Totem, 1987 (1986). Shanghai: Xuelin Publishing House, pp. 44–45. 132 With regard to "bird field," theorists differ in their opinions. Chen Long, Chen Qinjian, and others assert that in folk customs in the Wuyue region from ancient times to present day, the "bird field" legend that still perpetuates refers to participation of avian in fieldwork such as removal of grass, riddance of pests, extermination of rats, fertilization of fields, and other endeavors that bolster farming in accordance with climate, solar terms, and the season, and for relevant details please refer to Investigations into the Bird Field (in Collected Essays on the History of the Baiyue People), 1985. Guilin; Guangxi People’s Publishing House) by Chen Long, Bird Worship and Rice Cultivation in Ancient Wuyue Region (1996. Shanghai: Shanghai Literature & Art Publishing House) by Chen Qinjian, and Investigations into God of Rice Cultivation among Fenghua Folks (in Folk Cultures of China, Vol. 10, 1993. Shanghai: Xuelin Publishing House) by Ying Changyu. However, Liu Fujing disagrees and in New Understandings about the Paddy Fields, Floating Rice and "Bird Field" Legend of the Baiyue People (in Ethno-national Studies, 2003[1]) opines that "bird field" has nothing to do with agricultural assistance, rather the bird worship among the Baiyue people is founded upon retrieval of rice by birds and dogs. Regardless of which theory prevails, there is no doubt to the close association between bird and rice, which explains its worship among humans.

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seven stalks of seedling dropped to the ground would emerge countless stalks of rice. The children of gods that live beneath the sky plant and farm the crops, and uses the freshly harvested rice to brew sacred wine of different weight (ancient Chinese weight measurements, including dan, dou, sheng, ge, mo). Gods are presented with three-day sacred wine. Please open up the stone doors of the sky, please come down from heaven to the human realm to enjoy the sacred wine.”133 Large-scale sacrificial rituals to the god of grains are hosted during sowing and harvest each year. In the Canon of Yao chapter in the Book of Documents, it was recorded that Emperor Yao said “Orders are given to Xi and Zhong to live in the eastern Yangu, where they respectfully greet the rising sun, and determine the hours of eastern sunrise. When the night and the daytime are of equal length, the seven stars including Red Sparrow appear in the perfect south direction. According to these natural signs, the proceedings of the second month of spring can be ascertained. At this time, people sow seeds in the fields, and birds and beast start to breed,”134 which tells of the origin of the establishment of the second month of spring: Emperor Yao orders Xizhong (one of the incarnations of the god of the sun) to go from the Liaoxi area in the northeast to the Yang Valley in the east to welcome and usher in the sun. When the day and night are evenly divided, when the stars in the seven lunar mansions of the Vermillion Bird of the South can be seen at dusk, that would be the second month of spring when all things would begin to grow, when birds and beasts would procreate, and when people would sow. Thus, the relationship between the east, the sun, birds, and the growth of all things is clear. Meanwhile, “In the mid spring, birds chirp. Doves are given to seniors and noblemen and their feathers are used as materials of costume,” as written in the Luoshi part of Offices of Summer on The Army in the Rites of Zhou and Zheng Xuan’s annotation “Spring birds come out from hibernation, which are the yellow sparrows in the southern district now”135 are even more prominent from the anthropologic point of view. The turtle dove, an incarnation of the goddess of spring, was presented as food to “seniors of the state” (国老 guolao), while its feather was used to make ritual costumes. Is that not contradictory? But if one were to remember the “sacred meal ritual” popular in many regions, then there is nothing contradictory about that, because the sharing of a sacred object means the obtainment of the power of the sacred object. The so-called “seniors of the state” refer to revered and respected elderlies of great wisdom and insight hosted in academies, where capping participants study and learn before and after their comingof-age, which may also be considered as nexus for tribal societies.136 These wise 133 Edited

by Ren Yaosheng et al., Rice Cultivation and Sacrificial Ceremonies, 2003. Kunming: Yunnan People’s Publishing House, pp. 321–322. 134 Ruan Yuan (Qing Dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 119. 135 Ruan Yuan (Qing Dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 846. 136 In the Record on the Subject of Music chapter of Li Ji, it was written: "In feasting the three (classes of the) old and the five classes of the experienced in the Great college…" and Zheng Xuan annotated: "The three classes of the old and the five classes of the experienced talk to one another about the three virtues and five causes…” Kong Yingda verified: "The three virtues means

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seniors were the hosts, executors, and instructors of the capping ceremonies, or during antiquity, the performers that played gods that consumed the capped. Meanwhile, the phrase “through the use of feather” corresponds and serves as a reference to the aforementioned feathered cap, which further solidifies the relationship between Goumang the deity, plant, food, and capping ritual. The action of bequeathing and putting a feathered cap on a capping ritual subject to symbolize maturity is a relic of ancient people’s practice of imitating the god of spring. The next question is why does a capping ritual entail putting on three caps and changing costumes three times? This might be dependent on age classification or test duration. The ultimate goal of a test is to obtain “rebirth.” We can already see that in ceremonies described in Capping Rites for a Common Officer, everything had become ritual and symbolic instead, wholly without the bodily sufferings like circumcision or etching that prevailed in the coming-of-age ceremonies of tribal societies. Although the wide range of colorful primordial myths and ceremonies had been abstracted and distilled into a string of miscellaneous and trivial agendas after the civilization of rites and ceremonies, the actions themselves, such as “capping,” “costume change,” serving wine to gods and speech, had preserved their original meanings. From the perspective of mutual perception between heaven and humans that are in the same state, every year when spring returns flowers blossom and birds tweet, as if the land has put on new clothes. Even today, it is customary to “replace old mahogany plaques with new mahogany plaques” and to change into new clothes during Chinese New Year (Spring Festival). Changing into new clothes represents a renewal. The sequential bequest of different caps, beginning with the black woven cap that symbolized fasting and handling of affairs, then the leather headdress that symbolized hunting and meeting between lord and vessels, and finally the ritual headdress that symbolized sacrificial ritual, represented an increase in the range and level of authority, and thus traditional literature interpreters called this a “test of the heart,” a “test of will,” and “mi zun” (growing nobility). Previous example with the coming-of-age ritual of the Amis Tribe of Taiwan, the costume change process, and feathered cap are already an immaculate explanation. J. E. Harrison’s research on the Panathenaic Games held at the Acropolis of Athens, as in the presentation of new garments to the goddess Athena during the month of Hekatombaion, which roughly corresponds to July and equates to the first month of the year in the ancient Athenian calendar, offers yet another reference for the practices of capping and costume change in capping ritual. Inside the Parthenon stands an age-old and very crude wooden statue of the goddess Athena. Each year the people would fashion a grand cape for the goddess and change the costume of the statue to symbolize the renewal of the god’s life and gifts and celebrate the beginning of a new year, departure of drought, and arrival of rain. During the earliest times, people chopped off branches from olive trees, the sacred tree, and the tree of destiny, righteousness, upright, and flexibility. The five causes mean appearance, speech, seeing, listening and thinking." Further, it was written in Treatise on Rites and Music of the Book of Former Han: "Feast three classes of the old and the five classes of the experienced in the college." For details about the relationship between the club and feasting in the university, see the segment about "club, college and age classification.".

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and then decorated them with strips of cloth, grains, fruits, and other items, and presented them to the “queen of the city” Athena. People would sing ancient songs about olive branch to pray for blessings for the city about the incarnation.137 This sacred tree is the linkage between the goddess Athena and the lives in the city of Athens, similar to the shrine trees planted as a sacrifice to or blessing for the land in China.

1.3 Sacred Place of “Rebirth”: The East Room and the Space for Capping Ritual According to the description of ritual space in the Capping Rites for a Common Officer chapter of the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial, the temple (shrine) was structured as such: The guest of distinction is at the temple door…and stays outside the temple doors. On the day of the capping ritual, the guests and the master of ritual stands outside the door, and the host stands at the left of the door and welcomes guests, bows at every turn and bend of the path. At the door, the host bows when entering, and bows three times before reaching the steps. The host walks up the east flight of steps, and the guests walk up the west flight of steps to the hall, where the host stands at the east side and the guests stand at the west side. After the end of the “three-step capping,” the capped person walks down the flight of west steps and then proceeds to the northern side of the eastern wall to see mother. The capped person returns, see the guests, and the host sends the capped person out the door. The capped person goes see brothers, and then enters to see sisters. Zheng Xuan’s annotation on “meeting mother” comments: “The capped person goes to the eastern wall and exits a side door, because at the time the mother is outside the side door.” Zheng Xuan further explained about “enter to see sisters” and said: “Enter, as in enter bedroom door. The temple is outside the bedroom door.” Here, there are two points particularly worth noting. First of all, the temple is a relatively independent space, and looking at it layout from south to north along the central axis, its structure includes: Door (including east and west studies), one courtyard and one set of steps (including the east flight of steps and west flight of steps), one hall (including the east hall and west hall), and one chamber (consists of east room and west room); from a bird’s eye view, the temple is an independent space isolated and enclosed by surrounding walls. There are two doors that lead to the outside world: Main door to the south, and side door at the northern end of the east wall. For example, please refer to simplified diagram Fig. 1.19. Second of all, in the independent space of the temple, for the capped person the capping ritual primarily revolved around the steps, hall, and east room, and after the completion of capping the capped person would then go to the northern end 137 Jane

Ellen Harrison, Ancient Art and Ritual, translated: Liu Zongdi, 2008. Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, pp. 115–117.

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Fig. 1.19 Diagram showing the ceremonial space of the temple where capping rites for a common officer were held

of the east wall to see mother. The east room is divided into two parts, with the northern part being the north hall, and the southern part being the east room. The capped person mostly moved between the hall and east room to perform the ritual, and so were there any symbolic meanings of the “east room” in the whole capping ritual? If so, what were they? There is a lack of literature about the matter, but as per previous discussions about the timing of capping ritual and the original symbolism of the cap, alongside circumstantial evidence from relevant ethnographic materials of other regions, we can see that the “east room” should have possessed special symbolic significance.

1.3.1 North Hall, Day Lily, and Mother The northern half of the east room is called the north hall, and it is connected to the outside via the north steps. Zheng Xuan annotated in The Great Archery Meet chapter of the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial with the remark: “Northern flight of steps, located below the north hall.” In True Meaning of the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial, Hu Peiyun wrote: “The room is where women spend much time. Whenever a woman enters a temple, her place would be in the fang room, and thus when a woman enters the shrine her place would be the fang room, and when she toasts to the hostess and feast, she would be in the fang room, not the shi room.” Also, “the north cleaning room is established, so women do not go to the hall.” The north hall is not only the location intended for women and other lowly persons, but it is often considered an allusion to the mother. According to study conducted by Prof. Ye

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Shuxian, in pre-Qin literature the north was associated with water, earth, downwardness, winter, darkness, the underworld, death, females, and other yin qualities, and on the contrary the south was affiliated with yang attributes like fire, sky, upwardness, summer, light, divine realm, life, and males. This is why the north palace, north hall, north alley, and similar structural spaces became symbols of the female. The term beili (北里, north alley or north lane) may also be understood as an innuendo for brothels or other venues of ill repute and a symbol of impurity.138 This also means that the “north” is a hidden space with yin characteristics. In terms of the relationship between worldview, social structure, habitat layout, and ritual space, research on the Huai’ao people of the Solomon Islands of Melanasia undertook by anthropologist Mary Douglas could serve as a viable reference. A’dage, the ancestral spirit of the Huai’ao people, is located within a sanctuary, and only men may enter the holy yet dangerous holy territory to communicate with A’dage. Women are deemed to have defiled bodies so they are barred from any related activity. Thus, the most important matter to the Huai’ao people is the assurance of an appropriate degree of isolation between the holy territory, defiled territory, and the “this-worldly” territory of normal life. This sort of isolation is manifested in a series of binary oppositions: Female = downwardness = defilement Male = upwardness = holiness Male versus female and holiness versus defilement are clearly believed to be symbolic reflections of each other. This symbolic worldview model is also embodied in the spatial configuration of the habitats of the Huai’ao people. In the area above, the open space is the male’s club where males eat and sleep, where the territory is holy and pure, and where women do not have access. The area below the open space is a small menstrual cottage for women, where the territory is defiled and where men shall not get near. The middle part of the open space is the “current-world” territory, where one or several houses stand. However, even within each of these houses, the upper portion (above the hearth) is exclusive to males, while the lower portion is opened to both males and females, as pictured on the right of Fig. 1.20.139 Cultural geographer Mike Crang has discovered that even the establishment of the private space inside a family home is a reflection of the morals, ethics, and gender ideologies of their inhabitants. The most well-known example ought to be the residence of the Kabyle people of Algeria. The house usually has a roof and a rectangular shape and includes a weaving room, storage room, and food processing room, as well as stable, barn, and space for feeds. The roof is slightly tilted to facilitate drainage, and this tilted rooftop means that one side of the house is higher than the other. The lower side is a natural activity space for humans, where birth, gender, sexual behavior, sleep, and death take place, and the furniture and utensils here are characterized by moistness, 138 Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House,

p. 27. 139 Roger

Martin Keesing, Cultural Anthropology: A Contemporary Perspective, translated: Yu Jiayun, Zhang Gongqi, 1981. Taipei: Juliu Book Company, pp. 575–576.

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Fig. 1.20 Principles on ceremonial space and house layout

darkness, and the color green; the higher side is a space for activities related to light and water, and for hosting guests. Therefore, in such a house there is a natural zone and a civilized zone. If a guest were to be arranged to be seated near the dark wall, he or she would complain of maltreatment. Women work in the dark zone inside the house, while men work outdoor. Thus, men need to leave the home before dawn, and the outdoor is the space for men, while indoor is the realm of women. In other words, the contrasting relations of yin/yang and light/dark in the internal structure of the house of the Kabyle people mirror the contrasting relation of indoor versus outdoor. This type of contrasting relation also demonstrates a set of binary oppositions: Male : Highness = brightness = outdoors = respect = civilization Female : Lowness = darkness = indoors = servility = nature Among the cultures of the world, many have instilled housing space with symbolisms related to hierarchy, gender, and division between the sacred and the mundane. On the archipelago of Fiji, the eastern wall is bestowed with the god’s first ray of sunlight and is exclusive to the chief. The internal spaces of yurts and Arabic tents are configured according to gender, respect and servility, and sacredness and mundaneness. The residences in Madagascar must adhere to the concept of the universe in the local religion, with the west being the main frontal face of the residence, the northern side being the entrance for eminent guests, the northeastern corner being the holiest region of the house, and the northern wall reserved for the enshrinement and worship of ancestors. Even Oxford University and Cambridge University today have maintained a Medieval meal-seating arrangement based on the model of sacredness and mundaneness and of superiority and inferiority.140 Thus, it can be seen that even in highly developed and complicated civilized societies, specific structural spaces still reflect the perceptions (cognitive space) of people. In terms of the ritual space 140 Amos

Rapoport, House Form and Culture, translated: Chang Qing et al., 2007. Beijing: China Architecture and Building Press, pp. 53–54.

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for the hosting of the various rites and ceremonies described in the three ancient ritual texts (the Rites of Zhou, Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial, and Li Ji), this type of isolation based on male versus female, outdoors versus indoors, and yin versus yang were very common. The north hall has been argued to be an allusion to mother, because for one, it is analogous to the “northernism” being a space characterized by yin qualities, and for another it has been associated with the day lily. The day lily in Chinese is known by another name 谖草, also pronounced xuan cao, with the first character xuan (谖) meaning “to forget.” The earliest written record is the Boxi portion in Odes of Wei of the Book of Songs: “where could I get day lily and I want to plant it at my backyard.” In the Mao Tradition of the Poetry (a historic version of the Book of Songs): “Day lily enables one to forget about worries.” Tang Dynasty classics scholar and interpreter Lu Deming interpreted: “Xuan (谖), is also called xuan (萱). As in the day lily on the trees planted by north hall, which can enable people to forget about worries.” Thus, the day lily also came to be known as 忘忧草 (wang you cao, literally “grass to forget worries”): “The day lily, consumed for joy and to forget worries and anxiety, thus it is called wang you cao.” Tang Dynasty poet Meng Jiao wrote in the poem A Traveler’s Poem: “Day lily grows up to the doorsteps, and the son is still traveling far away from home; the white-haired mother stares at afar but sees no shadow of her son.” And Yuan Dynasty painter and poet Wang Mian wrote in Oushu: “Great weather this morning, the day lily blooms in front of the hall. Hold a cup to toast to mother’s birthday, in a celebration without boisterousness.” According to historical institution, the north hall was the residence of women, thus “xuan tang” (萱堂, literally “hall of day lily”) refers to mother’s chamber and in turn also indicates mother. Song Dynasty Ye Mengde wrote in the second poem of Zairen Houqianmoguian Shilin: “at home there are white-haired mother and also young kid who sleeps peacefully in the arms of the old mother.” The day lily was coined yet another name yi nan cao (宜男草, literally “grass good for conceiving boy”), largely because of the phase “pregnant woman with this will give birth to boy” in the Records of Local Customs. All the aforementioned names, as well as mu qin cao (母亲草, literally “mother’s grass”), all appear to have derived from the medicinal function and symbolism of the plant. Modern medicine believes that the leaf of the day lily could invigorate appetite and alleviate indigestion, while the root could quell internal heat, stimulate urination, cool down overheated blood, promote coagulation, and address issues such as lack of breast milk and irregular menstruation, which are all related to ailments common in mothers, sons, and gynecopathy. Ancient beliefs in relief of worry and anxiety through the ingestion of the day lily, and the conception of boy through wearing the day lily, were all magically medicinal qualities. In Chinese Symbolism and Art Motives, British scholar C. A. S. Williams asserted. The day lily is a flowering plant in the genus Hemerocallis, and for many years has been thought of as an anesthetic or a psychoactive drug that could relieve pain (谖草, xuan cao). Purportedly, if women were to wear it around their waist, they would be able to bear more sons, thus the day lily came to be a symbol of mother in family. The tender leaves of the day lily may be eaten and appear to have a wee bit

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Fig. 1.21 The day lily: conception of son and a life of longevity. The day lily (萱 草, xuan cao) is also known by many names such as wang you (忘忧, to forget worries), liao chou (疗愁, literally “treatment for sorrow”), lu cong (鹿葱, literally “deer’s onion”), yi nan (宜男, literally “good for conceiving son”) and mu qin cao (母亲草, to symbolize mother). The Compendium of Materia Medica (Bencao Gangmu) says that wearing the daylily would induce pregnant woman to give birth to son. Traditional paintings often depict the day lily with longevity stone (寿石, shou shi), pomegranate or pomegranate flower to represent conception of son and a life of longevity, or a life of longevity with many sons. 1. Glass vase with daylily made in Qianlong era; 2. A picture screen of a lady enjoying daylily and butterfly, symbolizing a wish for a son; 3. White jade is suitable for posterity in Qianlong Era. Photo by Tang Qicui at the Palace Museum.

of intoxication or stimulation effects on people. Story has it that deers feed on the day lily (Fig. 1.21).141 The day lily and mother are symbolic of each other, and they share a symbolic identity relationship. At the same time, the day lily is also the food for a familiar type of animal for the Chinese—the deer. The animal is an icon of longevity in Chinese culture. Deer hide was used as gift for guests according to pre-Qin literatures, as well as a crucial token for marriage auspice and as a betrothal gift. The antler was believed to be empowered with the ability to resurrect the dead, and the consumption of velvet of the antler is reputed to stimulate spermatogenesis, promote hemostasis, and prevent rickets, among other medicinal benefits. In both Small Calendar of the Xia and Li Ji chapter Proceedings of Government in Different Months, the “lu jiao jie” (the shedding of antlers) is an important phenology for the second month of summer. 141 C.

A. S. Williams, Chinese Symbolism and Art Motives, translated: Li Hong, Xu Yanxia, 2006. Changsha: Hunan Science and Technology Press, p. 125.

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Apart from its medicinal uses, the antler was a key component in the crafting of antler caps, which was worn by shamans of northern China for its supposed ability to facilitate communication with gods. It was recorded in the Capping Rites for a Common Officer chapter of the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial, deer hides in pairs were used as gifts for guests, and the pi bian leather headdress granted during the second of the three-step capping rituals was predominantly fashioned from deer hide. According to archeoastronomy, before the black turtle arose as the representative of the north among the Four Symbols, between 4800 BC and 500 BC both the deer and kylin were the masters of the palace of the north, then in 300 BC the kylin was allocated to the center and the turtle became the symbol of the north.142 Thus, we have uncovered a stunning connection between the deer, the north hall, and the day lily. Image of a deer with the clam already existed in the second set of clam and condor image found at the Xishuipo site that dates to 4500 BC.143 Furthermore, on the ceiling of the tomb of Bu Qiuqian from the middle of the Western Han Dynasty is a painting with two Loongs, a white tiger, a vermillion bird, and a pair of kylin, of which the latter two were both depicted with wings, with the one-horned qi (a male kylin) is in the back and the horn-less lin (a female kylin) is in the front. The pair of male and female kylin are directly opposite the twin Loongs and should be the male and female deers pinmu (note: The pin and mu are, respectively, male and female, much like qi and lin). In 300 BC when the deer replaced the turtle, the kylin was relocated to the center and became the master of luo chong (note: Literally the “naked insect,” one of the “five insects” in ancient times, defined as any animal without feather or scale), and humans were luo chong. In the Tibetan religion of Bon, many indigenous deities ride on deer for their ascension into heaven. When wizards performed their rituals, they would sit on a deer built from clay or a drum called “rηa,” then lift off into the sky to speak to gods. In a rock painting at Baxiu County in eastern Tibet, a scene featuring a deer-riding wizard vividly depicts this religious belief. The drum of the wizard is ridable because it is covered in 142 Feng

Shi, Astronomic Research of Tomb No. 45 at Xishuipo in Puyang of Henan Province, in Cultural Relics. 1990(3). 143 In Three Steps in Puyang and the Human-Beast Theme in Ancient Chinese Arts (in Cultural Relics 1988[11]), author and well-known anthropological archaeologist Zhang Guangzhi asserts that this is the same as "san jiao" in Taoism, which are animal companions that accompany the dead as they ascend to heaven. With regard to "san jiao," Xiao Bing refutes this theory in Relationship Between Humans and Animals in Ancient Chinese Cultural Relics—A Comment on Prof. Zhang Guangzhi’s "Animal Companion" Pan-Shaman Theory (in Social Science 2006[1]), opining that the "lu lu jiao" in Jin Dynasty scholar Ge Hong’s Baopuzi as referenced by Zhang is in fact a sort of sled with windlass, and there is no such thing as the deer-related "lu jiao fu." Further, Xiao Bing also agrees with Li Xueqin and Feng Shi’s hypothesis that the dragon and tiger reflect ancient astronomic calendar, and contends that currently the most substantiated argument is that the dragon and tiger safeguard, defend and underpin the tomb owner, and even if the dragon and tiger were not yet deemed symbols of east and west at the time, their positions already place the tomb owner’s location at the sacred "center of the universe." The most accessible evidence can be found in Han Dynasty paintings, with the Queen Mother of the West using the dragon and the tiger to reinforce her authority of "discourse as the center." Whether or not "lu jiao" ever existed is still a matter to be proven or disproven, but the relationships between deer, rebirth, calendar system, and sacredness are still clear.

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1 Wizard flying into the sky on the back of deer 2 Shijiahe culture's jade antler. Antlers have (Turfan era rock painting at Baxiu County, Tibet), regenerative powers (photo by Tang Qicui at from Qinghai Yanhua, pp.95 the Hubei Provincial Museum)

Fig. 1.22 Humans obtain divine powers with the help of the deer god or antlers

deer hide, with some drums even made to resemble the appearance of a deer or a horse. Some wizards in Mongol tribes call this type of drum the “black buck.”144 According to research by Lommel, starting from the late Paleolithic, the deer as the animal assistant to shamans for divine communication was commonplace across continental Europe, especially around the Eurasian Steppe. For instance, the uncanny resemblance of the wizard dressed up as a deer seen in a parietal rock painting in Lascaux, France.145 The deer was worshipped and revered as “king of animals” or “god of hunting” because of its antler. In an origin myth widely known across continental Europe, the deer is the sun god “with white light emanating all over its body, its head held high, long antlers extending from across its back and that takes off into the sky with half-opened eyes.” This would explain why there are so many ancient deer stones that dot the plains of Central Asia and northern China. The deer could fly, which was why it became a helper to shamans and wizards for divine communication. The wearing of antler cap by shaman when they perform magic might be an attempt to fly into the sky by relying on the deer’s capacity of flight. From this point of view, the antler cap and the pi bian leather headdress bestowed during the second of the three-step capping rituals, a cap of deer hide, both possess the magical function to communicate with gods (Fig. 1.22). In terms of pharmaceutical qualities, the day lily is connected with mother, riddance of worries, the magical property of giving birth to many sons, and alleviation of gynecopathy, and with regard to ritual space, the day lily is associated with the north hall and spaces with yin characteristics. Meanwhile, according to legends the deer feeds on day lily and is a symbol of longevity, prosperity, and status. In terms of the medicinal qualities of the deer, the stimulation of spermatogenesis and male fertility, blood replenishment, hemostasis, fetus appeasement, enhancement of male 144 Tang

Huisheng, Zhang Wenhua, Qinghai Rock Paintings—Research on Binary Opposite Thoughts and Concepts in Pre-historic Arts, 2001. Beijing: Science Press, pp. 95–96. 145 For details, please refer to Anatoly I. Martynov, The Ancient Art of Northern Asia. trans. and ed. by Demitri B. Shimkin and Edith M. Shimkin. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, c1991, pp. 52–73.

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procreative ability, and the strengthening of physical capacity are all affiliated to the production of life between men and women and the improvement of bodily functions, which also remotely correspond to older primordial meanings, hunting ceremonies, and divine communication power. In Chinese culture, as the symbol of the north among the Four Symbols, the deer is symbolically identical to the north hall and mother. So how are these related to capping ritual? From the detailed observations and analysis of the Mukanda ritual of the Ndembu people conducted by Victor Turner, we can see that in coming-of-age ritual, whether that be the Mukanda for boys or the Nkang’a for girls, the nyiyombu tree plays an equally pivotal role as a symbol of mother. “Girls undergoing the Nkang’a ritual needs to lie beneath a nyiyombu tree for an entire day without moving,” while the ku-kolisha, the ritual medicine for the Mukanda circumcision, requires the nyiyombu tree since “everyone says that the use of the nyiyombu tree is because the first new initiate will be under the nyiyombu tree, and will undergo circumcision lying on a bed made from the leaves of the nyiyombu tree.”146 In addition, “the term’ku-kolisha’ originates from the verb’ku-ko-la,’ which means to ‘become strong and healthy,’ with ‘ku-kolisha’ being its causative form. ‘Ku-kola’ normally refers to the reproductive organ, especially the penis, to become strong. The term ‘ilomudakola’ means a ‘penis with the ability to erect,’ and therefore sexual prowess is very much a part of the concept of healthiness.”147 Boys and girls to partake in the Mukanda and Nkang’a ceremonies are taken away from their homes and mothers to locales deep in the forest, where there is the symbolic doorway of mukoleku, sacred site for circumcision, and isolation hut. The mukoleku is placed on a newly blazed trail located at the junction between a flattened path and the site of circumcision, and new initiates would discard their childhood clothes on the “doorframe” to signify the separation of impure childhood and circumcised manhood. The isolation hut and the instructions, training, bull-roarer, and machishi ritual therein, on the other hand, are signs of the attainment of new life.148 The drama of life and resurrection have been performed in coming-of-age ceremonies across the globe, especially the process of consumption by monster is a fundamental theme that is almost universal around the world. Youths participating in the coming-of-age ritual of the Wenji tribe or Wenji Nation in the state of New South Wales, Australia, have to be taken faraway by a mysterious monster Daramulun and killed, then resurrected and having one tooth knocked off; in many tribes across Oceania, Papua New Guinea, and Africa, it is believed that the “bull roar” emitted during the ritual originates from deity, demon, spirit, or monster, who would eat the children and then revive them. In many languages, “the monster that devours coming-of-age ritual participants is 146 Victor

Turner, The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritual, translated: Zhao Yuyan et al., 2006. Beijing: Commercial Press, p. 189. 147 Victor Turner, The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritual, translated: Zhao Yuyan et al., 2006. Beijing: Commercial Press, p. 188. 148 The bull roarer is called the N’danba-M’Weila, which roughly means "devour by lion"; the M’chishi means the mask-wearer, who would beat the children with a stick and bring salt to parents of new initiates. Qixi from the N’yiomu tree altar will bestow the person the name of male ancestor. For details, please refer to Victor Turner, The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritual, diagram of mukoleku on pp. 214, and 228–233, 243.

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deemed a powerful demon or monster, or the spirit of ancestor, while the ‘bull roar’ is a physical manifestation of the demon, monster or spirit.”149 In texts about the capping ritual, it is rare to find such specific contents about ritual procedures, and it is hard to locate detailed interpretations of ceremonies that relay relatively primordial meanings, but scrutinizing search between the lines has revealed how the “east room” is indicative of death and new birth in capping ritual.

1.3.2 The East Hall, the 4th Mansion of the Azure Loong of the East, and the Womb of Mother Growth, love, and death are eternal themes throughout the course of human history and development. Of them, the broad definition of “growth” may accompany a person from start to end, with the passing of different milestones to demonstrate the course of life, which Arnold-Van Gennep termed “rite of passage.” The most obvious rites of passage are similar to William Lloyd Warner’s description. A person experiences all the movements in his or her life, from the mandatory fetus inside the mother’s womb to the end point of death and tomb, then ultimately lies in the grave as a dead organic body. This movement is continuously interrupted by some important transition periods, and all societies use the appropriate rituals to ritualize and publicize these important transition periods, so as to heighten the importance of these individuals and groups within the eyes of the members living in this society. These important transition periods are birth, puberty, marriage and death.150 They denote a kind of transition. The narrow definition of “growth” meanwhile indicates specifically the transition period from childhood to adulthood, along with the corresponding ceremonies, which in anthropology parlance equate to coming-ofage ritual, initiation ritual, rebirth ritual, or other names, as in the attainment of new life and new status through specially designed isolation, transition, test, symbolic death and resurrection, and return. The symbolic death and resurrection form the core of coming-of-age ritual, and there is always a sacred site for the death and birth: Forest, cave, hut, or tomb. There, children would be killed by gods and then regurgitated to symbolize birth for a second time. The Song of the Circumciser in the Mukanda ritual of the Ndembu people clearly expresses this symbolism. I am the lion that eats on the road. You lie down, you look up into the sky, inside the nest of the black stork is an egg laid by a black kite, inside the cave of the mamba is an egg laid by a lizard, the mothers of the new initiates, you once belittled me,

149 James George Frazer, The Golden Bough, translated: Xu Yuxin, 2006. Beijing: New World Press,

p. 646. 150 Lioyd

Warner, The Living and the Dead. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1959, p. 303, in Victor Turner, The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritual, translated: Zhao Yuyan et al., 2006. Beijing: Commercial Press, p. 94.

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send your child to where I am and I will torture him, your child is dead, and even the son of the chief will be treated like a slave.151 The circumciser in the ritual is compared to a lion that has devoured the new initiate and brought the initiate into a wholly different world, as in the circumcision ritual and the place of isolation, for the purpose of severing the tie between the new initiate and mother in order for the former to attain new life. This attainment of new life is essentially a separation from the world of females (mother) and then an identification with the world of males (father). However, the symbolic “rebirth” still mimics the location of the first attainment of life—in the image of the mother’s womb—through the use of places like cave or hut, as well as the symbolic feeding after rebirth. Was this sort of symbolism or meaning manifested in the capping ritual, too? This is the east room. Within the sacred structural layout and ritual space of the “temple,” the east hall was where ritual vessel and costume were stored, where women stayed, where the ceremonies were hosted, and thus possessed very prominent yin spatial connotations. Prior to the performance of the capping ritual, the person to be capped would be dressed in colorful children’s clothes and have hair tied up in a children’s bun, and dispatched to the east room to wait for the ritual to take place. During all ceremonies of the three-step capping ritual, all clothes related to the capping costume were put on inside the east room, and after the wine-consumption phase of the ritual was completed, the capped person would no longer be allowed inside the east room. Clearly, the east room is symbolically identical to caves, tombs, huts, and other sacred sites for resurrection as documented in foreign materials, and represents the womb of the earth, the vein of the world, and the belly of the mother goddess. This theory is exemplified in the symbolic identification relationship between the north hall, mother, and northern symbol of the sacred deer as described above, and similarly, an analogy can be seen in the lunar mansion fang (literally “room,” an asterism consisting of stars including the determinative star Pi Scorpii) associated with the Green Loong (or Azure Loong) of the East in the phenology of the second month of spring. The seven mansions (xiu in Chinese) of the Green Loong of the East are in order jiao (horn), kang (neck), di (root), fang (room), xin (heart), wei (tail), and ji (winnowing basket), and the intervals between each mansion have not changed since antiquity, with the exception of the mansions xin and wei. Scholarly research has revealed that when the fang lunar mansion is used as a node to link up the other mansions, regardless of the order of linkage, the seven lunar mansions of the Green Loong would combine to form an image exactly identical to the character long (“Loong”) in oracle inscriptions and bronze vessel inscriptions, such as depicted in Fig. 1.23. The mansions correspond to different parts of the Loong, with jiao as horn, kang as neck, di as head, fang as belly, xin as heart, and wei and ji as tail. Worth noting is the extraordinary relationship between the characters fang (方), fang (房, “room”), and fu (腹, “belly”). On the lacquered coffin cover in the Tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng, the character 房 was written as 方; in the Da Tian part of the Lesser Court 151 Victor

Turner, The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritual, translated: Zhao Yuyan et al., 2006. Beijing: Commercial Press, pp. 187–188.

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2 Dragon design formed from an arrangement of clam shells at tomb N45 in Xinshuipo of Puyang City

1 The character long ("dragon") in oracle bone inscriptions and bronze 4 Seven lunar mansions of the Bluegreen Dragon of the East on an engraved Han dynasty brick, vessel inscriptions unearthed in suburban Chengdu 1-3 From Feng Shi, Archeoastronomy in China. pp.416.

3. Diagram of lines connecting the seven lunar mansions of the Bluegreen Dragon of the East

Fig. 1.23 The character long (“Loong”) in oracle inscriptions and bronze vessel inscriptions, and the Green Loong of the east

Hymns of the Book of Songs as seen in the Zheng Xuan’s Mao Tradition of the Poetry, a historic version of the Book of Songs, the character 方 is understood as 房; it was written in the astronomic book Shi’s Classic of Stars for the seven lunar mansions of the Green Loong of the East, “room” is the “belly”; and in the Discourses of Zhou in the Discourses of the States, the annotation for the phrase “nongxiang chenzheng” reads “nongxiang is the ‘room’ star, and chenzheng is the day of beginning of spring (1st solar term in the traditional Chinese calendar, ‘start of spring’), chenzhong yu wuye.” A bevy of literature have expounded that “in antiquity, the characters 方, 房 and 腹 have the same pronunciation and the same meaning.”152 In Li Ji chapter Proceedings of Government in Different Months, it was written about the second month of winter (11th month in traditional Chinese calendar): “The officials are ordered, saying ‘Do not dig the earth to build civil engineering. Do not take off the cover and put down the palace and houses, and do not rouse the people to action. This is the way to close the vapor of heaven and earth. Otherwise, the strong air will find vent. This is called to open the gate of heaven and earth. Every kind of insects in their winter sleeping will die, and the people suffer calamity from pestilence. Some of them will flee away in order to escape illness.” Both Zheng Xuan and Kong Yingda did not provide specific interpretations about “房,” while Kong Zhengyi only said: “The room (房) is a covered and private space for residence, and at this time, the heaven and earth cover everything and reveal nothing.” In other words, the second month of winter is a month to remain hidden, and “the room of heaven and earth” would mean the death of anything being hidden or stored inside. This is also seen in the Zhongdong Almanac in Master Lü’s Spring and Autumn Annals, where an explanation by Chen Qiyou reads: “The room (房) is the hole.” Thus, room also meant a cave in the ground. This “cave” that hid and stored everything had functions

152 Feng Shi, Archeoastronomy in China, 2007. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, pp. 415–417.

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Jade bear and dragon fetus of Hongshan culture Six vertebrates from left to right: Fish, salamander, turtle, chicken, pig, human fetus

Fig. 1.24 Fetal Loong and coil Loong

similar to the life-bearing belly of mothers. This resemblance is also proved in the relationship between the Loong and the Earthly Branch symbol 辰 (chen). As a zodiac sign, the Loong is associated with the Earthly Branch symbol 辰 (chen), and the original meaning of the character 辰 is “娠” (as in “妊娠” meaning “pregnancy”), but could also indicate “震” (as in “震动” meaning “to shake” or “to vibrate”). The former denotes the cultivation of life, or the hide and store, while the latter is to stimulate life as into give birth. The idiom “群龙无首” (alludes to a group without a leader, and literally “a group of Loongs without head” but also “various individuals without heads”) was derived from a status of being cultivated and born (the fetus) and how “the Loong gods in the early stage is coiled up, and in reality they are all deities or spirits with a fetal characteristic. In actuality, it is life in its fetal form or gestated form.”153 This coincidentally matches early forms of Loong shapes discovered in archaeology. Even more interesting is an overview of the snake-bodied and bear-headed emperor of the east Taihao, the human-faced and bird-bodied deity Goumang, the Green Loong of the East and the life-bearing belly “room” of the mother from the perspective of comparative iconography. The east room, as a yin space of the eastern direction, is located at the same locale as the symbolically maternal north hall. Meanwhile, before the first capping, the capped person would be dressed in children’s clothing, then changed into other costumes as the ritual progressed, and after the completion of the ritual the capped person would not return to the room as a mark of having emerged as an adult. Thus, the symbolic meanings of the east room and the mother’s womb are quite obvious. With such a clear indication, it would be natural to remember the pervasive motifs of man-eating Loongs and tigers on bronze vessels of the Shang and Zhou Dynasties, or scholarly explanations about “opened mouths of beasts” often seen around the world (Fig. 1.24). The “opened mouth of beast” was often used in ancient times by many different peoples as a symbol to separate two different realms (such as life and death).154 If the east room was the sacred place for rebirth, then was the door of the east room the gateway between the realms of the living and the dead? According to the Day Book 153 Wang

Xiaodun, The Actuality of the Dragon and the Source of Dragon Culture, in Search for Root, 2000(1). 154 Nelson Wu, Chinese and lndian Architecture, New York: G. Braziller, 1963, p. 25, in Animal Motifs on Bronze Vessels of Shang and Zhou Dynasties, in Archaeology and Cultural Relics, 1981(2).

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in Qin Dynasty Bamboo Slips from Shuihudi (Type A), the dates of marriages and births of people at the time always coincided with the Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions, of which events that fell on dates corresponding to the lunar mansions fang and liu were all auspicious matters. When the fang star is rising, it’s auspicious to marry woman, marry off daughter, import and export, enter or exit ancestral shrine as well as building chambers or rooms. Giving birth to children is an indicator of prosperous. When the liu star is rising, all things will be auspicious. Getting married will be fortunate. New born babies will grow healthily. People can perform capping ritual, invite guests, work in the fields and hunt.155 The lunar mansion fang is the belly of the Green Loong of the East, and the lunar mansion liu is the beak of the Vermilion Bird of the South, and affiliated dates meant prodigiousness for everything, with the particular rarity that marrying wife, giving birth to son, carrying out sacrificial rite, and performing capping ritual were all suitable on such days. The Qin Dynasty bamboo slip Day Book (Type B) also has a record about “the first capping”. The first capping ritual must be held on the day of Gengwu in May.156 After the groundbreaking political, military, and economic reforms enacted by Shang Yang at the behest of Duke Xiao of Qin Dynasty, the Qin government began using the Zhuanxu calendar, a variation of the Xia Dynasty calendar, which featured the tenth month as the start of the year. As such, the month of Gengwu (the fifth month of the year of Jia or Ji, which occurs once every 5 years) corresponded to the second month of the spring in the ancient calendar when compared to the calendar in Small Calendar of the Xia. The god is the human-faced and bird-bodied wood god Goumang. Is this a random coincidence, or is there a mystery hidden within? Let’s take another look at the internal symbolic relationship between the cycle of the four seasons and coming-of-age ritual. All things are born in spring, growing in summer, harvested in autumn, and hidden in winter, in any time and for anyone, from the solar term spring equinox to summer solstice the process changes from birth to growth, the apogee of “growth” occurs during summer solstice, and from summer solstice to autumn equinox the process changes from growth to aging, then all life dwindles at autumn equinox, culminating in hiding in winter. Winter is a time of death, yet it is filled with potentials for life, cultivating and waiting for the next birth. This is the full life cycle, and the full cycle of a life of birth then death and finally rebirth. If we delve into coming-of-age ritual, it is easy to see that the second birth was never just a short and simple conversion of two lives, but rather the completion of the 155 Wang

Zijin, Verification of Day Book in Qin Dynasty Bamboo Slips Type A from Shuihudi. Wuhan: Hubei Education Press, pp. 159, 161. In addition, on pp. 177–178 of the book is a detailed list comparing the auspicious or ominous relationships between the Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions, marrying woman and giving birth to son. In this table, only the lunar mansion fang of the Bluegreen Dragon of the East (belly of the dragon) and the lunar mansion liu of the Vermilion Bird of the South (beak of the bird) show good fortune for everything. 156 Wu Xiaoqiang, Collected Explanations on Qin Dynasty Bamboo Slips and Day Books, 2000. Changsha: Yuelu Bookstore, p. 219. Unfortunately, texts are missing on the bamboo slip and contents are incomplete.

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Motif of two man-eating tigers on a Loong-tiger zun vessel in Funan County of Anhui Province (photography by Tang Qicui at Hainan Museum's "National Treasures" exhibition)

Fig. 1.25 Opened mouth of beast and gateway between life and death

cycle of one life to symbolize the birth of the second life through the use of symbolic methods within a short period: First, one had to rely on a symbolic death such as being devoured of killed to return to the mother’s womb, then be gestated again, and rebirth would take place when one comes back from the beast’s mouth, tomb, cave or hut. The second birth received assistance from holy and magic power, so the ritual initiate would mature quickly into an adult, gain accession into society and public space, and no longer linger in the realm of female relatives. In this cycle, gods of the four directions command the authority to give life and deal death to all things, with the Loong emperor and bird god of the east in charge of pregnancy and birth, while the tiger in the west is the god of death responsible for punishment and killing. The so-called Loong, bird, tiger, deer, or turtle are merely different incarnations of the goddess of life: it could be bear, snake, eagle, turtle dove, tiger, deer, fish, ox or frog, or stone, tree, the earth…it could bring life or it could bring death, but death does not indicate the ultimate ending, just one of the big stages in the grand cycle of nature. Death is always closely accompanied by rebirth, and dying is to ensure the cyclical renewal of the energy for life. It actually offers a kind of connection between the realms of life and death (Fig. 1.25).157

1.4 The “Three-Step Capping” Ritual and Age Grade The three previous parts discussed the “ringing out with the old, ringing in with the new” and “birth and rebirth” symbolic values of the capping ritual from the perspective of sacred time and space, and the primordial symbolic meanings of the cap. This chapter returns to the secular realm and focuses on the connections between age classification, school and education, and tribal clubs, to discuss issues pertaining to “three-step capping,” “four-step capping,” and “five-step capping” as seen in literatures. 157 For details, please refer to Marija Gimbutas, The Living Goddesses, translated: Ye Shuxian et al.,

2008. Guilin: Guangxi Normal University Press, pp. 215–230.

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1.4.1 “Three-Step Capping,” “Four-Step Capping,” and “Five-Step Capping” With regard to the capping ritual, apart from the particularly exhaustive information about capping ritual vessels, costumes and procedures documented in the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial chapter Capping Rites for a Common Officer, there are also scattered records found in Li Ji, Dai De’s Li Ji, Family Sayings of Confucius, Xunzi, Commentary of Zuo and Discourses of the States. According to texts in the Ji at the end of Capping Rites for a Common Officer, “the capping ceremonies for dukes and marquis, already existed by the end of Xia dynasty. The eldest son of the emperor has the ritual too, because no one between heaven and earth is born into nobility,”158 which means that all children, of everyone from the kings, aristocrats, generals, and statesmen to ordinary folks, were only categorized as either non-adult or adult, but not based on their blue-blooded pedigree or lowborn background, thus there should not have been any capping ceremonies specially for the noble class. However, beginning from the end of the Xia Dynasty, capping ceremonies exclusively for the noble class appeared, indicating that capping ceremonies included rituals that differed in accordance with social status. Thus, the Gongfu of Dai De’s Li Ji has a record about the agenda in the capping ceremonies for the nobles and emperor. In a capping ritual, a vassal acts as he is the host, greeting guests and bows to them. Then the vassal ascends the eastern steps and sit in a mat. Guests toast to the capping person, when the host comes down the eastern stairs. Other ministers who think they are the hosts themselves may come down the guest stairs, which is different from what the vassal does. To them, other procedures are the same. The vassal must wear the black woven cloth cap and white deer skin cap on the outside; he must wear the skirt-like cloth below the waist and the imperial coat, both of them sharing the same plain color. When being capped, the vassal needs to wear a fourth cap called Xuan Cap. When feasting guests, he must perform the three-dedication ritual, and without help of receptionist, without music. The king and ministers have to wear the black cap, and perfectly black-colored clothes. After the host feasts the guests, he will give them some gifts, such as red brocade, colored cloth and horses. Guests also bring the similar gifts to the host. The capping ritual for the king is similar to that of a vassal. The first and second sons of the king, when having the capping ritual, will act as the host sharing the same ritual and capping procedures; the way they treat the guests is the same as that of scholars. When King Cheng was having the capping ritual, Duke Zhou sent Tai Zhuyong to chant the hymns, and also told him to do so: “Expressing the blessing is enough. There is no need for excessive speech.” Tai Zhuyong greeted: “May the king be easygoing to people and live long. May you treasure the time, distribute belongings and get close to the virtuous and the talented.”159 Through Mengyizi’s inquiry at Confucius about rites, the Guansong of the Family Sayings of Confucius discusses the capping ritual agenda of Duke Yin of Zhu, 158 Cihai,

1989. Shanghai: Shanghai Cishu Publishing House, p. 4228.

159 Wang Pinzhen, Modern Interpretation on Dai De’s Li Ji, 2008 (1983).

Company, pp. 247–250.

Beijing: Zhonghua Book

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rules and institutions of the capping ceremonies for emperor and nobles, and issues pertaining to the caps used by the three founding emperors of the Xia, Shang, and Zhou Dynasties, and has a particular record on the inheritance of the throne of the emperors at 13 years old and their capping ceremonies at 14 years old.160 In the Duke Xiang of Lu 9th Year part of Commentary of Zuo, there is a thorough record of the capping of the Duke Xiang of Lu at the age of 12. King Xiang of Lu saw off King Dao of Jin and set up a feast by the Yellow River, asking him about his age. Ji Wuzi replied: “The king was born in the year when we met in Shasui.” King Dao replied: “Twelve years is called one end point. This is the time when the Sui star finishes one cycle of movement. The king gave birth to a child at 15, and after capping ritual is completed. This conforms to to ritual. You may hold a capping ritual. Why not prepare the tools for the capping ritual?” Ji Wuzi replied: “To hold a capping ritual, the king must start the prelude with drinking ritual and use the music of chime as the pace. It must be held in the ancestral temple. Now the king is on the way, unable to prepare the tools and utensils for the ritual. When arriving the brother states, I will borrow these tools.” King Dao said: “Well.” King Xiang returned to homeland, and reached Wei state. In the public temple of King Cheng of Wei, he held the capping ritual and had borrowed the chimes and bells, which conformed to ritual.161 In the Duke Cheng of Lu 2nd Year part of Commentary of Zuo, there are also records about how Duke Jing of Cai and Duke Ling of Xu were “weak and forcibly capped” in front of the army. It would appear that Duke Xiang of Lu, just as both Duke of Cai and Duke of Xu, were hastily rushed through the capping ceremonies without having had sufficient preparations. Scholar Dai Penghai therefore argues that during the Spring and Autumn period, “moral degeneration of the society/ritual disintegration” because the significance of the capping ritual dwindled in the eyes of the people, who became less familiar with the ritual, which led to the relatively casual performance of the capping ritual.162 This hypothesis might have some merits, but the author believes that based on the Commentary of Zuo’s tradition of skipping the documentation ordinary affairs, the documenter might have deemed that the meanings of these two records lie not in the description of the procedures of the capping ritual, but in expressing the importance of the “capping ritual” in adult identity transition.

160 Confucius

said: "The king is capped. After King Wu died, King Cheng ascended the throne at 13. Duke Zhou lived near the tomb and as a regent governed the country instead. In the June next summer, King Wu was buried. King Cheng was capped and paid homage to ancestors in the temple, to show before vassals and ministers, suggesting that the country had the king." For details, please refer to Chen Zhiqi, Verification of the Family Sayings of Confucius, 1987. Shanghai: Shanghai Bookstore Publishing House, pp. 199–200. 161 Ruan Yuan (Qing Dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 1943. 162 Dai Panghai, Research on the Capping Ritual in the Pre-Qin Era. 2006. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou Guji Publishing House, p. 149.

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According to ritual systems, a person would only be granted the authority to administer people, military affairs, and sacrificial rites after the capping ritual; otherwise, the person would only be considered a child and ineligible to partake in these matters. When Duke Xiang of Lu met with the Marquis of Jin, both Duke of Cai and Duke of Xu participated in battle but without previously undergoing the capping ritual, meaning that they carried out adult matters while still holding non-adult status. From the standpoints of the Marquis of Jin and King Gong of Chu, this must have been a violation of ritual systems, thus leading to the episode of Marquis of Jin urging for capping and King Gong of Chu’s urging of the capping. Does this not actually prove that capping ritual was still a matter of huge importance during the Spring and Autumn period? As to the question of why Duke Xiang of Lu so hurriedly performed the capping ritual at the Temple of the Duke of Cheng while passing by the state of Wei instead of waiting for a couple more days until returning to the state of Lu before carrying out the ritual, the decision does seem suspicious, but uncertainty in this piece of historical information is not a subject to be discussed here. Historical literature of the Spring and Autumn period focused on the adulthood status but often omitted the procedure of the coming-of-age ritual. With regard to capping ritual recorded in historical literatures, another example is the capping ritual of Wenzi of Zhao163 as seen in chapter six in the Discourses of Jin of the Discourses of 163 After

a capping ritual, Zhao Wenzi went to visit Luan Wuzi. Wuzi said: “Alas! I once served as the aid to your father Zhuangzi. He is ostensibly good looking but with little talent. You please talk about the practical aspect!” Zhao Wenzi went to see Xuanzi, when Xuanzi said: “Alas! Pity that I am old.” He went to see Fan Wenzi. Wenzi said: “You must be on alert. The wise men, if favored by superiors, must be more cautious. The less wise men will become arrogant in this case. Therefore, a king who wants to thrive will prize those officials and ministers who dare to admonish. But if the king indulges himself in amusement, he will punish these advice givers. I heard that an ancient king would listen to the opinions of the public after establishing his virtues and governmental proceedings. The king would ask a blind musician to chant the proverbs of the remote past. The officials will admonish via poetry, to make the king not blinded by the ostensible phenomenon. The kind would listen to rumors circulating in the marketplaces and discern the risk and luck through ballads. When reviewing the duties of the officials and ministers, the king would ask the reputation on the way, and if there is any wrongdoing, he would ask for correction. This is the methodology against all risks. The thing that the kings of the past hated most is pride.” He went to see Xi Jubo. Jubo said: “Alas! But middle-aged men are inferior to seniors in quite a few dimensions.” He went to see Han Xianzi. Xianzi said: “Do be alert. Pay attention to risks. This is what a grown-up should do. The key to growing up is to be easy-going at the very beginning. In other words, he is kind to others and others will be kind to more people. In doing this, unkind people will not be around you. If one gets on with unkind people at the very beginning, kind people will not come to him any longer. This is like the growth of trees. Different tree species flock together. A man who wears a cap is likened to a palace with walls and rooms. It is nothing but staying cleaning free from dirt. There is no more merits or benefits to obtain.” He went to see Zhi Wuzi. Wuzi said: “Work hard, man! As offspring of Zhao Chengzi and Xuanzi, you are an average minister becoming old. Isn’t it a disgrace? Knowing the rules and customs of the past dynasties, Chengzi came to aid Duke Wen. As he knows law and finally takes power, cannot be that called literary achievement? Under reign of Duke Xiang and Duke Ling, he attempted to admonish, but strong admonishment elicited hatred from Duke Ling. Taking the risk of being killed is a way of loyalty, isn’t it? Just work on. With loyalty of Xuanzi plus the literary talent of Chengzi, you will manage to serve the king with good achievements.” He went to see Cheng Shuzi (also called Yuxi). Shuzi said: “There are many who are young as officials. How to arrange for your position?” He went to see Wen Jizi (Yuzhi). Jizi said:

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the States. This piece of record is very interesting, with the entire length chronicling only the already-capped Wenzi of Zhao’s visits to the nine qing-ranked aristocrats (qing, a minister or a high official in ancient China) of the state of Jin according to the order of rank, alongside relevant dialogues.164 This record sufficiently supplements a void in the Capping Rites for a Common Officer, which lacks the procedures of bringing gifts and visiting xiangdafu (or qingdafu, an administer of a township) nobles and xiangxiansheng (xiangdafu that had retired from official capacity and returned to homeland). Also known by the name Zhao Wu, Wenzi of Zhao was the grandson of Zhao Dun of the state of Jin and the son of Zhao Shuo and Lady Zhuang.165 The House of Jin volume in the Records of the Grand Historian, the Spring and Autumn Annals and the Commentary of Zuo all documented that during the 17th year of Duke Jing of Jin (583 BC), Zhao Tong and Zhao Kuo were sentenced to death and the Zhao clan to extinction. However, due to Han Jue’s persuasion, Zhao Wu was spared and his estates returned to him.166 Thus, it can be seen that Zhao Wu “You are no better than others. Then you can pursue something of less difficulty.” Zhao Wenzi went to see Master Zhang, telling him what these minister and officials had said to him. Zhang Meng replied: “That is pretty good. Listening to Luanbo’s words, you may make continuous progress. Listening to Fanshu’s words, you may resume your virtues. Listening to Hanzi’s admonishment, you will have a better career. Now all conditions are made ready. Whether you can make it depends upon your determination. As for the words from the three persons surname Xi, they are discouraging words. Why think high of them? Zhizi was talking right. It is the merits of ancestors that nourish and protect you.” Xu Yuangao, Collection of Interpretations of the Discourses of the States, 2006 (2002). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 378–389. 164 The sequence of greeting was in order Luan Wuzi (Luan Shu), Zhonghang Xuanzi (Xun Geng), Fan Wenzi (Shi Xie), Xi Jubo (Xi Qi), Han Xianzi (Han Jue), Zhi Wuzi (Xun Ying), Kucheng Shuzi (Xi Luan), Wen Jizi (Xi Zhi), and Zhang Lao (Zhang Meng). According to the Duke Cheng of Lu 13th Year portion of the Commentary of Zuo, the array of generals during the Battle of Masui between the state of Qin and the state of Jin was: General of the middle army Luan Shu, supported by Xun Geng; general of the upper army Shi Xie, supported by Xi Qi; general of the lower army Han Jue, supported by Xun Ying; general of the new army Zhao Zhan, supported by Xi Zhi. Comparing this with the sequence of which Zhao Wenzi met with the various officials and counselors, clearly Zhao saw each of them in an order beginning from the one with the highest rank, and each person expressed admonishments that were either carefully chosen words of vision and wisdom or harsh and vengeful sentiments in accordance with their respective status and stance. Furthermore, according to Duke Xuan of Lu 12th Year portion of the Commentary of Zuo, the army of Jin saves Zheng…general of the lower army is Zhao Shuo and is supported by Luan Shu, Zhao Kuo and Zhao Ying are both Dafu-ranked officials in the middle army. Xun Shou and Zhao Tong are both Dafu-ranked officials in the lower army, and Han Jue is the Sima-ranked official. Thus, it is quite clear the bond and relationship that Luan Shu, the Xun clan, the Xi clan, Han Jue, and others shared with the Zhao clan. 165 According to Du Yu’s annotation of the Commentary of Zuo, Lady Zhuang was the daughter of Duke Cheng of Jin and sister of Duke Jing of Jin. Ruan Yuan (Qing Dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 1904. 166 During the summer of the 8th year of the reign of Duke Cheng (583 BC), for the sake of Zhao Ying’s flee, Zhao Zhuangji of Jin State framed Jin Jinggong and said, "The Yuan (Zhao Tong) and Ping (Zhao Kuo) are going to make a mess. Luan and Que can testify." In June, Jin Guo fought Zhao Tong and Zhao Kuo. Zhao Wu followed Zhuang Ji to live in Jinjingong Palace. Jin Jinggong gave Qi Zhi the land of Zhao’s family. Han Jue said to Jin Jinggong, "The achievements of Chengji and the loyalty of Xuanmeng.” However, they have no descendants to inherit, and those who do

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was restored as the head of the Zhao clan after the rest of the clan were executed. However, the Commentary of Zuo did not record the year in which Zhao Wu was capped, and thus disputes are abound with regard to his age and social status when he was capped. The ritual could have been the capping rite for a common office (shili), or the capping rite for a great officer (dafuli), and the time when he was capped was approximately between the ages of 13 and 14 or 16 and 17.167 All historical literature stressed on the return and restoration of Zhao Wu’s lands and status, as well as the dialogues of the various qing-ranked aristocrats, but largely skipped the procedures and specific year and month of the capping ritual, and one reason for this choice in content was the focal point of the documenter: The “boundary marker” connotation in the capping ritual that miraculously restored Zhao Wu after the rest of his clan perished. It can be seen from the envy of the Xi clan and the earnest and patient instructions offered by the overjoyed Luan Shu, Fan Xie, Han Jue, and others that the ascension to adulthood of the Zhao clan leader, whether it happened first with capping ritual and then estate restoration, or first with restoration and then capping, was a turning point marking the “resurrection” of the exterminated Zhao clan and its reemergence into the political realm of the state of Jin. Thus, it can be observed that even during the Spring and Autumn period, the adulthood connotation of the capping ritual garnered more attention than the ritual procedures. Therefore, in the limited number of available records, all contents highlight the aspiration of the newly capped good deeds will be afraid. Three generations of wise kings will be able to maintain the position of heaven for hundreds of years. Is there no evil king? It is because of the wisdom of his ancestors that he was saved from death. The Book of Zhou said: “Don’t dare to bully widowers and widows,” this is how to promote morality. "So Li Zhao Wu became the heir of Zhao’s family and returns the soil of Zhao’s family.” True Meaning of the Commentary of Zuo in Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 1904–1905. 167 In Annotations to Discourses of the States, Wei Zhao asserted that Zhao Wenzi’s cap was granted in a "capping ritual for common officers"; in the Records of the Grand Historian: Zhao’s Family that When Zhao Wu had the capping ritual, he became an adult. Cheng Ying bade farewell to the vassals, saying to Zhao Wu, "Everyone can die in the event of the palatial disaster. I am not saying I couldn’t die. Instead, I want to raise the descendants of Zhao’s family until their adulthood. Now Zhao Wu has inherited his ancestral cause, grown up, and restored his original title of ranking. I will go to the Underground World (ready to die) to report to Zhao Xuan and Gongsun Chujiu, Zhao Wu ought to have been restored to his status after undergoing a capping ritual for common officers.” In a note of the Duke Xiang of Lu 9th Year part of Commentary of Zuo by Kong Yingda, it was written that "Zhao Wenzi was at the time 16 or 17, which means a capping ritual for dafu-ranked officials (dafu, a senior official in feudal China whose rank is lower than qing) at 16," indicating Kong’s opinion that it was a capping ritual for dafu-ranked officials; in Collection of the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial, Qing Dynasty Qinglong Emperor-era jinshi-ranked scholar Sheng Zhizuo also expressed the belief that "the cap for dafu-ranked official was only seen in the Discourses of the State" (please refer to Complete Library in Four Branches of Literature). With regard to the year of capping, Kong Yingda believed the age to be 16 or 17, while Zhao Guo Shi Gao (Zhonghua Book Company, 2000, pp. 74–75) by Zhao Changyun et al. specified 574 BC, or when Zhao Wu was 17. According to Analysis of the "Capping Ritual" of Zhao Wu (Academic Journal of Jinyang, 2006[4]) by Bai Guohong, the latest textual research points to a period between the fifth month in the 13th year and sixth month of the 16th year of Duke Cheng of Lu (as in May 578 BC and June 575 BC), when Zhao Wu was between 13 or 14 and 16 or 17 years old. Although not precise or conclusive, the age bracket should be between 14 and 17.

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adult and the meaning behind the capped person’s identity transition in relations to aspects like politics, military affairs, and sacrifices. Therefore, at the turning point of identity transition, age and social status became focal points among historians, ritual experts, and relevant annotators and interpreters. This in turn led to the norm of “capping at 20” for men, “capping at 12” for emperor and nobles, and alterations like “capping at 14” or “capping at 22” and any age in between sporadically discovered in historical literatures, as well as issues pertaining to the “four-step capping” and “five-step capping” in addition to the “three-step cap.” The Summary of the Rules of Propriety, Questions of Zengzi, Pattern of the Family and Meaning of the Ritual of Capping chapters of Li Ji all indicate: “Male at 20, capped and given courtesy name.” In Kong Yingda’s Explanations, scholar Kong Yingda wrote: “This record, is a record of contents in the Shiguan Li chapter of the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial. It was shili (capping rite for a common office), namely three-step capping. It would be the same for a dafu (great officer). In the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial chapter Capping Rites for a Common Officer, it was written: There is no special capping ritual for dafu. Dafu should be capped while shili should be used. For nobles, there is special capping ritual. This capping ritual includes the four-step capping and uses the black headdress. Thus, in the Dai De’s Li Ji dukes are capped four times. Nobles are also capped four times, while the emperor is capped a fifth time with emperor’s headdress.” The phrase “male to be capped at 20, and a capped male is in the ranks of men” is found in the Duke Wen 12th Year portion of the Commentary of Guliang. The phrase “the emperor and nobles are capped at 19, and after being capped one may listen to politics and teach” is found in The Grand Digest portion of the Xunzi. The Duke Xiang of Lu 9th Year portion in the Commentary of Zuo recorded that Duke Xiang of Lu was capped when he was 12 years old, and the Guansong portion of the Family Sayings of Confucius documented that King Cheng was capped at the age of 14 and with emperor’s headdress, which indicates the fivestep capping. The capping ritual of Wenzi of Zhao was recorded in chapter six in the Discourses of Jin of the Discourses of the States to have taken place when Zhao was around 13 to 17 years old. The Records of the Grand Historian has contents showing that Qin Dynasty’s Lord Huiwen, King Zhaoxiang, and Qin Shi Huang were all capped at 22 and then began to participate in politics.168 The Lost Book of Zhou recorded that the prince of King Ling of Zhou was capped during the 15th year of the Jin calendar.169 The Duke Cheng of Lu 2nd Year in the Commentary of Zuo 168 In the Annals of Qin in the Records of the Grand Historian, it was written "in the third year, the king (King Huiwen of Qin), was capped" and "in the third year, the king (King Zhaoxiang of Qin) was capped. He met Huangji with the King of Chu." It was documented in the Annals of Qin Shi Huang in the Records of the Grand Historian that in the 9th year "in the 4th month, the king of Qin stayed in Suyong, on the day of jiyou, the capping ritual was held and the capped would be equipped with a sword." Based on textual research undertaken by Mr. Yang Kuan, all three kings were capped at the age of 22, and then began their involvement in politics and administration after being capped. Yang Kuan, New Explorations in the Capping Ritual, please refer to Yang Kuan, New Investigations into Ancient History, 1965. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 238. 169 Luo Jiaxiang, Coming-of-age Ritual of Crown Prince Jin, Journal of Graduate School of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, 2005(3).

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documented that Duke Jing of Cai and Duke Ling of Xu were “weak and thus forcibly capped,” and the term “weak” here, if interpreted according to “20 means weak cap” in Li Ji chapter Summary of the Rules of Propriety, then it may be understood as Duke Cai and Duke Xu reached the age of 20 but were not yet capped; thus, they were forcibly capped in front of the army to indicate their adulthood status. Disputes and arguments regarding the age of capped persons scattered among various literature and documents might shed light on some uncommon information. Looking at materials of other cultures, the coming-of-age ritual usually took place over an extensive period, and age was never just a singular point in time, but rather a relatively long span or an age classification, with the youngest partaking at the age of six, while the older participants were 20. Thus, coming-of-age ritual participant’s biological age was relative, and the focus was placed more on a flexible age period based according to the culture. The same could be said for many coming-of-age ceremonies that ethnic groups within China have preserved to this day, with many of these coming-of-age ceremonies to be completed in phases, with the identity transition and authority acquirement differing among different phases. Take, for instance, for the capping ritual of the Yao people, a different phase of the comingof-age ritual is held according to the financial power of the family. But one thing is certain, the higher the level of ritual, the more and more powerful authority and right obtained, just like the secular sovereign power and sacred magical power, or their combination.170 This perspective is very enlightening with regard to interpreting and studying ancient China’s the capping ritual phases, and perhaps the following two types of hypotheses are plausible: First of all, capping ritual was held according to different levels and in different stages; and second of all, the format of capping ritual already was already divided into different levels during the Western Zhou Dynasty, just as the shrine systems and burial systems of that time, which were held according to and in a format corresponding to status such as emperor, noble, great officer, common officer, common folk, and other classes. This is quite apparent in a segment from the Pattern of the Family chapter of Li Ji about the relationship between education background and age classification for males between the age of 6 and 20 years old. Perhaps in ancient times, sons of ministers and civilians go to different schools. Sons of ministers go to the elementary school which are taught by masters and then to the college for achievement. Sons of civilians attend the family style schools, and they go to elementary schools in the county and prefectures, and go to the town school for greater learning. Sons of ministers have the only elementary school, and this way, they can go to college soon. Sons of civilians have three types of elementary schools to choose from, and as a result, they go to college quite late. Some students are innately smart and some dull. They gain learning at different times, in early or

170 Edited:

Lü Daji et al., Primitive Religions of the Various Ethnic Groups of China—Volume of the Yao People, 1998. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, pp. 416–426.

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late ages. Their college entrance times cannot be fixed. What if they are going to college at an age above 13 and below 20?171 Sun’s theory is a presumption, but it matches the liminal period of the transitional ceremonies in coming-of-age ceremonies of foreign cultures as studied by anthropologists and ethnographers, as in the training, examination and identity transition from childhood to adulthood requires a relatively long transitional period. Starting from the onset of adolescence in both young males and females, they had to undergo training and testing according to certain protocols within a continuous span of a couple years, so that they may acquire the necessary knowledge, skills, strong will and other conditions that would make them official members of their clan. One could say that this was a primitive form of education system, and the origin of school. If a youth was trained and then approved, after growing up he or she may participate in a “coming-of-age ritual” to become an official member, and attain clannish rights corresponding to clan membership like involvement in clan meeting, and the election or removal of chief. They must also perform duties required of members, such as participation in main labor and production, and battles to protect the tribe.172 At the same time, due to status advantages endowed by hereditary family pedigree, the training, testing, and transition time differed among different people, and subsequently the right and obligation received thereafter also varied. The capping ritual held in ancient China, as in the conventional and traditional “three-step capping” ritual, was perhaps merely one segment of an extensive coming-of-age ritual. Even the “three-step capping” might have spanned more than a day, and in the beginning all children had to experience the same ceremonies and tests to obtain adult status and relevant authority to administer people, military affairs, and sacrifices. Following the appearance of caste, the “three-step capping,” “four-step capping,” or “five-step capping” ceremonies were adopted, and corresponding rights given, in accordance with one’s family background and social status. Fast forward to the Western Zhou Dynasty, there were different formats of capping ritual, just as the shrine systems and burial systems of the time, which were held according to and in a format corresponding to status such as emperor, noble, great officer, common officer, common folk, and other classes. Hypothesizing based on systems such as the shrine systems and burial systems, the common officer, noble, emperor mentioned here refer to the position and title of the family of the capped person within social and political structures, and not the title of the capped person himself or herself. This would seem agreeable as a general prehistoric interpretation about the notion that “no one is born a noble.” However, due to the appearance of a caste system, the social class of a family directly determined the capping level that the capped person may reach. Thus, a member of a common officer family would only be allowed to be capped a maximum of three times and no more. Members in a family of the noble class meanwhile were 171 Sun

Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 768–771. 172 Yang Kuan, New Investigations into Ancient History, 1965. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 235.

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permitted to be capped a fourth time, and the eldest son of the emperor, as in the crown prince, had to go through a “five-step capping.” This would explain how a common officer may participate in military actions and sacrificial ceremonies after the “three-step capping” ritual and acquire the qualification to become a candidate in the selection for status promotion, while a noble may partake in political affairs after the “four-step capping” ritual. The emperor may run the government after being capped a fifth time, especially for those who were crowned while not yet an adult, such as King Cheng of Zhou. The reason why historical texts stress on the procedure of the “three-step capping” ritual might be because after the abandonment of the relevant rites and ceremonies, the primordial procedure of the capping ritual was lost. Records in the Capping Rites for a Common Officer are highly simplified, ritualized, and symbolized, and people today understand neither the meanings of the earliest ritual, nor every kernel of detail of the ritual. Even the documenters back then merely made records of the general process, and thus literature show no time lapses interspersed within the process of the “three-step capping” ritual. Due to the lack of substantial historical evidence, hasty conclusions ought not to be drawn. However, there are copious amounts of records of age classification in classical literatures, and texts about rituals in “nonofficial” records, all serve as an evidence that could reveal a glimpse into the matter. Chang Jincang once referenced foreign culture information and explained disputes and discrepancies regarding the ages of capping ritual participants with the theory that the “three-step capping” ritual in China “was held on three separate occasions in the beginning,” as in taking place once every “four years” (12–16–20).173 These theories are a bit too broad—albeit insightful—and thus this chapter will rely on records in the Pattern of the Family, Royal Regulations and Proceedings of Government in Different Months chapters of Li Ji about the Imperial College type of academy and sacrificial venue, age classification, and promotion examination as texts for analysis. The Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development and the club promotion mechanism in tribal societies will be used as reference in the detailed discussion of this subject, so as to unveil the life transition function in the tests and assessments of rite of passage.

1.4.2 Age Classification and Capping Ritual Studies from numerous anthropologists such as H. Schurtz, H. Webster, Lowie, Gennep, Eisenstadt, Wei Huilin, and Haviland have discovered that over the history of human society, in order to address group problems outside family and marital relationships, people always segregated each other into different groups in accordance with gender, age, status, common interest, and position within a caste system. Segregation based on gender is a feature of all human societies, and segregation by age 173 Chang Jincang, Research on the Rites and Customs of Zhou Dynasty, 2005. Harbin: Heilongjiang People’s Publishing House, pp. 71–72.

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is also a prevalent custom among human societies, so much so that age and gender have sometimes been referred as the only common factors that determine a person’s social status. All human societies identify different phases of life, but specifically how these phases are defined vastly differ depending on the culture. Based on this kind of identification, people established their activity patterns, attitudes, taboos and obligations. Under certain circumstances, some of these elements were designed to aid an individual successfully transition from one age phase to another age phase, and to aid the transmission of necessary skills or the endowment of economic assistance. These are always considered the basis that underpins the formation of an organized group.174 Each age classification175 has its corresponding obligations and duties. An individual completes parts of his or her life during the transition and change from one age classification to another. The standard for division is in the same age phase. This always has something to do with secret societies, especially initiation ceremonies. The constituent element is the same birth time, or the same performance time of ritual, especially circumcision ritual…Nandi boys that undergo circumcision ritual at the same time belong to the same Ipinda. The time between each circumcision ritual is 7.5 years. There are three levels within each Ipinda, which are also divided according to age. The Masai people considered four years to be one phase, and two phases constitute a generation.176 This is not limited to primitive societies though, even highly developed societies of today carry on such customs. In his From Generation to Generation, Shmuel Noah Eisenstadt asserts that age divisions and life ceremonies prevail in all societies, differing only in the level of complexity: Age-based groups were collective social integration systems in tribal societies and were used for appointment of social tasks and responsibilities, and transmissions between generations; age groups in historical societies or semi-historical societies or nations adopted non-collective institutions of training and selection for qualification the class of nobility or knighthood; age groups in modern societies have completely changed into organizations formed voluntarily or out of common interests.177 According to studies conducted by contemporary anthropologist Haviland, the Tiriki people in the southern Sahara has the most complex and diverse use of age classification, which is adhered to in all three types of societies. In Tiriki society, the members of the same age group spend their whole lives together, experience four age classifications together. Promotion in terms of the age classification takes place once every 15 years, which are in order “warrior,” “senior warrior,” “just warrior,” 174 William

A. Haviland, Cultural Anthropology: The Human Challenge, translated: Qu Tiepeng et al., 2006. Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Press, pp. 322–323. 175 Age grade refers to categorization of male and female members into different grades or groups such as infant, youth, adult (in their prime), and elderly in accordance with the seniority of the individual. It is an age-based categorization of people, and every individual passes over a series of such categories. 176 Lin Huixiang, Cultural Anthropology, 2005(1934). Beijing: Commercial Press, p. 184. 177 From Generation to Generation. 1956, in Wei Huilin, Social Anthropology, 1982. Taipei: Taiwan Commercial Press, pp. 147–158.

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and “ritual elder.” The “warrior” is always delegated the duty to safeguard the nation, and members in this class gain reputation on the battlefield. After achieving the rank of “senior warrior,” one would learn various skills after being given responsibilities to more and more management affairs, such as hosting the post-burial conference to resolve the issues pertaining to asset and property after someone dies, or playing the role of ambassador between the elders of different communities. Unlike members of the “senior warrior” class that are still in charge of administrative and management duties today, members of the “just warrior” class are mostly tasked with resolving various sorts of conflicts and disputes, and even in present day, they still function like local judiciary organs. “Ceremonial elder” is the highest classification and members of this class carry out clergical and priestly responsibilities, perform ancestral sacrificial ceremonies in households, lower tier clannish conferences and semi-annual communal complain meetings, and partake in the ceremonies of the various age classifications by fulfilling clergical and priestly responsibilities. People believe that they have the authority to use special magical powers, and they occupy the most crucial positions in coming-of-age ceremonies.178 This is a classic case that suggests: Members advance up the ranks from bottom to the top, and each advancement mandates a ritual. The higher the rank, the more complicated and time-consuming the ritual.179 Through a comprehensive view of the age classification systems of different societies in different regions, some common factors and features reveal themselves. First of all, they are all associated with transitions in natural physiological lifespan. Second, they are all associated with gender-based division of labor, duties for caring for the old and the young, and acquisition of relevant skills. Third, they all associated with elders-dominated politics that revolve around the “wisdom of seniors.” Lastly, they are all associated with fellowships and clubs, as in clubs functioning as public venues where collective education, deliberation, military training, ceremonies, and other activities take place. As biological entities, the physiological development of humans progress from infancy to old age, from being weak to being strong and being weak again, from ignorance to knowledgeable to being in a position to transmit knowledge, and from being reared to rearing the young to being supported by younger ones. In each phase, the roles are different and the tasks are different. Therefore, age classification systems are always closely intertwined with life transition ceremonies. Individual life in any society always plays out in sequence from one phase to another phase following age progression.180 For an individual, life ceremonies and those based on natural time sequences, social, and religious celebrations are all transitions and renewals that are completed through rites of passage with continuously changing methods and environments, separations and regrouping, and deaths and rebirths. Age classifications are like 178 William

A. Haviland, Cultural Anthropology: The Human Challenge, translated: Qu Tiepeng et al., 2006. Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Press, pp. 323–324. 179 Lin Huixiang, Cultural Anthropology, 2005 (1934). Beijing: Commercial Press, p. 183. 180 A.van Gennep. The Rites of Passage. Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1960, p. 3.

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boundaries that separate phases in life, dividing the life conditions of one age phase from another age phase through special methods in order to obtain procedural characteristics as per norms of society and approval of cultural orders. Abundant records of this kind of age classification system comprised of life ritual nodes can be found in pre-Qin classics including the Xunzi and Li Ji. Or, one may discuss the matter from a philosophical level, such as that in the Discourse on Ritual chapter of the Xunzi. Ritual is intended to rule the life and death of people. Birth is the beginning of a man’s life; death is the end of his life. If he behaves good all the time, his life journey is complete. A gentleman always show respects for gods and earns a good ending. This is the way a gentleman goes, and it also the effect of rituals.181 The Baofu section of Dai De’s Li Ji. In the spring and autumn, read book of poetry, practice the ritual of capping and wedding, and change the behavior as per the rules of the heaven and earth. These things start with respect for gods.182 Or, from the perspective of age classification, such as that in the Summary of the Rules of Propriety chapter of Li Ji. When one is before ten, one is young and should learn. When one is 20, one is weak and should be capped. When one is 30, one is grown and should have one’s own place of living. When one is 40, one is strong and should become a common officer. When one is 50, one gets white hair and should attend to politics. When one is 60, one becomes elderly and senior and should command others. When one is 70, one is old and should teach others. When one is 80 or 90, one gets weak. When one is seven years old, one is considered innocent. When one is older than 80 or younger than 7, even if they committed a crime, no punishment should be administered. When one is 100, one should enjoy being taken care of by his or her children and grandchildren.183 The Pattern of the Family chapter of Li Ji also has a detailed record about the course of life. When a wife was about to have a child, and the month of her confinement had arrived, she move to one of the side apartments. After the child is born, if it is a boy, hang a wooden bow on the left side of the side door as a sign; if it is a girl, hang a scarf on the right of the side room door as a sign. It was not until the third day that the newborn was carried out. If it’s a boy, perform the shooting ritual; if it’s a girl, this ritual won’t be carried out. At the end of the third month a day was chosen for shaving off the hair of the child, excepting certain portions—the horn-like tufts of a boy, and the circlet on the crown of a girl or save the left side for the boy and right side for the girl. Father then took hold of the right hand of his son, and named him with the smile and voice of a child. When the child was able to take its own food, it was taught to use the right hand. When it was able to speak, a boy (was 181 Wang

Pinzhen, Explanatory Notes for Dai De’s Li Ji, 2008 (1983). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 58–59. 182 Sun Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007 (1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 12. 183 Sun Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007 (1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 761–773.

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taught to) respond boldly and clearly; a girl, submissively and low. The former was fitted with a girdle of leather; the latter, with one of silk. At six years old, they were taught the numbers and the names of the cardinal points. At the age of seven, boys and girls did not occupy the same mat nor eat together. At eight, when going out or coming in at a gate or door, and going to their mats to eat and drink, they were required to follow their elders: the teaching of yielding to others was now begun. At nine, they were taught how to number the days. At ten, the boy went to a master outside, and stayed with him even over the night. He learned the different classes of characters and calculation; he did not wear his jacket or trousers of silk. In his manners he followed his early lessons. In the mornings and evenings, he learned the behavior of a youth. He would ask to be exercised in reading the tablets, and in the forms of polite conversation. At thirteen, he learned music, and to repeat the odes, and to dance the Shao. When a full-grown lad, he learned the dance of martial arts with weapons in hands. He learned archery and chariot-driving. At twenty, he was capped, and first learned the (different classes of) ceremonies, and might wear furs and silk. He learned the dance of daxia and attended sedulously to filial and fraternal duties. He might become very learned, but did not teach others—(his object being still) to receive and not to give out. At thirty, he had a wife, and began to attend to the business proper to a man. He extended his learning without confining it to particular subjects. He was deferential to his friends, having regard to the aims (which they displayed). At forty, he was first appointed to office; and according to the business of it brought out his plans and communicated his thoughts. If the ways (which he proposed) were suitable, he followed them out. If they were not, he abandoned them. At fifty, he was appointed a Great officer, and labored in the administration of his department. At seventy, he retired from his duties. In all salutations of males, the upper place was given to the left hand. A girl at the age of ten ceased to go out (from the women’s apartments). Her governess taught her the arts of pleasing speech and manners, to be docile and obedient. At fifteen, she assumed the hair-pin. At twenty, she was married, or, if there were occasions (for the delay), at twenty-three.184 There are so much resemblances to these time sequence-based narratives and age classification systems! One could not help but recall what Gennep has said. We have noticed widespread commonalities in birth, infancy, adolescence, wedding engagement, marriage, pregnancy, giving birth, coming-of-age ritual and burial. Thus, we can see that human life resembles nature, whether individual or society has similar and non-isolated arrangements. It seems as if the universe follows a phasic schedule in taking care of human lives, allowing humans to progress forward on a path of order and changes. Any individual in any society is delegated with social responsibilities according to their age phase, and these phases come one after another, with the crossing from the previous phase to the next phase always marked by an important action. Moreover, in most societies, a transition between phases is usually accompanied by ritual that would sanctify the individual, so that each change

184 Sun

Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007 (1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 761–773.

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throughout a person’s life would have regular responses that are both sacred and secular.185 The hundred-year lifespan noted in the Summary of the Rules of Propriety chapter of Li Ji is divided into decade-long segments, each with its own corresponding responsibilities. Before the age of seven and after the ages of 80 or 90 are considered infant and old, respectively. The infant is young and needs loving care, and the old is knowledgeable and needs to be respected. At the age of a hundred or older, one should rest and enjoy what is left in life. In the Office of Autumn on Justice chapter of the Rites of Zhou, it was written that three types of people can be exempt from punishment: the young and weak, the old and weak, and the retarded. Thus, it can be seen that before the age of 7 and after the ages of 80 or 90 are both in feeble phases. When one is younger than 7 years old, an individual is considered neutral in gender and is in a stage of being nurtured and cared for within social structure and social function. After the age of 7, boys and girls are differentiated, they may not sit together, and they learn different things. Unlike the 10-year phases in the Summary of the Rules of Propriety chapter, the Pattern of the Family chapter mostly speaks about increments in “three” including multiples of three, such as bring 3-day-old son to hunting, give haircut and give name to 3-month-old child, feed normal foods to 3-year-old child, and begin to teach math when child is 6 years old. Thereafter, “year” becomes the common increment, such as differentiation between boy and girl at 7 years old, teach child about courtesy at 8 years old, and teach child to count days at 9 years old. This last phase was a boundary line, before which children would stay at home, and both boys and girls would be taught the same thing. However, after the age of 10, boys and girls would learn different things. Boys at 10 leave home to learn from other teachers, live outside the home, learn to read and write, adhere to children’s etiquette, and wear normal clothes. On the contrary, girls at 10 do not leave the home and stay home to be taught about feminine affairs by mother. Boys at age 13 would learn music, poetry, and the shao dance. Boys at age 15 would become young adolescent and learn a martial dance and archery. Boys at age 20 would be capped, be taught rites, wear nicer clothes, learn the daxia dance, learn about filial piety, and other good virtues, yet at this time one is not good enough to instruct others. After the age of 20, the Summary of the Rules of Propriety and the Pattern of the Family chapters convey the same message and divide life into 10-year segments, saying that one is independent at 30. One is intelligent at 40 and reaches maximal strength and should work as an officer. One begins to diminish in strength at 50 and his hair becomes gray but strategic acumen is at its peak and should work in the courts. One is old and should no longer work at 60 or 70, but at the age of 60 one could direct others. When one grows old at 70, he should pass on family knowledge and affairs to children and grandchildren, taking on the so-called “communicator” role, which bears the duty of a grandfather and should teach children and grandchildren. The family knowledge and affairs passed down mostly focused on sacrificial rites. Though these 10-year phases might have differed due to individual circumstances, but the duties of the infant, young, matured 185 A.Van

Gennep. The Rites of Passage. Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1960, p. 3.

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(strong), and old and progression in 10-year phases were the direction that people followed. The wise men made rites to govern everything between heaven and earth. The strong dutifully carries out their duties. The old rightfully enjoy their comfort. Those who have not been put to use do not have to be anxious about progress. Those who should retire and have all fulfilled their roles. Each ten years is a milestone, and everyone has a direction to follow.186 Based on the Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development, and the age classification systems of the Taiwanese aboriginal Amis people of Nanshi and Sakizaya people, the author created the age classification system of the Pattern of the Family chapter of Li Ji as listed in Table 1.26. It is not hard to see the cultural memories in the age classification systems documented in texts such as Li Ji chapters Summary of the Rules of Propriety and Pattern of the Family. Or, one may take cues from “cultural legacy” that have survived in literature, as proposed by Tyler. Among the evidences that aid us during the actual course of tracking and exploring world civilizations, there is a widespread ladder of facts. I think that “survival” is a good term to express such facts. Ceremonies, customs, mentality and other survivals transfer from a primitive cultural phase to a later cultural phase. They are vivid witnesses or live literature of the primitive cultural phase.187 Cross-reference table for age classifications in Pattern of the Family, Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development, and the age classification systems of the Amis and Sakizaya peoples (Fig. 1.26). In the Meaning of Sacrifices chapter of Li Ji, it was written: “Originally, Youyushi honored morality and conduct, and revered the aged. Xiahoushi honored rank and revered the aged. The people of Yin honored wealth and revered the aged. The people of Zhou honored relatives and revered the aged. The leaders of the above four dynasties were all the kings in their own flourishing time. No one of them did not esteem the aged highly. Age was esteemed for long, only second to the service of parents.” In the four dynasties of Yu, there was not one of them who neglected age. For long has honor been paid to years under the sky. Meanwhile, as recorded in texts such as the Royal Regulations and Pattern of the Family chapters of Li Ji, the senior care systems of the aforesaid four dynasties, as well as traditions like respect for the old, care for the young and ranking based on seniority, are all proofs of the existence and changes of the typical age classification system. Just as written in the Pattern of the Family: “The ceremonies of supporting the aged are different. Youyushi used drinking feast to entertain the aged; Xiahoushi used an offering to entertain the aged; the people of Yin used a feast; the people of Zhou used the above ceremonies of three dynasties. Those who were fifty were entertained in their local school; those who were sixty were entertained in the capital school; and those who were seventy were 186 Sun

Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007 (1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 14. 187 Edward Burnett Tylor, Primitive Culture, translated: Lian Shusheng, 2005. Guilin: Guangxi Normal University Press, p. 11.

VIII 65VIII 65-

VII 25-65 Middle adulthood

VI 20-24 Early adulthood

V 12-20 Adolescence

IV 6-11 Latency-school age

III 4-5 Motion-genital

II 1-3 Muscle-anus

I 0-1 Mouth-senses

Erikson's eight stages of psychosocial development

vake vakejan

41-54 55-61 62-68 69-75 76-82 82-

20-26 27-33 34-40

wawa 2-14

mamisral 15-19

sral no niarox

wawa

Rotoyai Less than one year old

Ami Age Classification

Kalasno niyaro

reroeno kapah Babalkv

kaoah

wawa

0-11

47-67 68-74 75-81 -----

40-46

12-18 19-25 26-32 33-39

Sakizaya Age Classification

Old age

30-39 40-49 50-59 60-69 70-79 80-99 100

strong strong Grey Aged Old X Period

14-19

11-13

20-29 Adulthood

Adolescence

10

9

8

7

6

weak

Infant

Infancy - school age

4-5

1-3 years old

0-3 days 3 months

Pattern of the Family Age Classification

Main Persons Influenced

Teacher, friend

Teacher, friend

Teacher, father

Start a family Teacher, friend, superior, Common officer colleague Government affairs Command others Pass on knowledge Everyone Enjoy the rest of life

Learn ritual dance Daxia

Taught to count days Taught reading and young-age etiquette Taught music, poetry and dancing Archery, horse-riding

Taught etiquette

Fed normal food Taught to eat and Mother, wet Parents, nurse, speak teacher of teacher of Taught to count and infants and infants and identify directions children children, Taught to father differentiate between male and female

Nurture great ambitions, get haircut, be named

Main Activities

Local academic institution the Imperial College

Society

the Imperial College

the Imperial College (in feudal China)

Village school live outside of home

Side room, bedroom, home

Primary Venue for Activity

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Fig. 1.26 Cross-reference table for age classifications in Pattern of the Family, Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development, and the age classification systems of the Amis and Sakizaya peoples

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entertained in the royal school. This rule was practiced from the king down to the state-princes. Those who were eighty made their thanks for the sovereign’s kindness by kneeling one time and with their heads to the ground two times. The blind men did the same. A man was ninety, who might use another to receive the sovereign’s presents without his own thanks by kowtowing. Those of fifty might have fine grain more than the younger. Of fifty, he might keep his staff in his house; of sixty he might keep it in his local countryside, and of seventy in the capital; of eighty, in the court. If the king wanted to ask one who is over ninety something, he should bring delicious presents with him and go to his house in person.”188 When one is 60 years old, one reaches a milestone called huajia. In nearly all cultures, seniors are regarded as symbols of wisdom, and though they would gradually retire from social services, due to their wide breadth of knowledge and experience accumulated over the years, they are deemed personification of intelligence, switch into the duties to “transmit” and “educate,” and are respected and cared for by society. The attainment of authority is always closely associated with age, and in many societies the highest power are vested in the hands of the seniors, which could be called “elders politics” or termed “old age politics,” with China being a typically blatant example. Therefore, the Spring and Autumn period and Warring States period were marked by the historical societies type of age classification as defined by Eisenstadt, and not the collective social integration systems in tribal societies. However, the format of institutions of training and selection for qualification of the class of nobility or knighthood was quite obvious. The depictions of the features of the age classification transition from youth to adolescence as a cultural survival are especially prominent. Based on studies by famed anthropologists and psychosocial development expert Erik Erikson, there are two crucial stages in the course of development of an individual’s personality and psychology: The first crucial stage is infancy between the ages of 0 and 3, which is when a child’s trust and autonomy would rapidly take shape; the second crucial stage is the adolescence for youngsters between the age of 12–20, which is a period of the greatest crisis as identity and role confusion come into conflict, and is a period most critical to the formation of personality.189 This is precisely the reason why coming-of-age ritual is the most concerned period in life ceremonies. Records in the Pattern of the Family regarding these two crucial stages are particularly detailed. The duration of the second crucial stage is relatively long, between the age of 12 and 20, and what is most interesting is that the two ends of this age bracket so perfectly coincide with the youngest age and the oldest age mentioned for capping ritual as described in the various mutually conflicting historical literatures! After reaching the age of 10, and then from 13 to 15, and then onto 20, the knowledge and skills to be learned were exactly the kind of education and military skills training and test that participants in the assessment and transition periods of coming-of-age ceremonies of

188 Sun

Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007 (1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 754. 189 For details, please refer to Erik H. Erikson, Identity: Youth and Crisis, Chapter three, 2000. Hangzhou: Zhejiang Education Publishing Group.

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various different ethnic groups had to endure. This also sheds light on the symbolic meaning and origin of the “three-step capping.”

1.4.3 Men’s Club, Biyong (The Imperial College) and Capping Ritual The aforesaid common key factors in age classification systems such as life transition ritual, elders politics, labor division for male and female, and acquisition of related skills have been used to analyze the disputes regarding the age of capping ritual participant, and the significance of the capping ritual in social structure and function. This next section will discuss the fourth common key factor, as in the relationship between clubs in tribal societies, the Imperial College of Western Zhou Dynasty and capping ritual, in order to offer a more thorough understanding about the social meaning of the capping ritual. Anthropologic materials indicate that. Male age groups and military education training system have been shown to be connected with the construction or layout of “men’s house” or “men’s club” in the majority of tribal case studies. Every tribe has a so-called male age group, which is also the nexus for the tribe’s public affairs, ritual acts and defensive organization.190 The club’s relationship with and function as the tribe’s center for education, military, ritual, inhabitation, and other public affairs might differ due to varying regional characters or cultures, but almost every example shows an association with comingof-age ritual training, testing, transition, and change. Even in societies without a unified club or strict age classification system, the marks of male maturity including hunting, military training, and sacrificial ceremonies might also potentially double as male organization collective training, and function as tribal public affairs implementation and assembly center.191 This theory is also seen in the form of the construction and layout of the club, as well as relevant mythological narratives. The construction layout of the club could be an enclosed configuration, or a wallless lounge kind of arrangement. Usually at the heart of the club is a big hearth, and its immediate surrounding region is the conferencing space. The peripheral parts of the club are beds that are connected to each other, with groups of beds split up according to age divisions, and these form the dormitory for youths of various age groups that have been delegated with tasks or training in the club. In the back of the club there is at least one enclosed space, where a sacred storage holds all symbolic sacred taboo objects. The pillars of the club and the front and back walls are usually adorned with a vast number of symbolic engraved motifs and images, or hanging with symbolic masks, weapons and ritual objects like magical staves. Around the club there is often a plaza for public gathering, and by the club door there is normally a wooden drum or similar device used for calling the people for an assembly. Surrounding the plaza 190 Wei

Huilin, Social Anthropology, 1982. Taipei: Taiwan Commercial Press, p. 158. details, please refer to Wei Huilin, Social Anthropology, 1982. Taipei: Taiwan Commercial Press, pp. 148–154. 191 For

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are usually stones for sitting, a shrine tree to mark the public space of the people, and rack or something where decapitated enemy heads are placed. The construction and configuration, and the relocation and subsequent construction, of this type of club usually represents a historical period of the tribe. Whenever a tribal chief recounts the history of one’s tribe, it is the traditional or customary norm to narrate how someone or the head of some clan found some land, established the club and settled down, then after some years, reasons like natural disaster or warfare caused the people to relocate from the previous tribal base to some other location, where they would establish a new club and then settle down. Each club is often tied to a certain historical period of the tribe, and even the founding of a small club that branched out from the main club could reflect the process of a tribe’s development, rise, and fall. This type of male club is associated with age group, indicating that in terms of division of labor in society, males are in charge of the public affairs and defensive duties of society, as well as a historical process where elder-dominated and male-dominated governance system in primitive societies were prevalent.192 It can be seen that there is a close connection between the construction and configuration of a club and the mythological narrative of the genesis of the habitat of the associated tribe. Moreover, no matter the migration destination, as the sacred and public space of a tribe, the construction of the club always comes as the priority compared with other buildings, and a club has the same function as Chinese temple and shrine structures, as in the emulation and imitation of mythological cosmogony. In the construction and configuration of a club, whether it be an enclosed configuration, or a wall-less lounge kind of arrangement, the hearth as always the center and the soul of the entire club, and the place around the hearth is the meeting space for an assembly and the core region of the hall for public affairs discussions. Sacred storage, plaza, shrine tree, wooden drum, magical stave, and other elements are always related to ceremonies, ancestors, deities and spirits, tribal secrets, and gender taboos. These all indicate the club’s functional value as a tribe’s public affairs management venue, military and defense headquarters, assembly center, and sacred ritual site. The club was a public space that incorporated a multitude of functions such as collective male training, dormitory, assembly, discussion, knowledge teaching, and ritual, so was there any corresponding space in China during the Western Zhou Dynasty, the Spring and Autumn period and the Warring States period? The answer is a definitive yes. Yang Kuan and Chang Jincang both hypothesized that the Taixue (the imperial college in ancient China) occupied this role,193 quite enlightening indeed. The Taixue (the imperial college in ancient China) in the Western Zhou Dynasty 192 Wei

Huilin, Social Anthropology, 1982. Taipei: Taiwan Commercial Press, pp. 158–159. Kuan believed this to be piyong, while Chang Jincang believed this to be "chengjun." Although Chang put forth five pieces of evidence, in light of the custom to "yield priority to senior" in age classification and the incorporation of functions such as political discourse, military, and education in schools, as well as the lack of analysis on the form, system and function of "chengjun," this opinion merits recognition for its unique viewpoint and potential academic contributions in the future, though still requires further verification. For details, please refer to Chang Jincang, Research on the Rites and Customs of Zhou Dynasty, pp. 48–49. As such, here the author is inclined to agree with Mr. Yang Kuan’s point of view, please see below.

193 Yang

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Fig. 1.27 The Imperial College Structure inside the Beijing Imperial Academy, and the characters for Imperial College on oracle inscriptions and bronze vessel inscriptions (photo by Tang Qicui)

was called the Imperial College, and the imagery of the characters resembles an architecture with a high platform in the middle, surrounded by waters on all four sides (Fig. 1.27). In oracle inscriptions and bronze vessel inscriptions, the character “邕” is con” (or abbreviated as “ ,” or “ stituted by “巛” (or abbreviated as “”) and “ 口”), and “隹”, When constituted by “巛,” the character looks like being surrounded “ the character looks like palatial architecture on by water, when constituted by “ a high ground in the middle of the water, and when constituted by “隹” the character looks like birds live on top of it because around the Imperial College and pangong (institutions of higher education in ancient times) were expansive gardens and forests inhabited by birds and animals.194 Literatures inherited from previous generation such as the Shengde of Dai De’s Li Ji read “The hall of distinction is covered with straw, which is round above and square below, surrounded by water is called a Biyong,” and inscriptions on bronze vessels of the Western Zhou Dynasty such as the Mai Zun from the time of King Zhao of Zhou reads: “The king is hosting a sacrificial ceremony at Miao in the capital

, and on the next day, at the piyong (Biyong), the king rides on the boat,

and the king shoots down a bird which are offered as sacrifice to ancestors

.”195

194 Yang Kuan, Features and Origin of Ancient Universities of China, New Investigations into Ancient History, 1965. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 200. 195 Tang Lan, Historical Signs in Different Generations of Inscriptions on Bronze Vessels of the Western Zhou Dynasty, 1986. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 249.

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These all indicate that “within the piyong (Biyong) is a big pool, in the middle of which was built an elevated platform consecrated as a sacred spot.”196 Inscriptions on the bronze vessel Jin Gui from the time of King Mu of Zhou also states. In the auspicious sixth lunar month, the king was in the Fang palace. (On) the Dingmao (day), the king asked Jing to teach archery and schooling. The populace, officials, servants had worn their respective uniforms when seeing the archery. On an auspicious day early in the eighth lunar month, after the ceremony of praying for rain, , the King ordered the students such as young nobles of Wu, Lü and Bi accompany the king to have the archery in the big pool. Jing showed extraordinary skills in teaching archery, and for this reason, he was given a sheath.197 The inscription talks about an auspicious day in the sixth lunar month when the king was at the capital, and orders Jing to teach subordinates, children, servants, officials, and maidens archer. Then on an auspicious day in the eighth month, the King of Zhou was joined by Wu Bo, Lü Gang, and children as they went to shoot at the great pond in order to test how well Jing had taught and how well the children had learned. The result was that Jing passed the test and was awarded by the King of Zhou. The piyong (Biyong) as seen on inscriptions on the vessel Mai Zun is identical to xuegong (学宫) seen on the vessel Jin Gui, as in great learning. Thus, the great pool where the king and company shot arrows is called daze (大泽) or zegong (泽 宫).198 There were three primary reasons for archery: Military training, sacrificial ritual, and maintenance of order. These coincide with ancient literature records about 15year-old youngsters entering the university for education that centered on dancing, music, archery, and horse-riding, as seen in “after growing into an adolescent one learns to dance, and learns archery and horse-riding” in Li Ji chapter Pattern of the Family, and “The king orders the state-prince to develop education and establish schools. The school for children is built in the palace, on the left of the south in the palace. And the school for the adults in outside of the capital, built by the king is called Biyong and by the state-prince called Bangong.” in Li Ji chapters Royal Regulations, among other examples. These examples also show an internal association with records about learning archery, military equipment and skills, selection of human resource, sacrifices at ancestral shrines, and other contents in ancient literatures, such as “In case of any political affairs of the nation, the sons of the nation should cultivate their morals and learn the Way, with academics in the spring, archery in the autumn, and test his knowledge and mastery to determine his promotion or relegation” in the Offices of Summer on The Army chapter of the Rites of Zhou, “for 196 Shirakawa Shizuka (Japanese), The World of Bronze Vessel Inscriptions: History of the Societies

of the Shang and Zhou Dynasties, translated: Wen Tianhe et al., 1989. Taipei: Linking Publishing Co., Ltd, p. 86. 197 For details of translations, please refer to Tang Lan, Historical Signs in Different Generations of Inscriptions on Bronze Vessels of the Western Zhou Dynasty, 1986. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 357–358. 198 For details, please refer to Yang Shuda, Jiweiju Jinwen Shuo, Vol. 7 Jin Gui Ba; Tang Lan, Historical Signs in Different Generations of Inscriptions on Bronze Vessels of the Western Zhou Dynasty, 1986. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 358.

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an emperor to make sacrifice, he must first learn archery at the great pond. After learning archery at the great pond, he should shoot arrows in at the site of archery ritual” in the Meaning of the Ritual of Archery chapter of Li Ji, and “The oarsmen was ordered to row five times back and forth. Then the emperor started to ride the boat to worship ancestors with sturgeon to pray for good harvest” about the third month of spring as written in the Proceedings of Government in Different Months chapter of Li Ji. Zheng Xuan’s annotation about the Rites of Zhou offers a relatively detailed description. The great archer will shoot arrow for sacrificial ritual. About affairs of the shrine in the suburb, the king uses archery to choose nobles and officials that may attend the sacrifice, along with tribute bearers from allied states. From the archer, one may observe his code of conduct, his posture is like rite, his rhythm is like music, and the one with the most accurate arrows will carry out the sacrifice. Nobles, the three counselors of the state and younger brothers of the king are bequeathed within the territory of the capital city. Qingdafu-ranked officials (senior ministers and nobles) are also granted land. He sacrifices to his ancestors and participates in archery with other officials in the selection process. All major archery ceremonies take place at the site for archery ritual. The association between the site for archery ritual, ancestral shrine of the Zhou clan, and the hall of distinction and piyong is very obvious. The common aspects between the bronze vessels Mai Zun and Jin Gui is the tale of the King of Zhou’s bow hunting on a boat in the great pond, and inscription on the bronze vessel Da Feng Gui also reads “the king celebrates good harvest by fishing in piyong (Biyong)” while that on bronze vessel Yu Gui reads “King Mu of Zhou was in the capital Gaojing, and fished in piyong. (Biyong)” Terms like dazhe (大泽), dachi (大池), and fansanfang (汎三方) all verify features such as the piyong (Biyong) being as “circular as the bi jade disk,” “the yong (as in biyong) is in water,” “hall of distinction erected in the middle,” and archery at the pond. The building at the center of the biyong, which was circular at the top and square at the bottom, eventually evolved into a structure shaped like the Chinese character “亞”—the layout of the hall of distinction—the sacred venue where emperors administered his domain, announced the calendar of the upcoming year, sacrificed to deities, paid tribute to ancestors, and deliberated with nobles and officials. In ancient literature inherited from previous generations, the mingtang and biyong are often used together, with the former being the general name for the architectural cluster, while the latter indicating the circular pond surrounding the former, which represented the place where heaven and earth conjoined and symbolized the canopy. As to the question why the University of the Western Zhou Dynasty was constructed in a configuration with no walls on all four sides and surrounded by water, many opine that it is a remnant of an ancient system. In the remote past, the sand sinks and floods spread. There are undulating pits. The political rules are simple, and the palatial buildings are not yet built. Shennong as the agriculture founding father starts the palatial building which is round cap and square foundation, covered with stalks and grass, rimmed with a water channel, to resist cold and heat. It is for sure the prototype of the Hall of Distinction. The hall

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of distinction is the initial place where the king lives. Therefore, it is necessary to use this to sacrifice to the heavenly gods as well as to ancestors and vassals. The hall of distinction is also used in sacrificial ceremonies for showing the respects for the old and the learned, for the hunting and warring events, for the announcement of calendar policy by the king, for the sleep and food of the king. Since the three dynasties (Xia, Shang and Zhou), the ruling has been fruitful and well accepted. Therefore, the king’s dwelling place is in the palatial city with three gates facing the three directions. The back side is called bedroom without being changed during the four seasons. Outdoor, hall of distinction in suburbs is allowed to be built in one of the four directions, facing the south. It is also called hall of distinction as per ancient rules. Sages and virtuous men must follow ancient rules in doing important things, never to forget the initial longing. They build the hall of distinction in the south suburbs as per ancient rules.199 In ancient times, activities like sacrifice to deities, paying homage to ancestors, administration of one’s domain, declaration of the calendar of the upcoming year, taking care of elderly, education, banquet and archery ritual for guests, and presentation of the enemy’s left ear as trophy all took place within the same sacred location. Thus, terms employed in posterior literature such as mingtang (明堂, hall of distinction), taimiao (太庙, the imperial ancestral temple), daxue (大学, the great learning), lingtai (灵台, heart/soul), and lingzhao (灵沼, laudatory title for water garden) all referred to the same type of locale in ancient times, all different names for the same thing. The water surrounding the structure is akin to creeks or streams near any settlement. Take, for instance, the ruins of a settlement of the Yangshao in Banpo near Xi’an, it was encircled by a ditch, within which were many small houses that in turn revolved around a large hall-like structure in the very middle, and it may be deduced that this building was the public activity venue of the clan habitat, functioning in multiple roles such as prayer hall, meeting room, club, and school.200 This type of settlement ruins with ring-shaped waterway in the circumference and “big building” in the center have been found throughout places like Jiangzhai Town, Wangwan in Luoyang, Quanhu Village in Hua County, Lijia Village in Xixiang County, and Dadiwan in Qin’an. According to various ethnographic materials, these might have been collective housing for clannish leaders, or people receiving special care from society such as the old, the young, children, the sick, and the handicapped. The space in front of the big building was probably the place where assemblies or ceremonies were hosted.201 One point particularly worth supplementing is that all these big buildings had a huge fire pit at its center, pretty much identical to the hearth at the heart of the tribal society club mentioned above. When compared with the F1 big building at Banpo, the No. 901 big building at Dadiwan in Qin’an is more complex in its layout, not only was there a front hall and 199 Ruan

Yuan, Yan Jing Shi Ji, 1993. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 57. Kuan, New Investigations into Ancient History, 1965. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 211–212. 201 For details, please refer to Yang Hongxun, Discussion on Issues about Development of Residential Buildings of the Yangshao Culture, in Acta Archaeologica Sinica, 1975(1). 200 Yang

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a back room, but also side rooms to both the east and west. The design of the front hall was very particular, featuring a width of 16 meters, a length of eight meters, an area of nearly 130 m2 , a front door that faces south, a massive fire pit in the middle of the hall, and a painting on the ground behind the fire pit depicting two persons dancing next to a square table, both with their legs crossed, left hands touching their heads and holding a stick in their right, while two animals can be seen on the table. This content would be an illustration of a scene of sacrificial animal butchery, but might also be a scene of arcane magic prayer for a bountiful hunt. In front of the house is a plot about 130 m2 in size, and two rows of six column holes can be seen, along with an outdoor fire pit near the western column holes. Clearly, the No. 901 big building was a structure constructed for religious and ritual purposes.202 From a progressive point of view, then both the shapes and functions of the piyong and xuegong of Western Zhou Dynasty are abundantly associated with the big building at the heart of ditch-encircled settlements of the Neolithic. The piyong was the premier academic institution for the Western Zhou nobles, and both literature inherited from generations and unearthed literature indicate that it was the public space that hosted a raft of male activities such as education of young members of the aristocratic class, assembly, feasting and drinking, bow hunting, sacrificial ritual, ritual music performance, senior care, deliberation, receipt, and announcement of news of victory on the battlefield and presentation of left ear of enemy as trophy. From the emperor to the nobles and down to the common officers, the shrine was always the venue where capping ritual took place, and the difference lies in different levels and formats of the shrine system. The shapes and functions of the piyong and tribal club have more similarities than differences, which can be corroborated well between the age of males that entered the club for training under an age classification system and the age of males that enrolled in the university for poetry, literature, rite, and music education as recorded in Li Ji chapter Pattern of the Family. Reference materials found in Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji by Sun Xidan prove that the education stage for young members of the aristocratic class was in the age bracket between 13 and 20 years old, as discussed before. What Sun propounded is based on a social caste system, which Cheng Ziyou supplemented from a “moral character cultivation” standpoint. It was an easy matter for ancient people to enroll in school, as one would enter primary school at eight, and the Imperial College at 13. They would learn the dances xiang and shao, listen to music to cultivate their mind, and dance with plumes to nourish their heart. If he has an impatient disposition, he should wear leather; if a slow temperament, strings. Going in and out of the society, he should watch, listen, interact, learn, and participate in the political practices. Doing so, the wrong and evil ideas are hard to come in from the outside. It’s also said that in ancient times, schools were set up. Every 25 families have a school called “塾” (shu, village school), every 500 parties have its own school called “庠” (xiang, country school), every 12,500 have its own school called “序” (xu, local school). The schools of great learning are set up in 202 Chief

editor: Bai Shouyi, managing editor: Su Bingqi, Comprehensive History of China 2— Antiquity, 1995. Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House, pp. 254–257.

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the emperor’s royal city or the vassal kingdom. Thus, nearly everyone goes to school. From those who entered primary school at the age of eight, outstanding individuals would be chosen to enroll into university of age 15, while those unteachable would be sent back to work in the fields. Three elderlies were asked to sit inside the door to test the young people’s etiquette, courtesy, and abidance of seniority.203 Whether it was a social caste system or the cultivation of moral character, from the anthropologic angle, this is a cultural survival of the age classification system. Comparing with the age classification organization of tribal society, as in the club system, it can be seen that the age sequence 10–13–15–20-year-old ought to have been the training periods for the adolescent age class, which served as the transition from childhood to adulthood. Just as education today, students advance forward grade by grade through learning, training, and exams. It was the same in the tribal club system, for instance, young members of the Puyuma people of eastern Taiwan have to go through training for a monkey sacrificial rite called takobakoba η, then endure a four-year period of life under training, experience the Miabuta η coming-of-age ritual, be promoted into the male club, begin to don male skirt and strap a knife around one’s waist, be formally inducted into organization and take on the duties of military defense and service to the tribe. Youngsters in this age classification have to stay in active duty for 5 to 6 years, then retire from the military in what is called pansala η, and receive permission to date females and get marry. However, those in the pansala η class still have to carry out missions delegated by the club. The northern and southern groups of the Puyuma people and their six clubs are uniformly under the command of a tribal military leader and tribal priest known as raha η. The three groups of the Taiwanese aboriginal Amis people of Nanshi hold coming-of-age ceremonies for promotion into the next rank once every 7 years, while the Amis people of Xiugunuan and along the coastline host comingof-age ceremonies once every 5 years, and the ones in Malanshe have promotion ceremonies once in 3 years.204 Thus, it can be seen that different tribal cultures adhere to different timings in the performance of promotion ceremonies but promote ceremonies and rites in trainings and examinations are all administered according to age classification, all for the purpose of facilitating tribe members to gradually and incrementally learn and attain skills, knowledge, and resilience so that they could take up public service responsibilities such as military defense, food acquisition, and religious sacrificial rite. Li Ji: Royal Regulations has records of examination and evaluation rules and institutions for students from rural schooling to state schooling. The minister of instruction…ordered that throughout the districts, there should be marked and pointed out to him those who were disobedient to his lessons. This having been done, the aged men were all assembled in the school, and on a good day archery was practiced and places were given according to merit. At the same time there was a feast, when places were given according to age. The Grand minister of Instruction conducted thither the eminent scholars of the state and along with them 203 Sun

Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007 (1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 771. 204 Wei Huilin, Social Anthropology, 1982. Taipei: Taiwan Commercial Press, pp. 149–151.

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superintended the business. If those (who had been reported to him) did not (now) change, he gave orders that they who were noted as continuing disobedient in the districts on the left should be removed to those on the right, and those noted on the right to the districts on the left. Then another examination was held in the same way, and those who had not changed were removed to the nearest outlying territory. Still continuing unchanged, they were removed, after a similar trial, to the more distant territory. There they were again examined and tried, and if still found defective, they were cast out to a remote region, and for all their lives excluded from distinction.205 The minister of instruction in charge of civil administration would select those who are “unteachable” and tell them so, then the superior minister of instruction would gather with candidates chosen for promotion from rural schooling, along with retired officials and middle-aged and old savants, at rural school on the first day of the year and lead them to host a special and demonstrative teaching and assessment—archery and drinking rite. The eminent scholars of the state who have moved from the county school to the state school now superintend the county schools. There, they teach the rituals to behave oneself in court entrance and exit, saluting with folded hand, making deep bows, show the virtues of uprightness and honesty in spare time, demonstrate the manners for the young and the old, highlight the honor of eminence and beauty. In doing this, more mentors and educators will come. As the saying goes, “for those who had not attended to their instructions”, they didn’t show necessary change at the initial school entry. If they didn’t show the necessary change after three years’ education, they need to go through five year’s education. If there is no change after five year’s education, they have to study seven years. If there is still no change in seven years, they have to study nine years. If they show no change according to the nine-year examination, the said people are considered as un-teachable and should be ousted to the distant places, to be despised in their lifetime. Throughout the districts, there should be marked and pointed out to him those who were disobedient to his lessons. The distant places are wild, desolate places. This is the way how county schools punish the disobedient students.206 For those who failed examinations numerous times would be considered hopeless, exiled to desolate and distant land, deemed less than human, and never to be employed again. The so-called state candidates meanwhile also hailed from rural schools and were the outstanding performers chosen through examination: “the outstanding talents among examiners were promoted to be the minister of instruction and named Xuanshi while the top performing talents among ministers of instruction were promoted to be Zhixue and named Junshi.” However, all university students still have to survive stringent tests, including the sons of kings and nobles, and those who failed examinations and evaluations will be banished to the remote countryside.

205 Sun

Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007 (1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 362–363. 206 Sun Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007 (1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 362–363.

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In the royal school, they should learn four lessons which were handed down from the former kings. The lessons are poetry, history, propriety, and music. They were taught propriety and music in spring and autumn, and poetry and history in summer and winter. The crown prince and gongzi, the elder sons by the principal wives of the three loyal dukes, all state princes, the ministers and upper officials, and all those selected students and outstanding students must learn four lessons. They are arranged to learn according to their age. When their learning is completed, the different directors and assistant directors should report those who did not accept education to the first director who reported it to the king again. The king then ordered his three loyal dukes, nine ministers, officials, and officers all to go to the royal school and help to educate them. If they were not willing to change, the king would in person go to it and inspect them. If they still did not change, the king would have his meal without music for 3 days. And then those who did not accept instructions would be cast-off to a remote region. The casting out to the west was called expulsion, and to the east, exile. They would never be used throughout their lives.207 Thus, the strictness of the examination and evaluation of the various levels of schooling are clear, and the so-called third-year, fifth-year, seventh-year, and ninthyear examination ought to have corresponded to the third-year, fifth-year, seventhyear, and other tiers of promotion ceremonies in the age classification system. It was also documented in Li Ji chapters Record on the Subject of Education. According to the system of ancient teaching, for the families of (a hamlet) there was the village school. For a neighborhood there was the country school; for the larger districts there was the local school; and in the capitals there was the royal school. Every year some entered the college, and every second year there was a comparative examination. In the first year, it was seen whether they could read the texts intelligently, and what was the meaning of each; in the third year, whether they were reverently attentive to their work, and what companionship was most pleasant to them; in the fifth year, how they extended their studies and sought the company of their teachers; in the seventh year, how they could discuss the subjects of their studies and select their friends. They were now said to have made some small attainments. In the ninth year, when they knew the different classes of subjects and had gained a general intelligence, were firmly established, and would not fall back, they were said to have made grand attainments. After this the training was sufficient to transform the people, and to change (anything bad in) manners and customs. Those who lived near at hand submitted with delight, and those who were far off thought (of the teaching) with longing desire.208 Starting from the age of 10, boys would leave the family, study with an outside teacher, and live away from his own house. This marked the turning point from living at home to living by oneself, entailed by leaving behind one’s family and kin, entering the realm outside of home, and learning and living together with others of the same age and one’s teachers and seniors. At 13, those who passed examination would advance to the 207 Sun

Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007 (1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 362–366. 208 Sun Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007 (1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 957–959.

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next rank and proceed to skills training of a higher caliber that revolved around learning music, recital of shi, and performance of the dance shao. Comparing with materials from foreign lands and cultures, the bracket between the ages of 10 and 13 years old should be a training period for youngsters. When boys grew into adolescents (age 15), those who passed examinations would be promoted to yet another rank, and learn the dance xiang, archery and horse-riding, then undergo capping ritual at 20 to become an adult, after which one may wear adult clothing, begin to learn rites and the dance daxia, and take care of kins and repay kindness of parents. From 13 to 15 and then 20, the taught and learned contents were the “six crafts” that comprised the core of the Western Zhou university curriculum, as in poetry, literature, rite, music, archery, and horse-riding, which were documented in literature and bronze inscriptions. Archery and horse-riding were the focal points of paramount importance during this period of learning. As summed up in the phrase “rites and arms, the only matters of importance to the state,” the performance of sacrificial rites and military affairs were contingent upon archery and horse-riding skills and ritual procedure and music, and since music, dancing, archery, and horse-riding were relatively more technical. Thus, training periods were longer and assessments more rigorous. It was also written in Li Ji chapters Record on the Subject of Education. At the commencement of the teaching in the Great college, (the masters) in their skin caps presented the offerings of vegetables (to the ancient sages), to show their pupils the principle of reverence for them; and made them sing (at the same time) the (first) three pieces of the Minor Odes of the Kingdom, as their first lesson in the duties of officers. When they entered the college, the drum was beaten and the satchels were produced, that they might begin their work reverently. The cane and the thorns were there to secure in them a proper awe. It was not till the time for the summer sacrifice was divined for, that the testing examination was held; to give composure to their minds. They were continually under inspection, but not spoken to, to keep their minds undisturbed. They listened, but they did not ask questions; and they could not transgress the order of study (imposed on them). These seven things were the chief regulations in the teaching. As it is expressed in the Record, ‘In all learning, for him who would be an officer the first thing is (the knowledge of) business; for scholars the first thing is the directing of the mind.’209 The so-called seven aspects of teaching, i.e., what we call seven principles of teaching, include: reverence for teachers, initial aspiration and commitment as officials, modesty in learning, proper awe of teachers, composure and interest in learning, discovery of students’ interest and aptitude, and step-by-step progress. All relied on capping costumes (such as the pibian leather cap), sacrificial ceremonies and rites (such as the shicai ritual to pay homage to Confucius and other masters, or di ritual to pay respect to ancestors), education (such as The Dear Bleat, Simu, and Huanghuang

209 Sun

Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007 (1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 962.

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Zhehua in the Lesser Court Hymns portion of the Book of Songs), and music, ceremonies, and rites (such as drumming and emperor’s hosting of senior tributes and ancestral sacrifices at state university during spring and autumn) to explicate aspiration of government officer, seniority, code of dignified manners, and other cardinal principles. Sun Xidan’s Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji offers an amply succinct interpretation of the seven aspects.210 The use of the stick and whip to suppress the dignity of students and spur their diligence, and the di ancestral ritual and the hosting of senior tributes and ancestral sacrifices at state university during spring and autumn by emperor and nobles, all demonstrate strictness for school graduation and rank promotion. Chapter Summary The aforementioned factors such as the time, age, space of capping ritual, and the primordial meaning and form of the “cap,” among other elements, are all hotly debated issues within the realm of ritual study. However, if the quadruple evidence method is applied in a comprehensive manner, including the biolinguistic archaeological value in the features of the shapes and likenesses of written Chinese characters, the “container” and narrative functions inherent in archaeological physical objects and imagery as well as ceremonies per se, and references to foreign cultures, one may discover a new interpretive perspective beneficial to solving these difficult questions. After recognizing the capping ritual as a periodic transition in the course of life, the seasonal transition of natural renewals and the new year, and the deep identification mechanism in renewal, then it is easy to see that the most primordial meaning of 210 The sages and masters of the past are the exemplary virtuous people. To show

respects, students need to wear uniforms, skin caps, and prepare dishes to make sacrifices to them. Such events of worship will spark off admiration of the learned. The Book of Songs is for scholars to learn. In the beginning, students learn its three chapters including Lesser Odes and The Dear Bleat. This is probably because the three chapters are used by the king to feast ministers and officials, who in turn serve the king. To pursue officialdom, one student has to start with the learning of the three chapters and understands its wide implications. In other words, knowledge must be used for the governance of state affairs. When entering the school, he opens the suitcase. At this time, he must be warned by beating the drum, so that he becomes engrossed in schooling and does not get distracted. A teaching whip (Xiachu, to punish disobedient students) is used to show awe to students, precluding the possibility of inattention. An academic assessment is conducted in students, to examine their book learning over the year and their full understanding of classics and insights over the 9 years. The school is started in spring, and the summer sacrificial ritual is held, followed by the examination. In that case, the assessment is made in an extended period, without much impulsiveness. It is easy for everyone to start learning, but is hard for them to persist. That’s why it is necessary to view them from time to time, without telling them via speech. Therefore, students can develop inner interests. When they have achieved something, they will be informed of their achievement later. There are students, young and old. Accordingly, there are learning, deep, and shallow. In normal teaching, young scholars will listen to lectures by old ones. There is a gradual progression that cannot be altered. These seven tips do not cover the practices in learning, but show the elements of encouragement and seriousness. The benefits contained therein are therefore evident. This is the general principle of schooling. Sun Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007 (1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 961–962.

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the capping ritual was to attain an identity transition of “ringing out with the old, ringing in with the new” by mimicking springtime celebration festivals that cheered for the end of winter, arrival of spring, and resurrection of all life forms. The forms of characters in the family of the characters guan (冠) and mian (冕) might have lost their original coinage meanings due to subsequent interpretations, but the excavations and explanations of oracle inscriptions and bronze vessel inscriptions, the substantial quantity of jade and bronze headdress ornaments from since the Neolithic, and relevant mythologies and ceremonies all provide references for the archetype of the “cap”—the key symbolic sign representing transition in life, which is manifested in the feathered cap, itself a symbol of the sacred bird and divine communication.211 The east room and space with yin qualities, as in the primary ritual space where the capping ritual participant transitioned into a new identity, and their associations with the lunar mansion fang of the Green Loong of the East and man-eating Loong and tiger motifs on bronze vessels indicate the possibility of symbolic approval between the east room and the bosom of Mother Nature, with both symbolizing the venue of the rebirth of life. Unlike the location of the first birth, as in the womb in the biological sense, the second birth occurred from the womb of the earth mother goddess or ancestral god, with the first birth obtaining life in the biological sense, while the second birth acquiring life in the cultural sense and with approval from ancestors. However, the obtainment of the second life mandated the passing of a series of survival skills, knowledge, and resilience training, and only those who passed were qualified for the second life. Therefore, discussion relating to the connections between age classification, club, and university shows that capping ritual was not just a one-time event, instead of a lengthy ritual process closely corresponding to age, education, examination and rank promotion, and personal status, which serves to reveal the symbolic meaning of the “three-step capping” ritual at the secular level.

211 Japanese

scholar Shirakawa Shizuka, after contemplating the right-side component of the Chinese character "佳," asserts that the belief of the bird as a temporary change in form of the human soul is hidden in written characters and also exists in life and ritual spaces. For details, please refer to Shirakawa Shizuka, Ancient Chinese Folk Customs, translated: Wang Wei, 1991. Shenyang: Chunfeng Literature and Art Publishing House, pp. 16–25.

Chapter 2

Holy Space: The Symbolism of “Miao (廟 廟)”

How will archaeological discoveries shed light on the matter of the pre-Qin shrine system which is fraught with ambiguity in literatures? How does the physical space of the “shrine” or “temple” engender identity transition and display of power? In eras when words symbolized power, is it possible for incorrect characters to be so widely found on commemorative bronze vessels? If not, what is the original meaning of the character “廟” in bronze vessel inscriptions and what is its inherent coding? This chapter will discuss the sacred space of the shrine from these three aspects: Part I will look at the structural form and classification system of shrines in the pre-Qin Dynasty period as seen in literature inherited from previous generations and archaeological materials to expound the physical space composition of shrines, especially focusing on the ambiguous layout of the front of the shrine and the residential area in the back; Part II will take a look at the capping ritual spatial transition, and reveal the relationships between physical space, cognitive codes, identity transition, and power narratives; Part III will start with an analysis on the various component pictograms in the structure of the character “廟” in bronze vessel inscriptions, then explore the archetype of the character “廟” and its cognitive codes.

2.1 Pre-Qin Shrine System Seen in Inherited Literature and Archaeological Materials 2.1.1 Pre-Qin Shrine System Recorded in Inherited Literature With regard to the pre-Qin shrine system, there are two meanings here, one of which is the construction structural form as in the physical space of pre-Qin shrines as described in literature inherited from previous generations and archaeological materials, and the second of which being the classification or ranking system as in the shrine as a conceptual space or cognitive space, with the two facets complementing © Shanghai Jiao Tong University Press 2020 Q. Tang, Ritual Civilization and Mythological Coding, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-4393-7_2

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each other to form a complete shrine system in the pre-Qin Dynasty period. In order to clearly and overtly reveal the sacred space in Li Ji and its meaning, it is necessary to first delve into the construction structural form and classification system of pre-Qin shrines. It was written in the Royal Regulations chapter of Li Ji that “the emperor has seven shrines, with three for the zhao (or even number) generations of ancestors and three for the mu (or odd number) generations of ancestors, and the seventh shrine for the first founder of the dynasty. Nobles have five shrines, with two for the zhao generations of ancestors and two for the mu generations of ancestors, and the fifth shrine for the first founder of the clan. Dafu-rank officials have three shrines, with one for the zhao generation of ancestors and one for the mu generation of ancestors, and the third shrine for the first founder of the clan. Common officers have one shrine. Common folks enshrine their ancestors in the bedroom.” Along with records such as “the lord’s palace, in the front is the ancestral shrine, then the stable and armory, and the bedroom in the back” in the Summary of the Rules of Propriety chapter of Li Ji and “the ancestral temple shall be built first before the emperor building his palace” in the Grand Digest chapter of the Xunzi, it is obvious that the shrine system closely correlated with personal status. The chief standard with regard to the so-called seven shrines, one shrine or whatnot was generally the number of spaces for consecration, and at the same time there were also differences when it came to the spatial location and structural layout of the ancestral shrine in relation to the hall of residence or bedroom. In terms of the construction structural arrangement of the shrine and bedroom, Sun Xidan in Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji touched on the prevalent opinions and agreed: All shrines faced the south, and each had atrium and bedroom, with walls on all four sides. However, Sun disputed the system of seven shrines or five shrines, opining that it was an invention of the Confucianists of the Han Dynasty.1 Apart from the superiority and inferiority in ranks, Confucianists were also dedicated to establishing the developmental history of the shrine system as it evolved over the Xia, Shang and Zhou dynasties. For instance, “During the eras of Emperor Yao and Emperor Shun, there were five shrines: Four shrines for ancestors, one shrine for the founder. During the Xia dynasty, there were four shrines; until the fifth generation of children and grandchildren. During the Shang dynasty, there were five shrines; until the sixth generation of children and grandchildren” was written in the Ji Ming Zheng chapter of the Liwei. Also, “During the eras of Emperor Yao and Emperor Shun, there were five shrines: Four shrines for ancestors, one shrine for the founder. During era of Emperor Yu the Great, there were four shrines; until the fifth generation of children and grandchildren. During the Shang dynasty, there were five shrines; until the sixth generation of children and grandchildren. During the Zhou dynasty, there were six shrines; until the seventh generation of children and grandchildren” was written in the Gou Ming Jue chapter of the Xiaowei. Just like Sun Xidan, many scholars are also suspicious of such types of shrine system documentations. 1 Sun Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007 (1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company.

p. 343.

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In 1913, Wang Guowei published the General Study on the Hall of Distinction and Shrine Back Chamber, which was the first to utilize more than 20 types of inscriptions on bronze vessels of the Shang and Zhou dynasties and shed light on the specific configurations of Shang and Zhou shrine back chamber and mingtang highly contributive to future study. People discover that the so-called four-shrine, five-shrine, and sevenshrine systems have been quite copiously documented in bronze vessel inscriptions, and for instance Western Zhou Dynasty Shi Qiang Pan and Zhong inscriptions contain continuous segments of the names of seven generations of ancestors, thereby cementing the seven-shrine system in the Western Zhou Dynasty. The simultaneous appearance of seven generations of ancestors also denotes the formal inception of a system of large and consolidated sacrifice, and the inheritance and transformation of the ancestral sacrifice system of the Shang and Zhou dynasties.2 According to the research undertaken by Mr. Zhu Fenghan, relatively comprehensive royal ancestral shrine system already existed as early as the Shang Dynasty, and the overall composition of the ancestral shrine, configuration principle, and shrine activities all indicated features of the strengthening of imperial authority and the maintenance and protection of royal lineage, nobility, and unity, thereby positioning the ancestral shrine system as an important political mechanism for the solidification of rulership during the Shang Dynasty. Of which, there are four conspicuous principles: First of all, ancestral king of direct lineage may enjoy his own independent shrine for worship; secondly, independent shrines of ancestral kings of direct lineage may be passed down for generations and there was no system for the demolition of such shrines; thirdly, sacrificial sites were added for ancestral kings of direct lineage of recent generations; and fourthly, only a certain portion of spouses of ancestral kings of closely related lineage may enjoy their own ancestral shrine or sacrificial site.3 With regard to the zhaomu (ancestors from even- and odd-numbered generations) system, according to investigations shown in Research on Shrine System in Bronze Vessel Inscription by Liu Zheng, the Chinese characters “昭” (zhao) and “穆” (mu) have been found in abundance in bronze vessel inscriptions, including terms like “ 穆庙” (shrine for mu-generation ancestors) and “昭宫” (palace for zhao-generation ancestors), though “昭庙” (shrine for zhao-generation ancestors) is quite rare. Nevertheless, the zhaomu system was clearly at the core of the ritual institution of the people of Zhou Dynasty.4 Apart from divergences and disputes in textual literature, people also unearthed evidence from archaeological discoveries in tombs and burials, for instance, the Western Zhou Dynasty graves in Zhangjiapo in Fengxi of Shaanxi Province were designed with a central chamber in the middle, accompanied by a series of other chambers lined in parallel to the left and to the right, as in 2 The seven previous generations are in order of gaoqie, lieqie, yiqie, yaqie, yigong, dinggong and yu. Liu Zheng, Research on Shrine System in Bronze Vessel Inscription, 2004. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press. p. 4. 3 Zhu Fenghan, Shang Imperial Family Ancestral Shrine System as Seen in Divination Texts from Yinxu, in Historical Research, 1990(6). 4 Liu Zheng, Research on Shrine System in Bronze Vessel Inscription, 2004. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press. p. 15.

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the ancestral tomb chamber in the front coupled with the sequential arrangement of fathers in the zhao array and sons in the mu array, reflecting the remarkable level of sophistication and ritualization in the tomb and burial system of the Western Zhou Dynasty. The tomb and burial system of a period can reveal much about the state of existence of society and social mentality of that period. Thus, whether performing historical research or archaeological study, tomb and burial system is instrumental because it manifests features of its times, people and region, as well as a representation of the caste of its historical period.5 The zhao and mu arrangements in underground tombs should be a mirror of the zhao and mu arrangements in above-ground ancestral shrines, so they are very convincing. As to the question why placements and positions were configured according to zhao and mu, concepts seen in chapter A Summary Account of Sacrifices of Li Ji are highly representative. Whenever they came to the (general) circulation of the cup, those whose place was on the left stood in one row, and also those whose place was on the right. The members of each row had places according to their age; and in the same way were arranged all the assistants at the service. This was what was called (exhibiting) the order of the old and young. At the sacrifice, the parties taking part in it were arranged on the left and right, according to their order of descent from the common ancestor, and thus the distinction was maintained between the order of fathers and sons, the near and the distant, the older and the younger, the more nearly related and the more distantly, and there, was no confusion. Therefore, at the services in the grand ancestral temple, all in the two lines of descent were present, and no one failed to receive his proper place in their common relationship. This was what was called (showing) the distance gradually increasing between relatives.6 Among literature passed down from previous generations, the earliest and most exhaustive descriptions on shrines and palaces ought to be Sigan in the Lesser Court Hymns part of the Book of Songs.7 Divided into nine chapters, the poem follows a 5 Yin

Qun, Eastern Zhou Dynasty Tomb and Burial System in the Middle and Lower Parts of the Yellow Sea, 2001. Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press (China). p. 2. 6 Sun Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007 (1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 1245. 7 Sigan in the Lesser Court Hymns: By the graceful sweep of these banks, with the southern hill, so calm in the distance. Has the palace arisen, firm as the roots of a clump of bamboos, With its [roof] like the luxuriant head of a pine tree. May the brothers here, be loving among themselves, and have no scheming against one another! Having entered into the inheritance of his ancestors, He has built his chambers, five thousand cubits of walls, With their doors to the west and to the south. Here will he reside; here will he sit; Here will he laugh; here will he talk. They bound the frames for the earth, exactly over one another; Tuo-tuo went on the pounding; - Impervious [the walls] to wind and rain, Offering no cranny to bird or rat. A grand dwelling is it for our noble lord. Like a man on tip-toe, in reverent expectation; Like an arrow, flying rapidly; Like a bird which has changed its feathers; Like a pheasant on flying wings; Is the [hall] which our noble lord will ascend. Level and smooth is the court-yard, and lofty are the pillars around it. Pleasant is the exposure of the chamber to the light, and deep and wide are its recesses; Here will our noble lord repose. On the rush-mat below, and that of fine bamboos above it, here may he repose in slumber! May he sleep and awake, Saying’

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sequence from far to near and an order from the outside to the inside in its depiction of the environments, spatial configurations, and functions of a palace. Viewed from a distance, the manor sits against a mountain and by water, with its some hundred rooms organically integrated among the verdant woods and bamboos, and since the passing away of ancestors, generations of the entire clan have all lived here merrily. Viewed from up close, windows are interspersed along the high and sturdy walls, the entire estate resembles a great bird with its wings spread wide, and the colorful tiles look like countless butterflies fluttering in the sky. Stroll inside, the atrium is flat and square, and the front hall is bright and spacious, while the back chamber isolated and serene. Behind the front hall is the chamber, where the mundanity of daily life takes place and where seniors rear and educate the young. The Mao tradition of the Book of Songs considers Sigan as a commemoration of the construction of a palace of the King Xuan of Zhou.8 However, many today also claim that this celebratory poetry and oration for the completion of a large-scale architectural cluster is attributed to a King of Zhou, which might be a bit vague but reliable and circumspect.9 Regardless of whether the palace and shrine belonged specifically to King Xuan of Zhou or an ambiguous King of Zhou, here we get to understand a relatively complete picture of the environment, configuration, and function of the shrine’s back chamber. As per the phrase “Unparalleled beauty, unrivaled beauty! Sing here, cry here, gather the clans of the nation here” in the Tangong chapter of Li Ji, descriptions of the sacrificial rite, funeral, banquet, residence, and other functions also corroborate with those illustrated in Sigan. There is a vivid depiction of the hall and chamber, and here, both the tranquil chamber and the bright hall are locations for the hosting of rites and primarily designed for sacrifices instead of daily life usage. Thus, the residence and procreation discussed in chapter six and chapter seven refer to another architectural “chamber” for daily life, which differs from the hall’s chamber here. The Annals of Zhou in the Records of the Grand Historian documented that before eradicating the Shang Dynasty and after relocating from Bin to Zhouyuan (first capital Divine for me my dreams. What dreams are lucky? They have been of bears and grisly bears; they have been of cobras and [other] serpents. The chief diviner will divine them. The bears and grisly bears, Are the auspicious intimations of sons. The cobras and [other] serpents, Are the auspicious intimations of daughters. Sons shall be born to him: They will be put to sleep on couches; They will be clothed in robes; They will have scepters to play with; Their cry will be loud. They will be [hereafter] resplendent with red knee-covers, The future king, the princes of the land. Daughters shall be born to him: They will be put to sleep on the ground; They will be clothed with wrappers; They will have tiles to play with. It will be theirs neither to do wrong nor to do good. Only about the spirits and the food will they have to think, and to cause no sorrow to their parents. Ruan Yuan (Qing dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 436–438. 8 It was written in the Zhengyi: The construction is completed in praise of King Xuan’s merits. King Xuan is a man of merits and moralities, as he makes people become rich and has good relations with the states. A temple is therefore built so that he entertains officials and ministers. Ruan Yuan (Qing dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 436. 9 Zhou Xiaotian, Appreciation of the Book of Songs, 2007. Chengdu: Sichuan Lexicographical Press. p. 250.

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of the Zhou Dynasty), the Zhou people were led by Gugong Danfu (or King Tai of Zhou, leader of the Zhou clan during Shang Dynasty) and they “abolished the rules of Di and Rong minorities, built the houses and cities, relocated the capital city for a self-supported life.”10 Mian in the Major Court Hymns part of the Book of Songs also describes the scene of Gugong Danfu’s construction of a palace: “The houses and palaces are constructed. The datum rope is made straight for measurement. The planks are firmly tied for compacting. The laborers work in accord when doing the temple construction. They build the city gate that is skyrocketing. They set up the palatial gate that is majestic. They build the earth wall for protection against Di miniority people and bandits.”11 This provides a peek into the magnificence of the towering city walls and forest of palaces and ancestral shrines in Qishan (site of Zhouyuan) during the early time of the Zhou Dynasty. In the Records of Examination of Craftsman,12 the character “国” refers to the entire capital city, the character “朝” denotes the “外朝” or “external court” in front of the palace, and the size of both “朝” and “市” (market) is one fu (“夫”). The character “夫” (fu) here is a unit of area measurement under the “nine squares” system of land ownership similar to fiefdom, with one fu equating to a hundred mu (or 31.2 mu in today’s standard). This is a representation of the palace configuration in an agricultural civilization. The palace ward was comprised of the internal court, imperial residence, external court, ancestral shrine, and shrine for the god of earth and grain, while the surrounds included sectors where officials worked, the urban districts, residential zones, and other areas, and the overall layout can be summarized as palace in the middle, court in the front, market in the back, ancestral shrine to the left, shrine for the god of earth and grain to the right, and everything in symmetry. However, generally speaking, archaeological excavations of the ruins of the capitals of the various states of the Eastern Zhou Dynasty reveal that urban planning at the majority of these sites differed from that portrayed in the Records of Examination of Craftsman, with the ancient city in Qufu of Shandong Province being the sole exception.13 Therefore, some scholars believe that “jiangren yingguo” mentioned in 10 Sima Qian, Records of the Grand Historian, 2007 (1959). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 114. 11 Ruan Yuan (Qing dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 510–511. 12 Ruan Yuan (Qing dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 927. 13 The former ancient city at Qufu has a roughly square outline, and a total of 11 gates, with three on the eastern, western and northern walls, and a pair at the southern side. In the northern part of the center of the former city is a plot that is widely believed to be the site of the imperial palace structure of the state of Lu (vassal of Zhou dynasty), and the surrounding urban district could be considered guocheng. Distributed around the imperial palace, as in the city’s eastern, northeastern, northern, and northwestern portions, are a myriad of ruins of workshop and houses. A rammed earth platform can be found some 1.5 km south of the eastern gate on the south wall, which is purportedly the famed Wuyutai altar where the Lu people performed rain dance. The palace, city gate, “two monasteries” and sacrificial altar form a straight line, which can be deemed the central axis of the layout of the ancient Lu city. During the Spring and Autumn period, a sizable quantity of ritual music literature and objects were brought to the state of Lu when Boqin (a prince of Zhou dynasty)

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Records of Examination of Craftsman could very likely be the design of an ideal city under imperial authority and ritual institution, which the author imagined based on Qufu’s layout.14 In the Minggui part of the Mozi, it was written: “The sages and kings of Yu and the three dynasties of Xia, Shang and Zhou, whenever the capital was established and operated, a holy altar would be chosen and made the ancestral temple”15 and “zong (宗, ‘ancestor’), means respect; miao (廟, ‘shrine’), means appearance, thus an imitation of the respectful appearance of ancestors.”16 The Summary of the Rules of Propriety Part I chapter of Li Ji says: “the ancestral temple shall be built first before the emperor building his palace.” These all underscore the significance of the ancestral shrine, which symbolized imperial authority, the capital city, and the state. The main sacrificial authority was actually manifested as a monarchical rulership imbued divine power and held by the clan. The Shang Dynasty people worshipped “qin qin,” while Zhou Dynasty established ancestral shrine, which facilitated the creation of patriarchal clan system with a focus on “zun zun” (politics) while preserving “qin qin” (ethics). Many lines in different parts of the Book of Songs all reflect the pyramid structure of the patriarchal clan caste system, for examples “eat the food, drink the wine, consider him king and clan leader” in Gongliu, and “a hundred (endless) generations of this branch” in Wenwang. The so-called “大宗” (major branch of the clan) and “小宗” (minor branch) were formed when the clan is separated into branches based on the primogeniture principle. For the imperial clan, when the firstborn son ascended to the throne his line would become the major branch of the nation while those of the other princes would be the minor branches; if any of these princes were granted territories and became feudal migrated to Qufu to take up office as the Duke of Lu, thus, the number of ritual music literature discovered at Qufu far eclipse those of other vassal states. After the death of the Duke of Zhou, the King Cheng of Zhou wished to praise and honor the feats in political assistance achieved by the Duke of Zhou, he specially ordered the state of Lu to mobilize leaders and officials to perform a sacrifice in the suburb of the capital city in the name of King Wen of Zhou (father of Duke of Zhou), as described as “Lu uses all the costumes, vessels and palaces of the four dynasties” in the Places in the Hall of Distinction chapter of Li Ji. The state of Lu always adhered to the rites of the Zhou dynasty and had preserved ancient ritual music in relatively completeness even toward the end of the Spring and Autumn period. During the 29th year of the reign of Duke Xiang of Lu (544 BC), Ji Zha the Prince of Wu was dispatched to the state of Lu as emissary, where he thoroughly reveled in Zhou dynasty music and dancing, subsequently returning home totally satisfied. When Xuanzi of Han, an official with the state of Jin, was dispatched to the state of Lu as emissary during the second year of the reign of Duke Zhao of Lu (540 BC), he exclaimed how “all the rites of Zhou can be found in Lu”. Confucius also remarked “if the state of Qi improves it would become Lu, and if the state of Lu improves it would become the way” (from the [There is Yong] book of the Analects), believing that the manner of being of the state of Lu most closely resembled the rites of Zhou. 14 Xu Hong, Archaeological Studies on Pre-Qin Cities, 2000. Beijing: Beijing Yanshan Press. p. 83. 15 Sun Yirang, Supplementary Notes on the Mozi, 2001. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 235. The Chinese character “日” could also be the character “曰,” and ended at the beginning of the next sentence. For detail please refer to Shanghai Bookstore 1992 (1986). p. 146. Or refer to Wu Yujiang, Reviews and Annotations on the Mozi, 1993. Zhonghua Book Company. p. 359. 16 He Qinggu, Reviews and Interpretations of the Sanfuhuangtu, 2005. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 303.

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king, his line would be the major branch within his territory, and when his firstborn ascended as the king of his territory, his line would in turn be promoted as the major branch within his territory, while the lines of other sons would become the minor branches…the system branched out and cascaded downward into a strict patriarchal clan-based social rulership structure. Both Duke Liu and King Wen of Zhou were leaders of the Zhou clan, and the lines of their firstborn sons would become the major branch of the entire nation, and granted the authority to host the crucial undertaking of ancestral sacrifices. Therefore, corresponding ancestral shrine and sacrificial rite systems existed for everyone, from the emperor to kings and nobles, and down to dafu-ranked officials, common officials and ordinary folks, as in seven shrines for the emperor, five shrines for nobles, three shrines for dafu-ranked officials, one shrine for common officials, and enshrinement in residence for ordinary folks in an ancestral shrine structure and sacrificial rite system that correlates to the different classes and personal status. Among bronze vessel inscriptions, Smaller Cauldron of Yu on a cauldron from the era of King Kang of Zhou is deemed the most vital first-hand account on the direction of door in imperial courts and shrines. The entirety of the inscription, as interpreted by Mr. Chen Mengjia, is as below: (1) At dawn, three servants on the left and three ones on the right follow the king to the ancestral temple. The receptionists wear ritualized clothes and stand on the east. Walk to the south gate, and pray to Yu container. Beasts enter as sacrifices. Beasts are put into the mouth of the Yu container at the altar of the ancestral temple. (2) The Yu container goes through three gates and is made erect in the centerline facing the north. (3) For vassals of large land, the rite man walks in three cycles before presenting the wine (to them). The king bows to the temple…The Yu containers with animals as sacrifices are brought, to show respects of King Zhou, King Wu, and King Cheng. (4) Yu container is brought in You hour. The three ministers wear ritual uniform when entering. The king bows to the temple. The king prizes the Yu container by giving sacrifices.17 The whole inscription details events on the two days of jiasen and yiyou, and the king visited the shrines three times, then held different ceremonies at different places and different times of the day: (1) Meng reported enslavement of enemies and presented his slaves at the Zhou shrine; (2) Meng and other dukes reported to the King of Zhou at the central court; (3) the King of Zhou made sacrifices to ancestors at the shrine; and (4) the King rewarded Meng at the shrine. This record coincides with information documented in the Guo Ji Zi Bai Pan inscription, and how the Jin army prevailed after the Battle of Chengpu as recorded in Duke Xi of Lu 17 Chen

Mengjia, Division of History into Periods via Bronze Vessels of the Western Zhou Dynasty, 2004. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 109. For Fig. 2.1, please see p. 110 of this book.

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Fig. 2.1 Shrine and Chamber Layout as Recorded in the small tripod for Yu Inscription

28th Year segment in the Commentary of Zuo. Quite clearly, the triumphant return, presentation of slaves, presentation of enemy ears as trophies and granting of rewards in the Spring and Autumn period largely carried on the ceremonies from the Western Zhou Dynasty. Figure 2.1 shows Mr. Chen Mengjia’s estimation of the gateway, court, shrine, and chamber recorded in the Xiao Yu Ding (the small tripod for Yu) inscription. Obviously, the layout was designed with the central axis in mind, but answers to the questions as to how it is associated with the “shrine for gods of earth and grain on the right, shrine for ancestors on the left” as recorded in the Xiao Zong Bo part of Offices of Spring portion in the Rites of Zhou, and whether this progression denotes the “front shrine and back chamber” arrangement, cannot be provided conclusively at this point because of the vagueness of the “third door” and missing inscription contents. This type of “shrine in front and chamber in back” or “hall in front and chamber in back” arrangement, as in a gateway-court-hall-chamber structural layout, is found quite plentifully among archaeological ruins. Let’s consider the plots of structures of the early Western Zhou Dynasty Group A architectural cluster in Fengchu as a midway point, then move backward in time to the early Shang Dynasty J1D4 palace rooms in Shixianggou and palace rooms No. 1 and No. 2 at phase III of the Erlitou site which dates to the transition between the Xia and Shang dynasties, and also move forward in time to the mid-Spring and Autumn period’s Qin state No. 1 ancestral shrine clusters at Majiazhuang. All these examples demonstrate the court-hall-chamber structure and an arrangement symmetrical to the central axis, which should be the basic characteristic of the palace and chamber configuration of the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties.18 Development of structural layout may be further sub-divided into three phases, namely, integrated shrine and chamber (shrine and chamber in the same building), 18 Du

Zhengsheng, Ancient Societies and States, 1992. Taipei: Asian Culture Industry Co., Ltd. p. 756.

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connected shrine and chamber (shrine and chamber in separate buildings), and separated shrine and chamber.19 This agrees with the “shrine in front and chamber in back” arrangement. At this juncture one enigma is unavoidable, and that is whether this “chamber” (“寝”) refers to the “bedroom” of the living or the symbolic “chamber” of the dead. “Chamber for peace of the body, shrine for peace of ancestors”20 refer to the living in the former and the deceased in the latter. If the former is the case, then over the linear course of architectural development from simple to complex and from one chamber to multiple chambers, it is possible for the “hall” as a public space to bear both the functions for sacrifices and guest receptions, and subsequently progress to the separated shrine and chamber phase, or even shrine and chamber located in two completely different locations. If the latter is the case, how were the shrine and chamber, respectively a sacred site for divine matters and an ordinary site for daily mundanity, arranged structurally or architecturally? In Archaeological Studies on Pre-Qin Cities, Dr. Xu Hong explained. From an archaeological point of view, it is still a challenge to determine whether specific large-scale rammed earth structural ruins in ancient capital cities were ancestral shrine or palace, but one thing is for certain, that is “an entire city revolved around the palace and shrine, underlining their service to the imperial court and the nobility.”21 Capping ritual for common officers, wedding and other the on-site scenes of other ceremonies all indicate that the shrine is located behind the main gate, because bamboo strip inscriptions record it as “曲” and with no specific direction or position. In Explanation of Ancient Palace through the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial, Song dynasty scholar Li Rugui wrote: “Shrine is to the east of the chamber.” In Additional Annotations to the Explanation of Ancient Palace through the Book of Etiquette and 19 Du

Zhengsheng, Ancient Societies and States, 1992. Taipei: Asian Culture Industry Co., Ltd. pp. 758–760: The structures with boarded rammed earth bases at both phase three of the Erlitou site and the northern part of the center of the plot of the palace at Shixianggou were probably the archetypes for the palace-chamber-shrine complex of the Xia, Shang and Zhou dynasties. In these layouts, the hall in the front, also known as “shrine,” was where political discussions and sacrifices took place, while the room in the back, also known as “chamber,” was where people carried out their daily mundanities and slept. During this stage, the hall and the chamber were contained under one roof, and can be considered as integrated shrine and chamber…the palace in the Group A plot at Fengchu has the same gate but different buildings, and belongs to the second stage of shrinepalace evolution. With regards to the separation between shrine and chamber, a reference is the palace layout of Zheng Youji, a dafu-ranked official of the state of Zheng, which had “shrine to the south of the road, with its chamber to the north of the road” as recorded in the Commentary of Zuo of the Spring and Autumn Annals (Duke of Zhao 18th Year segment in the Commentary of Zuo). The shrine and the chamber were separated by a road. The reason behind why the shrine and the chamber became independent structures could be associated with political development or differences in political and social status. The higher one’s political and social status, the more shrines and chambers one possessed. 20 Gao You, “requisite for chamber and shrine” annotation in the Zhongchun Almanac of the Master Lü’s Spring and Autumn Annals, 1986. Shanghai: Shanghai Bookstore Publishing House. p. 13. 21 Xu Hong, Archaeological Studies on Pre-Qin Cities, 2000. Beijing: Beijing Yanshan Press. pp. 79, 81.

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Ceremonial, Jiang Yong said: “The palace chamber system, those verified palaces all face the south, shrine is located to the east of the chamber, they all have halls and doors, and they are within the main gate.” Further, according to Offices of the Spring in the Rites of Zhou: “The duty of the duke of the minor branch of the clan is to administer the memorial of the state’s founder, shrine for gods of earth and grain to the right, and shrine for ancestor to the left.” Therefore, the ancestral shrine structure should have been located in the eastern part of the palace ward, as in the shrine was to the east of the chamber.

2.1.2 Ancestral Shrine Structures Seen in Archaeological Sites and Ruins Literature records and their annotations and interpretations often conflict with each other, and readers are often confused. Today, structural ruins are able to shed light on some issues. If we base our perspective on the overall layout of the plots of structure ruins of palaces of the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties, perhaps we could obtain a type of answer to questions pertaining to configuration of shrine and chamber. Take for instance the ruins of the Erlitou palace in Yanshi of Henan Province, the entire palace architectural cluster is surrounded completely by a wall. F1, located at the west, is a courtyard formed from an encircling veranda. Inside the courtyard at the northern part stands a large hall that has its front facing the south and verandas on the southern, eastern, and northern sides, with a small gate located at the eastern side and northern side of the northeastern corner of the verandas, which could have been the “wei men” (“闱门”) small gate. F2, which is situated 150 m to the northeast of F1, features basic shape and form similar to the of F1, including verandas, the gate between the front and back courtyards, main hall, and tomb. The main gate is located slightly to the east of the middle of the south veranda. Along the central axis of the courtyard, located to the rear is the three-room main hall, a huge tomb is situated between the northern wall and the main hall, and beneath the northern wall are five sacrificial altars with tops. Several sacrificial pits containing human and animal bones have been discovered inside the hall. The east, west, and north walls have verandas attached to their inner sides. The eastern veranda is connected to the outside via four doors, of which the one at the northernmost end is the “wei men” (small gate). The southern wall has verandas both on the inside and outside (see Fig. 2.2), which echoes with F4 directly to its front, together forming an enclosed space.22 This is considered an integrated ancestral 22 The platform base of the main hall at F4 is about 12–14 m from the F2 south veranda and large south gate. There is no wall to the north of F4 main hall, and there are two pillars at the northern edge of the platform base of the main hall, where signs have been found. At the same time, the distance between the eastern edge of the platform base of the main hall and the eastern wall of the palace (an extension of the internal face of the eastern wall of the No. 2 palace), as well as the distance between the western edge of the platform base of the main hall and the extension of the western edge of the No. 2 palace, are both approximately ten meters. In other words, the platform

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Fig. 2.2 Structural Layout of Shrine and Chamber Seen in Erlitou Ruins

shrine structure, and should have been the ancestral shrine, where the Kings of Xia consecrated their ancestors and deities and carried out routine ancestral sacrifices, as in F4 ought to have been the location where special sacrificial ceremonies were hosted.23 This, or as Eastern Han Dynasty scholar Cai Yi remarked in Duduan: “The residence of the lord of people, in the front is the court, in the back is the chamber. The shrine is used to host the founding ancestor, and array the zhao and mu generations of ancestors; the chamber holds clothes and caps to symbolize life, and this entirety is called the palace.” Therefore, in terms of the overall layout, the F2 position of the ancestral shrine where sacrificial ceremonies were held is located to the east of the F1 position of the palace where administrative affairs took place, and the “imperial court at the front, royal chamber at the rear” and “shrine in the front and chamber in the back” configurations exist, respectively, within the F1 and F2 architectural clusters. The location of the shrine in the entire structure is also abundantly clear, and if the F1 architectural cluster is deemed the entirety of the court-and-chamber array of the living, then it seems that the “shrine located to the east of chamber” arrangement already existed in the structural layout at phase III of the Erlitou site. The plot of the palace at the Shang Dynasty city at Shixianggou in Yanshi of Henan Province has an even clearer layout featuring “imperial court at the front, royal chamber at the rear” and “shrine for ancestor to the left and shrine for gods of earth and grain to the right” (see Fig. 2.3). The Shang Dynasty city in Yanshi is base of the F4 main hall is located directly in front of the No. 2 palace, meaning that F2 and F4 share the same structural central axis, and thus they likely belonged to the same architectural group. For details please refer to Erlitou Task Force of the Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Exploration of the Brief Report on the Excavation of the No. 4 Rammed Earth Plot in the Erlitou Site at Yanshi City of Henan, in Archaeology, 2004(11). 23 Collection of Yang Hongxun’s Architectural Archaeology Papers, 2008. Beijing: Tsinghua University Press. p. 96.

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Fig. 2.3 Layout of the Palace Ward Seen at the Yanshi Shang Dynasty City. 1 From Chinese Archaeology—Xia and Shang Volume p. 206. 2, 3 From (Revised Enlarged Edition) Collection of Yang Hongxun’s Architectural Archaeology Papers pp. 102, 105

comprised of a moat-outer ward-inner ward-palace ward layout. The floor plan of the outer ward is shaped like a “kitchen knife,” with its southern portion narrow like the “knife handle,” and it is more than twice the area of the inner ward. The inner ward is rectangular in shape, and the southern portion of its center is the location of the palace proper, which occupies about two-thirds of the palace ward. The northernmost part of the palace ward is the pools, which is mainly comprised of large man-made pools and water channels, and there is a considerable quantity of sacrificial ruins and relics located between the two, as in an area north of the palace and south of the pools and water channels, which ought to have been the site for sacrifices. The palace structure itself can roughly be divided into the east and west portions, with D2, D3, D7, and D8 constituting the court-and-chamber architectural cluster in the west zone, and D4, D5, D6 and others forming the ancestral shrine architectural cluster in the east zone. With court and chamber to the left and ancestral shrine to the right, their functions differ but are arranged in parallel and corresponding to each other, thereby comprising a complete palace ward configuration. Of which, D1 is the largest and is located at the heart of the palace section in the southern part of the ward, while D5 to the east of D1 is also relatively sizable, measuring more than 9,000 m2 in area. Verandas are all around, in the north is a water channel built out of stones, and in the middle of the southern veranda is a spacious vestibule. At the southern side of the main hall are the ruins of four platform foundations, and to either side of every flight of steps is a square pit for live burial of dogs, with all dog’s heads facing the large gate. Therefore, it is extremely possible that D5 is an ancestral shrine (see Fig. 2.3c). Ruins of shrine for gods of earth and grain and altar have been found in the southwestern corner of palace D2, which is to the west of D1 (see 2.3b).24 24 For

details please refer to Henan No. 2 Task Force of the Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Report on the Excavation of the Palace Ruins in Shang Dynasty City at Shixianggou of Yanshi City during Spring of 1984, Archaeology, 1985(4); Henan No. 2 Task Force of the Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Brief Report on the Excavation of the No. 5 Palace Plot in Shang Dynasty City at Shixianggou of Yanshi City, in

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The plan and shape of the mid-Shang palace structure found in Huanbei in 1999 is similar, and according to Excavation Briefs,25 the floor plan of the No. 1 plot in the southeastern portion of the palace area is a “quadrangle courtyard” style structure enclosed on all four sides, resembling the Chinese character “回,” and consisting of elements such as the main hall, courtyard, side rooms to the east and west, southern veranda, and vestibule. More than 40 signs of sacrifices have been found at the main hall, vestibule, altar, and other locations in the No. 1 palace here. Based on the archaeological discovery that no live sacrifices were made inside the chamber and palace buildings of the Kings of Shang Dynasty in the palace area at Yin Dynasty Ruins, this No. 1 palace is likely the remains of an ancestral shrine type of architectural cluster.26 Late-Shang is best represented by Yin Dynasty Ruins in Anyang, and there are two centers here: The imperial tomb area to the north of Houjiazhang and Wuguan Village on the northern side of the Huan River, and the ancestral shrine and palace area that revolves around Xiaotun and Huayuanzhuang on the southern side of the Huan River. Plots of other residences and handicraft workshops meanwhile are scattered along either shores of the Huan River, and the clan tombs are dispersed near the residential area and the surrounding region. The ancestral shrine and palace complex is comprised of 53 buildings divided into Groups A, B, and C roughly from north to south. The complex is bordered by the Huan River on its eastern and northern edges, while its western and southern sides are isolated from the outside by a deep moat, with a bridge available. Due to severe tomb raiders in the early days, it is now very difficult to ascertain the nature and shape of the palace structure. Overall, Group A has 15 plots and is located in the northern part of the palace area, with buildings A12 and A13 possibly having functioned as ancestral shrines of kings before or after Shang Dynasty ruler Pan Geng relocated his capital to Yin Dynasty Ruins. Group B has 21 plots, of which “tombs” used for structural foundation or sacrificial ceremonies have been above and below some of the larger plots, and some of these tombs contain human or animal remains, or even full sets of bronze vessels. Of these buildings, B7 and B8 might have been ancestral shrine structures, while B20 at the southernmost end is most likely the palace structure. The Group C structures are situated to the south of Group B and veering a bit to the west. There are 17 plots in total and somewhat resemble altars, with quite a number of sacrificial pits discovered around a few of the plots, of which, C3, C4, and C6 most possibly functioned as sacrificial

Archaeology, 1988(2); and Henan No. 2 Task Force of the Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Report on the Excavation of the “Big Gray Trench” in Northern Part of Palace Complex in Shang Dynasty City at Yanshi City of Henan Province, Archaeology, 2000(7). 25 Anyang Task Force of the Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Brief Report on the Excavation of the No. 1 Plot in the Palace Zone in Shang Dynasty City at Huanbei of Anyang of Henan Province, in Archaeology, 2003(5). 26 Anyang Task Force of the Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Discovery and Preliminary Survey of the Shang Dynasty City at Huanbei of Anyang of Henan Province, in Archaeology, 2003(5); and Du Jinpeng, Preliminary Research on the No. 1 Plot in the Palace in Shang Dynasty City at Huanbei, Cultural Relics, 2004(5).

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Fig. 2.4 Layout of Shrine and Chamber Arrangement at Yin Dynasty Ruins. Left: Map plots A, B, and C in the ancestral shrine and palace zone at Yin Dynasty Ruins, Anyang, from Chinese Archaeology—Xia and Shang Volume p. 297; Right: Map of plots A, B and C drawn by the author

altar.27 Veritably, this forms a “ancestral shrine in the front and palace and chamber in the back” general layout, while the ancestral shrine area is further split into a “court in the front, shrine in the back, and shrine for gods or earth and grain in the south” configuration (Fig. 2.4). With regard to the overall plan and shape of the palace structures of the Western Zhou Dynasty, according to archaeological surveys in recent years and discoveries at certain ruins, the ruins of Zhouyuan is a ruin of a city during the early phases, and it measures approximately 5 kilo meters from north to south, roughly 3 km from east to west, and 15 km2 in total area. Archaeological materials indicate that “even until the end of the Western Zhou, Qiyi was always the political and religious nexus of the Zhou court.”28 Structures of the early phases are exemplified in the Fengchu plots, and currently discovered palace structures are Group A and Group B, with the former being platformed buildings with the back to the north and the front facing south, together forming a layout similar to the Chinese character “日” in shape and typical of the “hall in the front and chamber in the back” quadrangle courtyard architecture (see Fig. 2.5). Many scholars hypothesize this to be ancestral shrine structure based on “shrine has side rooms to the east and west, chamber has no side rooms to the east and west” from the Explaining Dwellings section of ancient Chinese dictionary (or encyclopedia) Erya.29 However, the assertion is somewhat indeterminate and 27 For details please refer to Chen Zhida, Discussions on Yin Dynasty Palace and Ancestral Shrine Ruins at Xiaotun in Anyang, in Collection of Cultural Relics Information 10, 1987. Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House; Tang Jigen, Culture of Phase I of the Yin Dynasty Ruins and Its Relevant Issues, in Archaeology, 1993(10); Zheng Zhenxiang, Excavation on the Large-scale Palace Plot of the Yin Dynasty Ruins at Anyang, Cultural Relics World, 1990(2); Anyang Task Force of the Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Excavation on the Large-scale Structure Plot of the Yin Dynasty Ruins at Anyang of Henan Province, in Archaeology, 2001(5); and Meng Xianwu and Li Guichang, Investigation of the Plot of Quadrangle Courtyard Style Structure of the Yin Dynasty Ruins, in Cultural Relics of Central China, 2004(5). 28 Xu Hong, Archaeological Studies on Pre-Qin Cities, 2000. Beijing: Beijing Yanshan Press. p. 62. 29 Chen Quanfang, Preliminary Exploration of the Early Zhou Dynasty Capital of Qiyi, in Cultural Relics, 1979(10); Yang Hongxun, Preliminary Investigation of the Ruins of the Western Zhou

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Fig. 2.5 Structural and Spatial Model Seen at Fengchu Group A Plots

disputes are unsettled due to the absence of signs of sacrifice, but the “imperial court at the front, royal chamber at the rear” layout is publicly acknowledged.30 The Group B plots are situated to the west of Group A, and buildings are also back to the north and facing south. Pillar foundation stones have been found inside the walls, and the construction structure resembles the Group A palace. If Group A can be confirmed as ancestral shrine buildings, then its relationship with Group B would comprise an exact “shrine located to the east of chamber” arrangement. Located on both shores in the middle stretch of the Feng River, the Fenghao ruins have a central zone measuring about 15 km2 and roughly 30 large-scaled rammed earth plots have already been discovered. City walls have not yet been found, but there are waters on all four sides of the ruins, similar to the Zhou Dynasty city at Fengchu, with the Feng River to its east, the Lingzhao River to its west, the Wei River to its north, and to its southwest is a dry lake that once contained water. The palace zone is distributed in a region around the southwest of Keshengzhuang and the north of Mawang Village. At present, 14 rammed earth plots have been unearthed, inside of which are ceramic drainage channels and Western Zhou tiles. From inscriptions on bronze vessels and literature it can be known that these palaces have names such as Tai Shrine, Jing Palace, Kang Palace, and Shao Palace. King Kang and King Gong

Dynasty Capital of Qiyi, in Collection of Architectural Archaeology Papers, 1987. Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House; and Peng Huaijing, New Discussions on Issues about Era of Palace in Group A of Fengchu Ruins, in Archaeology and Cultural Relics, 2001(4). 30 Xu Hong, Archaeological Studies on Pre-Qin Cities, 2000. Beijing: Beijing Yanshan Press. p. 62.

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of Zhou held courts at the Fenghao palace, and they hosted major ceremonies at the Fenghao capital, where they met dukes from across the lands.31 The No. 1 plot in the ruins of Yongcheng, a city of the Qin state during the Spring and Autumn period located in present-day Majiazhuang, Fengxiang, Shaanxi Province, has been inferred as the ruins of an ancestral shrine32 because its central court was filled with marks of sacrifices. The structure has a characteristic gate-courtshrine-pavilion platform (or shrine for gods of earth and grain) arranged from south to north, an entryway in the middle of the main gate, vestibules to the east and west, and verandas on all four sides. The entryway is positioned directly at the ancestral shrine via the central court, and the ancestral shrine is comprised of hall, rooms, east and west jia, and xu, all of which are arranged symmetrically on the left and right. Behind the shrine is a pavilion platform, or shrine for gods of earth and grain. The ancestral shrine is situated at the center, and there are four identical buildings respectively located to its front, back, left, and right in perfectly symmetrical positions, which could be interpreted as shrines for the zhao and mu generations of ancestors. At the outer edges, walls surround all four sides, forming an enclosed space. Meanwhile, about 500 m west of No. 1 is the No. 3 architectural cluster, which is a five-section courtyard arranged on a south-north axis with its back to the north and its front facing south. The first section of the courtyard does not have the marks of any structure, the second section has a structure on either side of its middle segment but a bit to the north, the third section of the courtyard has a rammed earth plot in the center, and rammed earths are also distributed in the northwestern and northeastern parts of the courtyard, the fourth section only has signs of small-scale rammed earth, while the fifth section of the courtyard is the largest, featuring a structure at its middle segment but a bit to the north and two structures in front, for a total of three buildings that form a triangular configuration similar to the Chinese character “品.”33 If this is the chamber complex has predicted by report author, then this No. 3 architectural cluster and the No. 1 plot would together comprise an exact “shrine located to the east of chamber” arrangement. In light of the above, from literature passed down from previous generations and archaeological studies of architectural ruins it can be seen that the shrine-chamber configurations are quite diverse. Based on the general layout of archaeological architecture plots, it is not hard to see that since the palace-shrine arrangement in phase 31 Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Archaeology in China— Volume of the Two Zhou Dynasties, 2004. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press. p. 56. With regard to the ruins at the capital of Fenggao, please refer to Shaanxi Academy of Archaeology, Palace of Western Zhou Dynasty at Capital of Fenggao, 1955. Shaaxi: Northwest University Press; and Chen Gongrou, Xinyi, Chengzhou and Wangcheng in Inscriptions on Bronze Vessels of Western Zhou Dynasty, in Essays Collection to Celebrate the 55th Anniversary of Su Bingqi’s Archeological Achievements, 1989. Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House. 32 Han Wei et al., Brief Report on the Excavation of the No. 1 Architectural Cluster at Majiazhuang in Fengxiang, in Cultural Relics, 1985(2); and Han Wei, Research on the Qin Ancestral Shrine System at Majiazhuang, in Cultural Relics, 1985(2). 33 Han Wei and Jiao Nanfeng, Overview of Archaeological Excavation and Research at Qin Capital of Yongcheng, in Archaeology and Cultural Relics, 1988(5–6).

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III of the Erlitou site, both shrine-chamber and court-chamber existed as independent structural units, and the “shrine located to the east of chamber” arrangement already emerged at that time, perhaps even taking on quite mature forms. Meanwhile, looking at the interior of each independent structural unit, the court-chamber and shrine-chamber more or less used the same system, featuring enclosing walls with verandas, gate, court, steps, hall, and room, as well as a development process from simple to complex and from combined functionality to separated functionality. At the same time, the ancestral shrine, as the powerful hub where clan members coalesce and unite, played a critical role for everyone, from emperors, kings, and dukes to dafu-ranked officials, common officials or ordinary folks. The ancestral shrine was a display of relationships such as kinship closeness and distance, highborn lineage or lowborn background, and superiority and inferiority, as well as an embodiment of social class, status symbol, and gender narratives. As a physical, architectural and spatial manifestation of the beliefs of an era, what were the specific symbols and icons used to illustrate the ancestral shrine?

2.2 Ritual Space and Identity Narrative: Analysis of the Interior Space of Miao (廟 廟) Architecture is the physical manifestation of the beliefs of an era, and the transmission of such beliefs through symbolic and artistic expression. The symbolic meaning of architectures often becomes obscured with the passage of time and inadvertent coverup from material factors such as construction techniques, but cultural structures that follow the momentum of traditions and that simultaneously adapt to the times and adhere to the past, have preserved interpretations of them. As Xunzi said: Rituals have three origins. Heaven and Earth are the origins of living beings. Ancestors are the predecessors of different peoples. Kings and leaders are the origin of the governing rules. Rituals are given by belongings, treasured in rankings, differentiated in amount, and determined by seniority. Therefore, the nobility and inferiority are discerned through carving, ornament, and ornate clothes, without the need for being visible. The Book of Songs goes: “Carve the patterns, to form the emblematic image of metals and jade. In sacrifices for gods, kings formulate the rules for governing the states.” That is what the three origins are like.34 Thus, it can be observed that in a tradition where rites and ceremonies comprise the basic structure, the design of palace, room, platform, pavilion, sculpture, engraving, relief carvings etc., primarily revolve around the axioms between the heaven and earth and tenets of sages, distinguish those with highborn lineage from those with lowborn background, differentiate between who or what is important and those unimportant, and manifest the policies and institutions of the times. Thus, The Implement of Rights chapter of Li Ji expresses the belief: “Some rituals regard those who possess more to 34 Wang

Xianqian, Collected Interpretations of the Xunzi, 2007 (1988). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 349, 357, 180.

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be of highborn lineage: Emperors have seven shrines, dukes have five, dafu-ranked officers have three, common officers have one; some regard those with the bigger size to be of highborn lineage: Space of palaces and chambers, volume of vessels, thickness of coffin, area of tomb mound; and others regard those with taller halls to be of highborn lineage: Emperors have halls nine feet in height, dukes seven, dafuranked officers five, and common officers three.” The word “more,” “taller” and “bigger” and other words that describe palaces and shrines not only involve volume and quantity, but more importantly convey the class and rank differences between the highborn and the lowborn, the superior and the inferior, as well as the spirit behind the axioms between heaven and earth. The order from superiority to inferiority and the differentiation between the highborn and the lowborn are most clearly represented in the architectural space, halls’ height, area, capacity, and decoration, as Western Han political commentator Jia Yi said it is of “magnificence to demonstrate prestige unsurpassable by posterity” so that “when others see it they will succumb and know its highborn pedigree.”35 Colloquial expressions like “the highborns emerge from tall gates” or “estate behind the gate of a duke is as deep (vast) as the sea” are born precisely out of the structural layout of the high-walled and expansive manors of the upper class. The palace and imperial chamber, which adhered to the norms of social structure and personal status in aspects from specification and shape to ornamentation, served as one of the effective tools for maintaining and safeguarding ritual orders. Here the architectural space is like an image, using composition, positioning, ratio, direction, etc. to narrate and transmit beliefs, just as how “image not only uses imitation to express orientation, positioning to convey assessment, ratio to hint beliefs, and variation to accentuate imagination,”36 which predetermines sets of positioning and ratio to demonstrate the magnificence of emperor and the diminutiveness of servants, and the closeness or distance of kins as organized inside the Hall of Distinction. Architecture itself tells its own unique “material language”—not only using doors, steps, walls, halls, rooms, and chambers, but also decorations on roofs and ridges, eaves tiles, gable hanging ornamentations, beams, pillars, arches, plaques, and couplets, wood sculptures and color paintings on the pillars of a hall, along with the number of buildings, geographic locations, etc., are to narrate status and class, and transmit the beliefs of the conduct of yasheng (ancient magic for evil banishment), and pray for good fortunes.37 In addition, the “position” and “direction” in the performance of ceremonies illustrate a social network, and demonstrate superiority and inferiority, highborns and lowborns and the closeness or distance of kinship, so as to construct the status narrative through the relational space as expressed by rites and ceremonies. 35 Yan

Zhenyi, Zhong Xia, Revision and Annotation of the Xinshu, compiled: Jia Yi, 2000. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 53. 36 Ge Zhaoguang, Imagery in the Scope of Intellectual History Research—About Research Methods for Image Documents, in Social Sciences in China, 2002(4). 37 For details please refer to relevant discussions in Liu Senlin, Chinese Decoration: Traditional House Design, 2004. Shanghai: Shanghai University Press.

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“The natural geographical forms or artificial structural environ are basic constituent elements and media of space, but not final.”38 Then what is final? “That would of course be the social relationship exuding from the space. The space is not only supported by social relationship, but it also generates social relationship and itself also generated by social relationship”39 This is quite similar to anthropologic and cultural geographic research discoveries that different peoples across the globe all have a tendency to cognize events and things by placing them in a specific space, including the differentiation of people—“location” is used to define and differentiate the self from the other.40 The previously mentioned cognitions and arrangements of the habitat layout and sacred and mundane space of the Huai’ao people of the Solomon Islands and Kabyle people of Algeria incorporate the material, relational, and cognitive spaces in a three-tiered manner. The gender narrative is an extremely suitable example. The Crubas in Africa meanwhile always use one color to represent certain specific zone. The Native American group Zuni use the positions of a square space as a set of categorization symbol system that can be applied in pretty much any scenario, and anything can be placed into a certain spatial area, which is then associated with everything else denoted by the direction of that area. For instance, the four directions and the four colors, the four seasons or the four elements (air, fire, earth, and water), and even social life and occupations can be used to divide social lives and occupations, with warriors and war belonging to the north, hunting belonging to the west, medical practice and agriculture belonging to the south, and magic and religion belonging to the east. According to American philosopher Will Durant: what primitive people cognized as the concept of space is more like mutually connected positions, and they differentiate position A from position B via location, quality, and capacity. Space is a mental abstract that exists in assumption, but position is cognized from experience and instinct.41 Although these are examples deriving from primitive tribes, and naturally there are doubts about the applicability of these examples because they might not be completely comparable to the residential space and ritual space in an increasingly complex and secular society drifting farther and farther from sacredness, they correspond neatly with the ancient Chinese mythological worldviews. Furthermore, in the so-called highly developed and complex civilized societies, a specific structural space still remains a projection of the conceptions of people (cognitive space). In the land of rites and ceremonies that was ancient China, architecture was literally a fantastic stage for the expression of the ritual system and the performance of ritual life. Structures like the traditional Chinese quadrangle courtyards in Beijing or houses in 38 Huang Yinggui, Space, Power and Society, 1995. Taipei: Institute of Ethnology of the Academia Sinica. p. 4. 39 Lefebvre, Henri. 1979: “Space: Social Product and Use Value”, Critical Sociology: European Perspective. J. W. Freiberg, 285. New York: Irvington. 40 For details please refer to Tang Qicui, New Explorations into the Spatial Model in the Narratives of the “People of the Five Directions”, Journal of Xiangtan University, 2008(6). 41 Will Wright, Burning Source (1954 English edition), Chap. 8, in Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House. pp. 281–282.

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Jinzhong of Shanxi Province still in existence today are, as described in Chinese Decoration: Traditional House Design by Mr. Liu Senlin, all physical materializations of ritualization. Take for instance any one of Beijing’s numerous quadrangle courtyards, the floor plan features a central gate (chuihuamen “dangling flower gate” or yimen “ritual gate”) that separates the front courtyard from the back courtyard, with the former consisting of the gate house, guest house, and servant’s quarters, while the latter is the site of the owner’s living quarters, where outsider entry is not allowed without permission. The tangwu (mingjian, or “central room”), located toward the back end of a quadrangle courtyard’s central axis has its back to the north and its front facing south, is not only elevated in steps but also features expansive space, classy environ, carved beams and painted pillars, and lavish ornamentations, making it the most prominent component of the whole residential compound and a visual focal point. To its left and right are living quarters of those from the grandparents’ generation or seniors, while the two side rooms are the quarters for children and youngsters. In addition, everyone would strictly abide by the principle and rule of “men deal with external affairs, women deal with internal affairs, men do not stay in private quarters during the day without a proper reason, women do not peer through the central gate without a proper reason, and women who has to go through the central gate due to proper reason must cover her face.” Of the large-scale folk dwellings at Qi County in Jinzhong of Shanxi Province, the majority of tangwu central rooms that have their backs to the north and their fronts facing south are multi-storey buildings that are higher than the side rooms on either side, thereby functioning as clear indications of respect and prominence. The east and west side rooms, as the quarters for children and youngsters, meanwhile also differ in configuration. The ridge of the roof of the east side room has to be higher than the west side room, and the room itself also bigger in size. Such a configuration derives from the traditions of “male on the left, female on the right” and “administrative official on the left, military official on the right,” as well as the geographical direction perception that east is to the left and on the top, in turn evolving into the east side room being mostly inhabited by males and the west side room by females. The gender narratives of the living quarters have become the decoder for scholars to decipher and understand the story in the Romance of the Western Chamber by Yuan Dynasty writer Wang Shifu.42 It is not difficult to see opposing pairs such as male and female, left and right, brightness and darkness, yin and yang, internal and external, superiority and inferiority, highness and lowness, etc. in a binary opposite model that was obscured due to complication. If there is no prominence in the layout of rooms, the difference between father and son will be blurred; if there is no right or left division among the six-foot-long rooms, the division between the monarch and his subjects will not be clear; if there is no rite for the layout of the six-foot-long rooms in ordinary life, the differentiations between the high and low, the father and son will not be respected, and what if

42 For details please refer to Wang Zhenfu, Cultural History of Chinese Architecture, 2000. Shanghai:

Shanghai People’s Publishing House. p. 228.

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applies to the greater location in the world? “43 The order between heaven and earth” was applied to “determine closeness and distance, make judgment on suspects, differentiate between sameness and variance, decide what is right and wrong” or even used to distinguish humans and animals. Such “rite” is like an invisible net cast over dwelling structures, enforcing that every factor within from shape and form to decor all adhere to an orderliness that distinguishes superiority from inferiority, highness from lowness, and male from female. Next, several symbolic icons of significance in the ritual space of the capping ritual for a common officer, including the location and position of door, steps, hall, room, and weimen small gate as well as their scenario conversion and direction during relevant ceremonies, will be used to analyze how order and social status are revealed through the “material language” of architecture.

2.2.1 Door: Difference Between the Inside and the Outside The written evidence of the character “door” (“门” or “門” in traditional Chinese) in relatively consistent shapes and forms has been found in various media including inscriptions on oracle bones, bronze vessels, potteries and bamboo slips, and is one of the three most basic written forms. Luo Zhenyu in Additional Examination and Interpretation on Writings from Yin Dynasty Ruins explained the written character for the “door” as “it resembles two panels and a key, and there is a crossbar above.” Cheng Mengjia in Summary of Divination Texts from Yin Dynasty Ruins wrote: “The terms ‘父甲門’ and ‘且丁門’ in divination texts should be referring to the shrines of Zujia and Zuyi (leaders of Shang Dynasty). The characters ‘乙’ and ‘丁’ in the terms ‘乙门’ and ‘丁门’ also seem to indicate the shrine host. The terms ‘南门,’ ‘宗门,’ ‘ 宗户’ and ‘和门’ should be referring to the gate to ancestral shrine. Inscriptions on bronze vessels of Western Zhou Dynasty say officials pass through the shrine gate and stand to the north of the central court, and so this gate should be the south gate (南 门).”44 Whether the character for the “door” is generally considered as a pictogram depicting door panels, or hypothetically or analytically as the gate to the ancestral shrine, in terms of spatial sequence, the door is a boundary from the exterior into the interior, and even within a courtyard compound it is a boundary from the external court (public space) into the internal chamber (private space). Therefore, the door is both a channel and a barrier, as explained in ancient dictionary Shiming. Passing through a door signifies an immediate transformation in identity. In capping ritual, the shrine door in the south and the weimen (闱门) small gate in the north are conduits into a different space, and maintain corresponding connections with the overall structure. At the same time, they also function as boundaries to 43 Yan

Zhenyi, Zhong Xia, Revision and Annotation of the Xinshu, compiled: Jia Yi, 2000. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 214. 44 For Luo and Chen’s interpretations, see edited: Yu Shengwu, Modernized Explanations of Oracle Inscription Words and Characters, 1999. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 2083–2084.

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form different ritual spaces. The ritual space for activities before the capping ritual proper, including performance of divination to choose capping ritual date, selection of guest of honor to bestow the cap to the capped person, and confirmation with guests about the specific timing of the capping ritual, all take place outside the shrine door and form the first segment of the ritual space. People participating in the capping ritual include the father or the elder brother of the person being capped, divination performer, divination recorder. People from the same clan, with the main ritual being the performance of divination. Thus, it can be seen from explanations by Confucian scholars like Zheng and Jia that the reason why performance of divination to choose capping ritual date and selection of guest of honor to bestow the cap to the capped person were conducted at the shrine door was because at this stage the giver of omen was not spirit of the ancestor but the spirit of the milfoil, a foreign deity that should remain outside the gate. The boundary line of the shrine door divides the exterior and the interior. The mechanism could also be observed from mourning ritual. It was written in the Duke Xiang of Lu 12th Year portion of the Commentary of Zuo: For the mourning of dukes, those with different family names stay outside, those with the same family names gather inside the ancestral shrine, those with the same ancestor gather in founder’s shrine, and those within the same branch of the clan gather in the shrine of the father. Therefore, for the Ji family, Lu mourns in the shrine of Emperor Zhou, and for other dukes, Lu mourns in the shrine of Duke Zhou.45 In addition, according to Li Ji chapter A Summary Account of Sacrifices: The ruler went to meet the sacrificial offering, but not to meet the representative of the dead, to avoid misconstruction. While the representative was outside the gate of the temple, he was to be regarded only as a subject; inside the temple, he had the full character of a ruler. While the ruler was outside the gate of the temple, he was there the ruler; when he entered that gate (on the occasion of the sacrifice), he had the full character of a subject, or a son. Hence his not going forth (to meet the representative) made clear the right distinction between the ruler and subject. According to the rule in sacrifices, a grandson acted as the representative of his grandfather. Though employed to act the part of representative, yet he was only the son of the sacrifice maker.46 According to the rules of the sacrificial rite, those from the son’s generation may not occupy the role of sacred corpse (corpse of a fallen deity) for the deceased father, and only those from the grandson’s generation may fulfill this duty. If the ruler of a state was the host of the sacrificial rite, then outside the shrine he would have been in a lord-and-vassal and father-and-son relationship with the person to play the role of the sacred corpse. Thus, to avoid arousing suspicion, the ruler would leave the shrine to welcome sacrifices but would not usher in the person to play the role of the sacred corpse. However, whenever the person to play the role of the sacred corpse enters the shrine door, the secular identity would transform into the sacred 45 Ruan Yuan (Qing dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 1951. 46 Sun Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. 2007 (1989). p. 1244.

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corpse, as in the avatar of the current leader’s deceased father. Here, the shrine door no doubt functioned as the ritual boundary where identity transition occurred. In capping ritual, the shrine door also worked as a boundary to divide the course of the ritual into three phases, thereby turning the ritual inside the shrine into an independent ritual procedure within an enclosed space. If the main gate at the southern veranda is a conduit to the outside world, then the weimen “small gate” at the northern end is an inward-facing passage way, and acts as another separation between the interior and the exterior in another sense—space separation based on gender. In the textual research of the shape, form, and layout of palaces of the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties presented in the previous section, it can be observed that there is always a small gate at the northeastern corner (northern end of east wall and eastern end of north wall), which matches with literature descriptions about weimen “small gate” intended for use by women for entry and exit. Of all the participants in capping ritual, no woman is involved, and the capped person sees one’s mother at the northern side of the east wall, and aunts and sisters inside. According to annotations by Zheng Xuan, all women see the capped person by passing through the weimen. Thus, the weimen “small gate” at the northern end is a passage into the interior space.

2.2.2 Steps: Difference Between Host and Guest In Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters, Xu Shen wrote: “the pronuncisignifies the steps, whose pronunciation is from . ation of 陛 comes from ; Hence, means step on rising steps.” Further, in Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters-Textual Research on the Six Books, Ma Xulun wrote: The character 陛 is the derived form of 坒, containing the part 土. 坒 means the order and step of earth. It is somewhat similar to the meaning of steps of 陔 thereunder. 坒 is the step, one upon another, thereby generating the order or sequence.47 Thus, it can be seen that the character “阶” (jie) refers to a channel from a low place to a high place. Entering the central court from the shrine door, and then there are the east steps and west steps ascending to the hall from the central court. The east steps are also known as the zuo jie (阼阶), which are the steps normally used by the host for accessing the hall, while the west steps are called bin jie (宾阶 “guest steps”) used by guests. Early structures mostly featured thatched roof and earthen steps, and although the Fengchu plot at Zhouyuan had ceramic roof tiles, steps were also fashioned from earth. Thus, archaeological study on pre-Qin structures could only see traces of the marks of steps, and it is still difficult to get a clear analysis of the shapes and forms of steps. In addition, flights of steps found in architectural ruins are not limited to the east steps and west steps. For example, there are signs of four flights of steps in front of hall D4 and hall D5 inside the Shang Dynasty palace 47 Edited:

Li Pu, Modernized Explanations of Ancient Words and Characters, Vol. 10, 2004. Shanghai: Shanghai Education Publishing House. pp. 839–840.

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at Shixianggou, and there are three flights in front of the hall at the Fengchu Group A plot, while in front of the hall at Majiazhuang’s No. 1 plot there are only two flights. Classic literature on ritual literature from since the Eastern Zhou Dynasty mostly document two flights of steps, and perhaps the two flights formula, as in the east steps and west steps, were was already the norm for structures built during the Spring and Autumn period or the Warring States period, with the east steps for the host and the west steps for guests. Furthermore, according to literature on rituals, there are different systems of steps for people from different classes: There are nine steps for the hall of the emperor, seven steps for dukes, five steps for dafu-ranked officers and three steps for common officers. Hence, the nine-feet-tall hall of the emperor, seven-feet halls of dukes, five-feet halls of dafu-ranked officers, and threefeet halls of common officers, as well as relevant shrine systems, all seem to coincide seamlessly with the cauldron display system in tombs, and ought to be a fixed form expression of the class system in architectures, rites, and ceremonies. For instance, in the capping ritual for a common officer: “Honorable guest gets seated before the feast and arrange the turban for the capped, and then stand up to descend one step from the West step, then the man holding the capping ascends one step, facing the East, and hand it to the honorable guest.” From the first to the third, the honorable guest descends from “first tier” to “third tier,” and respectively receives from the host the zhibu guan black woven cap, pi bian leather headdress and jue bian ritual headdress in order to symbolize the “granting of three caps to express one’s aspiration” and also to hint at the third-tier rank of a common officer. Mr. Du Zhengsheng also remarked, “It would not be farfetched to claim that Chinese palaces and their interiors are a word-less declaration of human relations. The ethical relationships reflected in the major and minor rites and ceremonies can be observed from the positions of the ritual process.”48 On the day of the ritual proper, as recorded in the Capping Rites for a Common Officer chapter of the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial: The host wears dark-colored square-cut dress, stands at the first tier of the eastern steps opposite to the east rooms, facing the west. All the relatives were dressed in black, standing to the east of the washing utensil, facing the West and the north as the honorable direction. The receptionist wears the dark-colored square-cut dress and is serving with his back against the east rooms. The capped men, with his hair in a bun, straighten their clothes and stand in the house, facing south. The honorable guest wears the same as the host. The ritual men wear the dark-colored square-cut dress and follow them, standing outside the gate. Guests are invited to come in and the receptionist reports the arrival of guests. The host goes out to greet them on the east gate. At every turn, the host will bow to the guest. In front of the temple gate, the host invites the guests to enter. When they reach the front steps of the hall, with the interchange of three bows the host and guest arrive at the steps; and after precedence has been thrice yielded to him, the guest ascends. The host goes to the hall and stands

48 Du

Zhengsheng, Ancient Societies and States, 1992. Taipei: Asian Culture Industry Co., Ltd. p. 764.

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at the south end of the eastern preface, facing the West while guests south end, facing the East.49 This is a description of the respective standing positions of the various participants before the start of the capping ritual. The person to be capped is still dressed like a child in colorful children’s attire and with hair tied up in a bun with red thread, stands in the east room, and is ostensibly distinguished from the clothing of other participants, who would be wearing costumes in dark red and black. Bin (摈/宾)50 is the ritual guide in charge of receiving the guests, thus this person’s standing position is the east side room of the entry hall. The bin ritual guide and the zanzhe (赞者) ritual announcer are the performers of the ritual, and are also foreign guests invited, thus they stand outside the external gate to wait for host to receive them. The host, bin ritual guide and the zanzhe ritual announcer goes through the door and enters the compound, then ascend from the court to the hall, with the host ascending the zuo jie steps, while the bin ascends the bin jie “guest steps” on the west. The host along with the eastern zuo jie steps, east side room and the eastern direction, and the guests along with the western bin jie steps, the west side room and the western direction, have been cemented into a set of given, accepted, and practiced spatial code: The zuo jie steps and its relevant position and direction are symbols of host status, while the western bin jie steps and its relevant position and direction are symbols of guest status. If the status of a guest is not on corresponding terms with the host, then the steps ascended will also change accordingly, as documented in the Summary of the Rules of Propriety chapter of Li Ji: “The host ascends the eastern steps, the guest ascends the western steps. If a guest is inferior, he will follow the host. The host resigns, and the guest returns to the western steps.” In Li Ji: Single Victim At The Border Sacrifices, “The emperor don’t have the etiquette to be a guest, because all over the world, no one dares to be the host of the emperor. When the emperor goes to his subjects’ house, the subject will ask the emperor to rise from the host steps to show that he dares not consider himself the master of the house.” Furthermore, it was also written in Li Ji: Record of the Dykes. These several records are quite adequate in demonstrating the spatial coding property of “position.” When the guest is inferior in status to the host, the guest dares not ascend the west steps without permission, and the host must invite and urge the guest time and again before the guest is allowed to climb the west steps to enter the hall and sit down; meanwhile, 49 Ruan Yuan (Qing dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 951–952. 50 The character “儐” (bin) denotes a position similar to present-day bridesmaid or best man at a wedding, primarily in charge of receiving guests. In the Xiaoxingren segment of the Office of Autumn book in the Rites of Zhou, it was written: “When the envoys come to the imperial court from vassal states, very important envoys will be shown to the king; gifts of minor important guests wil be received and their opinions will be heard and redirected to the king,” and Zheng Xuan annotated: “A receptionist will introduce and show the way, so that opinions will be conveyed to the king”. In the Among the Xiang and the Dang book of the Analects, it was written: “The monarch summoned Confucius to receive the guests when his appearance immediately appeared solemn and his pace accelerated.” Lu Deming’s Jingdian Shiwen explains: “擯 (bin), originally written as 賓, but also 儐,” and Zhu Xi’s Commentaries on the Four Books explains: “擯 (bin), the person that the ruler of the state dispatches to receive guests”.

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when the emperor, the highest ruler of the land, arrives at the home of his vassals, he would occupy the role of host and enter the hall via the zuo jie steps on the east. This is to say that externally speaking, the western steps and the eastern direction indicate a position of respect; and internally speaking, the zuo jie steps signifies the uniquely eminent position of the family’s elder. With regard to the capping ritual for the son from the first wife as written in Li Ji: The Meaning of the Ritual of Capping, “he ascends the east steps to demonstrate the performance of the father.” Also in the chapter The Meaning of the Marriage Ritual, it is recorded that the bride shall ascend the east steps to show that she is added to the family. Therefore, the zuo jie steps as the position of respect within the family is abundantly clear. The three steps in front of the hall at the Fengchu Group A plot, the two steps in front of the hall of the No. 1 ancestral shrine at Majiazhuang and other examples are no doubt physical evidences that substantiate the hall entry and steps ascension rites and ceremonies as recorded in ritual literatures. Thus, it can be seen that relationships in superiority versus inferiority, highborns versus lowborns, and the closeness or distance of kinship such as those between lord and vassal, host and guest, or children from first wife and children from subsequent wives, were all demonstrated through space. The “step” and “direction” as core symbols central to rites and ceremonies, their multiple and concentrated connotations also changed alongside changes in the status of ritual participants. Society generated space and space indicated relationships, and therefore space and authority was closely related. Step, position, and direction not only showcased and underscored the authority and power of discourse in physical space, but they actually contained even deeper and more significant cultural meanings. Instances of defining and distinguishing the self from the other through position and direction are copiously recorded in pre-Qin ritual literatures, especially the various sorts of rites and rituals documented in the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial and Li Ji such as birth, capping, marriage, funeral, sacrifice, archery, meeting with emperor and employment all relied on the standing “position” and “direction” of ritual participants to express the norm, while the door, court, hall, room, and other structural elements all played a role in defining, distinguishing, and symbolizing host and guest, superiority versus inferiority, highborns versus lowborns, and the closeness or distance of kinship.

2.2.3 Hall: Orderliness in Superiority and Inferiority In the so-called “ascension up the steps and entry into the hall,” the “hall” refers to the loftiest and brightest location in the middle of the chamber or shrine, and located on the top of the steps and outside the room, where banquets were held and rituals hosted. In the middle of the main hall are two pillars, to the left of the hall are east and west side rooms, and east and west halls, and behind the main hall are the main room, and east and west rooms. Whether the hall was a part of a residence or a part of a shrine, whether the owner host was of lowborn or highborn background, the hall

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was always a crucial location in ancient Chinese architectural space. Song Dynasty’s Records of the Origins of Affairs and Things documented: “The hall is the most yang (as in yin and yang) of space; the hall is the venue for expressing the meaning of rites.” The cardinal rule “any palaces or rooms must distinguish its interior from its exterior. The interior of the palace shall be isolated with a sturdy door, which is to be safeguarded by gatekeepers” as documented in the Pattern of the Family chapter of Li Ji remained a rule of thumb during Song Dynasty as seen in Household Etiquette for Family from Sushui by Sima Guang, and even Beijing’s traditional Chinese quadrangle courtyards and Jinzhong’s big manors during the Republic of China era followed this doctrine. For commoners, the “hall” was the public space for the reception of guests, as well as the location where they paid tributes to deities and ancestors. There is usually a space for ancestral tablets on a table in the main hall, and an additional room upstairs would be allocated for sacrificial ceremonies or daily tribute for ancestral tablets, which is closed off in most days and only opened during sacrifices. Sacred niche constructed in the space above staircase meanwhile is prevalent in the Dali area of Yunnan Province, inside of which would be placed in order ancestral tablets of forefathers within five generations, and on which would be written information about the ancestors such as date and time of birth according to the Heavenly Stems, Earthly Branches, year and month, and location of tomb.51 (Fig. 2.6). This may be considered a modern survival or witness of the ritual and ritual space from the era of the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial. During the era of the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial, different social classes had different ritual space for deity and ancestor worship. Emperors, dukes, dafu-ranked officers, common officers, and ordinary folks all had residential space and ritual space corresponding to one’s social class and asset. In the so-called “emperors have seven shrines, nobles have five shrines, dafu-ranked officials have three shrines, common officers have one shrine, and common folks enshrine their ancestors in the bedroom” principle, the numbers seven, five, three, and one are merely symbolic numbers to indicate class, but the underlying principle is that the nobility, including common officers, carry out their deity and ancestor worship in shrines while ordinary folks perform theirs in the bedroom of their dwelling. In the ancient system where shrine and chamber were combined, the hall was vital to both the shrine or chamber. The Those of a Former Era book in the Analects wrote: “You have ascended to the hall yet not qualified enough to enter the inner rooms.” This metaphor originates from allegories of distance or closeness, separation or intimacy, exterior or interior in architectural space and ritual space. In the Nuptial Rites for a Common Officer chapter of the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial, it was written that “guests ascend the west steps, facing the east and go deep into the hall to show the kinship.” Further, also in the Nuptial rites for 51 Liu Senlin, Chinese Decoration: Traditional House Design, 2004. Shanghai: Shanghai University Press. p. 33. This type of layout still exists in rural China. In 2006 summer, during an investigative trip in Datian Village in Changjiang County of Hainan Province, the author personally saw an ancestral worship niche above the main wall of the main hall, in which were placed ancestral tablets and the clan’s genealogical chart, as well as candles that are never extinguished.

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Fig. 2.6 Ancestral Niche Inside Keji Hall at Former Home of Qiu Jun in Haikou (Photo by Tang Qicui)

a Common Officer chapter it was written that “the zanzhe (ritual announcer) of the host lays out a banquet in the east room, slightly to the north and facing the west.” In other words, the banquet would be set up at a location in the hall near the east room, the banquet would face west, and this was the place where the capping ritual would take place. This is associated with the status of the person being capped. An entire capping ritual proper, as in the three-step capping processes and the wine-drinking ritual, would be held on the steps and in the hall for sons from the first wife because that set of location indicated status as host. Capping ritual for sons from subsequent wives meanwhile was only allowed to be hosted outside. Behind the hall are the shi room (室) and fang room (房). If the shi room is located in the palace, it is where one would spend the day and sleep at night; and if the shi room is located in an ancestral shrine. Further, if the shi room is a bedroom for residence, as per the Summary of the Rules of Propriety chapter of Li Ji52 ; or if the 52 In

the Explaining Dwellings chapter of the Erya, it was written: “The southwest corner is called Ao, the northwest corner is called Wulou, the northwest corner is called huan, and the southeast corner is called yao.” The southwestern portion of the shi room is the essence and the most respected

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shi room is the space for ancestral tablets in a shrine, as per the Offering of Mutton chapter of the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial,53 meaning that it is the place where ancestral tablets are placed and where spirits are received, thus manifesting a sacred quality. The shi room is the location where the family’s elders and ancestral spirits are situated. The space next to the hall’s shi room is the fang room, where vessels and costumes are stored, where women may not linger and where rites are held. According to Pattern of the Family chapter of Li Ji: The paramount prerequisite to rites of propriety is the prudence and harmony between husband and wife. The exterior and interior of the house should be differentiated. Men are in charge of external affairs, women are in charge of internal affairs, and the depth of the house should be isolated with a sturdy door and safeguarded by gatekeeper, where men should not enter and women do not leave. Wife gives birth to children, and live in the side room. After the child is born, if it’s a boy, a bow will be hung on the left of the door and if it’s a girl, a scarf will be hung on the right of the door. Boys study with an external master at the age of ten, live outside the home, and learn the letters. Girls do not leave the house before the age of ten, follow the teachings of her mother in upholding a dainty demeanor, giving birth and obeying orders, growing linen plants, making yarns from silkworms, learning to weave and organize things, etc. in order to make clothes. Women should also observe sacrificial rites, make wine, and place food vessels and sacrifices to help the service.54 The meanings of “deep palace and high wall, thus distinguish the rites between men and women” as per Mozi are clearly illustrated in ritual orders such as palace layout, male and female, exterior and interior, women’s ethics and men’s education, youth and seniority, and lowborn and highborn status. According to the Erya, which Two Jins period scholar Guo Pu annotated “thus interior and exterior are differentiated.” According to the wide range of rites and ceremonies documented in the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial, based on the spatial differentiation of host for external affairs and hostess for internal affairs, women’s primary space of activity is in the fang room, and occasionally in the shi room. It was written in the Rites of the First Victim Food Offering chapter of the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial that on the day of sacrifice, the host ascends the hall and enters the shi room, the hostess stays in the fang room, and the si lifts the cauldron, with the host’s descent or ascent of steps all taking place in the front hall, while the hostess’ ritual position remains unchanged. After paying tribute to the corpse with the jue drinking vessel, male and female members of the clan respectively consume wine, with the various sons and brothers drinking beneath the steps, while the hostess, internal guests, and women of

location in the shi room, as well as where banquets in which guests may sit semi-prone would be set up. 53 An annotation of Li Ji chapter Single Victim At The Border Sacrifices reads “hey informed the officer of prayer in the apartment; they seated the representative of the departed in the hall,” in Sun Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007 (1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 715–716. 54 Sun Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007 (1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 759–773.

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the same clan drinking inside the fang room. Zheng Xuan’s annotation further clarifies the subject matter: “For the foods for master of sacrificial ritual to the brothers, the sons of the clan and members of the tribe feast and drink with them in the hall; for the foods for internal guests and women of the same clan, the hostess feast and drink with them in the fang room.” There two points particularly worthy of attention here: First of all, the boundary between the internal zone and external zone of the house seems to be the wall behind the hall and the side room equipped with screen panels, with the shi room and fang room inside opened to women involved in the sacrifice, while the side room is the main place of activities for women; second of all, connected to this area is the east room behind the east hall, inside of which is partitioned into the northern segment and southern segment, with the northern segment called the north hall and the southern segment named the east room, which is where ritual vessels and costumes for sacrifices are displayed. In the Nuptial rites for a Common Officer chapter of the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial, it was written “women’s cleaning room is in the north hall,” whereby the “cleaning room” is referred to as “north cleaning room” during capping ritual and nuptial rite for a common officer, where the zanzhe ritual announcer and women wash their hands and the jue drinking vessels, and corresponds to the “south cleaning room” to the southeast of the zuo jie steps for use by the host and bin ritual guide to wash their hands. In True Meaning of the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial, Hu Peiyun wrote: “The room is where women spend much time. Whenever a woman enters a temple, her place would be in the fang room, thus when a woman enters the shrine her place would be in the fang room, and when she toasts to the hostess and feast she would be in the fang room, not the shi room.” Also, “the north cleaning room is established, thus women do not go to the hall.” The northern half of the east room is also termed the north hall, and is connected to the northern steps outside. Therefore, comparing with the tall height, big size, yang characteristic and respect of the main hall where the master of the house would stand, the north hall symbolizes the short stature, small size, yin characteristic and lowliness of the yin space, which is where females are located during ceremonies and may be an analogy to mother.55 Actually, the “house” comprises internal-external separations from two aspects. With respect to the world outside the house, the house is the domain of women. Pierre Bourdieu is of the opinion that the “house is the domain of the wife of the house’s man, and for any men that does not belong to this house, this place is a sacred territory not to be desecrated.”56 Meanwhile, inside the house, there is a second level of distinction between inferiority and superiority. During the pre-Qin period, it seems that the internal and external space within a house is defined by the bedroom door as boundary line, as seen in a segment in the book Discourses of Lu of the Discourses of the States about Jikangzi’s visit to Jing Jiang, the wife of his granduncle, when Jing Jiang said “we speak through the door, we both do not cross the limit,” to which 55 The symbols of the yin space in the north hall, please refer to Chap. 1 Part Three: Sacred Place of “Rebirth”: The East Room and the Space for Capping Ritual. 56 In Mike Crang, Cultural Geography, translated: Yang Shuhua et al., 2003. Nanjing: Nanjing University Press. p. 39.

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Wei annotated: “Wei ( ) means to open the door. Men (门) means door of bedroom. Yu (阈) means limit (boundary). Jie (皆) means both persons. Jing Jiang does not come out and cross the limit, and Jikangzi does not go in and cross the limit. It is known that when a woman sees someone off or welcomes someone’s arrival she does not leave the door, and when a woman sees her brothers, she does not cross the limit.”57 The Summary of the Rules of Propriety chapter of Li Ji also mentions: “Function of the external (male) does not require entry pass the boundary (kun, 梱), and function of the internal (female) does not require exit pass the boundary,” with “boundary” (梱) equating to “limit” (阈). Zheng Xuan annotated: “Function of the external and function of the internal are the job functions respectively of male and female.” Kong explained: “Job function of the male is to administer as an official, and women shall not interfere; and job function of the female is to weave, and male shall not interfere.” Jing Jiang strictly adhered to the separation of functions of the external and the internal, saying: “The emperor and dukes, perform civil affairs at the external court and sacred affairs in the internal court; for qing-ranked officers and those below, perform official affairs at the external court and domestic affairs in the internal court; within the bedroom door, women carry out their duties. It’s the same up and down. In the Imperial Court, you will perform the official duties assigned to you by the monarch; in the family court, you will handle the affairs of the Ji family. None of these is what I should interfere.”58 This somewhat coincides with “male do not deal with internal affairs, female do not deal with external affairs” from the Pattern of the Family chapter of Li Ji as mentioned before, as well as male study with an external master and live outside the home at the age of ten, while female does not leave the house before ten to learn to weave and to make announcements during ceremonies. Obviously, males and females were not only differentiated in their job functions, but also in terms of residential space and ritual space. Otherwise, if a woman were to meddle with governmental affairs, the consequence would be the disastrous downfall of her family and state as warned in the Declaration of Mu chapter of the Book of Documents. Externally, the Four Principles Underlying the Dress of Mourning chapter of Li Ji says: The mourning dress has four definite fashions and styles, and the changes are derived from the changes of the four seasons. Among the four principles, including the affection, the distinctions, the regulations, or the consideration predominates, all of which are derived from the human feelings. In affection we have benevolence; in nice distinctions, righteousness; in defined regulations, propriety; and in the consideration of circumstances, knowledge. Benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and knowledge are the characteristic attributes of humanity. The most loved and respected will be served most prominently. That explains why sons served three years after the father’s death, which is the institution of respect and gratitude. The righteousness and grace

57 Xu Yuangao, Collection of Interpretations of the Discourses of the States, 2006. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 199. 58 Xu Yuangao, Collection of Interpretations of the Discourses of the States, 2006. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 193.

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weighs when governing inside, and respect and gratitude outside. That is how to serve the father is to serve the emperor, and thus respect is the greater righteousness. The so-called “rule with grace within the door” and “rule with righteousness outside the door” indicates the symbolic significance of the “door” under the same system of “stay close to those who are close as in filial piety, respect those who deserves respect, and submit to those of more highborn status,” whether this system is applied in the family or state. In terms of “staying close to those who are close,” within the main gate are those from the same tribe, and those outside the main gate are from other tribes. Those from the same tribe shall be ruled with grace and those from other tribes shall be ruled with righteousness. Therefore, in palace and ancestral shrine architectures, the walls and verandas do not function as structural support, rather, they form boundaries and barriers—isolating an independent space from its surrounding environment. Early Qing Dynasty author and scholar Li Yu in his Xianqing Ouji spoke about walls as such: “Tall buildings and precipitous walls,” “erect walls for houses,” and one look at the wall is all it takes to identify whether the household belongs to the rich or the poor. From the manor of the rich to the hut of the poor, identification begins from the wall. The wall is divided into its internal face and external face, and this wall is split between me and others. As the saying goes: “One house’s walls, two houses look good.”59 The emphasis here is the segregation between what is inside and outside the walls, and the function of identification, just as Xunzi remarked about palaces and sculptures. The door, meanwhile, becomes a channel to connect and communicate between the interior and exterior with every instance of its closing or opening, and at the same time also uses its height to illustrate the status of the person behind the door. In spatial order, the door is both a channel and a barrier, and passing through a door signifies an immediate transformation in identity. In the words of Aldo Van Eyck: The difference between interior and exterior is actually a relative opposition expressed in accordance with different entities. Cognitively speaking, entry and exit are the specific meanings of a door, and the door ought to be a venue. It should be a space that defines two spaces differing in the level of cognition, and it is not only expressed as the transformation, transition, coming or going of people, but more so the capacity to mediate conflict arising from the extremes of the two aspects, as well as to enable them to compromise with each other so that they may both proceed without discord.60 Therefore, it can be inferred that segregated within and outside the wall is an enclosed ritual space, while the door forms a transition space juxtaposed between the interior and the exterior. Outside the door or inside the door meanwhile is a boundary space that distinguishes those who are close from those who are distant, interior from exterior, male from female, and the other from the self. 59 Li

Yu, Xianqing Ouji, 2001. Changchun: The Time Literature and Art Press. p. 307. Xu Yinong, Traditional Chinese Compound Spatial Concepts, in The Architect, Vol. 36, 1989. Beijing: China Architecture & Building Press. pp. 73–74.

60 From

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2.3 Structure of Miao (廟 廟) and Mythology Coding Written characters, as expressive symbols for the human mindset and cognitive world, contain a system of meanings at the onset of each character’s coinage, and Chinese characters are particularly noted for its typical “pictographic mindset” that maximally preserve mythological mindset expressions and the cultural psychological structure and mentality under the restrictions of this mindset.61 This part of the chapter analyzes the compositions, shapes, and evolutions of the character “廟” (miao, literally shrine or temple) seen in bronze vessel inscriptions, makes references to archaeological ruins of ancient altars and shrines, and strives to restore the archetype of the character “廟” and the mythological coding buried within.

2.3.1 Explanation of the Character “廟” in the Scope of Traditional Narrative Learning Capping ceremonies were held in the “廟” (shrine or ancestral temple), which scriptures in the Capping Rites for a Common Officer chapter of the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial was written as “庿.”62 In the Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, there are erroneous uses of the characters “廟” and “庿,” and both characters even simultaneously appear in the Capping Rites for a Common Officer chapter, with no discernible pattern or known explanation for the mix-up. In Translations and Annotations of the Yili.63 Yang Tianyu agrees with Zhang Chun and opines: The character “庿” was no longer in use during the Han Dynasty, thus when scriptures were copied, it was replaced with the character “廟,” which was in common use in Han Dynasty. When scholars of the time referenced to existing scriptures as they write, they saw so many revisions of the character, as a result they directly adopted the use of the new character. Today it seems Zhang’s opinion is the only one

61 Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House. Intro pp. 3–4, main body p. 319 have detailed demonstrations about this subject matter. 62 Zhang Chun’s Misunderstandings and Misinterpretations of the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonials examined the characters “庿” and “廟” in the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonials, then declared: “庿” is the ancient form of “廟,” and in the Jing there should not be any “廟” derived from “朝”. Since the Wedding Ritual, the character has shown slight signs of being derived from “朝,” and such signs became increasingly prominent until “廟” was wholly derived from “朝” probably due to unchecked and undiscovered mistakes by scribes and copyists. It should be changed to “庿”. Ruan Yuan (Qing dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 948. 63 For instance, “This is a character to describe when a girl is 15 years old and getting married. If the ancestral temple is not ruined, she is taught in the Gonggong temple for three months; if it is ruined, she is taught in ancestral temple “. Ruan Yuan (Qing dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 971.

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Fig. 2.7 Forms of the Characters “廟” and “朝” as Seen in Oracle Inscriptions, Bronze Vessel Inscriptions, Bamboo Slip Inscriptions, Silk Manuscripts, and the Official Script of Han Dynasty

viable, and the characters in the various translated and annotated copies are one and the same.64 The author has consulted relevant dictionaries and found that the character “廟” had changed forms many times over the course of writing evolution from bronze vessel inscriptions to seal script writing to the official script of Han Dynasty. Each form manifests distinct features of the period during its use, especially the “廟” in inscriptions on bronze vessels in the Western Zhou Dynasty which deserves further exploration. Figure 2.7 lays out the various written forms of the characters “廟” and “朝”.65 The character “廟” has not been found in oracle inscriptions, while the “朝” in oracle inscriptions and “廟” in bronze vessel inscriptions were derived from the very different character “朝.” Ever since Xu Shen’s Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters, philologists have debated vigorously about the matter, with no consensus in sight. In Xu Shen’s Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters it was written: “廟 (shrine) is the place to pay respect to ancestors. It comprises of two parts, i.e., 广 and 朝. It is pronounced as miao” “廟temple” has the part of “朝” as “舟,” rather than as “月.” The ancient character “庖” has the pronunciation of “苗.” From Fig. 2.7, it can be seen that Xu Shen’s script and Han Dynasty stone stele inscription have the same form, but differ from Han Dynasty bamboo slip inscription and Western Zhou Dynasty bronze vessel inscription. The character “ ” was derived from “广” and “淖,” and “淖” was derived from “ ” (水) which was water. The character “廟” in bronze vessel inscriptions were primarily various forms of water, with an exception being the “ ” (same as 廟) in Inscriptions66 on the Duke of Zhou’s Eastern Conquest Cauldron, which was derived from 64 Yang Tianyu, Annotations on the Interpretations of the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonials, 1994.

Shanghai: Shanghai Guji Press. p. 42. the characters “廟” and “朝,” please respectively refer to edited: Li Pu, Modernized Explanations of Ancient Words and Characters, Vol. 8, 2003. Shanghai: Shanghai Education Publishing House. pp. 285–286; Edited: Li Pu, Modernized Explanations of Ancient Words and Characters, Vol. 6, 2003. Shanghai: Shanghai Education Publishing House. pp. 448–551. 66 The text has been examined and confirmed by Mr. Tang Lan to be: Only Duke Zhou conquered the East Barbarians, in line with ancient rules. After returning, he paid respects to the Zhou ancestral 65 For

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a “朝” that was derived from “月” and was similar to oracle inscription and fully identical to the standard script. Yet, this was the only example among inscriptions on Western Zhou Dynasty bronze vessels, and thus many scholars like Xu Zhongshu and Chen Mengjia have raised doubts. It was written in Wang Guowei’s Yishu: According to divination text , the character 朝 in official script of Han Dynasty stems from this character, but has omitted two 屮 parts. The small seal script changes to the forms of 倝 and舟. 倝 is quasi- , 舟 is quasi-月. For the ancient scripts of Yin and Zhou Dynasties containing the part 月, the seal script of this character changes to the part舟, such as found in characters 互, 恒, and 朝. The seal scripts of this character all contain the part舟, while the ancient scripts of this character contain the part月, like what are seen in the official script of Han Dynasty. and other forms. Originally the character of In Jin script, it is written as 潮汐 (water part), it now borrows the form of 朝夕.67 Tan Jiefu opined that the character “廟” in bronze vessel inscriptions was derived from “水” (shui, as in “water”), and thus its shape resembles waves during high tide: High tide is generated by gravitational force of the moon, and people of the early Western Zhou Dynasty already realized this natural phenomenon. Thus in this bronze vessel inscription the character “廟” was derived from the character “朝,” which in turn was derived from “月” (yue, as in the “moon”). This is completely identical to the regular script today and is in fact quite amazing. If we look at the wording and diction of the entire body of the inscription on the bronze vessel, there is really nothing to doubt.68 Wu Qichang’s theory corroborates: With regard to the character “廟” on this cauldron, my associate Xu Zhongshu feels somewhat perplexed and skeptical. I believe that it was the character “原” or “ 泉” (quan, as in water “spring”), like a flowing spring. Ancient Chinese civilization emerged from the sides of the Yellow River, and the ancient people watched the tides rise in tandem with the moon from the river shores. Thus, it makes no difference whether the character was derived from “月” or “泉.”69 Of all variants of the character “廟” collated in the Great Dictionary of Bronze Vessel Inscriptions, which features Dai Jiaxiang as chief editor, there are 18 forms that were derived from “广” and “淖,” four that were derived from “宀” and “淖,” temple in Wu hour and made a tripod for sacrificial purpose. For details please refer to Tang Lan, Xi Chao in Textual Documentations in Yinxu, p. 47, in edited: Li Pu, Modernized Explanations of Ancient Words and Characters, Vol. 6, 2003. Shanghai: Shanghai Education Publishing House. p. 449. 67 In Edited: Li Pu, Modernized Explanations of Ancient Words and Characters, Vol. 6, 2003. Shanghai: Shanghai Education Publishing House. p. 449. 68 Tan Jiefu, Research on Inscriptions on the Kending Bronze Cauldron of Western Zhou Dynasty in Archaeology 1963(12). 69 Wu Qichang, Inscriptions on the Duke of Zhou’s Eastern Conquest Cauldron in Vol. 1 Verifications on Tracing of History of Bronze Vessel Inscriptions, from edited: Li Pu, Modernized Explanations of Ancient Words and Characters, Vol. 8, 2003. Shanghai: Shanghai Education Publishing House. p. 286.

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one from “宀” and “朝” and also one from “广” and “苗,” for a total of 24 variant forms, with 22 involving “淖.” Dai Jiaxiang asserted: The character “廟” in seal script has a lower part derived from “舟” (zhou, as in “boat”), while all forms of the character “廟” in bronze vessel inscriptions were derived from water. These are instances of similarity and changes in object category and changes in the radical meaning “venue.” It is actually a variant structure of the character “廟” in the Fang Ding inscription. According to the patterns of structural changes and evolution in Chinese characters, both “广” and “宀” indicate “venue.” After changes in the radical, new character is formed but pronunciation and meaning remain unchanged.70 By using the character “廟” in the Duke of Zhou’s Eastern Conquest Cauldron inscription as a medium, Tang Lan was able to track down hints of evolution between the character “朝” as seen in Shang Dynasty oracle inscriptions and variants of the character “廟” as found in Western Zhou Dynasty bronze vessel inscriptions: In bronze vessels, there is Tripod Vessel, and the character is written as , or as the quasi word. It is under the suspicion of being a pseudo word, yet it is certainly showing the elements of a fake cauldron, but whether the inscription was written in the Yin and Zhou Dynasties remains unknown. If the tripod vessel is a faked product, why the forger was able to make such a delicate product? Didn’t he know that the character “朝” with no part of “月” is the Jin script convention of the Zhou Dynasty? The people of Zhou borrowed “” to make “朝,” but later people mistook it as . The 日 and 月 are both in the shape of 艸, which is now found only in the official script of Han Dynasty.71 Some scholars even hold that the variant of the character “朝” derived from “水” (water) as seen in bronze vessel inscriptions is not a direct evolutionary product of the variant of the character “朝” derived from “月” (moon) as seen in oracle inscriptions. Thus, one prevailing opinion is that among oracle inscriptions there might have been “朝” that was derived from “水.” However, adding to the suspense is that such a water-based “朝” has not yet been discovered in oracle inscriptions. Therefore, the belief is that: The variant of the character “朝” derived from “月” (moon) must have been created by ancient people who saw a figment of the moon remaining in the sky while the sun was rising above the horizon. Meanwhile, the variant of the character “朝” derived from “水” (water) was created by ancient people who were standing by the river or on a boat while the sun was rising above the horizon, and thus the “river” indicator was included as a part. In the bronze cauldron inscription Yu Ding (盂鼎), the three dots indicating water was transformed in posterity into three horizontal lines, just as how “r” was changed into the shape of a boat. This alteration is consequential, with the “boat” indicator being adopted for forms from the small seal script to the official script. Thus, Xu Shen said, “the character has the same pronunciation as 倝舟 (gan 70 Dai

Jiaxiang, Grand Dictionary on Characters in Bronze Vessel Inscriptions, 1995. Shanghai: Xuelin Publishing House. pp. 1152–1154. 71 Tang Lan, Shi Chao in Modernized Explanations of Ancient Words and Characters (edited: Li Pu, 2003. Shanghai: Shanghai Education Publishing House) Vol. 6, pp. 449–450.

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zhou),” while in Han Dynasty the official script was written as such but had both “ 舟” and “朝” pronunciations in its phonetic component.72 In conclusion, luminaries and scholars of the past have attempted to look for the evolutionary track of the character through analyzing the different shapes and forms of its variants, and explain why such changes have taken place. However, the absolute majority believed that error or corruption occurred somewhere during the course of evolution from the “朝” derived from “月” as seen in divination texts on oracle inscriptions, to the large number of “廟” derived from “水” as seen in bronze vessel inscriptions, and then the “廟” derived from “舟” as seen in seal script, and that the original form should have been derived from “月” or “水” but not from “ 舟.”73

2.3.2 Explanation and Interpretation of the Character “廟” from the Scope of Comparative Mythology According to statistics compiled by Zhang Zaixing, the character “廟” in Western Zhou bronze vessel inscriptions appeared 34 times, including 20 instances of the character derived from “广” and “朝,” and the remaining 14 cases derived from “宀/ 广” and “淖,” but both iterations referred to venues where ancestral sacrifices were

72 Edited,

Yu Shengwu, Modernized Explanations of Oracle Inscription Words and Characters, 1999. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 1347–1348. 73 In Wang Guowei’s Yishu, it was written: The small seal script is phonetically changed to 倝舟. When exaggerated, 倝becomes a pseudo word. 舟 is the pseudo form of 月. In ancient script of the Yin and Zhou Dynasties, the seal script changes to include the part 舟, such as shown in 互, 恒 and 朝. The seal scripts for this character contain the part 舟, while the ancient scripts contain the part 月, same as written in the official script of Han Dynasty. In Jin script, it is written as and other forms. Originally a 潮汐 form, it borrows the part of 朝夕. In Modernized Explanations of Ancient Words and Characters, Vol. 6, p. 449. In the Modernized Explanations of Oracle Inscription Words and Characters, after various interpretations were collated, Yao Xiaosui said: In oracle bone inscriptions, the character “朝” in the term “朝暮” appeared quite differently, which led to substantial misunderstanding and thus it is necessary to renew knowledge about this matter. In early oracle bone inscriptions, the character “朝” appeared as the forms of , which were both understood as “明”. However, based on cases of their use, they should be understood as “朝”. Divination texts from phase two complicated the character a little bit: . In inscriptions on bronze vessels of Western Zhou dynasty, the character “朝” came in a variety of forms like , of which the form resembles in oracle bone inscriptions. The ancient script of the Santi Stone Inscription instead has the water form… (as in “”). In the Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters, it was written: “The character (dan, “旦”) has the phonetic part of 倝舟,” and thus deriving from “倝” was clearly an erroneous transformation of its form. Although the form of the character “ 朝” has changed drastically over time, its inherent “旦” concept has remained changed. It extended into the term “朝会” and gave rise to “潮” and “廟,” which are the original meanings. For details please refer to edited, Yu Shengwu, Modernized Explanations of Oracle Inscription Words and Characters, 1999. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 1348.

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performed.74 Based on the author’s research, the frequency of appearance and the composition of the character “廟” differed previously. The Index of Bronze Vessel Inscriptions—Shang and Western Zhou Dynasties Volume75 cites 35 appearances of the character, and the Collection on Bronze Vessel Inscriptions76 shows that there were 32 instances in which the character “廟” was derived from “宀/广” and “ 淖,” one instance with the character derived from “宀” and “朝,” and two instances with the character “廟” derived from “淖,” bringing the total number of instances derived from “宀/广” and “淖” to 35. The Taiwanese publication Search and Query on Bronze Vessel Inscriptions77 indicates 36 cases, while the Database on Bronze Vessel Inscriptions78 in the CHANT Database compiled by Hong Kong Chinese University has 45 hits on relevant query. According to the ancient, mid-ancient, and present pronunciation simulation of the three characters “廟” (mjagw), “朝” (tr jagw), and “淖” (dr jagw) in Yang Huaiyuan’s Research on Lexicon of Western Zhou Dynasty Bronze Vessel Inscriptions, since antiquity the three characters have always rhymed with each other.79 In addition, two instances of bronze vessel inscriptions from the mid- and late-Western Zhou Dynasty have been shown to have faked the character “ 淖” to indicate “廟.”80 The majority of the character from bronze vessel inscriptions of the two Zhou dynasties were derived from “广” and “淖,” and there is no question about this. In the character “廟” in bronze vessel inscriptions, its component “朝” was derived from “水,” while “朝” in the official script of Han Dynasty was derived from “舟.” Could this really be an erroneous change in the form of the same character? In an era when writing was not yet popularized but written text was a representation of power, could it be possible that erroneous uses of characters on commemorative bronze vessels were actually prevalent? If not, then what is the original meaning of “ 廟” and what are its cultural connotations? The author dares not to make unfounded guesses, and attempts to adopt the mythological worldview to explain the symbol of the “廟” character in order to identify its original meaning. Please do not hesitate to point out any errors and put forth corrections related to this humble study. (i) About 艸, 林, 茻 and 朝, 庿 74 Zhang Zaixing, Theory on the System of Characters in Inscriptions on Western Zhou Dynasty Bronze Vessels, 2004. Shanghai: East China Normal University Press. pp. 13, 55, 360. 75 Edited, Chinese Characters Research and Application Center of East China Normal University, Index of Bronze Vessel Inscriptions [Shang and Western Zhou Dynasties Volume], 2001. Nanning: Guangxi Education Publishing House. 76 Edited, Yan Yiping, Compilation of Bronze Vessel Inscriptions, 1983. Hangzhou: Zhejiang Ancient Books Publishing House. 77 Edited, Hsiu-Sheng Chi et al., Query of Bronze Vessel Inscriptions, 1995. Taiwan: The Liberal Arts press. The one added case was also derived from 广 and derived from 淖. 78 https://www.chant.org/scripts/trial/member_details.asp. 79 Yang Huaiyuan, Research on Lexicons of Inscriptions on Bronze Vessels of Western Zhou Dynasty, 2007. Chengdu: Bashu Books. p. 298. 80 Mid-Western Zhou dynasty: Gui. Container: King places it in the temple. Late Western Zhou dynasty Guanibo Guifeng Gui Container bears the scripts: Use the Gui basket for ancestral sacrifices.

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The character “朝” in oracle inscriptions came in various forms. In terms of structure, there are instances of the character derived from 日, 月, 艸, 茻 or 与. For the character “朝” in bronze vessel inscriptions, apart from those derived from “艸/ /茻/ ” and “ 日/月” as inscribed on the Duke of Zhou’s Eastern Conquest Cauldron, the remaining ), and its related “廟” came in various cases were all derived from “水” ( forms, with the added “广” (or “宀”) symbolizing “housing” or “building.” The most representative form of the character “朝” in bronze vessel inscriptions is “ ,” so the majority of modern interpretations explain this as the sun coming out of the rivers, representing the meanings of “dan.” Ancient inscription scholar Wang Xiang’s Hypotheses on Uses and Changes of Ancient Texts verifies that 艸, 茻 and were identical in ancient times.81 Huang Mingchong further investigated the connections between these symbols in oracle inscriptions and bronze vessel inscriptions, concluding that the original meaning was “木” (wood or tree) and not “屮.” In addition, originally the character was a quartet of “woods,” as in “高” or “ 方”, representing the four wooden columns at the four corners of a building, in turn symbolizing a miniaturized mythological worldview manifested in households and palaces. “屮” and “艸” are its simplified iterations, but later on in Han Bo Ju Jing and Master of Huainan, the four woods of heaven evolved into eight pillars82 (Fig. 2.8). In the Places in the Hall of Distinction chapter of the Dai De’s Li Ji, it was written: “The hall of distinction is the place where King Wen of Zhou pays homage to gods and ancestors. On the first day, there grows a strain of red grass, and on the 15th day, it has 15 leaves; on the 16th day, one leaf falls off. This cyclic process

Fig. 2.8 The “Four Woods” as Seen in Unearthed Cultural Relics and Oracle Inscriptions

81 For details please refer to edited, Yu Shengwu, Modernized Explanations of Oracle Inscription Words and Characters, 1999. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 1336–1337. 82 Huang Mingchong, The Mingtang and the World View of Ancient China in Academic Journal of City and Design, 1998(4).

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goes on forever. In the Zhou Dynasty, the virtues and merits of King benefited the people, as the Hao wood was lush and made into palatial columns. The palace was therefore called Hao Palace.” In the Bamboo Annals, it was also recorded: “The virtues and moralities of the Zhou rulers were immense. As the trees and grasses thrive, Hao wood was made into the palatial wood construction, called Hao Palace. Since the world was at peace, Hao was made the capital city.” Furthermore, the term “Relocating the capital city” is frequently observed in inscriptions on Western Zhou Dynasty bronze vessels.83 With regard to the relationship between hao jing (蒿京), gao/hao jing (镐京), and jing (京), Lu Liancheng combined archaeology with textual materials, and concluded that Haojing (蒿京) and Jing (京) refer to the “镐” in “As Gao and Fang were invaded again, we relocated the capital city to Jingyang,” as seen in Sixth Month of the Lesser Court Hymns of the Book of Songs.84 Huang Mingchong subsequently verified the association between mingtang and the structural form of ,” the characters “蒿” and “方 ( ),” with both characters being derived from “ as in the “four woods.” Thus, the original meaning of “(蒿)” should have been the “高” (multi-storey and high) building among the “four woods,” functioning as an iconography of the mingtang. “ ” was also derived from “茻” but with the addition of a “roof” in the component “䍟” and the phonetic element (or also doubling as ” being the features of the center of symbolic element) “方” as in “ ” and “ the universe expressed as written characters. The “four woods” in diagrams of the universe have been seen quite frequently in unearthed cultural relics such as the Chu Silk Manuscripts, remnants of imagery of mingtang on lacquer ware found in tomb No. 1 at Langjiazhuang of Linzi, panchi mirror from Han Dynasty, daylight mirrors, Japanese home mirrors, and other artifacts.85 In the origin myth written in the Chu Silk Manuscripts, when the four gods locked horns with each other and the world was on the verge of destruction, the heavenly emperor bestowed the spirit of the five woods to function as the pillar of heaven. In addition, the “four woods” can be seen on the four corners of the Chu Silk Manuscripts and the cover of the lacquer box excavated from tomb No. 1 at Langjiazhuang of Linzi. Thus, the image of the rising sun and setting moon seen in the four or two “艸” in the characters “朝” and “暮” convey deeper meanings quite clearly. If a connection is made to the theory regarding the “日/月” symbols, then this deeper meaning becomes even more evident. (ii) About

, 朝 and 廟

With regard to the character “朝” in oracle inscriptions…of the various forms, the theories propounded separately by Wang Yuzhe and Huang Mingchong somehow shared something in common. Wang undertook a comprehensive investigation into the usage of the character “朝” in oracle inscriptions and the habit of the ancients 83 According to statistics compiled by Huang Mingchong, there are about 20 pieces in Beijing, of which bronze vessel inscriptions such as Mai Zun and Bai Tang Fu Ding are directly related to the piyong or pichi. 84 Lu Liancheng, About the Forms of the Capitals of the Shang and Western Zhou Dynasties [Sequel] Journal of Chinese Historical Geography, 1991(1). 85 Huang Mingchong, The Mingtang and the World View of Ancient China. Academic Journal of City and Design, 1998(4).

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to add or remove component icons when inscribing oracle bones, and arrived at the conclusion that the archetype of the character “ ” is the original form of “朝.” If the component icon “日” (sun), “two woods” or of “four woods” is removed, it is a variant form, but regardless of whatever is removed, its meaning as “旦” (the sunrise time), or when the sun has just risen above or settled beneath the grass and trees over the horizon and when a modicum of the moon can still be seen, has remained unchanged. It in turn evolved into “朝廷” (imperial court), “朝会” (meeting between lord and vassals), “潮汐” (morning and evening tides) and “廟” (temple or shrine).86 This is a contemplation and exploration on the relationship between “日月,” “艸木” and “ 朝” and “廟” through modern interpretation based on character structure, including their meanings over time. If one were to make a connection with the opening chapter of the Rites of Zhou: “It is of necessity to identify the proper direction and position when founding a state, establishment of the location of the national capital, and construction of habitat of the people.” And the Craftsmen chapter of the Record of Trades: When building the capital, the craftsman used the (column) suspension method to measure the level, and used the hanging rope to set the vertical wooden column to observe the shadow to distinguish the direction. They draw a circle with a wooden column as the center, and record the projection of the wooden column on the circle at sunrise and that at sunset. This way, they can determine the east-west direction. During the day, they watch the shadows at noon, and at night they watch the North Star to determine the four directions.87 As well as the Shenshi segment of the Master Lü’s Spring and Autumn Annals: Ancient kings chose the central land of the world to found their countries, and the central region of the country to build their palaces, and the central part of their palaces to set up a temple88 (Fig. 2.9). Then it is not hard to see how the characters “日月,” “木,” “朝,” and “廟” were associated with the re-performance of the conception of the universe. The so-called “necessity to identify the proper direction and position when founding a state” means to use the shadow generated by the sun to determine the four cardinal directions during the founding of a state. After the four directions have been confirmed, the court would be established at the central nexus. This indicates: “For the founding of an ancient state, the first and foremost matter is a deduced re-performance of the entire process of how ancient people used the shadow generated from the sun to confirm the four

86 Wang Yuzhe, The Characters Chao and Ming in Oracle Inscriptions and Bronze Vessel Inscriptions and Their Relevant Issues in Modernized Explanations of Oracle Inscription Words and Characters, Vol. 6. pp. 450–452. 87 Ruan Yuan (Qing dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 927. 88 Xu Weiyu, Explanations and Interpretations of Master Lü’s Spring and Autumn Annals, 2009. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 460.

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Fig. 2.9 Identify Proper Direction for Founding of State and Construction of Temple

directions and spatial order.”89 The specific steps in this process were as conveyed from the Record of Trades cited above. When setting up the capital of a state, the first thing to do is to plant four pillars at the four corners.90 For the measurement of the sun, why was it necessary to use an eight-foot-long measuring stick? Jiang Yong said: “Why ancients use the eight-feet tree trunk as the scale? It is probably because the scale for measuring the shadow cannot be too short. If it is too short, the division of scale is too dense to discern; if it is too long, it is hard to identify the division because of the diluted shadow. The eight feet, as long as a human body, is the optimal length.” Both the Kao Ling Yao and Zhou Bi Suan Jing stated: “From heaven to earth is a span of 80,000 li, the scale has therefore a length of eight feet.” Cheng Yaotian pointed out the relationship between “determining east-west direction” and the search for the “center of the earth”: At night, the North Star must be observed, as it is perpendicular to the perfect south-north direction. Therefore, to observe the North Star, one has to measure the shadow of the scale, to determine the core of the axis by observing the east-west direction. Without doing this, the right direction cannot be obtained.91 For the vessel inscription Ling Fang Yi from the era of Duke Cheng of Zhou, Chen Mengjia’s interpretation also explored the meaning of east and west in “zhao xi” from 89 Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House. p. 228. 90 In Ding Zhi Fang Zhong in the Yong Feng portion of the Airs of the State part of the Book of Songs, “Determining its aspects by means of the sun, he built the mansion at Chu.” In Zhou Bi Suan Jing, it was written: “A sundial is set up when the sun rises to measure its shadow position. At sunset, the shadow position is also measured. The two ends of the sundial represent the east-west direction. The center point of the two ends pointing to the sundial is the perfect south-north direction.” And it was also written: “In the Jiayou hours of winter, set up a 8-feet sundial, with a rope tied to the ends pointing to the Zhongda star of the north pole, which is identified by grounding the rope. In the Jiamao hours when the sun is ready to come out, the rope is introduced to re-point to the Zhongda star, and the end is identified by grounding the rope. The two ends, when linked together to form a line, point to the east-west direction; and when folded to point to the sundial, the pointing direction is south-north.”. 91 For the above please refer to Sun Yirang, True Meaning of the Rites of Zhou, 2000. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 3415–3421.

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the term “zhao zhi,”92 and expanded the concept of the significance of “zheng zhao xi” in the establishment of a state to the east and west of all lands beneath the sky, with the polar star being the center of the sky and the nation being the nexus of the land. The “necessity to identify the proper direction and position when founding a state” is the re-performance of the conception of the universe, and was replicated in “ancient kings choose the center of the land to found their state, choose the center of their state to build their palace, and choose the center of their palace to set up the royal temple.” It is quite clear the re-performance functions or characteristics of the measuring of the shadow of the sun through the four corners and eight-foot measuring stick (“槷” nie) in order to achieve “zheng zhao xi,” the four woods of “zhao” and the views of the rising sun and setting moon. (iii) About

“朝,” and “廟”

The dilemma of how the character “朝” was derived from “月” (moon) in oracle inscriptions, derived from “水” (water) in bronze vessel inscriptions and “舟” (boat) in official script is explained by scholar as erroneous uses or alterations, or other possible reasons deduced from the traces of the character’s evolution, as mentioned previously. The leap from “月” to “水” was probably instigated due to the effect of the moon on the morning tide, and most would consider this change insignificant in terms of maintaining the character’s initial meaning. Meanwhile, it is almost a consensus that the transition to being derived from “舟” was an erroneous alteration, with the only exception being Dai Jiaxiang, who opined that “the character ‘廟’ in official script features a bottom part derived from ‘舟’ while its versions in bronze vessel inscriptions were all derived from ‘水,’ and could be deemed an example of change in radical due to change in the category and venue in which an object belongs,” an opinion that could be considered a circumspect reminder for academia at large. The “divination text” includes “ .” This has been interpreted by Luo Zhenyu as “ 舟,” while Shang Chengzuo has verified it as “洀,” a variation of “舟.” In Shi Pan, Yu Shengwu referred to textual materials and asserted that “汎” is the same as “洀,” which is the same as “盘,” and therefore “旬洀” should be pronounced “徇盘” (xun pan), meaning “to tour and travel.” In ancient text, the character was derived from 92 In

the Zhao Gao chapter of the Book of Zhou of the Book of Documents, it was written: “Duke Zhao of Taibao relocated the capital city to Luo, and so did Duke Zhou.” In the Luo Gao chapter it was written: “In the fifth year under reign of Duke Zhou, the capital city was relocated to Luo via divination”. And in the Mu Shi chapter it was written: “King moved the capital city to Mu, the suburb areas of the Shang dynasty”. As such, Luo, Luoshi and Mu have been annexed as a part of the state of Zhou, and since Zhou was situated to the west relative to them, these were considered states of the east, and thus those who visited these states would be called east-bound. One radical of the character “朝” in bronze vessel inscriptions look like the sun rising above a field of grass, while the other side appears akin to a rising tide. Since sunrise from the east is called “朝,” then the character “朝” also represents the east. It was written in the Craftsmen part of the Records of Examination of Craftsman: “To found a state, it is necessary to identify directions and positions,” as in “the correct method is to face the setting sun,” referring to the east or west. Chen Mengjia, Division of History into Periods via Bronze Vessels of the Western Zhou Dynasty, 2004 edition. Beijing: Zhonghua Bookstore. pp. 38–39.

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both “舟” and “凡.”93 In Shi, Yang Shuda interpreted the phrase on the 843rd piece of oracle inscriptions collated in the Yin Qi Cui Bian as “洀.” I say has the form of water, and is a quasi-water character, as usually evidenced by oracle inscriptions. Water part is usually the left part. This character, which crosses over the boat, means that the boat floats upon and travels the water. Later generations write it as 洀.94 Yao Xiaosui said: , have the form of water and boat, and should be Qi scripts, and understood as 洀 (zhou) and pronounced as 汎(fan)…The characters “汎,” “泛,” and “渢” are actually shaped as “洀,” something like boating on the water.95 The relationship between “水” (water) and “舟” (boat) is thoroughly illustrated in this character. From the words “One will remain in poverty if he does not embrace a change just like when you get on a boat and don’t sail, the boat will decay” written in the Pan Geng part of Shu and the political phenomenon that posterity refers to as “water can carry the boat but can also capsize the boat,” the internal association between the water and the boat is obvious. Meanwhile, the various forms of “洀” , which are , and , which are the same form including as the “水” from which the characters “朝” and “廟” in bronze vessel inscriptions were derived. They both appear like a canoe floating on water, and thus it was later verified to have been the image of a canoe moving on water.96 Bronze vessel inscriptions such as Mai Zun and Bai Tang Fu Ding all described how the king at the piyong or pichi shot arrows from a boat, Jing Gui described how the king shot arrows from a great pond, Bian Dun recorded “In the first month of the 93 It

was written in the Xiao Wen part of the Guanzi that “I guess you are riding a horse of hybrid colors, moving about on the road, and running toward the sun?” of which Tang Dynasty scholar Yun Zhizhang annotated that “the character ‘洀’ was in ancient time the ‘盘’ character,” meaning “to tour and travel.” This claim is corroborated in the Cheng Ma part of the Guanzi: “In the mountains of Man, woods can be used as building columns and wagon axles. When felling the trees, only one ninth should be cut off. In the mountains of Fan, the woods can be used as coffins and wagon components. When felling the trees, only one tenth should be cut off.” Further, it was written in the Discourses of Zhou of the Discourses of the States that “orders are given to travel the mountain forest,” which was annotated by Wei that “xun (徇), means to travel.” This, in turn, matches explanations in other documents such as the Shi Yan part of the Erya that “xun (徇), is today’s xun (巡), meaning to patrol or tour,” thereby proving that the proper pronunciation of the term “旬洀” should be “徇盘” (xun pan), as in “to tour and travel.” In oracle bone inscriptions, the character “洀” might appear as . Yu Shengwu, Modernized Explanations of Oracle Inscription Words and Characters, 1999. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 93–94. 94 For details please refer to Yang Shuda, Jiweiju Jinwen Shuo, 2006. Shanghai: Shanghai Guji Press. p. 45. 95 Edited, Yu Shengwu, Modernized Explanations of Oracle Inscription Words and Characters, 1999. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 3172–3173. 96 Perhaps there is the possibility that characters like 俞, 朕, 服, and 肜 were written as forms like

in oracle bone inscriptions and bronze vessel inscriptions,

while their forms in small seal script were all derived from the shape of “舟,” as exemplified in , which are the same as their ancient forms. Thus, these has been verified to have been derived from “月” and is deemed a case of an erroneous mixed use of radicals.

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second year, it was an auspicious day on which King toured Shao Palace, and in the Dinghe hour, King ascended the Xuanxie hall (the archery shrine).” Guo Ji Zi Bai Pan said “Only king is allowed access to the archery shrine,” Nan Gong Ding said “only the king’s residence has an archery field,” and Shi Tang Fu Ding also said “the king is shooting arrows at the new Zhou palace,” among other writings, all point to the connections between the elevated piyong at the capital and the academic institution, archery field and great pond as previously mentioned. As per verifications seen in Jun Gulu Jinwen by Wu Shifen, Graphs of Archaeology by Lü Dalin and other evidences, the character “圃” in the term “射圃” (archery field, she pu) is the equivalent of the character “庿” (miao) in ancient times. The term “宣榭” refers to the “shrine of King Xuan of Zhou” (宣王之廟, xuan wang zhi miao). The so-called “宣榭” was originally “宣射” or “讲武屋.” It was also referred to as “射宫” (archery palace), “射 庙” (archery shrine), “射庐” (archery hut), and “射” (archery), among other names.97 From bronze vessel inscriptions such as Bian Dun and Guo Ji Zi Bai Pan, it is not hard to see that the “宣榭” should have been located inside the shrine of Zhou. “邵 宫” means “昭宫,”98 as in “昭廟.”99 The character “廟” in bronze vessel inscriptions was derived from water, and its association with the great pond and pool can be found not only in the structure of the character, but also corroborated in actual ponds and ponded gardens see in textual materials and archaeological ruins. The earliest record of ponded garden in textual material is the one that belonged to Xia Jie, the last ruler of Xia Dynasty, which was documented as “there was no fixed residence, and the pool was massive”100 to the point that “everything was belligerent and in chaos, the emperor was so full of himself and indulged, and the pond for drinks was so big that boats could roam around on it, and large enough to accommodate three thousand people to drink together,”101 resulting in the end of the dynasty. The Shang Dynasty also suffered the same fate. The earliest physical evidence of palatial ponded garden found in archaeological ruins known today is the Shang Dynasty city of Yanshi. Since its discovery in 1983, the ruins of Shang Dynasty city of Yanshi has undergone more than 20 sessions of meticulously planned archaeological excavations by archaeologists, and thus far it has been proven that the ruins include an external city, an internal city, three layers 97 Liu Zheng, Research on Shrine System in Bronze Vessel Inscription, 2004. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press. pp. 106–107. 98 Yang Shuda, Jiweiju Jinwen Shuo, 1997. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 105. 99 In bronze vessel inscriptions the concept of “mu shrine” can be found but not the concept of “zhao shrine,” with the latter usually appearing in the form of “zhao palace” instead. This is a principle of quite some significance. Therefore, the “mu shrine” and the “zhao palace” constitute a pair that reflected the palace-shrine ancestors from even- and odd-numbered generations system concept. Liu Zheng, Research on Shrine System in Bronze Vessel Inscription, 2004. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press. p. 127. 100 Huang Huaixin et al., Collection of Verifications and Annotations on the Lost Book of Zhou, 2008 (2007). Shanghai: Shanghai Guji Press. p. 970. 101 Gulie Nüzhuan–Xiajie Moxi, edited: He Zhihua, Compilation of Materials Repeatedly Seen in Gulie Nüzhuan and Other Classic Texts of the Pre-Qin Period and the Two Han Dynasties, 2004. Taipei: Chinese University Press. p. 154.

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of walls around the palace proper, a large number of structural plots for palatial architectures, and civilian dwellings, workshops and tombs, among others. In the north of the palatial city is a “big ash ditch” that measures approximately 120 m in length from east to west, about 14 m in width from north to south, two meters in depth, and surrounded on all four sides by rammed earth partition walls roughly one meter thick. Inside the ash ditch is a thick layer of earth from early Shang Dynasty, and from the bottom of the ditch to the top. Not only has a considerable quantity of ceramics been unearthed, but also the skeletal remains of entire pigs—animals used for ancestral sacrifices.102 This indicates that this site was the location exclusively used by emperors and kings for sacrificial activities. To the north of the ash ditch is a rectangular pond dug up via artificial labor, and it measures approximately 130 m in length from east to west, about 20 m in width from north to south, and roughly 1.4 m in depth. Since ceramic materials and web-shaped white marble pendant have been found inside the pond, it has been hypothesized that the pit is the ruins of a Shang palatial garden pond. On both the eastern and western ends of the pond are each a water channel laid with slabs that are connected to the pond. The channel on the west is the inlet, while the conduit on the east was used for discharge. They respectively pass under the western and eastern walls of the palace city, take two right-angle turns, then respectively pass under the “west one” gate and “east one” gate of the external city, and finally join with the moat that encircles the city. Ruins of waterside structures have been found on the southern edge of the pond, and this has been dubbed by the excavators as the “earliest case in manmade pond.”103 There are three points worth noting here: First of all is the sacrificial ruins of the big ash ditch at the northern part of the palace city; second is the discovery of ceramic materials and web-shaped white marble pendant have been found inside the rectangular pond to the north of the ash ditch; and third is the west-to-east direction of the flow of water in this ponded garden, as well as its connection to the moat outside the city, which mirrors the “concentric square” model of the external city, internal city, and palace city. Inside a concentrated area of palace buildings in the northeastern part of a Shang Dynasty city near Zhengzhou, a similar rectangular pool has also been discovered. Configured in a roughly northwest-southeast arrangement, it measures approximately 100 m in length from east to west, and about 20 m in width from north to south. Its previous function is not yet known, possibly merely a reservoir,104 but could also have played a role akin to the garden pond at Yanshi, though these conjectures mandate further evidence. The palace at Yin Dynasty Ruins in Anyang is protected by the natural bend of the Huanshui River to its east and north, and shielded by two large moats on 102 Henan

No. 2 Task Force of the Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Brief Report on the Excavation of the “Big Gray Trench” in Northern Part of Palace Complex in Shang Dynasty City at Yanshi City of Henan Province, in Archaeology, 2000(7). 103 Du Jinpeng, Shang Dynasty City at Yanshi and the Division of the Xia, Shang and Zhou Dynasties, in Cultural Relics of Central China, 2001(2). 104 Du Jinpeng, Preliminary Exploration of the Shang Dynasty City at Yanshi, 2003. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press. p. 200.

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its west and south, respectively 1,110 m and 650 m in length, generally about ten meters in width but measuring 21 m at the widest, and five meters deep. Both were connected to the Huanshui River, thereby creating an external barricade. Meanwhile, inside the palace zone there are also a crisscrossing network of interconnected water channels that ultimately link up with the Huanshui River. Among them, 31 water channels amounting to 650.9 m105 in total length have been discovered inside the Group B palace structure plots, and their functions include not only water storage, drainage, and beautification, but also for boating, archery, hunting, and sacrificial activities. The core structure in this group has been surmised to be the plot of an altar shrine. This plot is a nearly squarely earthen foundation that measures 11.3 m long from north to south, 11.8 m wide from east to west and more than one meter high in its current existing state. This plot is located at the northeastern part, and highest point, of the small mound, where the terrain is hard and the soil is free of miscellaneous substance, but the foundation itself was built out of pure yellow earth from somewhere else and not sourced from its locale. The foundation has no bedrock, is almost perfectly square in shape, and its north-south axis lies in line with the meridian. Skeletons of about a dozen tigers and nine pigs were buried around the plot, which were probably remains from serious ceremonies,106 and so this site might have been a sacred locale where Shang Dynasty sovereigns made sacrifices to gods. In oracle inscriptions, elevated platform structures such as “高” and “京” were frequently mentioned, and textual literature also talked about si a chong wu (四 阿重屋) type of buildings with multi-level rectangular roofs, palace chambers, and chi xie type of halls with ponds constructed on earthen platforms or mounds (池榭), thus palaces at the time already reached a certain degree of magnificence. According to documentation in the Great Speech of the Book of Documents, one of the reasons behind King Wu of Zhou’s attack on the Shang Dynasty was exactly the same as years ago when the Xia Dynasty was exterminated at the hands of Shang Dynasty founder Shang Tang, “today the emperor of Shang is being invaded. There are so many archery fields and ponds in the palace, and the people are suffering (while the emperor indulges).” However, after Zhou Dynasty replaced Shang, rulers still ordered the construction of many massive palaces and ponded gardens. The Yuan You, the fourth volume of the Description of the Three Districts in the Capital, praised King Wen of Zhou and lauded the widespread affluence across the lands: The Zhou Ling You is the animal enclosure (you, 囿) of King Wen of Zhou. Shi (as in the Lingtai part in Daya of the Book of Songs) reads: “The king was in the marvelous park, Where the does were lying down, The does, so sleek and fat; With the white birds glistening,” and Mao Chang’s annotation reads, “As an enclosure, you (囿) is an area for the keeping of beasts and animals as games. The emperor 105 Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Discovery of and Research on Yinxu, 1994. Beijing: Science Press. 106 Anyang Task Force of the Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Excavation of Large-scale Structural Plot at Yinxu of Anyang of Henan Province, in Archaeology, 2001(5); Discovery and Preliminary Survey of the Shang Dynasty City at Huanbei of Anyang of Henan Province, Archaeology, 2003(5).

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has enclosures that measure a hundred li, and feudal Dukes have enclosures that measure 40 li. The word divine means that King Wen is said to have divine virtues. Divine you means the paths running through the you enclosure.” In the Mencius, it was written: “’The park of King Wen,’ was the reply, ‘contained 70 square li, but the grass-cutters and fuel-gatherers had the privilege of entry into it; so also had the catchers of pheasants and hares. He shared it with the people, and was it not with reason that they looked on it as small? When I first arrived at the borders of your kingdom, I inquired about the great prohibitory regulations, before I would venture to enter it; and I heard, that inside the barrier-gates there was a park of forty square li, and that he who killed a deer in it, was held guilty of the same crime as if he had killed a man. Thus, those forty square li are a pitfall in the middle of the kingdom.” The Ling You enclosure that belonged to King Wen of Zhou is located 42 li west of Chang’an.107 The Chi Zhao in the same scroll also reads: “The Ling Zhao of King Wen of Zhou is located 30 li west of Chang’an.” The Lingtai part in Daya of the Book of Songs reads: “The king was in Ling Zhao, Where fish leaps.” Zhu Xi’s Commentaries on the Book of Songs reads: “Beneath the platform is an enclosure, within the enclosure is a swamp.” Ban Gu says in his Ode to the West Capital, “The western suburb is a Forbidden Garden in the upper forest, with continuous mountains, forests and swamps meandering the Shu and Han regions covering more than 400 li wide. 36 palaces stand and sacred ponds surround.” The ling zhao here refers to garden with animal enclosure, sacred platform, pond and swamp, but also convey the sense of a sacred pool. According to verifications undertaken by Chen Zhi and He Qinggu, the ruins of King Wen of Zhou’s animal enclosure is a swampy area known locally as “Hai Zi” near Haizi Village on the western shore of Xifeng River around Chang’an (Xi’an of today). From Ling Tai, it could be discerned that inside the enclosure is a massive high-rise structure, which contained a piyong academic institution set up for noble children, and a ling zhao swamp inhabited by fishes and birds, meaning that this was a crucial nucleus for fishing, hunting, entertainment, and sacrifices among the nobles of the Zhou house. With regard to the palatial garden of Western Zhou Dynasty, there are copious documentations in textual materials. Bronze vessel inscriptions mention “jingpiyong,” as well as the Haojing (蒿京), Haojing (镐京) as mentioned above, and also ruins of the ponded garden in the Haojing of King Wu of Zhou. It was written in Chi Zhao, the fourth volume of the Description of the Three Districts in the Capital: “The Haochi pond is located to the north of the Kunming Pond, as in the past capital of Zhou.” It was documented in the Miao Ji: “To the west of the city of Chang’an is a Haochi pond, which is to the north the Kunming Pond, it has a circumference of 22 li and covers an area of 32 qing.”108 The western Zhou tombs in the ruins of Fenghao produced the bronze vessel inscription Chang He, which documents scenes of how 107 He

Qinggu, Checks and Interpretations of the Sanfuhuangtu, 2005. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 229. 108 He Qinggu, Checks and Interpretations of the Sanfuhuangtu, 2005. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 260.

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the Zhou emperor rowed, fished, and hunted in the pond. Thus, some scholars are of the opinion that the ruins of a pond at a low-lying area to the north of the Han Dynasty and Tang Dynasty’s Kunming Pond is the location of the Haochi pond of the Western Zhou Dynasty.109 There is another interesting phenomenon: Almost all water sources for imperial ponded gardens of ancient times featured waters that flowed from the west to the east. Examples from the Shang Dynasty city at Yanshi, to Chang’an and Luoyang of Han and Tang Dynasties, from Bianyang of Song Dynasty, to the capitals of the Jin, Yuan, Ming, and Qing Dynasties, all adhered to this formula. Although the direction of flow of the channel for the ponds at the Shang Dynasty city at Zhengzhou is not yet known, Jinshui River still flows from west to east even today across the northern part of the Shang city at Zhengzhou, which could have the ruins of the “Jinshui River” from early Shang Dynasty.110 Could it be merely a coincidence that this Jinshui River flowing from west to east matches the natural Chinese topography that is higher in the west and lower in the east, or designed and configured as such on purpose? Unfortunately, we have no certain answer, but construction and design principles that have perpetuated for thousands of years are naturally a physical reflection of the cognitive space. “Water” plays a pivotal role in cities, palaces and ancestral shrines, and apart from practical reasons, the most fundamental significance hinges on the “water of life” in almost every single origin myth. Nearly every creation myth begins with sky and land that appear amid chaotic waters. Take for example ancient Greek mythology, before the formation of sky, land, and ocean, the entire world was Chaos, a void of nothingness, but hidden within was the embryos for everything.111 The Hebrew Old Testament starts as such: “Before the formation of the universe and the world, darkness enshrouded a boundless void and chaos, and the holy spirit that is the giver of life operates within.”112 Nordic mythology says: “In the beginning, the universe was in disarray, and there was no sky, no land and no sea.”113 Mythology of Native Americans says: “A long time ago, thorns were rampant on the lands and everything was dark. There was no light, and no difference between night and day. The supreme holy father appeared out of this disorder.”114 Shaman of the Buryats, a Mongolic people, believe that at the beginning there was only water in the world, and the god created the world on the belly of a giant tortoise in this water.115 Creation myth of ancient 109 Wang

Shimin, Zhoudu Feng, Discussion on the Locations of the Feng and Gao of the Capital of Zhou Dynasty, in Historical Research, 1958(2). 110 Du Jinpeng, Preliminary Exploration of the Shang Dynasty City at Yanshi, 2003. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press. p. 250. 111 Thomas Bulfinch (U.S.), Greek and Roman Mythology: The Age of Fable, translated: Yang Jian, 1987. Changsha: Hunan People’s Publishing House. p. 7. 112 Liao Shizhong, Zhang Zhimei, Stories in the Bible, 1996. Beijing: Religion and Culture Publishing House. 113 Mao Dun, Research on Myths, 1984. Tianjin: Hundred Flowers Publishing House. p. 39. 114 Edited, Zhang Shuihua, The UNESCO Courier, 2002. China Translation Corporation. pp. 76–77. 115 Guo Shuyun, Living Primitive Culture - A Peek into Shamanism, 2001. Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House.p. 14.

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Egypt reads: “At the beginning of time, there was neither sky nor land, and neither god nor man had been created, with only the sun god floating on a formless water. This chaos is personified as Nan, who filled up the entire universe.” There is also the belief that what floated on the formless water was a glowing egg.116 World order in the ancient Babylonian began when the “god of light” Marduk defeated the symbol of chaos of primordial creation Tiamat. Ancient Indian origin myth concerning Brahma is particularly detailed: Before the creation of the world, there was nothing; there was no sun, there was no moon, and there was not a single star. There was only emptiness, and a boundless water. At the beginning of chaos, water was the first to be created. Thereafter, water created fire. Due to heat from the fire, a golden egg emerged out of the water. This egg floated on the water for a long time. In the end, out of the egg came the creator of all life—Brahma…This forebear carved land from the water, set the four cardinal directions, and determined the concept of year, month, day, and hour. This was how the universe was formed117 (Fig. 2.10). In China, although the creation myth of Pangu, in which “everything was a formless chaos like an egg, from which Pangu was born, and after tens of thousands of years, sky and earth were created, with the space of yang and clarity becoming the sky, and the space of yin and murkiness becoming the land,”118 did not appear until the Three Kingdoms period, but the term “浑沌” (hun dun, chaos) was already used repeatedly by both Laozi and Zhuangzi, which became a core concept in mythological philosophy and known as “the thousand faces of chaos”.119 Interpretation

Fig. 2.10 Taiyi (“The Great Oneness”) Creates Water and the Best Settlement 116 From Ye Shuxian,

Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House. p. 238. 117 Edited, Huang Zhikun et al., Mythology of Ancient India, 1986. Changsha: Hunan Children’s Publishing House. p. 5. 118 Xu Zheng, San Wu Liji and Wuyun Linianji. There are also similar documentations in the first volume of the Shu Yi Ji and volume one of Mythology of Ancient India. 119 Ye Shuxian, Explanation on the Culture of Zhuangzi, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi Normal University Publishing House. p. 118.

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of origin myth written on the Chu Silk Manuscripts of the Warring States period substantially moves forward the timing of the creation of sky and earth from chaos. Meanwhile, the discovery and interpretation of the The Great Oneness Creates Water portion of a Chu state bamboo slip from Guodian offers a relatively comprehensive explanation and model about ancient Chinese universe creation theory: Taiyi (Union One, the initial wholeness of the cosmos) generates water and water nourishes Taiyi instead. The heaven therefore comes into being. The heaven nourishes Taiyi, and the earth comes into being. The heaven and earth (completing each other) give birth to gods and deities. Gods nourish each other to form yin and yang. Yin and yang complement each other to produce four seasons. The four seasons complement each other to produce heat and cold. Heat and cold complement each other to generate wetness and dryness. Wetness and dryness complement each other to form the beginning of year. Year is therefore derived from wetness and dryness…The heaven and earth are generated by Taiyi. In this regard, Taiyi is hidden in water, travels in time and moves in a cyclic way. It is considered as mother of all things. Waxing and Waning, water shows the law of motions of all things.120 Chaos, the sun or the north star is the prototype of “Taiyi,” which is the “mother of heaven and earth” and “agent of all beings.” It was hidden in “water,” created “water” and created everything in heaven and earth through “water.” This clearly is yet another example based upon a “water-centric” mythological worldview in which “everything originates from water.”121 Therefore, from the scope of anthropology and mythological study, the image and concept of “chaos” is the most widespread symbolic term among the people that lived in the age of mythological mindset, and a historic memory of the various ethnic groups worldwide that believe in the concept of the birth of all things in the universe from the formless water. This remains the case even in the philosophical view of the Axial Age: What is water? The source of everything, the ancestor of all life.122 When a sage builds a capital city, he must choose a stable and reliable place, which is a piece of fertile land. This place is sitting against the mountain, with rivers or lakes on the left and right. In the city, a complete ditch and drainage system is built, and the drained water flows into the river.123 Lands next to mountains and waters and with fertile soil were always the optimal choice for the establishment of human settlements ever since the Neolithic. The nuclei surrounded by mountains and waters were considered the focal points of the “qi” (or “essence”) of heaven and earth, thus such spots were deemed fortuitous for habitat, which in turn evolved into the concepts of “long xue” (“龙穴” literally “Loong cave,” meaning “阴宅” “residence of yin,” as in “residence of the deceased” 120 Li

Ling, Journal on the Proofreading of the State of Chu Bamboo Slips from Guodian, 2002. Beijing: Peking University Press. p. 32. 121 For relevant research descriptions and details please refer to Xiao Bing, Research on the Myth of The Great One Gave Birth to Water, Journal of Central China Normal University, 2003(6). 122 Li Fengxiang, Revision and Annotation of the Guanzi (Shuidi Volume), 2006. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 831. 123 Li Fengxiang, Revision and Annotation of the Guanzi (Dudi Volume), 2006. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 1050–1051.

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or tomb) and “bao chang” (“宝场” literally “treasure field/venue,” meaning “阳宅” “residence of yang,” as in “residence of the living” or regular household) in later feng shui practice. Mountain and water together constitute a field of never-ending energy exchange, no different than the source of heaven and earth that is the “Gate of Xuanpin.” (iv) About 广, 宀,

and 廟

As indicative icons, the characters 木, 日, 月, 水, and 舟 form the overall environment of the character “廟” and its relevant human activities. Meanwhile, how are the symbolic icons “广” or “宀” related to the overall environment and related human activities of the meaning of the shrine (廟, or temple) as a specific architectural space, and what are their associations with mythological worldview? From the angle of literature study, the icons “广” or “宀” that the character “廟” is derived from can be deemed a switch between radicals. In oracle inscriptions and bronze vessel inscriptions, the icons “广” and “宀” are “ ,” meaning a building with walls on three sides. As a picture, it should be . In addition, there is the icon “厂,” which is just a variant form and .124 This is because “厂” means house. The icons “广,” “宀,” and “厂” could be regarded as “different tributaries that flow into the same river,” and are concrete illustrations of how early humans adapted to various lands and waters to create their habitats of various sorts (caves, nests, houses, etc.).125 From ruins of early human dwellings excavated by archaeologists, it can be seen that the earliest human habitats were natural caves, tree cavities or nests built out of wood. Zhoukoudian and Shandingdong ruins in Beijing, Wannian Xianren Cave in Jiangxi Province, Zengpiyan in Guilin of Guangxi Province, Laoying Mountain in Yunnan Province, Qingshi Cave in Wushan and Longyan Dong in Laibin of Sichuan Province, Diaozhuyan Cave in Wenyuan and Niumu Cave in Haifeng of Guangxi Province, Luobi Cave in Sanya of Hainan Province and many other examples are all witnesses to early human habitats in caves. Even as late as the 1990s, there are still groups that live in caves in the highlands of the provinces of Yunnan and Guizhou. “Nest built out of wood” and other treehouse-like structures are extremely rare in archaeological ruins due to their archaic existence, but through analysis of ethnographic materials, sheds built from a single wall leaned up against a cliff or other stable object, wooden houses and tents were the earliest and simplest artificially built dwellings that were easy to assemble and dismantle.126 The traditional dwelling of 124 For details please refer to Ma Xulun, Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters-Textual Research on the Six Books, Vol. 18 descriptions, in Modernized Explanations of Ancient Words and Characters, Vol. 8, 2003. Shanghai: Shanghai Education Publishing House. p. 241. 125 It was written in Li Ji: Royal Regulations, “The Di of the north, wear feather and live in caves, do not eat grains”. It was written in the Commentary on the Appended Phrases, the 2nd of the I Ching: “In ancient times people lived in cave dwellings in the wild, and sages of posterity lived in palaces and rooms in buildings with beams so as to remain sheltered from wind and rain.” It was written in the introduction of vol. 78 Shixue part of the Readings of the Taiping Era. 126 On the shore of Lugu Lake, three types of primitive dwellings convenient for studying crop farmers have been found: First of all is the “huo ji” (as in simple shelter built out of rock or soil), which was a circular earthen wall built from stacking rocks and soil blocks with a door hole. A fire

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the Oroqen people is called sierranju (or xianrenzhu), which are constructed with a framework comprised of 20–30 birch poles with a southward-facing opening reserved for entry and exit, then covered with birch bark or animal fur, and an opening would be found at the top for ventilation and smoke exhaust purposes. The Nanai/Hezhen people’s cuoluoankou is similar to the format of the sierranju, which is referred to as tipi in North America, and yurt by people living on the pastures of northern China, or ger in Mongolian, which is a portmanteau for “house.” Their shapes and structures are imitations of the “sky,” and are models of the universe in shamanistic mindset.127 When Mr. Gu Xiegang traveled to Bailing Temple in Inner Mongolia back in 1934, he wrote down a detailed description of the Mongolian ger: This sort of yurt is called a ger (or dome). It is like an umbrella, higher in the middle and lower on the four sides, and maybe expanded or collapsed. At the top is a hole, called the “smoke outlet,” and a stove is set in the middle, with smoke from the stove able to rise up. There is a button, which controls the opening and closing of the smoke outlet. It dawns on me that this is Zhongliu for the rainwater on the roof to fall into the middle. The dwellings in the country originated from tents. This smoke outlet has two functions. One is to discharge smoke, and the other is illumination. During rain, the smoke outlet need not be closed, and rain would just drop straight down, and thus there is an uncovered section in the middle of the carpeted ground.128 Gu’s writings mentioned the long history of other circular dwelling systems with centrally-located stoves, such as the sighting of circular dwelling at the ruins of Yangzhao culture at Banpo of Xi’an in 1950, the semi-underground cave ruins in Baoji, and the igloos of the Eskimos. Gu’s writings also talked about the association of these circular dwellings with the worshipping of the “home god” and “stove god” as per “A household worships Zhongliu God (god of the center of the house) and a state worships Earth God” written in the Single Victim At The Border Sacrifices chapter of Li Ji. In addition, in the first half of the twentieth century the custom of the worship of “zhongliu” god (god of the center of the house) can still be found would be lit in the middle, and the space was sufficient to house one or two persons. Second of all was the “ji gua” (as in a shack), which was a “huo ji” foundation with four poles planted on the outside, on which would be placed two beams across as a frame for a makeshift roof comprised of pine branches, thereby creating a dwelling with a roof that can shelter inhabitants from wind and rain. Third of all was the “ni zha yi” (as in stilt building), which had four poles planted into the earth, on which wooden planks would be placed across at roughly a person’s height, and featured a door hole to the east or south, as well as covers consisted of branches on the other three sides and the top. The upper level would function as a habitat, the lower level was a storage for firewood, and this type of structure was used for observing crops in the autumn. Edited, Song Zhaolin, Feng Li, Culture of Ancient China, 2004. Ningbo: Ningbo Publishing House. pp. 188–189. 127 Even today ethnic folk songs still remember the past: Because of an imitation of the appearance of the blue sky, the dome is circular; because of an imitation of the color of the white clouds, the material chosen was sheepskin, this is the ger—the home of us Mongolians; because of an imitation of the cycle in the sky, the oculus is the symbol of the sun; because of an imitation of the constellations in the sky, the hanging lamp is spherical to represent the moon, this is the ger—the home of us Mongolians. For details please refer to Man Ke, The Mongolian Ger: A Sacred, Secular and Scientific Compound Space, Journal of South-central University for Nationalities, 2003(4). 128 Gu Xiegang, Zhong Liu, in Preliminary Composition of Miscellaneous Knowledge in Historical Reviews, 2005 (1963). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 140.

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in provinces such as Hunan, Sichuan, and Yunnan.129 The stove or hearth in ger is located in the middle, and is considered a sacred area where the god of fire resides, as well as a symbol of the prosperity or decline of a family clan.130 It is also quite common to find circular stove pit in the middle of archaeological ruins of semiunderground cave dwellings, and some examples are Banpo, Jiangzhai, Miaodigou, and phase one of Hougang. The Xinglongwa culture not only adhered to the custom of indoor burial, but their semi-underground cave dwelling structures were all either square or rectangular in shape with rounded corners, and all featured a circular fire pit in the middle of the space, though the most peculiar point is the lack of any sort of doorway in any of the dwelling ruins. According to documentations like “the Wuji people construct cave dwellings that are shaped like tombs, with an opening above to get access by ladders” seen in historical texts and ethnographic materials such as Biography of the Wuji People in the Book of Wei, as well as the cave dwellings of the Koryak people of northeastern Asia that were outfitted with pillars with holes in them to use as ladders for entry and exit through the “roof” of the house, it can be deduced that this sort of dwelling might have already existed at an even earlier time.131 Thus, it can be seen that forms of dwellings from tomb-like caves to constructing shelters through the piling of rocks or the building of nests and treehouses using wood, the actions of ancient humans already consciously separated territories between culture and nature, between the world of mine and the world of others, between safety and danger, and between familiarity and unfamiliarity, with the cultured and safe space being the familiar world of mine and the world of my people. In the world view of the different peoples around the globe, the “world of mine” has always been placed at the center of the world. Such a world is a safe space that the ancestors and gods of one’s people have defined, while the house, especially the sacred shrine, is a “defined index by which the human psyche relies upon” and “an area of permanent residence that repeatedly describes the origin of the universe.”132 This is because “the house is not an object and not a ‘machine to dwell in’. It is a universe created by human themselves, for the purpose of imitating gods’ model of the creation of the

129 Gu Xiegang, Preliminary Composition of Miscellaneous Knowledge in Historical Reviews, 2005 (1963). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 142–144. 130 Chief editors, Lü Daji and He Yaohua, edited, Man Du’ertu et al., Compilation of Information on the Primitive Religions of the Various Ethnic Groups of China [Volume on the Various Clans of the Oroqen People], 1999. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press. pp. 606–608. 131 Jochelson:The Koryak, Part II, Material Culture and Social Organization. PP. 452–468, from edited, Su Bingqi, Comprehensive History of China 2—Antiquity, 1995. Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House. pp. 352–353. Other info about semi-underground cave dwellings are all sourced from this book and will not be separately indicated. 132 Words of Claude Levi-Strauss, from Jean-Paul Loubes, Guizexing: Systematicness: Strategies with Sinicized Space, in French Sinology Issue 9, 2005. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 194– 195.

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world and formation of the universe.”133 This is the principle that governs overall structure of the human concept of space: On a certain level, sacredness constructed the world, defined its boundaries and set its order. All this is apparent in the Vedic ritual that is performed for the sake of the occupation of a territory. After paying homage to the fire god Agni through the construction of a fire altar, the possession of a territory becomes legal and effective. That is because of the understanding that the construction of a fire altar for the god of fire is a miniaturized reiteration of the creation of the world. The water used in mixing clay for the establishment of the altar is considered the water from the very beginning of things, the clay foundation on which the altar stands represent the Earth, and the fences on the four sides denote the atmosphere, among other examples. Over the course of the building of the altar, people would sing a song about the creation of the universe.134 The construction of the altar indicates the legality of the occupation of a new piece of land, and the same applies to the building of a house or creation of a sacred space. The Archipa people, a nomadic group of Aboriginal Australians, always carry with them the Kauwa—auwa sacred staff wherever they go, which guides them and confirms where they would set up their habitats. This sacred stick, which is the pillar that underpins their world and ensures communication with the holiness above, was originally the trunk of a rubber tree smeared with blood, through which the Archipa god Numbakula climbed and disappeared into the blue sky. The land surrounding this pole is then ritually transformed into a world that may be inhabited, with the wooden staff representing the central axis of the universe. This similar concept of the universe is seen among many other peoples such as the Celtics, Germanic people, Romans, ancient Indians, various Native American tribes in British Columbia, and the Nada people residing on the island of Flores in Indonesia.135 Formats of dwellings like the ger (or yurt) prevalent on the pastures of north China, the “sigangli” (as in cave) seen among the peoples of south China, or the mingtang and piyong of the Central Plain during ancient times are all re-performance of the original form of the universe. Although “the views on the order of the natural world and the methods of deification of nature differed among different civilizations due to differences in their respective cultural and social features, as well as changes in these views and methods arising from changes in culture and society,”136 the emergence of sky and earth from chaos and the appearance of a world that follows the skyearth-human-god order is a mythological narrative mode shared by peoples across the planet. 133 Mircea

Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, translated, Wang Jianguang, 2003. Beijing: Huaxia Publishing House. p. 25. 134 Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, translated, Wang Jianguang, 2003. Beijing: Huaxia Publishing House. pp. 7–8. 135 Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, translated by Wang Jianguang, 2003. Beijing: Huaxia Publishing House. pp. 9–11. 136 Kwang-Chih Chang, Categories of Myths in the Shang and Zhou Dynasties, in The Bronze Age of China, 1983. Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company. p. 263.

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The order of the universe with the largest scope is the three-tiered space of skyland-ocean (water). The sky is where gods live, the water is where the ghosts and spirits live, and the land is where humans live. It is possible to communicate among the three tiers of this space, with communication channels and “sacred ladders of access” taking numerous forms from tall mountains and great trees to chongyu, shrines, halls, clouds, smokes, music, and dances, though the most important manifestations are sacred spaces like universe mountains, sacred trees, holy sticks, shrines, halls, and other “axis mundi.” The smallest scope is the human body, while in the middle are spaces like city, village, and house. These are the most direct and also most symbolic expressions of the mythological mindset, which is a world view in the form of a concentric square that extends outward in the sequence of mind-body-home-nationworld, and this concentric square can be replicated, imitated, and re-performed. The root of this is: “For early humans, sacredness meant power, and at the end of the day, sacredness is actually reality. At the same time, this also meant eternity and efficaciousness.”137 The land that gods or ancestors first developed, or the land where the hierophany138 is located, is a land that is safe. Thus, for the ancient people, to cultivate wilderness or to construct habitats at a previously uninhabited and isolated space was to repeat one thing that occurred during the taichu phase—to imitate the actions of creation of gods and to create and possess a certain place, which is identical to the model world that gods have already created and are already residing in, so as to transform chaos into a world fit for human inhabitation, in turn to create a familiar order of time and space: A land that is unknown, different from one’s own and unoccupied usually means a land “not occupied by oneself or ourselves” is also a land that still remains in a chaotic state of instability and lowliness. By occupying such a space, mainly in the form of permanent settlement in this space, people symbolically transform this piece of land into a universe through a ritual re-performance of the formation of the universe.139 The shrine is the pivot of the universe, and its written character is derived from icons that symbolize miniaturized universe, as in housing structures. This is a historical evolution. According to study conducted by Mr. Chen Mengjia:

137 Mircea

Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, translated, Wang Jianguang, 2003. Beijing: Huaxia Publishing House. Preface p. 4. 138 This term originated from Mircea Eliade, who opined that all sacred things, no matter how simple or advanced, express themselves through hierophany. For instance, sacredness could be manifested in a rock or a tree, which would then be worshipped by people. As hierophanies, rocks and trees have converted into a more natural existence, and for some of those with certain religious experience, all things natural are capable for embodying a kind of universal sacredness. The universe as a whole could also become a type of hierophany. City, sacred hall, club building, cathedral, and other structures are all hierophanies of the universe. For details please refer to the preface in Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, translated, Wang Jianguang, 2003. Beijing: Huaxia Publishing House. pp. 2–3, 26–27. The mingtang, shrine, sacred tree and others are all hierophanies. 139 Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, translated, Wang Jianguang, 2003. Beijing: Huaxia Publishing House. p. 8.

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Characters with the radical “广” seen in inscriptions on Western Zhou Ddynasty bronze vessels, such as 廙, 廬, and 廟, have not been seen in divination texts. Meanwhile, divination text characters like 宫, 室, 宣, 宗, 家, and were all derived from , belonging under the radical “宀.” However, in later divination texts, its form in bronze vessel inscriptions were already derived from “广.” Thus, it can be known that in terms of meaning, “宀” and “广” are identical. The differences between “宀” and “广” in Shang and Zhou Ddynasties ought to be have been caused by the form of dwelling structures. Perhaps the two different dwelling forms of cave and house could represent them.140 In oracle inscriptions and bronze vessel inscriptions, is considered a house in the fields. The original character for “庐,” it borrows the form of (六)and sounds like 陸(lu). It shares the same pronunciation with 廬, and appears in forms . It is shaped like the side view of the early houses. It could have represented a very crude housing of sort, thus is the original form of the character “廬.” In divination texts, apart from function in place of the number “six,” there are also instances in which it could have been understood in the same context as “廬.” Examples are: “Dingmao divination says it is in the form of ? (Yin text 295) It cannot be shaped like (B8812)”141 If “宀” was the original form of “廬,” and if there are no mistakes about this, then the significance of this revelation is astonishing. In bronze vessel inscriptions, the character “廬” is seen in “the emperor is practicing archery at the new Zhou palace” on the Shi Tang Fu Ding and in “the emperor is practicing archery at the archery field” on the Que Cao Ding. Gu Zhou Pian by Tadachika Takada interpreted this as a variant of the character “廟,” since the meaning of the text makes sense, even though the form of the character was different.142 However, the majority of scholars generally understand this as “廬,” asserting that this “射廬”143 refers to the dwelling in which the emperor lived while he practiced archery. This is similar to previously mentioned verifications of “射廟” and “宣榭,” while “it is in the form of ? Cannot it be shaped like

“ from divination texts indeed refer to “廬,” all together proving once again the

association between archery, hunting, ponded animal enclosure (water), and shrine. 140 Chen

Mengjia, Summary of Divination Texts from Yin Dynasty Ruins, 1988. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 479–480. 141 Kang Yin’s Brief Opinions on Source and Course of Words and Characters opined: “ is the original form of the character ‘廬,’ see the ‘宀,’ and is pronounced like the number six. Even today, in southern China it is pronounced like ‘陆’ (lu), and in ancient times it is pronounced just like ‘廬’”. Peng Xi asserted: “ is a side view of early human dwellings. The settlement dwellings unearthed from the Banpo ruins, whether they were conical in form or featured two slopes, all resemble when viewed from the side.” Cai Zhemao’s About the Two Characters “Lu” and “Mu” in Bronze Vessel Inscriptions—And also About Liu, Ru, Mian, and Lu as Same Character agrees with both Kang and Peng. For details please refer to Modernized Explanations of Oracle Inscription Words and Characters, 1999 (1996). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 1983. 142 Edited: Li Pu, Modernized Explanations of Ancient Words and Characters, Vol. 8, 2003. Shanghai: Shanghai Education Publishing House. p. 248. 143 For details please refer to edited: Li Pu, Modernized Explanations of Ancient Words and Characters, Vol. 8, 2003. Shanghai: Shanghai Education Publishing House. p. 248.

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At the same time, the mysterious meanings of “the middle of the year” “the middle of the season,” “center of the heaven and earth”144 and “six directions” conveyed in the number “six” also offers sound explanations for this type of re-performance of the origin of the universe. In pre-Qin Dynasty texts, the number “six” was often used to signify the four directions and six dimensions of heaven and earth,145 and this “liu he” concept is often combined and considered as one from both the time and space perspectives. In primitive sacrificial ceremonies, in the middle of the altar would be placed the “fang ming” deity model, which was a cube measuring four feet on each side and adorned with six colors on each face (green for the east, red for the south, white for the east, black for the north, blue on the top and yellow on the bottom), representing the sacred light of the sun illuminating all four directions of the world, access to both heaven above and the ground below and encirclement by light, and bestowing the “liu he” universe a mythical and magical meaning. In addition, it was a custom to use the “liu yu” (literally “six jades”) as homage to heaven, earth, and the four cardinal directions of the world: “blue bi for the sky, yellow cong for the land, green gui for the east, red zhang for the south, white hu for the west and black huang for the north.”. This serves the same function as the “fang ming” by using visually and easily perceptible colors to symbolize and denote abstract directions and space, which quite succinctly preserves the prehistoric views on time and space. The Changes of Zhou uses sets of “six” stacked horizontal lines (yao 爻) to represent the three-dimensional space of the universe, while the Rites of Zhou utilizes the four seasons along with heaven and earth to complement the “six officers” in its “six-based system” that illustrates the basics and standards of governance, serving as a typical example of the natural worship of the space of the six directions in primitive world views. Even the guapi mao (literally “watermelon cap,” a type of skullcap) invented by Ming Dynasty founder Zhu Yuanzhang and widely worn during the Ming and Qing Dynasties was dubbed the “liuhe tongyi mao” (literally the “six unison and union as one cap”) to represent the unity of the world.146 The number “six,” as a symbol of mythological tie and space, is even more evident in the ceremonies of certain tribal societies. Take for instance the Sioux Native Americans, priest would stand in front of the altar, shake the sacred clackers in their hands while circling around the altar six times, which represent the six directions 144 Ding Shan, Shu Ming Gu Yi, for details please refer to Modernized Explanations of Oracle Inscription Words and Characters, 1999 (1996). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 3576. 145 The “liu ji” (六极) as written in “Beyond the Six Poles, one may travel the realm of nothingness” from the Responses for Emperors and Kings chapter of the Zhuangzi, the “liu he” (六合) as written in “Geographically, it is enclosed in the six directions and within the four poles” from the Master of Huainan: Forms of Earth, the “six directions” from what Qu Yuan said in The Expedition: “I crossed the wild of the four sides and travelled the expanse of the deserts in the six directions.” As for liu zhi, liu you, liu xu, liu cai, liu shen, liu yao (六爻, the six stacked horizontal lines in a hexagram), liu guan (六官, literally “six officers”), liu qin, liu yi, liu yu (六玉, literally “six jades”) and other extended connotations of the sixfold concept of heaven, earth and the four directions, there are scores and scores of examples. 146 Ye Shuxian and Tian Daxian, Mystical Mathematics of Ancient China, 1996. Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press (China). pp. 113–122.

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of space, while the encirclement denotes how all gods of cloud around the world will come and nourish the lands. The Omaha people and Ponca people meanwhile would often point their pipes in the six directions when they smoke: As in the four directions of the wind, the direction of the earth, and the direction of heaven.147 Chapter Summary By referring to pre-Qin Ddynasty shrine system seen in archaeological materials and inherited documents, this chapter begins with a discussion on the structural layout featuring “shrine located to the east of chamber” and the system of superiority and inferiority in ranks. Then, by using the transition of space in capping ritual, the chapter delves into the “material language” of a structure such as door, steps, hall, chamber, position and direction to decipher the associations between a physical space and cognitive codes, identity transition, power narratives, and the physical space. Finally, through the angles of etymology, creation myths, and archaeology, the chapter expounds on how the traditional elementary school’s single-minded modern interpretation of the character “廟” and the changes of its forms is actually a misinterpretation, then analyzes the frequency of appearance of the character “廟” , , , discovering that the and one by one its various icons including structural composition of the character “廟” stands for an entire environment that involves venues like ponded garden, animal enclosure, palace and shrine, and activities like archery, hunting and sacrifice. The icons used therein are all typical sacred icons seen in origin myths, and thus their combination is a demonstration of the simulation and re-performance of mythological worldview. In turn, this constitutes a renewed comprehension and construction of the mythological codes hidden inside the structures and forms of Chinese characters, revealing the ancient mythological knowledge contained in Chinese characters that has been obscured and forgotten since a long time ago.

147 Lucien Lévy-Bruhl, La mentalité primitive (Primitive Mentality), 2007. Beijing: The Commercial

Press. pp. 211.

Chapter 3

Between the Sacred and the Profane: On the Spatial Narrative of Places in the Hall of Distinction

How does the ritual space of the “mingtang,” or “Hall of Distinction,” expresses its political order and discourse of power via “position,” “direction,” and architectural form? This chapter will demonstrate how ancient people used modeled narratives to construct purposeful cultural spaces, and how culture utilized these spaces to achieve their meanings. The chapter correlates to previous discussions about the key elements of the interior space of the “shrine” and iconic symbols denoting identity, status, and power over the course of rites and ceremonies. The author relies on ritual theories and images of restored archaeological architectures and altar ruins in an attempt to use three aspects of the ritual space in contemplating about how ancient people used modeled narratives to construct purposeful cultural spaces, so as to reveal the concepts hidden in the “mingtang” and “position,” as well as their symbolic associations with the mingtang structure itself. According to historical documentations, the term “mingtang” was first seen in the Commentary of Zuo, although others are of the opinion that Shang Dynasty divination texts already mentioned the term “mingtang” and associated sacrificial ceremonies,1 which were practiced or followed by subsequent rulers. Yet, due to 1 In

Attempted Interpretation of the Character “Tang” in Oracle Inscriptions and Discussion on Various Issues Pertaining to the Sacrificial System of Shang Dynasty, Chao Fulin opined that the divination text “zhi jie yu ming” (in a total of 9,505 pieces) is a record of the jie li agricultural ritual held in the mingtang. Chao also asserted that the divination texts from the Wuding to the Wuyi periods, the “tang” (堂, literally “hall,” as in the tang in mingtang) was a multifunctional public venue for making sacrifices, coinciding with the function of the mingtang as documented in literatures. From the Kangding period onward, the function of this “tang” was eventually replaced by the “zong” (宗). Journal of Beijing Normal University, 1995(1). Mr. Ding Shan in his Examination on Ancient Chinese Religions and Myths collated and compared the names and months associated with the palaces mentioned in oracle bone inscriptions of Shang Dynasty, and concluded: It can be known that the Zhou Dynasty kings’ system of moving among different rooms evolved from the Shang Dynasty kings’ sacrificial ritual of residing in the eastern chamber during spring, learning in southern room in the summer, paying homage in the dishes room in autumn, and sleeping in bedroom in the winter. Ding Shan, Examination on Ancient Chinese Religions and Myths, 1988. Shanghai: Shanghai Literature & Art Publishing House, p. 161. © Shanghai Jiao Tong University Press 2020 Q. Tang, Ritual Civilization and Mythological Coding, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-4393-7_3

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the bloodshed and warfare of Qin Dynasty, such historical texts have been lost, and records available to those of or after Han Dynasty varied in their contents, while interpretations of these contents throughout history have never reached consensus. This gave rise to the “mingtang” enigma in Chinese ritual institution study, and for more than two millennia disputes have never settled and a conclusion has never been reached.2 Wang Guowei opined that “of all the matters of constant dispute related to ancient institutions, none is comparable to the mingtang.”3 In a research article on the mingtang in the Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, there is a very insightful and stimulating comment: Taking a general look at the hundreds of thousands of literature put forth by previous scholars on the subject of the mingtang, pretty much everyone was running in circles within the confinement of textual criticism. Although these efforts yielded detailed interpretations, verifications and explorations in many areas such as the establishment of the mingtang system, layout of the structure, its use and eventual changes, none have gained a true insight into the essence of the mingtang.4 Though a rarity, there is also another architectural archaeologist of the opinion that the unsolved mystery of the mingtang agenda is chiefly attributed to: History researchers always seem to make conjectures based on records in legends, and they consider the mingtang a rigid, dead and fixed ritual device that was used solely for spiritual purposes. They have never analyzed the issue from the perspective of the dynamic development of architectural history…outcome of a research method based on books and more books that has been adopted for more than two thousand years clearly shows that this simply is not going to work.5 Clearly, the two authors agree that research restricted to textual materials only will not enable scholars to see the true essence of the mingtang, and thus they have been in search of more substantive and feasible research methods and scopes. Of the research methodologies on the mingtang that the author has read, apart from the traditional organization and collation of literatures, there are primarily three other representatives of new scopes and research methods: The first method focuses on archaeological study of architectural ruins, and infers the natures and functions of the mingtang based on the dynamic development chain of architectural history. For instance, Yang Hongxun used physical objects from archaeological ruins as an evidence, made references to textual materials and ruins of Shinto shrines from the Yayoi period in Japan, and inferred that the “mingtang of the times of the Yellow Emperor” is the archetype of the Shinto shrine. Its architectural 2 With regard to general studies on the mingtang conducted by previous scholars and luminaries, please refer to Zhang Yibing, Research on the Hall of Distinction System, 2005. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 1–26. 3 Wang Guowei, Explanation of Rites. Vol. 3, 1959. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 125, 143. 4 Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House, pp. 156–157. 5 Yang Hongxun, Deciphering the Historic Mystery of the “Mingtang of the Zhou Dynasty People”, in Collection of Yang Hongxun’s Architectural Archaeology Papers, 2008. Beijing: Tsinghua University Press, p. 158.

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archetype, as in the jing “京,” was a type of structure on a high platform surrounded by railings, while the form of the mingtang of Zhou dynasty was an open and well-lit structure on a high platform, and the jing “京” was the name of the front hall of palaces shared and inherited between the Xia, Shang and Zhou dynasties.6 The second method focuses on the mythological and anthropological scopes, and searches for the archetype of the “mingtang” from a phylogeny point of view, with a representative proponent being Ye Shuxian. In the cross-cultural comparisons of elements such as the mingtang of the Yellow Emperor, pyramid of ancient Egypt and the sun god temple of the Incas, Mr. Ye was able to trace the close-knit association between the architectural structure of the mingtang, its original function for “effective observation of the movement of the sun,” and the consequently developed sun-worship sacrifices and ceremonies, emperor’s seat in the mingtang and ritualbased calendar system. Mr. Ye concluded that the mingtang was a miniaturized model of the mythological universe meticulously designed and constructed by ancient people,7 and traced the archetype of Shinto shrine to not only the legendary mingtang but the even more ancient sun observation deck. The third focuses on an image narrative and image-based history verification scope, and reveals the various key components within the mingtang structure along with the sources of their conceptions, with representative proponents being Wu Hong and Hwang Ming-Chorng. In the article The World “Painted” by “Images,” Wu Hong asserted that the mingtang, as the symbol of a miniaturized universe believed since the Eastern Zhou Dynasty, was actually a product that functioned as the supreme embodiment of imperial power and political order created and continually reinforced when the more ancient mingtang already dissipated into oblivion and existed only as a fragment of memory and history. Thus, the mingtang was a combination of a wide range of thoughts, and therefore, “there are sufficient signs to indicate that when the mingtang was recreated during the later part of the Eastern Zhou dynasty, it imitated at least three types of ‘image’ format and concept, including: (1) the ‘schematic’ for the model of the universe, (2) architectural diagram and (3) a non-linear reference material I call ‘image-text’.”8 Taiwanese scholar Hwang Ming-Chorng meanwhile took a

6 Yang Hongxun, Deciphering the “Mingtang of the Era of the Yellow Emperor”, in Collection of Yang Hongxun’s Architectural Archaeology Papers, 2008. Beijing: Tsinghua University Press, pp. 59–68. 7 For details, please refer to Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, Chap. 5. 8 Wu Hong, Art in Its Ritual Content, translated, Zheng Yan et al., 2005. Beijing, SDX Joint Publishing Company, p. 647. According to research by Li Ling, “shi” (式) was a tool used for divination, usually comprised of a circular “sky disk” and a square “earth disk,” both of which were engraved with a myriad of signs that indicated elements in astronomy and calendar system. The universe was expressed through highly abstract and derivable visual elements such as the four directions, five positions, eight positions, nine squares, and 12 degrees; architectural drawings refer to fixed expression methods and protocols for the production of architectural diagrams; picture, the so-called “picture-text” (图文, tu wen) must satisfy two basic features: Must possess non-linear spatial structure, as in the “picture” (图, tu), and secondly the picture must be inseparable from the content of the text itself, thus referring to documents like the Chu Silk Manuscript and Yougongtu. For details, please refer to Wu Hong, Art in Its Ritual Content, pp. 649–651.

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comprehensive approach to imagery discovered by archaeologists and inherited documents in order to dig up the key structural elements constituting the miniaturized worldview that is the mingtang space: land in the shape of the character “亚,” four woods and a surrounding of water, temporal elements like history and proceedings of the government in different months that were later incorporated, and the political order in the secular realm manifested in the “place in the hall of distinction.” Therefore, in a narrower sense the mingtang represented the “space” portion of the ancient worldview and functioned as an architectural model that represented the universe, and in a wider sense, the mingtang denoted the sum of the three aspects of space, time, and the secular realm.9 The scopes and perspectives of these studies are all very enlightening. From the discussions based on these new perspectives, it can be deduced that the mingtang issue has always been a subject of ceaseless and inconclusive disputes, but there is a consensus among ancient and present scholars with regard to the conceptual symbolism contained in the form of the “mingtang”: The mingtang was not an ordinary building, rather it was a physical crystallization of the worldview of ancient times, as well as a public activity space at the nexus of vital ceremonies and matters of national importance, p.erhaps a description using the parlance of comparative mythology might be more accurate: The “hierophany” of the mythological worldview. As a hierophany of worldview, does the origin of the mingtang lie in the dimension of “space” only? How should one demonstrate its connection with political order and discourse of power? Therefore, although the symbolic values in the external and overall form of the mingtang and the possible origins have already been explored to great and fruitful lengths at different levels and from different perspectives by scholars, there is not much research on the spatial narrative of the interior space of the mingtang as mainly represented by Li Ji: Places in the Hall of Distinction chapter of the, as well as the internal association between this spatial narrative and the “hierophany” that is the hall of distinction. The author will humbly take the liberty to carry out microscopic discussion on this matter from the perspective of ritual space. Here, the author’s intended objective is to explain the concepts hidden in the ritual space, as in the “positions” or “places” in the “hall of distinction,” as well as their symbolic relationships with the mingtang building. In other words, as a ritual and ritual space in the palace, how did the “positions” in the “mingtang” utilized space for its narratives? What kind of beliefs and ideologies were reflected in this ritual space comprised of such “positions” and “directions”? What were the connections between the orders of the spaces inside the mingtang and the exterior form of the building? To put it differently, it is necessary to contemplate how the ancient people constructed a purposeful cultural space through modeled narratives, how the different positions and directions in this space obtained their cultural meanings, and how culture utilized these spaces to realize its meaning.

9 Huang

Mingchong, The Mingtang and the World View of Ancient China in Academic Journal of City and Design, 1998(4).

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3.1 Form and Structure of Hall of Distinction and Ritual Space With regard to ritual, anthropologists have asserted their definition of the term from various levels and viewpoints, but the most classic definition is that of Victor Turner: The term “ritual” used here refers to prescribed and formal acts under circumstances in which people believe in and seek assistance from supernatural subjects or supernatural powers in lieu of technical procedures. Symbolic icon is the smallest unit that preserves the unique features of ritual behaviors carried out in ceremonies, and the basic unit comprising the unique structure in the ritual context.10 This definition sheds light on the relationship between ceremonies, prescribed spaces (circumstances), and mysterious beliefs, but there is no explanation about the “prescribed acts.” In this regard, supplementation can be found in the words of Jean Louis Durant: Ritual itself is like an image, a soundless space. These acts organized in an orderly manner are performed in a certain sequence, following protocols that are more strict than actions carried out in day to day activities. It is precisely such protocolary restrictions that enable us to distinguish a ritual from what is not a ritual. If we do not know the name or sequence of the act, then we could not understand ritual: Language is the number one explainer in reality.11 It can be seen that, whether it is the order of the ritual acts themselves, or the special circumstance under which these acts were performed, they all rely on a multitude of media “to culturally construct a symbolic communication system comprised of modeled or ordered languages and acts,”12 or as performances and transitions,13 it is clear that the relationships between ritual and space are close-knit. Meanwhile, as a form of ritual space, from bodily motions to the performing venues there involve at least three dimensions: physical space, relational space, and cognitive space. The so-called physical space is a space constituted by physical materials that expresses the various relationships and cognitions conveyed through ritual actions. Specifically, physical space could be divided into natural and geographical space, and artificially constructed venue. The two, respectively, represent the regions of nature and civilization, with the former being the natural space that was not yet 10 Victor Turner, The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritual, translated: Zhao Yuyan et al., 2006. Beijing: Commercial Press, p. 19. 11 Jean-Louis Durand, Ritual as a Method has been included in The Cuisine of Sacrifice among the Greeks, Marcel Detienne and Jean-Pierre Vernant, translated by Paula Wissing, 1989. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, p. 120. 12 (Tambiah 1979, p. 119) “It was comprised of a series of modeled and ordered languages and actions. The majority is expressed through a multitude of media, and the characteristics of its contents and order manifest ritualistic habits to various degrees. It possesses multidimensional features (hard), cohesive (integrative) and accumulative (repeated) characteristics.”. 13 Bobby Alexander emphasized the performance and conversion key factors in ceremonies: “Ritual is a type of performance carried out according to plan or perhaps impromptu. Through this kind of performance a sort of conversion takes place, as in converting daily life into another type of association.” Alexander 1997, p. 139.

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sanctified or occupied, but once chosen it would convert into the latter—a sanctified and occupied space where ceremonies may be performed and where inhabitance became acceptable, such as a palace, which functioned as the basic stage for the performance of ceremonies of greetings between lord and vassals and greetings between host and guests, as in a ritual space. The mingtang structure was precisely a ritual venue artificially constructed on natural geographical space (the yang location of the state) for the purpose of the performance of a series of ritual acts. The opening of Li Ji—Places in the Hall of Distinction illustrates the positions where the vassals stood when they met with the Duke of Zhou: In the past when the Duke of Zhou received the vassals at the Hall of Distinction, the emperor would have his back to the fu yi (screen with axes image behind the imperial throne) and face the south; the three dukes would stand in a line in front of the central steps, and the one standing on the easternmost position was superior. The marquises would stand in a line to the east of the eastern flight of steps facing the west and the one standing on the northernmost position was superior. The earls would stand in a line to the west of the western flight of steps facing the east and the one standing on the northernmost position was superior. The viscounts would stand in a line within the door of the hall and on the eastern side facing the north and the one standing on the easternmost position was superior. The barons would stand in a line within the door of the hall and on the western side facing the north and the one standing on the easternmost position was superior. The lords of the nine eastern tributary states of the Yi people would stand in a line outside the eastern door facing the west and the one standing on the northernmost position was superior. The lords of the eight southern tributary states of the Man people would stand in a line outside the southern door facing the north and the one standing on the easternmost position was superior. The lords of the six western tributary states of the Rong people would stand in a line outside the western door facing the east and the one standing on the southernmost position was superior. The lords of the five northern tributary states of the Di people would stand in a line outside the northern door facing the south and the one standing on the easternmost position was superior. The governors of the nine prefectures would stand in a line outside the ying door (the door which the emperor used for access) facing the north and the one standing on the easternmost position was superior. The lords of the four faraway borderlands only needed to come once during the initial ascension of a new emperor. These were the places in the Hall of Distinction. The “Hall of Distinction” distinguishes the superiority and inferiority of the various vassals.14 This is basically identical to records in the Explanation about the Hall of Distinction in the Lost Book of Zhou,15 thereby functioning as one of the evidences with 14 Ruan Yuan (Qing Dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 1487–1488. 15 The order of description before and after and individual characters might have minute differences, but basic sentences and meanings are the same. However, the Places in the Hall of Distinction chapter offers more details in positions than that in Li Ji: “When the Duke of Zhou first ruled as regent, the state was in the midst of chaos, and after his six-year reign, the state was in peace. The vassals and the nobles convened at Zongzhou, and they attended a great meeting inside the mingtang according

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Fig. 3.1 Diagrams of the positions in the hall of distinction

which to determine the period of origin of the Places in the Hall of Distinction chapter of Li Ji. From this passage, it can be deduced that the ritual and ritual performed when the Duke of Zhou met with the vassals were manifested in a ritual scene comprised of an orderly array of spatial elements such as “position” (central steps, eastern steps, western steps, left side of door, right side of door and outside of door) and “direction” (facing south, facing north, facing west, and facing east). Such a scene was obviously a display of power relationships through spatial narrative (Please see discussion hereafter). In Liu Jing Tu, written by Yang Jia and supplemented by Mao Banghan, there is a Diagram of the Hall of Distinction of the Duke of Zhou (Fig. 3.1 left16 ), and in World “Painted” by “Images” Wu Hong also included a diagram of the positions in the mingtang (Fig. 3.1 right).

to their positions. The position of the emperor: Stood to the south of the fuyi screen, to the left and right of which were ministers and officials. The position of the three dukes, the position of the various viscounts was inside the door and to the east, facing north and the one had the eastern end was the supreme. The position of the various barons was inside the door and to the west, facing north and the one had the eastern end was the supreme. The si sai (four borderland states) and jiu cai (nine tributary states) only had to come once when the new emperor ascended to the throne, and they would stand outside the ying gate, facing north and the one had the eastern end was the most supreme. These were the positions of the various attendees at the meeting inside mingtang in Zongzhou. The Hall of Distinction, where the superiority and inferiority of the vassals and nobles are distinguished. Thus, when the Duke of Zhou established his government he hosted a great meeting inside the mingtang to show attendees their positions. He formulated rituals and composed music, and with his wisdom the whole world submitted to him and all the states paid tributes to him.” For relevant descriptions, please refer to Wang E, Investigation of the Compilation of Li Ji, 2007. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 278–279. 16 From Zhang Yibing, Research on the Hall of Distinction System, 2005. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 355.

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In such a ritual landscape, viewers could only see a static, incomplete, and highly simplified mingtang space with divided backgrounds. As to whether this “mingtang” is a special title or an indicator, whether such “mingtang” was located in the middle of the state or toward the south, whether the vassals had an audience with the emperor once every season or at unscheduled times, or how the interior was set up, no additional information was conveyed. Based on the literature referred to by Kong Yinda in his corrections: It was written in the Proceedings of the Government in Different Months in the Hall of Distinction: The hall of distinction has an interior height of three zhang (about 30 feet), a width of nine ren (about 56 feet) from east to west and a length of seven yan (about 78 feet). It is circular at the top and square toward the bottom. It has four halls and 12 rooms with each room having 4 doors and 8 windows, covering a width of about 225 m, and it is located 30 li in the near suburb. Daifu-ranked officer and scholar Chun Yudeng once said: The hall of distinction is located to the south of the capital, within the distance of about 3 to 7 li. It is circular at the top and square toward the bottom with 4 doors and 8 windows, and it is the hall where governmental affairs are carried out, hence the name. The hall of distinction is a sign of prosperity. The Duke of Zhou pays homage to King Wen of Zhou at the hall of distinction, and in the middle is the seat of the five emperors.17 Although content documented may differ, the geographical location and structural form of the hall of distinction could be discerned. By referencing the ruins of post-Han Dynasty structures of hall of distinction such as the hall of distinction at the southern suburb of the ancient Han Dynasty city of Chang’an discovered in the 1950s, the hall of distinction at the southern part of the late-Han Dynasty state of Wei’s city of Luoyang discovered in the 1980s, or the mingtang18 at the southern suburb of the Northern Wei Dynasty city of Pingcheng discovered in the 1990s in present-day Datong, one could learn that in terms of natural geographical space, the hall of distinction was always located at the “sun of the nation,” which in broader definition is “within 30 li in the near suburb” or more precisely speaking “more than three li but within seven li away at the location of bing si.” The hall of distinction was located at the south of the state, or at least it faced south, that is for certain. Aristotle’s view in environmental geography that human culture, including architecture, generally hinges upon the geographical environment in which people are situated is applicable to the construction of structures in ancient China. For generations, the ancestors of the Chinese people lived and raised their posterity in north temperate zone of Asia, and ever since the Neolithic, agricultural civilization had developed a habit among the ancient people to observe the relationship between agricultural produce and changes of the sun, moon, stars, wind, rain, frost, and 17 Edited, Li Xueqin, Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics—Exact Implications

of Li Ji [Punctuated Edition], 1999. Beijing: Peking University Press, p. 930. refer to Wang Yintian, Research on the Hall of Distinction Ruins in the Northern Wei Dynasty City of Pingcheng, Journal of Chinese Historical Studies, 2001(1), pp. 37–44. The only mingtang ruins standing today that is located on the central axis within the palace is the hall of distinction in the Tang Dynasty eastern capital of Luoyang. Although it is not located in the southern suburb, it does face the south. 18 Please

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the elements. The highlight, measurement, worship, and simulation of sunrise and sunset constituted the choices in the form, structure, and geographical environment of the mingtang architecture: A well-lit structure on a high platform and facing the sun, which began originally as an elevated position with an unobstructed view, and then evolved into artificially built platform.19 After the Han Dynasty, not only did the mingtang separate into different architectural forms due to distinctions in functionality, but from discovered prehistoric sacrificial altars one could also imagine, as seen in the comparison diagram in Fig. 3.2. An area of approximately 50 square km around Niuheliang in the Liaoxi region is large-scale ruins of sacrificial sites comprised of goddess temple, stone mound tombs, and altar. Revolving around the goddess temple as the nucleus are roughly a dozen large stone mound tombs, of which the main body of the No. 3 stone mound tomb was built out of three stone pillars laid on top of each other in a concentric manner, thereby forming a three-tiered sacrificial altar. On the other hand, the main body of the No. 2 stone mound tomb is square in shape and features a huge stone 19 With regard to studies on the trail of changes in the form and structure of the mingtang architecture,

there are three currently available and viable references: Architectural archaeologist Mr. Yang Hongxun used the architectural ruins at Yangshao as the basis, made references to records in literatures, and asserted that the archetype of the mingtang architecture was the “she” (社), as in the open and well-lit thatched square pagoda “with cover and none of the four walls” seen during the times of the mythical Shennong and Yellow Emperor, which was primarily used as a venue for celebration and prayers for copious harvest. Following advancements in society and architectural shapes and forms, the mingtang structure also took on increasing complexity. From the F901 big room at Dadiwan, Xia Shi Shi and Yin Chong Wu to the mingtang of the Zhou Dynasty, the lineage of the mingtang as an elevated and bright front hall for the imperial court is quite clear, while the “hall in the front, room in the back” layout was a common system adopted in all palaces of the Zhou Dynasty. Collection of Yang Hongxun’s Architectural Archaeology Papers, 2008. Beijing: Tsinghua University Press, pp. 59–73, pp. 158–163. In Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, Prof. Ye Shuxian adopted the perspectives of mythology and comparative culture to examine and shape and form of ancient mingtang structures and their original functions, believing that it was conceived by ancient people as a high ground with an open view that facilitated solar observation, and then evolved into man-made altar- or platform-like structures. In turn, based on information and feedback from the model of the universe imagined and constructed by the people in accordance with their observations, the archetypical taiyangtang (literally “hall of the sun”), “thatch roofed and high columned,” “circular at the top and square at the bottom,” “no walls on all four sides,” and encompassed by a ring of water was born. As the subject of observation became more sanctified and worshipped, coupled with the taiyangtang’s role as the nexus of social culture, it eventually emerged as the venue that hosted major events related to aspects such as politics, military, religion, education, and foreign diplomacy, which continually bolstered the opulence of the taiyangtang over time, eventually evolving into the mingtang architectural cluster of the Zhou Dynasty. Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House. Intro pp. 173– 174. Mr. Zhang Yibing, after scouring over documentations in historical texts, also holds that evidence of changes in the form and structure of the mingtang could be tracked back to the “shan” ( 墠), an area used by ancient folks for sacrifices to gods of the sun and the moon through “sweeping the grounds as an act of sacrifice.” This developed into sacrificial altar utilized for paying tribute to gods but not for dwelling, then subsequently transformed into mingtang architectural cluster for sacrificing to gods, paying homage to ancestors and dwelling purposes. Research on the Hall of Distinction System, 2005. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 365. Though the scopes and methods differed, the three arrived at similar conclusions.

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Fig. 3.2 Comparison Diagram of Primitive Sacrificial Altar, Fangming Altar and Places in the Hall of Distinction

coffin tomb in the middle, topped with a stone platform about 3.6 m on each side, and thus it could function both as a tomb and a sacrificial altar. About 50 km southeast of Niuheliang is the Dongshanzui large-scale square-circular combination altar and is noted for the stone barrier that protects the slopes surrounding the plot. These ruins are all located at the top of low hills, feature a multi-tiered structure, and according to research conducted by Mr. Feng Shi, they are all closely associated with astronomy. Meanwhile, the unearthing of earthen eagles, bears, and other seasonal animals from inside the goddess temple hint at possible connections with seasonal ceremonies. Furthermore, the large-scale square-circular combination altar matches the description of the altars located in the suburb of state capitals used for imperial sacrificial ceremonies as documented in classic texts like the Rites of Zhou and Li Ji. Literature show that beginning from Han Dynasty, such heavenly and earthly sacrificial altars were divided into ones for the northern suburbs and ones for the southern suburbs, but originally they were likely the same as the ones described here. Ruins of altars the Liangzhu culture such as those at Fanshan, Yaoshan, and Huiguanshan were all located on peaks and were all constructed from rammed earth in shades of red, gray, and yellowish brown. According to archaeological reports, these earthen and masonry materials were not sourced locally, and after they were disused as altars they were turned into tombs for high-ranking nobles or leaders (who might have doubled as priests). Discovered in 1988, the Lingjiatan altar is situated at the core of the graveyard, and the altar structure consists of the upper, middle, and lower tiers. The lower tier➂ was built out of pure and fine yellow mottled soil; the middle tier➁ was built out of a composite material composed of large quantity of gravels bound together using a grayish-white adhesive, and the majority of gravels are either quartzite (49%), siliceous rock (30%), or quartz sandstone (15%), with trace amounts of actinolite and agate, clearly an aggregate of artificially chosen components; the upper tier➀ was built out of a combination of pebbles and small rocks. On tier➀ three sacrificial pits and four stone circles. The big tombs (M7-M29) where relatively large abundance of jade artifacts were discovered are located on an east-west axis to the south of tier➀,

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and burial items with conspicuous ritual artifact characteristics such as the worldfamous jade turtle (M4), jade board (M4 and M29), jade eagle with heads of pig and bear (M29), jade coiled Loong (M16), jade crown (M15), and crowned jade figurine (M1) were all found from these tombs,20 of which the jade board “could have been a primitive sundial that the ancient people used to measure the sun, measure the stars and set time, and it reflects astronomic measurement method and time-setting system from five thousand years ago.”21 The jade eagle is depicted with wings spread, with the heads of pig and bear on its wings, while two concentric circles were incised on its torso, and among these rings is an engraved motif of eight-pointed stars, which must be associated with ancient mythical emperor Shaohao (in his avian form), the sun, freedom, and power: “This jade eagle is meant to represent an eagle or bird with the power of a bear, with the ability to fly high into the sky in pursuit of the sun.” “Could this have been the origin of the term 英雄 (literally ‘hero,’ and has same pronunciation as ‘鹰熊’ or “eagle-bear”) or 雄鹰 (literally ‘male eagle,’ with the first character ‘雄’ or ‘male’ having the same pronunciation as ‘熊’ or ‘bear’)?”22 Perhaps, the eagle is “the god-form of Zhi (挚, or 鸷), the leader of the Shaohao clan that created the Dawenkou culture”23 (See Fig. 3.3). This kind of altar-tomb-shrine all-in-one construction method was continued at Erlitou and Anyang’s Yin Dynasty Ruins. The F2 plot of the palace ruins at Erlitou is the foundation of a religious building, and there is a massive tomb between its northern wall and the main hall of the three chambers. Beneath the northern wall are five-roofed sacrificial altars called “宗” in Chinese, while a number of sacrificial pits containing human and animal skeletal remains have been found inside the hall. Yin Dynasty Ruins B, as the core of the Group B architectural cluster, has been surmised to have been an altar or shrine. This plot is a foundation for a platform built out of yellow soil that is almost square in shape with a length of 11.3 m from north to south, a width of 11.8 m from east to west, and an existing height of more than one 20 Shuo Zhi, Attempted Discussion on Ruins of Sacrificial Altar at Lingjiatan, in edited: Zhang Jingguo, Research on Culture of Lingjiatan, 2006. Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House, pp. 172– 173. Also in the same book is Preliminary Research on Sacrificial Altar at Lingjiatan in Hanshan of Anhui by Zhou Wei, who was a bit more skeptical about the “sacrificial altar” assertion, but also did not object that these were man-made earthen and stone structures used for relatively extensive periods and relatively fixed. According to ethnographic materials from Africa, primitive tribal peoples pretty much did not distinguish between concepts like sacrifice to the sky, sacrifice to the earth, or sacrifice to ancestors. Therefore, Neolithic sacrificial altars could have possessed an array of functions such as sacrifice to the sun, sacrifice to the earth, and sacrifice to ancestors. Edited: Zhang Jingguo, Research on Culture of Lingjiatan, 2006. Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House, p. 143. 21 Li Bin, Preliminary Exploration into Prehistoric Sundial—Attempted Interpretation of Astronomical Significance of Graphics on Jade Shards Unearthed from Hanshan, in edited: Zhang Jingguo, Research on Culture of Lingjiatan, 2006. Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House, p. 108. 22 Zhang Hongming, Preliminary Research on Prehistoric Jade Artifacts Unearthed at Anhui, Research on Culture of Lingjiatan, 2006. Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House, p. 163. 23 Liu Xiusong, Attempted Discussion on Cultural Connotations of the Jade Dragon, Jade Eagle, Jade Turtle and Jade Board from Lingjiatan, in Research on Culture of Lingjiatan, 2006. Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House, p. 3.

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Fig. 3.3 Jade Eagle-bear and the Sun

meter, and is located at the highest point on the northeastern part of a small hill. The entire platform foundation was built purely out of yellow soil that is very singular in its content and free of other substances, with a noteworthy point being the soil was not sourced locally. The platform foundation is almost square in shape, and its north-south axis lines up with the meridian of the sun. Buried near the plot are about a dozen tiger skeletons and nine sets of pig skeletons, which are probably remains from formal ceremonies, or perhaps this was the place where worship to the most powerful god was carried out.24 Another association is architectural plots or tombs of Shang Dynasty, all of which exhibit an inclination of venerating the northeasterly direction as supreme, and thus this might be connected to worship of the sun, moon, or location of source of ancestor.25 Actually, Neolithic tombs in general feature “fixed burial direction. For instance, the Beishouling tomb at Baoji has a buried person with ‘head toward the west and face toward the east,’ the Wangyin tomb has a buried person with ‘head toward the west and feet toward the east,’ while the Dawenkou tomb has a buried person on an ‘east-west’ direction.”26 For the Evenks, the deceased is usually transported to burial on an ox-drawn cart, and the body has to be placed with head pointed to the west, feet pointed to the east, and face turned toward the direction of sunrise.27 This type of burial with specific directions is related to the mythological concept that compares the rise and setting of the sun to life and death. 24 Anyang Task Force of the Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Excavation on the Large-scale Structure Plot of the Yin Dynasty Ruins at Anyang of Henan Province, in Archaeology, 2001(5). Zheng Zhenxiang, Excavation on the Large-scale Palace Plot of the Yin Dynasty Ruins at Anyang, in Cultural Relics World, 1990(2). 25 Yang Xizhang, Veneration among the Zhou Dynasty People of Yinxu for the Directions of North and East, in Essays Collection to Commemorate the 55th Anniversary of Su Bingqi’s Archeological Achievements, 1989. Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House. Zhu Yanmin, Supplementary Verifications for the Assertion about Veneration among the for the Directions of North and East, in Cultural Relics of Central China, 2003(6). 26 Song Zhaolin, History of Primitive Societies in China, 1983. Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House, p. 431. 27 Lü Guangtian, The Evenks, 1983. Beijing: The Ethnic Publishing House, p. 67.

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When the directions of east and west play the dominant roles, “turning the body of the deceased to face the east might very likely be a manifestation of hope for the reincarnation of the spirit.” When the concept of four directions came into existence, “the north was agreed as the location of the underworld or hell.”28 Thus, in chapters like Tangong and The Conveyance of Rites of Li Ji, there are summary remarks such as “buried in the north.” Evidently, in a relatively primitive sense, not only did tomb burial coexisted with sacrificial altar, but also linked with sun measurement and worship. Specifically, the northeastern location of the Yin Dynasty Ruins B site, location of source of ancestor, and the direction of sunrise match perfectly. During the Neolithic, sacrificial altars might have held multiple functions including sacrifice for the sun, sacrifice for the earth, and sacrifice for ancestors.29 The primitive connection between mingtang, sacrificial altars, and large-scale ceremonies is detailed in the record about the fangming altar at the southern suburb palace as written in the Rites of the (Imperial) Audience chapter of the Book of Etiquettes and Ceremonial. Although this ritual was temporary, the arrangement of the entire ritual space remarkably resembles the mingtang, as shown in Fig. 3.4. When the vassals meet with the emperor, they meet at a palace which is square with each side being a length of three hundred steps and has four gates. The altar, with wooden fangming on top, is about 20 m in width, four feet by four feet in depth, and has six colors: Green for the east, red for the south, white for the west, black for the north, blue above, and yellow below. There are six jade objects: Gui (圭) for above, bi (璧) for below, zhang (璋) for the south, hu (琥) for the west, huang (璜) for the north, and gui (圭) for the east. Shangjie is holding his king’s flag, with the left side as the upper position. The dukes, marquises, earls, viscounts, and barons stand by the flag. The emperor rode his carriage, carrying a flag of Taichang. The flag was painted with the patterns of rise and fall of the sun and moon. Descending from his carriage, the emperor worships the sun outside the east gate, the four gods on the altar, the sun outside the south gate, the moon and the rivers outside the north gate, and the mountains, rivers, and hills outside the west gate.30 It would not be an overstatement to say that the description here is much more detailed than in the Places in the Hall of Distinction chapter of Li Ji. The additions of “fangming (方明),” banners and flags create a much more complete and vivid ritual spatial format for the audience between the emperor and the vassals. The fangming altar here is the same as the temporary palace for meeting between emperor and vassals, which employed the same system as the positions in the mingtang: Verifications through the Jinli chapter of the Book of Etiquettes and Ceremonial, Lost Book of Zhou and Places in the Hall of Distinction chapter of Li Ji show that the 28 Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House,

p. 222. 29 Zhou Wei, Preliminary Research on Sacrificial Altar at Lingjiatan in Hanshan of Anhui, in Research on Culture of Lingjiatan, 2006. Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House, p. 143. 30 Ruan Yuan (Qing Dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 1092–1093.

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Fig. 3.4 Diagram of temporary palace for meeting between Emperor and Vassals

mingtang had an altar but no house, similar to the original fangming altar. Some say that the fangming altar is the same as the mingtang. For example, in the Xunzi it was written “mingtang outside the borderland area for emperor to meet with vassals,” and thus Yang Liang believed this to be the fangming altar….or a hall, or a platform, they all differ by the pronunciation of one single character. One could be called palace, or the Hall of Distinction (Mingtang).31 From the perspective of superficial narrative, it would seem like the fangming altar was a replication of the mingtang built according to conditions specific to the location, and thus the cultural connotations behind the different directions and positions in the space can be elucidated. In the middle of the uppermost level of the three-tiered square altar is the “fangming”: The top, the bottom, the four directions, six colors and six jades all indicate the deities of the sky, earth and four directions, clearly making it a symbol of the liu he (heaven and earth with other four directions) space of the universe. The use of wood might be an element pertaining to or symbolizing 31 Ren Mingshan, Further Notes on the Table of Contents of Li Ji, 1982. Jinan: Shandong Qilu Press,

pp. 32–35.

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the sacred tree (or indigenous tree planted for sacred reason), and for the emperor to “pay homage to the sun outside the east gate and re-pay homage to the fangming, wooden figures of gods.” imply the link between making sacrifices at the “fangming” and paying tribute to the sun and moon.32 The respective positions of the emperor and the dukes, marquises, earls, viscounts, and barons followed the positional order observed in the mingtang, which suggests yet another connection between power and space. The flags and axe-like pole weapons yue (The author based this view on: The fuyi screen behind the emperor is a symbol of the emperor) are all symbols of power, as “the yue represent punishment, and the flags represent the people.” That was why prior to the commencement of his conquest of the Shang Dynasty, King Wu of Zhou used “holding the Yue axe on the left hand and the white yak’s tail on the right hand, saying: You the minority Di! The people of the distant west” as an evidence.33 Here, narration not only underscored the special nature of the emperor’s sun, moon, and Loong flags, the narrator also opted to skip over the flags of the other participants under the assumption that the lack of description is understood by readers, which in turn brings about difficulties for today’s intent on correctly interpreting the relationship between flags and power narratives. However, an article published in 2002 pertaining to the five direction flags that Yu the Great established, as written on the bamboo slip Rong Cheng Shi curated at the Shanghai Museum, offers a glimpse of this matter: Yu the Great has been at his governance for the benefit of the people and land for three years. That is why people near and far enjoy and praise his governance. Yu established flags to determine the left and right. The eastern flag has a sun, the 32 The Treatise on Rhythm and the Calendar part of the Book of Han referenced the Instructions of Y i in the Book of Documents: “In the Yichou time of the 12th month in the first year under Taijia reign, Yijin made sacrifices to the kings of the past.” The comment goes: “even with the position of Cheng Tang, Taiding and Waibing, one has to cross the bamboo mat for covering the wagon body and to make sacrifices to heavenly gods. This is because it is the winter solstice of the year.” In Vol. 100 Mingtang Daxiang of the Tu Shu Bian by Ming Dynasty scholar Zhang Huang, it was written: “Generally, there are two sacrifices made in one year. In some month of yang at the year beginning, one sacrifice is made in the altar of heavenly gods, to the ancestors with merits. In the autumn, after the harvest, the other sacrifice is made in the Mingtang hall of the king, to feast the fathers of virtues and moralities. As the heavenly gods must be worshiped, sacrifices must be made to show the sincerity, at the altars rather than in houses. The altar is another form of the hall of distinction.” Zhang Yibing introduced various opinions and then concluded: The “tang” (堂, literally “hall”) was originally a protruding earthen platform, and since the character “ 明” was initially a combination of the characters “日” and “月” (respectively the “sun” and “moon”), the original meaning of the term “明堂” (hall of distinction) was an earthen platform used for making sacrifices to gods in the sky (as in the god of the sun and god of the moon). In addition, the rites on the fangming altar and the rites in the mingtang came from the exact same source, with both being rituals for making sacrifices to the sun and the moon, as in the sun during the day and the moon during the night, p.lease refer to Zhang Yibing’s Research on the Hall of Distinction System, 2005. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 57–59. Moreover, I Ching scholar Guo Yu also deciphered the association between “fangming” and solar sacrifices through numbers in the eight trigrams and fangming. For details please refer to articles such as The Eight Trigrams and the Fangming by Guo Yu, http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_4e2e3c1a01008tik.html~type=v5_one&label=rela_prevarticle. 33 Kwang-chich Chang, Art, Myth and Ritual: The Path to Political Authority in Ancient China, 2002. Shenyang: Liaoning Education Press, p. 77.

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western flag has a moon, the southern flag has a snake, the central flag has a bear, and the northern flag has a bird. He practices frugality, specially on food and clothing.34 There are two points here that are extremely similar to the Places in the Hall of Distinction chapter of Li Ji and the fangming altar: First of all, they were all designed for the sacred king to govern his lands, for the masses to submit to the sacred king and for the vassals of the four directions to come and pay respect; second of all, “use flags as signals to determine the left and right.” Here are clear descriptions of the five flags, namely, the bear flag for the middle, sun flag for the east, moon flag for the west, snake flag for the south, and bird flag for the north, all arranged in an orderly manner. This obviously “contains symbolic significance in cultural confirmation and unified power…flags or banners were crucial physical media in primitive classification. From an etymological point of view, the origin of the character ‘旗’ (flag) is closely linked to the emblematic functionality of totems.” This represents not only hidden early clan classification coding concepts that helped identify the relationships between the four directions and the center, but also the archetypical experience that eventually gave rise to the name “China” (literally the “Middle Country”). “The original form of the character ‘中’ (middle) was a flagpole with a flapping flag, representing the center of sacrificial ritual surrounded by people, which extends to mean the central space.”35 With regard to the form and structure of the mingtang, there is a plethora of documentations and descriptions about the mingtang system in extant literature about the ritual institution, but the problem is these materials often conflict with each other, and it is hard to say who is right and who is wrong.36 However, there are two texts that offer clear records, one of which is the Explanation about the Hall of Distinction in the Lost Book of Zhou: “The hall of distinction is square and has a length of 112 chi (ancient Chinese unit of measurement) on each side, a height of four chi, and steps that are six chi three cun (a smaller ancient unit of measurement) wide. The secondary center of the room is square and has a length of a hundred chi on each side, the center of the room is square and has a length of 60 chi on each side, a height of eight chi and a width of four chi. It has the yingmen gate to the east, kumen gate to the south, gaomen gate to the east and zhimen gate to the north. The eastern side is called the qingyang, the southern side is called the mingtang, the western side is called the zongzhang, the northern side is called the xuantang, and the center is called the taimiao. The left is called the zuojie, and the right the youjie.”37 The second record is Craftsmen part of the Records of Examination of Craftsman in the Rites of Zhou: “Xia dynasty’s Shishi, Shang dynasty’s Chongwu (重屋) and Zhou dynasty’s hall of distinction (Mingtang), are all King shrines which measure nine yan (an ancient 34 Bamboo Scrolls of the State of Chu of the Warring States Period in the Collection of the Shanghai Museum [Part II], 2002. Shanghai: Shanghai Guji Press. 35 Ye Shuxian, Uncovering the Mystery of the Bear Flag of Yu the Great, in Ethnic Arts Quarterly 2008(1). 36 Zhang Yibing’s Research on the Hall of Distinction System listed four sets of data systems. For details, please refer to the book’s pages 378–383. 37 As in the Hall of Distinction part of the Book of Zhou referenced in the Biography of Yuwen Kai part of the Book of Sui, though the words differ by just a modicum.

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measurement of unit) at most, with nine yan from east to west, seven yan from north to south, tang high one yan, and has five rooms, shi high two yan.” The numbers seem to be quite detailed and solid but are actually pretty rough. The term mingtang might be a special designation for a specific hall, or the general name for a complex comprised of four halls and five rooms, or the entire mingtang structural space.38 Thus, confirming whether the mingtang dimensions recorded in the Records of Examination of Craftsman and the Lost Book of Zhou referred to one hall or four halls is a task of monumental importance. Yang Hongxun, an expert in architectural archaeology, matched the dimensions of archaeological ruins with numbers in the Records of Examination of Craftsman and concluded that the figures in the ancient text should be those of a single hall: The southern hall of the whole mingtang, as in the “mingtang,” has an overall width of nine xi from east to west, and since one xi equates to nine chi, the building is therefore 81 chi wide. According to ancient norm of configuring rooms in even numbers, this width is suitable for separation into six rooms. The depth of seven yan equates to 63 chi. The chi in Zhou Dynasty is equal to 0.225 m, and thus the building has a total length of 18.225 m and a depth of 14.175 m in today’s measurements. The foundation of the platform is one yan or nine chi, so it has a height of 2.025 m. The mingtang recorded in the Records of Examination of Craftsman has a 9:7 lengthwidth ratio, which is not only a number that fits the status of the emperor, but such a large hall with such a concentrated area is also very suitable for temporary meetings with vassals. Based on the rough documentations in the Records of Examination of Craftsman, the mingtang of the emperor of the Western Zhou Dynasty probably only had four halls. Since four out of the five rooms are the same, this means that there ought to be another main room that is bigger in size, located on the platform in the middle. According to “circular cover and square body” as seen in the Dai De’s Li Ji, this structure was probably square in shape, encircled by a ring of veranda pillars that held up a circular roof. This setup fits actual construction engineering.39 In Mr. Yang’s explanations, the archetype of the mingtang of the legendary Yellow Emperor was found in archaeological ruins of the Yayoi period located on Okinawa, and onward to the F901 ruins at Dadiwan of Qin’an in Gansu Province, the Xia and Shang Dynasty palace ruins at places like Erlitou, Yanshi, and Panlong, and then Western Zhou Dynasty remains like the Zhaochen archaeological ruins F5 at Qiyi or the Group A ruins at Fengchu of Qishan, the structure and form mingtang as the front hall of large palaces have been replicated time and again. He guesses that “the mingtang of the Western Zhou dynasty, as an early type of palace situated on a high platform, should have been a configuration with a taishi structure on a platform, and then front halls and back rooms arranged along the four walls of the great platform.” Of course this is merely an educated guess because with regard to the mingtang of the 38 Wu Hong believes difference in mindset is the root of the disputes as to whether the mingtang had

five rooms or nine rooms. For details, please refer to Wu Hong’s Art in Its Ritual Content, 2005. Beijing, SDX Joint Publishing Company. 39 Collection of Yang Hongxun’s Architectural Archaeology Papers, 2008. Beijing: Tsinghua University Press, pp. 161–162.

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Xia, Shang, and Zhou Dynasties, there is still no direct archaeological ruins that can confirm the form and structure of the mingtang of the Western Zhou Dynasty, and the only physical clue is a mingtang-like motif found on shards of lacquer painting unearthed from Eastern Zhou tomb No. 1 at Liangjiazhuang of Linzi. Of all the visible actual mingtang architectural ruins that most resembles Zhou Dynasty mingtang is the ruins of the Chang’an mingtang designed and constructed by Liu Xin and others during the reign of Wang Mang of Xin Dynasty. Although these architectural ruins have been damaged, its floor plan remains basically visible. According to excavation report, the mingtang was constructed on a circular rammed earth foundation 62 m in diameter, on which is a tall and large square rammed earth platform measuring 42 m2 on each of the four sides, and on this platform are remnants of a wooden structure.40 The circumference of the whole structure is surrounded by a ring-shaped ditch, and inside this ring are walls arranged in a square configuration with doors on all four sides; the inside four corners of the walls are curve-shaped rooms, and the ground in the middle courtyard was raised like a large platform; in the middle was built another circular foundation, and there were hall on all four sides along the bottom level of the earth platform, which were perhaps what the Han Dynasty Confucianists called eastern qingyang, southern mingtang, western zongzhang, and northern xuantang. In the middle of the high platform on the upper level should be the taishi, and at the four corners are small halls. Mr. Yang Hongxun believes that at the time, Wang Mang intended to reestablish existing institutions, so he attempted to mimic how the Duke of Zhou, reigning as regent, met with vassals in the mingtang, and ruled the lands. Thus, this mingtang was probably constructed based on details from the Records of Examination of Craftsman as a replication of the former mingtang: “Based on the buildings with single-pitch roof built around the central platform, the four-sided halls; the four sides of the top of the central earthen platform that extended outward into four small platforms on the four corners that connected with the opposite corners of the big platform, but not including the area of the hidden room below so as to facilitate ascending to the platform via stairs in the hidden room in the west; a taishi was set up in the middle of the platform—this should be the ‘high house to heaven’ (tongtianwu 通天屋) recorded in the Dai De’s Li Ji.”41 (Fig. 3.5). Through a restored diagram of the archaeological architectural ruins, the Zhou Dynasty mingtang can be vividly imagined as a spacious and bright sun-facing architectural cluster on a high platform. A macro ritual and ritual space for the emperor to meet with his vassals, to announce policies and delegate orders, to pay tributes to gods, spirits, and ancestors, and to observe the four directions and pacify foreign peoples can now be visualized. Yet, the ritual processes of that bygone era have faded into oblivion over time and remain a mystery. The only thing visible is a static form 40 Hancheng Excavation Team of Archaeology Institute of Chinese Academy of Sciences, Brief Report on the Excavation of Ritual Structure Ruins in the Southern Suburb of Chang’an of Han Dynasty, in Archaeology, 1960(7); Wang Shiren, Hypothesis on the Original Form of the Ritual Structure [Datumen Village Ruins] in the Southern Suburb of the City of Chang’an of Han Dynasty, in Acta Archaeologica Sinica, 1963(9). 41 Collection of Yang Hongxun’s Architectural Archaeology Papers (Revised Enlarged Edition), 2008. Beijing: Tsinghua University Press, p. 268.

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Fig. 3.5 Structural layout seen in archaeological ruins

of the ritual scene constructed out of the various positions inside the mingtang. As for the internal spatial configuration of the hall of distinction, apart from a modicum of icons such as “阶” (steps) and “门” (door) that mark the positions of various individuals, other information is still limited. However, depiction of the embellishment of the great shrine of the Duke of Zhou as seen in the Places in the Hall of Distinction chapter of Li Ji sheds a bit of light on the matter: Great shrine serves as the mingtang of the emperor. Kumen gate, gaomen gate of the emperor. Zhimen gate, yingmen gate of the emperor. When Duke of Lu wanted to announce the decrees of politics and religion in the court, he also shook Muduo. This was the way that the emperor announced politics and religion. In the temple, there are mountain patterns carved on the Dougong, water and grass patterns carved on the short columns on the beams, double-layer roofs, double-layer eaves, polished pillars, large open windows, and between the two pillars there is an earthen platform used for returning empty wine cups after drinking by the hosts and guests. The earthen platform is in the south of Jiuzun. There is also a high earthen platform used for placing Yugui, as well as a carved screen. All these are the decorations of the emperor’s temple.42 From this description, it would seem as if the Tai Shrine (taimiao) of the state of Lu resembles the mingtang of the emperor. According to records in the Royal Regulations chapter of Li Ji, on the central axis of the emperor’s palace are five great gates, which are from south to north the gaomen gate, kumen gate, zhimen gate, yingmen gate, and lumengate, while the imperial palace of the state of Lu had three gates on the central axis, namely, the kumen gate, zhimen gate, and lumen gate. Here, the kumen gate at the Lu imperial palace is the same as the emperor’s gaomen gate, while the zhimen gate corresponds to the emperor’s yingmen gate. The Zhou emperor wanted to praise the contributions of the Duke of Zhou, thus permitted the 42 Li

Xueqin, Exact Implications of Li Ji, 1999. Beijing: Peking University Press, p. 942.

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state of Lu to enjoy the rituals of the emperor. Thus, the method of sounding the “wooden bell” (muduo 木铎) to alert everyone before the emperor appears at his court was also used by the lord of the Lu state. The inside of the taimiao of the Lu state also imitated the mingtang of the emperor, with carved dougong arches in the shapes of mountains, short columns with colorfully painted water and grass motifs, layered eaves and multiple rooms, highly polished palace columns, windows set in parallel positions, and even screens with hollowed-out carvings of clouds, insects, and animals. In addition, between the two great hall pillars, dang zun and a bit to the south was a small high platform (坫), which was used for the lord to receive the vassals and for them to drink together; a bit to the north of the two frontal pillars was also a high platform. Thus, one could imagine the interior of the emperor’s mingtang and ceremonies and rituals pertaining to imperial banquets and meetings with the vassals. Furthermore, according to records in the Family Sayings of Confucius about Confucius’ arrival at Zhou Dynasty and subsequent question to Laozi about rituals, “after visiting the place of sacrifice to heaven and earth, inspecting the rules of the Ming hall, and the system of the Imperial Hall of the ancestral temple, Confucius finally looked at the Mingtang, he saw the pictures of Yao, Shun, Jie and Zhou on the walls of the four gates. He drew the good and evil faces of each, and he had a warning about the rise and fall of the state. Duke Zhou assisted King Cheng, holding him with his back to the screen and facing south to meet the vassals.”43 Confucius, as a descendant of the people of Shang Dynasty, made a special trip from the state of Lu to the lands of Zhou to learn about the systems of rituals, music, halls, and shrines, to which he was immensely impressed and emphatically praised the Duke of Zhou, and thus the magnificence of the mingtang at that time must have been quite a marvel. Unfortunately, memories of the mingtang were only selectively retained: The walls around the four doors of the mingtang were painted with the portraits of Yaoshun and Jiezhou to the prosperity and decline that come with benevolence and malevolence; a large mural that portrayed the scene of how the Duke of Zhou assisted King Cheng and shouldered him with his back against the screen, when facing the vassals who paid tribute to King Cheng! This all shroud the mingtang in even more mysteries. However, two points are definite. The first one is that when the Duke of Zhou ascended to the throne as king, he once used the position of the emperor to meet with the vassals. The second point is that the mingtang structure was astounding, especially the spacious and luxuriously ornamented interior of the hall in the southern side where the emperor administered his court. This is quite evident in the praises of the palace as seen in the Sigan in the Lesser Court Hymns of the Book of Songs: “Having entered into the inheritance of his ancestors, He has built his chambers, five thousand cubits of walls. With their doors to the west and to the south. Here will he reside; here will he sit. Here will he laugh; here will he talk. Like a man on tip-toe, in reverent expectation; like an arrow, flying rapidly; like a bird which has changed its feathers; like a pheasant on flying wings; is the [hall] which our 43 Chen Zhiqi, Verification of the Family Sayings of Confucius (Revised Enlarged Edition), 1987. Shanghai: Shanghai Bookstore Publishing House, p. 71.

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noble lord will ascend. Level and smooth is the court-yard, and lofty are the pillars around it, p.leasant is the exposure of the chamber to the light, and deep and wide are its recesses; Here will our noble lord repose.” Both architectural ruins and textual records indicate that the “hall in the front, room in the back” was the palatial system used in all three dynasties of Xia, Shang, and Zhou, with the front hall being a space for public activities, while the back rooms were used as a private space. The mingtang of Zhou Dynasty, built facing the sun, was an awe-inspiring architectural cluster that represented the supremacy of pure yang (as in yin and yang) and functioned as the venue for sacrifices to the heaven and ancestors, court and political administration, meeting with vassals, and preservation of health for seniors and education.

3.2 Order of Positions Inside the Hall of Distinction and Space Narrative As discussed previously, the various spatial transitions in a shrine reflect how the physical elements of an architectural structure functioned as symbolic transmissions of concepts like inner status and outer status, identity, class, and gender. Therefore, the inner-outer system and specifications of the mingtang, as the palatial site that hosted administrative and sacrificial activities, were no doubt very sophisticated. So the question is, what kind of beliefs and concepts were reflected in the order or arrangement of participant positions, namely, the ritual space comprised of the various “positions” and “directions,” during the emperor’s meetings with nobles and vassals? The arrangements and narratives of the order of positions inside the hall of distinction, followed the typical central-east-south-west-north spatial narrative mode: (Fig. 3.6). Between the doors and windows of the backroom directly in the north of the hall is a screen with the painting of a fuyi imperial screen. The emperor would stand facing south and with his back toward the fuyi imperial screen, and the three dukes would stand in front of the central steps in a line from east to west and facing north, with the person at the eastern end being superior; the various marquises would stand to the east of the eastern steps in a line from north to south and facing west, with the person at the northern end being superior; the various earls would stand to the west of the western steps in a line from north to south and facing east, with the person at the northern end being superior; the various viscounts would stand to the east of the inside of the door in a line from east to west and facing north, with the person at the eastern end being superior; and the various barons would stand to the west of the inside of the door in a line from east to west and facing north, with the person at the eastern end being superior. The chiefs of the nine eastern states of the Yi people would stand outside the eastern door in a line from north to south and facing west, with the person standing at the northern end being superior; the chiefs of the eight southern states of the Man people would stand outside the southern door in a line

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Fig. 3.6 Diagram of the order in the hall of distinction and Fuyi imperial screen

from east to west and facing north, with the person standing at the eastern end being superior; the chiefs of the six western states of the Rong people would stand outside the western door in a line from south to north and facing east, with the person standing at the southern end being superior; and the chiefs of the five northern states of the Di people would stand outside the northern door in a line from east to west and facing south, with the person standing at the eastern end being superior. The chiefs of the nine tributary states of submitted barbaric peoples would stand outside the ying door in a line from east to west and facing north, with the person standing at the eastern end being superior. As for the lords the four faraway borderland states, they only needed to come once during the initial ascension of a new emperor, they would be deemed equals to the Yi and Man people, thus their place would have been outside the four doors. From Sun Xidan’s Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, it is clear that such an order and arrangement coincided with the “five kins system” (wufu zhidu 五服制度) idealized in the Rites of Zhou: The marquises, earls, viscounts and barons, and these nobles in the five kins of hou, dian, nan, cai and wei are the people in the Middle Country. The nine Yi states, eight Man states, six Rong states and five Di states are outside the nine kins, and are the so-called people from the “four seas”. The nine tributary states (jiu cai zhi guo 九采之国) are barbaric peoples that submitted to the nobles. In the royal regulation, it was written: “A thousand li away is the land of Cai or Liu (remote soil)”. If the barbaric peoples submit, they are called cai, and their lands would be included within the nine prefectures, where they would gather and obtain (to cai) goods and present them as tribute to the emperor. The four faraway borderland states (si sai), and the vassals of the three kinships of yi, zhen and fan are the people outside of the nine prefectures. The four borderland states are established outside the four gates, similar to the Yi, Man, Rong and Di peoples, akin to the defenders of the borders of the fan state adjacent to the four seas. The hou, dian, cai and wei are located within the

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ying door and must submit outside the ying door. The fan state is located within the four doors, and the four seas are located outside the four doors. Area within the ying door is like the Middle Country, area outside the ying door is like the lands of the nine kins, with close kins being inside and faraway kins being outside. These are the differences in the positions for which the vassals are to be located when they meet with the emperor.44 The “concentric square” universal narrative mode constructed by the “five kins system” was replicated here, except that at the center is not China (“Middle Country”) but the miniaturized iteration of China: the mingtang. The author previously discussed the conflicting phenomenon of inclusion and rejection coding45 toward “the Other” hidden within the spatial model in the narratives of the “People from the five directions” in the Royal Regulations chapter of Li Ji, which can also be found here in the arrangement of positions within the hall of distinction during the emperor’s meeting with nobles and vassals: At the top of the imperial steps, the emperor “facing south with his back toward the fuyi imperial screen” stood high and in the middle with a superior stance and viewpoint over everyone to symbolize his status as the supreme being in the mortal world; when the nobles and vassals of the various states came to the “Middle Country” to meet with the emperor, the “steps” and doorways symbolize differentiations or distinctions between classes, inner status and outer status, and cultured zone and untamed zone. In layman’s term, doors marked boundaries that distinguished between the inner sanctum and the outer world. The positions of the dukes, marquises, earls, viscounts, and barons symbolized “inner status,” “kinship,” “closeness,” “culture,” and “superiority,” while the Yi, Man, Rong, and Di outside the eastern, western, northern, and southern doors symbolized “outer status,” “estrangedness,” “distance,” “barbarism,” and “inferiority,” and the four borderland states, which are even farther away, symbolized even more “isolation and remoteness” as evident not only in their placements but also the infrequency, as in the requirement “to see the emperor only once when the new emperor ascends to the throne.” Analytically speaking, in the areas inside the door and outside the door, there were further categorizations of superior and inferior classes, which were indicated via their “positions” and “directions.” The three dukes stood in front of the central steps, faced north at the emperor, and were located closest to the emperor; thus, they were deemed to be inferior to just one person and superior to anyone else including the other nobles and vassals, while the person at the eastern end was considered superior, thus giving rise to distinctions of superiority and inferiority among the three dukes. To the east of the eastern steps, the various marquises stood facing west in a line from north to south. The eastern steps were used by the host to enter the room and to rise to the hall thus symbolizing the host himself, and the marquises were located opposite the various earls, who stood to the west of the western steps which symbolized the guests, so the marquises 44 Sun Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007 (1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company,

p. 481. 45 Tang

Qicui, New Explorations into the Spatial Model in the Narratives of the “People of the Five Directions”, Journal of Xiangtan University, 2008(6), please also refer to Chap. 4 of this book.

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were inferior to the three dukes, while internally speaking the marquis that stood at the northern end was considered superior. The doorway was deemed the sensory threshold that demarcated the inner sanctum with the outer world, and the various viscounts and barons, respectively, stood to the east and west side of the door facing north, meaning that they were inferior to the dukes and marquises, while within their own ranks the persons standing at the easternmost position were superior. The Rong, Yi, Man, and Di peoples, respectively, outside the western, eastern, southern, and northern doors were also identified by their relatively superiority, inferiority, and distance or closeness to the emperor via the “positions” and “directions” within their own ranks. In this narrative mode, the region inside the door symbolized the “Middle Country,” the “four doors” in the four cardinal directions represented the “four barbarians,” while the regal steps were the emblem that separated the supreme being in the human realm from the other officials and the masses, as well as a symbol of the transition from the profane to the sacred. It is not hard to observe that the ritual landscape constituted by “positions” and “directions” reflected a kind of social relationship, as in the performance of ceremonies relied on certain “positions” and “directions” to express social network, and to indicate relationships between superiority and inferiority, highborn lineage and lowborn background, or kinship closeness and distance, thus making this something like a relationship space manifested through rites and ceremonies. This falls in line with anthropological and cultural geographical research discoveries that peoples from all corners of the world have all developed a propensity to recognize or perceive things by placing them in a specific space, including the differentiation among different population groups, as in the way that people use “location” to define and distinguish the self and the other. The walls, side rooms, doors, courts, halls, and steps in a shrine represented the differentiations between “the self” and “the other,” between “host” and “guest,” between “superiority” and “inferiority,” and between “men” and “women,” which were mutual connections and mutual distinctions with a more commonplace, or more individual- or clan-oriented, characteristic; the mingtang, as the highest and most quintessential manifestation of the sacred space that was the shrine, embodied symbolic narratives with a more national quality such as “emperor” versus “officials and peasants,” “our clan” versus “other clans,” the “Middle Country” versus the “four directions,” or “civilization” versus “barbarism,” among others. The family shrine was a miniaturization of the state shrine, and the space and power within a home were also a miniaturization of the same system of space and power within a state. Society generated space and power, while power relied on space to indicate classes, orders, and relationships. Therefore, the “material language” of an architectural space had a close association with power narrative. Or perhaps it would be more precise to say that in the most original meaning, the definition of the “shrine” was broader than the mingtang, and represented the mingtang, piyong, the various forms and structures of different levels such as nobles, dafu-ranked officials, and common soldiers, as well as the ponded garden environments surrounding these venues. In other words, the “shrine” was a more complete replication of the primitive mythological worldview, while the mingtang structure was the highest level and most crucial hierophany of mythological worldview, the core of the “shrine.” The isolated

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zones inside and outside of its walls constituted an enclosed ritual and ritual space, the doors formed transition spaces that were both inside and outside, the zones inside and outside the door functioned as a space to discern between kinship closeness or distance, between inner status or outer status, and between others and me, while the steps, positions, and directions not only showcased and underscored the discourse of power within the physical space, but also embodied much more far-reaching cultural significance. Compared with the Explanation about the Hall of Distinction in the Lost Book of Zhou, it can be uncovered that the space and power narratives here contain two layers of significance. On the one hand, the predetermined and fixed spatial construction of the positions in the hall of distinction was followed to indicate the relationships between remoteness and proximity, between superiority and inferiority, between kinship closeness and distance, and between the four directions encompassing the nexus. On the other hand was the accentuation of the “Duke of Zhou.” The minute differentiation between the “positions of the mingtang in Zongzhou” in the Explanation about the Hall of Distinction and the “positions of the mingtang of the Duke of Zhou” in the Explanation about the Hall of Distinction has demonstrated the meticulous intent of the compiler in this regard. In the General Interpretations of the Hall of Distinction portion of Record of Learning, Qing Dynasty scholar Wang Zhong pointed out: “The Confucianists of the state of Lu supplemented the Book of Zhou, because of its oldness, in the form of Li Ji chapter Places in the Hall of Distinction to praise the contributions of the Duke of Zhou.” An even more detailed explanation is found in The Linguistic Features of the Lost Book of Zhou and Its Philological Value by Zhou Yuxiu. In the transformation of the phrase “positions of the mingtang in Zongzhou” (in the Explanation about the Hall of Distinction) into “positions of the mingtang of the Duke of Zhou” in Li Ji, the change of “Zongzhou” into “Duke of Zhou” was probably not as simple as an erroneous documentation, but a deliberate intent by the people of the state of Lu. This is because apart from this segment, the rest of the Places in the Hall of Distinction chapter of Li Ji was devoted to the merits of the Duke of Zhou, the Lu state’s reliance on him and the consequent adoption of the rites of the emperor, making it a chapter composed with the purpose of extolling the Duke of Zhou and glorifying the state of Lu. Therefore, in terms of the system of positions in the hall of distinction, there are inheritance between these two pieces of writing, and it is also extremely possible that the author of Li Ji referred to texts in the Book of Zhou while adding generous supplementations. Yet, it would be hard-pressed to confirm whether it is the same as the Lost Book of Zhou circulating today.46 The two documents do not precisely corroborate each other, and new materials are needed for verification, but the main narrator here, as in the spatial political concept, is crystal clear. The transformation from “Zongzhou” to the “Duke of Zhou” might appear to be merely a change from a “state” to a “person” on the surface, but hidden between the lines is a subtle shift in the center of power: The relocation of the 46 For relevant descriptions, please refer to Wang E, Investigation of the Compilation of Li Ji, 2007.

Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 278–279.

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geographic center from the western capital of Zongzhou to the eastern capital of Chengzhou; the center of power was returned from the Duke of Zhou the regent to King Cheng of Zhou. Both the Places in the Hall of Distinction and the Explanation about the Hall of Distinction supplemented about the cause for this meeting to have taken place after the Duke of Zhou quelled the chaos around the lands and “formulated rituals, produced music, and conquered all people into submission,” then the Duke of Zhou “met with all nobles and vassals at Zongzhou, where everyone at the imperial court was arranged according to their places in the Hall of Distinction,” and finally transferred the power to King Cheng of Zhou. Some scholarly research studies have shown that the search for and confirmation of the center of the world or land held more realistic or political significance than the worship of other “centers,” especially during the critical moments of defining the “new power.” Zhou is a typical example. Zhou originated from the northwest, and theoretically speaking they should consider the “Kunlun Mountains” as the center of the world, but afterward the center of their world was redefined as Luoyi because they entered the Central Plain, thereby accepting the universe, realizing men as an integral part of nature, actualizing harmony between gods and people, and achieving submission from everyone. This was no different than an act of “world creation,” or an act of reorganizing the world and reconstructing order.47 The sacred center relocated and moved in accordance with the needs of politics and rulership, and this is a perfect example of how mythology was rewritten by geopolitical circumstances. Postmodern geographical theory reconsiderations on the relationship between geographical space, power, and discourse indicate: The affirmation of cultural leadership in any specific era was always closely associated with the spatial notion of that era, and geographical notion, fundamentally speaking and to a certain degree, is a concentrated expression of social power and has very prominent ideological features: The vanishment of power is unavoidable, the causes of which are as hard to understand as its initial appearance, p.olitical geographers believe that power itself is firmly rooted in the natural characteristics of the world. The power of a modern nation is also derived the land upon which it stands.48 Although analysis of the dialogues behind geographical space is a theory at the forefront of twentieth-century social sciences, such dialogues have long been practiced in actual politics: The people of the Warring States period already considered the territories of the seven states and the surrounding habitats of ethnic minorities to be a part of “tianxia” (“all lands under the heaven”), as in the total area of all lands in the geophysical world. Thus, a stone engraving by Qin Shi Huang reads “within the liu he (heaven and earth, and four other directions), all are territories of the emperor,” and liu he means the above, below and four directions.49 47 Xiao

Bing, A Cultural Perspective on the Doctrine of the Mean, 1997. Wuhan: Hubei People’s Press, pp. 561–562. 48 Geoffrey Parker, Western Geopolitical Thought in the Twentieth Century, translated, Li Yiming et al., 1992. Beijing: Publishing House of the People’s Liberation Army, p. 1. 49 Gu Xiegang, Gu Xiegang’s Reading Notes, 1990. Taipei: Linking Publishing Co., Ltd, p. 1712.

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The “nine prefectures” and “five kins system” in the Tribute of Yu in the Book of Documents, the order of positions in the hall of distinction and the “people from the five directions” in royal regulations as seen in the Book of Zhou and the “concentric square” view of the world in the Classic of Mountains and Seas are all actual examples, among many others.50 In the Classic of Mountains and Seas, the “concentric square” geographical landscape structure itself needed to be closely intertwined with the realities of the concentration of power in an ancient era when cultures were progressing toward a great unity. Its spatial schematic was actually designed to cater to the benefits of religious and political ideologies and aspirations.51 Therefore, not only was the easily constructed “fangming altar” often used as a substitute for the fixed mingtang structure to symbolically realize the unity of the world, but even when the mingtang of the Zhou Dynasty diminished into mere historical memory, it (concept of the mingtang) “was instead continuously reinforced and amplified as the highest embodiment of imperial power and political order….For a nation of great unity in the imagination of the people, the ‘reconstruction’ of the mingtang was synonymous with the founding of an ideal government, which was why when Xunzi spoke with a noble about his political view, he summarized: If so, then it is necessary to build a mingtang outside the borders for meeting with vassals and nobles.”52 It was also written in the King Hui of Liang Part II portion the Mencius: “The hall of distinction is the place of king. If the king wants to carryout governmental proceedings, it cannot be ruined.”53 Since Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty, people’s enthusiasm for the discussion of the hall of distinction is also a proof of that (Fig. 3.7).

3.3 Hall of Distinction and “Hierophany” of the Universe One of the main topics of anthropologic exploration and research on space is the documentation of how people in different cultures utilize basic structure to contemplate space, create space, and endow space with symbolic meanings. In the words of Claude Lévi-Strauss, this is to create a form of space, as “the human mind relies on a set of predetermined formation index,”54 and the source of form is a principle that may dictate the overall structural features of the spatial concept: “Residence in 50 Zhang Yan, From Tribal Civilization to Liyue Institutions, 2004. Shanghai: Shanghai SDX Joint Publishing Company, p. 185. 51 Ye Shuxian, Mythological Political Geographical Views in the Classic of Mountains and Seas, in Ethnic Arts Quarterly 1999(3), pp. 61–75. 52 Wu Hong, World “Painted” by “Images”, Art in Its Ritual Content, 2005. Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, p. 647. Xunzi’s saying from Collected Interpretations of the Xunzi: Strong Nation, 1988. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 201–202. 53 Ruan Yuan (Qing Dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 2676. 54 Sinology in France, Vol. 9, 2005. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 194.

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Fig. 3.7 Sundial in front of the Hall of Supreme Harmony (Taihe Gong) in the Forbidden city

a certain realm where cosmogony is repeatedly described.”55 This structure feature could be remembered, represented, passed on, or copied into some typical spatial forms in order to express deeper cultural structures and guide people to think and act in a certain way. Since the essence of space is “being located somewhere,” and to create and possess somewhere—a paragon world which gods have already created and where they already live in. The Chinese space is undoubtedly a classic example, in the “China” entry in the Structure and Space Planning, Michèle Pirazzoli-t’Serstevens described the Chinese space as such: In ancient Chinese cosmogony, people believed that the sky is round while the earth is square, and the space where people inhabited were imagined to be cubes laid on top of each other, somewhat resembling how the capital serves as the nexus around which a space comprised of different classes revolves. The capital is a square 55 Sinology

in France, Vol. 9, 2005. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 195.

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encompassed by four large gates respectively facing the north, south, east and west, and it functions as the focal point of various sorts of influences of the universe. Thus there derived the world’s geometric image, which is driven forward by a fundamental network consisting of all kinds mutual connectivity in the space…it is the inherent purpose for Chinese buildings to reflect this ideal orderliness, thus some of the fundamental principles of ancient times have been preserved, for instance position, shapes that are purely geometrical or symmetrical. These are all memories that have remained from the structure of cosmic dualism.56 This is the “regularity” of spaces in China, which not only enables an endless connection between the universe and the human realm, and such systematicness is expressed in forms of space such as chariot, copper coin, jade cong (a ritual item), the Temple of Heaven, the mingtang (hall of distinction), and other manifestations, creating a Chinese world of spatial imagery, which is an expression of Chinese worldview. According to records in local Chinese classics such as the Zhuangzi and Master of Huainan, the archetype of the universe is the house, which is a space57 that can mark time and a specific and concrete image that alludes to the universe. The hall of distinction is especially exemplary in this regard. Ever since the halls of distinction of Shenong and the Yellow Emperor of the mythical era, the mingtang has earnestly been a miniaturized avatar of the universe. In the remote past, Shennong ruled the world…In the year ending, sacrifices were made. The grains were tasted and sacrificed in the hall of distinction. The hall of distinction is a building with cover but has no four directions. It is immune to rain and wind, insusceptible to summer heat and winter cold, people may walk into it. (Huannan tzu: Craft of the Ruler)

56 Structure

and Space Planning, Sinology in France, Vol. 9, 2005. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 196. 57 In Master of Huainan: Placing Customs on a Par, it was written: “The past, present and future of the world is called Yu, and the four directions and upside and downside are called Zhou” of which the annotator pointed out: “the character ‘宇’ (yu) means roof; the character ‘宙’ (zhou) means pillars and beams.” In the Gengsang Chu chapter of the Zhuangzi, it was written: “The time dimension of the cosmos has a length but no end, called Zhou.” Thus, the character “宙” was originally a wood without roots or ends, and if used in the context of architecture it meant the “principal ridge” (正 脊) on the roof or the “principal beam” under the roof (正梁), which was also referred to as “极” (ji). For details, please refer to the mythological concept of time in Chap. 5 Li Ji—Proceedings of Government in Different Months.

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Master of Huainan: Craft of the Ruler The Mingtang on Mount Tai was built in imitation of that of the ancient Yellow Emperor. The design was contributed by Gongyudai a Jinan from Jinan. In the image is a hall, with no wall on any one of the four sides. The thatched building has access to water, and water surrounds the palace. There is another storey upstairs, which may be entered from the west. It is called Kunlun. (Fengchan Treatise of the Records of the Grand Historian) Fengchan Treatise of the Records of the Grand Historian The hall of distinction is the hall for the heaven and earth. It is a place for giving the governmental proceedings of the four seasons and twelve months, a place for sacrificing to the patriarchal kings and the Five Emperors. That is why it’s called Mingtang. (The Sanfu huangtu) The Sanfuhuangtu The sovereign creates the mingtang, which is round above and square below to mimic the heaven and earth. It has four sides and four colors to represent the four directions. The heaven is called ming, hence the name mingtang. (The New Disquisitions) The New Disquisitions The hall has an area of 144 square chi (ancient Chinese unit of measurement), as per the kun strategy (of the eight trigrams). The roof has a circumference of 216 chi, as per the qian strategy (of the eight trigrams). The mingtang of the Tai Shrine has an area of 36 square chi. The high house to heaven has 9 zhang (ancient Chinese unit of measurement) in diameter, with changes of yin and yang, which is a square structure with a circular roof, eight accesses to represent the eight trigrams, nine shi rooms to represent the nine ancient provinces, 12 palaces to correspond to the 12 doublehours of the day, 36 doors and 72 windows, and the sum of four doors, eight windows multiplied by nine shi rooms. It is opened to the outdoors to show that nothing is to be hidden from the heaven. The building has a height of 81 chi, as in the product of nine times nine of the huangzhong note (of the ancient Chinese “twelve-pitch scale” shi’er lü). There are 28 pillars distributed in the four directions, which are representations of the Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions. The hall has a height of three chi to correspond to the Xia, Shang and Zhou dynasties, has four xiang and five colors to respectively denote the Four Symbols (four mythological creatures) and five elements, and has an exterior measuring 24 jiang (ancient Chinese unit of measurement) to correspond to the 24 solar terms. (The Comprehensive Compendium of Insititution) The Comprehensive Compendium of Institutions Clearly, from the simple halls of distinction of Shenong and the Yellow Emperor to the intricate halls of distinction of the Han and Tang Dynasties, the “rounded above and square below” external form and “square platform and circular room” layout are perfectly in tune with the mythological archetype of the universe. Therefore, we can say that “the hall of distinction is the artificial and physical form of the universe’s time and space model originating from solar movement, and a miniature model of the universe intricately designed and constructed by ancient people, with the blueprint

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of its archetype being the mythological worldview that is divided into the realm of yin (water), realm of yang (land) and realm of gods (space).”58 As a physical embodiment of worldview, the connection between mingtang and worldview extends even further. According to records in the Proceedings of Government in Different Months chapter of Li Ji and Master Lü’s Spring and Autumn Annals, the mingtang is a synonym for the universe and its layout looks like what Wang Guowei and others have described, with the taishi room in the middle, qingyang hall to the east, mingtang hall to the south, zongzhang hall to the west, and xuantang hall to the north. All four halls featured a “hall in the front, shi room in the back” layout, each equipped with left and right fang rooms, and the emperor would live in different shi room or fang room according to different months, and carry out the corresponding government proceedings, rites, and ceremonies, (prof.) Ye Shuxian referred to this as a sacred structure that symbolizes a calendar-based set of rituals because it functioned as a symbolic linkage between three measurements of time (year, month, and day). Meanwhile, the emperor as the main entity that lived and worked inside the mingtang, not only had to “follow the four seasons and conduct government proceedings of different months” in accordance with each year’s, each season’s and each month’s solar movement patterns, but also had to imitate the sun’s daily motion, as in holding court to conduct administrative affairs when the sun rises above the horizon in the east. This is the “attending the imperial court sessions in the early morning” ritual that had not changed for some 3,000 years, and the underlying principle is an analogical logic in a mythological mindset: Whenever the sun of the great universe sheds its light of life upon the land of the human world, the sun of the secular world, as in the emperor, must also appear inside the miniaturized model of the universe (mingtang), so as to illuminate his officials, his people, and his state with his imaginary brilliance.59 As noted in the Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji. The emperor is as one as heaven and earth. His moral is worthy of heaven and earth. He is the benefactor of all things and shines with the sun and moon, and his brilliance illuminates the four seas and never diminishes. He conducted the order of benevolence and righteousness in his imperial court.60 This symbolic universal imperial authority ritual and ritual that entails relocation and residence based on a monthly cycle is a model of expansion based upon the position and order of the hall of distinction, but according to records in works such as the Rites of Zhou book Office of Autumn on Justice, the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial chapter Rites of the (Imperial) Audience, and Li Ji chapters Royal Regulations and Proceedings of Government in Different Months, the emperor had to undergo ritual detours and symbolic occupancy on an even larger scale. Not only did the emperor have to give audience to feudal dukes from the four directions in a 58 Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House,

p. 164. 59 Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House, pp. 183–185. 60 Sun Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007(1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 1255.

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predetermined cycle throughout the year,61 but also during the first week of every 5 years, the emperor himself had to tour and pay homage to the four great mountains in the four directions, namely, the great eastern mountain in spring, the great southern mountain in summer, the great western mountain in autumn, and the great northern mountain in winter. Through this kind of bilateral detour, the emperor represented, maintained, and safeguarded the normal operation of time, space, and the universe. If indicated through diagram, it would be easy to see a set of expanding concentric circle comprised of repeated duplications modeled after ritual activities, which functioned as a symbolic world. This in turn formed the third view on space: Mental space, a space that was considered a representation of the universe. Mental space is a conceptual project based on physical space and relational space, p.eople endow physical space a certain degree of symbolic meaning in order to foster correspondence between the physical space and relevant aspects of the human spiritual world such as orderliness, class, and structure, for the purpose of fulfilling expectations from both the psychological and real-world perspectives. The macro worldview of the “five directions” spatial narrative depicted in Li Ji chapters Royal Regulations, the Classic of Mountains and Seas, poetry of Han Dynasty and other classical writings are portrayed here in a miniaturized and symbolic “world.” There is no doubt that the hall of distinction contains human’s cognitive codes, and the decoding process is an attempt by present-day people to gain an insight into the complex events and phenomena through the limited information available in literature. The spatial positioning by ancient people was first and foremost rooted upon confirming the center of where one was located. A plethora of examples such as “it is of necessity to identify a proper direction and position when founding a state” mentioned in the opening chapter in the book Offices of the Heaven on General Governance of the Rites of Zhou, “if one’s desire is to be close to the four directions, then one might as well stay in the center. The emperor must reside in the middle and this is a ritual institution” emphasized in the Xunzi chapter The Grand Digest, “On the day when the ancient sage-kings of the Three Dynasties of Yu, Xia, Shang, and Zhou first established their kingdom and built their capitals, they invariably chose to build the ancestral temple on the central altar. They would pick out the 61 In the Sikou segment of the Office of Autumn book in the Rites of Zhou, it was written: “Daxingren

Official is in charge of rituals for receiving important guests, to get along well with vassals. In spring, vassals come to the king for scheming the events of the country for the year. In autumn, vassals meet with the king to rank the achievements made by the states. In summer, vassals meet with the king to express their own proposals. In winter, vassals come to the king for coordinating different proposals.” Rites for the spring, summer, and winter are lost, with only remnants of the autumn ritual still found in the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial. Zhang Yibing is of the opinion that prior to the Duke of Zhou, the chief purpose of the mingtang was sacrificial function, while the use of mingtang for meeting with the feudal vassals was conceived by the Duke of Zhou and first seen in the Places in the Hall of Distinction chapter of Li Ji. Considering the associations between rituals and ceremonies related to the meeting between lord and feudal vassals, the ones mentioned in the Office of Autumn book in the Rites of Zhou, sharing of the mingtang in posterity, or even the ascension to the throne by the ruler, the Duke of Zhou’s hosting of “feudal vassal meeting” ritual might had been intended to legalize his status as prince regent. For details, please refer to Zhang Yibing, Research on the Hall of Distinction System, 2005. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 265.

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luxuriant and elegant among the trees and plant them in the temple of agriculture,” seen in the Mingguixia chapter of the Mozi all imparted extensive influences on the Chinese structural space ideology. The Biography of Yuwen Kai in the Book of Sui also talks about62 the mingtang as such: “The hall of distinction mirrors the emblems of the heaven. The heart of the hall is the place for political annunciation. Formed on ground, it is in the perfect yang position at noon. It allows for viewing the clouds and the moon, to determine the sequence of life and killing. With five rooms and nine palaces under control, it unifies the relation between the people and the deities.”63 The mingtang is an architectural format that represents a space where heaven, earth, and humans coexist, and in this context, the sacred space of the universe that is the “circular sky,” the secular space that is the “square earth” and even the underwater world of piyong that holds the earth jointly constitute a mutually corresponding yet diverse and constantly changing relational special web that consists of elements like regions, positions, colors, and directions. From this point of view, the mingtang was without doubt a “hierophany” in the secular world, which symbolized the lawful and effective occupation and control of the center of the world, all lands in the domain and the conduit between heaven and humans through the establishment of a structure that has identified the proper direction and position for sacrifices to heaven and the worship of deities and the creation of a calendar-based set of rituals entailing the seat of the emperor at the hall of distinction in the human realm. The space where the sacrificial altar is located thus became a sacred space, while the structures that comprised this space are sacred hierophanies. The abundant harvest prayer and godly sacrifice functionalities of Shennong’s mingtang and the Yellow Emperor’s mingtang being named “Kunlun” as per legends and myths, the taishi hall of the mingtang of Zhou Dynasty being termed the “high house to heaven” and its purported function of “godly and ancestral sacrifices,” and the sacrificial ballad goes, “Mingtang’s purported function is the location to pay the sacred service. In the imperial architecture, it only matched the God, both high and exalted, which showed virtue and harmony. He performed the glorious duty and all the people came to offer sacrifices to pray for keeping the throne forever.”64 All indicate the mingtang as a sacred locale. In the “necessity to identify the proper direction and position when founding a state” tradition and the tracking of the origin of the term “universe,” in the ritual space that hosted intermittent meetings between emperors and vassals one could discern the meaning of the “mingtang” as the center of the world. In addition, during the emperor’s ritual tour of the lands, the Five Great Mountains ought to have had their respective symbolic mingtang for use by the emperor to pay homage to heaven. Tales about ruins of a mingtang from the reign of Emperor Wu of Han Dynasty at Wenshang near the great eastern mountain, 62 Wang Guowei, Explanation of Rites, Vol. 3, 1959. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 125, 143. 63 Wei Zheng, Linghu Defen (Tang Dynasty), Book of Sui, 1982(1973). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 1588. 64 This Song of Feasts and Gods in the Hall of Distinction is a celebratory ballad used during a godly sacrifice by Emperor Wu of Jin Dynasty. Composed: Fang Xuanling et al. (Tang Dynasty), Book of Jin, 1974. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 682.

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and Emperor Wu’s order to restore the mingtang, are these not wonderfully fitting examples? At the same time, it is not hard to see in the “position and order of the hall of distinction” an enclosed space formed by the north, south, east, and west gates, eight views, verandas, walls, and pillars, proceeding inward, one would climb increasingly higher,65 ascending to reach the hall, and from the hall into the shi (室) room, with everything becoming more sacred and mysterious. Within the entire mingtang structure, the most important building was the “taishi (太室)”66 or “high house to heaven” after the four halls. This taishi was a circular stable building on an altar platform higher than the four halls, which functioned as the central hall for hosting godly and ancestral sacrificial ceremonies, while the passageway with access from the exterior to the interior would be the stairs located inside the shi room in the southwest. This is an imitation of what was called “Kunlun,” as in the mingtang of the Yellow Emperor. Kunlun is the mountain of the universe in ancient Chinese legends, while the archetype of the mingtang was with a high platform or a benchmark used for measuring shadows from sunlight.67 Craftsmen of the later generations all followed this rule to establish states. Is this not an example of imitation of the most primitive origin myths and territorial occupation model? Although the Mingtang of Zhou dynasty were already considerably complex architectural clusters, and no longer constructed as crudely as the shennong and the Yellow emperor ages, but the layout of whole Mingtang still symbolically simulated to the archetype: The four barbarian states of Rong, Yi, Man, and Di were, respectively, placed outside the western, eastern, southern, and northern gates, functioning as the outermost barricade of the world, and then the various barons and viscounts inside the gate, to the counts, marquises, and dukes further inward, everybody together forming layers upon layers in a concentric pattern with the emperor on the high imperial throne at the core representing the center of the secular world. Meanwhile, the “high house to heaven” behind the emperor was the venue through which one may access the sacred world from the secular world, and after connecting between the heaven and earth was the most sacred channel by which one may maintain contact with gods and spirits.

65 The hall of distinction ruins of a Han Dynasty at the southern suburb of Chang’an indicate that the courtyard of the mingtang was actually a large platform with a height of approximately 150 m and gentle slopes on all four sides. The land begins to descend into slopes 14 m from the palace walls on all four sides, with the slopes having an angle of 12°–17°. For details, please refer to Collection of Yang Hongxun’s Architectural Archaeology Papers, p. 277. 66 Mr. Wang Guowei had a detailed explanation: “Four halls, four shi rooms, opposite from one another, then in the middle is a court. The court is square in shape, and its width is actually equal to that of one hall. Above this court is a circular roof, so it is called the taishi. The taishi hall described as “walled in Taishi” in Zuo’s Commentary and the mingting where “The emperor Huang met with all saints” Duke Zaishen called in Historical Records are the same place. The taishi is in the middle of the four shi rooms, but definitely bigger, and thus it is so named as such”. Wang Guowei, Explanation of Rites—General Study on Mingtang and Shrine Back Chamber, 2003. Shijiazhuang: Hebei Education Press, p. 62. 67 Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House, p. 167.

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With regard to sacrificial ceremonies in the mingtang, there are not many records about rites and ceremonies in the pre-Qin period, but a record about “display and furnishing” at a scene of ritual during the heyday of the Tang Dynasty recorded in Volume 110—the Yellow Emperor Ji Qiu Da Xiang Mingtang of the Comprehensive Compendium of Institutions could offer a point of reference: On the sacrificial day when the dawn does not come, imperial astronomer and official in charge of worship to heaven are ordered to hold the suburb sacrifices to Superb Emperor Haotian in the central hall of distinction, facing the south, where mat is spread; to Ruizong Emperor on the southeast of Superb Emperor, facing the west, Offerings are given at the altar of King Qing in the house of wood on the west; and given at the altar of King Red in the house of fire, facing the north; to the Yellow Emperor on the west of the southern main hall of distinction, facing the north.68 Looking at the course of the rite and ritual, the gathering of the five emperors in the taishi was meant to represent the lawful occupation of the world’s lands in the five directions. Moreover, the journeys of the three counselors, nine ministers, and feudal dukes of the four directions to the mingtang to meet with the emperor and to pay homage to the deities of the five directions were pretty much a form of pilgrimage, but the destination of the expedition was restricted to the steps of the mingtang, because on the steps and in front of the screen panels was the so-called “royal prerogative (position),” i.e., the imperial throne, thus vassals could only look upward and from afar and may not approach too close. The taishi, as the place where godly and ancestral sacrifices took place, were only opened to sacrificial priests and the emperor, while pilgrims were in general not granted entry, so it functioned as the mysterious core at the heart of this space enclosed in layers of secrecy. However, this was merely the symbolic center of the universe, while the actual core of the political space is the “emperor”: The square around the emperor formed by the surrounding feudal dukes symbolized the Chinese political space and represented some civilized region, while the four seas at the outer rim denoted the unstable borderlands inhabited by the four barbarians. The four directions intersected at the unique center point, as in the emperor, thus making the emperor the center of the three elements of the universe, namely, the heaven, the earth, and humans. To ensure the harmonious connection among the three elements, the emperor was specifically a reiteration and an embodiment of the movements of heaven and earth as well as the rhythm of their movements.69 Sinologist Anne Cheng thus opines: “Long ago China already abandoned the exploration for a kind of ‘purely religious’ vertical communication with gods and spirits, turning to search for a kind of cooperative and harmonious relationship.”70 However, from the imitation of cosmogony seen in the mingtang structure and the hall of distinction position, the desire for vertical communication in ancient China 68 Du You, Comprehensive Compendium of Institutions, 1992. Changsha: Yuelu Bookstore, p. 1484. 69 Cheng Ailan, Concept of Space in Traditional Chinese Mindset, in Sinology in France, Vol. 9, 2005. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 6–7. 70 Cheng Ailan, Concept of Space in Traditional Chinese Mindset, Sinology in France, Vol. 9, 2005. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 9.

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was no less intense than the yearning for horizontal cooperative communication, except that this longing gradually fell to obscurity as the symbolic meanings behind the mingtang architecture were lost. The four directions of north, south, east, and west all abode by certain rules and were closely associated with a mythological worldview. The chapter Meaning of the Drinking Festivity in the Districts in Li Ji offers a relatively detailed explanation: The seats on four sides mimic the four seasons. The east is the spring when all things grow. It is the maker of all things and is holy. The south is the summer, the time for cultivation and growth, which is benevolent. The west is the autumn, the guardian of integrity. The north is the winter, when all things hide. That is why the emperor stood in the middle facing the south with his left pointing to the direction of spring and his right to that of winter.71 Not only were the four directions of north, south, east, and west configured with the four symbols (four mythological features) to attain the symbolic meaning of the habitat of gods, but the analogical identification with the collection of growth of the four seasons served to repeat and reiterate the symbolic meaning in the birth, growth, strengthening, and postmortem revival of the sun god. The southward stance of the emperor, the mini sun in the human realm, thus attained its sacred meaning: The “zuo sheng” method means everything is born in spring, the “xiang ren” method means the home of yang force and everything grows in the summer, the “you yi” method means everything matures and ripens in autumn, and the “bei cang” method means home of yin force and everything hides and hibernates in winter, which was exactly meant to convey the idea of the heaven and earth using benevolence to cultivate all things and using integrity to administer everyone. Here, it is natural to think of the human habitat of the Indian tribe feathered serpent deity (the house, built on a hill in order to get accustomed to the expansion of tula fortune and the increase of power, had a round central section and featured a giant side building in each direction) and how the people celebrated, sang, and danced in joy on the day when its construction was completed: He has great power. He grants us abundance and affluence. Ever since his arrival, we no longer have to endure hunger. Wherever he gazes to and wherever he reaches out to, wherever is prosperous and beautiful.72 The movement of the sun represents the time and space order of the universe and the fortune of human society, and in order to secure this sacred order, it was necessary for a certain intermediary agent to construct a sacred structure symbolizing the order of the universe at a certain location believed to be the center of the world in order to realize communication between the universe and society and to confirm the rulership of the intermediary agent (the emperor). Whenever a new state is founded, or during a transitional period between dynasties, the agenda of paramount importance and urgency was the “it is of necessity to identify a proper direction and position when 71 Sun Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007(1989). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company,

pp. 1426–1434. Portillo, Feathered Serpent, translated: Ning Xi, 1978. Beijing: People’s Publishing House, pp. 41–42. 72 Jose

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founding a state.” The re-performance of the origin of the universe to symbolically reiterate the process by which ancestors used the sun as a measuring stick to confirm and establish the four directions and the space. Meanwhile, the innate narratives of the temporary “fangming altar” and relevant ceremonies would then be instilled with the meanings of “identification of the proper direction and position,” and to rebuild or reiterate the order of the universe. Every icon in the mingtang structure, from the walls, doors, and courts to halls, steps, flags, positions, and directions, among other elements, all showed mutual and subtle correspondence with worldview, social structure, and ceremonies, akin to a repeated cycle of the performance of the ancient legend of “living somewhere” using physical, symbolic, and artistic formats that were almost imperceptible and infinitesimal. Meanwhile, “the seat of the emperor inside the hall of distinction” transcended times, occupied the role and manifested the feature of a sacred intermediary agent between heaven, earth, and humans, thereby actualizing the emperor’s domination of and authority in the secular world. Chapter Summary From a macro perspective, the ritual and ritual space of the mingtang, which was circular above, square below, and surrounded by water, represented the three major vertical realms in the universe: Realm of gods (sky), realm of humans (land), and realm of the underworld (water). The four-hall and five-shi room layout, as in the four halls, four doors and verandas extending in the four directions with the taishi at the center, meanwhile denoted the horizontal order of the five directions and cooperation from the four directions. The intersection between the horizontality and verticality, as in the center of the universe, symbolized an impeccable order of harmony in and dominion of the universe. The position and order of the mingtang meanwhile was a miniaturized scenario of the order of the universe mimicked in the human realm, with the “positions” indicated via “steps” and “directions” embodying the secular demonstration of the cooperative relationship of the horizontality and the dominative relationship of the verticality, and the rulership of the emperor over the domain illustrated through doors, steps, positions, directions, and other spatial elements and the emperor’s seat at the hall of distinction according to a calendar-based set of rituals, tour of the Five Great Mountains, reconstruction of the “fangming altar,” and other rites and ceremonies. As a physical symbolic format of ancient Chinese worldview and social structure, its shape and form differed in accordance with corresponding social status and identity, modeled ritual and ritual narrative was used to construct a meaningful, replicable, and representable cultural space, and its replication and relocation functioned as a repeated iteration of the genesis of the universe and the lawful occupation of the lands.

Chapter 4

Universal Understanding: Research on the Narrative of the “People from the Five Directions” in Li Ji

How was the “people from the five directions” described as the “past?” How may it be used to interpret the present? Why are subjectivity and context so important for views into history? This chapter will reveal the schematic meaning behind the narrative of the “people from the five directions” and the schema of universal understanding hidden therein. The chapter is divided into two parts. First of all, in response to discussions related to “multiethnic historicism,” focus is placed on the narrative of the “people from the five directions” to reflect on the scope of studies on the “people from the five directions” in the past century and their limitations, and to underscore the paramount importance of subjectivity and context for views into history. The second part re-explores the spatial model in narrative of the “people from the five directions” from the angle of universal perception of the narrative subjects, so as to reveal the narrative’s ethnographic significance in showcasing the schematic of universal understanding of the “king” and its long-standing ethnic coding principle.

4.1 Re-narrating the Narrative: The “People from the Five Directions” from a Multiethnic Historicism1 4.1.1 Current “Scope”: Appeals for a Multiethnic Historicism The second issue in 2007 of academic journal Studies of Ethnic Literature published a set of articles on issues about multiethnic views on literature history and the writings of multiethnic historicism, foregrounding discussions on “multiethnic historicism” for people interested in this subject matter. This set of articles could be deemed a response to the call for “rewriting of Chinese literature history” in recent years, and 1 This

text is one of the early research outcomes of the “world understanding and five directions narrative mode” topic and was previously published in Studies of Ethnic Literature, 2008(1). © Shanghai Jiao Tong University Press 2020 Q. Tang, Ritual Civilization and Mythological Coding, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-4393-7_4

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also a self-motivated reflection and contemplation on “multiethnic historicism.” In this regard, the underlying context on this agenda is how to deviate from the longestablished multiethnic “compound” view on literature history under the “ethnic essentialism theory” and granting non-Han Chinese literature their rightful status in the overall composition of “Chinese literature.” From a diachronic perspective, the term “multiethnic” involves at least three layers of connotations: The multitude of ethnic groups that actually existed historically, the multi-ethnicity in “historical” literature, and the discourse existence organically formed in a multiethnic state. What is the novelty in proposing such a long-standing concept? Mr. Xu Xinjian offers a succinct answer: “The ‘multi’ in ‘multi-ethnicity’ represents an openness in the object, diversity in the subject, and the interaction and complementariness between the diverse elements. This would in turn circumvent the enumeration and assembly model of the literature of various ethnic groups under the framework of a unified nation, and achieve not only a ‘view-many-through-one’ angle in the narration of multiethnic stories but also even more importantly the perspective of ‘viewing-one-through-many’.”2 Obviously, this “multiethnic” view is rooted in an unconventional “view on history”: The integration of history and recreated “history.” The paradoxical truths in history hereby and temporarily merge into unison, serving to supplement insufficiencies in ontology and constructionism, which shed light on the irreversibility of factual history and the subjectivity construction of written “history,” as well as the inheritability of history and yearning for the truth in written “history.” The need for mutual reflection between “many” and “one” is not only meaningful for the present-day composition of ethnic literature history, but also has significant and consequential meanings for relevant studies. This portion will rely on this scope to scrutinize the narrative of the “people from the five directions” as seen in the Royal Regulations chapter of Li Ji and the limitations in such narrative. Whether the point of view consists of representation of “China, Yi, Man, Rong, or Di,” or the macro environment in literature authorship or modern archaeological discoveries, the “people from the five directions” is both a historical existence and a memory of “history.” Meanwhile, research around this agenda undertaken by posterity is both a historical discovery and a process of the construction of “history.” The matters in this portion’s discussion are how was the “people from the five directions” narrated as a past, how did it become the present, and how could it be used to interpret the present.

2 Xu

Xinjian, Brief Discussion on “View of History in Multiethnic Literatures”, in Studies of Ethnic Literature, 2007(2).

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4.1.2 Narrative: The “People from the Five Directions” in the Royal Regulations Chapter of Li Ji “Narrative” here refers to the “meta code” narrative that is “just life itself” and narrative that could function as “an effective reiteration of historical events or even an effective model conducive to providing an explanation of historical events.”3 At the same time, from the narrative of the “people from the five directions” and its almost standardized north, south, east, west, middle “five directions” narrative mode in its re-narratives, one could clearly discern the “narrative” purpose to “identify the proper direction and position” from a Han Chinese linguistic context. Therefore, here “narrative” refers to a method, or a dialogue model, to talk about events (whether factual or fictitious) based on the time and space narrative to “identify the proper direction and position.” To research on “narrative” is to stimulate reflections about the nature of culture, so as to enable people to rely on narratives to gain an insight into the underlying structure of historical consciousness and to rethink about historical discourses.4 White’s historical narrative theory opens up a transcending pathway for combined study on culture, history, and philosophy, and brings about the possibility and rationality in using the “narrative” angle to reinterpret history and to re-understand the present. The “narrative” in a Chinese linguistic context meanwhile offers a basis upon which one may expose the discourse of power behind the “five directions” narrative mode. In this regard, the Royal Regulations chapter of Li Ji surpasses its literary genre as a classic or a legendary text, and research on the “five directions” narrative and its re-narrative thus possess the purpose to scrutinize the underlying structure of historical consciousness and to rethink about historical discourses. As an ideal composition for a system for kings, the Royal Regulations chapter of Li Ji has an exhaustively comprehensive description of the “people from the five directions”: The natural resources for inhabitants must differ because of differences in coldness, warmth, dryness, humidity, wide valleys and great rivers of the lands; different peoples have different customs, differing in their boldness or gentleness, lightness or heaviness, and slowness or quickness. They like different flavors, different tools, and different clothes. It is right to conform to their (conquered alien’s) religious beliefs without forcibly changing their customs; to unify the decrees (in the hands of the rulers) without changing their original traditional mode of production, lifestyle, and customs. The people of those five regions—the Middle States, and other wild tribes around them such as the eastern Yi, southern Man, western Rong and northern Di—had all their unique natures, which they could not be made to alter. The tribes on the east were called “Yi”. They had their hair unbound, and tattooed their bodies. Some of them ate uncooked food. Those on the south were called “Man”. 3 Hayden White, The Fiction of Narrative: Essays on History, Literature, and Theory, 1957–2007, translated, Chen Yongguo et al., 2003. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, p. 143. 4 Hayden White, The Content of the Form: Narrative Discourse and Historical Representation, translated: Dong Lihe, 2005. Beijing: Wenjin Publishing House, pp. 1–3, 243.

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Fig. 4.1 Narrative of the people from the five directions

They tattooed their foreheads, and had their feet turned in toward each other. Some of them (also) ate uncooked food. Those on the west were called “Rong”. They had their hair unbound, and wore skins. Some of them did not eat grain-food. Those on the north were called “Di”. They wore skins of animals and birds, and dwelt in caves. Some of them also did not eat grain-food. The people of the Middle states, and of those Yi, Man, Rong and Di, all had their dwellings, where they lived at ease; their flavors which they preferred; the clothes suitable for them; their implements for use; and their vessels which they prepared in abundance. In those five regions, the languages of the people were not mutually intelligible, and their likings and desires were different. To make what was in their minds apprehended, and to communicate their likings and desires, (there were officers) in the east, called transmitters; in the south, representationists; in the west, [Di-Dis]; and in the north, interpreters.5 The different ethnic cultures, geographies, ecologies, and political structures are succinctly described in a section of some 230 Chinese characters. (see Fig. 4.1) It’s no wonder why some scholars believe this to be “the first Chinese record with ethnographic meaning, and the symbol of the dissemination of traditional Chinese ethnic concepts into foreign cultures.”6 The observation, description, and explanation of the “Rong, Yi, Man, and Di” here not only involve the relationship between the author and the subject, but also exhibit the writer’s cultural identity and his or her “psychological composition” with regard to the subject, as well as his or her additions or deletions under hidden writing motives or intentions. Therefore, the “people from the five directions” itself is a type of narrative. Viewing from the external grammar structure, this narrative includes at least three layers of framework.

5 Edited, Li Xueqin, Exact Implications of Li Ji, 1999. Beijing: Peking University Press, pp. 398–399. 6 Hao

Shiyuan, Views on “Clan” and “Ethnicity” in literature of the Pre-Qin Period, in Ethnonational Studies, 2004(2).

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Spatial structure of the five directions: Middle (“Middle Country,” i.e., China), east, west, south, and north; The binary model of Yi and Xia: China and the Rong and Yi (or in general the other ethnic minorities); Ethnic composition landscape: China, the Yi, the Man, the Rong, and the Di. Filling in the gaps are the hidden logics for categorization: (1) Ecological categories: Coldness, warmth, dryness, humidity, wide valleys, and great rivers; (2) Cultural categories7 : Nomad/farmer; (3) Ethnic differentiation: The people from the five directions all have their characteristics that could not be altered; (4) Linguistic differences: The people from the five directions do not speak each other’s languages and have different tastes and hobbies; (5) Political composition: to conform to their (conquered alien’s) religious beliefs without forcibly changing their customs; to unify the decrees (in the hands of the rulers) without changing their original traditional mode of production, lifestyle and customs. The meta-discourse meanwhile is the “tianxia” (literally “under heaven” or all that under heaven, as in the whole world) narrative of “China”8 : Whether one looks at the composition and forms the characters “中国”9 (“Middle Country,” i.e., China) or the spatial structure between China, the Yi in the east, the Man in the south, the Rong in the west, and the Di in the north, they both manifest a layout with self-centric China in the middle surrounded by the four fringe barbarians, and concealed therein is the narrator’s viewpoint of tianxia according to the “Middle Country.” Associate this with accounts of the “jifu” (畿服 territorial division system of Zhou Dynasty) and “zhouli” (州里 ancient administrative division level) in the Royal Regulations chapter, then the “tianxia” narrative becomes even more prominent. Of the jiuzhou embracing all within the four seas, a province was 1,000 li square. Those within the thousand li were for his own special use. Beyond this thousand li, chiefs of regions were appointed. Zheng Xuan annotated: “It means the territory under governance where taxes and grains are levied, and Cai means the land of the 7 The

logic of division behind this categorization method was improved under inspirations from courses taught by Mr. Xu Xinjian. Wang Ke is of the opinion that Huaxia and Rong-Yi-Man-Di etymologically speaking represent nomadic and agricultural civilizations. Please refer to Nationality and Nation: Genealogy of the Multiethnic and United National Thought in China, translated, Feng Yiguang, 2001. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, pp. 32–35. 8 Joseph R. Levenson opined that the “tianxia” in early China denoted “empire” (帝国) and also “world.” In the Chinese term 帝国 (“empire”), the constituent character “国” is an entity of power, while “tianxia” is an entity of value. The term “中国” (“China”) means “中心国” (“nation in the middle” or “middle kingdom”) and is at the center of “tianxia.” The development of contemporary China was a process of shifting from tianxia to a nation. For details please refer to Joseph R. Levenson, Confucian China and Its Modern Fate, translated, Zheng Dahua, Ren Jing, 2000. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, pp. 84, 87. 9 Yu Shengwu, Explaining China, please refer to edited, Hu Xiaoming et al., Explaining China, Vol. 3, 1998. Shanghai: Shanghai Literature & Art Publishing House, pp. 1515–1524.

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nine states, where special products are submitted. Liu means the territory beyond the nine states, where people may pay tribute or not, depending on the conditions.” Yugong reads: “Beyond the Central Plains, there are three hundred li for barbarians and two hundred li for overseas people.”10 The nine ancient provinces, jifu, five directions, and four seas comprised a halfimagined, half-real schematic of the world in the eyes of the ancient Chinese: tianxia. The concept of “tianxia” is one that “encompasses all within the realm” and transcends any “national” boundaries, and by the tacit approval and inclusion of the multi-polar worlds consisting of distinctions between China and the barbarians in the various eras and the special “territories” in the four directions, the imperial unification of the four barbarians by the center in a “all states revolve around the Middle Country in the middle” type of fashion is thereby completed. Such an obvious “Chinese” narrative identity and stance bestow this tianxia-view (i.e., world view) with a clearly “Huaxia” (historical concept representing the Chinese nation and civilization) and legitimate “Middle-oriented” discourse narrative. A certain spokesperson speaking for the “Middle Country” adopted a viewpoint with agriculture, fixed habitat, and ritual civilization as standard to describe people deviating from this civilization living in the four directions. In the dynastic, political, and geographical structure conceptual model of the narrator, the “Middle Country” functioned as an “absent” yet “omnipotent” narrator, while the people from the four directions functioned as the subjects of “Xia” (as in Huaxia) and thus becoming the unquestionable and irrevocable “the other” or “aliens” in the eyes of the “citizens of the Middle Country.” Between scholars and politicians, between theory and practice, mix-up is often unavoidable. Just as Dong Zhongshu’s “great unity” demands that the “king loves the four barbarians” and use morals to civilize the savages, but just as demonstrated by Emperor Wu of Han, who only took cues from the “great unity” and utilized military might to conquer the four barbarian tribes, the description of and distinctions between the “people from the five directions” in the Royal Regulations chapter was originally meant to seek out the best governance pathways for the “royal” ruler: A strategy of “moral reformation and conciliation,” “formulation of tribute variety and quantity based on the territory of the giving party,” and “four seas as one.”11 What lurks beneath the surface however was the discourse of power. The tension thereby gave rise to the conflicting attitudes during the Spring and Autumn period of “inclusion of the foreigners” on the one hand and “rejection of the barbarians” on the other: Ideologies like “appease the Man and Yi and turn them into tributary vassals of the Xia,” “foreigners do not scheme against Xia, barbarians do not disrupt Hua,” and “Rong and Di are like wolves, their greed has no end”12 became the main arc in the “Chinese-barbaric” relations of historical narrative that lasted for thousands of years. 10 Edited,

Li Xueqin, Exact Implications of Li Ji, 1999. Beijing: Peking University Press, pp. 339– 349. 11 Song Sibei, Duality of the International Order Established in Ancient China and Its Real-world Significance, Journal of Zhengzhou University, 1998(6). 12 Respectively seen in “Duke Xiang of Lu 13th Year,” “Duke Ding of Lu 10th Year” and “Duke Min of Lu 1st Year” chapters of The Commentary of Zuo.

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Meanwhile, the balance of power between the legitimate Xia (Huaxia, as in China) civilization and the four foreign barbarians changed with the times.13

4.1.3 Re-narratives: The “People from the Five Directions” in Modern Academic Scope Both the inclusiveness and openness in the narrative of the “people from the five directions” position them as both subjects of study, as well as inspiration for research and framework for discussion, thereby forming diversified dialogues with joint participation from researchers with different contexts, scopes, or canonical forms, or those in the same context but differing in purpose. The “people from the five directions” in this dialogue veered away from the original text in Li Ji chapter Royal Regulations to varying degrees, instead serving as the discussers’ “tool” for “banishment”, or historic evidence of a “common community” under the linear historical view of the “center” of discourse, or an ancient case of “parallel histories” in the non-center of discourse, thus making them materials for a unified narrative, but also a target of the center of discourse, consequently pitting them in a “re-narrative” role that differs from the meta narrative. First of all is the imperial inheritance and “internal scroll-orientation” of the canonical form of narrative. Since the description of the “people from the five directions” in the Royal Regulations chapter is significant for being the first relatively complete ethnographic composition, its narrative mode has functioned as a paradigm for the authorized history ever since the advent of the Records of the Grand Historian, as well as the standard followed by the writings of ethnic and national history even today. Wang Jing’an’s study on the histories of the prominent ethnic groups of the borderland regions seems to intend to combine multiple papers into a series of examinations on four ethnic groups.14 This together with Liang Rengong’s contemporary ethnic views and discussion structures and frameworks directly affected the mode for the writing of subsequent ethnohistory, as seen in Lü Simian, Jiang Yingliang, Lin Huixiang, Wang Tongling, and Bai Shouyi, among others. Meng Wentong’s Jiang-Han, He-Luo and Hai-Dai three-segment division15 and Xu Xusheng’s examination structured around the Huaxia, Yi of the East and Miao-Man as the three major groups16 are both reminiscent of a simplification of the “five directions.” 13 Li Dalong asserted that over the course of the formation of the borders and territory of China, both Yi and Xia played equal roles. From the prehistoric times to Tang Dynasty it was Xia that occupied the driver’s seat, but from the Five Dynasties period to Qing Dynasty it was the Yi that dominated the scene. For details please see Traditional Views on the Yi-Xia and the Formation of Chinese Borders and Territory in China’s Borderland History and Geography Studies, 2004(1). 14 Wang Guowei, Explanation of Rites. Vol. 13–16, 2006. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. 15 Edited, Liu Mengxi, Chinese Modern Academics Classics—Liao Ping and Meng Wentong, 1996. Shijiazhuang: Hebei Education Press. 16 Xu Xusheng, The Age of Legends in Ancient Chinese History, 2003. Guilin: Guangxi Normal University Press. Chap. 2.

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The fundamental narrative framework in Tian Jizhou’s Pre-Qin Dynasty Ethnohistory17 is basically continuance of time and configuration of space, as in the progress of the pre-history era, Xia, Shang and Zhou Dynasties, and the Warring States period, combined with respective descriptions of the lands of the north, south, east, and west, while the Huaxia “in the middle” is hidden within. Shu Dagang’s Research on Distribution of Ethnic Minority Groups in the Spring and Autumn Period,18 Meng Wentong’s Research on Ethnic Minority Groups in the Zhou and Qin Dynasties both directly used the distribution and migration history of the “four barbarians,” as in the Yi of the East, Man of the South, Rong of the West, and Di of the North, as their respective subjects of study and mode of composition. If one were to browse over Chinese ethnohistory, it would not be hard to notice the largely similar discussion framework, so examples will not be presented here. The scholars in this sect mostly conduct examination, exploration, verification, and interpretation of the “people from the five directions” in a scientific and canonical form under the premise of ethnic substantivalism, for the purpose of demonstrating that the Chinese people have long been a multiethnic national and common community. On the other end of the spectrum, the scholarly section associated with the Debates on Ancient History (Gushibian, also known as Doubting Antiquity School) holds that Li Ji chapter Royal Regulations was a political “idol” conceived by Confucianist during the reestablishment of existing institutions in the Warring States period and the Qin and Han Dynasties.19 In terms of ethnography, information corroborated by multiple sources are believable, while those coming from a single source might as well be considered the product of the era after the Spring and Autumn period when different ethnic groups gradually shifted toward mutual assimilation, ethnic identity concept waned and notion of unity strengthened.20 Tong Shuye’s The Yi, Man, Rong and Di Peoples and the East, South, West and North21 took cues from the suspicions and spirit for verification about the relationships between the Yi, Man, Rong, and Di peoples and the four cardinal directions as seen in Vol. 3 of Fenggao Kaoxin Bielu by Cui Shu, opining that the Rong, Di, Man, and Yi peoples had no fixed associations respectively with the west, north, south and east, because texts in oracle inscriptions, bronze vessel inscriptions and Spring and Autumn period literature show the four barbarians have existed on lands of all four directions. The said type of fixed association was conceived by the people of the Warring States period and followed by the people of the Han Dynasty. The Doubting Antiquity School aims to 17 Tian

Jizhou, Ethnic History in the Pre-Qin Dynasty Era, 1996. Chengdu: Sichuan Ethnic Publishing House. The narrative framework in his Minority Ethnic Groups and Chinese Culture is also as such. 18 Shu Dagang, Research on Distribution of Ethnic Minority Groups in the Spring and Autumn Period, 1994. Taipei: Wenching Publishing House. 19 For details please refer to Xu Guansan, 90 Years of New Historical Study, 2003. Changsha: Yuelu Bookstore. Comments in Chap. 6. 20 Gu Xiegang, Answers for Mr. Liu and Mr. Hu, Self-Introduction to the Debates on Ancient History, 2003. Shijiazhuang: Hebei Education Press, pp. 11–12. 21 Tong Shuye, Collection on Papers that Examined and Verified Ancient Chinese Geography, 1962. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 43–50.

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dismantle the falsified system, restore the “real diversity” of ancient Chinese history, and can be deemed a forefather in pioneering the ethnic constructionism. Since the 1990s, materials as best represented by Taiwanese scholar Wang Mingke’s On Chinese Borderlands and The Qiang People are Between the Han Chinese and the Tibetans refuted the accountability of traditional views on the sources and boundaries of ethnic groups deriving from mutual corroborations of physical characteristics, linguistic origins, physical archaeological evidence, and historical literatures, even directly challenged the very foundation of traditional research: The definition of “ethnicity,” is an attempt to use historical memories and ethnic identity to contemplate about the formation and changes of boundaries between Huaxia and the Qiang, Rong, Man, and Di peoples.22 Such efforts could be deemed a transcendence or supplementation to the two aforesaid schools of thoughts. A careful look at the writings mentioned above would soon reveal that the scholars, whether they made or disputed claims, all constitute an act of “internal scrollorientation”23 of the meta narrative of the “people from the five directions” to some degree. They endowed more concrete and visible characteristics to the “five directions” and their “peoples,” at the same time complicating the matter and blurring the lines. Second of all, narrative dialogues shifted from “tianxia” (literally “all lands beneath the sky”) to “guojia” (nation or state). In the narrative in the Royal Regulations chapter, the “people from the five directions” were independent ethnic groups in different types of ecological culture, and were existences comprised of half reality and half imagination within the political structure of “tianxia” conceived by the narrators of “zhongguo” (literally the “Middle Country,” i.e., China), making them a highly simplified form of an ethnic classification system. It was a official-peasant relationship in the imagination and wishful thinking of the narrators of the “Middle Country,” and an actual lord-subject relationship in the interactions between China and the Rongyi (and all “barbarians”), such as the feudal relationship. Meanwhile, in the composition of ethnic-national history, “tianxia” was replaced by “guojia,” and “zhongguo” evolved from the concept of all geophysical spaces under the sky into an actual state with strictly defined borders. In turn, the “four barbarians” in the “people from the five directions” were no longer groups that could roam around the “Middle Country” in their own accord, instead they must exist as components of a multiethnic state power. Therefore, ever since Duke Ren of Liang or even as early as the Annals of the Five Emperors in the Records of the Grand Historian, within the narrative framework of the “great unity,” the “Yi-Rong-Man-Di” changed from history-less and future-less ethnic groups in classic texts into actual ethnic groups that may and must 22 Wang Mingke, On Chinese Borderlands: Historical Memory and Ethnic Identity, 2006. Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press (CHINA). 23 Alexander Goldenweiser’s concept is borrowed here to illustrate how theorists have carried out meticulous verification, exploration, and amendment to the ethnic groups and their distribution within the predetermined “people of the five directions” structure. For details please refer to Liu Shiding, Qiu Zeqi, Differentiation and Analysis of the “Internal Scroll-orientation” Concept, in Sociological Studies, 2004(5), p. 97.

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possess traceable historical backgrounds and movements, as well as a general term denoting the peoples respectively of the east, west, south, and north. Furthermore, the “Yi-Rong-Man-Di” has had quite extensive relationships with Huaxia: Teetering between Huaxia and the Rongyi but ultimately submitting to Huaxia and gradually assimilating into “a big ethnic group that could not be separated or eradicated for several thousand years.”24 Information in all texts then became annotations and notes for this universal narrative framework,25 and thus this has been termed “history that should be rescued” by Prasenjit Duara.26 Once again, the scope of the main narrative entity shifted from “one source” to “multiple sources.” As a text, the narrative perspective of the Royal Regulations of the Book of Rite was obviously the central Plains centralism, but the modern scholars who participated in the dialogue hold the pluralism perspective—a diachronic and synchronic, academic and ideological confrontation. In terms of studies on the “people from the five directions” in contemporary times, the adopted scope mainly revolved around the spaces of the “five directions” and the people, and then a general and observation-based constructionist approach is used for interpretation, or a factual case study method is employed to trace the origin. The general observation-based theorists provide a comprehensive depiction of the “people from the five directions” and commonly divide this panorama into two camps: Yi (as in the “Yi-Rong-Man-Di”) and Xia (as in Huaxia). The spatial configuration, where “one point” in relations to the “four directions,” has formed a geographic, cultural, and political landscape comprised of a center and the boundaries. Consequently, such theorists have formed two basic perspectives with regard to the narrative context of the “people from the five directions”: The writer’s “tianxia (world) view” and “Central Plain-centric view.” The former attempts to delve into the linguistic context of the writer’s time and describe a “tianxia China” (all that beneath the sky is China) world order conceived via spatial concepts by ancient Chinese thinkers. The inconspicuous or conspicuous judgment here is the level of imagination of this “tianxia (world)” view.27 In this world order, the demand for cultural 24 Liang

Qichao, Research on Ethnic Groups in the History of China, Collected Works from the Ice-Drinker’s Studio (Book 11) Vol. 42, 1936. Shanghai: Zhonghua Book Company. 25 Benjamin A. Elman, New Directions of Cultural History of China, in Classicism, Politics, and Kinship, 1998. Nanjing: Jiangsu People’s Publishing Ltd. 26 Prasenjit Duara, Rescuing History from the Nation: Questioning Narratives of Modern China, translated, Wang Xianming, 2003. Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press (CHINA), pp. 21–36. Descriptions and comments are provided on the canonical form of narratives on ethnicity, nation and the enlightening models put forth by historians since the early part of the twentieth century such as Liang Qichao, Wang Jingwei, Fu Sinian, Lei Haizong, Gu Xiegang, and Lu Xun. The assertion is that their stances may differ, but their fundamental narrative structures are a structure based on the continuation of the main entity of an ethnic group and the evolution of a physical ethnic group. The quintessence here is to transform random, faked, and unified ethnohistory into a congruent modern community that has evolved from the prehistoric times. 27 Gu Xiegang, Jifu, in Preliminary Composition of Miscellaneous Knowledge in Historical Reviews, 1963. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company; Reason Behind the Unification of Han and Qin Dynasties and Imaginations about the World among the People of the Warring States Period, in Debate on Ancient History Two, 1982. Shanghai: Shanghai Guji Press; Tong Shuye, World View of the

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unity was greater than that of racial discrimination. The latter meanwhile scrutinizes and judges the writer’s Huaxia-centric stance from an observer’s viewpoint, and theorists either examine and verify the stereotyping and dehumanization28 of the “four barbarians” driven by the self-centricity in Huaxia-centric narrative evinced in text composition, or supplement or refute established views through linguistic sources and the changes in and associations between what were ethnically defined as “the self” or “the Other.29 ” Unlike the macro or panoramic point of view mentioned above, factual case study theorists always focus on solid breakthroughs in the very specific area, and strive to uncover the sources and changes of the “peoples” of the “five directions” and their relationships therein, as in the establishment of histories of ethnic origins. Zhongguo (“Middle Country,” i.e., China), Yi, Rong, Man and Di, behind each term is a different world, and the likes of Wang Jing’an, Liang Qichao, Gu Donggao, Gu Xiegang, Meng Wentong, Li Xueqin, Yu Shengwu, Li Baifeng, Luan Fengshi, Ma Changshou, Duan Lianqin, Fei Xiaotong, Su Bingqi, Zou Heng, Xu Zhuoyun have all propounded detailed reports, and it would be impossible and unnecessary to elaborate here. However, origin-tracking research in various fields such as ethnography, historical geography and archaeology in the past century or so has arrived at similar conclusions: (I) Zhongguo (“Middle Country,” i.e., China), Yi, Rong, Man and Di, constitute a set of mobile concepts in terms of connotation, extension, and geographic distribution; (II) the geographic distribution of China, the eastern Yi, southern Man, western Rong, and northern Di generally match the facts since the Spring and Autumn period and Warring States period; (III) However, the demarcations between Chinese before Han Dynasty and Stories about Transportation Abroad, in Collection on Papers that Examined and Verified Ancient Chinese Geography, 1962. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company; He Xinhua, Attempted Analysis in the World View of Ancient China, in Southeast Asian Studie s, 2006(1); Ye Shuxian, Mythological Political Geographical Views in the Classic of Mountains and Seas, in Ethnic Arts Quarterly 1999(3); Ge Jianxiong, Unification and Division: Revelations from the History of China, 1998. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company; Wang Ke, Nationality and Nation and other works have all analyzed the truths and imaginations behind this world schema from different perspectives. 28 Chen Hongjun, A Look into Relationship between “Huaxia” and “Four Barbarians” from the Form of Ancient Written Characters, in Historical Geography of Northwestern China, 1999(4); Li Yunquan, Distinction between the Civilization and Barbarism of Xia and Yi, and The Huaxia Centeredness, Journal of Shandong Normal University, 2002(3); Zhang Wen, Regional Prejudice and Ethnic Discrimination, in Ethno-national Studies, 2005(3). 29 Wang Guowei pointed out that names for ethnic groups were often “changed according to the times, given special monikers because of their locations, and dubbed with pejoratives by posterity.” Explanation of Rites, Vol. 13, 2004. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, p. 583; Zheng Zhang Shangfang’s Etymological Examinations of “Man,” “Yi,” “Rong” and “Di”) delved into a detailed examination and exploration from an etymological angle and in consideration of the names of ethnic groups in present day, arriving at the conclusion that Man, Yi, Rong and Di were all phonetic transcriptions of what those peoples called themselves in their own respective languages, and did not hint at any derogatory connotations. As for the use of “Man, Yi, Rong, and Di” individually or in combination as general terms for denoting foreign ethnic groups, such usage is an extension of the original meaning of the terms. For details please refer to edited, Wang Xiaodun, Collection of the Journals of the Research Institute for Chinese Culture of Yangzhou University (Vol. 1), 1998. Hangzhou: Jiangsu Ancient Literature Publishing House, pp. 96–111.

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them were not absolutely balanced or clear-cut, with jagged boundaries or gray areas being very common. Thus, there was a clear boundary between the Yi and Xia people, yet depending on the performance of ritual rites, the Xia people can be treated as Yi and vice versa. As the bleeding-edge of the two aforesaid types of scope, some scholars would adopt an anthropological point of view and attempt to focus on the meaning of totems and inquire as to why the “Yi, Man, Rong, and Di” as ethnic groups coordinated with the four cardinal directions. In other words, they sought the underlying connection between the four directions and these four peoples.30 In terms of the research subject of the “people from the five directions,” relevant research has already entered a stage in which primitive classification and uniquely Chinese mindsets are projected onto the research subject. However, it may be said that this type of verification is still in a preliminary phase. In light of the above, it can be seen that ever since the end of the Qing Dynasty and the beginning of the Republic of China, even though social and academic backgrounds have undergone massive changes on several occasions, but the political requirement for ethnic unity, as well as ethnic constructionism and linear historical evolution theory motivated by political agenda, have remained in the driver’s seat. Although voices different from the past have emerged following changes in the concept of “ethnicity” or “race,” the appearance of ethnic group marginalization theory, archaeological discoveries, and case studies pertaining to the composition of ethnographic materials, single-track representation founded upon the notion of “Huaxia and the history-less barbarians” repeatedly seen in textual descriptions written in the stance of “Central Plain discourse” remain a true multi-source dialogues, especially substantive dialogues between the borders and the center, have yet to materialize. However, there is no doubt that these interpretations already constituted a part of historical narratives and have already become subjects of discourse analysis and re-contemplation. No matter how one puts it, the selectivity is undeniable, but “those who describe the past under the guidance of the signs and indicators of the present, will usually come to the realization that history consists of changes but also includes continuity.”31 Here is the paradox of history: history itself is self-evident and infinitely rich and irreversible, and any description thereof would unavoidably mean concealment or loss. At the same time, the posterity has no choice but to rely on such memories of “history” to perform research. Therefore, it is crucial to realize that the understanding of any viewpoints on history is predicated on a keen insight into the subjectivity and context of said viewpoint. 30 Huang Anjing, Anthropological Interpretation for the Naming of Beidi, Journal of Chizhou Teach-

ers College, 2004(2); Zhang Fuxiang, Talking about “Yi”, Journal of Zibo Normal College, 1997(3); Duan Lianqin wrote in Beidi and the State of Zhongshan that “‘狄’ (di, as in Beidi or Northern Di) is the same as ‘翟’ (di). The Di people was a group from prehistoric China that used the diniao bird as their totem”. 31 Introduction by Lewis A. Coser in Maurice Halbwachs, Collective Memory, translated, Bi Ran et al., 2003. Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House, p. 60.

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In both Discovering History in China: American Historical Writing on the Recent Chinese Past and History in Three Keys: The Boxers as Event, Experience, and Myth, Paul A. Cohen underscored that the meaning of history hinges upon how we ask questions and the subjective angle from which we look at changes in different times. The proposition of a question is the update of a concept, and what follows is the selection and processing methods of different historical materials. The “people from the five directions” is a representation system of “Huaxia’s “unity over generations and generations,” and the ethnic differentiation history of the “Yi-Rong-Man-Di” written under the premise of “Chinese people constituted by multiple sources as one” and the current concept of “ethnicity” has yet to be freed from the identity shackles of “the self” from “Huaxia” relative to “the Other” or the “four barbarians.” What will the present proposition of “multiethnic historicism” engender? Just as the author wrote in Bear Totem: From prehistoric to ancient times, the multiethnic and multicultural sources of China have always been an issue marked by both complexity and fervent interest, but the adoption of the perspectives of modern or contemporary settlement culture and the structure of separated ethnic settlements to view the distribution of peoples and cultures in the ancient times will fundamentally result in outcomes similar to literature like the Spring and Autumn Annals or the Records of the Grand Historian, which jointly cover up the truth. Fortunately, archaeological discoveries have circumvented the barriers erected by the dogma of Chinese historical study and have begun to restore the truth in history.32 The search for the “bear totem” is a response to a widespread expectation across the lands, and a search for things obscured or forgotten by “sacred” history. The stories of the land, the challenges from the borderlands, and the consensus between “multiple sources in one” and “respect for differences” on the “center” all attempt to overcome the single-source narrative33 of the center. But at the same time, just as American anthropologist Stevan Harrell has discovered, when people questioned the ethnic identity movement of the 1950s, the “ethnic titles” given and defined by ethnic identity were considered a problem but were also consciously approved and adopted by the groups identified, in addition to functioning as the “hallmarks” used by local intellectuals to defend and champion their respective ethnic cultures and traditions.34 Such a paradoxical phenomenon exemplifies how the writings and research on “multiple histories” under “multiethnic historicism” still have a long way to go.

32 Ye Shuxian, Bear Totem, 2007. Shanghai: Shanghai Literature & Art Publishing House, pp. 182– 196. 33 For details please refer to Peng Wenbin, Summary of Research on the Qing Empire and Historical Studies on Qing Territorial Boundaries in America, Journal of the Institute of Global Ethnology and Anthropology of the Minzu University of China, 2007(10), pp. 8–13; Xu Xinjian, Research Theories on Southwestern China, Borderland China, From the Borderlands to the Hinterlands and other articles. 34 Stevan Harrell, Field Studies of Ethnic Identity: Yi Communities of Southwest China, translated, Bamo Ayi, Qumu Tiexi, 2000. Nanning: Guangxi People’s Publishing House, pp. 260–283.

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4.2 Ethnicity Coding: Narrative of the “Five Directions” and Cognitive Schema of “World” Understanding35 4.2.1 Space of the Five Directions and Cognitive Schema of “World” Understanding The narrative of the “people from the five directions” and its ethnographic description of “China-Rongyi” not only became the official history since the Records of the Grand Historian, as well as the narrative paradigm in the composition of history in a multiethnic country, in addition to becoming the research subject and discussion framework for posterity scholars, particularly functioning as materials for studies on the issue of “banishment” in ethnic distribution and ethnic relationships. However, at present almost all discussions about the “people from the five directions” are based on materials extracted from the texts of the Royal Regulations chapter of Li Ji. The previous part of this chapter relocates such discussion back into the overall context of the Royal Regulations, and offers a preliminary discussion about its narrative mode. In the Royal Regulations, the “people from the five directions” was actually configured within nine ancient provinces, “jifu” (畿服, a territorial division system of Zhou Dynasty), the four seas, and other components that jointly comprised the world schema of the “royal regulations”: the tianxia (“all lands beneath the sky”). Such a tianxia structure is manifested in the “people from the five directions” conceptual network: The “five directions” and the people respectively within them, as in the potential for differences between agricultural and nomadic cultures among the different ecologies with different climatic and geographical features in the land. What follows are the differentiation between the Yi and Xia within the political structure and the ethnic coding within the cultural geographic space: The Middle Country, the eastern Yi, the southern Man, the western Rong, and the northern Di. If the matter is traced back to the contexts of the Royal Regulations, and it is deemed only the earliest record of ethnic distribution structure and ethnic relationships, then the additional ethnographic significance hidden within is negated. Since the issue of the “people from the five directions” is very complicated, this book will only discusses the schema of “world” (tianxia) understanding displayed by its five-directions spatial model (Fig. 4.2).

35 This

text was published under the title New Explorations into the Spatial Model in Narrative of the “People of the Five Directions” in the Journal of Xiangtan University, 2008(6).

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Fig. 4.2 Schema of Tianxia understanding

Based on the research, generally speaking there are two basic tianxia36 schemas of ancient China: The “one point and four directions”37 and “concentric square,”38 each of which respectively stresses on graphical representation of different meanings implied by the character “方” (“direction”, “square”, or “side”)39 : From the viewpoint of anthropology of numbers,40 the “one point four directions” model of the character “中” (zhong, literally “middle”) represents a “cardinal-number 36 In ancient times, the term “tianxia” (天下) referred to both the space of the universe in the natural

sense and the political geographical space, as in the “world” and all that between heaven and earth, or the “whole nation” defined as the sovereign territory within the mindset of the “Middle Kingdom”. Examples of the former include Zhuangzi’s “tianxia view” (天下观), Zou Yan’s “greater nine provinces” (大九州), and the four wild schematics depicted in the Classic of Mountains and Seas; examples include the schematic view as in the saying “He is the king of the world” in Tribute of the Great Yu of the Book of Documents. It is recorded in Book of the Later Han: Zhumu that “In the past, Qin governed with heavy tax and harsh reign, and the common people suffered severly. Chen Sheng rebelled vigorously, and the world responded” and the Tribute of the Great Yu of the Book of Documents also noted the “nine ancient administrative divisions of the country.” Due to length limitation in this book, the former is used as the background to discuss the “tianxia” view in the latter. 37 The so-called “concentric square” spatial model is a layered structure created from a culture that centered on the “Central Plain” as the nexus and reflects a self-centric mentality of the “Middle Kingdom” (China) projected as a radial spatial regional distribution. For details please refer to Ye Shuxian, Mythological Political Geographical Views in the Classic of Mountains and Seas, in Ethnic Arts Quarterly, 1999(3). 38 The so-called “concentric square” spatial model is a layered structure created from a culture that centered on the “Central Plain” as the nexus and reflects a self-centric mentality of the “Middle Kingdom” (China) projected as a radial spatial regional distribution. For details please refer to Ye Shuxian, Mythological Political Geographical Views in the Classic of Mountains and Seas, in Ethnic Arts Quarterly, 1999(3). 39 In Research Theories on the Southwest—Overview, Xu Xinjian deconstructed and recombined the character “方” (fang) and provided illustrations. Taking cues from these, the author deconstructed them into directions (fangxiang 方向) and their schematic of the character “中,” and squares (fangxing 方形) and their module forms of the schematic of the character “囗” (“国”), as well as the cone-shaped model from the perspective of the narrator. 40 Thomas Crump (the United Kingdom), The Anthropology of Numbers, translated: Zheng Yuanzhe, 2007. Beijing: Central Compilation and Translation Bureau.

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cognitive model” that stresses on a relational structure of “my people” and “other peoples” in the “people from the five directions” narrative: China faces the four directions at the same time, and the opposite is true. Structurally speaking, the center and the four directions are on equal terms, but at the same time, the center and borders are existences relative to each other and made by each other. This is a twodimensional schema marked by a “self-centric” orientation and an expansion into the four directions. Meanwhile, the “concentric” model of the character “国” (guo, literally “nation/kingdom/state”) denotes an “ordinal-number cognitive model” that demonstrates the relational structure between the central entity and local entities: Evenly spaced extension from the center to four directions, and the actual distance in between conveys the closeness or remoteness between the nation and the local entity. In this idealized power modeling, the fixed central entity governs the four directions at different hierarchical levels. The “Rong-Yi-Man-Di,” as the “foreign peoples,” were categorized into yaofu and huangfu divisions, and were no longer “the other” that simultaneously faced the center. In other words, there were “hierarchical differences” in the four directions as well, with those farther away from the center also being farther away from the nexus of the central power, meaning lesser degree of control by the central power. Therefore, unlike the cultural cognitive model in “one point four directions,” this was a power cognitive mode. These two schemas might vary in their visual presentations, and they describe different primary subjects, but from the perspectives of the “drawers” of the schema map, they share a high degree of resemblance: A certain region or point is considered the center, and then the regions in different directions are divided and described in a coaxial manner, which eventually turned into an ever-present spatial concept and mindset in Chinese cultural tradition. Thus, any discussion about the narratives of the “people from the five directions” mandate studies on the spatial model of the five directions. In turn, to speak about this spatial model, it is necessary to first clarify the following questions: Who, and at what place, drew this “tianxia” schema? From the angle of sociology of knowledge, what does the coexistence of these two schemas in the royal regulation indicate? What was the purpose of such an act of “drawing?” In other words, what was the point of the existence of the “people from the five directions” as an ethnography?

4.2.2 The “People from the Five Directions” and the Intention of the Sage In Introduction to Historical Geography, Japanese scholar Judi Lifu looked at the asymmetric relationships between objective maps and cognitive maps, and pointed out that the spaces in literature are “cognitive maps” seen and drawn by humans attached with “cultural filter” and are spatial expressions of various culture groups’

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actions that are different in relation to each other. Prof.41 Ye Shuxian believes that the “concentric square” geographic structure can be deemed a direct product of “cognitive map,” and “indicates that the world view of the people of that era is expressed through their ethnic view…the inclusion of China and “non-China” in the same type of spatial structure was probably the first political unity belief in history.”42 From the narrator’s point of view, the center slowly rose from the “middle,” defined the unbalanced relationship between the self and the other through the marking and possession of space, and created a supreme status that looked down on the rest of the world with a vision resembling a cone of dense rays. The “middle” is the power center located at the tip of the cone, and a “cone-shaped” model of rulership of “tianxia” is hidden within these two types of basic formation. This type of model is not something that the author imagined, but actually derived from the following evidences: (i) Under a seemingly omniscient perspective of the narrator, in the imagined dynastic political geographic structure model the “Middle Country” (China) was positioned as an “absent” entity that was undoubtedly in existence. Meanwhile, the Rong-Yi-Man-Di played the roles of “the other” in relations to the “Middle Country” and touted as “known foreign people.” This demonstrates the narrator’s hidden “Middle Country” identity and stance. (ii) However, take a deeper look at the narrative’s political objective to “conform to their (conquered alien’s) religious beliefs without forcibly changing their customs; to unify the decrees (in the hands of the rulers) without changing their original traditional mode of production, lifestyle and customs,” then set everything in the context of the texts in the Royal Regulations chapter of Li Ji, then it can be observed that the “people from the five directions” did not exist in isolation, rather they existed to be talked about and to be planned within the civil administrative scope of the ruler’s political blueprint. All “five directions” existed in the political blueprint, but the “Middle Country” was obviously above the other “four directions.” The “Middle Country” was not talked about because the entire “royal regulation” system was talking about the “Middle Country.” Only with this kind of holistic vision could one realize that the “people from the four directions” were the “absent entities” being talked about, and the limitations and insufficiency of the scope of the “Middle Country” in terms of understanding about the “people from the four directions” would be noticed. (iii) In the narratives of the “people from the five directions,” behind the spatial markings that distinguished the Middle Country from the Rong-Yi peoples were different cultures under different ecological environment. The narrators 41 For details please refer to Journal of Chinese Historical Geography, translated: Xin Deyong, 1987(2). 42 Ye Shuxian, Mythological Political Geographical Views in the Classic of Mountains and Seas, in Ethnic Arts Quarterly, 1999(3).

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attempted to treat such different cultures and lifestyles with fairness and equality, and due to the hidden mechanism of the “cultural filter,” in the inclusive atmosphere to “focus on teaching them ceremonies and rites, and emphasize united and undisputed political authority” the narrators tried to refrain from actions to “change their customs or change their habits,” so as to create a united world filled with “difference and harmony,” but the pride innate in Huaxia, the kingdom of rites and ceremonies, was more than clear. This kind of pride formed intertextuality in the Royal Regulations chapter and even throughout the entire Li Ji. For instance, it was written in the Royal Regulations chapter that those who could not pass archery test on the first day of the year or who fail poetry, writing, rite, or music examinations many times would be subjected to the punishment of “banishment to faraway land and being disgraced for life.” Annotations have all explained “faraway land” as the two fu (a unit in the jifu territorial division system) of yaofu and huangfu farther than the nine ancient provinces, which were the habitats of the Rong-Yi-Man-Di.43 Similarly, in the Great Learning it was written “exile to become one as the four barbarians and not like the Middle Country.” In etiquettes related to an audience with the emperor as seen in the Summary of the Rules of Propriety chapter of Li Ji, different titles were used to distinguish between visitors of different status: “When a leader of one of the nine administrative states enters the state of the emperor, he should be called mu…a leader of the eastern Yi, northern Di, western Rong or southern Man are more powerful but should be called zi.” In the Annals of the Five Emperors of the Records of the Grand Historian, Sima Qian looked back at the narrative of ancient history and wrote: “The minister of works might be banished to the ridge of Yu to reform the Northern Ti tribes, that Huandou might be detained on mount Chong, to reform the Southern barbarians, that the chief of the three Miao tribes might be removed to Sanwei (three cliffs) to reform the Western Rong people, and that Gun might be imprisoned for life on Mount Yu to reform the Eastern barbarians. These four criminals being thus dealt with, universal submission prevailed throughout the empire,” in which the history of the Rong-Yi-Man-Di refers to the history in exile. The above phenomena were the products of the order or scope of the “Middle Country,” under which the Rong-Yi-Man-Di coexisted in “tianxia” as “non-Middle Country” and “alien” entities. The difference between a “member” and a “nonmember” revolved around the “dressing code.” Thus, if a person of the “Middle Country” did not understand rites and ceremonies, then he or she would be belittled as a Man-Yi barbarian, or even banished to a faraway land in the realms of said barbarians, vice versa. (iv) The “Yi-Xia” relations formed intertextuality in Li Ji, and this intertextuality could expand to the written texts in the entire pre-Qin Dynasty period or even the writing of orthodox culture of the entire Chinese history,44 with the “dressing 43 Sun

Xidan, Collection of Interpretations of Li Ji, 2007. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 363, 366. 44 In the Duke Cheng of Lu 4th Year part of Commentary of Zuo, Ji Wenzi said: “anyone not in my clan must have different interests in mind.” In the Teng Wen Gong I part of the Mencius, it was

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etiquette” culture to personify an image of the “other”: the Yi-Di (barbarians). In addition, ethnic boundaries were transcended to the point that such a term came to be associated with a taboo-like punishment function: Anyone within the system who did not follow the rules would be belittled as Yi-Di, disgraced as “the Other” and fear was instilled in the public to not veer off-course.45 From this perspective, there was no absolute demarcation between “Yi-Xia,” and identities were interchangeable because of “rite”.” However, the “people from the five directions” had “their own respective natures which could not be made to alter.” This type of “refusing the other” viewpoint marked by “anyone not in my clan must have different interests in mind” was like a ghost that lingered in the “accepting the other” perspective noted for the belief that “anyone within the four seas are a part of the family.” A mere glimpse at the “people from the five directions” narrative already shows a dichotomy of “refusing the other” and “accepting the other” intertwined with each other. In other words, the “one point four directions” model was “accepting the other” attitude with equality, while the “concentric square” model was a “accepting the other” attitude with class division, as in a relatively clear “xenophobic” inclination. In such a dichotomic mentality, the narrator of the “Middle Country” was actually positioned above and looked down upon the rest. Then who, and at what place, drew this “tianxia” schema? Before answering this question, another question should be asked: who is the narrator in the Royal Regulations? This is a question that has remained an enigma for centuries.46 In 1894, Qing scholar Kang Youwei in his Examinations and Corrections of the Scriptures of the Royal Regulations wrote: “The Royal Regulations chapter of Li Ji is a book with a great discriminating control over their vast multitude, including

written: “I have heard of men using the doctrines of our great land to change barbarians, but I have never yet heard of any being changed by barbarians.” In the Yuelun part of the Xunzi, it was written: “Therefore, the kings of the past stressed the ritual music but belittle the music of vulgarity. When appointing officials, he said: ‘Follow the law and rules, censor the poems and songs, forbid use of vulgar and sensual music. Govern as per the situation and the backward and evil music of the barbarian will not disturb the graceful music. That is the job of the music minister.’”. In the Wang Dao part of the Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals, it was written: “The states in the Central Plains should be the territory of Chinese people, and the states outside the Central Plains should be the territory of Di and Yi peoples taught by the Chinese rituals.” In the Traditions of the Xiongnu part of the Book of Han, it was written: “The Yi-Di peoples (barbarians) are greedy, and look like humans but behave like animals.” In the Biography of Lu Gong of the Book of the Later Han, it was written: “Yi people were barbarians in the remote areas who behave like creatures of the wild.”. 45 Li Xiantang, Spirit of Autocracy in the Pre-Qin Dynasty Period: Dialogue with Neo-Confucianists, 2003. Beijing: China Renmin University Press. 46 There are predominantly two opinions regarding the authorship and era of composition of Li Ji: Royal Regulations: One side asserts the chapter to be pre-Qin Dynasty ancient texts recorded by the 70 pupils of Confucius; the other side claims that it was created when early Han Dynasty ruler Emperor Wen commissioned people to inscribe the Six Classics. For details please refer to Wang E, Investigation of the Compilation of Li Ji, 2007. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 179–188.

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the people and heaven.”47 Liu Xiaofeng asserted that what the Royal Regulations describes is like a version of the ancient Politeia that could only have been created by a sage, and Confucius could very well have been its author.48 From the disputes arising from the studies conducted by previous luminaries, one could sense that the Royal Regulations chapter of Li Ji were pretty much valuable and the words of a sage, or written by someone on behalf of a sage, whether the text was the will of Confucius, a piece of work by a student of Confucius’ or a summary of key points compiled by Confucianists of the Han Dynasty. So what was the intention of the sage? “The versions of Li Ji by the two Dai’s contain some discreet and succinct messages that corroborate with the Da Yi and Spring and Autumn Annals. It mainly includes words by students of Confucius’ which suggest the source of rite and music, but the Confucianists of the Han Dynasty also added some key points into it, which deserves readers’ notice. In summary, the versions of Li Ji by Dai De and Dai Sheng preserve the ancient ritual ceremonies which cannot be abandoned now. As to how to renew from the old, it is necessary to keep the origin of rites and music and then refine them at any time.”49 The so-called source of rite and music refers to “music, the harmony between heaven and earth; rite, the order of heaven and earth.” The intention of the sage was to enable people to exist in the same order and same rhythm as heaven and earth, and to attain a “state of the mean and harmony” in tandem with the heaven and earth. In turn, the pathway to achieve such “harmony” and “order” with heaven and earth hinges on “rite and music.” Thus, rite and music came to manifest the “way” of the sage, becoming the center of gravity that could unite people, heaven and earth, as pictured in Fig. 4.3.50 In the Summary of the Rules of Propriety Part 1 chapter of Li Ji, it was written: “By the wisdom of the sage, use rites to educate people so that people may observe etiquette and differentiate themselves from animals.” Consequently, this “enabled the center to maintain enough pull for external elements, in turn ensuring a universal order of great unity whereby everything has its place and everything is positioned where they are most suitable.”51 In this united “cognitive map,” there was “only one line” separating Yi and Xia, and it was mostly the innate charisma of the “accepting the other” and generosity pursued by the sages for the sake of “harmony” that attracted the “different Yi” to submit and assimilate, resulting in a united blueprint in which “every one, large or small, far or close are as one.” However, “Yi” and “Xia” 47 Kang Youwei, Examinations and Corrections of the Scriptures of the Royal Regulations, in Full Kang Youwei Collection, Vol. 2, 1990. Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House. From Revision of the Royal Regulations, p. 1. 48 Liu Xiaofeng, Royal Regulations and the “Ethics” of the Great Legislator, in Revision of the Royal Regulations, annotated: Pi Lumen, proofread: Wang Jinmin, 2005. Beijing: Huaxia Publishing House. 49 Xiong Shili, Discussions about the Six Classics—A Dialogue on Chinese History, 2006. Beijing: China Renmin University Press, pp. 24, 75. 50 Diagram from Li Xiantang, Spirit of Confucianist Autocracy in the Pre-Qin Dynasty Period, 2003. Beijing: China Renmin University Press, p. 345. 51 Li Xiantang, Spirit of Confucianist Autocracy in the Pre-Qin Dynasty Period, 2003. Beijing: China Renmin University Press, p. 345.

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Fig. 4.3 Diagram of the Great Unity Envisioned by Ancient Confucians. Diagram of the great unity envisioned by Confucianist. From Li Xiantang, Confucian Autocratic Spirit in the Pre-Qin Dynasty Period, p. 345

were fundamentally “ethnically different,” and thus there will always be an “insurmountable barrier” between “Yi-Xia.” In terms of mentality “ritual of attire and cap” distinguished the two. Meanwhile, with regard to political geography, the Yi-lands were walled against as outsiders and following the expansion of the “kingdom” in the middle, were further extended toward the “faraway land.” The united tianxia with “people nearby became obedient, and people afar came to be subordinate” and “everyone large or small are as one”. Confucius said: “Once upon a time, sage kings had a way to govern the people. They divided the country into many areas and gave people the lands where they lived. At the same time, they set up many local government offices and branches to govern the local people. This way, wise men did not need to conceal themselves, and the rebel people couldn’t survive. They sent officials with authority to conduct inspections, and regular assessments. Every year they discovered and promoted talented people. Naturally, good people were attached to the kings, and the bad people were afraid of them. People nearby became obedient, and people afar came to be subordinate. In spite of different ethnic groups with different languages, clothes, they came to pay tribute the king”.52 But at the same time, due to the objective existence of differences in “ritual of attire and cap,” it was necessary to distinguish between insiders and outsiders: “Xia are inside and Yi-Di are outside,” and even unqualified individuals in “one’s own ethnic group” were “relegated” and “exiled” to the faraway land. The shifts between the “accepting the other” and “refusing the other” mindsets constitute the rich connotations and non-planar cognitions in the structure of the “five directions.” Geographic studies have found: “The combination of group features and geography reveals the unequal relationships among different groups, which goes on to exemplify the importance of being the named or the namer, of being the subject or the object. The group in the subordinate role becomes the ‘object’ in a knowledge system, and this knowledge system deprives the ‘object’ of its right to form its own features 52 Wang

Pinzhen, Modern Interpretation on Dai De’s Li Ji, collated: Wang Wenjin, 2008 (1983). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 4–5.

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and treats them as devalued and unpopular ‘negatives’. The self-consciousness of the dominating group is built around such a fact, as in excluding the ‘object’ group to the outside.”53 Under the guise of a seemingly omniscient viewpoint, the narrators of the “people from the five directions” concealed their own subjectivity: The imagery and the world of the “other” that he imagined or heard gossips about were relayed to the readers as genuine facts, consequently forming the readers’ knowledge about the “other.” This ostensibly objective “knowledge” might very well be far from the truth about the “other.” However, here the narrator obviously did not care about whether truthful “knowledge” was being transmitted, rather the goal was to tell people that apart from “us,” there were also these “other” that differed from “us.” The Rong-Yi-Man-Di were targets to be united under “us” but were different from “the self,” thus they ought to be excluded from “the self.” In the conflicting codes of inclusion and exclusion, their clear representations in the “cognitive map,” as in the people from the four directions, were positioned in the “four directions,” while their placements in the arrangement of meeting with the emperor were positioned as the “four barbarians”—outside the four doors of the hall of distinction. Previous positions in the hall of distinction when the Duke of Zhou met with the various nobles and vassals: The emperor faced south with his back toward the fuyi imperial screen; the nine eastern states of the Yi would stand outside the eastern door; the eight southern states of the Man would stand outside the southern door; the six western states of the Rong would stand outside the western door; the five northern states of the Di would stand outside the northern door. This is the Hall of Distinction (mingtang), where the superiority and inferiority of the vassals and nobles are distinguished.54 The Hall of Distinction, where the superiority and inferiority of the vassals and nobles are distinguished. The water surrounding the hall, as if a jade belt outside, was called the piyong, suggesting the borderlands of southern Man, eastern Yi, northern Di, and western Rong.55 As a specific sacred structural space, the “mingtang” was a miniaturized landscape of “tianxia,” an intricate combination of the base number and the ordinal number, and specific manifestations of relationships such as those between the sacred and the secular, the central entity and local entities, our group and other groups: The emperor, as the manager of “all things beneath heaven” (tianxia), the supreme media between humans and gods and the host of the supreme sacrificial rite, was naturally located in the middle. When the nobles and vassals of the various states came to the “Middle Country” to partake in the sacred sacrificial ritual and rite, the “steps” and

53 Mike

Crang, Cultural Geography, translated: Yang Shuhua et al., 2005. Nanjing: Nanjing University Press, pp. 78–79. 54 Ruan Yuan (Qing Dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 1487–1488. 55 Wang Pinzhen, Modern Interpretation on Dai De’s Li Ji, collated: Wang Wenjin, 2008 (1983). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 149–150.

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internality/externality naturally formed symbols of different classes and separations between the cultured and the barbaric. In terms of the diachronic perspective of human knowledge, the two aforesaid models constitute a type of cognition and interpretation of present-day people’s cognitive models of the past, while the “mingtang” model was a type of interpretation and practice of the cognition of “tianxia” by the people of that era. The steps inside and outside the mingtang were constructions and demonstrations of the “cone” model in the real world, in which the emperor was located high and in the middle at a position that could look down upon everyone. The cognitive codes of humankind are hidden behind process of transformation and unity from the “basic mode” to the “mingtang,” and the process of deciphering these codes is the process of uncovering how a type of “cognition” could turn into a type of “power,” while the purpose of the restoration of this process is to empower the people of today to use the limited information given in texts to learn about the complicated phenomena behind the texts.

4.2.3 Representation and Identification: The “People from the Five Directions” as Ethnography In the narrative of the “people of the five direction,” the spatial configuration of the “north-south-east-west” and the “Rong-Yi-Man-Di” is like a complicated and longstanding case for the academia. Ever since Qing Dynasty scholar Cui Dongbi erupted, countless scholars have attempted to solve this enigma from different perspectives,56 but finding solid evidence has been difficult. Perhaps the reason is that people take “cultural map” that was “represented” in the past as the real-world geography and take “cognitive map” as the objective map. 56 Cui Shu, Tong Shuye, and others believe that during the Spring and Autumn period there were YiMan-Rong-Di in all directions, not necessarily exclusive to their, respectively, designated cardinal direction. For details see Tong Shuye, Collection on Papers that Examined and Verified Ancient Chinese Geography, 1962. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 43–50. In List of the Yi-ManRong-Di Barbarians during the Spring and Autumn Period, Liang Qichao detailed the transportation relationship between the four barbarians and the Central Plain as seen in the Spring and Autumn Annals and the Commentary of Zuo, which shows that although the network is quite complicated, generally speaking there were relatively fixed distributions and locations. Verifications about the “four barbarians” in Meng Wentong’s Research on Ethnic Minority Groups in the Zhou and Qin Dynasties, and Wang Jing’an’s Explanation of Rites, the three “groups” in Xu Xusheng’s The Age of Legends in Ancient Chinese History, and relevant discourses by scholars such as Chen Mengjia, Dao Bangnan, Li Xueqin, Zou Heng, and Zheng Zhangshang all prove connections between the two. In Architectural Archaeology Papers on the Xia, Shang and Zhou Dynasties (2001. Beijing: China Science Publishing House, p. 270), Zou Heng put forth a relatively clear expression: The traditional “five division method” prevalent in China, as in the division of land into the five regions of Eastern Yi, Northern Di, Western Rong, Southern Man, and Huaxia, though emerged at a comparatively late period but basically correlates with actual circumstances in ancient China. The two books Chasing after the Five Emperors and Eras of the Five Emperors include even more dated circumstantial evidences that corroborate with the “five divisions”.

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Through the “people from the five directions” narrative, the close connection between “ethnicity” distinction and geographic space is apparent, and it could be claimed that “each region was a badge that reflected the ethnic groups in its area.”57 Perhaps “the spatial layout in which the four barbarians surround our ethnicity is an adherence to the ‘totem code world view’ that has been the norm since prehistoric times”58 : East: Rooster—Black bird—Niaoyi people—Huaiyi people—Yi South: Dog—Panhu (dog-related mythological figure)—Quanrong people— Quanfang—Kunyi people—Man West: Goat—Quanrong people—Jiangqiang—Qiangfang people—Qiangrong people—Rong North: Pig—Shiwei clan—Di people? The four totemic animals, as in the rooster, goat, dog, and pig, were symbols for the four directions, and together they formed a totem-coded spatial structure unique to the Shang Dynasty. In this structure, the “Shang,” which originated from the east, came to be located in the “Central Plain” and adopted the viewpoint of “Central Shang” or “Great City Shang” in looking down on the four directions. Prof. Ye Shuxian further propounded that said notion probably sprouted as early as the Xia Dynasty or even in Neolithic cultures, and was an inheritance and development of the spatial view of the mythological mindset and its totemic categorization.59 Similar to the story of how Yu the Great set up the flags and symbols for the five directions because of the desire of the people as recorded in the Rong Cheng Shi: “The sun flag for the east, moon flag for the west, snake flag for the south, bear flag for the middle and bird flag for the north”60 in order to discern the central entity from the four directions as well as their tributary relations, “which is the archetypical experience that gave rise to the name ‘China’”.61 In the configuration of animal sacrifice and the four directions during the Shang Dynasty, the three directions of east, south, and west fit perfectly with the east, south, and west narrated in the “people from the five directions.” But what about the “Northern Di?” 57 The words of Paul Vidal de La Blache, from Mike Crang, Cultural Geography, dedicated on p. 18. 58 Ye Shuxian combined the origin myth of involving chicken and humans and the Yisong people’s shrine ritual before enemy engagement common during the late Shang Dynasty as recorded in the Mozi, examined the hidden source behind the identification of the chicken, goat, dog, and pig, respectively, with the four cardinal directions, revealed the spatial structure in the totemic coding of the people of the Shang Dynasty, and argued this to be a world view with totems of the surrounding directions and nations as specific spatial symbols unique to the people of the Shang era. For details please refer to Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House. Chap. 7. 59 Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House, p. 317. 60 Bamboo Scrolls of the State of Chu of the Warring States Period in the Collection of the Shanghai Museum [Part II], 2002. Shanghai: Shanghai Guji Press. 61 Ye Shuxian, Uncovering the Mystery of the Bear Flag of Yu the Great—After the Book Bear Totem, in Ethnic Arts Quarterly 2008(1).

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The name “Di” was first seen in the Spring and Autumn Annals, Commentary of Zuo, and the Discourses of the States, while the term “Northern Di” (Beidi) debuted in the Royal Regulations chapter of Li Ji: “Those in the north are called Di. They wore skins of animals and birds, and dwelt in caves. Some of them also did not eat grainfood.” However, it is widely debated as to whether this is a reliable documentation. Reliable texts about the association between “Di” and the north include: Mozi: Jie Zang: “In the remote past, King Yao governed and taught the eight ethnic groups of Di and King Xun governed and taught the seven ethnic groups of Rong.” In the Discourses of Zheng in the Discourses of the States, it was recorded that during the eighth year of the reign of King You of Zhou (1774 BC), the Taishibo of Zhou said: “For the people of Zhou…to the north are the Wei, Yan, Di, Xianyu, Lu, Luo, Quan and Xupu.” According to an annotation by Wei, apart from the states of Wei and Yan, all the other places belonged to the Di people.62 The King Hui of Liang Part II portion the Mencius: “Formerly, when King Tai dwelt in Bin, the barbarians of the north Di people were continually making incursions upon it. He therefore left it, went to the foot of mount Qi, and there took up his residence.” And it was also written: “King Wen served the Kun barbarians… as the king Tai served the Xun Yu.” According to an annotation by Zhao: “Xuyu, the dominant group of the Di in the north, the Xiongnu of today. Xun Yu is the strong minority people living in north, and now called the Huns. King went to Bin to avoid conflicts with Xun Yu.” The Treatise on the Xiongnu of the Records of the Grand Historian: “Duke Wen of Jin resisted the Rong-Di, who resided in an area between Yan and Luo to the west of the river and were known as the Red Di or White Di.” The Seeking the Obscure in the Records of the Grand Historian referenced the Comprehensive Meaning of Customs and Mores and wrote: “During Yin (Shang Dynasty) they were called Xu Yu, then renamed Xiongnu.” Evidently, the “Di” as mentioned in texts are intricately associated with the Guifang clan, Xunyu/Xunyu (respectively 荤粥/獯鬻) peoples during the Shang and Zhou dynasties, and the Xiongnu and the Hu (peoples generally regarded as “foreigners” or “barbarians”) after the Warring States period. Contemporary scholars have attempted to use etymology, archaeology, and other angles to discuss the relationships among these ethnicities and peoples, but to no avail due to the lack of substantiating and direct evidence.63 However, these explorations all inadvertently 62 Xu

Yuangao, Collection of Interpretations of the Discourses of the States, 2006 (2002). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, pp. 461–462. 63 In “Man,” “Yi,” “Rong,” “Di” Yuyuan Kao (“Etymological Examinations of Man,” “Yi,” “Rong” and “Di”), Zheng Zhang Shangfang holds that the ancient pronunciation of the character “狄” was *deg, or written as “翟” (ancient pronunciation *dreug), which are similar to “türk” in Göktürks literatures, and was an autonym of the Göktürks, meaning “people.” These belong to the system of meaning in the term “hun” (similar to pronunciation for clan, tribe, family, people and other meanings in the languages of peoples such as the Xiongnu, Mongol, Kazakh, and Kyrgyz) in the Altaic languages. For details please refer to edited: Wang Xiaodun, Collection of the Journals of the Research Institute for Chinese Culture of Yangzhou University (Vol. 1), 1998. Hangzhou:

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are proof of the link between the north and the “Di” people of the Spring and Autumn period and the Warring States period. In other words, the “Northern Di” was a general term denoting the various “Di” people that were active in the Ordos area in the north or regions north of northern Shaanxi, northern Hebei, and central Shanxi. As for the totem of the “Di,” currently there are two predominant opinions: One is the adherence to Xu Shen’s Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters, which noted that “the Red Di were dogs,”64 and the belief that the totem of the “Di” is the dog; and the other is the assertion that the character “狄” (Di) is a transcription of character “翟” (Di or Zhai), as in the “prehistoric Di people (翟) that took the diniao (翟鸟, literally “di bird”) as their totem.”65 This puzzle about the totem of the north is a complicated one, and at present there are a bevy of claims such as the wolf, dog, bear, pig, pheasant, and eagle, with none appearing to be more convincing than the others. However, explorations about the emergence of the term “Di” (狄) in classical texts need to focus on the Spring and Autumn period and the Warring States period. Therefore, the author is of the belief that “Beidi” (北狄, the “Northern Di”) as a noun was both used as a special word and a general word. Descriptions in the “people from the five directions” drifted between the two and it would be wise to not jump to conclusion, since there is currently no solid evidence to explain what the term “Di” really entailed. However, from the perspective of the history of “concept,” the record that Beidi wore plumage, dwelt in caves, and did not eat grain-food” seen in the Royal Regulations of Li Ji, as well as the clear increase in the number of bird motifs in the Warring States period cultural relics66 discovered by archaeologists in the north, it would seem that there is quite a remarkable connection between the Di and the avian. The records in the Royal Regulations mostly reflected the spatial coding and identification of the “Di” (狄/ 翟) in the “Middle Country” spatial concept of the Spring and Autumn period and the Warring States period, and this kind of coding was a continuation of historical memory. Comparative studies in anthropology reveal that in tribal societies, everything is placed in a certain space.67 The Zuni Native Americans provide an impeccable example, as illustrated in Fig. 4.4. Jiangsu Ancient Literature Publishing House, pp. 96, 109–110. In The Chinese and Their Neighbors in Prehistoric and Early Historic Times, Mr. Edwin George Pulleyblank of the University of British Columbia expressed his uncertainty about evidences put forth by the two existing camps of opinion—the Di people were related to the pastoral Xiongnu people that emerged later, and the Di people used a branch of the Altaic languages—and stated that currently available proofs could merely proclaim one truth: The Di people and the peoples that emerged later and fought against China lived in the same direction. For details please see pp. 363–364 in the same book. 64 Wang Guowei, Explanation of Rites, Vol. 13, 2006 (1959). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. 65 Duan Lianqin, Beidi and the State of Zhongshan, 1982. Shijiazhuang: Hebei People’s Publishing House, p. 3. 66 Tian Guangjin, Guo Suxin, Archaeology Papers on Northern China, 2004. Beijing: China Science Publishing House, pp. 152–163. 67 David Émile Durkheim, Marcel Mauss, Primitive Classification, translated: Ji Zhe, 2005. Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 2005, p. 65.

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Fig. 4.4 Diagram of the Zuni’s categorization system of the universe. The universe system of the Zuni, drawn according to materials from p. 48 of Primitive Classification by David Émile Durkheim and Marcel Mauss, translated, Ji Zhe, Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 2005. The original material shows seven zones, and apart from the five to the north, there are also elements like the sun and the eagle above, and elements like the frog and water below

The Hopi, a Native American tribe, also divides the world into six positions: The northwest-puma, the southwest-bear, the southeast-wildcat, the northeast-wolf, above (sky)-vulture, and below (ground)-snake.68 “Among the Six group of tribes, clans gather in accordance with the four directions. Whenever certain ceremonies are hosted, the various tribes would assemble within a circle, choose their direction and place themselves in the four zones.”69 Geographic studies have also shown: “The world’s various ethnicities have formed various groups among themselves, these groups control and define their territories, but are also defined by their territories.”70 This is the use of spatial scope to indicate who oneself is, and one’s difference from the other. This is because every location represents its own culture. Chapter Summary In the Royal Regulations chapter of Li Ji, the structure of the “five directions” in that written world functioned as a representation, code and memory of a conceptual world, and its ethnographic significance far eclipses the depictions conveyed in some 230 characters, transcends the real or forged existence of history, and became an inseparable component of the blueprint formulated by the “ruler.” It corroborates with and reflects the arrangements and orders in sacred sacrifices performed by the emperor in unison with various nobles and vassals since the Western Zhou Dynasty as documented in texts like Wanghui portion of the Lost Book of Zhou and the 68 Claude

Levi-Strauss, The Savage Mind (La Pensee Sauvage), translated: Li Youzheng, 2006. Beijing: China Renmin University Press, p. 47. 69 C. A. Tokarev, Religions of the Different Ethnic Groups of the World in History, 1985. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, pp. 134–135. 70 Mike Crang, Cultural Geography, translated: Yang Shuhua et al., 2005. Nanjing: Nanjing University Press, pp. 142, 131.

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Places in the Hall of Distinction chapter of Li Ji, as well as the configuration of the five directions as seen at various levels in texts such as the Classic of Mountains and Seas and Tribute of Yu, and presents a relatively complete schema of world understanding of the “ruler”: A “cognitive map” in which the “Middle Country” rules over the territories in four directions. In the order of mingtang, the arrangement featured the emperor situated high in the middle, encircled by the nobles and vassals inside and encircled by the Rong-Yi-Man-Di outside, which formed structure similar to the “accepting the other” and “refusing the other” mentality concealed within the narrative of the “people from the five directions.” This is precisely an indirect reflection of the dichotomy of political pursuit for a unified world on the one hand, and on the other hand differentiation between Yi and Xia due to ritual civilization.

Chapter 5

Endless Cycle: Perspective on Mythological Time and Space in Yueling

To what kind of cosmology were the narratives of the Yueling were restricted? This chapter will explore why phenological symbols, ritual calendar systems, and human activities had to follow old methods and return to the beginning. What marked the “beginning”? How did people return to the original and the beginning? This chapter attempts to start the discussion from the mythological worldview of the schema of the “proceedings of government in different months” in which time and space were mixed as one, and uses comparative mythological study to analyze the endlessly cyclic mythological time view demonstrated in phenology of the proceedings of government in different months and the in-depth mechanism behind a ritual calendar system with “beginning as the norm,” so as to reconstruct the background the of the mythological mindset in the schema of the “proceedings of government in different months,” as well as the functions of the narrative of ritual calendar system in strengthening, consolidating, and restoring social order.

5.1 Schema of Yueling and Mythological Worldview The term “cosmology” (宇宙观) often mentioned in philosophy refers to the sum of all matters and their forms of existence, as in the unified entity between an infinite space (宇) and an infinite amount of time (宙). This kind of cosmology that mixes time and space was previously believed to be merely the sense of time and space among the ancients, but Albert Einstein’s theory of relativity enlightened modern philosophers and historians to explore the relative existence of the concept of space and time used to learn about everything: Space may only be used for observation and measurement with time as its basis, and conversely, time may only be used for observation and measurement with space

© Shanghai Jiao Tong University Press 2020 Q. Tang, Ritual Civilization and Mythological Coding, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-4393-7_5

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as its basis. In other words, whether time and space actually exist or are merely illusions generated by human thoughts form an inseparable entity together.1 Therefore, cosmology is a perennial need in all human societies because. Cosmology helps to position human beings in the universe—as in the beliefs that human populations pursue—which indicates the direction of life for populations in this world. These orientations of cosmology use the broadest and most achievable wordings to tell populations: Who they are, and their positions relative to other creations.2 This is congruent with discoveries in anthropologic materials that all ethnic groups have a penchant to explain the world and the origin of humans. The term “cosmology” refers to “theories or concepts pertaining to the nature of the world, the system of operation of the world, and the positions of organisms in the order in that system.”3 Cosmology often relies on tales about the origin of the world and everything (as in the beginning of space and time) to describe and display an ethnic group’s cognitive codes about the environment in which they live in, alongside with relevant beliefs and knowledge. In other words, in sacred historic narratives, the time when the world was formed also included the creation of space and the beginning of time. This is abundantly evident in the explanation of the term “universe” across many cultures: among numerous Native American tribes, the term “universe” equates to “year.” For instance, when the Yokuts say “world has passed” they meant “one year has passed,” while the Yuki use terms similar to “the Earth” or “universe” to signify “year.” The Dakota say “year is a ring that encircles the world,” while in India “the altar of fire is the year.” The Jerusalem temple at the “center of the world,” is miniature of the universe, and the English word “temple” shares similar roots with the Latin words templum (sacred temple, heaven) and tempus (time, era).4 In Chinese, the term “宇宙” (universe) also denotes space and time: “The course from the past to the present is called 宙, and the four directions, the above and the below are called 宇.”5 “Where there is real existence with no specific location is called space as “Yu (宇, as in yuzou or ‘universe’).” Where there is process with 1 Arnold Joseph Toynbee, Daisaku Ikeda, Forecast 21st Century, translated: Xun Chunsheng, 1985.

Beijing: International Culture Publishing Company. pp. 340–341. Fraya. The Ecological Self. London: Routledge 1994, p. 12, from Fiona Bowie, The Anthropology of Religion: An Introduction, translated: Jin Ze, 2006. Beijing: China Renmin University Press. p. 138. 3 Fiona Bowie, The Anthropology of Religion: An Introduction, translated: Jin Ze, 2006. Beijing: China Renmin University Press. p. 137. 4 For details, please refer to Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, translated: Wang Jianguang, 2003. Beijing: Huaxia Publishing House. pp. 35–37. 5 Words from Master of Huainan: Placing Customs on a Par. Universe is mentioned in many chapters of Master of Huainan, showcasing the symbolic description of the universe that is a combination of space and time. As written in Peering into the Obscure, which Gao Xiu annotated: “Yu (宇, as in yuzhou or “universe”), the roof; zou (宙, as in yuzhou or “universe”), the beam and pillar.” Also, it was written in the Searching out Dao: “The horizontal four dimensions contains yin and yang, and the broad universe is soaked in three lights,” which Gao Xiu annotated: “The four directions, the above and below are called yu, and the past and present are called zhou, thus together heaven and earth.” 2 Mathews,

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no beginning and ending is called time as “zou (宙, as in yuzou or ‘universe’).”6 On the surface, the very core of the archetype is the time when the universe was first created. The universe in the imagination of the ancient was a massive house with an infinitely expanding roof ridge (脊, which has the same pronunciation as 极 or “pole,” as in polar). The concept of a borderless space was integrated with the concept of time that had neither beginning nor end, and the specific image of the house was used to figuratively hint at the schema of the universe, as exemplified in evidences such as shrine and mingtang described in previous chapters, which were all simulations, replications, and reiterations of the beginning of time and space in the universe. The ancient text The Great Book of Xuantong, which was written in the ancient language of the Yi people, features many “taijitu” (taiji symbol) images but they were denoted as “universe” in the ancient Yi language.7 It was written in the Commentary on the Appended Phrases, the 1st of the I Ching that “changes have taiji, and taiji is comprised of two parts,” and in this context “taiji” represents the beginning of everything. In Chinese lexicon, characters that denote time such as “旦/ 昏” (morning and evening), “昆/昔” (kun and dusk), “春/秋” (spring and autumn), and “夏/冬” (summer and winter), along with combos that reflect space like “东/西” (east and west) and “南/北” (south and north) together constitute a complete schema of the universe.8 Clearly, words explain the mysterious relationship between time and space in the universe: “The universe is seen as a living and united entity. It was born, it may develop and it dies on the last day of each year, then gain rebirth on the first day of the new year. This is because they are sacred realities and sacred creations.”9 The world at the beginning of time and space “is an exciting and sacred place of living.”10 The world is a creation of the god(s), and human habitats and lives were already formed at the initial moment the world was created. The houses, shrines, cities, festivals, celebrations, and other elements of the human realm are all nothing more than simulations and reiterations of the beginning of the universe. If one were to say that shrine and mingtang emphasized the beginning of “宇” (universe) as in the spatial aspect, then the schematic of the “proceedings of government in different months” is an illustration of a typical mythological worldview in which time and space intertwine (Fig. 5.1).From the schematic of the proceedings of government 6 Words

from Gengsang Chu in the Zhuangzi, which Guo Xiang annotated: “Zou, the duration of past and present, and the duration of past and present is infinite.” The universe is the realm between heaven and earth where people live, and it was written in the Abdicating Kingship also from the Zhuangzi: “For those who stand still in the universe, wear fur in the winter, and wear light garment in the summer; sow seed in spring and labor; harvest in autumn for sustenance; work when the sun rises, rest when the sun sets, roam freely between heaven and earth.” 7 From Feng Shi, Archeoastronomy in China, 2007. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press. p. 490. 8 For details, please refer to Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology: Taiji in Changes, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House. 9 Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, translated: Wang Jianguang, 2003. Beijing: Huaxia Publishing House. p. 35. 10 Fiona Bowie, The Anthropology of Religion: An Introduction, translated: Jin Ze, 2006. Beijing: China Renmin University Press. p. 145.

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Right room

Left room

Zhurong (fire god) Emperor Yan

Qingyang (the eastern palace)

Goumang (spring god)

Emperor Zhuanxu

Emperor Taihao

Rushou

Shaohao

The Yellow Emperor Earth god

Xuanming (water god) Right room

Left room Xuantang (the northern palace)

Left room

Right room

Ho s Wood llo oat Fir we ng gg s st m do tin ain f spri for East ut Ea n d gr on o Pr ray to v h t a t ess F ho n nd p heatld a an ay o Green els f sp d c to ast fo a w o y m a g r rin ird hes of s; h on farrry ods f spr Th ce fisrvest god erem rificet g in mi out or Fo c r fi a d c ng th a g g Second month of llo criood ohrs ancism or sa d stad a cer e e oo wt S r t spring em mp d y a gnces exo mperod anry an he on ero ear Sacrificeto ori a arge of e m g lber e y r’s gin r u r l s earth gods al ive kwo g m ultu Give a bowhand exa before Wto silickin seric arrows tor eac mp p of) the first (the altagov le erningility god marriage and fert

Ve ss ns Fire an els ar bea n Fir dt e ng ke ng h ta s ati hic South pri t i c s E k ll dc summon of Fa an ice rtle st nth m th rif u Red t o e C r of mo s sac nd t g h r e o a a y ird et wis ose Second month of the Th Goat toise ven b e; the r i f sum summer ta a eto re g rs o ork s c i t m Great e t ble a s a ice g w e rif h r n e summer Taste new Sac rder e off yein w dt h O th 's d ea he sacrifice for millet n t rain to gods me wo Follow the ancient rules Hall of Distinction

Zongzhang (the western palace)

Ve d Metal sse an Fir me an ls ar st m mn dd et esa West utu the Sa eep hin on g s gs c of a eive ys ohfs th tin do a itfa rific o c a t e E White nth fa st t e gr mo s Rierst dmonrifics utu Ch o g ain ird mn oo t f thed sacl god ice ted ds s Th victim ree an se Second month of rea ta d an o al rif ica go ion m he e g to autumn c e t h t t T e u o t c tumtaste we n an Samesls t irec or ifi ap d Collect,stimulate wheat- f sacrgods tial n o a d e of r o d h m sowing and unify the ns shar ma ts in ni ur e ttionand d r n o p a a measurement system g f e s en me g a n a W of Ursecuinalevil Choose sacrifice, prepare ornuntisnhing l o h fi food and carry out autumn ood prcrimepe exorcise culture r rew the t fi al in Sacrifice and taste new ripe Cund sneingss and products a pe o w o d rs Orders are given to follow w i n doo the ancient rules

Autumnal equinox

Right room

Left room

Spring equinox

Water and larTghe ve Fir ter illet e an ssels gm t Fa st m win o North moud narrare atin pigle of lture t st t on E o t h w t a o nth cise ocfuearth , first o greDri nd s gre h of w Black m xor ox ht s at nk to et in ird n’s e the aug the the atute da Of the fes tog re fowin ter Th e natdioforth e fishomc e ainck of t e Second month of e he s stat w ys fer co tivi eth od ter s Th sen f th ng s he bmpl te to ith tafterthe mingty toer in e t the o nti t t te s winter tu e i k e a l fiv all he th sac ta te g ev for rta res nt tra e ( an spo e w rif yearreet e s ta Examine all the doors, inner and Pa p rtmences icy R thhe s ho ces ils in ice a l a outer, and look carefully after all e o s t p th ap use tor of ter th apartments to make sure that they vi or ar wi ho s, a the solree nd ate Re f are kept strictly shut ld) nd c sti ale br s last ar e c ele her sac at has ce Sacrifice to the spirits of the seas, ssuand c ot of thef a ye rif the e o d rivers, tarns, meres, wells and springs g n ice ct e nin s Exabegin r

yea

Winter solstice

Fig. 5.1 Schema of Yueling

in different months, it can be seen that the schematic dictates circle on the outside and square on the inside, and people act according to the rules and adherence to the cycle for eternity. The entire narrative of the proceedings of government in different months relies first and foremost on the pantheon of deities, followed by phenology and then royal affairs, which together constitute a complete schema of the universe: Deities/heavenly realm—phenology/nature—royal affairs/society. The east and the spring emphasize the wood, when the vessels which he uses are slightly carved, to resemble the bursting forth of nature. The south and the summer emphasize the fire, when the vessels which he uses are tall to resemble the large growth of things. The west and the autumn emphasize the gold, when the vessels which he uses are rectangular or cornered, and rather deep. The north and the winter emphasize the water, when the vessels which he uses are large and rather deep. The earth in the center as the representative of the land and the imperial power of the land governs the center and the four seasons, when the vessels which he uses are round and made to resemble the capacity of the earth. The hall of distinction as a hierophany of the universe was located at the center of the world, with the taishi room in the middle

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and the four halls of qingyang to the east, mingtang to the south, zongzhang to the west, and xuantang to the east were all in a “hall in the front and rooms in the back” configuration, each with rooms to the left and right. The emperor lived in different rooms according to different months, and issued corresponding political orders and carry out ceremonies and rites accordingly. Just as Han dynasty scholar Li You praised in Ode to the Hall of Distinction: The room for the issuance of political orders is circular at the top and square at the bottom. Its building represents the heaven and earth, and is located at a position directly facing the sun in the state. It has windows on all four sides and flow waters. Actions are based on the seasons, and residence in different rooms in different seasons. In spring, the young and weak are taken great care of. In summer, the excellent and virtuous are promoted. In autumn, people practice martial arts and soldiers are trained. In winter, people build ships and bridges.11 The mingtang, as a sacred structure that connected the three realms of the yin (water), yang (land), and godly (sky), as well as a symbol of the ritual calendar, functioned as a symbolic bond that linked the three units of time (year, month, and day) and the spaces of the five directions (north, south, east, west, and center). The master of the mingtang—the “sun of the secular world—the emperor”, i.e., the emperor “implemented proceedings of government in different months according to the four seasons” in his residence and governance as a way to imitate the movement of the sun during each day of each month in each season of each year. Not only was the emperor obliged to meet with nobles and vassals from the four directions in turn throughout the year, but also had to visit the great mountains in the four directions once every 5 years: The East Great Mountain during spring, the South Great Mountain during summer, the West Great Mountain during autumn, and the North Great Mountain during winter. Through a two-way detour, the emperor symbolized and maintained the regular operation of the time and space order of the universe, as well as the legal and sacred occupation of “tianxia.” Clearly, this is a reflection of the concept of great unity. Then, how was such a space and time cosmology generated? What did it originally symbolize? Confucian scholars like Cai and Kong Yingda interpreted this as the principle of “follow the heavenly course of nature” and “follow the way of the wise king.” “The emblematic things are no bigger than that of heaven and earth; the change is no bigger than that of four seasons; the brightness of the suspended objects is no bigger than that of the sun and the moon.” Before spring begins, sacrifices have to be made to heaven. After the heavenly order is given, a king can ascend the throne. After that, the king can appoint vassals and minsters to his aid. Then comes the varieties of species, and the difference between things visible and things invisible. Afterward, sound can be heard, and hence the sounding system comes into being. Then the stress and the weak, the clear and the vague in sounding render the rhythm. Sound and music 11 Proofread and edited: Yan Kejun (Qing dynasty), On the Three Prehistoric Dynasties, Qin and Han Dynasties, the Three Kingdoms and the Six Dynasties, 1958. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 747.

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develop accordingly, and in order to hear the sound and music, music instruments are made and placed. According to the nature of things, the Five Elements are identified, and right people are used before the altar is set up for sacrifices. The five sacrifices are made. The things above are the proceeding orders for the events done by the sages. Below “East Wind” is the sequence of Jiao and Chu. Since the two are established, the emperor follows the heavenly proceedings and applies right law of phenology and governance to the people. Therefore, the emperor to formulate the rules for residence, clothing and political governance must work as if being told by the heavenly gods. In doing this, he is considered as observing the seasonal and phenological proceedings of the heaven.12 This study only touches upon the superficial narrative structure of the schematic of the “proceedings of government in different months,” but has not yet delved into the underlying structure. Contemporary anthropologist Prof. Ye Shuxian adopted the comparative mythology perspective and reconstructed the model and system of the prehistoric mythological worldview (Fig. 5.2). The daily cycle of the sun confirms with its annual cycle, the cycle of life, the order of the spaces of the four directions, and other elements in the archetype of symbolic system, forming the original language of Chinese culture that “regulated and restricted the mindset of ancient people, and converted into and generated a plethora of formulaic symbolic rites, ceremonies, myths and legends.”13 The fact that the sun functioned as the number one standard of measurement for human construction of the concept of time and space order was transformed by mythological mindset into the master of the time and space order, the world and everything, possessing the power of world creation. This is reflected in and serves to mutually explain the composition of and special attention paid to the order of movement of the sun and moon in the world creation in the earliest and most complete astronomical literature known to men today—the Chu Silk Manuscript of the Warring States period. Before the heaven and earth took shape, the world was in chaos. When the Greater Bear (Fuxi) came out of the cave, changes began to happen. There were two gods called Fuxi and Nüwa, who got married and had four sons. The sons then became the emblematic gods for the four seasons, because they understood the rules of yin and

Fig. 5.2 Diagram of model and system of the prehistoric mythological worldview 12 Edited:

Li Xueqin, Exact Implications of Li Ji, 1999. Beijing: Peking University Press. p. 446.

13 Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House.

p. 66. For the model of the four directions, please refer to chapters two and three in Zhongguo Shenhua Zhexue.

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yang and the changes. Yu and Qi came to rule the earth and formulate the calendar system, so that the stars rose and fell in good order, the mountains and hills were made unobstructed. The Qi of Yin and Yang was, therefore, circulating between the mountains and hills and the seas and rivers. Because there was no sun nor moon at that time, the four gods manifested to represent the four seasons by turns. The oldest one of the four gods is called Qingan; the second oldest one, Zhu Sidan; the third oldest one, Baidamuran; and the youngest one, Mogan. After more than one thousand years, Emperor generated the moon and the sun. From then on, the nine states were in peace, and the mountains and hills were quiescent. Emperor Yan dispatched Zhurong to underlie the three skies and the four poles using the power of the four gods. People all held a sacrificial ritual with the Nine Heavens music to secure world peace, not bold enough to disdain the heavenly gods. Emperor then defined the rules for the movements of the sun and the moon. Later on, Gonggong set Shigan, the ten heavenly branches, the leap month and the more accurate calendar, dividing one day and night into dusk, morning, daytime, and nighttime.” According to this passage, we have made the following structural schema based on the creation myths in the Chu silk manuscripts (Fig. 5.3).14

Fig. 5.3 Schematic of the universe in the Chu Silk Manuscript 14 Classic text interpretation mostly from Li Ling, Research on the Chu Silk Manuscript of Zidanku of Changsha, 1985. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. Classic text interpretations on pp. 64–73.

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The creation of life in the universe, the orders of the four seasons, and even rebirth after crisis all relied on the respective roles of gods of the four seasons and sun’s and moon’s adherence to an order. The colored images and texts of the silk manuscript painted using ancient schematic style as a model constitute and hint at the revolution of celestial objects and are characterizations of the periodic movements of the sun, the moon, and the four seasons. The space and time schematics in the silk manuscript, also known as the “proceedings of government in different months of Chu of the Warring States,15 ” and the Proceedings of Government in Different Months chapter in Li Ji might have been treated with a saturated dose of yin, yang, and five elements. However, the prehistoric mythological mindset model still lurks within phenological symbols and observance of ritual calendar, which leaves a trail of breadcrumbs for those who intend to explore and discuss the deeper mechanism of beliefs.

5.2 Phenology and Endless Cycle of Yueling In the schematic of the proceedings of government in different months, the cycles of the sun, moon, and stars comprised the background and rule behind the annual cycle of the four seasons, ten heavenly stems and 12 months, while the five emperors, five gods (or 12 gods), five elements, five homages, five sacrifices, five numbers pertaining to changes in the yin, yang and five elements, five sounds, five insects, six kinds of music, and other elements all constituted superficial expressions of this cycle, but the most obvious expression that is also the most confounding for posterity is the phenology of the different months. The segment below will look at the relationships between plant phenology, animal phenology, the five emperors, the five gods, and the time and space cycles.

Additional info from Li Xueqin, Ancient History and Cosmology in Chu Silk Manuscripts, from Li Xueqin, Bamboo Slip, Silk Manuscript, Lost Text, Ancient Text and Intellectual History, 2001. Nanchang: Jiangxi Education Publishing House. Classic text interpretations on pp. 47–52, with minor amendments added. 15 With regard to the nature of the Chu Silk Manuscript, there has been quite a bit of previous discussions by Chen Mengjia and other intellects, mostly involving Xuan Gong Tu from the state of Qi, books 1–12 in Master Lü’s Spring and Autumn Annals from Qin dynasty, and the Proceedings of Government in Different Months chapter of Li Ji, among other materials, thus it has been dubbed the “proceedings of government in different months of the state of Chu.” Li Ling asserts this “proceedings of government in different months” and various books are even more dated, and may be termed “taboo calendar.” For details, please refer to Li Ling, Research on the Chu Silk Manuscript of Zidanku of Changsha, 1985. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 33–47. The claim that the direction of reading of the imagery and text correlates with the rightward rotation of celestial bodies is a widely disputed claim, and the author is inclined to side with the “south above, north below” theory. For details, please refer to Huang Mingchong, The Mingtang and the World View of Ancient China, and Feng Shi, Archeoastronomy in China, 2007. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press. pp. 18–19.

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5.2.1 Yueling Plant Phenology and the Cycle of Time Plant phenology in the Proceedings of Government in Different Months chapter exhibits the passage of time through blossom in spring, harvest in autumn, thriving in the summer, sowing in the autumn, and the wilting of plants. See Fig. 5.4. From the diagram, it can be seen that the springtime plant phenology, from the budding of grass and trees in the first month of spring to the flowering of peach blossom in the second month of spring, then the blooming of the Chinese parasol tree and growth of the azolla (duckweed fern) in the third month of spring, the sprouting and flowering of plants are the main messengers of the arrival of spring. It can be said that spring is a time of flowers, and thus it is customary to use the term “lady flowers” coming to allude to the coming of spring. In the four seasons in ancient Greek mythology, the appearance of the deity of spring is a young goddess wearing a corolla. Thus, the “spring flower” and “spring deity” share a symbolic identity relationship. Plant phenology that denotes the arrival of spring was actually quite abundant, but why were the peach blossom, Chinese parasol, and azolla chosen? This is because the ancients only care about and name “things that are useful or meaningful to the speaker.”16 During the first month of spring, essence of yang evaporates, essence of heaven reduces, essence of the earth rises, heaven and earth bind as one, thus grass and trees sprout in a time when all organisms seem to be reborn. The phrase “the vivid peach blossoms of spring are like flames that burn with intense colors” immaculately captures the most vibrant vista of spring and thus is the first thing to come to mind. Such a phrase not only symbolizes beautiful young

Fig. 5.4 Plant phenology of the four seasons and Floral Jade Pendants of the 12 months

16 Edmund Leach. A View of the Ceremonialization of People from Concepts and Social Development, in Selected Western Religion and Anthropology literature of the 20th Century, ed. by Shi Zong, 1995. Shanghai: Shanghai SDX Joint Publishing Company. p. 507.

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lady, but also reflects the lively atmosphere of a wedding and representation of the beautiful things in life. What’s more, spring is also the time when wheat begins to grow.17 All these viewpoints originate from the sacred meaning of the peach tree in prehistoric China. Legend speaks about “Tao Du Shan” (literally “Taodu Mountain” or “Peace City Mountain”), and volume 29 “Shi Xu” in the Readings of the Taiping Era cited Kuo Di Tu and said: On Taodu Mountain is a great peach tree, its curling branches and roots extend for three thousand li. On the tree is a golden rooster, which crows at sunrise. Beneath the tree are two deities, one named Yu and the other called Lei. Together they hold a lasso crafted from reeds, and wait for and prey on evils of all kind, which they kill when capture. And from Xuan Zhong Ji, it was written: Opposite to the main hall are two peach-wood figures standing on the two sides of the gate, with rooster’s feathers on the ropes. These may be the figures left by them.18 And volume 918 “Ji” (“rooster” or “chicken”) cited Xuan Zhong Ji and said: To the southeast is Taodu Mountain, on it is a great tree named ““Taodu” and its branches extend three thousand li. On it is a heavenly rooster. When the sunrises the rays shine on this tree, the heavenly rooster crows and other roosters then follow suit and crow along”.19 Taodu Mountain in the southeast is one of the dwellings of the sun god in myths and legends, while the peach tree is the sacred tree that communicates heaven and earth. Volume 967 “Tao” (“peach”) in the Readings of the Taiping Era cited Dian Shu and said: Peach, the essence of the five woods, and thus the suppressor of evil. The spirit of the peach tree was born at the gate of the evil spirits and can quell all evils. Thus, today people craft figurines out of peach wood and put them by doors to repel evil. This is a wood with magical power.20 The peach tree and peach wood were believed to contain evil-banishing and misfortune-eradicating functions, and were not only fashioned into bows and used as a tool alongside reed-crafted halbert to dispel the wicked, but were also used as materials for making door gods or as a symbol of the door gods. The Ding Gui part of the Discourses Weighed in the Balance cited the Classic of Mountains and Seas and said: Standing in the great ocean is the Dushuo Mountain. On this mountain is a great peach tree with branches that extend for three thousand li, and at the northeastern corner of the branches is the gate to the underworld where spirits roam. On the tree are two deities, one called Shentu and the other Yulei, and they monitor for spirits that act malevolently. For evil spirits, they capture them with lasso crafted from reed 17 Jia Sixie (Northern Wei dynasty). Key Skills for the Common People - Barley and Wheat: “Barley is sown after apricot trees sprout…wheat after peach trees sprout.” 18 Ed. by Li Fang (Song dynasty) et al. Readings of the Taiping Era (exact reprint edition), 1960. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 137. 19 Ed. by Li Fang (Song dynasty) et al. Readings of the Taiping Era (exact reprint edition), 1960. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 4074. 20 Ed. by Li Fang (Song dynasty) et al. Readings of the Taiping Era (exact reprint edition), 1960. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 4289.

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and throw them down the mountain to feed them to tigers. Thus, the Yellow Emperor pay them homage; make sacrifices to them every year; craft huge statue from peach wood; paint figures of Shentu, Yulei, and tiger on doors; and also hang reed rope nearby, so that they may catch evil spirits and feed them to tigers if any were to appear.21 In Customs of the New Year in the Chu State by author Zong Lin of the Liang dynasty of the Southern Dynasties, activities like “drawing rooster” and “hanging peach wood tablets” were already traditions widely observed on the first day of the first month in the land of Chu state: On the first day of the first month of Chinese lunar new year, people wake up when the rooster crows, and the first thing to do is to light off firecrackers in the courtyard to disperse evil spirits. Paste drawings of rooster on the door, or use shreds of five colors and local grown roosters. Make tablets from peach wood, which is a magical wood. Paint two gods on the left and right door panels, with Shentu on the left and Yulei on the right, who are colloquially called the door gods. The adults and children wear formal clothing, and perform new year greeting ritual in order of importance and seniority.22 Left and right door guardian deities featuring rooster head and ox head with human bodies have been seen on carved bricks from the Eastern Han dynasty. Of the 12 Chinese zodiac signs, rooster the sunbird is located in the west and is deemed as the sacred sunbird, while ox the earth beast is located in the northeast, and since as the northeastern part of Taodu Mountain is the gate to the underworld, so the two animals came to be regarded as the gatekeepers of the entrance to heaven and earth in Eastern Han dynasty carved bricks. In turn, the gatekeepers of heaven transformed into door gods in the human realm and underworld, as well as symbols denoting “ring out the old and ring in the new.” “The bangs of the firecracker remove oldness, the peach wood tablets signify newness (Fig. 5.5).”23 The heavenly rooster perched on the sacred tree that crows at sunrise is identical to the sunbird that live on the Chinese hibiscus, as both are ambassadors of light. In the long-ago era when there was no time-measuring device, the rooster crow was absolutely most important time indicator between darkness and light, and between day and night. Thus, in Chinese, the rooster has been given nicknames like “si chen” (literally “monitor of morning”), “shi ye” (literally “monitor of night”), and “zhi 21 Wang

Chong (Eastern Han dynasty). Critical Essays, 1974. Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House. pp. 344–345. It was written in the Luanlong part of the Critical Essays: In the prehistoric times are brother Shentu and Yulei. They are born to monitor the demons, they live on Dushuo Mountain on the East Sea, stand under the peach tree, and scrutinize the demons. Critical Essays, p. 247. In addition, Vol. 47 in the Earth section of the Readings of the Taiping Era cited the Jun Guo Zhi and wrote: On Taodu Mountain of Taizhou is a great peach tree, specifies the exact location of Taodu Mountain to be Taizhou in the southeast. Thus, Dushuo Mountain and Taodu Mountain are both located in the southeast and could be one and the same mountain. 22 Zong Lin (Liang dynasty). Customs of the New Year in the Chu State, annotated by Li Jinlong, 1987. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House. pp. 1–7. 23 Gu Chunlian. Referenced from Comprehensive Chinese Word Dictionary 2.0 CD, 1990–2000. Hong Kong: The Commercial Press. Entry on “tao fu.”

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Fig. 5.5 Bronze heavenly rooster and bronze sacred tree stand in the collection of the Sanxingdui Museum, photo by Tang Qicui. The trunk of the bronze sacred tree stand has been damaged, the three sides are hollow-out engravings with cloud and lightning motif, and in the middle is a seated figure of a crowned and armored male safeguarding the conduit of heaven and earth akin to Shentu and Yulei. The heavenly rooster meanwhile is perched on a square platform with its head held high and chest thrusting forward, as if readying to crow to the sunrise, banishing evil and welcoming good fortune

shi” (literally “knower of time”), among others. In the Summary of the Rules of Propriety chapter of Li Ji, roosters used as sacrificial objects are called “han yin” ( 翰音), which the ancient dictionary Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters explains: Han (翰), the heavenly rooster. On the timetable in the Pattern of the Family chapter of Li Ji meanwhile, “ji chu ming” (literally “first crow of rooster”) came in a sequence with “mei shuang” (昧爽), “dan” (旦), “zhao shi” (朝时) and “ri zhong” (日中), clearly indicating the crow of the rooster as the start of daylight. The tight association between rooster crow and time is evident in the job “ji ren” (literally “rooster-person”) especially created for the management of rooster and time announcement as seen in the Offices of Spring chapter of the Book of Zhou. As the saying goes, “when the rooster sings everything is in daylight.” Another saying “hen crows in the morning” is meant to denote a reverse in yin and yang, and chaos in the world. Thus, in the Speech at the Battle of Muye chapter of the Book of Documents, it was recorded that at the oath-taking ritual before the Battle of Muye, King Wu of Zhou recounted the crimes of the enemy and underscored the wrongdoings of consort Daji (of Shang dynasty), stressing on the downfall of a state because a “hen crows in the morning.” To sum it up, not only do the peach tree and heavenly rooster possess the power to get rid of evil, but also time-indicating significance such as day-night cycle and start of a new year. Thus, the choice of the peach blossom as a symbol of the god of spring was an intended choice. The third month of spring is represented by the lushness of the Chinese parasol and growth of the azolla, and just like the peach, the selections of both the Chinese parasol and azolla are both rooted in sacred affairs. The Chinese parasol is towering, so tall it can be seen from the opposite shore, with roots that extend to clear springs and leaves so abundant they reach to the sky, and is a favored habitat of the phoenix. Of things considered auspicious by the ancient people, the Chinese parasol is in tune with the sacred and deemed a symbol of the arrival of auspices. The saying that “the

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Chinese parasol remains verdant if his governance brings peace” as seen in the Lidou Weiyi and “if the Chinese parasol does not grow that something strange is happening across the jiuzhou” as seen in the Dunjia Jing are both attributed to the Chinese parasol tree’s characteristics of leaves that “know the day, the month, the regular calendar and intercalary calendar” and flowers that blossom to tell time. Thus, in the Proceedings of Government in Different Months chapter in Li Ji, with regard to “the Chinese parasol tree begins to flourish” (in the second month of spring), annotation cited the Book of Zhou and reads: “If (the Chinese parasol) does not flourish, the year will be very cold.” The tree is an ideal accompany to music and thus “Shenong and the Yellow Emperor carved qin (a type of Chinese zither) from Chinese parasol wood.”24 Legend has it that Tongjun, the doctor of the Yellow Emperor, once dwelled beneath a Chinese parasol tree and thus Tongjun became synonymous with sage-like doctors and the qin. Close connections can already be seen between the Chinese parasol, qin and phoenix as early as the Book of Songs, such as “He planted about it hazel and chestnut trees, the yi, the tong, the zi, and the varnish-tree, which, when cut down, might afford materials for lutes.” in the Ding zhi Fangzhong in Odes of Yong, or “The male and female phoenix give out their notes, on that lofty ridge. The dryandras grow, on those eastern slopes.” in the Juan A in Major Court Hymns. Meanwhile, there is quite a tight relationship between the spring phenology that is the flourishing of the Chinese parasol tree and the leader of the birds and the sunbird that is the phoenix. According to Juan A and “phoenixes start from the south sea, fly across the north sea and does not stop anywhere except on a Chinese parasol” as recorded in the Autumn Floods chapter of the Zhuangzi, the Chinese parasol is also the sacred sun tree and similar to the Chinese hibiscus, the ruomu tree, the jianmu tree, and the peach tree in that it is also a habitat for the sunbird at night. The settlement of the phoenix is a symbol of the arrival of light, and thus the arrival of auspices, which engendered sayings like “plant Chinese parasol to attract the phoenix” and the “tong hua feng”25 bird that likes to perch on the tung flower during the start of spring. Furthermore, the wood of the Chinese parasol was a popular material for crafting musical instruments, such as the qin, for its purported ability to connect heaven, earth, humans, and deities, or for fabricating other objects like Chinese temple block (in the shape of fish), horse figurine, other figurines used as burial item, voodoo doll and staff specially used during the funeral of one’s mother (Fig. 5.6).26 24 For details of the legends associated with the auspiciousness and divinity of the Chinese parasol tree, please refer to ed. by Li Fang (Song dynasty) et al. Readings of the Taiping Era (exact reprint edition), 1960. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 4244–4245. 25 Li Deyu (Tang Dynasty). Introduction on Fu Poetry on Painting Chinese parasol Flower and Phoenix Fan: “On the shores of the Min River near Chengdu are planted many purple Chinese parasol trees. During the end of spring each year, there are divine birds of five colors that are smaller than the black bird which would come to pick the Chinese parasol flowers and drink the morning dew. At sunset, they would scatter to destinations unknown.” 26 Gao Cheng (Song dynasty) wrote in the Tongren part of Nongye Taoyu in the Records of the Origins of Affairs and Things: “In the homes of those who died this year, bury Chinese parasol figurine in the grave.” It was written in the Biography of Jiang Chong of the Han Dynasty wrote in Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals: “At this time, the emperor was very old, and he

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Fig. 5.6 Jingdezhen plate with “hundred birds facing the phoenix” design from the era of the Emperor Kangxi of Qing Dynasty in the collection of the Shanghai Museum. Photo by Ye Shuxian. The deer, crane, Chinese parasol, and tree of heaven are all symbols of the return of spring to the lands and the congregation of auspices from the six directions

During the third month of spring, the Chinese parasol begins to flourish, and the image of the god of spring changes from the peach blossom to the flourishing Chinese parasol, signifying the passing of time. Subsequent phenology emphasizes on an aquatic plant—the azolla (蓱, also written as 萍 or 蘋). In The Dear Bleat part of the Book of Songs, it was written “the deer bleat as they feed on azolla in the wild.” The azolla is a fern that can be found in shallow waters, dwindles during winter and withers, then resurrects during the third month of spring, blossoms into dainty white flowers in the summer, and its entirety may be used as a medicine. Ancient people often use the azolla in sacrifices, and in the Offices of Autumn chapter of the Book of Zhou it can be seen that the “Ping officer” was specially established to govern “water resources exploitation, wine use, sacrifices and mountain tours.” In the Proceedings of Government in Different Months chapter in Li Ji, with regard to the second month of spring, it was written “orders are given to the chief director of Music to exhibit the civil dances and unfold the offerings of vegetables (to the inventor of music).” In the “Duke Yin of Lu 3rd Year” chapter of The Commentary of Zuo, it was written: “Potherbs like Ping, Fan, Yun and Zao can be sacrificed to gods suspected that everyone around him was cursing him with witchcraft. Was there really accurse? No one dared to comment. Jiang Chong had managed to figure out the intention of the emperor, and he lied that there was evil in the palace. He first started to slander the less-noticed concubines in the palace, and finally set up the queen. He also dug a Tong wood figure in the palace. In this regard, the prince was terrified and could not show innocence. He sent people to catch Jiang Chong and killed him in person. As the prince rebelled, he was defeated and died.” In Rain Prayer of Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals, Dong Zhongshu (Han dynasty) wrote: “The four-side altar is placed outside the west gate of the city, nine feet by nine feet, covered with nine pieces of white cloth, for the god of Taihao.” It was written in the Explaining Trees chapter of the Increased Erya: “When a father dies, bamboo product is buried; when a mother dies, Tong tree product is buried. With joints, bamboo is the fatherly way. As Tong means ‘harmony’, that is way of motherly care.” Huan Kuan (Han dynasty) said in San Bu Zu of the Discourses on Salt and Iron: “In ancient time, the vessels to the eye of fancy has forms but no inclusions, they can be showed to the people but cannot be used. Later, there appeared jars of vinegar and pickles. The Tong wood figures were used as sacrifices, which were not complete.”

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and ghosts, or offered to dukes as a gift,” while the “Duke Xiang of Lu 28th Year” chapter of The Commentary of Zuo mentioned: “The waterside shallow land and the floating weeds in the low-lying water pits by the road can be used as a sacrifice. Orchids are sacrificed to the dead. This is because of the reverence for them.” The Caiping part of the Book of Songs reads: “She gathers the large duckweed, by the banks of the stream in the southern valley. She gathers the pondweed, in those pools left by the floods,” which Zheng Xuan’s annotation reads: “Where to gather the large duckweed? In the low-lying land on the south. Where to gather the large duckweed? In the water pits left by floods. Pick them up as sacrifices and store them behind the ancestral windows. Who to sacrifice? A woman of the state Qi? It goes: the words and virtues, dressing and achievements for women are taught. The teaching sacrifices will be fish and animals, as well as the large duckweed. That is for the purpose of female compliance.” In the Caiping Xu, it was written: “The wife of an official must comply with rules. Only the complying woman can join the sacrificial ritual for the ancestors of the remote past.” Thereafter, the term “蘋蘩” (pingfan, as in ping and fan, two types of edible aquatic plant) came to be equivalent to sacrificial ritual, virtues of women and other meanings. The azolla, algae, fan, brazenia, and other similar species of plants were regarded as sacred grass representing winter slumbers and spring births, and collected as sacrificial items for ancestors and sages possibly because of their fast growth, which could have been associated with fertility and reproduction. There are plentiful materials on this subject matter, so details are omitted here. The following segment will look at the summer season of growth. In the first month of summer, the snake gourd grows, and the sow thistle burgeons; in the second month of summer, the crow-dipper grows, and the hibiscus flourishes; (rainmaking ritual to pray for abundant harvest) in the last month of summer, decayed grass would turn into fireflies. In the Proceedings of Government in Different Months, it was written “in the first month of summer, the snake gourd grows, and the sow thistle burgeons,” which Zheng Xuan annotated: “The snake gourd (王瓜, wang gua), the same as the bi qie (萆挈).” In the Shixun part of the Lost Book of Zhou, it was written: “If the snake gourd does not grow, the people suffer,” which Zhu Youzeng explained: “The snake gourd, also called tu gua (土瓜), sprouts in April, grows, then its yellow flowers bloom in May. It has fruits the shape and size of marbles, and is unripe when green and ripe when red.” However, why was the snake gourd also called bi qie and tu gua, people have no idea. The Comprehensive Chinese Word Dictionary summarizes: The gourd family has a growth feature of trailing or climbing stems, lianas or runners. Examinations verify that pao (匏), hu (瓠), gua (瓜), and wa (娲) all originate from the same thing, as in the gourd (葫芦瓜, hu lu gua), which is an incarnation of ancestral beings Fuxi and Nüwa, and also the origin of the tale of how Fuxi became king because of wood.27 Moreover, in the region of Southeast Asia, gua (瓜) equates

27 In

Textual Research of Fuxi, Wen Yiduo analyzed the relationships between the gourd and 49 kinds of flood myths, discovering two basic types of overarching themes: The first is tool to avoid water, and second is element to create people. The gourd, as the center of stories, is the incarnation

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to the gourd (葫芦, hu lu).28 Thus, it can be seen that the “snake gourd” (王瓜, wang gua) belongs to the same family as the gourd (葫芦, hu lu). In Li Ji, the gua (瓜) was mentioned on numerous occasions, such as the Jade-Bead Pendants of the Royal Cap chapter: “They put down the first slice of a melon as an offering, ate the other slices,” which Kong Yingda explained: “to make sacrifices to ancestors when consuming the gourd.” The so-called “gourd sacrifice” (瓜祭, gua ji) is to pay homage to ancestors when there is a new round of gourd harvest to show that one has not forgotten about the contributions of ancestors. Li Ji chapter Single Victim At The Border Sacrifices recorded that when the emperor conducted sacrifice at the border area, he would greet the arrival of the longest day in suburbs, ruling that “the vessels used were of earthenware and of gourds—to emblem the natural productive power of heaven and earth…there was an expression of gratitude to the source (of their prosperity and a going back in their thoughts to the beginning of all beings.” He would join in sipping from the cups made of the same melon, saying: “The old rule at sacrifices was to have the vessels (only) of earthenware and gourds; and when the kings of the three dynasties instituted the (partaking of the) victim, those were the vessels employed.” The archetype of the tao pao (陶匏) gourd-shaped ceramic pot is the gourd. During the second month of winter if the proceeding of the government for autumn is carried out, then “it will rain and gourds will not grow” and “if the snake gourd does not grow, the people suffer,” clearly indicating how civic well-being hinged on the gourd. Not only was the gourd a primary means of sustenance for the people, it also symbolized prolific and continuous offspring: “Gourds one after another, the birth of people.” In other words, the snake gourd and the gourd-shaped ceramic pot here represent the “nature of heaven and earth” in order to pay respect to ancestors and origins. The Rites Part One treatise of the Book of Jin said “use the gourd-shaped ceramic pot as object,” and the message conveyed here is even more conspicuous. This is mutually symbolically identical to the origin myths of many different ethnic groups, in which the gourd is considered the female body that gave birth to the forebear and the sanctuary where the spirit of ancestors rest, in which the seed of the gourd is deemed the seed of all organisms, and in which the sounds of ancestors are played from gourd-shaped flute.29 Meanwhile, in Taoist mythological mindset, “the way (Tao) of the progenitors Fuxi and Nüwa. For details, please refer to Full Collection of Wen Yiduo, 1993. Wuhan: Hubei People’s Press. pp. 106–112. 28 Song Zhaolin. Textual Research of the Yaozhou Flotation Device, The Gourd and Symbolism, ed. by Liu Xicheng et al., 2001. Beijing: The Commercial Press. p. 35. 29 In Mei Ge, an epic poem of the Yi people, ethnic groups like the Han, Dai, Yi, Lisu, Tibetan, Bai, and Hui are kins born from the same gourd; in Mu Pa Mi Pa, an epic poem of the Lahu people, Zha Di and Na Di, the first generation, were cultivated by deity E Sa from a gourd, and nine ethnic groups such as Lahu, Wa, Hani, Yi, and Dai came from nine pair of offspring created by Zha Di and Na Di, and Si Gang Li of the Wa people features a similar legend. Mu Pa Mi Pa also says that the first thing that Zha Di and Na Di did after they grew up was that “Zha Di found the best bamboo and gourd, acquired wax and tree hole, and made the first gourd flute,“ “Na Di chopped down the best golden bamboo to make xiang mie (Jew’s harp). When played the xiang mie sounded like a chirping nightingale, and the gourd flute sounded like a singing cuckoo,” “E Sa smeared potion of yearning on the xiang mie, and E Sa smeared potion of yearning on the gourd flute; when Zha Di plays the gourd flute he would think of his sister, and when Na Di plays the xiang mie she would think of her

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gave rise to the one,” in which the “one” (written as—but also as 壹) is an image of the holistic archetype of source of creation—the 壶 (hu), as in 瓠 (hu, as in 葫芦 hu lu the gourd, or the egg of the universe). The consecration of a gourd-like symbolic object or token during ritual also conveys a return to the holistic and undivided original form before the creation of the world.30 Thus, the gourd’s sprouting in April or the first month of summer, flowering in May, “to be eaten in July and made vessels in August” became a subject of great interest among the people (Fig. 5.7). The sow thistle is also known as tu (荼), and in the Explaining Plants chapter of the Erya, it was written: “Tu, the sow thistle.” It is a plant that grows year round and belongs to the Asteraceae or Compositae family. There are plenty of examples in the Book of Songs, such as “who says the sow thistle is bitter? It is as sweet as the shepherd’s purse (qicai in Chinese, or the Capsella bursa-pastoris)” in Gufeng of the Odes of Bei, “even the “bitter” sow thistle grows sweet” in Qiyue of the Odes of Bin, and “Sow-thistle tastes like sugar” in Cotton of the Major Court Hymns, to which annotators have all commented that “tu” (荼) refers to the sow thistle. It begins to grow when it senses heat from the sun, blossoms during spring and summer. Its roots and leaves are both edible if tender, which exhibits a slightly bitter taste and possesses effects such as reducing internal heat of the body, cooling temperature of blood, detoxification, improving vision, appeasing the stomach, and suppressing cough. If consumed cold, the sow thistle instead has a sweet flavor, thus giving rise to the saying “even the “bitter” sow thistle grows sweet.” The Family Instructions of Master Yan cites the Xuantu part of Yitong Guayan and reads: “The sow thistle grows in the cold part of autumn, survives winter and embraces spring, then reaches fruition in summer. Another name is youdong (游冬, a bitter green). Its leaves resemble those of endives but thinner, secretes white juice when torn apart, and its flowers are yellow like chrysanthemum. This is much like Phoenix tree, which is still in use today.” The ability to survive winter is a testament to its endurance. Thus, the ancient people’s focus on the sow thistle was driven by both seasonality but probably also the close association between the food and purported medicinal effects. Majority of summer phenology are related to medicinal materials like the snake gourd, sow thistle, crow-dipper, and hibiscus, which was likely associated with the government proceeding to “gather and store medicinal materials” during the second month of summer. With regard to “the crow-dipper grows, and the hibiscus flourishes” during the second month of summer, Zheng Xuan annotated: “The crow-dipper, a medicinal herb. The hibiscus, same as the wang zheng (王蒸). Another name is shunhua (舜华).” Kong Yingda’s Correct Meaning of the Five Classics references brother.” Furthermore, the story continues that the five pipes of the gourd flute are five brothers, and during one major draught, the five of them each brought a bamboo pipe and went to see the god to ask for rain but the god was sleeping and could not be waken, so they played their bamboo pipes to wake up the god with their remarkable music. Another time, the five brothers ventured deep into the mountains, but their father wanted them to come home, so he collected five bamboo pipes, tied them together and played it, then the five brothers heard the sound from the pipes, realized that as the call of their father, so they returned to their parents. 30 Ye Shuxian, Explanation on the Culture of Zhuangzi, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi Normal University Publishing House. pp.184–214.

Fig. 5.7 Inheritance and manifestation of the mythology of gourds and vines

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the Explaining Plants chapter of the Erya and reads: “The hibiscus, edible, and may be called riji (日及), and also wangzheng. Its flower grows in daylight and withers in the dark.” The hibiscus reproduces prolifically, and stays alive when planted in early spring or during rainy season, end of autumn or early winter. It has a relatively lengthy flowering period, from June in summer to September. Li Shangyin’s poem Hibiscus reads: “The hibiscus bloom into vivid colors and vie for attention in the frigid autumn gust, they blossom beautifully for the moment and the scenery is picturesque but they cannot last long. There are so many beauties in the palace that even the emperor could not remember, and everyone strives to maintain their good looks to vie for his attention, but whether one can capture the lord’s heart is beyond one’s control.” The hibiscus is also famed as a medicinal herb, with its flower, seed, root, and other parts possessing effects like reducing internal body heat, cooling down the blood, detoxification, and anti-inflammation. Planting hibiscus as fence is a common practice in areas around Hubei and Hunan Provinces, and the flower is often seen as a part of the vegetation in the front court, backyard, between fields, and by roads. The last month of autumn or the ninth month on the traditional Chinese calendar is also known as the “chrysanthemum month.” Qing dynasty scholar Li Quan wrote in the Suishi chapter of the Collection of Different Names of Different Objects: “September is the month of chrysanthemum.” There is a myriad of chrysanthemum varieties, with the majority possessing medicinal properties including effects such as vision improvement, liver detoxification, evil banishment, and prolonging longevity, so it is customary to climb a high mountain and drink chrysanthemum liquor during the Double Ninth Festival (or Chongyang Festival) that falls on the ninth day of the ninth month each year on the traditional Chinese lunar calendar. Volume three, Qifuren Shi’er Yan Gongzhong Leshi, of the Miscellaneous Records about the Western Capital reads: On the ninth day of the ninth lunar month, people wear the zhuyu plant (茱萸, Cornus officinalis), eat peng er (蓬饵, purportedly the precursor of the Chongyang cake), and drink chrysanthemum liquor and boost longevity. When the chrysanthemum is in full bloom, people pick them including stalks and leaves, place them together with millet until the ninth day of the ninth month in the following year when the mixture ferments, then drink it, hence the name chrysanthemum liquor.31 Zong Lin’s Customs of the New Year in the Chu State also has similar documentation. When flowers begin to wither in autumn, only the chrysanthemum remains vibrant and fragrant, just like winter-sweets in winter. Both are renowned for their endurance against the cold, becoming an icon that symbolizes conviction and aspiration among scholars. Yet, the deeper meaning here is that the chrysanthemum represents the juncture between the start and end of the cycle of a year. In the second month of winter, “the common rue begins to grow and the liting emerges,” indicating that yin energy reaches its apex and then declines after the day of 31 Annotations verified by Xiang Xinyang et al. Verification of Annotation on the Miscellaneous Records of the Western Capital (by Liu Xin of Han dynasty, Ge Hong of Jin dynasty), 1991. Shanghai: Shanghai Guji Press. p. 138.

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winter solstice, the balance between yin and yang starts to shift, yang energy expands, and thus plants like the common rue and liting sprout first because of their sensitivity to yang essence. The common rue and liting here play the role of the forerunner of yang energy because of their growth habits and evil-dispelling function. The Small Calendar of the Xia says “collect the common rue as a plant for shrines,” the Benwei part of Master Lü’s Spring and Autumn Annals says “the common rue as brilliant as the sun,” the Master of Huainan says “the common rue can revive from death,” and Chenggong Sui of Jin dynasty wrote in the fu poem Yunxiang Fu “the beautiful common rue is cleansing and elegant, embracing the energy from the sun. It has stalks like the bamboos of autumn and branches like the pines of spring.”32 The “liting” plant belongs to the Orchidaceae family, and the Shixun part of Lost Book of Zhou says “if the liting doesn’t grow, the ministers rule the court,” and in the Shuzheng part of the Family Instructions of Master Yan, Yan Zhitui wrote “if the liting doesn’t grow, the state will be ravaged by lots of fire.” It is believed that the liting is a bellwether of the arrival of yang essence, and could even foretell world order and dispel wickedness. Similar as to why the peach, Chinese parasol, chrysanthemum, orchid, and others were chosen from among all plants by the ancient people as time indicators, of the various aspects of phenology, why did the “flower” become the indicator of time? The voodoo significance in the Tujia people’s use of the “flowers of the 12 months” in the “Flowers and Boundaries” to pray for productiveness is worthy of further examination: What flower blooms on the first lunar month? The mengqiu flower blooms on the first lunar month, I am not going to wear that. What flower blooms on the second lunar month? The peach blossom blooms on the second month, I am not going to wear that. What flower blooms on the third lunar month? The Chinese parasol tree flower blooms on the third month, I am not going to wear that, and wives of friends, don’t touch that flower. What flower blooms on the tenth lunar month? The pomegranate flower blooms on the tenth month, I am going to wear that. Sisters of 18 love, must fall in love with it. Woo-hoo! To see that flower and not wear it, is a tremendous waste! I am going to pick one of these golden flowers, and cover this golden flower in golden leaves. I am going to pick one of these red flowers, and a lady wearing red flower is going to attract men. I am going to pick one of these blue flowers, then cover my head with a black gauze cap. I am going to pick one of these white flowers, then carry a child to get through the jars as to survive the evils.33 To wear flowers on your head, make sure you wear a whole head of flowers, to drink tea make sure you drink a full cup of tea. When wear flowers, you should pick 32 For details, please refer to ed. by Li Fang (Song dynasty) et al. Readings of the Taiping Era (exact reprint edition), 1960. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 4350, entry on “yun xiang”. 33 In the plate bridge to the gate is placed a huge jar with bottom and top openings. The house owner shoulders a child through the jar, which is called “surviving the evils.”

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the buds. When meeting mates, one would then meet the young one. At night a gourd seed is sown, you see it grow and out comes a baby. Woo-hoo!34 It can be seen in that fertility voodoo of the Tujia people, the flower is an allusion to people, and to “wear flower” alludes to the fusion of the yin and the yang: “When wear flowers, you should pick the buds. When meeting mates, one would then meet the young one. At night a gourd seed is sown, you see it grow and out comes a baby.” The flower bud hints at the female reproductive organ, gourd seed suggests semen, and the purpose is to conceive a baby, thus the prayer for pregnancy is quite clear. Peach blossom in the second month and verdant Chinese parasol in the third month also make an appearance here. Obviously, the choice of the blooming peach blossom and blooming Chinese parasol for the spring phenology in the Proceedings of Government in Different Months conveys the intention for reproductive fertility. “The vivid peach blossoms of spring are like flames that burn with intense colors, this lady is getting married and happily going off to her husband’s home” in Tao Yao in the Book of Songs is meant to be an auspicious wish for reproductive fertility expressed during wedding ritual. The connection between “flower” and prayers for fertility is amply demonstrated through a wide array of examples of the worship of flowers among different peoples as shown in Interpretations of the Culture of Fertility Rite by Liao Mingjun,35 and thus details are omitted here. Now, let’s take a look at the connection between the character “花” (hua, literally “flower”) and the character “华” (hua) in the term “中华” (zhonghua, synonymous with China, as in Zhonghua Minzu Gongheguo or “People’s Republic of China”). Guo Moruo in Shi Zu Bi cited Wang Guowei’s explanation that “the character ‘帝’ (di) is the same as ‘蒂’ (also di)” and asserted that the character “帝” (literally “emperor”) originated from “蒂” (as in huadi 花 蒂, literally the “gynoecium” of a flower), making this another instance of fertility worship: Although ancient people might not have identified the pistil or the stamen, they observed how petals fall while gynoecium remains, gynoecium matures into fruit, a fruit is large and relied upon by humans and animals as food. A fruit contains seeds, and a seed may become fertilized and reproduce an endless stream of offspring. Phrases like “gynoecium and calyx are so colorful and brilliant” (韡韡鄂不) and “gourds one after another” (绵绵瓜瓞), there are few things more magical than this. Thus, the flower must be a gift from gods, and the true ruler of the universe must be named “帝” (literally “emperor”). The emperor of the human realm is an avatar of the emperor of heaven, therefore the title “emperor” is granted to the one that can communicate with heaven.36

34 Peng

Rongde. Mysteries of Flower Witchcraft, 1994. Beijing: Xue Yuan Publishing House. pp. 175–178. 35 Liao Mingjun. Cultural Interpretation of Fertility Worships, 2006. Nanning: Guangxi People’s Publishing House. pp. 214–254. 36 Guo Moruo. Shi Zu Bi, in Chinese Modern Academic Classics - Guo Moruo, chief editor Liu Mengxi, 1996. Shijiazhuang: Hebei Education Press. p. 288.

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Renowned archaeologists Su Bingqi pointed out that ruins of the Miaodigou branch of Yangshao culture like the ones distributed around Mount Hua exhibit similarities in activities and distribution with the emergence and early formation period of the legendary Hua people (华), therefore: The floral (花, hua, literally “flower”) pattern on colored ceramics, one of the signatures of the Miaodigou culture, could have been the origin of the name of the Hua people (华), while Mount Hua (华山) was possibly the habitat of the earliest members of the Hua people. Archetypes of floral patterns on colored ceramic of the Miaodigou culture include the Rosaceae family (rose) and Compositae family (chrysanthemum), with the rose of Mount Hua being the most emblematic.37 In Archaeology by Mythology, Lu Sixian cited Su’s argument and theorized that the rose is the original totem that marks the emergence of the Hua people and symbolizes the growth of all organisms and the phenomena of summer. Meanwhile, the chrysanthemum represents dormancy and hiding and the phenomena of winter, preparation for flourishing in the upcoming year, the endless life of the clan, and thus it is associated with Fuxi, with the chrysanthemum seed’s course of fertilization in winter and sprouting in spring being interpreted as an archetype of Fuxi, the goddess of fertility.38 This is very similar to the “gourd” incarnation theory propounded by Wen Yiduo. In addition, this also agrees with Fuxi’s association with the winter hibernation and spring awakening of the Loong, snake, and bear, and her reputation as the goddess in charge of life, reproduction, death, and rebirth.39 Evidently, from the gourd and tao pao gourd-shaped ceramic pot to flower, bird, Loong, snake, bear, wind, and other elements are all avatars of the goddess of life. From the cycle in the plant phenological diagram in Fig. 5.8, it can be seen that spring flowers grow in summer, wither in autumn, terminate in winter, and reborn in spring in a cyclical manner. Comparing with the sprouting of all plants and bloom of all flowers in spring, summer, and autumn seasons veered toward embodying the outcome of spring birth and summer growth: Harvest. Thus, the fourth lunar month or the first month of summer is the time for wheat harvest, and the emperor would taste the fresh wheat and make sacrifices at the shrine; during the second month of summer perform rainmaking ritual to pray for abundant harvest, millet ripens, taste fresh millet, and make sacrifices at the shrine; during the first month of autumn, grains ripen, and the emperor would taste the fresh grains and make sacrifices at the shrine; during the second month of autumn, hemps ripen, and dogs would be used to taste the fresh hemps and sacrifices would be performed at the shrine; and then another cycle of sowing and harvest would begin: Quanmai. In the third month of autumn, harvests from the field where the emperor performed sacred ritual during the second month of spring would be stored inside the sacred barn, which would be 37 Su 38 Lu

Bingqi, Various Questions on the Yangshao Culture, in Acta Archaeologica Sinica, 1965(1). Sixian. Archaeology by Mythology, 1995. Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House. pp. 21–

22. 39 Ye Shuxian. Comparative Mythology Study Interpretation on Li Ji - Proceedings of Government in Different Months, Journal of Shaanxi Normal University. 2006(2).

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Fig. 5.8 Diagram of plant phenological calendar

used exclusively for making sacrifices to deities and ancestors, and at this time rice ripens and the emperor would taste the fresh rice and make sacrifices at the shrine; and then everything hides or shuts down during the first month of winter, everyone drinks liquor, pray for the good fortune in the upcoming year, complete the cycle of 1 “year,” and then prepare to the advent of the cycle of the next “year,” as in entry into the “start of the new year” temporal threshold. Then in the second month of winter, the common rue begins to grow and the liting returns from the dead, indicating that yin energy reaches its apex and then decline after the day of winter solstice, the balance between yin and yang starts to shift, yang energy expands, thus plants like the common rue and liting sprout first because of their sensitivity to yang essence, and the new cycle kicks off. Therefore, we can see the cyclical pattern in time in plant phenology. First of all, this is a combination of two types of phenological calendars, as one based on “flower blossoms” and the other based on “ripened grain.” Second of all, in terms of “ripened grain,” 2-year-beginning mechanisms were incorporated, as in the two types of “yearly” cycle that, respectively, began with the day of winter solstice and the day of summer solstice. Therefore, the four seasons were not a linear cycle but rather a pair of alternating cycles: Sowing in spring-growth in summer-harvest in autumn-hiding in winter (year with winter solstice as start) and sowing in autumn-hibernation in winter (birth)-growth in spring-harvest in summer (year with summer solstice as start), forming the two cycles for grains and produce, as illustrated in Fig. 5.8 (Fig. 5.9).

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Fig. 5.9 Diagram of animal phenology and cycle of the four spirits of dragon, bird, tiger, and fish

5.2.2 Animal Phenology and Time and Space of Yueling From the animal phenology cycle diagram in Fig. 5.7, it can be seen that the animal phenology illustrated in “Proceedings of the Government in different Months” is the same as plant phenology, with both exhibiting progressions and changes in time and space. The east, spring and fish scale; the south, summer and feather; the west, autumn and feather; the north, winter and jie (water), which seem to be independent of each other, but in terms of alternation between yin and yang and the order of seasons, the quartet are connected as one. What is the generative mechanism behind such connections? Why are the eagle and turtledove, rat and incapable horse, fish and Loong, and kunpeng (roc, an enormous legendary bird transformed from a gigantic fish) incarnations of each other? Why do the jue, pheasant, and other types of birds and insects morph into aquatic animals such as the clam and giant clam when they hibernate in winter? Why does the river otter eat fish? Let’s follow the clues left behind by these answers and attempt to find the answers from the scope of comparative mythological study.

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Fig. 5.10 Diagram of several pairs of mutual incarnations in animal phenology

The most obvious time and space changes or switches in animal phenology are the several pairs of mutually incarnated life forms: From Fig. 5.10, the four groups (actually a total of seven groups) of yin-yang mutual incarnations can be observed. If there are occurrences such as the swan goose that flew between north and south, cicadas that chirped in summer and quieted down in autumn, shedding and regrown antlers in summer and other changes or alterations, then there would be even more related phenomena. The swan goose is a migratory bird and migrates during spring and autumn, and although it is a natural phenology, it could also be considered no different than growth in spring and death in autumn, rebirth after death, or the endless cycle of life. In the first group, the turtledove, the spring bird of the east, turns into the eagle, the ferocious bird of prey of autumn. The black bird, in charge of distinguishing the periods of spring equinox and autumnal equinox, comes in spring and leaves in autumn. This behavior actually conceals another transformation, which is the transformation of the black bird of spring into the carnivorous owl of autumn. This is the same as its arrival during spring equinox and autumnal equinox, and thus the black bird/owl and turtledove/eagle are symbolically identical, all possessing the attributes of the god of life, god of reproduction, god of the sun, god of death, and god of rebirth. The black bird, turtledove (cuckoo), eagle/owl and the human-faced and bird-bodied deity Goumang, shrine tree, and others are nothing more than incarnations of the “great mother god” during different times and seasons.40 In The Living Goddesses, well-known archaeologist Marija Gimbutas illustrated the diverse variety of goddess incarnations and embodiments via a detailed plethora of prehistoric archaeological artifacts, myths, and ceremonies. Apart from human forms, she also transforms into: 40 For

details, please refer to Ye Shuxian. Comparative Mythology Study Interpretation on Li Ji Proceedings of Government in Different Months, Journal of Shaanxi Normal University. 2006(2).

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A bear, a tree, a hen, a stone pillar, or a waterfowl. She also has another very important incarnation—the cuckoo, which pertains to some of the springtime characteristics of goddess. The cuckoo foreshadows the life, joy, and marriage of people. This is because the cuckoo is the ambassador of spring, and thus it signifies the end of the harsh winter. After spring is over, the cuckoo disappears and then returns in the form of an eagle.41 At the same time, when the goddess carries out her duty in death and rebirth, apart from using the toad as her main avatar, she could also be manifested in other forms like the fish, snake, porcupine, sow, mare, dog, magpie, swallow, quail, moth, or butterfly. In other words, they play multiple roles including “giver of life, curer, defender of family and community, bringer of abundance to the land, messenger of death and re-creator of life.”42 Under this scope, what hides behind the other several groups of mutual incarnations is also the various manifestations of the goddess used to enlighten humans. The mole rat of spring (yin, insect) transforms into the ru bird (鴑; quail, yang, feather) in the third month of spring, but then in the third month of autumn the ru bird reverts to the rat. Or, the rodent Chinese zokor (鼢) is an incarnation of the bird loggerhead shrike (鵙 or 伯劳; yang and feather). The Chinese zokor, a rodent that burrows in the ground, is transformed from the loggerhead shrike. Duan annotated: Known by names including 鼹鼠 (yanshu) and 隐鼠 (yinshu), it often burrows beneath fields, and may be easily caught by digging into the soil. Su Song documented in the Illustrated Pharmacopoeia: It turns into the ru bird. According to Xu, the loggerhead shrike turns into the Chinese zokor, then the Chinese zokor transforms into the ru bird, it seems that many species evolved this way. The animal is called 犁鼠 (lishu) in the Fangyan.43 According to the Small Calendar of the Xia, in the first month, the rodent appears; in the third month, the rodent turns into the ru bird, and in the eighth month, ru bird reverts to the rodent. From the biological perspective, the rodent is a fossorial and yin animal, and during spring and summer it relocates into the hills and forests, but returns to the fields after autumn, which is a behavior very similar to the ru bird (a kind of quail-like animal), which can be heard or seen flying through the forest during spring and summer but disappears after autumn. The rodent lives underground, hides during the day, and comes out at night (burrows deep into the ground during the day, emerges from the hole at night or early in the morning to forage or hunt for food, frequently roams around the fields as if it is busy with agricultural labor. Thus, it is also called the 犁鼠 [lishu, literally “plough mouse”]), a behavioral pattern that holds the same significance as the appearance of the moon at night and disappearance 41 Marija Gimbutas, The Living Goddesses, translated: Ye Shuxian et al., 2008. Guilin: Guangxi Normal University Press. p. 216. 42 Marija Gimbutas, The Living Goddesses, translated: Ye Shuxian et al., 2008. Guilin: Guangxi Normal University Press. p. 230. For the various incarnations, please refer to pp. 216–130 in this book. 43 Duan Yucai (Qing dynasty). Annotations of the Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters, 1998. Hangzhou: Zhejiang Ancient Books Publishing House. p. 478.

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Fig. 5.11 Mutual manifestation of the turtledove and the eagle

in the day or sunrise in the morning and sunset in the evening in the eyes of those intensely interested in changes in natural phenomena (Fig. 5.11). 1. Pot-carrying clay turtledove in the collection of the Jinan Museum. 2. Owlshaped zun vessel of Lady Hao (Fu Hao) from the 2009 “National Treasure Exhibition” hosted in the Hainan Museum, photography by Tang Qicui. The designs of the Loong and owl from the owl-shaped zun almost seem to be suggesting the legend of mutual incarnation of the Loong and the phoenix (the third month of autumn), the jue (bird, feather, autumn, the west) entering the water and turning into the clam (aquatic animal, water-related, winter, the north), or during the first month of winter when the pheasant (wild bird, land bird) enters the water and turns into the giant clam (aquatic animal, winter, the north), and the character “辰” (chen) is the original form of the character “蜃” (shen), which originally meant giant clam. So, what really is the clam? That is no longer important here, but the crux of the matter is that unlike the eagle and the turtledove, which are mutual incarnations of the same type of animals, the ru bird, jue, and pheasant are variations of different animals, making it a symbol of the mutual incarnation of yin and yang, and the changing of the seasons. The mutual incarnations of rat/Chinese zokor and ru bird/loggerhead shrike symbolize the passing of spring, the arrival of summer, the end of autumn, and the onset of winter. The jue/pheasant are yang birds that morph into clams in the water at the end of autumn and start of winter, and then they return following the roars of thunder in early spring. In the Proceedings of Government in Different Months, it was written that for the last month of winter “magpie builds nest, pheasant croaks and chicken secretes milk.” In Correct Meaning of the Five Classics, Kong Yingda referenced “Tongguayan of Yi which wrote ‘pheasant croaks and chicken secretes

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milk on the day of Lichun,’ which is the same here.”44 The Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters reads “the character ‘雊’ (gou), is the cry of male pheasant. When thunder starts, pheasant cry and bend their necks,” to which Duan annotated: ‘It was written in the Tongguayan of Yi. The beginning of spring is in the 12th month. In the Proceedings of Government in Different Months, it was written that for the last month of winter, pheasant croaks.”45 Transformation into clam in winter, then begins croaking upon hearing thunder, in terms of changes in time and space, the autumn metal of the west enters winter water of the north, and subsequently returns to spring wood of the east. The mutual incarnation of the fish and Loong, and of the kun and peng, possesses the characteristics of the two aforementioned types of conversions. The changes between the fish and the Loong are similar to that of the eagle and the turtledove, as in a conversion between creatures of the same kind. About the fish morphing into the Loong, such was written in the Xinshi Sanqinji: In Hejin is a place called Longmen (literally “Loong Gate”), which was opened when Yu the Great split the mountain. It is more than a mile wide, and the Yellow River flows through it, while neither horse nor cart could travel between the shores. During every spring, yellow carps would swim up river against the current, and any that could swim past the Longmen would morph into Loong.46 In the fu poem Western Metropolis Rhapsody, Zhang Heng described the acrobatic performances featuring imitations of fish and Loong, which took place inside Ping’le Palace: The hills are lofty and undulating. There are lush trees, grasses, and flowers that thrive at this time of year. You will see masked figures and immortals, as well as leopards and bears played by artists. The white tiger man plays the zithers, and the green Loong man blows the flute. The graceful ladies sit and sing songs that are of lingering chant, and their voices are crystal clear and circuitous. Standing on the artificial cliff, the artist commands troops as the general, clothed in feathers and animal skins. As the melody is not finished, there appears (artificial) snow and clouds flying in the sky, with snowflakes being scarce at first and then becoming thick as the time goes by. Amid folds of garrets and rocks, thunder bursts out. As the storming sound increases, the vibrating power of the heaven seems to be felt. Huge beats creep on along the lines. The lofty hills loom up from the back (of the audiences). Tigers and bears jump up to fetch the food, while apes and gorillas move about at heights. The beasts are aggressive, and larks and sparrows are dynamic. As a white elephant comes, its nose bends down. The fish scales turn into a Loong that moves along a zigzag path. It blows white smoke, and turns into a deity wagon mounted on four deer with nine horns. You will also see toads and turtles, mermaids playing with the snake, as if in a wonderland (Fig. 5.12).47 44 Ed.

Li Xueqin, Exact Implications of Li Ji, 1999. Beijing: Peking University Press. p. 559. Yucai (Qing dynasty). Annotations of the Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters, 1998. Hangzhou: Zhejiang Ancient Books Publishing House. p. 142. 46 Ed. Zhang Shu. Xin Shi San Qin Ji, first year of the Daoguang Era of Qing dynasty (1812) engraved in Xinyi year by Eryoubentang. 45 Duan

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Fig. 5.12 Physical evidence of mutual incarnation between fish and dragon, and between the Kun and Peng. 1. Bronze jian mirror bowl with fish and Loong motif in the collection of the Jinan Museum. 2. Lacquer plate with fish and bird motif in the collection of the Hubei Provincial Museum (photo by Tang Qicui) 3. Colored ceramic pot with fish and bird motif from Banpo culture ruins at Beishouling. 4. Ceramic plate with Loong motif from Taosi culture in Xiangfen. 5. Bronze plate with Loong, bird, tiger, and fish motif from Fuhao tomb, from Zhang Pengchuan, Illustrated Collection of Color Ceramics, p. 212. 6. Ceramic pot with bird motif from Liangzhu culture, from Research on Loong and Phoenix Arts in China, Fig. 5.16

With mystical mountain, sacred trees, enchanted plants, in an atmosphere enshrouded by mist and fog, fairies sing while tigers, leopards, and bears dance. The Green Loong of the East, white tiger of the west, divine deer of the north, turtles and snakes, great birds in the sky, toads on the ground, beasts in the mountains, and fishes in the water all emerged. Moreover, “clouds rise as snow drifts, it was snowing lightly at first, and then heavily…rotate the rock to generate the cracks of thunder” depicts the stage backdrop illustrating the transition from winter to spring, the hai lin (great fish) curl into Loong, the han li (gold-spitting beast from the west) morphs into a magical cart drawn by four deer. Then enters the world of water of the north, a fantasy realm with toads and turtles, and aquatic people playing with snakes. From the description of the transitions of seasons, sceneries, and mythical beasts in the entire program, it ought to have been a “singing and dancing performance based on voodoo ritual as archetype to confirm and celebrate the passing of winter, arrival of spring and rebirth after death” found upon the prehistoric belief of mutual incarnations between the “fish and Loong.”48 Also take into consideration the tale about Zhuan Xu, the god of the north, as documented in the Classic of the Great Wilderness: West chapter of the Classic of Mountains and Seas: 47 Ed. Xiao Tong. Selected Literatures, annotated: Li Shan, 1981. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 48. 48 Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House. p. 106.

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There is a kind of fish called Yu Fu. Zhuan Xu revives immediately after death. Wind comes from the north, the sky turns into a great spring, snakes morph into fish and become Yu Fu, and Zhuan Xu revives after death.49 The deeper mythological archetype meaning in the fish-Loong transformation thus becomes clearer. The mutual incarnations of the kun and peng, and the fish and bird, not only signify changes in time and space, but “behind the appearance of phenomena is the barely perceptible pattern of origin myth. Around the world, the most prevalent patterns of the sun-based origin myth can be divided into two types: The sun bird was swallowed by a giant whale (or sea monster or great Loong of a chaotic ocean) from the sea, then spat out the next morning; or the eagle’s triumph over the snake (light) or the snake’s triumph over the eagle (darkness). Primitive philosophies about the universe rely on such natural phenomena to develop mythological plots to explain the pattern of periodic changes in nature.”50 The mutual conversions between animals from the land or sky and aquatic animals always symbolize a transition of life and death between the realm of the living and the underworld, and between light and darkness. “Water,” the source of life, naturally functions as the medium for life-death transitions and rebirths. In primitive myths, the transition between life and death is often represented by some person or some animal morphing into a fish (Fig. 5.13).51 Then, the phrase “eastern wind thaws, fishes appear on ice, otter display their fishes like a sacrificial ritual” in the first month of spring in Yueling might not merely be a narrative of phenology as it appears on the surface, but also a deeply symbol of transformation for life form: The god of winter revives in the form of a

Fig. 5.13 Giant golden peng mythical bird unearthed from the tomb of King Zhuang of Liang Dynasty in the collection of the Hubei Provincial Museum (photo by Tang Qicui) 49 Yuan Ke. Verification of Annotation on the Classic of Mountains and Seas, 1996. Chengdu: Bashu

Books. p. 476. 50 Ye Shuxian, Explanation on the Culture of Zhuangzi, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi Normal University Publishing House. p. 105. 51 Campbell. Study of Original Myths, in Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House. pp. 103–104.

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“fish,” then expands into a Loong. The otter meanwhile is semiaquatic possessing the features of both the furry beasts of the west and the aquatic animals of the north. The Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters explains: “Otter, the aquatic dog, feeds on fish.” The Jade Chapters describes: “Otter resembles a cat, lives in water and feeds on fish.” Eastern Han dynasty scholar Cai Yong’s Yueling Zhangju says: “Otter, a furry animal, belongs in the same category as the white tiger of the west, lives in water and kills fish.” In the Master of Huainan: Seasonal Regulations, it was written: “Otter sacrifice fish,” which Gao You annotated: “The otter, an aquatic animal. Catches carps then lay them on the shore, surrounds itself by arranging the fish in a ring, and this is called ‘sacrificing the fish’.”52 Qing dynasty scholar Huang Shulin annotated the Small Calendar of the Xia segment on “otter arrange fish in an almost ritual manner after catching them,” saying: “Otter makes sacrifice in a ring (in the first month of the year the otter sacrifices fish by surrounding itself with fishes arranged in a ring), resembling heaven and yang; the Asiatic wild dog makes sacrifice in a square (in the tenth month of the year the Asiatic wild dog kills other animals, then surrounds itself on four sides with its kills), resembling the earth and yin.” This is similar to the human behaviors of making sacrifices to the circular sky during rural ritual in spring, and making sacrifices to the square earth during rural ritual in autumn.53 Interpreters of ancient texts based their efforts upon the yin, yang, and five elements system, associating the otter’s fish sacrifice, Asiatic wild dog’s animal sacrifice, and human’s sacrificial ceremonies with each other. However, in light of other evidences like the bionic viewpoint of “otter sacrifices fish and people fish and hunt” written in the Royal Regulations chapter of Li Ji, clearly the otter’s ritual behavior was closely associated with seasonal fishing policies and proceedings of the government. During the Liang dynasty (of the Five Dynasties Ten Kingdoms), the Illustrated Pharmacopoeia already recorded about the cultivation of otter,54 and there are clear records about raising otters to catch fish in Duan Chengshi’s Miscellaneous Morsels from Youyang, Zhang Zhuo’s Chaoye Qianzai, and other writings from Tang

52 For

details, please refer to annotation about “otter sacrifice fish” in Wang Pinzhen. Modern Interpretation on Dai De’s Li Ji, 2008 (1983). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 27. 53 Zhuang Yazhou. Analysis and Theories on the Small Calendar of the Xia, 1985. Taipei: The Liberal Arts Press. p. 93. 54 Qiu Feng. History of the Freshwater Fishery Industry in China, in Agricultural Archaeology. 1982(1).

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dynasty.55 The connection between “otter sacrifices fish” and prehistoric ceremonies is becoming increasingly clear and confirmed. However, if we take into consideration myths that have perpetuated throughout East Asia, such as the legend of “otter descendant” in which the otter is considered the forebear of dynasty or clan, and then the skeletal remains of a killed otter in the belly or horn of a Loong achieves rebirth (with offspring all ascending to the throne),56 as well as origin myth concerning fish as the creator, and the associations between the otter, fish, and prehistoric humans, among other aspects, the “otter’s sacrifice of fish” should possess even more deep-rooted mythological archetypes: Voodoo ritual carried out in celebration of the passing of winter, arrival of spring, and rebirth after death (Fig. 5.14). Beneath the veil of yin-yang transition of the “insect” (animal) of the four directions in seasonal sequence hides a more profound meaning that symbolizes rebirth through the change and transformation in life form. Next, the Green Loong of the East will be used as an example to illustrate such a type of transformation that is hidden beneath the surface. The animal of spring is the “scaled” ones (like fish), of which the Loong is the most senior, thus the Loong is the creature that represents the east. In Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters, Xu Shen wrote: “Loong, the greatest of the scaled ones, it can be invisible or visible, it can be small or big, it can be long or short, it rises to the sky during spring equinox, and dives into the abyss during autumnal equinox.” The Loong “rises to the sky during spring equinox, and dives into the abyss during autumnal equinox” is a characteristic that coincides remarkably with the seven lunar 55 Duan Chengshi wrote in Miscellaneous Morsels from Youyang: During the end of the Yuanhe Era of the reign of Emperor Xianzong of Tang, in Yunxiang County of Jun Province lived an old man 70 years of age, who catches fish for a living and has around a dozen otters that are unleashed every other day. Right before release, the otters are kept inside a deep gutter, starved, then unleashed to catch fish with fairly profitable results, which saves the old man from the troubles of catching fish with net. This feat amazes everyone, then the otters return, gather around the old man and behave as disciplined as trained dogs. Zhang Zhuo wrote in Chaoye Qianzai: There are plenty of otters within the territory of Tong Province, and they all have owners. On the shores of the river are otter caves, if otter enters cave, they plant pheasant tail feather in front of the cave and otter would not dare come out; if the tail feather is removed, the otter comes out. After catching fish, an otter must come ashore, and human would take the fish. When enough fish is taken, human would let the otter go to consume its fish, and when the otter is fed it would be shooed back into its cave, then stay inside when pheasant tail feather is planted outside. 56 The abstract of the story is that the otter, incarnated as a young man, secretly meets with the daughter of a fisherman family or a girl that lives by the water, but the two are discovered by the girl’s parents, who kills the young man and the girl secretly keeps the remains of the otter. Not long later the girl becomes pregnant with a boy, who is a gifted swimmer. A non-local discovers that at the depth of a pond, a river or a lake is the “dragon vein” (a feng shui term denoting a place of importance), blesses the young boy to bury his father’s remains at the horn or belly of the dragon, but the boy’s mother instead asks him to first put the otter’s remains at the horn or belly of the dragon. The boy or the boy’s posterity all became rulers, such as Aisin Gioro Nurhaci the Taizu of Qing Dynasty, Zhao Kuangyin the Emperor Taizu of Song Dynasty, King Zao of the Yilao people of Guangxi and the Ding Leader of Vietnam, among others. For details, please refer to Fuyuan Xiaoshou (Japan). Verification of the Legend about Old Otter and the Young, translated: Sha Rina, in Studies of Ethnic Literature. 2005(3).

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Fig. 5.14 Otter sacrifices fish

mansions of the Green Loong of the East (of the Chinese constellation system), in which they would cross the center of the southern sky during the early part of sunset between the spring equinox and autumnal equinox.57 Meanwhile, “seeing the Loong” is closely related with farming schedule and the four seasons. Commentary of Zuo: Duke Huan of Qi 5th Year goes: “Whenever there is a sacrificial ritual, the border sacrifice is made when the insects come out; the rain-praying sacrifice is made when the two stellar mansions Jiao and Kang of the Green Loong cluster appear; the food tasting sacrifice is made when the autumnal chill falls; and the winter season sacrifice is made when the insects retreat to their burrows. Similarly, it was recorded in the Commentary of Zuo: Duke Huan of Lu 5th Year that “Hence the border sacrifice is offered at the season of Qizhe, and afterwards the people do their ploughing.” The adage “second day of the second month, Loong raises its head” is prevalent in agricultural parlance even today. The Chunqiu Yuanming Bao says “Loong is in the time of Resurrection,”: which has the same instructive significance as the jieqi solar term “qi zhe” (also known as jing zhe, meaning “hibernating insect awakens”), denoting the period when hibernating creatures awaken, warmth returns to the land, and activity starts to resume in all organisms. The Loong-themed divinations “qi long” and “gao long” are often seen in divination texts at instances that match the “qi zhe” solar term and season.58 The earliest physical Loong object seen today is a Loong figure made out of clam shells pieced 57 Zheng

Wenguang, Source and Origin of Astronomy in China, 1979. Beijing: China Science Publishing House. p. 97. 58 Wen Shaofeng, Yuan Tingdong. Research on Augury Texts from Yin Dynasty Ruins - Science and Technology Chapter, in Modernized Explanations of Ancient Words and Characters. p. 426.

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together, found at Xishuipo in Puyang of Henan Province. Meanwhile, the c-shaped jade Loong, Loong-shaped jade bear pendant, and jade hibernating bear are also exquisite and vivid. They may be straight or curvy; look like snakes with horns, scales, and claws; could summon clouds and conjure rainfall; and could roam anywhere they please. Sayings in the Qian portion of the I Ching like “It’s unlucky that the Loong Star disappeared at the autumnal equinox,” “it (Loong) could be prowling in the sky or waiting in the deep abyss,” “flying Loong in the sky,” “mightiest Loong which fly too high will regret,” and “Loong without a leader/head” amply illustrate the diverse forms that a Loong could manifest. This is like a summary or distillation of the four seasons-based calendar and thus is often dubbed the “Loong calendar.”59 The Zhanhou chapter in Wen Yiduo’s Zhouyi Yizheng Lei Zuan offers a succinct yet detailed description about the relationship between the Loong imagery in the Qian hexagram and the proceedings of the four seasons: In ancient texts, the “Loong” usually refers to the Green Loong constellation of the eastern lunar mansion….at the beginning of the year is the “flying Loong in the sky,” meaning the Loong of spring equinox; on the ninth day is the “lurking Loong” and at the beginning of the year “it (Loong) could be prowling in the sky or waiting in the deep abyss,” meaning the Loong of autumnal equinox. At shangjiu is the “highest Loong,” and the highest Loong means the straight Loong. At yongjiu are “Loongs without a leader/head (qun long wu shou),” but the first character qun should be read as juan, and thus qun long (group of Loongs) actually means juan long (curled Loong). At the heart of the house in the east is the curled Loong, and the yellow Loong at the center of power is the curled Loong. The curled Loong is like a loop without ends and there is no way to discern its head from its tail. Thus, “(curled Loong) without head,” meaning that the head cannot be seen.60 Thus, it can be seen that six Loongs govern the sky as the way of nature changes. “Vast is the ‘great and originating power begins’ indicated by nature.” The connection between the “Loong” and the qian hexagram (heaven) is similar to the connection between the “ox” and the kun hexagram (earth), in that they are both the beginning of everything. For the phrase “on the ninth day of the first month, it’s unlucky that the Loong Star disappeared at the autumnal equinox,” Kong Yingda explained its correct denotation as: “To lurk is to hide or conceal, the Loong is a creature that morphs, thus together meaning that the essence of the nature of heaven starts from the month of Jianzi.” “Jianzi” refers to the day of winter solstice in the 11th month of the year, when the Green Loong would burrow underground and the Loong’s head (as in 氐, the di lunar mansion) has not yet shown, though momentum is building up. For the phrase “nine two, see the Loong in the field,” Kong Yingda explained its correct denotation as “the month of taicu,” and with regard to the “the month of taicu” in Li Ji chapter Proceedings of Government in Different Months (Yueling), Kong Yingda explained: “ 簇Cu, also Cou凑, means that yang is building up in the ground, at the earthly branch 59 From Lu Sixian. Archaeology by Mythology, 2005. Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House. p. 364. 60 Wen Yiduo. “Yi-Zhan Hou-Qian” in Zhouyi Yizheng Lei Zuan, Full Collection of Wen Yiduo. pp. 231–232.

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of yin and in the first month.” Corroborating with the phrase “shaoxie longjiao” in the Astronomy treatise of the Records of the Grand Historian, the intended meaning ought to be that when the “horn” (jiao) of the Loong constellation appears in the east during sunset, as in the divination “qi long” in divination text and the month of “qi zhe” in the Proceedings of Government in Different Months, flora and fauna in winter slumber begin to wake up, agricultural affairs would soon start, and the new year has officially begun. Thus, in the first month of spring in the Proceedings of Government in Different Months, expressions like eastern wind thaws, grass and trees sprout, insects start to vibrate, fish appear on ice, otters sacrifice fish, and swan geese arrive can all be interpreted as representations of the animals’ and plants’ “revival after death” as the land starts to thaw and warm up. “Jiusan” is the month of Zhenchen, during the spring equinox when the black bird comes and eagle morphs into turtledove. The god of spring and god of life again descend into the human realm, heaven and earth combine as one, and thus the peach tree begins to flourish (plant reproduction), birds and beasts mate (animal reproduction), people gather in mulberry forests (human reproduction), and the emperor makes sacrifice in the field (heaven and earth’s reproduction, commencement of agricultural affairs). This is “辰” and “震,” and “辰” means to vibrate (震, or shake), to move and to become pregnant. It was written in Explaining Graphs and ): “The character ‘辰’ is the same as ‘震’. In the Analyzing Characters 《说文解字》 ( third month (March) of the lunar year, the yang essence moves, cracks of thunder shakes the people, and it is time to farm. Everything grows.” Previous chapter shows that the lunar mansion fang of the Green Loong of the East equates to the belly of the Loong and equates to the Earthly Branch symbol “辰” (chen), denoting signs of life and pregnancy. From the phenology of the proceedings of the government in different months (Yueling), it can be seen that everything from heaven and earth to humans are all “vibrating” and “pregnant,” thus agricultural affairs also share a symbolic identification here.61 “Nine four, it (Loong) could be prowling in the sky or waiting in the deep abyss” denotes that all mansions of the Loong constellation have emerged from the water (the north is water) and are all visible above the horizon to the east. Kong writes, “Not in the sky above, not in the ground below, nor in the human realm in the middle, nowhere to be.” Even the ji mansion, the last in the Loong constellation, has surfaced above the water. The term bo yang (簸扬) phrase “Although Star Ji is shining in the southern sky, it cannot be used to blow the shell debris from the grain basket.” as seen in the Dadong part of Lesser Court Hymns in the Book of Songs means sandstorm and dust storm, which gave rise to the phrase “If the moon 61 Many characters associated with farming are derived from the character “辰,” and some examples are 农 (nong, literally “agriculture,” “to farm,” etc.), 辱 (ru, a simplified form of a character meaning clam, as clam shell was fashioned into an ancient weed removal tool), and 蓐 (ru, various meanings but also suspected to be the original form of the character 薅, literally “to remove weed by pulling”). The naming of constellations and stars are often related to agricultural affairs, and ancient people usually named them after farming tools (in the west, the North Star is also referred to as the “plough star”). Guo Moruo. Chen part of Shi Ganzhi, in Chinese Modern Academic Classics - Guo Moruo, chief editor Liu Mengxi. p. 331.

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Fig. 5.15 Jin dynasty emperor imperial hairband pin of the Xianbei clan with Loong motif, a symbol of the supremacy of the “nine” and “five” (photo by Ye Shuxian at the Shanghai Museum)

leaves Star Ji position, the wind can be used to blow the shell debris from the grain basket” in Chunqiu Wei. “Nine five, flying Loong in the sky” marks a time when the constellation Green Loong of the East straddles the center of the sky to the south, which is a summertime astrological phenomenon. This is a season characterized by “Everything grows vigorously in summer, stretches freely, and grows comfortably. They look shiny and beautiful, and there is nothing to hinder. Combining color with fruit, nature will present big and bountiful fruits. Because of the great harvest, gods can enjoy the sacrifice. If the sacrifice is grand and if you people forget to cook the food respectfully, gods will protect the people friendly, and the tradition of harvest will be passed down from generation to generation,”62 which quite aptly reflects the plant phenology. “Nine five” is the most superior number of heaven and earth, and the Loong constellation here can be understood as connecting heaven with earth, and then transforms into “Huo Zheng” (god of fire) of the south: The number “nine” is exclusively used to symbolize heaven, while the number “five” is the number that connects heaven and earth. The character “五” (wu, literally “five”) can be understood as “午” (also wu, literally “noon”), and in oracle inscriptions “午” is a pictographic character that resembles a wooden pole pointing at the canopy, indicating that heaven and earth, and yin and yang, “conjoin” here. The combination of the numbers “nine” and “five” represents the linkage between the canopy and the center of the earth (Fig. 5.15).63 It was written in the Duke Xiang of Lu 9th Year part of Commentary of Zuo: “When sacrificing to god of star of fire, ancient chief of fire ritual shows respects of the mansion Xin or the mansion Liu in the sky, because the star of fire is moving between the two mansions. Therefore, the mansion Liu is called Chun fire star and the mansion Liu, Big Fire Star. The fire chief of Taotang lives in Yubo, Shangqiu, and makes sacrifices to the Big Fire Star to determine the seasonal proceedings. As this old method is followed, sacrifices are made to the Big fire star as main star.” The Canon of Yao also notes: “The mansion of fire star in the day time means the second month of summer. The people have to rely on something useful, and the birds and beasts have less hair.” As such, the Green Loong of the East and Vermillion Bird 62 This

is summer song Zhu Ming for rural sacrifices in Han Dynasty. Proofread: Lu Qinli. Poetry of the Pre-Qin, Qin, Han, Wei, Jin and Northern and Southern Dynasties, 1983. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 148–149. 63 Lu Sixian. Archaeology by Mythology, 1995. Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House. p. 361.

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of the South complete their “mutual morphosis,” and within the study of mythology this could be deemed a case of a substitution and transformation of deities. The saying that “At shang jiu, the mightiest Loong which fly too high will regret” refers to when the Loong constellation streaks across the middle of the sky toward the west, and Kong Yingda explained its correct meaning as “the highest sun is at its greatest and most prominent…after remaining at its highest stage for an extensive period, a change in the opposite direction is inevitable,” thus it would turn from extreme yang toward yin, and at this period if it does not rain, then a major draught is imminent, which is why the “yu ji” rainmaking ritual is stated in the Proceedings of Government in Different Months. “Earth Loong prays for rain” was written in the Master of Huainan: Discourse on Mountain, which also indicates a “regret” when yang essence reaches its most extreme. The shang liu in the kun hexagram says: “The Loong battles in the field, its blood is black and yellow. It symbolizes: It is running out of options.” Kong Yingda explained its correct meaning vividly as the duel between the Loong of yang and the Loong of yin, and the one who runs out of options first is the highest Loong that ends. According to the correct meaning by Kong Yingda, shang jiu is the month of Jianqu, equating to the ninth month in the ancient calendar and the tenth month in the Zhou calendar, which both fall within autumn, a period when the White Tiger constellation reigns supreme. Does the “duel between the two Loongs” hint at a “mutual morphosis” between the Loong and the tiger? Regardless, this is a period when astronomical phenomena markedly changes, the vitality engendered by the sudden appearance of the Green Loong of the East is eclipsed by the “tiger of autumn,” and the tiger deity of the west, while the turtledove, as in the goddess of life, transforms into the eagle during this period. The eagle soaring in the sky and the tiger descending from the hills jointly constitute the scenery of autumn: “The mythological concepts embodied in wine sacrificial ceremonies to the sun and sacrifices to the moon in models prevalent in the west, as well as the analogical mythological concepts manifested in the death of plants (autumn harvest), death of animals (hunting) and death of humans (execution) are all consolidated within the archetypical time and space of ‘strengthening of yin and decline of yang’.”64 According to the mythological imaginations of the ancient people, life progresses according to the course of birth-death-rebirth. The east is the start of life, while the west is the juncture when death turns to rebirth. Therefore, although plants have withered, life does not end here, instead converting into or substituted by another form of life. The black bird, swan goose, pheasant, jue, turtledove, and others are birds of the east and spring, and they could take the shape of eagle the bird of prey or transform into aquatic animals like toad or clam, and then enter the next phase of the journey of life. From this point of view, autumn and spring both possess identical life conversion functionality. While harvest (plant), hunting (animal), and execution (humans) in autumn are acts of death, at the same time they also help get rid of the old and usher in the new, update the order of the world, and maintain the cleanliness 64 Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House. p. 101.

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and orderliness of the world. Nuo operas in the autumn and spring, qiu she and spring rite, and seeding in autumn and in spring all come in pairs that form a second journey or a second type of journey of life, as in reentry into the phase of pregnancy. Thus, “at yongjiu are Loongs without a leader/head,” the horn (jiao), neck (kang), and root (di) mansions of the Loong constellation are deep inside the abyss, hiding out of sight. Wen Yiduo interpreted the character qun (a group, as in “qun long wu shou”) as juan (to curl up), which is the opposite of kang. This can be seen in the various “Loong” objects and images unearthed across China, such as the c-shaped jade Loong from Hongshan, curled jade bear-Loong, ceramic and wood Loong of the Taosi culture, curled Loong found in Fuhao tomb, and curled Loong bronze plate of Zhou dynasty, which feature curled up Loongs as if the beast has returned to its status as a fetus, ready to be reborn. Therefore, the saying of “ascending into the sky during the spring equinox, diving into the abyss during the autumnal equinox” was written in Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters. Before Shang and Zhou dynasties, people had no concept of four seasons because there were only spring and autumn, thus the Loong of the spring equinox soars into the sky to welcome the arrival of summer, and then plunges into the chasm during autumn ahead of winter, in turn completing a full cycle.

5.2.3 The Five Emperors, Gods, and Time and Space in Yueling The Five Emperors (five gods in ancient Chinese legends) is very complex and the archetype of the pedigree has always been a subject of intense debate, and thus discourse will be skipped here, but research outcomes of relevant scholars will be used here in combination with the graphical representations in the Yueling to discuss the symbolic meanings of time and space transformation expressed by the Five Emperors here, as shown in Fig. 5.16.

Fig. 5.16 Circle diagram of the five emperors

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In the cyclical time and space of the “proceedings of the government in different months,” the archetype of the Five Deities was the god of the sun. Moreover, in ancient legends, there was no consensus and there were different pedigrees. In Duke Zhao of Lu 17th Year part of Commentary of Zuo, Tanzi offered a relatively complete description: In the past, the Yellow Emperor used cloud as the media of record, so he was named after cloud. Emperor Yan used fire as the media of record, so he was named after fire. Gonggong used water as the media of record, so he was named after water. Taihao used Loong as the media of record, so he named the senior officials under Loong. When Shaohao as the patriarchal ancestor ascended the throne, the phoenix bird came just in time, and as a result, he started to use bird as the media of record and name the ministers under bird. Phoenix bird is the official who rules the astronomical calendar. Black bird is the official who rules the spring equinox and the autumn equinox. Bo Zhao is the official in charge of the summer solstice and the winter solstice. Green bird is the official who controls beginning of spring and beginning of summer. Dan bird is the official who rules the autumn and the winter.65 In Duke Zhao of Lu 29th Year part of Commentary of Zuo, a dialog between Weixianzi (Wei Xianzi) and Cai Mo was used to illustrate the origin of the “Five Gods”: In the sacrifices to gods of the land, gods of the grain, and gods of the five elements, they show respect and worship to these gods. The god of wood is called Goumang, the god of fire is called Zhurong, the god of metal is called Rushou, the god of water is called Xuanming, and the god of earth is called Houtu. Xianzi said: “The five gods in the land god and the temple of the grain are the five ministers of the emperor in certain dynasty, then which dynasty is it?” Cai Mo replied: “The Shaoshu family has four uncles, called Chong, Gai, Xiu and Xi, who are able to manage metal, wood and water. Goumang uses Zhong, Rushou uses Gai, Xuanming uses Xiu and Xi; they never fail to perform the duty over the generations, and help Qiongsang succeed. This is one of the three kinds of sacrifices. Zhuanxu has a son called Li, namely, Zhu Rong. Gong Gong has a son called Goulong, namely, Houtu. The two are gods to be revered. Houtu become god of land. The god of grains is the master of the officials who manages the land. Lieshan has a son called Zhu, who becomes the god of grains. From the Xia Dynasty, he has been worshiped. Qi of the Zhou Dynasty also becomes the god of the grains, to be worshiped since the Shang Dynasty.”66 These two paragraphs of record put forth the earliest political structural schematic on the origins of the Five Deities and Five Gods and the Shaohao clan. There are two points worth noting here. First of all, the Five Deities are each associated with something, including the Yellow Emperor and cloud, Emperor Yan and fire, Gonggong and water (Zhuanxu in the Proceedings of the Government in Different Months), Taihao and Loong, and Shaohao and bird, which are more or less similar to the schematics 65 Ruan Yuan (Qing dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 2083. 66 Ruan Yuan (Qing dynasty), Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, 2003 (1980). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. pp. 2123–2124.

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in the “Proceedings of the Government in Different Months.” The so-called cloud, Loong, fire, water, and bird could all be key phenology used to designate or define time or to design government proceedings for various seasons based on observation of natural phenomena, as well as symbols of characters in charge of these phenomena. However, in the schematics of the “Proceedings of the Government in Different Months,” the Yellow Emperor was positioned at the center of the Five Deities and the pedigrees were consolidated as one, therefore fully illustrating a mythology of unification characterized by “the Yellow Emperor and the four directions.” Second of all, the Five Gods from two different systems were also consolidated. However, in all the complicated and convoluted pantheons of deities and gods in ancient legends, the clear implications of transitions in time and space between spring and autumn are abundantly clear, as shown in Fig. 5.17. The figure on the left is a schematic of the time and space cycles in the Taihao system. In the origin myth featuring Fuxi as seen in the Chu Silk Manuscript, the Yellow Bear as the god of creation is clearly akin to a sun god and creation. When Fuxi mated with Nüwa and produced four offspring, each in charge of the four directions, the cycle of the four seasons and the order of spring and autumn are very obvious. In combination with the connections between the constellations seen in the sky at night (Green Loong of the East), the time to begin farming and the phenology of flora and fauna seen in the schematics of the proceedings of the government in different months, as well as the changes of the six Loongs in the sky as depicted in the qian hexagram in the Book of Changes, the cycles of time and space become clearly visible. The figure in the middle is the four-palace diagram of the Shaohao and four sons67 (as in gods of the four directions). The four palaces forming a cycle, and the four birds of yellow warbler, black bird, shrike, and pheasant correspond to the things safeguarded by the four palaces. Shaohao’s “four uncles” of chong (重), gai (该), xiu (修), and xi (熙) correspond to gods of the four directions in the schematic of

B of egi sp nn ri ing ng

Watergod Winter solstice

Blackbird

Vernal equinox

Autumn god Autumnal equinox

g in r nn te gi in Beof w

Loong hides in deep water

Coiling Loong

g d nin n gin um Be aut of

Winter solstice

Spring god

ge ar ch of (in ing rd n ) bi gin ing en e r re f b sp G o

Hibernation Loong in the field

of g in er nn m gi m Be su

Loong diving

Blackbird (in charge of vernal equinox)

Autumn planting

Blooming

Autumnal equinox

Vernal equinox

Growing

Blooming

Loong raises its head

r bi

Summer god

Harvest

ed

Summer solstice

Loong begins to descend

Summer solstice

Changyi (son of the Yellow Emperor) Zhurong (god of fire)

R

Loong leaps up

South (summer)

Shrike

Flying Loong

The Yellow Emperor East (spring) Laotong (father of Zhurong)

Day Night

Hanliu (son of Changyi)

West (autumn)

Zhuanxu (son of Hanliu) North (winter)

Fig. 5.17 Schematics of the cycles in the Taihao, Shaohao, and the Yellow Emperor systems 67 According to research conducted by Wang Xiaodun, before Xiu and Xi became Xuanmi, there could have existed another phase: The four uncles Zhong/Chong, Gai, Xiu, and Xi were four deities that represented the four cardinal directions. For details, please refer to Wang Xiaodun. Research on Early Chinese Thoughts and Symbols, 2008. Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House. p. 138.

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the “Proceedings of the Government in Different Months,” neatly forming a selfsufficient cycle. When such a self-sufficient cycle is consolidated into the dynastic narrative unified under the Yellow Emperor, the independent mythology of the sun transforms into the lord of white essence that resides in the west and commands “na ri” and the objects and events of autumn. From this point of view, the pedigree of Shaohao originally possessed the archetypal significance of “localness” origin myth, which has been retained in the system that governs the different starting points of a year. The figure on the right is the schema of the Yellow Emperor-Zhuangxu-Zhurong cycle, but the pedigree for Emperor Yan is unavailable for the time being. Based on currently accessible documents and records, it is difficult to collate and clarify the relationships between Emperor Yan, the Yellow Emperor, and Zhurong. In the schema of the proceedings of the government in different months, the deity of fire Zhurong is an assistant to Emperor Yan, and a major official in an era when Zhuanxu headed the “termination of connection between heaven and earth” religious reform. In the pantheons described in classic texts like the Classic of Mountains and Seas, Zhurong could have been an offspring of Emperor Yan,68 or an offspring of the Yellow Emperor. As the winner in the battles against Emperor Yan, the Yellow Emperor, and Chiyou, the pedigree of the Yellow Emperor experienced “accumulation in layers,” thus it is more discernible. Meanwhile, historical narratives neglected or even vilified or obscured the losers, as in Emperor Yan, Chiyou and Gonggong, and their pedigrees have truly become “fragments” that require more proofs from archaeological findings, though there is pretty much no doubt about their positions as the deities of the south.69 From the viewpoint of the mythological mindset, the symbolic meanings in the titles in the pedigree of the Yellow Emperor are particularly obvious, such as this passage from the Classic of Regions Within the Seas of the Classic of Mountains and Seas: On the east of the quicksand and the west of Black waters, there are two nations (countries) of Chaoyun and Sizhi. Leizu, the wife of Emperor Huang, gave birth to 68 It

was written in the Classic of Regions Within the Seas: West of the Classic of Mountains and Seas: “The wife of Emperor Yan, Tingyao the son of Chishui gave birth to Yanju, Yanju gave birth to Jiebing, Jiebing gave birth to Xiqi, Xiqi gave birth to Zhurong. Zhurong lived in Jiangshui and gave birth to Gonggong. Gonggong gave birth to Shuqi. Gonggong gave birth to Shuqi whose head was flat. Shuqi returned to where Zhu Yong lived and stayed by the Yangtze River. Gonggong gave birth to Houtu, Houtu gave birth to Yeming.” Yuan Ke asserts that Emperor Yan and the Yellow Emperor came from the same precursor, and Zhurong might have been a posterity of the Yellow Emperor, and the explanation for the difference is that different people passed down different stories. Yuan Ke. Verification of Annotation on the Classic of Mountains and Seas, pp. 534–535, 453, entries on “chang qin.” 69 Previously, the genesis segment of the Chu Silk Manuscript was cited that Emperor Yan, Zhurong and Gonggong are cognates, and the main deity of the south and the ancestral deity of the state of Chu, which are viewpoints corroborated by relevant documentations in Discourses of the States and the Classic of Mountains and Seas. Thus, some scholars believe that the Emperor Yan pedigree might be a legend that circulated in the Yangtze River drainage basin region. For details, please refer to Li Xueqin. Ancient History and Cosmology in Chu Silk Manuscripts, in Bamboo Slip, Silk Manuscript, Lost Text, Ancient Text and Intellectual History, 2001. Nanchang: Jiangxi Education Publishing House. pp. 51–52.

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Changyi. Changyi was exiled to Ruoshui, then gave birth to Hanliu. Hanliu had a long head, small ears, a human face, a pig’s mouth, a unicorn’s body, hoop legs and pig’s feet.He married a woman named A Nu (阿女) from Shushan Mountain, who then gave birth to Emperor Zhuanxu.70 And this passage from the Classic of the Great Wilderness: West of the Classic of Mountains and Seas: In the great wilderness lies Riyue Mountain (literally “Sun and Moon Mountain”), which is the hub of heaven. The main peak here is Mount Wuju Tianmen, where the sun and moon landed. Here lives a god named Xu, who has the face of human, no arms, and feet bent in a reverse position and placed on top of the head. Zhuanxu gave birth to Laotong, and Laotong gave birth to Zhong/Chong and Li. The emperor of heaven ordered Zhong/Chong to hold up the sky and push upward, and ordered Li to press down on the land and push downward. Li came to the land and gave birth to Chi, who resides in the western end of the land and commands the order of the sun, moon, and stars.71 If these two legends are graphically illustrated (top right figure), from the Yellow Emperor’s “chao yun” (sunrise in the east and early spring) to the brilliance of Changyi (noon and midsummer), then Hanliu (sunset and frigid autumn) and finally Zhuanxu (nighttime and freezing winter), clearly the lineages of the deities and the rise and setting of the sun and moon, the east and the west, daytime and nighttime, time and space transitions, and the progression of the four seasons all fit like pieces of a jigsaw puzzle. The contrasting conversion meaning of “Zhuanxu gave birth to Laotong” is even clearer: The character “lao” (老, literally “old”) and the character “tong” (童, literally “child”) in the name Laotong are in themselves contradictory, and the new portmanteau they form precisely symbolizes the unity in the transition between the opposites. The essential meaning of winter is “the end” and “oldness,” while the symbolic meaning of spring is the birth of life. Winter as the end of a year, and winter as the prelude to a new year, itself contains the life coming to an end at old age and life preparing for new birth. Laotong, as the son of the god of the north and the father of the god of the south, is no doubt symbolically identical to the east and spring. Thus, behind the superficial narrative of “Zhunxu gave birth to Laotong, Laotong gave birth to Zhurong” lies another message: After the harsh winter is the new spring, and after spring is the vibrant summer.72 It can be seen that the deities of the various directions originally possessed each of their own “realm” but were forcibly consolidated into the schema of Yueling. Apart from the mythological mindset’s needs to “revert to the beginning” and “return to the origin,” what were the other reasons that led to this kind of revision and 70 Yuan Ke. Verification of Annotation on the Classic of Mountains and Seas, 1996. Chengdu: Bashu

Books. p. 503. 71 Yuan Ke. Verification of Annotation on the Classic of Mountains and Seas, 1996. Chengdu: Bashu Books. pp. 459–460. 72 Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House. pp. 107–108.

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Fig. 5.18 Diagram of the changes and evolutions of the four seasons, four directions, and five colors

concealment? One possible reason might be “an administrative calendar devised by followers of the School of Naturalists (School of Yin and Yang) during the Warring States period for the unified dynasty that will soon materialize.”73 It is true that great unity narrative is hidden within the cosmology of the schematic of the “Proceedings of the Government in Different Months” where time and space are as one, and Chen Mengjia’s investigation into the Chu Silk Manuscript of the Warring States Period shows that the match of the four seasons, four directions, and four colors or five colors came about over a course of gradual development and integration (Fig. 5.18). Texts from the pre-Qin Dynasty period mostly revolved around the Four Deities while the concept of the Five Deities did not come about until relatively later on, and their appearance in combination with the five directions and four seasons are deemed to have first emerged in the texts of the Warring States period as discussed in the 12 Almanacs segment of the Master Lü’s Spring and Autumn Annals and Proceedings of the Government in Different Months chapter of Li Ji. Academia, in general, considers the Proceedings of the Government in Different Months of Li Ji to have originated from the 12 Almanacs segment of the Master Lü’s Spring and Autumn Annals, although there are evidences indicating the contrary, such as Yang Kuan’s Examination of the Proceedings of the Government in Different Months of Li Ji. These evidences assert that “there is conclusive proof that the Proceedings of the Government in Different Months appeared earlier, and author Lü Buwei’s guest ripped up the first chapter of the 12 Almanacs into 12 months” in order to better maximize its philosophy. According to research conducted by Japanese scholar Noda Churyo, the era of the astronomical observations seen in the Proceedings of the Government in

73 Yang Kuan. Examination on the Proceedings of the Government in Different Months, in Selected Papers on Ancient History by Yang Kuan, 2003. Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House. pp. 503, 494.

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Different Months ought to have been somewhere between 620 BC and 420 BC,74 and if this estimation is correct, it would have existed in a period between the two Zhou Dynasties when disasters were frequent, coinciding with the plethora of records on memories about calamities and ritual treatments documented in the Proceedings of the Government in Different Months. This indicates that although the Proceedings of the Government in Different Months chapter might have been altered or reorganized by those who side with the developing trends or those who aspire for the advent of a golden era, it is a glaring display of the narrative of the great unity of the Central Plain, especially the Yellow Emperor’s ascension as the leader of the other Four Deities and position in the middle. Traces of consolidation between the two systems is quite obvious in the diagram of the Five Deities: First of all is the consolidation between the “Four Elements” and “Five Elements,” as in the sacred number “four” and sacred number “five,” and the sun god the Yellow Emperor was relocated from the system of stars to that of planets,75 becoming the symbol of the earth in the middle. Second of all is the domination of the “one” over the “four,” as in the fact that although the Yellow Emperor, Taihao, Emperor Yan, Shaohao and Zhuanxu all had their own independent systems, everyone was unified into a sun god system where the Yellow Emperor reigned supreme at the center. According to the origin myth as described in the Chu Silk Manuscript, Taihao was born out of chaos, then gave birth to four offsprings after mating with Nüwa in a mystical haze and set the four seasons, which was followed by Emperor Yan’s ordering of Zhurong to lead the four gods to manage the four direction; the four uncles of Shaohao, as in Zhong/Chong, Gai, Xiu, and Xi, are, respectively, assistant to the god of the east Goumang, god of the west Rusho, and god of the north Xuanming, while the relationship between Emperor Yan, the Yellow Emperor, Zhuanxu and Zhurong is among the most complicated in ancient legend, but all narratives revolve around the origin of humanities such as the defining of time, creation of calendar and configuration of world order derived from substituting the time and space function of the god of the sun. In the system of ancient legends, they were all sacred or clan leaders that held their own territories. However, in the schematic of the “Proceedings of the Government in Different Months,” everyone came under the command of the Yellow Emperor in the middle, and the Yellow Emperor (黄帝) turned into “Huang Tian Shang Di” (皇天上帝): “The origin of the term ‘the Yellow Emperor’ is an 74 Noda Churyo. Examination on the Astronomy of the Proceedings of the Government in Different Months Chapter of Li Ji, 1938. Kyoto. From Feng Shi. Archeoastronomy in China, 2007. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press. p. 219. 75 The four directions and four seasons were originally determined based on the movement of the sun. Thus, the Yellow Emperor, along with Taihao, Emperor Yan, Zhuanxu, Shaohao, and others were all considered sun gods, and they should have operated in accordance with the movement of the sun. Meanwhile, the five elements of metal, wood, water, fire, and earth, as per the latest research outcomes put forth by Mr. Wang Xiaodun, originated from the five major planets in the order of their brightness, therefore early Chinese astronomy was actually a combination of both the star and planet astrological systems. It even reflects the unison between Xia, Zhou and Shang dynasties, and between the nomadic and agrarian cultures. For details, please refer to Wang Xiaodun. Research on Early Chinese Thoughts and Symbols, 2008. Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House. pp. 174–175.

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Fig. 5.19 Diagram of the underlying structure in the changes and evolutions of Chinese origin myths

invention of scholars of the Spring and Autumn period, who combined the “Huang shi” of deity Houtu with ‘Huang Tian Shang Di,’ two deities of heaven and earth.”76 Explorations into texts and physical archaeological relics reveal traces of how the sun god was transformed into the Yellow Emperor in the mythological narrative after the people of the Zhou dynasty “reformed” heaven, subsequently developing into concepts like “taiji” (the two extremes) “dao” (the way) and “taiyi” (the great oneness), as shown in Fig. 5.19. Then the original purpose of “the Yellow Emperor gives rise to yin and yang” and “the Yellow Emperor and the four directions” can be reconstructed: Sun god the creator was born out of darkness, and created a world where light and darkness are separated, where its operation defines north, south, east, and west and spring, summer, autumn, and winter, which defines the time and space order of the universe that the survival of human beings predicates upon.77 From his godly attributes as the god of the sun, to his role as the protagonist in ancient legends or even archaeological culture, the Yellow Emperor is an independent existence just like the Four Deities, but after this reconstruction, in legends of pantheons or historical narratives, “the Yellow Emperor, the hub deity at the center”78 becomes positioned at the nexus, commands the unity of the six regions and rises as the supreme being that rules over the other Four Deities: Previously, the Yellow Emperor defeated Chiyou and became enlightened to the way of heaven, obtained Dachang and became aware of the advantages of the earth, 76 Ding Shan, Examination on Ancient Chinese Religions and Myths, 1961. Shanghai: Shanghai Literature & Art Publishing House. p. 423. 77 Ye Shuxian, Philosophy of Chinese Mythology, 2005. Xi’an: Shaanxi People’s Publishing House. p. 243. 78 Citation of Zhang Shoujie’s correct meanings of Astronomy treatise of the Records of the Grand Historian, 1959. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 1352.

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obtained Shelong and ruled the east, obtained Zhurong and ruled the south, obtained Dafeng and ruled the four directions, and obtained Houtu and ruled the north. The Yellow Emperor obtained the six phases, the heaven and earth fall under proper governance and the deities came.79 The Zuopian of the Book of Origins: Emperor Huang asked Xi He to divine what the sun holds for us, Chang Yi to divine what the moon holds for us and Sou Qu to divine what the stars hold for us; Linglun to make the phenological table; Lishou to establish the calculation of figures; Rongcheng to make the calendar; and Ju Yong and Cang Jie to invent the Chinese characters.80 The Master of Huainan: Peering into the Obscure: Previously when the Yellow Emperor ruled over heaven and earth, the sun and moon shone bright, the stars moved in order, wind and rain came accordingly in different seasons, harvests for the five grains were bountiful, the phoenix flew in the court, the kylin roamed the wild, and the Green Loong was ridden by the emperor. Even faraway and untamed lands like the various Dan’er states of the north also pay tribute.81 The so-called “layered and accumulated” ancient history becomes increasingly detailed with records that came in later times. The annotation and explanation indicate the sequential relationship between the Fuxi clan and the Yellow Emperor, the forebear of humanities and cultural hero, while management of the sun and moon, management of yin and yang, determination of the four seasons, and calibration of the calendar are examples of his archetypical time and space functions as the god of the sun and god of creation. Meanwhile, such narratives are particularly worth noting because the sun god and solar creator were transformed into the mini sun of the human realm, becoming the human emperor that united and ruled over the world, and not only did the Loongs, phoenixes, and other auspicious mythical beasts appear as a sign of propitiousness, but even faraway and untamed lands like the various Dan’er states of the north also pay tribute. In legends seen in texts, the Yellow Emperor gradually transformed from a prehistoric sun god into the victor of the battles between Emperor Yan and the Yellow Emperor and between the Yellow Emperor and Chiyou, in turn, the holy ruler that unified the Central Plain and the joint ancestor of both Yi (barbarians) and Xia (Han Chinese).

79 Li

Fengxiang, Revision and Annotation of the Guanzi (Five Elements Volume), 2006. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. p. 865. 80 Edited and supplemented: Qin Jiamo et al. Eight Types of the Book of Origins, 1957. Beijing: The Commercial Press. p. 357. 81 Gao You (Han dynasty), Commentaries on the Master of Huainan, 1986. Shanghai: Shanghai Bookstore Publishing House. pp. 94–95. The character “皁” is pronounced the same as “早” (zao). Feihuang is the same as Chenghuang, the name of a mythical beast. It was written in the Classic of Regions Within the Seas: West of the Classic of Mountains and Seas: “[The state of Baishi] has Chenghuang, which looks like a fox with horns on its back, and its rider may live to the age of 2,000 years old,” which Guo Pu annotated: “This is the same as Feihuang.”

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In archaeology, the “Five Deities” have successively become identified with ancient cultures of the north, south, east, and west, which, on the one hand, rattles the age-old dynastic narrative mode featuring the Central Plain at the center and the Yellow Emperor as the grand unifier, illustrating a “world with ten thousand nations” model as varied and wide-ranging as stars in the sky, but at the same time also revealing that these “ten thousand nations” were not small, sparsely populated states that did not interact with each other. At the “Jin culture” symposium held in Taiyuan in 1985, well-known archaeologist Mr. Su Bingqi’s freestyle poem “rose of Mount Hua and Loong of Yan Mountains, jia containers and weng containers under the great green mountain. Qing musical instruments and drums by a bend on the Fen River, Xia, Shang, Zhou dynasties and Duke Wen of Jin” succinctly describes the interaction between two major cultural regions of prehistory, namely, the area to the north and south of the Yan Mountains and the Central Plain. Guo Dashun, a disciple of Mr. Su, followed in his teacher’s footstep and composed In Pursuit of the Five Deities in an attempt to use archaeological culture to replicate the legendary era of the Five Deities, discovering that marking evidences of the Yellow Emperor are abundantly clear in areas of communication between Yangshao culture in the west and Hongshan culture in the northeast.82 Interpretations by comparative mythology scholars on archaeological cultural relics (bear, bear-Loong, bear-eagle, and others), beliefs in the bear totem and its mythological narratives trace the Yellow Emperor narratives to even older prehistoric times. The seminal Xiong (family name but also literally “bear”) clan of the Yellow Emperor not only brought about bear totem mythologies in the epoch of Yushun, as well as those in Xia Dynasty under the reigns of Gun, Yu the Great and Qi, but also used Zhuanxu as conduit to relay the belief of bear ancestry over a vast area including the states of Qin, Zhao, and Chu, among others, and even took advantage of the transmission capacity between clans and generations of the Tungusic people, resulting in the implantation of the bear totem mythology in the prehistoric memory of the Korean people, which is crystallized in the best-preserved “bear mother, human offspring” mythology in the East Asia region today.83 It can be seen that “the Yellow Emperor,” a extremely symbolic mythological character, is not only a sun god that embodies the godly power of rebirth after death and determination of time and space, but could also have been the central figure in beliefs of the bear god and prehistoric Chinese religions among people of Hongshan culture, which dates to more than 8,000 years ago. The bear flag of Yu the Great, the “bear” indicators in archaeological culture, and bear mythological narratives became links that helped Hongshan culture of the northeast, Qijia culture of the northwest, Yangshao culture of Shaanxi, culture of the Central Plain, and even culture of the Koreans relay and connect with each other, a phenomenon that indicates: the grand unification narrative featuring the Yellow Emperor positioned as the head of the Five Deities might have appeared much earlier than the Warring States period as imagined by people today. 82 Guo 83 Ye

Dashun. Chasing after the Five Emperors, 2000. Taipei: Taiwan Commercial Press. Shuxian, Bear Totem, 2007. Shanghai: Shanghai Literature & Art Publishing House. p. 197.

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5.3 The “Beginning” as Normality and Ritual Narrative “narration” here has two meanings. First, it means the narration in such a modern sense as “effectively reproducing historical events or even providing an effective mode for explanation of historical events.”84 The functions of the social memory and historical narrative of ritual performance as a “collection of tradition” are also transformed into “narration” of ritual narrative when it is replaced by “memory” of text narrative. It not only contains historical memory and its changes, but also forms a compound narrative: it combines “the ways how an event (real or imaginary) is talked about” in different times.85 Second, look back at the “narrative” of ritual convention. The word “narrative” was firstly seen in the Rites of Zhou-the Chapter of Chunguan-Fengxiangshi. Fengxiangshi is responsible for observing Taisui which takes 12 years to orbit around the celestial sphere, the moon to experience 12 times of waxing and waning in a year, the 12 h point to by the handle of the Dipper, and 10 days in 1 Xun (Chinese time unit), the position of the 28 Lunar Mansions [the 5 stars including the moon and the sun]; distinguishing and arranging the calendar of the year, month, and others; the positions of [the 5 stars including the moon and the sun] celestial bodies in comparison. In the winter and summer solstices, he will measure the length of the sun shadow; in the spring and autumn equinoxes, he will measure the length of the moon shadow and construct the narrative of the order of the four seasons according to this.86 It can be seen that the ritual tradition of “narrative” is to identify directions and positions, to measure the length of shadow as a reference for time and to redefine time and space. This is no doubt the very holy significance arising when King Yao ordered Fuxi and Sishu to “keep an eye on the cycle of time, measure the law of the

84 Hyden White: History as Narrative Postmodernism,translated, Chen Yongguo, Zhang Wanjuan: Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 2003, p. 143. 85 Hyden White: The Content of the Form: Narrative Discourse and Historical Representation. translated, Dong Lihe, Beijing: Wenchin Press, 2005, pp. 1–3. 86 Annotated, Zheng: The positions of Year, Day, Month, Hour, and Constellation determine the directions and sides. The narratives are identified from these positions: In spring, people identify the proceedings of the east for plough and farming; in summer, the proceedings of the south for farming and agricultural advice; in autumn, the proceedings of the west for harvest; and in winter, the proceedings for the beginning of next year in terms of politics and daily life. Anyone who understands the heavenly positions can predict the proceedings for the five positional symbols at the right time. On the day of winter solstice, if you see the Qianniu position at noon, the ground has a 3-foot shadow; on the day of summer solstice, if you see the Dongjing position at noon, the ground has a 3-in. shadow. The lengths in the two positions are at their extreme values, and when extremes are reached, Qi (energy) will come. There is no warm sunshine in winter and no cold climate in summer. The day of spring equinox falls in Lou position. The day of autumnal equinox falls in Jue position. The moon is dichotomous in Qianniu position. Given the status of Dongjing mansion, we may know whether any of the four seasons come, spring, summer, autumn, and winter. This is the very narrative for four seasons. Ruan Yuan (Qing dynasty): Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2003[1980], p. 818.

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sun, moon and stars, and develop a calendar for calculating time.”87 The narrative bears the source of the holy time and space as well as the discourse of kings. Master of Huainan: Fundamental Norm also says: “As for the four seasons, the myriad things start to grow during the spring, thrive during the summer, are harvested during the autumn, and stored during the winter. People moderately take from and give to nature, work and rest at proper time, open and close according to the fixed order, and behave in accordance with common sense.” “Yueling” pattern starts in spring and ends in winter. The narrative of each month starts with the moon, the sun, the zodiacal stars and lunar mansions, and phenology, followed by the narrative of the royal affairs given in order. The task is mainly themed on rituals. From the beginning of spring, the king announces the important proceedings of the year and sits in the hall of distinction to give dictates about the royal affairs. In a word, everything shall be governed by the law of four seasons (Fig. 5.20). Medicine

Summer solstice

Agriculture

Ve s s s Fire ean an els ar g b en Fir dt e ing tin ick h s South t i ck tall spr Ea nd ch summon of Fa e e a th st t ific rtl me th o Red on o acr d tu C r f m s g h r eet o an as y ird wis ose Second month of the Th Goat toise ven b e; the su summer tor re gi s of ork ta a e m s c r i t m Great e t ble a s a ice g w er rif he nd summer Taste new Sac rder e off yein wh th O th 's d e e sacrifice for millet a n t rain to gods me wo Follow the nt ancient rules Mou South

Left room

Zhurong (fire god) Emperor Yan

Qingyang (the eastern palace)

Emperor Zhuanxu

Goumang (spring god)

The Yellow Emperor Earth god

Emperor Taihao

Rushou

Shaohao

Penalty and imprisonment

Zongzhang (the western palace)

Military and hunting

Autumnal equinox

Right room

Xuanming (water god) Right room

Left room Xuantang (the northern palace)

Left room

Right room

Religion

Hall of Distinction

Spring equinox Witchery

Ve nd Metal sse ea l F i m a r nd s are st m mn esa West dee thi utu the f Sa g s gs on c p n of a ive s o s th tin do itfa rific of Ea White nth Recet daoynthfice au st e g mo s i r r Ch s r m t t i s c u d o f ird mn oos gre ain a thed sall go fice ted ds s Th victim at Second month of em et nd e gre o anto a cri tica gotion au ta autumn Thr theifice t e o tum ste we n an Samesls t irec o f al a Collect,stimulate wheat- f acr ods n i a s g p on d sh do im r d the n o d art in sowing and unify the s a m t s r pe measurement system an fou rge utiol anls ear en and m n g a W of U sec ina evi Choose sacrifice, prepare ornuntisnhing l o h fi food and carry out autumn ood prcrimepe exorcise culture r rew the t fi al in Sacrifice and taste new ripe Cu d se ngs and products est aonpendiows s Orders are given to follow Wount w in door M the ancient rules

Right room

Left room

Mobility

Ho Wood ts llo goa Fir we ing ng ins st m do East ati d gra of spr y foor ut E on Pr n ves th a th d praeat t a Fa n an ay s o Green o s els t fo f sp d c to an wh old y m a g r rin ird hes of s; h on farrry ods f spr Th ce fisrvest god erem rificet g ing mi out or d i a Fo f n h i ng th a g Second month of a m c sac star r d llo cer e e oo wt Sac goo stors orcis eror and and spring a nce ex mp od ry em mp d y he e e g er on ero ear Sacrificeto ori a g r o y r’s gin la es f ormmulbture earth gods al iv kw g ul Give a bow and exa before Wto silickin seric arrows tor each mp t firs p the of) (the altagoverning le god ility marriage and fert nt Mou East

Mobility

Mobility

Water d larTghe ves r t an Fir e an sels nte mille Fa st m wi o ing let North moud narrare of lturteht st t on Eat pig th ow h u t t t o a h on orcisxe ocf ear t, firs greDri nd s gre of w Black m h ex e o at nk to et d es in ug he e hir atiofno’rsth th ish cae in kt of th tatuet da Off the fest toge re fowint ter T n f c i m e o y c e d a v e Second month of e o e he s stat d r w s r o i th s Th sen f th ng s he bmpl te t ith aft th mi ty er e t he o i t e winter tu keesennt t at ral t visor t fivo all theer the sac ng yteo grin ta te a e t t f r r e ( an spo e w rif e s ta Examine all the doors, inner and a e Pa p rtmences icy R th e s ho ces ils in ice r et l outer, and look carefully after all a a po ith ap ise r th use tor of ter th apartments to make sure that they r v a w o ho s, a the solree nd ate Re f are kept strictly shut ld) nd c sti ale br s last ar e c ele her sac at has ce Sacrifice to the spirits of the seas, ssuand c ot of thef a ye rif the e o d rivers, tarns, meres, wells and springs ice t eninning c a s Exr beg Mobility yea unt Winter Fishing Mo ce solstice rth o rifi N Sac

Fig. 5.20 Ritual as narrative and Yueling schema

87 Ruan

Yuan (Qing dynasty): Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2003[1980], p. 117.

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All royal affairs come as rituals in line with the alternation between four seasons (spring, summer, autumn, and winter), and in the order of narratives. This shows the “meta discourse” for the “record” of “rites,” a particular way of seeing things and narratives: beginning as normality. The deep psychological mechanism behind “beginning as normality’ is derived from the belief of life cycle, which is similar to the previous studies on animal and plant phenology and astronomical phenomena. Therefore, the study of “ceremonies as narrative” can not only arouse the reflection on the nature of culture, but also enable people to gain an insight into the deep structure of historical consciousness. In this ritual schema, there are three other points that deserve special attention. First, why do the winter months highlight the “exact end of the past year, beginning of a year” and where is the “beginning”? Secondly, why are “fuxi (a religious activity to eliminate disasters and pray for good fortune in ancient China)” held in every quarter of the year, including the “fasting” for greeting the four seasons, “exorcise ritual,” “Zhe punishment and sacrificial offerings to rain god,” judgement by Chunqiu and exemption from punishment, movement of deity positions and “fuxi”? What is the underlying mechanism of “Fuxi evil-ridding ceremonies”? Thirdly, why is it to declare “beginning as normality,” “following the methods of the past,” “following the rules of the past” in royal affairs of every season? What do this “beginning” and this “past” mean? Next, we try to discuss the time view of “Yueling” schema around these three questions. “The sun has gone through all his mansions; the moon has completed the number of her conjunctions; the zodiacal stars return to (their places) in the heavens. The exact length (of the year) is nearly completed.” Zheng annotated: When it comes to the movement of the moon, the sun and the zodiacal stars, all of them return to the original positions within the orbit. Ci (mansion) means departure; Ji (conjunction) means meeting. Sun annotated in detail: The sun has gone through all his mansions, means that the sun goes through the mansion Xuanxiao, and from then on, it moves to other zodiacal star each month until this month is finished and it returns to the mansion Xuanxiao. The moon has completed the number of her conjunctions, and still goes on with conjunction. In the last winter, the moon and the sun meet in the mansion Xuanxiao, and from then on, the two meet in other zodiacal star, until this month is finished and it returns to the mansion Xuanxiao. Therefore, the returning of the stars to the Heaven means that the 28 lunar mansions move day by day, and each day, they complete one rotation and are differently positioned between morning and dusk. When this month comes, they return to the original positions. This is similar to the situation of morning and dusk of the last year. Therefore, the exact end of the last year is almost reached. The period from last winter to the current winter is 354 days, not up to 365 days, suggesting that it is not a perfect end but close to it.88

88 Li

Xueqin Edited: The Accurate Implications of Li Ji,Beijing: Beijing University Press, 1999, p. 562.

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According to the annotations by the two annotators (Zheng Xuan and Kong Ying), the winter months are the time in which the sun, the moon, the stars, and the number (refers to “year”) return to the positions of last year and are ready for the next trip, i.e., “beginning of a year.” In terms of the significance of ending and beginning, “never forgetting to pay a debt of gratitude” mentioned above continues year after year, orbiting without an end. In the “beginning of a year,” the time goes back to the “start point” again and constitutes a dimension in the deepest sense. In other words, the time is a living thing that has a beginning and an end, that is, life and death. What does this “beginning” refer to? Superficially, “beginning” is “the same day last year,” which is only a vivid representation of the time lapse? Kong Yingda annotated in detail: Proceedings of the Government in Different Months embody things between yin and yang between the earth and heaven. There are the upper and lower forms between the Earth and Heaven; the theory of genesis by yin and yang; the path of orbit for the moon and the sun; and the normal mansions and conjunctions passed through by the zodiacal stars. Now we have to abbreviate the narrative as we rhapsodize about the essay. According to Laozi, Out of Tao, One is born; Out of One, Two; Out of Two, Three; Out of Three, the created universe. The Book of Changes states: Changes of things are called Taiji, and Taiji gives birth to two Poles. The Conveyance of Rites goes: Rules of ritual must be traced to their origin in the Grand Unity. This separated and became heaven and earth. Yiqian Zhaodu says: In Taiji (extremes) no Qi is seen; in Taichu (chaotic state of the cosmos) Qi begins. In the Grand Beginning, the forms begin to appear. In the Grand Primordium, the essence of life begins. The four states are necessary for description of both the world before the heaven and earth and the beginning of the heaven and earth (Fig. 5.21).89 Dao, Taiji, and the Great Unity bear no different meanings, all of them being the beginning of the Qi and forms, a state in which the cosmos is initiated. In Explaining

Fig. 5.21 Yin and yang, Taiji and beginning of a year 89 Edited:

p. 438.

Li Xueqin, The Accurate Implications of Li Ji, Beijing: Beijing University Press, 1999,

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Graphs and Analyzing Characters, Xu Zhen wrote: “Beginning is the initial state of Nv mansion.” The ancient Chinese dictionary Erya says: “The characters, such as 初 (chu), 哉(zai), 首(shou), 基(ji), 肇(zao), 祖(zu), 元(yuan) and 胎(tai), mean the beginning.” Lexicographical scholars tend to interpret the “beginning” as another saying of “胎(tai),” representing the beginning of one’s life.90 The more primitive prototype of the origin of the universe can be called “Dao (Tao, or the Way).” When explaining Dao as an initial category, Laozi points out, on one hand, that eternity could be achieved through circular or reciprocating movement; on the other hand, he emphasizes the origin of Dao (orbiting without an end) and its potential for creation (being the mother of the world).91 Therefore, in advocating “Dao,” the highest pursuit of life is to maintain emptiness to restore simplicity (or plainness), going back to the infant status. “Pu (simplicity, with gourd as a prototype)” is an image of “Dao” or “Chaos,” and “Fu Pu” means a return to the primitive beauty of Chaos.92 “Hu (gourd)” is not only a symbol of the whole universe, but also a symbol of the human body. The development of the universe from the beginning can be analogized to the gestation and birth of individual lives, and vice versa. The return of the universe from order to chaos is correspond to “the return of individual lives to the embryo status for gestation.”93 Return to the infant status, that is, going back to mother’s womb and to the gestational fetal shape. In other words, everything returns to “beginning.” Therefore, “beginning” is the primitive symbol of “embryo,” which refers to both the mother of human beings and the mother of the universe. “Beginning” of a year refers not only to the present day of last year, but also to the end and beginning of the universe. In other words, in the logic of the Yueling Schema era, the world is reborn once a year, in order to restore the primordial sanctity it had when it was born at the hands of the Creator. Its symbolic significance is clearly shown in the architectural structure of the ancient temple. Because this kind of temple is at the same time a marvelous sanctuary and is representing the shape of the world, it sanctifies the universe as a whole, and it sanctifies the life of the universe as well. This life in the universe is conceived as a cyclic process, a year. The year is a closed circle, as it has a beginning and an end. However, the year also can be reborn in the form of the new “year.” 90 In

Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters-Textual Research on the Six Books, Ma Shulun quoted from The Book of Changes: “The flourishing and grand qi is the driving force for the creation of all creatures.” “As beginning” is literally signifying “birth,” for beginning is a transliteration of the word embryo. A man starts as an embryo before taking shape. The embryo is of no human shape in mother’s womb. That is why the Book of Changes says it is the driving force for the creation of all creatures. Laozi says: Nothingness is the beginning of the Earth and Heaven, a similar expression of what’s said above. For details, see Modernized Explanations of Ancient Words and Characters (Volume 9), Shanghai: Shanghai Education Press, 2004, p. 818. 91 Ye Shuxian: Laozi and Myth, Xi’an: Shannxi Normal University General Publishing House, 2005, p. 128. 92 Ye Shuxian: Laozi and Myth, Xi’an: Shannxi Normal University General Publishing House, 2005, p. 129. 93 Ye Shuxian: Zhuangzi’s Cultural Understanding, Xi’an: Shannxi Normal University General Publishing House, 2005, p. 238.

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Because time will never run out and disappear, the “new,” “pure,” and “sacred” time is born with the arrival of the New Year.94 In the “Yueling” schema, the hall of distinction is responsible for the reappearance and renewal of the sacred time. The Central Primary Room is the sky-leading room, which means a passage to the heaven and earth after “Zhuanxu Emperor abolishes the myriads of dis-unified sacrifice to the Heaven and Earth.” It has four gates to embrace four seasons. Therefore, there are fasting of the beginning of spring to embrace spring in the east, fasting of the beginning of summer to embrace summer in the south, fasting of the beginning of autumn to embrace autumn in the west, and fasting of the beginning of winter to embrace winter in the north. The four gate archetypes are related to the four seasonal passages. In many tribal languages of the North American Indians, not only are the words “world” and “year” inter-representable, but “year” is their mountain hut, namely, the universe. This is because “the year is understood as a journey through four basic directions represented by four doors and four windows of the hut.”95 Marija Gimbutas, a famous prehistoric archaeologist, found that most ritual activities stemmed from the general belief that “life is essentially a cycle.” The relics of the hunting ground in Britain, such as clean grains, hazelnuts, crab apple, and other fruits, indicate that seasonal memorial ceremonies are held in autumn or after the harvest. Since most of the circular hunting grounds have entrances in the four major directions, we might imagine that the hunting ground would be used for seasonal ceremonies. This is because such a design would not serve any defensive purpose. A number of objects found in the vicinity of the hunting ground, as well as in the hunting ground and trenches, indicate that sacrificial ceremonies were ever held. These objects include special graves; large quantities of pottery; axes; flint stones; small terra-cotta figures; and traces of offerings, sacrifices, and feasts (Fig. 5.22).96

Fig. 5.22 Altar possibly related to cyclic seasonal ritual 94 Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, translated, Wang Jianguang, 2003. Beijing: Huaxia Publishing House. p. 37. 95 Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, translated, Wang Jianguang, 2003. Beijing: Huaxia Publishing House. p. 35.

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Many sacrificial altars found in the Neolithic Age of China, such as the Sanhuan Stone Altar of Hongshan Culture and the Nanyuan North Altar, the Liangzhu Square Altar, the Inner Mongolia Circular Mound Atar, and the Tibet Ritu Sun Altar, are mostly located on the top of the mountain, which not only represents the concept of the round sky and square earth, but also coincides with the early astronomical map.97 In connection with the bear claws, jade bear and Loongs, jade eagles, jade turtles unearthed in Goddess Temple and the jade cong and jade bi unearthed in the Liangzhu Site, there is a river each in the east, west, south, and north of Wujin Temple Pier Altar in Jiangsu Province, connecting the internal and external rivers for 2 weeks, dividing the residential area and the cemetery into four parts. These should be related to the periodic seasonal rituals. The most improved buildings we may see today are the Hall of Distinction and the Temple of Heaven. Eventually the time of “Beginning” as a periodic repetition of the creation of the universe, either implicitly or explicitly, heralds the advent of a new creation, that is, regeneration. This cyclic return of this ritual is achieved mainly through the following ways: (i) Annual ceremonies of exorcism, removal of diseases and evils; (ii) Ceremonies held in the days before and after the New Year. Fraser gave dozens of pages of examples in The Golden Bough, in which Eliad classifies elements into two categories. Before and after the New Year, ceremonies usually include firefighting (fire extinguishing, ignition), revelry, ancestral worship, and the celebration of coming-of-age ritual. The annual exorcism, disease-removing, and evil-ridding ceremonies include fasting, bathing, fuxi, noise, shouting, beating, and chasing and so forth. Evictions can take the form of ritualized dispelling of animals (scapegoats) or human beings (Mamurius Veturius), who are perceived as essential means of communication with the animals. Through the evictions, the sins of entire communities are banished from the people’s habitat (the Hebrews and Babylonians “expel the scapegoats into the desert”). The exorcism of demons, diseases, and evils takes place almost everywhere at the same time as the New Year celebration, and for at least one period of time, the two coincide with each other.98 To achieve the circulation and renewal of the universe, activities are held to dispel harmful things in world order and to return to “primitive” and “pure” ceremonies with primordial significance, such as “fuxi (祓禊)” to get rid of evils and diseases, judgement by Chunqiu and exemption from punishment, and violence and evils elimination. The king and concubines need to go through fasting when holding important ceremonies such as sacrifice, field plough by the king, mulberry leaf picking by the 96 Marija Gimbutas, The Living Goddesses, translated: Ye Shuxian et al., 2008. Guilin: Guangxi Normal University Press. pp. 107–109. 97 For example, Sanhuan Stone Altar of Niuheliang is very similar to the early Heavenly Sphere Map, and it gives a correct description of the day and night relationship at equinoxes and solstices. Feng Shi: Chinese Astronomy and Archeology, Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 2007 edition, p. 475. 98 Eliade: Cosmos and History, translated by Yang Rubin, Taipei: Linking Publishing Co., Ltd., 2000, pp. 49–50.

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concubines, and greeting of the four seasons. In Proceedings of the Government in Different Months, fasting is mentioned in six places, four of which are about the king who has the fasting to greet the four seasons. Kong Yingda annotated in detail: “According to the ritual tradition of Zhou, people need to have the fasting 10 days ahead of the greeting of four seasons, that is, having no entertaining activities for seven days and having fasting ritual for three days. The Qin dynasty rule reduces the time to three days.”99 “The beginnings” of four seasons are the key to seasonal changes. That is why the worldly odor must be removed of the people, a must that allows for access to sanctity. The other two sessions of fasting are for gentleman to experience in summer (the influences in nature of darkness and decay and those of brightness and growth struggle together; the tendencies to death and life are divided) and in winter (the principle of darkness and decay (in nature) struggles with that of brightness and growth; the elements of life begin to move). At this time, they keep retired in their houses, avoid all violent exercise, restrain their indulgence in music and beautiful sights, and eschew the society of their wives. The annotators think that yin side germinates when yang is at high tide, when one should tranquilize his mood, to facilitate the development of yin. From the perspective of Taoism, one should have “sitting and fasting” and “oblivion of mind” to return to emptiness and simplicity when cultivating his character and Qi. The fasting mentioned above means “returning to emptiness and simplicity as well” (Fig. 5.23). In Yueling, the narration of exorcising dance (for evil-ridding) and exorcism is especially related to the ritual of “eliminating impurities,” which has been recorded three times: first, spring exorcising ritual; the kingly exorcise culture in autumn; and the great exorcise culture in winter. These ceremonies are held on dates with Mao and Bi mansions, Xu and Wei mansions in the heaven, when the qi of grand mausoleums builds up and the ferocious ghosts come out along the qi to torture the men. This is a period of time in which yin and yang converts, the earthly qi is easily released to cause diseases and epidemics. People think this is the trouble brought by the ferocious ghosts, so they ask Taoists monks and exorcists “to lead 100 undead soldiers to fight the Nuo evils, to dispel them out of the room,” “and to make earth cattle to expel the cold qi (air).”100 This implies that. First, the time of grand evil-ridding ritual is generally the same with some obvious change of the season, and it is held on occasions of yin and yang conversions, such as the end of the late spring, early summer, autumnal equinox, and late winter (early spring). These three timings of seasons are closely related to the farming and harvesting of the New Year. Fraser once exhausted the listing of the exorcism examples of the five continents, revealing that the regular interval between every two universal exorcism rituals is usually 1 year. The time of the ritual is generally the same with the seasonal transition, and in agricultural areas, it is generally the same with the time of sowing or harvesting. 99 Edited,

Li Xueqin: The Accurate Implications of Li Ji, Beijing: Beijing University Press, 1999, p. 459. 100 Li Xueqin Edited: The Accurate Implications of Li Ji, Beijing: Beijing University Press, 1999, pp. 488–489, 526, 559.

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Fig. 5.23 Zhaicheng jade card of the Qing Dynasty kept in the Palace Museum (photo by Tang Qicui)

No matter in what season and year it is held, the common exorcising ritual always marks the beginning of a year. Because people are anxious about getting rid of the misfortune and hazards that vexed them before moving onto the new year.101 Second, the proceedings are that Fangxiangshi leads one hundred followers to search the rooms for the evils and epidemics to be expelled, that is, to split the body of sacrificial animals in the Nine Gates or the Four Gates to get rid of evils and epidemics. This is consistent with the remains of dogs found in the Ru gate and by the steps in the building sites of the Shang and Zhou Dynasties. Drumming and shouting, the people try to comb the palace to scare away the evil spirits. With regard to Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals—the Chapter of Jichun, Gao You gave a detailed explanation to “the nation’s exorcise culture”: “The nation’s people are ordered to perform exorcise culture in which the people search the hidden corners of the palace for evils and epidemics to be expelled by drumming and shouting. In doing this, evil spirits are expelled. Now is the first month the year as the right time of exorcise culture. Jiumen (the nine gates to the imperial city) is opened to three directions. As the kingly qi is suspicious of being absent, dogs and goats are killed and sacrificed at all the nine gates of the city as a ritual to drive away devils. Thus, the spring season is finished.” The exorcist wears a musk and is armed to teeth. According to the Rites of Zhou-the Chapter of Offices of Summer on The Army-Fangxiangshi, Fangxiangshi is 101 Fraser:

The Golden Bough, translated by Xu Yuxin et al., Beijing: New World Press, 2006, pp. 541–542. For a case, see pp. 517–541.

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the position of a government official which will be assumed by a warrior. The warrior is responsible for exorcising evils, plagues, ghosts, and mountain goblins and spirits, and he is specially dressed when performing the ritual: “Hands gloved in bear hide, (Fang Xiangshi) wearing a gold-cast mask with four eyes, with a black cloak and red long shirt inside; he holds a spear and a shield, leading a pack of followers to perform seasonal exorcising ceremonies, to search the rooms for evils and ghosts to be expelled. At the time of the grand funeral, the coffin is put into the tomb pit, and after the landfill is completed, the four corners of the tomb are struck with an iron stick to expel the evil spirits of wood and stone.” Bearskin, the spear, and shield are the objects must be with special magic power. Third, Yueling mention “exorcise culture” three times. Though exorcise culture is subdivided into the nation’s exorcise culture, the prince’s exorcise culture, and the major exorcise culture, annotators tend to understand them at different levels: In spring, only the nation’s exorcise culture prevails; in autumn, only the prince’s exorcise culture prevails (as yang is the image of king, vassals and below shall not pray for yang in a exorcise culture); in winter, it is delegated to commoners in the form of year-end major exorcise culture.102 However, the three exorcising ceremonies share the same procedures and functions: hands gloved in bear hide, Fangxiangshi holds a spear and a shield and leads one hundred followers to search the rooms for evils and epidemics to be expelled. It seems that the winter exorcise culture is related to the new year, but if the relation between the exorcise culture to expel evils and epidemics and the agricultural and phenological factors (such as sowing in spring and harvesting in autumn) and the relations between the calendar modification and multiple year-beginning polices mixed in Yueling are taken into account, the three Nuo ceremonies are a reflection of the different year-beginning polices. With the help of ethnic studies and archaeological literature, it is not difficult to find the continuity of the exorcise culture ranging from the time and form to the dressing of ritual personnel (having special marks, wearing mask, and holding a spear and a shield) and expelling of evils. In the folk exorcising dance ritual that has remained until today, the performance of wearing the bearskin costume is associated with the seasonal hibernation of bears.103 In Tianlongtunbao, Guizhou Province, the traditional Nuo play is intensively put on stage in the Ghost Festival (Zhongyuan Festival) and the Chinese New Year. The rice starts to blossom during the days around the Ghost Festival, when “flower dancing ritual” functions to both pray for a bumper harvest and to pay homage to ancestors. In the Chinese Spring Festival, local people will “beat the gongs and sing songs of divination” for more than 1 month, which is intended to “sacrifice to gods, dispel evils and invite good luck.”104 Continued Anshun Administration Annals states: “The dancing wizard first wear a dark scarf, 102 Edited,

Li Xueqin: The Accurate Implications of Li Ji, Beijing: Beijing University Press, 1999, p. 559. 103 Ye Shuxian: Bear Totem, Shanghai: Shanghai Literature & Art Publishing House, 2007, pp. 74– 75, 141–142. 104 Wu Qiulin: The Domain of gods: Investigation and Research on the Contemporary Folk Belief Culture in Guizhou Province, Beijing: Ethnic Publishing House, 2007, p. 196.

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Fig. 5.24 Picture of exorcise offering ritual against evils. 1 Gold mask bronze statue kept in Sanxingdui Museum; 2 the Han painting of a figure with a halberd, in Dai Temple; 3 and 4 the terra-cotta tomb guard of the North Qi state, kept in Shangdong Provincial Museum; The ceramic disk with Master Zhang of Heaven and Ming colored flower patterns (photo by Tang Qicui); 5 The: Chukotskiy Shaman clothed in bearskin to perform a ritual, from Ye Shuxian’s Bear Tote, p. 140

a warring skirt around the waist, and a mask upon the forehead. He holds a pear, a saber or other weapon. As he sings from time to time, the followers will dance along.” Archaeologically, the exorcise culture can be, therefore, dated back to the Neolithic Age during which monstrous, bucktoothed mask, and the divine-human-beast patterns were used in a ritual. The exorcise culture dancer is a trinity encompassing a soldier, a peasant, and a wizard (Fig. 5.24).105 Compared with Nuo and fuxi, royal and governmental proceedings are carried out in autumn and winter to judge whether a suspect is criminal or not according to Chunqiu and other classics. It is considered reasonable to persecute or imprison a criminal or confine him/her in a limited space without four directions because “no case of crime” should be suspended at this time of year. The criminals are something like epidemics and vicious ghosts. Removal of criminals means getting rid of social bad things and keeping the world tidy and in order. This is also one of the necessary ways to achieve “rebirth” by returning to the initial good world of the remote past. The “year” is associated with harvest, suggesting that ritual is required in both food storage and life sustainability/renewal. Ritual not only decides the timing, the beginning, and the end, but more importantly, it must be after the scared model to gain divine blessings and order. Any ritual has a sacred model, a prototype. “We must do what gods have done in the Initial Chaos of Cosmos.” In other words, “we do exactly whatever gods have done.” This Indian proverb gives a full description of the theoretical basis for the rituals of all countries. It is worth mentioning that to the people of the remote past, each ritual is based on a mythical model, and, moreover, for any human behavior to 105 Bu Gong: The Chinese Model of the Origin of Civilization, Beijing: Science Press, 2007, pp. 180–

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become effective, they have to properly re-experience the things that gods, heroes, and ancestors did in the Initial Unity of the Cosmos.106 New year and coming-of-age ritual and the like are modeled after the origination of the universe. The symbolic field ploughed and nurtured by an emperor resembles the sacred wedding ritual that represents the harmony between the heaven and the earth. Celebration of spring resurrection and mourning over autumnal deaths (withering) are modeled after the alternation between spring and autumn, death and rebirth. The worldly things stress “beginning as normality.” Initialization means a beginning, rather than the beginning of the heaven and earth. Invented by the heroic ancestors or cultural ancestors, the character “Chu” means beginning, rather than the initiation of the heaven and earth, it must be observed and followed because it was created by the heroic or cultural ancestors. In the first month of spring and in the beginning of a year, it is the time to greet the spring. “King also orders the Grand Recorder to guard the statutes and maintain the laws, and (especially) to observe the motions in the heavens of the sun and moon, and of the zodiacal stars in which the conjunctions of these bodies take place, so that there should be no error as to where they rest and what they pass over; that there should be no failure in the record of all these things, according to the regular practice of “beginning as normality (earlier times).” Zheng annotated: as to “beginning as normality,” “beginning” means the laws and codes of the past which must be observed forever.107 Then what are the laws and codes of the past? Zheng failed to give a detailed explanation. According to Canon of Yao, King orders Xihe (Sishu) to keep a close watch on the cycle of time, determine the law of the motions of the sun, moon, and stars, and develop a calendar for calculating time. This paragraph is very in line with the narrative in the Chu Bamboo Slip Inscriptions: in the origination of the world, Fuxi asks his four sons to observe the motions of the sun and the moon. Therefore, the intention behind “beginning” of the origination of the world is evident. “Collecting and storing herbal medicines” in the first month of summer is obviously related to how Shennong Emperor Yan of Xia tasted herbal plants (toxic or non-toxic) to cure the people. In the second month of summer, “orders are given by the officers for women, on the subject of dyeing. (They are to see) that the white and black, the black and green, the green and carnation, the carnation and white be all according to the ancient rules, without errors or changes.” The white and black, the black and green, the green and carnation, the carnation and white are considered as colors of beauty. According to the Accurate Implications, the white and black is called “fˇu,” the black and green is called “fú,” the green and carnation is called “wen,” and the carnation and white is called “zhang.” The dyeing with these colors must be according to the ancient rules.108 What are the ancient rules anyway? Confucius gave no answer. According to The Extended Interpretations to 106 Eliade:

Cosmos and History, translated by Yang Rubin, Taipei: Linking Publishing Co., Ltd., 2000, pp. 16–17. 107 Li Xueqin Edited: The Accurate Implications of Li Ji, Beijing: Beijing University Press, 1999, pp. 460–461. 108 Li Xueqin Edited: The Accurate Implications of Li Ji, Beijing: Beijing University Press, 1999, pp. 510–511.

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the Book of Changes, “the Yellow Emperor, Yao and Shun ordered people to make clothes and the world was peacefully governed.” A similar record in Lushi is that “the Yellow Emperor set the rules of the world, including rules for making proper clothes, costumes and caps and for dying colors.” More records are not mentioned here. But based on these descriptions, it may be concluded that the ancient rules were started by the Yellow Emperor, the cultural patriarch of the Chinese civilization. The Yellow Emperor sought the law according to the colors of things between the heaven and the earth. The vessels (of five directions) which he used were slightly carved, to resemble the shooting forth of plants (Dongsheng); the vessels were tall, to resemble the large growth of things (Nanzhang); the vessels were round and made to resemble the capacity of the earth (Zhongyun);the vessels were rectangular and going on to be deep (Xisha); the vessels which he uses are large and rather deep (Dongchang). In a word, the vessels used were of earthenware and of gourds—to emblem the natural (productive power of) heaven and earth. The gourd is the shape of the universe when it was born. Li Ji-the Chapter of Liyun summarizes this as below. Ritual comes from the Initial Unity of the Cosmos, which separates and becomes the Heaven and the Earth, turns into yin and yang, and generates four seasons. It is performed in favor of gods and ghosts. Therefore, man is the heart and mind of Heaven and Earth, and the visible embodiment of the five elements. He lives in the enjoyment of all flavors, the discriminating of all notes (of harmony), and the en-robing of all colors. Thus it was that when the sages would make rules (for men), they felt it necessary to find the origin (of all things) in heaven and earth; to make the two forces (of nature) the commencement (of all); to use the four seasons as the handle (of their arrangements); to adopt the sun and stars as the recorders (of time), the moon as the measure (of work to be done), the spirits breathing (in nature) as associates, the five elements as giving substance (to things), rules of propriety and righteousness as (their) instruments, the feelings of men as the field (to be cultivated), and the four intelligent creatures as domestic animals (to be reared).109 It can be seen from the above that ritual is identical to the prototype of human affairs. When it comes to “beginning as normality,” “imitating the behaviors of gods and heroic ancestors” has become ritual narrative, the general rules for cognition and behavior. The reason why archaeological language can be linked to mythical ritual as narrative for mutual explanation lies in “beginning as normality.” Chapter Summary Therefore, as an almanac for ancients to plan government proceedings, farming, and ritual life according to the celestial phenomena and phenology, Yueling schema perfectly embodies the mythological worldview of time and space, allowing for the universe and its externals (such as the sun, the moon, the stars, the animals and plants, and the hall of distinction) to have acquired the deepest symbols of life: reborn once a year. It can be said that phenology, rituals, architecture, and other human visible 109 Li

Xueqin Edited: The Accurate Implications of Li Ji,Beijing: Beijing University Press, 1999, p. 698.

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things show the invisible yet perfect, pure primitive universe—mythical time and space. Phenology is the external manifestation of the belief in the “end-to-beginning” life cycle, while ritual is the “step” of “beginning of a year.” Each ritual is represented by a sacred model. People not only repeatedly perform what gods or ancestors did in the initial beginning of the world. Hidden behind ritual as narrative characterized by “beginning as normality” are the deep psychological mechanism and ritualized behavior “to get rid of evil contamination through fuxi.” On the other hand, as a book embodying ritual as narrative when “recording (textually)” the “rites (rituals)” in a reverse causative sequence, Li Ji also incorporates the perspectives of discussion of events at different times, and even its phenological descriptions imply the cultural fusion and collision, and the discourse of power uttered by the Central China states to unify the narrative. In a word, the end-and-beginning cycle of Yueling schema, the sacred time view of beginning as normality and its hidden discourse of power form a contrast to the periodic renewal of life embodied in the sacred spaces (such as the hall of distinction and temple) and capping ritual, as well as to the world outlook and the code of ethnic space implied in the narration of “the people from five directions.” A relatively complete cosmological understanding of the unity of saint and people has been developed. Supported by this cognitive code, the functions such as cultural integration and coordination, and sustainability of social order, can be accomplished through ritual as narrative.

Chapter 6

Ritual Healing: Records of Disasters and ritual function in Li Ji

In what way does Li Ji preserve the records of disasters and super-naturalness as a collection of ancient rites and customs? This chapter will reveal why Li Ji retains its social memory and the functions of ceremonies as narrative in the “mixed” form of ritual performance, interpretation of meanings, and the demands of royal order. Environmental science research shows that the universe on which human beings depend for survival and development is an extremely complex and unified environment system of “heaven, earth, people, and things.”. There is always the exchange of material, energy, and information within the system, often represented some supernatural phenomena. When a certain factor changes greatly, it will affect other factors to change through the complex structure and internal connection of the system to reach a certain threshold value, thereby causing obvious damage to human society and of course, disasters. In serious cases, a period of frequent natural disasters and super-naturalness will appear.1 The strong overall relationship between natural anomalies and natural disasters provides valuable information for human beings to prevent natural disasters. Although human beings have remained so small and helpless in the face of natural disasters for thousands of years, they have never given up their struggle against natural disasters. The initial fundamental way of resistance was ritual. The experience of such rituals (ceremonies) in ancient China is expressed by the character “禳 rang (evil aversion by praying to gods).”2 An integrated study of environmental archaeology and historical documents found that the history of civilization in ancient China (2020 BC–1911 AD) was accompanied by a chain of consecutive natural disasters. In the three periods—Xia Dynasty (Emperor Yu), the Han Dynasty, and the Ming and Qing Dynasties, mass natural disasters were extremely active representing typical periods of frequent natural disasters. In the 1930s, some scholars systematically collated and counted all kinds of disasters ever recorded. According to Deng Yunte’s statistics, during the 3702 years 1 Song

Zhenghai et al.: The Intensive Periods for Disasters and Supernaturalness in Ancient China, Hefei: Anhui Education Press, 2002, Preamble 1. 2 Ye Shuxian: Chap. 5 of the Literal Disaster Relief in A Course in Literary Anthropology, Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 2010 edition. © Shanghai Jiao Tong University Press 2020 Q. Tang, Ritual Civilization and Mythological Coding, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-4393-7_6

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from the 18th year under reign King Tang of Shang (1766 BC) to 1937, 5258 natural disasters such as flood, drought, locust, hail, wind, epidemic, frost, snow, and earthquake, occurred. To simply put, one disaster about every six months. As far as drought is concerned, there occurred 1074 droughts during the 3703 years, with one drought about once every three years and five months. During the 2141 years starting from 206 BC (when clear historic records started) to 1936, the total number of disasters was up to 5150, with one disaster occurring every four months on average. To be specific, 1,035 droughts and 1,037 floods occurred on average every two years.3 It can be said that China sees almost no year without disaster and no year without famine. Therefore, coping with famine has become one of the main functions of the government. In disaster relief and prevention, people have observed and recorded numerous natural disasters and super-natural phenomena, and have also accumulated various disaster relief strategies, such as famine relief, grain allocation, material/financial aid, disaster ridding, thrifty policy, tax cut or exemption, and witchcraft ritual. Compared with the statistical results based on more detailed literature records since the Han Dynasty, the statistical data of Shang and Zhou Dynasties are obviously insufficient, and the information of the flood period of the Xia Dynasty (under reign of Emperor Yu) is even more plausible but impressive. The bits of such information are found in ancient books, sacrificial ceremonies and myths and legends, having become the collective memory and healing prototype of the Chinese nation regarding disasters. In what way does Li Ji preserve the records of disasters and super-naturalness as a collection of ancient rites and customs? Based on the research results of environmental archaeology and unearthed literature documents, this book attempts to explore the special pattern of record of disasters and super-naturalness and the ecological anthropological significance of ritual of dispelling disaster, from a ritualized perspective.

6.1 Disasters Memory in Li Ji Although the chapters of Li Ji were not written by one person at a time, the newly unearthed bamboo slips and silk manuscripts of the Warring States period reveal that most of the chapters were written in the pre-Qin period and still belong to the history of social life that precedes the Qin and Han Dynasties. Li Ji is a classic which has been cumulatively completed from “rites” to “record” over a long period of time, 3 Deng Yunte: The Chinese History of Disaster Relief, (Beijing: The Commercial Press, 1998[1937]

edition, p. 51); also see The Chinese Chronology of Natural Disasters and Human Disasters edited by Chen Gaoyou et al. (Shanghai: Shanghai Bookstore, 1986 edition, based on the photocopy of Jinan University 1939 edition), there occurred 9,969 disasters from the Han Dynasty to the Qing Dynasty, including 3,459 were floods, and 3504 droughts. According to the statistics of the Climatic Changes in Chinese History by Mr. Zhu Kezhen, from the 1st year to the nineteenth century, there were 658 floods and 1,013 droughts. Because the statistical standards are different, the statistical results may show some differences. However the reflections of the Chinese disaster are the same.

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with more focus on the interpretation of the norms and meanings of “rites.” Li Ji not only carries the historical memory in the form of text, but also records the track of historical changes. It also contains the memory of and the strategies against the flood, drought, locust plague, and other major disasters. Anthropologically, the memory of the past contains personal, social, and political meanings. “Social memory” is closely related to customs, relics, myths, rituals, and so on. It maintains social reality and even reconstructs history through the transmission of ideology and power. And the so-called memory that has survived is evidently believed to contain double features: having contingency and selectivity on the one hand and having accumulation and endurance on the other hand. Therefore, in this regard, the study of memory of disaster/healing rituals contained in Li Ji is more than pertaining to what disaster/healing memory information is recorded in Li Ji; more questions need to be asked: in what way? for what reason? why to record? Let’s take a look at the first question: disaster/healing memory information contained in Li Ji.

6.1.1 Drought and Rain Praying Descriptions of memory of drought and prayers for rain are more detailed in Li Ji, where 10 descriptions are found: The chapter of Tangong (檀弓) says: In a year of drought Duke Mu called the official to him, and asked him about it. “Heaven,” said he, “has not sent down rain for a long time. I wish to expose a deformed person in the sun (to move its pity), what do you say to my doing so?” “Heaven, indeed,” was the reply, “does not send down rain; but would it not be an improper act of cruelty, on that account to expose the diseased son of someone in the sun?” “Well then,” (said the Duke), “I wish to expose in the sun a witch; what do you say to that?” The official said, “Heaven, indeed, does not send down rain; but would it not be wise to hope anything from (the suffering of) a foolish woman, and by means of that to seek for rain?”4 The Chapter of Royal Regulations (王制) says: In sacrifices, there should be no extravagance in good years, and no niggardliness in bad years. During thirty years (in this way), though there might be bad years, drought, and inundations, people would not starve and the emperor have feast and music playing along every day.5 The Chapter of Yueling (Proceedings of the Government in Different Months) says: If summer proceedings were observed in spring, there would be great droughts; the heat would come too early; and insects would harm the grain. In this month of summer, the musicians were ordered to repair and display the drums of various sizes, adjust all the musical flute and pipe instruments, large and small, tune the organs, large and small, with their pipes and tongues; and put in order the bells, sonorous 4 Ruan Yuan (Qing dynasty): Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company 2003[1980], p. 1317. 5 Ruan Yuan (Qing dynasty): Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2003[1980], p. 1334.

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stones, all the other instrument to give the symbol for commencing. Orders are given to the (proper) officers to pray for the people and offer sacrifice to the (spirits of the) hills, streams, and all springs. (After that) comes the great summer sacrifice for rain to God, when all the instruments of music are employed. Then orders are given throughout all the districts to sacrifice to the various princes, high ministers, and officers who benefited the people; praying that there may be a good harvest of grain. If the proceedings proper to spring were observed in autumn, there would be droughts in the states; the yang (vitality) influence would return; and the five kinds of grain would not yield their fruit. If those proper to summer were observed in autumn, there would be droughts in the states; insects would not retire to their burrows; and the five grains would begin to grow again. If in this second month of winter the proceedings proper to summer were observed, there would be droughts in the states; vapors and fogs would shed abroad their gloom, and thunder would utter its voice.”6 The Chapter of Liyun says: They employed the people with due regard to their duties and wishes. Thus, it was that there were no flood, drought, or insects, and the people did not suffer from famine, from untimely deaths or irregular births.7 The Chapter of Jade-Bead Pendants of the Royal Cap: When the eighth month came without rain, the ruler did not have full meals nor music.8 The Chapter of the Sacrifices system: They sacrificed to (the spirits of) flood and drought at the honored altar of rain.9

6.1.2 Locust Plague (The Chapter of) Yueling says: If those proceedings proper to summer were observed in second month of spring, there would be great droughts; the heat would come too early; and insects would harm the grain. If those proceedings proper to summer were observed in the third month of spring, there would be plagues, no timely rains and no produce would be derived from the mountains and heights. If those proper to spring were observed in the first month of summer, there would be the calamity of locusts, and violent winds would come. If the proceedings proper to spring were observed in second month of summer, the grains would be late in ripening; all kinds of locusts would continually be appearing; and there would be famine in the states. If those proper to autumn were observed in summer, herbs and plants would drop their leaves; fruits would ripen prematurely; and the people would be consumed by pestilence. If, in this first month of autumn, the proceedings of government proper to winter were 6 Ruan Yuan (Qing dynasty): Commentaries and Explanations Zhonghua Book Company, 2003[1980], pp. 1362–1383. 7 Ruan Yuan (Qing dynasty): Commentaries and Explanations Zhonghua Book Company, 2003[1980], p. 1427. 8 Ruan Yuan (Qing dynasty): Commentaries and Explanations Zhonghua Book Company, 2003[1980], p. 1474. 9 Ruan Yuan (Qing dynasty): Commentaries and Explanations Zhonghua Book Company, 2003[1980], p. 1588.

to the Thirteen Classics, Beijing: to the Thirteen Classics, Beijing: to the Thirteen Classics, Beijing: to the Thirteen Classics. Beijing:

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observed, then the dark and gloomy influence (of yin nature) would greatly prevail; the shelly insects would destroy the grain; and warlike operations would be called for. If the proceedings proper to spring were observed, there would be droughts in the states; the bright and growing influence (of yang nature) would return; and the five kinds of grain would not yield their fruit. If the proceedings proper to summer were observed, there would be many calamities from fire in the states; the cold and the heat would be subject to no rule; and there would be many infectious fevers among the people. If those proper to spring were observed in the second month of winter, locusts would work their harm; the springs would all become dry; and many of the people would suffer from leprosy and foul ulcers.

6.1.3 Disasters of Wind, Rain, and Flood Yueling says: If in the first month of spring the governmental proceedings proper to summer were carried out, rain would fall unseasonably not in the time, plants and trees would decay early, and the states would be kept in continual fear and worries. If the proceedings proper to autumn were observed, there would be great pestilence among the people; boisterous winds would work their violence; rain would descend in torrents; crops and weeds would flourish together. If the proceedings proper to winter were carried out, pools of water would produce their destructive effects, snow and frost would prove very injurious, and the first sown seeds would not nurture from the earth. If in this second month of spring the governmental proceedings proper to autumn were observed, there would be great floods, in the states; cold airs would be constantly coming; and plundering attacks would be frequent. If those proper to summer were observed, many of the people would suffer from pestilential diseases; the seasonable rains would not fall; and no produce would be derived from the mountains and heights. If those proper to autumn were observed, it would be damp and gloom; excessive rains would fall early; and warlike movements would be everywhere arising. If, in this first month of summer, the proceedings proper to autumn were observed, pitiless rains would be frequent; the crops would not grow large, and all the borders would be in threat. If those proper to winter were observed, all plants and trees would wither early, and afterwards, there would be great floods, destroying cities and towns. If in this second month of autumn the proceedings proper to spring were observed, the autumn rains would not fall; plants and trees would revive; and in the states there would be fears and worries. If those proper to winter were observed, calamities springing from (unseasonable) winds would be constantly arising; the thunderstorm now silent would be heard before its time; and plants and trees would die prematurely. If, in the third month of autumn, the proceedings proper to summer were observed, there would be great floods in the states; the winter stores would be damaged; there would be many colds and catarrhs among the people. If those proper to summer were observed in the first month of winter, there would be many violent winds in the states; it would not be cold like winter; and insects would come forth again from their burrows.

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The Law of Sacrifices says: According to the institutes of the sage kings about sacrifices, sacrifice should be offered to those who had given (good) laws to the people to those who had labored to the death in the discharge of his duties; to him who had strengthened the state by his laborious toil; to those who had boldly and successfully met great calamities; and to those who had warded off great evils. Yu, (the son of) Gun, who was kept a prisoner till death for trying to dam up the waters of the flood, while Yu completed the work, and atoned for his father’s failure. Tang, who ruled the people with a benignant way and cut off the cruelty; and King Wen, who by his peaceful rule, and King Wu, who by his martial achievements and relieved people from their afflictions and sufferings. All these distinguished services to the people arouse people’s great respect. As to the sun and moon, the zodiacal stars and constellations, the people look up to them, while mountains, forests, streams, valleys, hills, and mountains supply them with the materials for use which they require. All these are not services exerted by the people and not admitted into the sacrificial canon.10

6.1.4 Snow, Frost, and Hailstone Yueling says: “If the proceedings proper to winter were carried out in the first month of spring, pools of water would produce their destructive effects, snow and frost would prove very injurious, and the first sown seeds would not nurture from the earth.”

6.1.5 Solar Eclipse The Chapter Questions of Zengzi says: Zengzi asked: “If, during the sacrifice, there occur an eclipse of the sun, or the grand ancestral temple take fire what should be done?” The reply of Confucius was, “The steps of the sacrifice should be hurried on. If the sacrifices have arrived, but has not yet been slain, the sacrifice should be discontinued.” In Chunqiu Collection, Zheng annotated: “On occasion of a solar eclipse, the King will restrain their indulgence in music and beautiful sights, and beat drums in the ancestral temple to inform the Supreme Masters. The vassals beat the drums in the ancestral temple, and contemplate their own mistakes if any after exit.” As mentioned above, the characteristics and nature of the writing of Li Ji result in its memory of disasters and super-naturalness, such as water, drought, locust, epidemic, wind, frost, snow, hail, and solar eclipse. These narratives are neither statements of events, nor chronological historical records; they are sporadic words 10 Ruan Yuan (Qing dynasty): Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2003[1980], p. 1590.

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mixed in the interpretation of rituals and their implications. In some sense, they are non-experiential natural memories, or rather, the purposeful, strategic and “early warning” memories that are not necessarily responsible for authenticity because of the needs of a certain order. One example of this kind is the disasters that will be caused by “wrong-season” government proceedings described in Yueling. Obviously, these records are not intended to remember the disasters and super-naturalness, but countermeasures are taken to heal the wounds caused by disasters and to prevent the arrival of disasters and super-naturalness. Perhaps it is not the disasters and supernaturalness that scares memory into the people’s mind. Instead, such memory is made possible due to some kind of political metaphor. In a sense, the relationship between these records in Li Ji and the era of records is vague and obscure, and it is of little significance to assessing the frequency, intensity, and harm of disasters in that era. We cannot even see from these records of when and where these disasters have occurred. But the records made this way is also showing its significance as a disaster memory model: As there used to be so many disasters, even in topics that seem to have nothing to do with natural disasters and super-naturalness, such as the discussion of “rites,” records of disasters and super-naturalness and the healing/salvation ceremonies are considered as very distinctive.

6.2 Records of Disasters and Climate Change Why did the memory of floods, droughts, locusts, pestilence, and other major disasters as described in Li Ji come into being? Modern memory research shows that memory can be presented in different ways because of the use of different media such as oral transmission, text, pictures, and rituals. The formation mechanism of memory, namely, where the memory of people comes from and how to the memory of a community or a population group is spread and maintained, is very difficult to be understood and recognized by scientific means. However, scholars of memory studies still agree that memory cannot be separated from the objectively given social and historical framework, a framework that enables all our perception and memory to take some forms. Until today, many elements of the past still affect our emotions and decisions: The perception and interpretation of one’s past and of the past of the population group to which one belongs is the starting point for individuals and collectives to design their own identity. Moreover, it is also the starting point for people to decide what actions to take at present-with a view to the future.11 As an ancient book on “rites,” Li Ji, as far as the medium of memory is concerned, seems to be a bit mixed as its way of memory does, and this book represents the interpretations to the rituals as the textual “record,” which originates from the attribute of

11 (Germany) Harald Welzer: Social Memory, translated by Ji Bing et al., Beijing: Beijing University

Press, 2007, p. 3.

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“practice of Li Ji.”12 Records of disasters and super-naturalness, which are sporadically scattered in the chapters of Li Ji, appear as part of countermeasures-calendar rituals, crisis rituals, early warning policies, etc. It is worth discussing whether this kind of “attached” memory is regarded as political power or as an aspect of unconscious factors in collective memory, or as a combination of the two. However, this book does not intend to make a forced differentiation between the two. By starting from the social and historical framework that cannot be separated from memory, that is, the objective existence of the natural environment, this section specifically discusses the relationship between climate change factors and the disasters and super-naturalness described in Li Ji. China is located in the middle latitudes. Due to complex terrain and landform and the varying climate conditions, there are diverse and frequent occurrences of natural disasters, with the regional differences between the North China and the West China.13 The occurrence of natural disasters is closely related to climate change. Flood, drought, locust and bollworm, wind, snow, frost, hail, and other disasters are closely related to the amount of rain and temperature and other climatic conditions. In the history of ancient China, the three major intensive periods of natural disasters were all at the turning point of climate change. For example, around 2,000 BC, there was a low-temperature period transitioning from warm to cold, a period in which there occurred serious natural disasters such as great floods, droughts, and earthquakes. In academic circles, this period is called Xia-Yu Flood Period.14 In the East and West Han Dynasties, a climate change from warm to cold was experienced, which was a period of frequent disasters such as floods, droughts, and earthquakes. In academic

12 This is much discussed in the books of the Warring States Period. For example, “Zhuangzi—the Chapter of Tianxia” says: The Poetry is about the stories; The Book is about the events; The Rites is about the behavior; The Music is about harmony; and The Book of Changes is about the way of Yin and Yang, The Chunqiu is about the positions and identities of people. This is also seen in Xunzi: Ruxiao. 13 In Research on Natural disasters and Countermeasures in Ancient Chin See Hao Zhiqing: Research on the History of Disasters in Ancient China, Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 2007, pp. 21– 22), Hao Zhiqing thinks that the agrometeorological disasters dominated by floods and droughts are mainly distributed in Huang-Huai-Hai Plain, Yangtze River Basin and South China; storm and tide disasters are mainly distributed in coastal areas of Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Fujian, Guangdong, Guangxi, Hainan and Taiwan; the earthquake disasters are mainly distributed in the North China, Southwest and Eastern Pacific Rim seismic belts. Generally speaking, the North China is dominated by drought, as well as floods, locusts, hail, and snow disasters; the South China is dominated by partial waterlogging and tidal disasters, and a lot of plagues. In Spatial Distribution Characteristics of Natural Disasters in China (Acta Geographica Sinica, 1995, 3rd issue), Wang Zheng et al. believe that China can be divided into three disaster regions according to “Hu Line (Heihe-Tengchong Line)” and Qin-huai Line, namely, the west region west of Hu line, the north region north of Qinhuai line and the south region south of Qin-huai line. It is noted that the narrow area south of Zhengzhou-Kaifeng in the lower reaches of the Yellow River and the narrow area north of Dongting Lake-Wuhan in the middle reaches of the Yangtze River is the core of frequent disasters in China. 14 Song Zhenghai et al.: The Intensive Periods for Disasters and Super-naturalness in Ancient China, Hefei: Anhui Education Press, 2002, pp. 2–36.

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cycles, it is called the Han Dynasty Cosmic Period.15 Obviously, these periods of frequent disasters are the most abnormal periods of astronomy and meteorology. Between the frequent periods of these disasters was the long transition of climate change. The occurrence of certain disasters was much associated with climate change. For example, the early-period droughts and the middle-period frequent floods in the Yin and Shang Dynasties are closely related to the climate change from coldness to dryness to warmth and moisture at that time.16 The West and East Zhou Dynasties also experienced the climate change from coldness to warmth. The Bamboo Annals records two ice-ups in Hanjiang River during reign of King Xiao of Zhou, closely followed by large-scale drought. This is the supportive evidence for the phenological events described in The Book of Songs—the Chapter of Binfeng—Qiyue, revealing that the time around the tenth century BC is a period of coldness and drought.17 According to Mr. Deng Yunte’s statistics, 89 disasters during the East and West Zhou Dynasties were considered the severest (including 20 droughts, 16 floods, 9 earthquakes, 8 famines, 7 frosts and snows, 4 hailstone falls, and one large-scale plague), with the most frequent disaster being drought.18 From the 21st to 26th years under reign of King Li (858 BC–853 BC), drought occurred for 6 consecutive years. The Book of Songs—the Chapter of Xiaoya—Yuwuzheng gives a description of the unprecedented disaster: “Great and wide Heaven, how is it you have contracted your kindness, sending down death and famine, destroying all through the kingdom?” The time span from the late year under reign of King Xuan (about 803 BC) to the beginning year under reign of King You (about 780 BC) is a period transitioning from dryness and coldness to warmth and moisture, during which serious droughts and earthquakes occurred one after another. For example, the Book of Songs: Daya—Yunhan: “The serious drought would not retreat; The hills and rills are parched by heat. Demonic drought which vents its ire Sets our motherland on fire. My fear of heat throws me in dire; My heart seems to be set on fire.” The Book of Songs—the Chapter of Daya—Shaomin says: “As in a year of drought, no grass is likely to sprout, and all the plants are dead and out. My motherland, it seems to me, will sooner or later cease to be.” These poems all describe what droughts seemed to be at that time. One poem of the Book of Songs called Shi Yue Zhi Jiao goes: “For the moon to be eclipsed, is but an ordinary matter. Now that the sun has been eclipsed. How bad it is! Grandly flashes the lightning and the thunder; there is a want of rest, a want of good. The streams all bubble up and overflow. The crags on the hill-tops fall down. High banks become valleys; deep valleys become hills.” This poem depicts what the solar eclipse, the lunar eclipse, and 15 See

Wang Zijin: Historical Investigation of Climate Change in the Qin and Han dynasties, Historical Studies, 1995, 2nd issue. See Song Zhenghai et al.: Chap. 2 of The Intensive Periods for Disasters and Super-naturalness in Ancient China. 16 Wei Jiyin: Exploration of Climate Change in the Central China during the Yin and Shang Dynasties, Archaeology and Cultural Relics, 2007, 6th issue, pp. 44–50. 17 Zhu Kezhen: A preliminary study on climate change in China in the past five thousand years, Acta Archaeologica Sinica, 1972, 1st issue. 18 Deng Yunte: The Chinese History of Disaster Relief, Beijing: The Commercial Press, 1998[1937], p. 9.

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Fig. 6.1 The schematics of changes in earthquake and human epidemics in the Pre-Qin Period. 1. Nine-point smoothing graph of earthquakes in the Chinese history. 2. Three-point smooth curve of drought index two thousand years ago in China. 3. Historical changes in the Chinese history of insect disasters over the 2630 years. 4. Nine-point smoothing graph of China’s past human epidemics

the earthquake are like. When King Ping relocated the capital city, the climate began to turn warm. The Commentary of Zuo mentions a lack of ice in the ice house when spending the winter in the Lu Sate (now in Shandong Province). To be specific, the Commentary of Zuo records “no ice in winter” in the 14th year under reign of King Huan, the first year under reign of King Cheng, and the 28th year under reign of King Xiang. Such warm and cozy climate continued till the early East Han Dynasty. The Warring States period is a period of stable climate, and in spite of some disasters, the frequency and intensity of the disasters were much smaller, as shown in Fig. 6.1.19 As to the observation of climate changes, Zhu Kezhen wrote a research paper called “A preliminary study on climate change in China in the past five thousand year,” in which the 5,000-year period of China’s history is divided into four periods according to ancient climate sources: archaeological period (3000 BC–1100 BC), phenological period (1100 BC–1400 AD), local records period (1400–1900), and instrumental observation period (1900–present). The research paper mainly explains the trend of climate changes in China over the 5,000 years. Just as Mr. Zhu said, in a era without observation instruments, people sensed the seasonal changes and agricultural production schedule by mainly relying on observations of phenological phenomena such as freezing and melting of rivers, tree sprouting, flowering and fruiting, coming and going of migrant birds. The Book of Songs, Small Calendar of the Xia and Yueling all keep a sound record of phenological observations, which embody the apocalyptic wisdom. The kings and emperors on earth must follow the law of natural climate and seasons when implementing the governmental proceedings. Otherwise, they will suffer from heavenly punishment. The memory of disasters will naturally appear in the said calendar system. Why? Because Yueling itself uses its ritual calendar system to guide the agricultural timing and the conventional sacrifice rites, to prevent and cure natural disasters and human misfortune in a way that does not violate the current government proceedings.

19 Pictures

from Song Haizheng: The Chinese Frequent Period of Natural Disasters and Supernaturalness, Hefei: Anhui Education Press, 2002, pp. 42, 57, 75, 79.

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The ways of prevention and treatment of disasters as presented in Yueling come with two patterns. One pattern is that in the conventional rituals such as the sacrifices to the rain god against drought and the Nuo (exorcise) ritual to exorcise plagues, ghosts and pests, this pattern of ritualized memory serves as an important medium of social memory, with strong stability. It is difficult to distinguish ancient memory from the present reality. The second pattern is that in the warning of the possible harm of “wrong timing,” “early warning” memory is not responsible for authenticity, but the serious “early warning” and “wrong season” often bring about the record of symbiotic disasters and super-naturalness. Such record implies long-term observation practice, which should not be ignored. For example, “If proceedings proper to summer were observed in the second month of spring, there would be serious droughts; the heat would come too early; and insects would harm the grain. If those proceedings proper to summer were observed in the third month of spring, there would be plagues, no timely rains and no produce would be derived from the mountains and heights. If those proper to spring were observed in the first month of summer, there would be the calamity of locusts, violent winds would come. If the proceedings proper to spring were observed in the second month of summer, the grains would be late in ripening; all kinds of locusts would continually be appearing; and there would be famine in the states. If those proper to autumn were observed in summer, herbs and plants would drop their leaves; fruits would ripen prematurely; and the people would be consumed by pestilence. If, in this first month of autumn, the proceedings proper to winter were observed, then the dark and gloomy influence (of yin nature) would greatly prevail; the shelly insects would destroy the grain; and warlike operations would be called for. If the proceedings proper to spring were observed, there would be droughts in the states; the bright and growing influence (of yang nature) would return; and the five kinds of grain would not yield their fruit. If the proceedings proper to summer were observed, there would be many calamities from fire in the states; the cold and the heat would be subject to no rule; and there would be many infectious fevers among the people. If those proper to spring were observed in the second month of winter, locusts would work their harm; the springs would all become dry; and many of the people would suffer from leprosy and foul ulcers.” According to the calendar system and experience, people should arrange daily and ritual activities based on the seasonal rhythm of “sowing in spring, growing in summer, harvesting in autumn and storing in winter.” Violation of such rhythm implies “the wrong timing,” causing disasters to occur. The following points may be seen from the paragraphs listed: (i) The occurrence of disasters is closely associated with seasonal climate conditions. If the proceedings proper to summer were observed in the second month of spring and if the proceedings proper to autumn were observed in the first month of spring, the state would suffer from a serious drought, bringing the warm air to come ahead of schedule. In this case, insects would harm the states. If the proceedings proper to spring were observed in the first month of summer and the second month of winter, all kinds of locusts would continually be appearing, and as a result, the springs would all become dry; and many of the people would suffer from leprosy and foul ulcers. By discarding “the wrong

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timing” and “heavenly punishment,” it is not difficult to find the actual climate factors which work here. Now everything goes in disagreement with the natural law that governs a chilly early spring, a windy autumn and snowy winter, which all end up being warm. The occurrence of locust disasters mostly comes from warm and dry climate. The eggs and larvae of locusts and bollworms are hidden in the depths of earth and below the roots of wheat and rice, and their growth is fully dependent on the increase in temperature. In case of a warm winter, a warm spring and a warm winter together with a sweltering summer, there must be an insect disaster. That’s why folk people say “a snowy winter predicts a year of bumper harvest,” while (if with excessive warm seasons) there must be a drought and a locust disaster. Complete Book on Agricultural Activities by Xu Guangqi, the scientist of the Ming Dynasty, showed statistics of locust disasters during the Warring States Period, and found: “According to records, there are 111 locust disasters in a year, including 2 locust disaster in the second lunar month, 3 in the third lunar month, 19 in the fourth lunar month, 20 in the fifth lunar month, 31 in the sixth lunar month, 20 in the seventh lunar month, 12 in the eighth lunar month, one in ninth lunar month, 3 in the tenth lunar month; the most frequent occurrence is therefore found between summer and autumn.”20 The reason for the extraordinarily high temperatures in summer and autumn. If rain is insufficient, it will become drier and hotter, when insects quicken their growth to cause extensive plague. Interestingly, the drought and locust disaster prevail in summer and autumn, which may be mystically implied in the Chinese characters invented by the ancestors. For example, with regard to bronze vessel inscription “ ,” Xu Jinxiong understood it as “夏 (summer),” shaped like a dancing witch. Drought may occur most probably in summer, requiring a witch to dance to pray for rain. Therefore, the summer is represented by the image of a witch performing a ritual to pray for rain. In oracle inscriptions, the character “夏” is written as “ ” shaped like a locust, or written as “ ” which looks like a locust on flame.21 Chen Zhengxiang once drew the distribution map of locust god temples in China as per the records of Bala Temple, Insect King Temple and General Liu Meng’s Temple mentioned in more than 3,000 county/township annals, to have successfully find the link between the distribution range of Chinese locusts and the warm, dry climate.22 “If those proceedings proper to the first month of summer, there would be the calamity of locusts, and violent winds would come,” suggesting that there is a link between the calamity of locusts and violent wind. There are two approaches to the understanding of “violent winds would come”: the locust calamity may come after the violent winds, or it is a metaphoric description of the locust calamity. No matter which approach it is, wind is no doubt linked to the calamity of locusts (Fig. 6.2). 20 Deng Yunte: The Chinese History of Disaster Relief, Beijing: The Commercial Press, 1998[1937], p. 71. 21 Xu Jinxiong: The Society in Ancient China, Beijing: China Renmin University Press, 2008, p. 584. 22 Cheng Zhengxiang: Chinese Cultural Geography, Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, 1983, pp. 50–58.

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Fig. 6.2 Witness of prevention and propitiation (Aversion by Prayer). 1. The Anyang divination text saying “Zhi Teng Qi Lai,” in oracle inscriptions under reign of Wuding Emperor. 2. The bronze mirror in Wangmang’s peroid with gold glided characters “Zhong Guo Da Ning” (peaceful China), found in Wujialing site, Changsha, Hunan province, with the inscriptions saying that “a sage makes this mirror to get rid of non-auspicious” (photo by Tang Qicui in “National Treasures” exhibition in Hainan Province). 3. Li people’s evil aversion ornament, Baisha, Hainan (photo by Tang Qicui)

(ii) Disasters are symbiotic, and droughts, locusts, storms and epidemics often accompany each other. And all the consequences lead to the lack of human food—famine, which shows the ecological and social significance of disasters relative to humans. This is consistent with the findings of the literature and archaeology, indicating that this observation itself constitutes a memory—an experience that can be passed down from one generation to another. After a systematic comparison of The Book of Songs—Binfeng—Qiyue, Dai De’s Li Ji—Small Calendar of the Xia and Li Ji—Proceedings of Government in Different Months, Yang Kuan thought that Qiyue (the seventh lunar month) is poem about the Bin Region peasants of the West Zhou Dynasty living an agricultural production life. Small Calendar of the Xia is a monthly calendar book mainly related to agricultural affairs, while Yueling is the administrative monthly calendar formulated by the experts of yin and yang and the Five Elements to cater for the upcoming unified dynasty during the Warring States period. The phenological knowledge and agricultural activities contained in the three books above are of the same source. Compared with conventional narrative in the former two books, Proceedings of Government in Different Months not only gives more unconventional narratives, but also unknowingly bears the imprint of “wrong timing-heavenly punishmentdisasters and super-naturalness,” laying a foundation for apprehending the disasters and super-naturalness in the Han Dynasty. In Li Ji, except for the Yueling chapter that intensively presents records of disasters and super-naturalness in the forms of ritual and “early warning,”, there are still three ways of presentation. The first way of presentation is to mention when discussing rituals and norms. For example, in the Chapter of Questions of Zengzi,

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Zengzi and Confucius mention lunar eclipse and fire hazard when talking about the sacrificial ritual. The second way is to discuss the countermeasure against a disaster. For example, in the Chapter of Tangong, the big drought is mentioned when King Mu calls Xianzi to ask him about the ruling strategy. Other examples are pertaining to “surviving the famine and disasters by simplifying clothes and lessening food intake and prohibiting entertainments,” as described in the chapters of Royal Regulations, Miscellaneous Records and Jade-Bead Pendants of the Royal Cap. The third way is to imply the memory of disaster when referring to sacrifice rules and ritual significance. For example, in the Law of Sacrifices, “they sacrifice to (the spirits of) flood and drought at the honored altar of rain,” which means that the significance of a rain-praying ritual lies in drought relief. One more example is the discussion of sacrifice rules established by the sagely king in the chapter of the Law of Sacrifices: “(Sacrifice should be offered) to him who had boldly and successfully met great calamities; and to him who had warded off great evils. Yu, (the son of) Gun, who was kept a prisoner till death for trying to dam up the waters of the flood, while Yu completed the work, and atoned for his father’s failure. Tang ruled the people with a benignant sway and cut off their oppressor. As to the sun and moon, the stars and constellations, the people look up to them, while mountains, forests, streams, valleys, hills, and mountains supply them with the materials for use which they require. All these were beyond the sacrificial canon.” This paragraph implies disasters such as the floods in the era of Gun and Yu and the droughts under King Tang of Shang. The stories of Gun and Yu harnessing floods and King Tang of Shang sacrificing himself to rain gods are further described in many classics. For example, the Book of Songs—Ode to Shang—Changfa: “As the flood is immense, Yu the Great fill the channels with earth.” Zhuangzi—Autumn Water says: “During Yu’s era, there were floods nine years out of ten, but the water in it did not appreciably increase; during King Tang’s reign, there were droughts seven years out of eight, but the extent of its banks did not appreciably decrease.” Guanzi—the Chapter of Shanquanshu goes: “During the seven-year drought under reign of Tang and the five-year flood in the era of Yu, people had no food to eat but sold their children (in exchange for food).” The Book of Documents, the Classic of Areas Overseas and other books give more detailed descriptions of the Gun and Yu harnessing the floods, which were once considered as part of the stories “derived due to cumulative spread from one generation to another” in the Warring Sates period, the Qin and Han Dynasties. In 2002, the bronze utensil Fugongdang of the Mid-west Zhou Dynasty and its inscriptions were found, so that the solid evidence for the harnessing of floods by the Yu the Great is traced back as early as to the West Zhou period. The inscriptions start with “Yu the Great is ordered by the Heaven to harness the floods by rearranging the earth, felling off the trees in the mountains and dredging the rivers. Then people of different regions then pay tribute and tax to the government on the basis of water and soil conditions. This way, the people live and work with peace and satisfaction”23 is 23 The explanatory text cites the understanding of the inscriptions by Li Xueqin, Xi Xigui, Zhu Fenghao, Li Xue, and others. For details, see their essays Journal of National Museum of Chinese History, 2002, 6th issue. Li Xueqin thought it is the Pan bowl made by Duke Sui. The Sui state

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astonishingly identical to the starting description of the Book of Documents: Yugong: “Yu divided the land. Following the course of the hills, he cut down the trees. He determined the highest hills and largest rivers (in the several regions).” This piece of evidence reveals that at least 3,000 years ago, the story of Yu the Great’s harnessing the floods had begun to spread. The study of environmental archaeology further shows that this is not only a myth, but also a collective memory of the flood disaster. Archaeological discoveries and paleoclimatic environment studies have provided considerable evidence for the event that “the galloping floods endanger the people hither and thither, the waters are rushing and surrounding the mountains, over the hills, so vast that they fill up the sky” under reign of Emperors Yao, Shun and Yu, which is recorded in the Book of Documents: Canon of Yao and other historical books. Dengfeng Wangchenggang Site of Dengfeng Township, Mengzhuang Site of Huixian County and other sites of the Longshan Culture carry the marks of being washed away by the floods. Above Qianshanyang Site of Jiangsu Province, Maqiao and other formations of Liangzhu culture are the gray-black silt layer of about 0.5 m, which is also a result of the large-scale floods.24 According to the changes of in the natural environment in the lower reaches of the Yangtze River, environmentalists believe that: “there occurred an unprecedented flood in the eastern region of China around 4,000 years ago. The flood was the largest in the middle reaches of the Yellow River, yet Huaihe River and the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River were also affected by the flood.”25 According to Mr. Ren Zhenqiu’s research, the nine-star convergence with the geocentric angle less than 70° occurred three times (2133 BC, 1953 BC, 1774 BC) in China around 2000 BC. the projections of the centers of nine planets “meet relatively” in the winter half half-year and the geocentric angle is less than 70°, China and the northern hemisphere will be subject to a low low-temperature period, in which natural disasters will be frequent, and extreme floods, droughts and earthquakes will enter an active period.26 Master of Huainan goes: “Under Yao’s reign, ten suns come out to scorch the crops and kill the trees and grasses, leaving the people having no food at all.” This depicts how high temperature scorch and dry the trees and grasses to form a drought. Mozi: Feigong says: “The sun came out to make trouble at night. After three days of bloody rain, the Loong appeared in the ancestral temple, the dog was in what we call northwest Ningyang in Shandong province. Legend has it that after death of Emperors Yao and Xun, the state was ruined by the Qi state in the 13th year under King Zhuang’s reign during the Spring and Autumn period (681 BC). The Pan bowl maker is Dui Sui of the West Zhou dynasty. 24 Yu Weichao: The Secrets of the Fall of the Longshan Culture and Liangzhu Culture, The Proceedings of the International Symposium to Commemorate the 60th Anniversary of the Excavation of Chengziya Site, Jinan: Qilu Book Company, 1993 edition. 25 Wang Fubao, Li Minchang: The natural environment of Liangzhu Culture in Taihu Lake Basin, The Dawn of Chinese Civilization: Jades of the Liangzhu Culture, Haikou: Hainan International News Publishing Center, 1996. 26 Ren Zhenqiu, Li Zhisen: The Impact of Planetary Movement on China’s Climate Change in the Past Five Thousand Years, The Collected Essays on National Climate Change Symposium, Beijing: Science Press, 1978; Ren Zhenqiu: An abnormal period of natural disasters that occurred around 2000 BC, Discovery of Nature, 1984, 4th issue.

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barked wildly, in the summer water was frozen, the land cracked downward where the water sprung out. The grain could not mature. The people were shocked at this.” This gives a detailed description of the abnormalities found when a big earthquake hit Yongji, Shanxi Province under Emperor Yao’s reign. According to Xunzi—the Chapter of Fuguo, “Yu the Great encounter floods for ten years.” Huainanzi—The Chapter of Qisuxun has a similar record: “In the era of Yu the Great, heavy rains comes down.” Mencius—the Chapter of Tengwengong goes: “In the era of Emperor Yao, the world is in chaos; floods run and tortures the people. Yu the Great has dredged nine rivers, made the Ji and Ta channels their courses into the sea, deepened the beds of the Ru and Han rivers and unblocked the channels of the Huai and the Si rivers so that they might empty themselves into Yangtze River. (The Ru, the Huai and the Si do not empty into the Yangtze River though Mencius says so) Only then were the people of the Central China able to get foods to feed themselves.” This describes when flood roars in the era of Yao’s reign and the flood is harnessed by Yu the Great. To conclude, disaster memory can be presented through phenological observations and “bad timing” warnings, or through the interpretation of calendar rituals, crisis response and ritual significance. Despite the occasional ambiguities and shortcomings in presentation, the source of memory can still be found in the context of climate change.

6.3 Relieve Disaster with Witchcraft and Ritual From the above analysis, it can be seen that almost all the disasters recorded in Li Ji are presented in the discussion of how to prevent and treat them. Therefore, the intention is not to record disasters, but to prevent and harness them so as to relieve the fears of disasters and super-naturalness. The people are therefore saved to consolidate the ruling of the government. The precautions against disasters and super-naturalness found in Li Ji can be broadly divided into two categories: disaster relief policy and ritual. The former is a way to confront the real world, while the latter is a way to pray to gods. In a word, the ritual is also a form of disaster relief policy, as shown in the Rites of Zhou-the Chapter of Diguan-Dasitu: There are 12 disaster relief policies to ensure the shelter for victims: first, lend seeds and food to the victims; second, reduce taxes; third, mitigate the punishment; fourth, exempt from hard labor; fifth, relax the ban on mountain forest hunting and production; sixth, exempt from taxes on the sale of commodities; seventh, simplify the sacrificial rites; eighth, simplify the funerals; ninth, collect musical instruments and do not play; tenth, simplify the wedding ritual to encourage more people to get married; eleventh, find the ghosts and gods that haven’t been given sacrificial offerings and rebuild the altar; Twelfth, eradicate the thieves and bandits.27 27 Ruan Yuan (Qing dynasty): Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2003[1980], p. 706.

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This is a representative thought and policy of disaster relief and famine preparedness in the pre-Qin Dynasty, which can be summed up as follows. The first policy package is national economic relief, including “lending seeds and grain to the victims,” “exempting from the tax on the sale of commodities,” “reducing governmental taxes,” and “exempting from hard labor.” This is the country’s first response to the disaster. The second package is to save money in famine years, including “simplifying rituals,” “simplifying funerals,” and “collecting instruments and not playing them.” Once a disaster has occurred, the disaster-ridden areas and the government and non-disaster areas have formed a resultant disaster-relief force for mutual assistance and antagonism. Disaster is easy to arouse a sense of national cohesion, so that the people work together to overcome difficulties, but it’s also easy to intensify social contradictions. Therefore, the restrictions on the rules of etiquette and music can be double the effect. The third package is to rescue the people and maintain order in the disaster-ridden areas, including “mitigating punishment,” “relaxing the ban on mountain forest hunting and production,” “eradicating the bandits and thieves,” “finding the ghosts and gods that haven’t been given sacrificial offerings and rebuilding the altar.” This is the legal policy package to maintain order in the disaster areas and increasing population to the post-disaster reconstruction efforts. All the aforesaid policies are specific and feasible people-oriented strategies with the government at core. In addition, these strategies are sporadically seen in the chapters of Li Ji. For example, the Chapter of Quli says: “In bad years, when the grain of the season is not coming to maturity, the ruler at his meals will not make the (usual) offering of the lungs of animal sacrifices, nor will his horses be fed on grain. His special road will not be kept clean and swept, nor at sacrifices will his musical instruments be suspended on their stands. Great officers will not eat the large grained millet; and (other) officers will not have music (even) at their drinking.” The Chapter of Royal Regulations says: “In sacrifices there should be no extravagance in good years, and no niggardliness in bad years. The husbandry of three years was held to give an overplus of food sufficient for one year; that of nine years, an overplus sufficient for three years. Going through thirty years (in this way), though there might be bad years, drought, and inundations, the people would not starve, and then the emperor would every day have full meals and music when eating.” The Chapter of Proceedings of Government in Different Months goes: “The emperor spreads his goodness, and carries out his kindly promptings. He gives orders to the proper officers to distribute from his granaries and vaults, giving their contents to the poor and friendless, and to relieve the needy and destitute; and to open his treasuries and storehouses, and to send through all the nation the silks and other articles for presents and reliefs.” The Chapter of Jade-Bead Pendants of the Royal Cap goes: “If the year were not good and fruitful, the emperor wore white and plain clothing, rode in the Plain and unadorned carriage, and had no music at his meals. If the year were not abundant, he wore linen, and stuck in his girdle the tablet of an officer. Duties were not levied at the barrier-gates and dams; the prohibitions of hunting and fishing were lifted, but no contributions were required (from hunters and fishermen). No earthworks were undertaken, and great officers did not make (any new) carriages for themselves. The regular place for a gentleman was exactly opposite the door, (facing the light). He

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slept with his head to the east. When there came violent wind, or rapid thunder, or a great rain, he changed (countenance). It was the rule for him then, even at night, to get up, dress himself, put on his cap, and take his seat.” The Chapter of Miscellaneous Records says: “Confucius said, ‘In bad years they used for their carriages their poorest horses, and in their sacrifices the victims lowest (in the classes belonging to them).’ Some more examples are not mentioned any longer.” However, these are apparently far from being enough. The people have to turn to the Heaven for help, that is, to “sacrifice to gods and ghosts.” In the eyes of the people at that time, the Heaven and Earth are selfless as they have nurtured everything. “To Heaven belong the four seasons, spring, autumn, winter, summer, with wind, rain, hoar-frost, and dew; (in the action) of all and each of these there is a law to observe. Earth contains the mysterious energy (of nature). That mysterious energy (produces) the wind and thunder. By the wind and thunder the (seeds of) forms are made, and the various things show the appearance of life—in all and each of these things there is a lesson. When the personal character is pure and bright, the spirit and mind are like those of a spiritual being. When there appears an evil desire, premonitions of it is sure to occur in advance, (as when) Heaven sends down the seasonable rains, heavy clouds are emerging upon the rivers and mountains.”28 The virtues of gods and ghosts are mystic as well. “How abundantly do spiritual beings display the powers that belong to them! We look for them, but do not see them; we listen to, but do not hear them; yet they enter into all things, and there is nothing without them. They cause all the people in the kingdom to fast and purify themselves, and array themselves in their richest dresses, in order to attend at their sacrifices.”29 Human beings as “cores of the Heaven and Earth” have to observe the “Heavenly Way” in all actions before they are blessed by the Heaven. Therefore, “the ancient and intelligent kings of the three dynasties all served the Spiritual Intelligence of the Heaven and Earth.”30 “In the interaction of heaven and earth, if cold and heat do not come at the proper seasons, illnesses arise (among the people); if wind and rain do not come in their due proportions, famine ensues.”31 In the final analysis, natural disasters and human misfortune are the dissatisfaction and punishment of gods. As a result, the people not only strictly follow the rituals and decrees set by the calendar system to act cautiously, but also pray to gods on occasions of crisis, such as in times of famine. In doing this, those gods who cannot gain sacrifices from time to time will not rage to cause a disaster. As the anthropologist Rapaport has found in Papua New Guinea’s Marlin ritual cycle, there is a feedback relationship between ritual and ecology. For the Tsembaga Maring people, the ritual cycle is not only a kind of deviation correction, but also 28 Ruan Yuan (Qing dynasty): Commentaries and Zhonghua Book Company, 2003[1980], p. 1617. 29 Ruan Yuan (Qing dynasty): Commentaries and Zhonghua Book Company, 2003[1980], p. 1628. 30 Ruan Yuan (Qing dynasty): Commentaries and Zhonghua Book Company, 2003[1980], p. 1644. 31 Ruan Yuan (Qing dynasty): Commentaries and Zhonghua Book Company, 2003[1980], p. 1534.

Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, Beijing: Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, Beijing: Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, Beijing: Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, Beijing:

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should be understood as a cultural information coding system: “It is based on the cultural understanding of the natural change processes, which, of course, may not be accurate but are also likely to be affected by many social factors.”32 Laughlin and Dakili also pointed out that the Aztec people can not only predict the periodic pressure of survival in the cycle of sacrifice ritual set according to the calendar system, but also provide the behavioral response model during the crisis period. a response model “maximizes the effect of the availability of basic resources, social unity and collective action, and it allows for easy minimization of psychological stress.” This is because “rituals mimic the social and cosmic structures, thus providing an opportunity for public discussion over the prediction of changes and social behavior control.”33 It is not difficult to see in Li Ji-the Chapter of Yueling that in the entire “Yueling model,” human beings and natural ecology, cyclical alternation of four seasons, production and reproduction, divine system, and ritual activities are related to each other, forming a continuous chain of life cycling ahead. Natural mountains and rivers, the sun, the moon, and the stars are regarded as gods that can both give shelter and stress to people. Through rituals, a kind of balance is achieved between men and natural deities, between ancestral ghosts/gods and the society and of course, between people, for the sake of guidance and communication. There are two kinds of rituals that are anthropologically referred to as conventional ritual and crisis ritual, but the two are not completely separated. Some crisis rituals can be transformed into conventional ones, but they are held at the time of the crisis as well, such as rain-praying sacrificial ritual. According to the cyclic proceedings of the calendar system, in each summer, “orders are given to the music-masters to put in repair the hand-drums of various sizes; to adjust the lutes, large and small, the double flutes, and the pan-pipes; to teach the holding of the shields, pole-axes, lances, and plumes; to tune the organs, large and small, with their pipes and tongues; and to put in order the bells, sonorous stones, the instrument to give the symbol for commencing, and the stopper. Orders are given to the (proper) officers to pray for the people and offer sacrifice to the (spirits of the) hills, streams, and all springs. (After that) comes the great summer sacrifice for rain to God, when all the instruments of music are employed. Then orders are given throughout all the districts to sacrifice to the various princes, high ministers, and officers who benefited the people; praying that there may be a good harvest of grain.” Zheng annotated: “If the yang is at peak, there will always be drought. The mountains and rivers are the sources of water, where cloud may build up and rain may fall. As the sources of rivers are the originating place of water, they must be given the sacrificial offerings, at the altar. Rain altar is a place where a sacrificial ritual is held to pray for rain.” In the exact implications of Li Ji, Kong Yingda quoted Witch’s Responsibility as saying: “Whenever a state is hit by great disasters, the people pray 32 Roy A. Rappaport: Pigs for the Ancestors: Ritual in the Ecology of a New Guinea People, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984, p. 410, from Sandy: Divine Hunger: Cannibalism as a Cultural System, translated by Zheng Yuanzhe, Beijing: Central Compilation and Translation Press, 2003, p. 52. 33 Ritual and Pressure, from Sandy: Divine Hunger, translated by Zheng Yuanzhe, Beijing: Central Compilation and Translation Press, 2003, pp. 52, 50.

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by singing and crying.” Singing and crying are an expression of sad emotions. As drought is a major disaster, the singing and crying ritual must be held to pray for rain. Besides, the Rites of Zhou—Chunguan—Witchery Governor says, “If a state is in terrible drought, the witchery governor will lead the witches and wizards to sacrifice to gods at the altar of rain.” Li Ji: the Law of Sacrifices also explains: “They sacrificed to (the spirits of) flood and drought at the honored altar of rain.” It can be seen that rain-praying sacrificial ritual is a crisis ritual against drought. Water is like a double-edged sword of life, as it is not only the source of life, but also its killer. The law of balance is to control the amount of rainwater in moderation. In case of drought, the people have to pray for rain; in case of flood, the people have to pray for sunny days: this is a common balance lever. As Fraser depicted in the Golden Bough, this was once the most common and important task of tribal peoples around the world, especially the significant responsibilities of witches and wizards: Of all the things that public wizards do for the benefit of a tribe, the most important thing is to control the climate, especially to ensure proper rain.34,35 For thousands of years, China has been a nation relying on agriculture, thereby particularly in dependence upon and fear of water. According to the records of Dudi (means Survey) in Guangzi: A good ruler must first get rid of five disaters such as flood, drought, bad weather like storm, fog, frost and hail, plague, and insect. Among these five hazards, flood is the most severe. After five hazards are removed, people can be under peaceful governance.36,37 The way to harness flood is to drain the accumulated water, dredge the ditches, and repair the dam to keep the reservoir at a safe level. During the Warring States period, the vassal states built the conservation works as a regulator valve for controlling the flow of rainwater. For example, the Annals of Huayang States—the Shu State states that after completion of Dujiangyan Irrigation System, Chengdu Plain had since “become a place of arable land spanning over 1,000 miles, form a sea amid a continent. In case of drought, water is introduced to moisture; in case of heavy rain, the water valve is blocked and reserved.” From then on, “flood and drought are fully harnessed by the people, and Chengdu sees no famine anymore.”38 The existing statistical data shows that over the thousands of years, the history of frequent disasters is dominated by flood and drought, both of which constitute the biggest hazard. Mr. Hu Houxuan found that out of the more than 100,000 oracle bones with inscriptions excavated in Yin Dynasty Ruins site, thousands of pieces of them are related to rain/snow praying ceremonies; 14 pieces record the rain. These records are sporadically distributed throughout the year. The most frequent period 34 Fraser:

The Golden Bough, translated by Xu Yuxin et al., Beijing: new world press, 2006, p. 65.

35 Li Fengxiang: Revision and Annotation of the Guanzi, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2006,

p. 1054. 36 Li Fengxiang: Revision and Annotation of the Guanzi, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2006,

p. 1054. 37 Wang

Qiming et al.: The Annotations to the Annals of Huayang States, Chengdu: Sichuan University Press, 2007, p. 92. 38 Wang Qiming et al.: The Annotations to the Annals of Huayang States, Chengdu: Sichuan University Press, 2007, p. 92.

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is in the first five months that urgently need snow and rain.39 After investigating the Shang Dynasty climate, Mr. Wei Jiyin found that except for the humid, warm midShang period starting from the Emperor Zhongding’s relocation of the capital city to Ao to the early reign of Emperor Wuding, the initial and late periods of the Shang Dynasty are characterized by cold and dry weathers, less rain and even drought. As a result, there are lots of record of rainwater in the divination texts of the Shang Dynasty. Praying gods for rain in a ritual is the profession of a witch or wizard in the times of divination text. Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters says, “Yu (rain)” means performing the music ritual to Red Emperor for rain. In Yueling, Zheng annotated: “(After that) comes the great summer sacrifice for rain to gods, when all the music instruments are employed.” It is said that “Alas! Yu (rain) is the sacrifice to gods for rain.” Rain-praying sacrificial ritual signifies the grand ritual held in dry seasons to pay for rain. Chen Mengjia once gave the description of sacrificial dance in the divination text: As a wizard (witch) performs the dancing ritual to god for rain, the dancer is called wizard, the move is called dance, and the sacrificial behavior is called Yu (rain)…The chanting and crying are the song sung when in dance. The Chinese characters-巫 (wizard), 舞 (dance), 雩 (rain), and 吁 (chanting) are identically pronounced, for they have evolved from the rain-praying sacrifice. In the divination text under Wuding’s reign, it spelled “無” and later in the divination text under Linkang’s reign, it was ” which is the source of the word added with the pictograph “雨 (rain)” to form “ “雩” in Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters.40 According to the oracle inscription, the rain-praying ritual is held in sacred mountains and by sacred rivers. In the Analects of Confucius, the conversions between Confucius and his students also include “I would wash in the Yi, enjoy the breeze among the rain-altars, and return home singing,” a convention left by the rain-praying sacrificial ritual (Fig. 6.3). Image evidence is obtainable from the witch image on the dance and chant ritual portrayed in the wood zither excavated in the Chu Tomb of Xinyang, Henan Province, the image of dancing wizard as pattern decoration on the bronze vessels of the Warring States period, and the wizard/witch images found in rock paintings in Zuojiang, Yinshan, Xinjiang, and other places. The wizard communicates with gods using a ritual and special techniques in the ritual, such as dance, chant, and cry, which is vividly on display and may complement the evidence for cases in teaching of ethnic religion studies. In the Chapters and Sentences of Chuci: Jiugexu, Wang Yi wrote: “In the Ying city to the south of the Chu state, between Yuan and Xiang rivers, people believed in gods and ghosts and used to sacrifice to them. When in a sacrificial ritual, they will sing, beat the drum and dance to entertain gods”41 Once a drought occurs in spring and summer, Tujia people will organize a grand ritual to pray to the Loong for 39 Hu

Houxuan: Climate Change and the Review of the Climate of the Yin Dynasty, see the Two Collections of the Essays on the Shang Dynasty History with the Oracle Inscriptions by Hu Houxuan. 40 Chen Mengjia: A Review of Divination texts in Yinxu, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1988, pp. 600–601. 41 Hong Guangzu: The Supplement to Chuci, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1983, p. 55.

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Fig. 6.3 The sketch of wizard dance and sacrificial ritual. (1) Local patterns on the soldier weaponaversion dagger-axe of the Initial Unity (also weapon-aversion dagger-axe of the Great Military) found in Cheqiao Village, Zhanghe, Jingmen; (2) Mandarin duck patterns on the lacquered coffin cover in the Tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng, photo by Tang Qicuiin Hubei Provincial Museum; (3) The bronze statue in ritual with Gui and Zhang jade as sacrifices (photo by Tang Qicui in Sanxingdui Site Museum); (4) People paying tribute to the tower and the bird-shaped person in Zhaqin Gubu rock paintings found in Zhaxidao, north Tibet, excerpted from Zhang Yasha’s Rock Paintings in Tibet, p. 295

rain. People beat the drums and gongs, blow the trumpets. Tu Master (i.e., a wizard) wears a ritual robe and a cap with long hair, clad in five-color flags. He uses his left hand to shake the command knife and his right hand to hold a horse whip, blows a horn to call in soldiers and generals. As Tu Master is singing and dancing, people will sing along in chorus to add to the power of voice.42 In the east region of Hainan Province there is a people called Li. Once there is any draught without rain for long, Li people will hold a ritual to sacrifice to heavenly gods. People will assemble in the home of “Aoya,” where Daogong (namely wizard) will chant incantations and dance to the rhythm of drums and gongs. Daogong first sing in praise of heavenly gods and then knock the wooden fish while shouting and praying to the heavenly gods: For long there is the draught without rain. My gods, please show me the mercy of rain!” When Daogong announces that heavenly gods have given a promise of rain, people begin to kill the cow as a sacrifice to the heavenly gods.43 In Zuojiang River basin, Guangxi, a place with special geography and climate, “a single storm tends to cause a disaster; no rain for three days causes a drought.” Because of this, the local Zhuang people often hold ceremonies in honor of god of water and Thor (god of thunder). Once a disaster happens, people tend to knock drums and gongs, while Daogong performs the ritual, chants incantations, and dances to pray for blessings from gods. Such occasion is vividly depicted in the rock paintings of Zuojiang River. One more 42 Edited, Lv Dajie et al.: Integration of Primitive Religious Data of the Ethnic Groups in China— Tujia People Volume, Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 1998, p. 53. 43 Edited, Lv Dajie et al.: Integration of Primitive Religious Data of the Ethnic Groups in China— Tujia People Volume, Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 1998, p. 668.

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example is that in the legends and myths circulating among the Zhuang people, the primordial ancestors Bu Luotuo and Bu Bo have the divine power to harness floods and resist droughts.44 It can be also seen from the divination text and literature records that a witch (wizard) not only shoulders the responsibility of dancing and praying for rain, but also act as a sacrifice to god, if necessary, which is called “eye dazzling of witch,” “burning of witch,” “scorching of witch”). For example, in the divination text under reign of contains part of rain—炫 contains part of rain” Wuding, “the character 炫 (5332 BC), “亩 mu + 女nv means 炫, showing element of rain” (1228, 6391 BC). In the divination text under reign of Linkang, “炫 eye dazzling is high, mixed with rain” (657 BC). In oracle inscriptions, the character “炫” is a human shape standing above fire, that is, to burn a witch to pray for rain.45 There are literature records in the Commentary of Zuo—the 21st year under Reign of Duke Xi for example: The Xia Dynasty suffers from a large drought, Duke Xi intends to burn a witch and the fatigued cripple. In Literary Selection: Sixuanfu, Master of Huainan is quoted and annotated as below: Under reign of King Tang, drought hit the land for seven consecutive years. According to the results of divination, one person has to be offered as a sacrifice to gods. Tang says: I carry out the sacrificial ritual for the people, why not I myself act as the sacrifice? He then orders to set up a firewood pile. Meanwhile, he cuts off his long hair and washes his body before amounting above the firewood. He is to burn himself to sacrifice to the Heaven. As the fire is about to be on, a heavy rain pours down. The words are also cited from Master Lv’s Spring and Autumn Annals: In the remote past, King Tang of Shang defeats the Xia Dynasty and starts to rule the world. Because of the drought, there is no harvest of crops for five consecutive years. Tang uses his body to pray in the forest. With the body as a sacrifice to gods, he prays for rain. The people are very happy about his, and the rain starts to pour down heavily.46 In Volumes 10 to 832 of Readings of Taiping Era, the words of Zhuangzi are quoted as the saying goes: During reign of King Jing of Song, there is a serious drought. According to the results of divination, one person has to be offered as a sacrifice to gods. King Jing intends to act as a sacrifice to gods. The rain begins to pour down as soon as he uttered all the words. According to Garden of Stories, the Qi state is subject to a big drought. Yanzi says, “You (king) may leave the luxurious palace to live outdoor in the fields, to share the same concerns with the mountain gods and

44 Edited, Lv Dajie et al.: Integration of Primitive Religious Data of the Ethnic Groups in China— Archaeology Volume, Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 1999, pp. 513–514. 45 Chen Mengjia has made a detailed investigation: In Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters: “Jiao means the burning of Jiao wood.” The Chapter of Jade says: “Jiao means that Jiao wood is burnt as a sacrifice to Heaven.” Are the two descriptions the same? Not necessarily. Jiao and rain are directly linked to one another. Therefore, it is no problem understanding Jiao as rain praying in the divination text. Because it is a person who stands above firewood to pray for rain, such description is the same with the records of “scorching of witch” and “burning of witch”. Chen Mengjia: A Review of Divination Texts in Yinxu, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1988, p. 602. 46 Xiao Tong: The Selected Essays, annotated by Li Shan. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. 1981, p. 218.

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Fig. 6.4 Rain-praying ritual. (1) A ritual performed by Tujia patriarch (wizard); (2) The Guaigu (turning drum) dance by Xiaoma masters of Zhuang ethnicity, excerpted from color photos 14 and 42 in Integration of Primitive Religious Data of the Ethnic Groups in China—Tujia People Volume

Hebo water god. Can the rain prayer be made easier?” At these words, King Jing goes outdoor and live in the fields. Two days later, there comes the heavy rain (Fig. 6.4). There points may be found in the paragraphs cited above: First, the solution to drought tends to be scorching (bao) and burning(fen) of witch (wu) and the fatigued cripple(hui). According to the records of the Shang, Song, Qi and Lu states, “scorching means exposing a sacrifice to the scorching sunlight, whereas burning means putting the sacrifice above the burning woods. The latter is to use a person as the sacrifice. The witch is a female, while the fatigued cripple is a disabled man.”47 Second, kings must come to the sacrificial site in person before a rain is blessed. The most typical case is the legend about the Emperor Tang of Shang sacrificing himself to rain god at Sang Mount forest. In the Chapter of Tangzhu, Zheng Zhenduo gave a vivid description of such ritual, in which the Emperor Tang was considered as the Sacrificial Emcee. How did ancients carry out scorching and burning of witch and the fatigued cripple, and burning of the king, in the face of critical drought? Xu Jinxiong explained from a psychological perspective: The people burnt when rain prayer was given by divination text are important people with names, and it was also recorded in the literature that King Yu of Xia and King Tang of Shang had once prayed for rain to save the people in drought on their own. This method is probably based on naive ideas of hoping that God will not bear to let his agent suffer from fire burning, and for this reason allow rain to relieve the predicament of witch. By the Warring States period, the main duties of witch were still carrying out the dancing ritual and rituals to pray for rain and removal of disease,

47 Chen

p. 603.

Mengnjia: A review of Yinxu divination texts, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1988,

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as well as to contact ghosts and gods during funerals and sacrifices. The status of witch at this time was much lower than in the Shang Dynasty.48 As a spiritual medium between men and gods, the violent ritual of scorching and burning of witch and the fatigued cripple may have the same annotation of deterrence, as if Loong deity (an upgrade of snake) was intimidated, whipped, and exposed to the sun by the disappointed people. Third, during the East Zhou (770 BC–221 BC), people began to oppose the burning of witch and the fatigued cripple for disaster aversion. The opposition by Zang Wenzhong, Yan Zi, and Xianzi to the burning is very obvious. The reason is that burning is not helpful, as the final solution goes back to the classical way of praying for drought aversion in the Shang and Tang dynasties. King Jing of Song and King Jing of Qi are all very good examples. Although Xianzi mentioned in Li Ji: Tangong also oppose King Mu’s violent practice of burning witchcraft and snake, they have not come up with a solution, and it remains unknown whether the drought will be solved or not. The Chu Bamboo Book of the Warring States Period of the Shanghai Museum (2), published in 2002, contains the Chapter of Great Drought of Lu State, which tells the story about the great drought that stroke the State of Lu. There is a lack of simplicity in the dialogue between Confucius and Zigong, but the basic information remains relatively complete. The cause of the great drought, as Confucius thought, lies in “losing punishments and virtues,” so the corrective policy is: “The common people knows the sacrifice for gods and ghosts, but know nothing about punishment and virtue. If they offer Gui and Bi jade to the mountains and rivers, the punishment and virtue system will be corrected.” In that case, the drought can be expelled. This is consistent with the implications as reflected in the Book of Songs: Milk Way (Heaven is sending deaths down. The famine ruins the land and town. Not a god has lacked his gift. Not a sheep is spared for thrift. Although we offer jade on our knee, heaven has not yet heard me. The serious drought would not retreat. The land is hit by violent heat. We pray for rain from day to day. Offering whatever we may), when the people prayed for aversion of drought during reign of King Xuan of Zhou.

48 Xu

Jinxiong: The Ancient Chinese Society, Beijing: China Renmin University Press, 2008, pp. 556–557.

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However, Zigong’s doubts about Confucius’ sacrifice to mountains and rivers and Confucius’ emphasis on political and criminal morality are similar to the opposition of intellectuals of the Spring and Autumn period (Warring States) to the burning of witch for rain praying, In other words, the monarchs all want to sacrifice to mountains and rivers gods at all costs, showing a kind of attitude of dealing with natural disasters based on divine affairs, while Confucius, Yanzi, Xianzi and others proposed corrected opinions, to give priority to personnel affairs instead, without completely discarding the divine affairs. This is consistent with the teachings as reflected in Family Sayings of Confucius—Questions about Quli asked by Zigong (“When Confucius was in the Qi state which suffered from heavy drought and spring famine. King Jing asked Confucius, “How to cope with it?” Confucius replied, “In bad years the sage kings used in their carriages their poorest horses, without forced labor for building roads. They offered coins and jade ware. The sacrifice would go on, and in their sacrifices the victims were lowest and simplest in the classes belonging to them. That is the degraded salvation ritual for rescue of the people by a wise king.”) and Li Ji: Miscellaneous Records (Confucius said, “In bad years they used in their carriages their poorest horses, and in their sacrifices the victims lowest in the classes belonging to them”), as Confucius talked about the sustainability of the ritual spirits in case of disasters. This is obviously the imprint of the era of Great Revolution. Ritual expert Victor Turner found that ritual performance is an important part of the social process, especially an important way for people to solve the crisis. In the above mentioned desolation and ritual against disaster, whether it is the disaster relief (food provision and mountain exploitation measures in the year of natural disaster), prohibition, political punishment and morality, or the praying dance to rain god, and the exorcising evil ritual, we may see this kind of performance attribute and healing significance. The said healing has a dual meaning: disaster relief and soothing of the spirit of the affected. Perhaps in a different time and space, there are different ritualized responses to disasters owing to the different local knowledge systems. However, the understanding of the instrumental nature and effect of treatment and cure in ceremonies is essentially common in spiritual materialism. To put it otherwise, it is believed that through the sacrifice, prayer, performance, and entertainment of certain rituals, dialogue, and communication can be established with the disastercausing factors in order to relieve the disaster and soothe the hearts of the people. In doing this, social order can be restored from chaos and social integration can be accomplished (Fig. 6.5).

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Fig. 6.5 Examples of rain gods around the world. 1. The double-horned fatigued cripple water god Siciutel mask in the North American Kwakiutl’s religious ritual; 2. The North American Indian rain priest mask; 3. Melanesia rain god statue; 4. Thor god and rain god Tralock believed by Ancient Aztec, adapted from Human and Religion (2009) by Tokarev, pp. 96, 105, 52, 238; 5. Sanxing Tala C-shaped ink jade Loong (photo by Tang Qicui at the Hainan Provincial Museum “National Treasure” exhibition)

Chapter Summary Due to the tension of the standardized narrative of social integration and the potential thinking coding of cultural identity, the “record” of “rites” has formed the compound narrative mode of Li Ji and its function, as well as the distinctive pattern disaster/healing memory. In other words, the “hybrid” form of ritual performance/content interpretation and royal order/theocracy demands preserves the social memories of the past. These memory information needs to be brought back to the historical situation before the origin of memories and the ritual as narrative function of social order restoration and psychotherapy are well understood, a way of social integration and cultural identity represented by crisis ritual.

Epilogue

When an Indian chief named Ramon talked to Ruth, a famous American anthropologist, about shamans who had performed bear dances in front of his eyes and turned themselves into bears, he developed a kind of secret excitement and incomparable nostalgia. This is because performing bear dances and eating desert plants were once considered as the source of strength for his people. With a sense of nostalgia about the old way of life, he said, “From the very beginning, God gave each nation a pottery cup, from which people drank into their life. Now our cup is broken and gone”.1 pottery cup is broken, and the styles, norms, rituals, sources of strength, and all others that once brought significance to life are all lost, leaving behind only the rootless people deprived of the spirit, the people whom, as we may say, have no identity, face, life, and sense of belonging. Whenever I think about the core features of Chinese culture and its current significance, I can’t help thinking of Ramon’s nostalgia and loss, and of Confucius’ tenacity and difficulty in “returning to benevolence and propriety.” As the existence of dual attributes—biological and social, human beings have to rely on materials and social environment to survive. Therefore, they maintain an attitude of awe and ingratiation toward the external natural forces beyond their control. “As a result, the belief in gods and the rituals constitute the basic features of culture and the symbolic display of social appearance.”2 However, human beings do not always passively experience and conform to the world, but always try to influence nature and society by their own behavior. The behavior of a person depends on his demand, values, belief system, thinking pattern, and cognitive coding, all of which, in turn, are enhanced and realized through education, tradition, ritual activities, and authoritative discourse. From the perspective of the meaning of human life paradigm, early Chinese ritual uses water in the pottery cup, the living standard and the source of strength that God has given to “us.” It is the ritual unity that is symbolically displayed in specific time and space, inclusive of symbols such as appearance, ritual, implements, prayers, dance, faith, architecture, etc. As we may say, the ritual was the 1 Ruth Benedict: Patterns of Culture, trans by Wangwei, SDX Joint Publishing Company 1988, p.23. 2 Wang

Mingming and Pan Zhongdang: Symbol and the Society: A Discussion of Chinese Folk Culture, Tianjin: Tianjin People’s Publishing House, 1997, p. 89. © Shanghai Jiao Tong University Press 2020 Q. Tang, Ritual Civilization and Mythological Coding, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-4393-7

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representation of the social structure and social relations at that time, and is also the formalization and symbolic expression of the concept of harmony between nature and man. The ritual used to be life in itself as it is the sacred thing for everyone has to achieve harmonious coexistence between people, between men and gods, between men and nature and the society. The ritual system has coded the human behaviors in line with some belief system and thinking pattern, and such coding is intensified to be binding upon and culturally adaptable to the people interrelated to each other in various forms. As a result, “Through the material operation of the ritual, it is continuously copied, and the ritual group is established to repeat the historical life history of the group, and revisit and establish social memory.”3 As a symbolic expression and maintenance of the cosmology and a way of endowing life with the norms and meanings, ritual not only embodies the human collective way of thinking and behavioral meta-language, but also plays a core role in maintaining social norms, restoring anomie social order and cultural integration and recognition. Therefore, this book approaches Li Ji from the perspective of “Chinese mythology” when exploring the origin context of ritual civilization, the mode of thinking of ritual as narrative and its narrative function. Through the exploration and reconstruction of ritual symbols and sacred space and time at the beginning of social life, it is found that individual life and social order, natural four seasons, and the periodic renewal of space and time in the universe have symbolic identity of homomorphic induction. Moreover, through the tracing and observation of the character “temple 廟” and the building material language and the order of the hall of distinction, and the narration of the five directions, it is found that “temple” and “hall” as the holy space and the channel for holy and common affairs have the functions of cognitive coding, identity transformation, power narrative, ethnic differentiation, and the unification of the whole world for the simulation and repetition of the mythological worldview. However, the exploration of the deep psychological mechanism hidden in Yueling phenological cycle, ritual calendar (such as “beginning of a year, beginning of human activities as normality”), ritual as narrative, fuxi, disasters and super-naturalness as a way of heavenly punishment as well as treatment and cure in ceremonies are a manifestation of the ecological anthropological significance and function of ritual performance in strengthening cultural identity, integrating social forces, maintaining order, solidifying power, and guiding the psychological cognition and treatment. Even in today’s era of scientific and materialistic atheism, ceremonies are still used to demonstrate the importance of such activities as the Olympic Games, World Cup Football matches, National Day, and shop opening celebrations. For example, in the face of disasters, we have the annual mourning day following the May 12 Earthquake that shook Wenchuan region of Sichuan Province in 2008. On that day, the national flag is lowered at half-mast, ships honk their horns, air defense sirens wail, candlelight is on in public squares. Everyone couldn’t help but mourning over the dead and comforting the survivors. Obviously, ritual research is also of practical 3 Maurice

Halbwachs: On Collective Memory, translated by Bi Ran et al., Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 2002, p. 290.

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significance to exploring the root of Chinese culture in the context of globalization, to reshaping cultural identity, as well as to understanding how to use local cultural resources and spiritual traditions to guide cognition, cope with disasters, and soothe the spirit under the current worsening global environment and frequent natural and man-made disasters. As the saying goes, the people underlie the foundation of a country and the rites shape its religious teachings. Human ethics, seniority, dignity, and courtesy belong all to the root of traditions. If such root is lost, the ethics will be misled, people’s minds corroded, and public morality is not what it used to be. Without ritual or ritual education, people will turn undisciplined and rootless. Even if one has knowledge, he or she cannot have the inner spirits. Only when we hold the root of tradition and the solemnity of etiquette and order, appreciate the harmony between man and nature as the golden mean, and have the heart of awe, we can develop and sustain the perfect life over the extended period of time. The creativity of this paper lies in maintaining the good teachings of patriarchal sages and masters and consciously applying the quadruple evidence method, comparative mythology and archaeological anthropology, and a knowledge archaeology approach to both “record” and “rites” when we discuss the specific problems of litigious disputes over rites through “understanding the great by conception of subtleties” and conduct a cross-cultural and interdisciplinary reexamination of Li Ji. The present case study is of significance to exploring the origin of Chinese civilization and studying the history of Chinese mythology. Given the complexities existent in the text of Li Ji and the issues of historic evolution and cultural discontinuity, disputes and problems are found in many aspects. Limited by vision and knowledge attainment and time, the author started writing in the process of suspicion, puzzlement, and understanding. Albeit being published, this dissertation serves as only a beginning of the study and more aspects need to be further researched. In this case, the following questions need to be clarified so as to show both pleasure and difficulty along the journey of the exploration. As a “record (interpretation)” of “rites” formed over a long period of time, Li Ji is quite complicated in its text composition. First, the book compilation is a complicated process, not done by one person. More importantly, “the timing of ritual matters a great deal,” causing gain and loss over the time, and the text implications are versatile as odes and hymns of different schools are included. For the same text of Li Ji, different people have different viewpoints, and hence different interpretation systems. That is why it’s so said in Hanfeizi-Implicit Learning: “After Confucius and Mozi passed away, Confucianism fell into eight schools and Mosim, three schools. Regardless of different ways of preservation and simplification, those schools all called themselves the true successors of the teachings.”4 When teaching Li Ji, Confucius is said to have 3,000 students and 72 of them became virtuous men. The understanding of “rites” is, however, divided among those students, which is not surprising. Li Ji that has been passed down to today’s world by virtue of the theories of Daide and Daisheng, 4 Wang

Xianqian: The Comprehensive Interpretations to Master Hanfei, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1998, p. 457.

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however “the two scholars sur-named Dai formed different schools, just as Wang and Zheng annotated differently to the same classic.”5 Third, since the Han dynasty, classic scholars of generations gradually perceived Li Ji as a classic. In the Tang dynasty, it ranked first among the Nine Classics. But there were no refreshing interpretations and annotations, worsened by lots of groundless, self-proclaimed ideas. The inherent meanings of Li Ji were, therefore, chaotic and misleading. Fourth, the burning of religious and witchery books in the Qin Dynasty and the prevailing of Confucianism in the Han Dynasty caused the discontinuance of cultural inheritance. For historical records, the compilers used to make collation and selection to cater for the ruler’s preference on purpose or by chance. As a consequence, the survived edition of Li Ji has changed dramatically. As the Guodian Chu Bamboo Slips found in Jingmeng in 1998 and the Chu bamboo slips were made known to the public by Shanghai Museum, many chapters prevalent in the Chu State of the Warring States Period are thought to be related to Li Ji. This is greatly beneficial to the identification of the situation of Li Ji in that period. The comparison and proofreading of the three editions of the Black Robes chapter show that there are ambiguities and complexities commonly seen in the text of the current edition of Li Ji. Fortunately, this book only provides the traceability study on some ceremonies, sacred time and space, and other relevant issues of the text. In spite of this, opinions remain controversial and complex. From a phylogeny point of view, symbolic acts of ritual narrative needing assistance by human behavior predate literary/documentary narratives needing assistance by language and symbols. Today’s edition of Li Ji, inclusive of the relevant chapters of Jingmen and Shanghai Museum’s collection of bamboo slips and silk manuscripts, has gone through the conversion of “rites” into “record,” a process of replacing and interpreting ritual behavior to literary text. From the diachronic perspective, ritual performance in prehistoric society is more than “rites”; it is also the premise for the emergence of “record.” As a symbolic language description, “record” can be regarded as an extension and replacement of ritual performance. With the help of textual “record,” “rites” as a functional container of social memory has obvious advantages over transient pure action performance. However, when “rites” solidifies into “record” and “rites” is expressed and documented, this is also a process of being selected, masked, and rewritten by “record (or interpretation).” Although Li Ji has an inherent function of storing social memories and also a time-honored book which highlights the reconstruction and interpretation of the ritual conventions of the golden age. The words and core symbols in the book still retain traces of historical memory and its changes. However, the fact is that the original rich and lively ritual process and ancient myths have also been abstracted and simplified into lists of paragraphs and parallel images, requiring a rather broad reading and understanding of ancient classics (i.e., knowledge reserve) and crosscultural and interdisciplinary knowledge and theories. This is the real difficulty to face the missing information in the studies of Li Ji. All these complexities show that it is quite difficult to try to restore Li Ji in a 5 Kong Yingda: The Preface to the Accurate Implications of Li Ji, Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2003[1980], p. 1222.

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limited time, and it is even more difficult to restore the cultural text of “rites” behind Li Ji. To the author, choosing Li Ji as the subject is supposed to be “on a no-end road” forever. The deep essence of classics lies in the profound cultural connotations behind the text, the great tension that is explanatory, and the resulting self-adaptation that keeps pace with the times, as does Li Ji. As one of the important ancient books and records for the inheritance and continuation of Chinese ritual culture, scholars have been studying Li Ji from different perspectives and levels for more than 2,000 years, in the forms of annotation and noting, study on ancient literature, explanations of Chinese characters in ancient books, compilation, examinations, and corrections on the chapter arrangement of the whole book, all of which constitute an integral part of Li Ji. In a short period of 2 years, although the author has worked hard on the study of Li Ji and its related research works, she suffered from a lack of attainment of Chinese studies and her limited reading of foreign literature, only to be disappointed to fail the comparability against the predecessor scholars. After the admiring sigh, the author is also glad that today, some studies may be made possible based upon the achievements of the former scholars that archaeology is becoming more and more complete as many materials can be available for reference, and that Chinese and Western research theories are emerging in alternation. The comprehensive characteristics of literature, history, and philosophy in ancient books and records require a multi-disciplinary cross-vision. The exploration efforts made by the former scholars serve as a good guider and demonstrator. When it comes to the understanding of knowledge and vision, ancient and modern, Chinese and foreign, of small studies (little learning), archaeology, history, anthropology, and other disciplines, it is extremely challenging for the author to have a good academic vision and knowledge reserve, which is not achievable in the short term, nor is it within the author’s competence or obtained by overstretching oneself.

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III. The Master’s Theses and Doctoral Dissertations about the Book of Rites in the Recent 20 Years Chang Xuhuai: Proofreading Notes on the Exact Implications of the Book of Rites, master’s thesis of Nanjing Normal University, 2007. Chen Conglan: Research on Marriage Ethics and Ideologies in the Book of Rites, master’s thesis of Northwest Normal University, 2005. Chen Kaixian: Research on the Main Themes and Ideologies of the Book of Rites: Other understanding of Construction thought, doctoral dissertation of Sun Yat-sen University, 1998. Dai Panghai: Research on the Capping ritual in the Pre-Qin Era, Directed by Yang Tianyu, doctoral dissertation of Zhengzhou University, 2005. Ding Jin: An Investigation in Dai De’s and Dai Sheng’s Books of Rites, master’s thesis of Anhui University, 2002. Ding Jin, The Book of Zhou Rites and Literature, tutored by Jiang Fan, doctoral dissertation of Fudan University, 2005. Fu Huachen: Research on Zheng’s Annotation Study of Ancient Characters in the Book of Rites, master’s thesis of Nanjing Normal University, 2004. Han Linlin, The Book of Rites and Western Han Society, master’s thesis of Nanjing Normal University, 2004. Kung, Bingshi. The Book of Rites and Mozi: A Comparative Study of Funeral Thoughts. Guan-Shi Wang, doctoral dissertation of National Taiwan Normal University, 2003. Lan Yao: Research on Zhu Bin’s Compilation of Technologies of the Book of Rites, master’s thesis of Nanjing Normal University, 2007. Li Yanrong: Study on the Ritual of Archery, tutored by Zhang Chongchen, master’s thesis of Lanzhou University, 2006. Li Yuzhe: A Study on the Book of Rites Sentences and Subjects. Directed by Wang Ning, doctoral dissertation of Beijing Normal University, 2000. Li Yongming: Three Sacrificial Rites of the Pre-Qin Period and Private Taoist Respect for Morality and Spirit of Never Forgetting to Pay a Debt of Gratitude, master’s thesis of Sun Yat-sen University, 2003. Huang-Yi Liang, A Study of the Sacrificial Rites in Ancestral Temples of the Zhou Dynasty, tutored by Zhou He and Yu Dacheng, Taiwan: National Chengchi University, 1986. Lin Suwen: Research on Humanities and Aesthetics in the Book of Rites, tutored by Gong Pengcheng, doctoral dissertation of Taiwan Normal University, 1999. Lin Wenqi: Views on Human Identity in the Book of Rites, tutored by Zhang Yongjuan, doctoral dissertation of Chinese Culture University, 1998. Liu Jianting: Dispute on the Political Connections of Zhou Dynasty Society Based on Forms of Music Described in the Book of Rites, master’s thesis of Shaanxi Normal University, master’s thesis, 2006. Long Sizhao: The Ideological, Political and Educational Goals of the Book of Rites, master’s thesis of Capital Normal University, 2002. Lu Liyun, The Study of Nouns in the Book of Rites, master’s thesis of Guangxi Normal University, 2003. Ma Juxia: On the Ideology of Ritual Governance in the Spring and Autumn Period, master’s thesis of Northwestern University, 2004. Pu Chuanzhen: Northern Dynamics Studies of Dai De’s and Dai Sheng’s Book of Rites, tutored by Pan Meiyue, doctoral dissertation of National Taiwan University, 2002. Qiao Anshui: The Study of Xunzi’s Ritual Theory, tutored by Chen Weiping, doctoral dissertation, east china normal university, 2004. Song Zhongxiu: Research on Legge’s English Translation of the Book of Rites,master’s thesis of Fujian Normal University, 2006.

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Su Chengai: Research on Chen’s Collection of Interventions of the Book of Rites, master’s thesis of Nanjing Normal University, 2007. Sun Shenghe: The Book of Rites: Cultural Values and Their Tension Structure, tutored by Yu Dunkang, doctoral dissertation of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, 2005. Tan Penglan, The Book of Rites Ideal Politics, tutored by Wang Zhiyong, doctoral dissertation of Kaohsiung Normal University, Taiwan, 2002. Tian Muchen, The Book of Rites: The Idea of Rites, tutored by Liu Baocai, doctoral dissertation of Northwestern University, 2000. Wan Liwen: Study of Sun Xidan’s Comparative Annotations to the Book of Rites, master’s thesis of Nanking Normal University, 2007. Wang Ya: The Study of Ritual and Music Culture in Zhou Dynasty, tutored by Jin Jingfang, doctoral dissertation of Jilin University, 1998. Wu Yumin, The Study of Pre-Qin Ritual Music and Culture, tutored by Cai Yi, doctoral dissertation of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, 1989. Wu Yuchang: Education of Rational and Customers: Research on the Book of Rites under the Scope of Folklores, tutored by Liu Tieliang, doctoral dissertation of Beijing Normal University, 2007. Yang Rubin: Four Types of Communication between Heavy, Human, Demons and Gods in Ancient China and Their Means, doctoral dissertation of National Taiwan University, 1987. Yuan Shijie: Xunzi’s Evil Nature Theory in the Reconstruction of Rites, Guided by Gao Kaizheng, doctoral dissertation of Suzhou University, 2003. Zeng Jun: The Pre-Qin Dynamic Study of the Book of Rites, master’s thesis of Central China Normal University, 2005. Zhang Lei, The Study of Ten Chapters of Zengzi in Dai De’s Book of Rites, master’s thesis of Qufu Normal University, 2004. Zhang Qin: Previous Exploration into Zheng Xu’s Annotations to the Book of Rites, Anhui University, master’s thesis of Anhui University, 2006. Zhang Yan: Studies of the Chapters (‘First Meeting with Zilu’ and ‘On Rituals’) in the Family Sayings of Confucius,master’s thesis of Tsinghua University, 2005. Zhang Zihui: Research on the Human Spirit and Value of Rational Culture, tutored by Yang Tianyu, doctoral dissertation of Zhengzhou University, 2006.

IV. Chinese Translations of Theories (Germany) Ernst Cassirer: An Essay on Man, translated by Gan Yang, Shanghai: translation publishing house, 2004. (Germany) Ernst Cassirer: Mythical Thinking, translated by Huang Longbao et al., Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 1999. (Germany) Lips: Origin of Things, translated by Wang Ningsheng, Lanzhou: Dunhuang Literature and Art Publishing House, 2005. (Germany) Max Weber: Confucianism and Taoism, translated by Hong Tianfu, Nanjing: Jiangsu People’s Publishing House, 2005. (France) Michel Foucault: The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences, translated by Mo Weimin, Shanghai: SDX Joint Publishing Company, 2001. (France) Michel Foucault: Archaeology of Knowledge, translated by Xie Qiang, Ma Yue, Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, 2003. (France) Marcel Granet: Festivals and Songs of Ancient China [monograph], translated by Zhao Bingxiang et al., Guilin: Guangxi Normal University Press, 2005. (France) Maurice Halbwach: On Collective Memory, translated by Bi Ran, Guo Jinhua, Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 2003.

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(France) Levi-Strauss: Structural Anthropology (1-2), translated by Zhang Zujian, Beijing: Renmin University of China Press, 2006. (France) Levi-Strauss: Wild Thinking, translated by Li Youzhen, Beijing: Renmin University of China Press, 2006. (France) Durkheim: Basic Forms of Religious Life, translated by Qu Dong and Ji Ze, Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 1999. (Romania) Eliade: Cosmos and History, translated by Yang Rubin, Taipei: Linking Publishing Co., Ltd., 2000. (Romania) Eliade: The Sacred and the Secular, translated by Wang Jianguang, Beijing: Huaxia Publishing House, 2002. (USA) Edited, Olive: Songs of Sun: Creation Myths from Around the World, translated by Mao Tianyou, Beijing: Renmin University of China Press, 1989. (USA) Clifford Gertz, An Interpretation of Culture, translated by Han Li, Nanjing: Yilin Publishing House, 1999. (USA) - Marija Gimbutas, Mary, The Living Goddesses, translated by Ye Shuxian, Guilin: Guangxi Normal University Press, 2008. (USA) Marvin Harris: Delicious: The Mystery of Food and Culture, translated by Ye Shuxian, Jinan: Shandong Pictorial Publishing House, 2001. (USA) Hyde White: The Content of the Form: Narrative and Historical Presentation, translated by Dong Lihe, Beijing: Wenchin Press, 2005. (USA) Joseph Kanbeier: The Hero With A Thousand Faces, translated by Zhang Chengmo, Shanghai: Shanghai Literature & Art Publishing House, 2000. (USA) Paul Connerton: How Society Remembers, translated by Naribilige, Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 2000. (USA) Benjamin Schwartz: The World of Thought in Ancient China, translated by Cheng Gang, Nanjing: Jiangsu People’s Publishing House, 2004. (USA) Wu Hung: Art in Etiquette, translated by Zheng Yan, Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, 2005. (USA) Wu Hung: Wu Liang Shrine: Ideological Content of Ancient Chinese Portrait Art, translated by Liu Yang, Cen He, Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, 2006. (USA) Yang Xiaoneng: Another Ancient History: Interpretation of Decorative Patterns, Emblems and Graphical Characterization on Bronze Wares, Translated by Tang Jigen and Sun Yabing, Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, 2008. (UK) Peter Burke: The History of Image Verification, translated by Yang Yu, Beijing: Beijing University Press, 2008. (UK) Fionaboy: The Anthropology of Religion: An Introduction, translated by Jin Ze et al., Beijing: Renmin University of China Press, 2004. (UK) Geoffrey Broadbent: Signs, Symbols and Architecture, translated by Le Nicheng et al., Beijing: China Construction Industry Press, 1991. (UK) Fraser: The Golden Bough, translated by Xu Yuxin et al., Beijing: new world press, 2006. (UK) Jane Allen Harrison: Ancient Art and Ritual, translated by Liu Zongdi, Beijing: Erlian Bookstore, 2008. (UK) Hobsbawm: The Invention of Tradition, translated by Gu Hang, Pang Guanqun, Nanjing: Yilin Publishing House, 2004. (UK) Joseph Needham: Science and Civilization in China: Volume 2, History of Scientific Thought, translated by Chen Lifu et al., Nanchang: Jiangxi People’s Publishing House, 2006. (UK) Leech, Emond: Culture and Communication, translated by Guo Fan, Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 2000. (UK) Victor Turner: The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritual, translated by Zhao Yuyan, Beijing: The Commercial Press, 2006. (UK) Victor Turner: The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-structure, Huang Jianbo et al., Beijing: Renmin University of China Press, 2006.

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Edited: Shi Zong: Selected Works of Western Religious Anthropology in the 20th Century, translated by Jin Ze et al., Shanghai: SDX Joint Publishing Company, 1995.

V. Original English Literature Ackerman, Robert. The myth and ritual school: J.G Frazer and the Cambridge ritualists. Garland Pub., 1991. Birrell, Anne. Chinese Mythology: An Introduction. The Johns Hopkins University press, 1993. Douglas, M. Natural Symbols: Explorations in cosmology. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1970. Douglas, M. Leviticus as Literature. Oxford: New York: Oxford University Press, 2000. Douglas, M. Purity and danger: an analysis of concepts of pollution and taboo. London and New York: Routledge, 2002. Eliade, Mircea. Rites and symbols in initiation: The Mysteries of Birth and Rebirth. trans. W.R.Tsask. Spring Pub., 1995. Eliade, Mircea. Myth and Reality, trans. by W. R. Trask, New York: Harper&Row Inc., 1963. Fehl, Noah Edward. Li Rites and Propriety In Literature And Life. The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1971. J.E. Cirlot.A dictionary of symbols. trans. by Jack Sage. Routledge & K. Paul 1971. Jia, Jinhua and Kwok, Pang-fei. From Clan Manners to Ethical Obligation and Righteousness: A New Interpretation of the Term yi, The Royal Asiatic Society, JRAS, Series 3, 17, I (2007). Martynov, Anatoly I. The ancient art of northern Asia, trans. and ed. by Demitri B.Shimkin and Edith M.Shimkin. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, c1991. Needham, Rodney Right &Left & Essays on Dual Symbolic Classification. Chicago: the University of Chicago Press, 1973 (marcel Granet, Rigtht and Left in China. pp. 43–58). Pines, Yuri “Disputers of the Li: Breakthroughs in the Concept of Ritual in Preimperial China,” Volume 13, part 1, Asia Major, 2000, pp. 1–40. Segal, Robert A. ed. The Myth and Ritual Theory: An Anthology. Malden, Mass.: Blackwell Pub., 1998. Turner, V., ed. Celebration, Studies in Festivity and Ritual. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Pr., 1982. Turner, V. From Ritual to Theatre: The Human Seriousness of Play. Performing Arts Journal Pub., 1982.

VI. Journals and Magazines (Japan) Inoue Satoshi: Lumbar Pit in the Yin Dynasty Tomb and Dog Witchcraft, Journal of East China Normal University, 1992, 5th issue. Zhejiang Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology: “Bulletin on the Ruins of Liangzhu Culture Excavated in Yaoshan, Yuhang, Chinese Cultural Relics”, 1988, 1st issue. Chao Fulin: On the God of Earn and the Sacrificial Offerings during the Spring and Autumn Period, Qilu Journal, 1995, 2nd issue. Chao Fulin: A Preliminary Study of the Etiquette and Customs of Life in the Primitive Period, Folklore Studies, 1996, 3rd issue. Chen Kehua: The Origin of the Rites and the Two Generations of Human Society, Journal of Yiyang Teachers’ College, 1995, 1st issue. Chen Shengyong: The Origin of Rites and the Origin of Liangzhu Culture and Civilization, Chinese Studies, June 1999.

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Chen Weihua. The Effectiveness of Ceremonies: A Theoretical Review. Journal of Guangxi University for Nationalities, 2003, 6th issue. Chen Xingcan, “Experiencing the Difficulties” and the Adulthood Rites for Prehistoric Chinese, “Chinese Culture”, 1995, 2nd issue. Chen Zhixin: Zun Zun (Politics) and Qin Qin (Ethics) - On the Cultural Patterns Reflected in the Book of Rites. Ehu Monthly, 1997, 2nd issue. Dong Chuping: Explanation of Altar of Liangzhu Culture and Artificial Big Earth Terrace and Anxi Jade Carving Tally, Zhejiang Social Sciences, 1999, 3rd issue. Dong Chupin: The Origin Myth of Ancient China - An Interpretation of Part A of the Chu Silk Manuscript and Some Problems of Chinese Mythology, Social Sciences in China, 2002, 5th issue. Du Weiming. Rites as a Process of Humanization. Humanity and Self-Cultivation. Taipei: Lianjing Publishing Co. Ltd., 1992. Feng Shi: The Astronomical Study of the Sanhuan Stone Altar of Hongshan Culture, North Cultural Relics, 1993, 1st issue. Gai Shanlin: Rock Paintings of the Sun God and Worship of the Sun God, Journal of Tianjin Normal University, 1988, 3rd issue. Gu Xijia: Differentiation and Analysis of Several Origins of Etiquette, Tangdu Journal, 2001, 2nd issue. Han Dongyu: The Social Function of Rites Viewed from the Perspective of Social Structure in Zhou Dynasty, Journal of Northeast Normal University, 1986, 3rd issue. He Bingli: The Original Rite, Twenty-first Century, 1992, 11th issue. Hu Houxuan: Introduction to Sacrifice of Four Directions and Four Direction Winds in the Yin Dynasty, Journal of Fudan University, 1956, 1st issue. Hu Xinsheng: The Erection of Corpses and Its Religious Significance in the Sacrifice of the Zhou Dynasty, Studies in World Religions, 1990, 4th issue. Hu Xinsheng: Textual Research on Nuo Rites in Zhou Dynasty, Journal of Historical Science, 1996, 4th issue. Hua Quan: Temple, Altar and Tomb of Niuheliang: Symbol of the Origin of Hongshan Culture and Civilization, Outlook Weekly, 1990, 15th issue. Huang Junjie: A New Perspective on the Study of ‘Body View’ in the History of Chinese Thoughts. Modern Philosophy, 2002, 3rd issue. Hui Ji-Xing: A Review of Ritual Studies in Recent Years. Hebei Academic Journal, No. 2, 2000. Jin Jingfang: On the Rites. Historical Research, 1996, 6th issue. Jin Shangli and Chen Daibo: From Deity to Human - On the Evolution of Rites in Primitive Religions and Its Influence on the National Spirit of Early China, Journal of Fudan University, 2001, 3rd issues. Jing Yien: Sun God Worship and the Origin of the Chinese Nation. Academic Monthly, 1998, 7th issue. Li Bin: A Preliminary Study of Prehistoric Sundials - A Tentative Interpretation of the Astronomical Significance of the Patterns of Jade Ware Unearthed from Hanshan, Southeast Culture, 1993, 1st issue. Li Ling: The ‘Formula’ and the Schema of the Ancient Chinese Universe, published in Chinese Culture, 1991, 1st issue. Li Li: From Mother God, Mound to Five Colors Altar: The Evolution of Land God Worship in Zhou Dynasty, Journal of Northeast Normal University,1991, 1st issue. Li Ling: Chu Silk Manuscripts and Schema, Jianghan Archaeology, 1991, 1st issue. Li Xinwei: The Cosmological View Reflected by Chinese Prehistoric Jade Wares, Southeast Culture, 2004, 3rd issue. Li Xueqin: The Chu Bamboo Slips in Guodian and the Book of Rites, History of Chinese Philosophy, 1998, 4th issue. Li Yujie: Religious Worship and the Origin of Rites in the Prehistoric Central China, A Study of Chinese History, 1995, 1st issue.

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Liaoning Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology: Bulletin on Excavation of Tomb 21, Mausoleum 1, Site 2, Niuheliang, Liaoning Province, China Cultural Relics, 1997, 8th issue. Lin Lou: Differentiation between 豊 and 豐, Studies of Ancient Chinese Characters, Vol. 12, Zhonghua Book Company, 2005. Lin Lou: A Discussion on the System of Using the Tripod in the Zhou Dynasty. Journal of Historiography, 1990, 3rd issue. Liu Dezeng: Rites and the Re-exploration of Chinese Culture, Qilu Journal, 1989, 3rd issue. Liu Yiman: Several Problems on the Combination of Bronze Ritual Ware in Anyang Yin Tombs. Acta Archaeologica Sinica, 1995, 4th issue. Liu Yu: Worship of Ancestors in Western Zhou Bronze Vessel Inscriptions, Acta Archaeologica Sinica, 1989, 4th issue. Liu Zehua and Liu Feng: Rites and Hierarchical Humanism. Hebei Academic Journal, 2001, 4th issue. Luo Zhuohan: On the Origin of Rites and Music, Xueyuan, November 1947, vol. 1, 7th issue. Peng Zhaorong: A Review of Anthropological Ritual Studies. Ethnic Studies, 2002, 2nd issue. Peng Zhaorong: Historical Truth in Mythological Narration - A Review of Anthropological Mythological Theories, Ethnic Studies, 2003, 5th issue. Peng Zhaorong: The Myth of Yaohan Panpiao – ‘Historical memory’ in Ceremonies as Narrative, Journal of Guangxi University for Nationalities, 2003, 1st issue. Peng Zhaorong: The Exchange of Objects in Ethnography, Journal of Central South University for Nationalities, 2009, 1st issue. Ren Shinan: Trident Crown Ornament and Crown of Liangzhu Jade, Chinese Cultural Relics, October 20, 1991. Song Gongwen: Head Orientation and Burial Style of Chu Tombs, Chinese Archaeology, 1994, 9th issue. Wang Mingming: Chinese Society from the Perspective of Etiquette Studies. Anthropological Review, Vol. 2, 2007. Wang Lixin: A Preliminary Explanation of the Meaning of Yaoshan Altar and the Emblem of Liangzhu Culture, Jianghan Archaeology, 1994, 3rd issue. Wang Luchang, On the Reproductive Worship Pattern of Painted Pottery in Dahe Village in Zhengzhou, Cultural Relics of the Central China, 1995, 2nd issue. Wang Shumin: Trigeminal Jade Ware of Liangzhu Culture, Sichuan Cultural Relics, 2005, 2nd issue. Wang Xiaodun: Guanli Ritual and the Source of Yi Ware, Journal of Nanchang University, 1999, 1st issue. Wang Yucheng: The Human Face and Fish Pattern of Yangshao and Prehistoric Sun Worship, Jianghan Archaeology, 1992, 2nd issue. Weng Hekai: The Book of Rites in Han Dynasty - Start from Guodian Chu Bamboo Slips to the Book of Rites, Fujian Forum, 1999, 5th issue. Wu Ruzuo: Formation and Influence of the Liangzhu Culture and Rites System, Journal of Hangzhou Normal University, 2001, 1st issue. Wu Yawen: The Authors of Some Chapters of the Book of Rites and Their Writing Dates, Journal of Jilin Normal University, 2005, 4th issue. Wu Yumin: Witchcraft, Emirates and the Origin of Rites and Music. Journal of Peking University, 1998, 4th issue. Xiao Bing: The Shape and Implication of the Deity-Human-Beast Surface in Liangzhu Culture, Archaeology and Cultural Relics, 2003, 6th issue. Xiao Bing, A New Interpretation to the Facial Patterns of Man and Beast in Liangzhu Jade Ware, Southeast Culture, 1992, 3rd–4th issues. Xing Wen: Black Robes on Chu Bamboo Slips and pre-Qin Rites, Proceedings of the Guodian International Academic Research Association on Chu Bamboo Slips. Wuhan: Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2000.

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Xue Yibing: The Anthropological Interpretation to Ritual Phenomenon (I & II), Guangxi Ethnic Studies, 2003, 2nd–3rd issues. Yang Qun: The Origin and Development of Rites and Rites Viewed from the Perspective of Archaeological Discoveries. Confucius Studies, 1990, 3rd issue. Yang Tianyu: The Book of Rites Studies in Ancient China, Journal of Henan University, 2000, 5th issue. Yang Tianyu: On the Book of Rites: The Original Version of Forty-nine Chapters Edited and Compiled by Dai Sheng, Confucius Studies, 1996, 4th issue. Yang Xiangkui, The Origin of Rites, Studies of Confucius, 1986, 1st issue. Yang Yingjie: A Re-exploration of the Origin of Rites, Journal of Liaoning Normal University, 2000, 6th issue. Ye Shuxian: Comparative Mythological Interpretation to the Book of Rites, Journal of Shaanxi Normal University, 2006, 2nd issue. Ye Shuxian: The Fourth Evidence: Visual Persuasion of Comparative Iconology, Literary Review, 2006, 5th issue. Ye Shuxian: Post-modern View on Mythology - Brief Comments on the Brief Mythistory, Chinese Comparative Literature, 2007, 1st issue. Ye Shuxian: The Understanding of the Bear Flag Mysteries of Yu the Great, National Art, 2008, 1st issue. Ye Shuxian: Mythological History of China, Journal of Baise University, 2009, 1st issue. Ye Shuxian: Erlitou Bronze Medal Ornaments and the Myth of Xia Dynasty, National Art, 2008, 4th issue. Ye Shuxian: Comparative Mythological Study Perspective in the Search for the Origin of Chinese Civilization, Jiangxi Social Sciences, No. 6, 2009, 6th issue. Ye Shuxian: China’s Mingtang: Egyptian Pyramids, American Sun Temple, Journal of Shaanxi Normal University, 1989, 1st issue. Yin Qun: On the Evolution of the Ding Ranking (Tripod) System in the Zhou Dynasty, Journal of Liaoning University, 1999, 4th issue. Zhang Chi: A View of Capping System, Rite and Ritual from the Perspective of the character ‘Guan’, Sinogram Culture, 1999, 1st issue. Zhang Deshui: Altars and Civilization, Cultural Relics of the Central China, 1997, 1st issue. Zhang Guangzhi: Religious Sacrifices and Kingship, Chinese Archaeology, 1996, 3rd issue. Zhang Jinsong: The Sacrifice of the Undead 7,000 Years Ago and Its Relationship with Nuo Sources, Folk Literature Forum, 1994, 4th issue. Zhang Lianggao: Shuangkaijian (house-in-house) Architecture, Eastward Sitting Etiquette and Symbolized Guinie Standard, Jianghan Archaeology, 1995, 1st issue. Zhao Dongshuan: Cosmic Schema and Its Cultural and Philosophical Interpretation in the Chapter of Taiyi Shengshui, Qilu Journal, 2001, 4th issue. Zhang Institute of Cultural Relics and Architecture, Bulletin on the Altars and Cemeteries of the Guanshan Liangzhu Culture excavated in Yuhang County, Zhejiang Province, China Cultural Relics, 1997, 4th issue. Zheng Jiexiang: The new proof of the god name and wind name of four directions in the Shang dynasty, Cultural Relics of Central China, 1994, 3rd issue. Zhou Wei: A Preliminary Study of Lingjiatan Altar in Hanshan County, Anhui Province and the Altar of Liangzhu Culture, Southeast Culture, 2001, 1st issue. Zhou Xuanlong: Capping ritual in Ancient China, Folklore Studies, 1994, 1st issue. Zhu Fenghan, The Shang Royal Temple System as Seen in the Divination Texts of Oracle Inscriptions on the Yin Ruins, A Historical Study, 1990, 6th issue.

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VII. Websites China Pre-Qin History Net: http://www.zgxqs.cn. Bamboo Chips and Brocade Net: http://www.bsm.org.cn/. China Confucianism Net: http://www.confucianism.com.cn/. (Taiwan) Academia Sinica: http://www.sinica.edu.tw/. (Hong Kong) Chinese Ancient Texts Database: https://www.chant.org/scripts/trial/jinwen/ index.php.

Imagery Index

• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

Fig. 1 Holy Food-Jade xix Fig. 2 Drum and dance as offering xxi Fig. 3 Power, dignified manner, and the source and rise of rites xxiii Fig. 4 How to make “Objects” talk xxx Fig. 5 Origin myths, ceremonies, and memory of objects xxxii Fig. 6 Exploration of the meaning of the unearthed sacred objects xxxiv Fig. 7 Narrative of object: sacrificial altar unearthed at the No. 2 sacrificial pit at Sanxingdui Site and illustration of sacrificial ritual xlv Fig. 8 Written texts and sacred speech xlviii Fig. 1.1 Photos of human-faced, bird-bodied door Gods holding sun and moon found on Han Dynasty Tomb Door Frame Unearthed from Shenmu, Shaanxi Province (Photo by Ye Shuxian) 6 Fig. 1.2 Tianwei Jianyuan Emperor Zhang Siwei 7 Fig. 1.3 Sun-worship complex 12 Fig. 1.4 Imagery of Gods of the four directions, Gods of the four winds, two equinoxes and two solstices, and intercalation configuration on unearthed objects 14 Fig. 1.5 Ridding the old and embracing the new, and the new year as a restart from the beginning 17 Fig. 1.6 Continuous iteration of spring rite, maturity, marriage, and reproduction. 19 Fig. 1.7 Coming-of-age ritual and change of seasons 24 Fig. 1.8 Mythological worldview and coming-of-age ritual 27 Fig. 1.9 Wine sacrificed for divine blessing 31 Fig. 1.10 Spring ox-whipping narrative in new year painting 34 Fig. 1.11 Shrine for the God of Earth in Dadiwan, Qin’an, Gansu Province, the Site of Ceremonies for the God of Earth during spring and autumn (Photo by Ye Shuxian) 36 Fig. 1.12 Decoration of 42 Fig. 1.13 Wearing a bird 44 Fig. 1.14 Actual Bian and Mian headdresses excavated 46

© Shanghai Jiao Tong University Press 2020 Q. Tang, Ritual Civilization and Mythological Coding, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-4393-7

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342

• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

Imagery Index

Fig. 1.15 Cap and headdress as conduit to divine authority 49 Fig. 1.16 Divine beings wearing feathered caps since the Neolithic 53 Fig. 1.17 Mountain-shaped headdress with divine being and feather motif 56 Fig. 1.18 Phenology of the second month of spring and resurrection after death 58 Fig. 1.19 Diagram showing the ceremonial space of the temple where capping rites for a common officer were held 63 Fig. 1.20 Principles on ceremonial space and house layout 65 Fig. 1.21 The day lily: conception of son and a life of longevity 68 Fig. 1.22 Humans obtain divine powers with the help of the Deer God or Antlers 70 Fig. 1.23 The character long (“Loong”) in Oracle Inscriptions and Bronze Vessel Inscriptions, and the Green Loong of the East 73 Fig. 1.24 Fetal Loong and coil Loong 75 Fig. 1.25 Opened mouth of beast and gateway between life and death 77 Fig. 1.26 Cross-reference table for age classifications in Pattern of the Family, Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development, and the age classification systems of the Amis and Sakizaya peoples 93 Fig. 1.27 The Imperial College Structure inside the Beijing Imperial Academy, and the characters for Imperial College on Oracle Inscriptions and Bronze Vessel Inscriptions (Photo by Tang Qicui) 97 Fig. 2.1 Shrine and chamber layout as recorded in the Smaller Cauldron of Yu Inscription 117 Fig. 2.2 Structural layout of shrine and chamber seen in Erlitou ruins 120 Fig. 2.3 Layout of the Palace ward seen at the Yanshi Shang Dynasty City 121 Fig. 2.4 Layout of shrine and chamber arrangement at Yin Dynasty ruins 123 Fig. 2.5 Structural and spatial model seen at Fengchu Group A Plots 124 Fig. 2.6 Ancestral Niche inside Keji Hall at former home of Qiu Jun in Haikou (Photo by Tang Qicui) 137 Fig. 2.7 Forms of the characters “廟” and “朝” as seen in Oracle Inscriptions, Bronze Vessel Inscriptions, Bamboo Slip Inscriptions, Silk Manuscripts, and the Official Script of Han Dynasty 143 Fig. 2.8 The “Four Woods” as Seen in Unearthed Cultural Relics and Oracle Inscriptions 148 Fig. 2.9 Identify proper direction for founding of state and construction of temple 150 Fig. 2.10 Taiyi (“The Great Oneness”) creates water and the best settlement 159 Fig. 3.1 Diagrams of the positions in the Hall of Distinction 175 Fig. 3.2 Comparison diagram of primitive sacrificial altar, Fangming altar, and places in the Hall of Distinction 178 Fig. 3.3 Jade eagle-bear and the sun 180 Fig. 3.4 Diagram of temporary palace for meeting between emperor and vassals 182 Fig. 3.5 Structural layout seen in archaeological ruins 187

Imagery Index

343

• Fig. 3.6 Diagram of the order in the Hall of Distinction and Fuyi Imperial Screen 190 • Fig. 3.7 Sundial in Front of the Hall of Supreme Harmony (Taihe Gong) in the Forbidden City 196 • Fig. 4.1 Narrative of the people from the Five Directions 210 • Fig. 4.2 Schema of Tianxia understanding 221 • Fig. 4.3 Diagram of the Great Unity Envisioned by Ancient Confucians 227 • Fig. 4.4 Diagram of the Zuni’s Categorization System of the Universe 233 • Fig. 5.1 Schema of the Proceedings of Government in Different Months 239 • Fig. 5.2 Diagram of Model and System of the Prehistoric Mythological Worldview 242 • Fig. 5.3 Schematic of the Universe in the Chu Silk Manuscript 244 • Fig. 5.4 Plant phenology of the Four Seasons and Floral Jade Pendants of the 12 months 246 • Fig. 5.5 Bronze sky rooster and bronze god tree base kept in the Sanxingdui Museum 248 • Fig. 5.6 The plate with drawing of one hundred birds worshipping the phoenix, Jingdezhen during Kangxi Reign 250 • Fig. 5.7 Inheritance and manifestation of the mythology of gourds and vines 254 • Fig. 5.8 Diagram of plant phenological calendar 259 • Fig. 5.9 Diagram of animal phenology and cycle of the four spirits of dragon, bird, tiger, and fish 261 • Fig. 5.10 Diagram of several pairs of mutual incarnations in animal phenology 262 • Fig. 5.11 Mutual manifestation of the turtledove and the eagle 265 • Fig. 5.12 Physical evidence of mutual incarnation between fish and dragon, and between the Kun and Peng 266 • Fig. 5.13 Giant golden peng mythical bird unearthed from the tomb of King Zhuang of Liang Dynasty in the collection of the Hubei Provincial Museum (photo by Tang Qicui) 268 • Fig. 5.14 Otter sacrifices fish 270 • Fig. 5.15 Jin Dynasty emperor imperial hairband pin of the Xianbei clan with Loong motif, a symbol of the supremacy of the “nine” and “five” (photo by Ye Shuxian at the Shanghai Museum) 273 • Fig. 5.16 Circle diagram of the Five Emperors 276 • Fig. 5.17 Schematics of the cycles in the Taihao, Shaohao, and the Yellow Emperor systems 278 • Fig. 5.18 Diagram of the changes and evolutions of the Four Seasons, Four Directions, and Five Colors 282 • Fig. 5.19 Diagram of the underlying structure in the changes and evolutions of Chinese origin myths 284 • Fig. 5.20 Ritual as narrative and Yueling schema 289 • Fig. 5.21 Yin and Yang, Taiji and beginning of a year 294 • Fig. 5.22 Altar possibly related to cyclic seasonal ritual 296

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• Fig. 5.23 Zhaicheng jade card of the Qing Dynasty kept in the Palace Museum (photo by Tang Qicui) 298 • Fig. 5.24 Picture of exorcise offering ritual against evils 301 • Fig. 6.1 The schematics of changes in earthquake and human epidemics in the Pre-Qin Period 314 • Fig. 6.2 Witness of prevention and propitiation (aversion by prayer) 317 • Fig. 6.3 The sketch of wizard dance and sacrificial ritual 326 • Fig. 6.4 Rain-praying ritual 328 • Fig. 6.5 Examples of Rain Gods around the world 331.

Postscript

What we will experience on earth in our lifetime? Enchanting destinations or occasional encounters? The answer lies in “the garden with forking paths”! Time will always fork, so will the track of our life. Unknowingly, the falling petals, the few words, some chores, and a short period of time will affect the entire life. Perhaps, this is called “predestination.” Yes, I am firmly convinced of its presence and appreciate it somehow. First, predestination is similar to my study subject which is presented due to its effect. The reason why I have studied this is the right predestination. Second, luckily, many of the former scholars have paved the way by providing proven study pattern and methodology. Third, I feel lucky at the application of new materials and new perspectives. Honestly, as I have introduced and borrowed the research findings by the former scholars and the peers, I have made some new investigations to the few problems in Li Ji. Sporadic new ideas have been excitingly inspired, while some hypotheses need more argumentation. The finding I made is far away from what my teachers have taught and expected. Therefore, when this book is delivered for printing, I still regret over “going half way in study,” “being given no right inspirational chance,” “unfinished state.” The only comfort I can obtain is: I will not give up and I am still working on it. As a revision made from my doctoral dissertation, this book has been presented and printed truly because of the urge, guidance, and admonishment by Prof. Ye Shuxian. Each time I was involved in chaos and amusement and practice of sloth or became puzzled by some unnecessary logic thinking or biased words, Ye always went direct to the point and gave inspiring solutions. Because he offered books and new research results as a gift for my specific study from time to time, I not only felt a broad vision but perfectly enlightened. In spite of Ye’s busy schedule, he set out time scrutinizing and revising my writing, and spared no efforts to present the precious photos taken by himself in the sites and museums, to make the illustrations of this book worth its entitlement. In addition, I have received the materials or guidance given by a lot of friends including Xiao Bing, Yan Kehe, Zhao Yiheng, Zhao Xiaohuan, Zhang Jingguo, Zhou Weimin, Tang Lingling, Xu Xinjian, Peng Zhaorong, Luo Qingchun, and others. The friendship is deeply felt in the materials or guidance given by mail © Shanghai Jiao Tong University Press 2020 Q. Tang, Ritual Civilization and Mythological Coding, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-4393-7

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or courier service over the distance. Acknowledgement should go to their valuable help. I also thank the former scholars and my peers for the works I have cited in my writings. My thanks also go to Mr. Li Renfan for his precious opinions on the revision following his read through. Also, I am thankful for Liu Zhiyi, the editor in charge of this book as well as for all helping friends. No matter how the years have passed by, our interactions have left trace of friendship. I’d like to take this opportunity to express my deep thanks for those inspirational and helpful scholars of the past, teachers, and friends. Tang Qicui December 2019 Shanghai