A modest man of great accomplishments, Walahfrid was a fine poet, teacher, abbot, gardener, liturgist, and diplomat. His
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English Pages 408 [448] Year 2018
STUDIA TRADITIONIS THEOLOGIAE Explorations in Early and Medieval Theology
Theology continually engages with its past: the people, experience, Scriptures, liturgy, learning and customs of Christians. The past is preserved, rejected, modified; but the legacy steadily evolves as Christians are never indifferent to history. Even when engaging the future, theology looks backwards: the next generation’s training includes inheriting a canon of Scripture, doctrine, and controversy; while adapting the past is central in every confrontation with a modernity. This is the dynamic realm of tradition, and this series’ focus. Whether examining people, texts, or periods, its volumes are concerned with how the past evolved in the past, and the interplay of theology, culture, and tradition.
STUDIA TRADITIONIS THEOLOGIAE Explorations in Early and Medieval Theology 24 Series Editor: Thomas O’Loughlin, Professor of Historical Theology in the University of Nottingham
EDITORIAL BOARD
Director Prof. Thomas O’Loughlin Board Members Dr Andreas Andreopoulos, Dr Nicholas Baker-Brian, Dr Augustine Casiday, Dr Mary B. Cunningham, Dr Juliette Day, Dr Johannes Hoff, Dr Paul Middleton, Dr Simon Oliver, Prof. Andrew Prescott, Dr Patricia Rumsey, Dr Jonathan Wooding, Dr Holger Zellentin
RHETORIC AND RECKONING IN THE NINTH CENTURY
The Vademecum of Walahfrid Strabo
Wesley M. Stevens
H
F
Cover illustration: Tabula Peutingeriana © ÖNB Vienna: Cod. 324, Segm. VIII + IX © 2018, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium & Wesley Stevens All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. D/2018/0095/197 ISBN 978-2-503-56553-8 e-ISBN 978-2-503-57317-5 DOI 10.1484/M.STT-EB.5.112367 ISSN 2294-3617 e-ISSN 2566-0160 Printed on acid-free paper
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . IX Bibliography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XI I. Renovatio in Literature and the Sciences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 II. The Vademecum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 III. The Scripts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 IV. Fruit of the Vine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 V. St. Michael’s Abbey. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 VI. From Fulda to Weißenburg . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 VII. Aula Regis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 VIII. Compilationes Astronomicae et Computisticae . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 IX. Aachen and Prüm with Young Karl. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131 X. Walahfrid’s Chronology. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 XI. Aera Incarnationis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 XII. Evaluations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 Appendix A: The Fulda Calendar of Walahfrid Strabo (A.D. 827 – 829). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179 Appendix B: Versus Computistici Walahfridi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217 Appendix C: Argumenta Paschalia 1 – 5. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225 Appendix D: Argumenta Paschalia 6 – 30. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239 Appendix E: Manuscript Descriptions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 285 Appendix F: Argumenta Concordantia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 351 Appendix G: Sources of Computus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 355
Table of Contents
Index of Manuscripts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 361 Index of Subjects. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 365 Index of Persons and Their Texts Cited. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 380 Index of Place Names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 400 Index of Texts, Anonymous or Pseudonymous. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 405
PREFACE
Walahfrid Strabo was active throughout his life not only with Grammatica and Versuum lex but also with Arithmetica and Astronomia. The mid-ninth century abbot of a great Abbey of St. Pirmin on the Reichenau peninsula beside Lake Constance has received the attention of some very fine historians who have emphasised his poetry and theology and his relations with the Carolingian royal family. In one of the best accounts, Eleanor Shipley Duckett gave a refreshing biographical reading of his poems and his correspondence. Miss Duckett however and most other historians1 have failed to recognise that Walahfrid had given his attention to scientific as well as to humane letters. The evidence of his Vademecum is strong that his active intellect was more wide-ranging than modern scholars had expected. The significance of ms St. Gallen 878 was first noticed by Bernhard Bischoff who described its contents and identified the scripts of Walahfrid (1950). For welcome to his University Seminar in Munich and for his advice on many occasions, I am pleased to express my thanks and appreciation to Professor Bischoff (1906 – 1991). During several visits since 1965 for study of this manuscript in the St. Gallen Stiftsbibliothek, the librarians have provided all possible assistance: especially Drs. Johannes Duft, Peter Ochsenbein, Ernst Tremp, and Cornel Dora. My friend for many years, Dr. Ulrich Montag, Director of the Handschriften Abteilung der Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich, was quite helpful for this research and for my other manuscript studies. Manitius I (1911), 302 – 315; Raby (1934), 229 – 234; Laistner (1937), 240; Herding (1948), 389 – 397; Langosch (1953), 734 – 769; idem (1955), 1111 – 1112; idem (1957), 584 – 603; Duckett (1962b), 121 – 160; Stevens (1972b), 9 – 16; Graus (1974), 168; Borst (1978a), 48 – 66; Bernt (1997), 1937 – 1938; Booker (2005), 83 – 84. 1
Preface
This book was first conceived as an essay drafted in April 1993 when the author was a guest of the Max Planck Institut für Geschichte, Göttingen, but has been happily delayed. The hospitality of that Institute and its fine professors and directors, especially Professor Josef Fleckenstein, could be enjoyed with support of a 1992 Forschungspreis awarded by the Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung. Some of these data and interpretations were also presented in 2000 to the Historical Institute of the Rheinisch-Westfälische Technische Hochschule Aachen and its Carolingian Seminar by invitation of its Director, Professor Dietrich Lohrmann, and in 2010 to the 3rd International Conference on the Science of Computus, National University of Ireland, Galway, by invitation of Professor Dáibhí Ó Cróinín. I am grateful for the interest in my research by Professors Fleckenstein, Lohrmann and Ó Cróinín. President Henry E. Duckworth and Vice President Ross McCormack always supported my teaching and research at the University of Winnipeg. More recently, the consistent and congenial provision for research by rectors, deans, and librarians of St. Paul’s College of the University of Manitoba has also been remarkable, for which the author is grateful. My gracious and generous wife, Virginia, has carried me through many difficult times with this book and the travels with four young children which made it possible. My appreciation for her wonderfully practical intelligence and loving kindness is very great.
ABBREVIATIONS
BM²
= Böhmer, Johann Friedrich; Engelbert Mühlbacher, Regesta Imperii I. Die Regesten des Kaiserreiches unter den Karolingern 751 – 918 [2d ed. 1908], Innsbruck.
CCCM
= Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, Turnhout.
CCSL
= Corpus Christianorum Series Latina, Turnhout.
CLA
= Codices Latini Antiquiores: A Palaeographical guide to Latin manuscripts prior to the ninth century (Elias A. Lowe et alii eds., vols. I – XI, 1934 – 1966), Oxford; Supplement to CLA [vol. XII] (1971), Oxford; Index of scripts to CLA (1982) (Rutherford Aris ed.), Osnabrück; Addenda to CLA (1985) (Bernhard Bischoff, Virginia Brown eds.), in Mediaeval Studies 47, 317 – 366, Toronto; Addenda to CLA II (1992) (Bernhard Bischoff, Virginia Brown, James J. John eds.), in Mediaeval Studies 54, 286 – 307, Toronto.
CSEL (1866 et seq.)
= Corpus Scirptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, editum consillio et impensis Academiae Scientiarum Austriacae, Salzburg, Wien, Berlin.
ABBREVIATIONS
GCS
= Die Griechischen Christlichen Schriftsteller (Adolf Harnack, Theodor Mommsen eds. 1897 seq.), Leipzig, Berlin.
ICL (1977)
= Initia Carminum Latinorum Saeculo Undecimo Antiquiorum. Bibliographisches Repertorium für die lateinische Dichtung der Antike und des früheren Mittelalters (D. Schaller, E. Könsgen eds.), Göttingen.
MBK
= Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz, I. Die Bistümer Konstanz und Chur (1918) (Paul Lehman, ed.), München.
MGH
= Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Berlin, Hannover.
AA
= Auctores Antiquissimi. Capitularia regum Francorum I (1883) (Alfred Boretius, ed.). Diplomata regum et imperatorium Germaniae, II/2. Die Urkunden Otto des III (2 ed. 1957) (Theodor Sickel, ed.) Epistolae (in Quart 1 – 5). Leges section V. Formulae. Libri memoriales et necrologia, Nova series. Poetae Latini Karolingiae aevi, Poetae Latini aevi Carolini. Quellen zur Geistesgeschichte des Mittelalters. Schriften. Scriptores (in Folio). Scriptores rerum Langobardarum. Scriptores rerum Germanicarum. Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum.
PL
= Patrologiae cursus completus … Series Latina, vol. I – CCXXI (1844 – 1865), (Jacques-Paul Migne, ed.), Paris.
BIBLIOGRAPHY Ancient Authors Adbreviatio Chronicae (Th. Mommsen ed., 1898), MGH, AA 13, 349 – 354. Agnellus of Ravenna, Liber pontificalis ecclesiae Ravennatis (O. Holder-Egger, ed., 1873), MGH, Scriptores rerum Langobardarum 94, 337 – 338. Agobardus, Liber apologeticus (G. Waitz ed., 1887), MGH. Scriptores (in Folio) XV, 227. —, Libri duo pro filiis et contra Judith, ibid., 278. Alcuinus, Versus de sanctis Euboricensis ecclesiae, (E. Dümmler, ed.) MGH. Poetae Latini aevi Carolini I (1881); (P. Godman, ed., 1982). Anecdota Bedae, Lanfranci et aliorum (J.A. Giles, ed., 1851). Annales Bertiniani (1964) (F. Grat, J. Vielliard, S. Clémencet, eds.), Paris; English trans.: The Annals of St.Bertin (Janet L. Nelson, ed., 1991), [Ninth Century Histories 1], Manchester. Annales Fuldenses antiquissimi (1891) (Friedrich Kurze, ed.), MGH. Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 7, 137 – 138, Hannover; ed. E. Freise (1982), 66 – 74, nach cod. Wien 460 [olim cod. Hist. prof. 612]. Annales Fuldenses sive Annales regni Francorum orientalis (1891) (Fr. Kurze, ed.), MGH. Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 7, Hannover. Annales regni Francorum inde ab a.741 usque ad a.829 (1895) (Fr. Kurze, ed.), MGH. Scriptores rerum Germanicorum in usum scholarum 6, 1 – 178, Hannover; English trans. (Timothy Reuter ed., 1992), [Ninthcentury Histories 2], Manchester. Annales Xantenses (1909) (Bernhard von Simson, ed.), MGH, Scriptores rerum germanicorum in usum scholarium 12), Hannover. Annales Alamanni, (1826) (G.H. Pertz, ed.), MGH. Scriptores (in Folio) I, Berlin. Anthimos, De observatione ciborum ad Theodoricum . . . (1963) (E. Liechtenhan, ed.), Berlin, with Latin text, German translation and notes; Corpus Medicorum Latinorum, VIII/I (1928). Anthologia latina sive poesis latinae supplementum (1868) (Alexander Riese, ed.), [Bibliotheca scriptorum graecorum et romanorum Teubneriana; 2d ed. 1894 – 1906], Leipzig. Aratus Latinus cum scholiis (Ernst Maass, ed., 1898), Berlin. Aratea (Faksimile 1987/1989). Nachbildung der Handschrift Ms. Voss.Lat.Q.79 der Rijksuniversiteit Leiden (2 vols.), Luzern. Aratea (1988): The Leiden Aratea: Ancient constellations in a medieval manuscript (Ranee Katzenstein, Emile Savage-Smith, eds.), Malibu, California. Aratum reliquae (Ernst Maass, ed., 1898). Aratus Latinus (The Saxl Project, Kristen Lippincott, ed.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY
http://www.kristenlippincott.com/the-saxl-project/manuscripts/classicalliterary-tradition/revised-aratus-latinus/. Arculf, De locis sanctis (P. Geyer, ed., 1898), in Itinera Hierosolymitana saec. IV – VIII [CSEL XXXIX, p.xxvii – xxx]. Argumenta paschalia ps-Dionysii X – XIV (J.W. Jan, ed., 1718); ed. B. Krusch, Studien II (1938). Astronomus, Vita Hludowici imperatoris (Ernst Tremp, ed., 1995), MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum 64, 279 – 555. Bayless, Lapidge (1998), vide Collectanea. Bedae Opera De Temporibus (C.W. Jones, ed., 1943), Cambridge, Mass. —, Alia opuscula coaeva (C.W. Jones, ed., 1980), in Bedae Opera Didascalica (C.W. Jones, ed.), CCSL 123 C. —, De arte metrica liber (Calvin Kendall, ed., 1975), in Bedae Opera didascalica (C.W. Jones, ed.), CCSL 123 A, 61 – 62. —, De schematibus et tropicis liber (Calvin Kendall, ed., 1975), in Bedae Opera didascalica (C.W. Jones, ed.), CCSL 123 A, 61 – 62. —, De cursu solis per menses et signa: Qualiter bissextilem diem quarto suo compleat anno (C.W. Jones, ed., 1980), Bedae venerabilis Opera, Pars VI, Bedae Opera Didascalica 3, CCSL 123 C, 649 – 653. —, De natura rerum (C.W. Jones, ed., 1975), Bedae Opera Didascalica, CCSL 123 A, 189 – 234. —, Epistola ad Helmwald (J.A. Giles, ed., 1851), 1 – 6. —, Historia Ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum (Bertram Colgrave, Robert A.B. Mynors, eds., 1969), Oxford. —, Opera De Temporibus (C.W. Jones, ed., 1943). —, Opera Didascalia (C.W. Jones, ed., 1975 – 1980), CCSL 123 A, B, C. Boethius, De Institutione Arithmetica libri duo (G. Friedlein, ed., 1867). Capitula de quibus convocati compotiste interrogati fuerint (Ernst Dümmler, ed., 1895), MGH. Epistolae Karolini aevi II. Calculatio Albini magistri (Kirsten Springsfeld, ed., 2002, Alkuins Einfluß, 322 – 328). Carolus Magnus, Epistola ad Ghaerbaldum (A. Boretius, ed., 1888), MGH, Legum sectio II. Capitularia regum Francorum I, nr.124. Charlemagne’s Courtier: The complete Einhard (Paul Edward Dutton, ed., tr., 1998). Chronicon de Moissac (G.H. Pertz, ed., 1826), MGH. Scriptores (in Folio) I. Annales et chronica aevi Carolini. Chronicon Sancti Dionysii breve (G. Waitz, ed., 1881, MGH. Scriptores (in Folio) XIII), 718 – 721. Chronographus anni CCCLIIII (Theodor Mommsen, ed., 1889), repr MGH. Chronica minora I (1892), 13 – 148. Chronica minora, saec. IV, V, VI, VII (T. Mommsen, ed.), [3 vols.], MGH. Auctores Antiquissimi IX (1892), XI (1894), XIII (1898)).
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Codex Carolinus (W. Gundlach, ed., 1892), MGH. Epistolae Merovingi et Karolini aevi I, 469 – 657. Collectanea pseudo-Bedae (Iohannes Heerwagen, ed., 1563) Opera Bedae venerabilis presybyteri Anglosaxonis, [8 vols], Basel; repr. PL XCIV (1850); (Martha Bayless, M. Lapidge, eds. 1998), Dublin. Columella, Lucius Iunius Moderatus, De re rustica (A.D.60 – 65), (A. Josephson, ed., 1955), Upsalla. Constitutionum Constantini, ed. MGH. Diplomata II/2 (T. Sickel, ed., 1957), III. 881 – 882. Corpus Consuetudinum Monasticarum, 1 (K. Hallinger, ed., 1963). Corpus medicorum latinorum (M. Niedermann, ed., 1915 et seq.), Leipzig. De argumentis lunae ps-Bedae (930) (I. Heerwagen, ed., 1563), Basel; repr PL XC (1850), 701 – 724). De laudibus Constantini, (Ivar A. Heikel, ed., 1902), Eusebius Werke I, i. Über das Leben Constantins, GCS Eusebius [repr. 2013], Leipzig; ed. F. Winkelmann (1975), Eusebius Werke I, i. Über das Leben des Kaisers Konstantins, GCS Eusebius, 1/1, [rev.ed. 1992], Berlin. De signis coeli ps-Bedae (I. Heerwagen, ed., 1563), 442 – 456; repr PL XC (1850), 945 – 950; ed. Ernst Maass (1898), 582 – 594; ed. Antonio Dell’Era (1979), 283 – 296. De vita Constantini: vide De laudibus Constantini. Dionysius Exiguus, Chronicon (G. Waitz, ed., 1881), MGH. Scriptores rerum Germanicarum 3, 718 – 721. —, Argumenta Dionysiani I – IX (J.W. Jan, ed., 1718) Historia Cycli Dionysiani); ed. D. Petavius (1627), II, 874 – 876, repr PL LXVII (1848), 19 – 23; ed. Ae. Bucherius (1634), 485 – 489, repr PL LXVII (1848), 487 – 494; ed. B. Krusch, Studien II (1938), 63 – 68. —, Argumenta ps-Dionysiani X – XIV (ibid.). —, Epistola ad Petronium (J.W. Jan, ed., 1718) Historia Cycli Dionysiani, 59 – 73; ed. D. Petavius (1627) II, 874 – 876, repr PL LXVII (1848), 19 – 23; ed. Ae. Bucherius (1634), 485 – 489, repr PL LXVII (1848), 483 – 487; ed. B. Krusch, Studien II (1938), 63 – 68. Divisio regnorum (A. Boretius, ed. 1883), MGH. Capitularia 1, no.45. Dungal, Epistola de duplici solis eclipsi anno DCCC X (Luc D’Archery, ed., Spicilegium, 1723); repr PL CV (1852), 447 – 458. —, Epistola de duplici solis eclipsi anno DCCC X (E. Dümmler, ed., 1925), MGH. Epistolae Karolini aevi V, 570 – 578. Einhart, Einhard, Vita Karoli Magni (Oswald Holder-Egger, ed., 1911), MGH. Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 15; ed. Louis Halphen (1938), Les classiques de l’histoire de France au Moyen Âge 1 [repr 1967]; ed. Evelyn Scherabon Firchow (1981), Einhard, Vita Karoli Imperatoris. Übersetzung, Anmerkungen und Nachwort. Epistola ad Walahfridum (E. Dümmler, ed., 1928), MGH. Epistolae V, 143. Epistola Philippi de pascha (B. Krusch, ed.), Studien I (1880), 303 – 310.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ermenrich, Epistola ad Grimaldum (E. Dümmler, ed., 1928), MGH. Epistolae Karolini aevi V, 564. Ermoldus Nigellus, In Honorem Hludowici christianissimi caesaris augusti Ermoldi Nigelli exulis elegiacum Carmen (E. Dümmler, ed., 1884), MGH. Poetae Latini II, 1 – 91. —, Ermold le Noir, Poéme sur Louis le Pieux et épitres au roi Pépin éd. Edmond Faral (1962) [repr 1964]. Euclidis Excerpta (Menso Folkerts, ed., 1970). Euclidis Elementa (I.L. Heiberg, ed. 1883), in Euclidis Opera omnia (I.L. Heiberg, H. Menge, eds., 1883), Leipzig. Eusebios, Life of Constantine. Das Leben Constantins, q.v. Heikel (1902). Fasti Vindobonenses (T. Mommsen, ed., 1892), MGH. Auctores Antiquissimi IX, Chronica Minora I, 274 – 336. Flodoard, Historia Remensis ecclesia (Martina Stratmann, ed., 1990, MGH. Scriptores rerum Germanicarum XXXVI. Frechulfi Lexouiensis episcopi opera omnia (Michael I. Allen, ed., 2002), [CCCM, 2 vols.]; ed. Melchior von Neuss (1539); repr PL
CVI (1864), 917 – 1258.
Godescalc d’Orbais, q.v. Lambot (ed.). Grammatici latini (H. Keil, ed., 1855 – 1923) [8 v0ls.]. Heimo von Bamburg, De cursu temporum ( H.M. Weikmann, ed., 2004), in MGH. Quellen zur Geistesgeschichte 19, 498 – 553). Heiric of Auxerre = Helperic, Liber de computo (903), repr PL CXXXVII (1865), 15 – 48. Heito = Heitonis Visio Wettini (E. Dümmler ed., 1884), in MGH. Poetae Latini II; ed. J. Autenrieth (1978). Hermanus Contractus, Chronica (G.H. Pertz, ed. 1884), in MGH. Scriptores (in Folio) V. Historia Cycli Dionysiani cum argumentis paschalibus et aliis eo spectantibus (J.W. Jan, ed., 1718). Historia Ecclesiastica Tripartita (W. Jacob, R. Hanslik, eds., 1952), CSEL LXXI. Greek historical works by Sozomen, Socrates, and Theodoret in Latin translation by Epiphanius, distributed under the authority of Cassiodorus. Hludowici imperatoris, Proemium generale (A. Boretius, ed. 1883), in MGH. Capitularia regum Francorum 1, no.146. Hrabanus, Commentary on the Book of Kings (E. Dümmler, ed. 1898), MGH. —, De computo liber (W.M. Stevens, ed., 1979), CCCM 44, 163 – 332. —, De procinctu Romanae militia (E. Dümmler, ed., 1872), Zeitschrift für deutsches Alterthum 15, 441 – 451. —, Expositio in librum Judith, PL CIX 539; ed. E. Dümmler (1898), MGH. —, Expositio in librum Esther, ed. PL CIX 635; ed. E. Dümmler (1898), MGH.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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I. RENOVATIO IN LITERATURE AND THE SCIENCES
A widespread movement of renewal extended throughout Carolingian lands during the eighth, ninth, and tenth centuries.1 It affected all of society but may best be recognised in the schools, their teachers and students, and their books. Some schools continued from past centuries in the cities of Passau, Salzburg, Köln, Metz, Freising, Weltenburg, Kempten, Reims, Trier, Poitiers, and Lyons, while new ones flourished in towns such as Konstanz, Basel, Orléans, Mainz, Würzburg, Speyer, Laon, Rouen, Utrecht, Gent, and many others in North, South, East, and West on the European continent. New schools were founded by bishops in their cathedrals, and pastors in the parishes of their dioceses were ordered to instruct young students, for which many records survive.2 Those schools which we know best were in monasteries which gathered men and women for the common life of Opus Dei. The quiet activities of regular prayer, work, and learning in desert places soon generated around them new towns, such as Maastricht, Echternach, Fulda, Hersfeld, Fritzlar, Herford, Böddeken, Gandersheim, Arras, Cambrai, Centula (St. Riquier), Corbie in Picardy, Corbeia nova in Westfalen, St. Amand, Prüm, Soissons, Nivelles, Lobbes, St. Trond, Chelles, St. Denis and St. Germanus near the ancient market of Isle de Paris, Tours, Fleury, Luxeuil, Auxerre, Gorze, Flavigny, Massay, Hautvillers, Noyon, Faremoutiers, Metz, Lorsch, 1 Parts of this chapter were published in German by Stevens (1999). Names of persons and places will be spelled in forms used in Latin manuscripts or those customary on the continent of Europe; if there are differences, a German form will be preferred. 2 Numerous references to schools in the region of Fulda, in addition to the monastic schools, internal and external, are assembled and explained by Stevens (1985).
RENOVATIO IN LITERATURE AND THE SCIENCES
Amorbach, Weißenburg, Kitzinger, Mettlach, Eichstatt, Regensburg, Kremsmünster, Niederaltaich, Mondsee, Chiemsee, Scharnitz, Benediktbeuern, Tauberbischofsheim, Straßburg, Heidenheim, Murbach, the Reichenau, Sankt Gallen, Schäftlarn, Pfäfers, Disentis, Chur. The list could be even longer but would still only begin to suggest the actual number of cathedral, monastic, and parish schools in these diverse regions.3 After some years of instruction in parish churches, young pupils came to the higher schools of cathedrals and monasteries. The latter often had two schools, internal for oblates and external for lay students who had no special interest in the pious exercises of monks or priests. Magistri sent their best discipuli across great distances for them to receive more advanced instruction from specialists in many fields of learning: literary, religious, legal, and scientific, whether or not their parents had clerical intentions for them. Renovatio was a phenomenon of Carolingian courtly life and administration, as well as a function of literacy and numeracy in schools. With the rise of Karloman (741 – 747) and Pippin III the Short (741 – 768), the Carolingian family gained suzerainty of Francia. New efforts were made to re-establish the royal courts as social centres for ambitious young members of great families. As Pippin and Karl der Große devoted energies and considerable properties to the support of schools and to the copying and transmission of important books, so too their counts, dukes, and other fideles were encouraged to fulfil the same goals with gifts of their own estates to monasteries and their schools in counties and marklands across the kingdom and larger empire whose population and economy were growing in the central lands of Europa, as it was beginning to be called. All aspects of learning were stimulated by Karl der Große (768 – 814) and even organised by him. He sought out masters such as Ealhwine,4 3 Selected from Stevens (2001), I/ii, 93 – 104, who has greatly expanded previous estimates of active schools in the late Roman, Merovingian, and Carolingian periods. 4 The form Ealhwine is nearest modern English spelling to Anglo-Saxon for the name by which he became known in Francia: Alcuin. He sent a message by Beornrad to Echternach which named himself as Puplius Albinus (Versus de sanctis Euboricensis ecclesiae, ed. Dümmler, 1881, versus 20-29, 47-49). Einhart, Vita Karoli 25, knew him as Albinus or Alcoinus: in ceteris disciplinis Albinum cognomento Alcoinum, item diaconem, de Brittania Saxonici generis hominem, virum undecumque doctissimum, praeceptorem habuit, apud quem et rethoricae et dialecticae, praecipue tamen astronomiae ediscendae plurimum et temporis et laboris inpertivit. Discebat artem conputandi et intentione sagaci siderum cursum curiosissime rimabatur (ed. Holder-Egger, 1911, 30). At court he might be called Flaccus, recalling the Roman poet.
RENOVATIO IN LITERATURE AND THE SCIENCES
Theodulf, Angilbert, Paulus Deaconus, and others for advice but also for teaching in the Scola palatii at his favourite residence of Heristal near Lüttich (Liège), and later a few kilometres away at the hot springs of Aquae Granni or Aquisgranni (Aachen) with its courts, residences, and the slow construction of a large new chapel. Under the rule of his son and grandsons, more schools continued to be founded and were well patronised by Ludwig der Fromme (814 – 840), Ludwig der Deutsche (843 – 876), Lothair (840 – 855), and Karl der Kahle (843 – 876), despite their quarrels and warfare against one another. This steady support for parish education and for advanced schools in cathedrals and monasteries during more than a century by one leading family and its fideles set a pattern which was followed by others for several centuries. New scolae were founded and patronised strongly by the families of Liudolfinger, Konradiner, and Ottonianer in Saxony; Popponen and Babenberger in Thuringia and Bavaria; Liupoldinger also in Bavaria; Salomonen/Salien and Hwelfen in Swabia and Alemannia; Etichonen in the Alsace and Burgundy; Rupertinger and Kapetinger in West Francia; Guifred and his descendants in Catalonia on both sides of the Pyrenees; and the noble and merchant families of many Italian civitates. Renovatio in schools was called for by Karl der Große in the Admonitio generalis (789) and the Epistola de litteris colendis (ca.794/5). Both statements reveal a decision to base instruction upon proper use of the Latin language. They asked every monastery and diocese to guide priests in sound practice of Christian worship with correct texts of the Holy Scriptures and ecclesiastical texts for Christian religious exercises in order to provide instruction in psalmos, notas, cantus, compotum, grammaticum.5 Bishops asked their presbyters to provide free instruction in their parishes; but the demand for education of pueri nostri by their parents also offered opportunities for some pastors to improve their meager incomes by accepting tuition. There wasn’t much money in circulation for this purpose, but chickens, a basket of peaches, and the occasional lamb would do quite well. Those youngsters who wished to improve their learning and prospects were encouraged to attend the growing number of schools and did not have to become monks, deacons, or priests in order to study. Lines of distinction between monastic, clerical, and lay education were unknown during this period, but the increasing number Epistola de litteris colendis (A.D. 794/5): ms Oxford, Bodleian Library Laud 126 (Fulda s.VIII/IX) f.1. 5
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of lay students could cause problems. Later guidelines expressed by several alarmed clerics, such as Benedict of Aniane or Hilduin of Corbie, were intended to prevent disruption of regularities of liturgy and personal prayers but did not restrict studies for example at Corbie, Fulda, or Tours. Qualified magistri were called to new positions and often could advance from lesser posts in cathedrals to better ones in more secure monasteries with good libraries. Their discipuli were actively sought out for employment at comital and episcopal courts where records were needed and consulted; and they sometimes left their studies before their professors believed that they were ready for remunerative posts. Some accomplishments of these literate and numerate people may be understood under the rubrics: Litterae and Calculatio.
Litterae Several forms of Latin still existed throughout the areas once dominated or influenced by the Roman Empire, but practical uses for Latin had become fewer. The former process of education, training, and employment in that language had diminished from the fifth to the eighth centuries, and an oral command of syntax and vocabulary could no longer be assumed. Books of the Sacra Scriptura however were known in Latin, as were many of the writings which helped one to understand them. Something had to be done to make these important texts more accessible. Grammar was pursued in the new monastic schools with considerable detail of syntax, orthography, and pronunciation under the influence of the Anglo-Saxon teacher Ealhwine of York. He taught at Heristal and in the migrant court of Karl from 782 until 796, and thereafter at Tours until his death in 804. From the library of York cathedral he brought with him the booklet De orthographica by the Northumbrian scholar Beda. In the moving library of Karl, he found the work De grammatica by Bonifatius and wrote another grammar himself and several other books, including De rhetorica. Ealhwine was not alone in these efforts. Peter of Pisa succeeded in teaching Latin to Karl himself, as well as ability to understand Greek. Other vigorous advocates in the revival of Latin through courts and schools were the Frank layman Agilbert, the deacon Paul of Friuli, and the Visigoth presbyter Theodulf who taught their students to read aloud and provided many occasions for them to do so. To improve their Latin, discipuli were led through the works of
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Quintilianus, Priscianus, and Donatus, and the masters wrote new dialogues for this purpose. Reading texts aloud however meant reintroduction of archaic Latin, and its sounds were confusing to people whose working languages were quite diverse. Carolingian Latin was spoken with ordinary vernacular pronunciation which varied considerably from region to region. When a text was read aloud with one sound for each written letter, especially during the period 780 to 840, this practice could be call litterae. From singing 150 psalms every week and by reading long biblical texts with prayers and liturgical responses, litterae was made effective for all monks, numerous masters and students, some court personnel, and for many of the regular lay worshipers. During the ninth and tenth centuries, it influenced not only the reading and interpretation of Scripture, listening to and understanding sermons, and singing liturgical sequences in worship but also in the phrasing of legal charters and the necessary legal oaths. Thereby litterae also crept into spoken Latin and even into vernacular speech. The thoroughness and consistency of this cultural reform provided effective beginnings of the developement of medieval Latin still to come. Thus, any successful student from a Carolingian school could speak Latin as well as his Romance or Germanic or Slavic mother tongue, and some also learned Greek or Hebrew in certain schools, for example that of Laon. If bilingualism included competence in Latin verse and literary composition, such a person was litteratus, whereas one who could only read and write was illiteratus. As the rough fingers of Karl der Große could not control quill and ink well enough to form letters and syllables either on a wax tablet or on parchment made from calf or pig or goat skins, he was neither litteratus nor illiteratus, even though he could read and speak Latin as well as the Frankish Althochdeutsch. It was also said that he could understand some things said in Greek by diplomats visiting his court from the urbs Constantini. Karl’s sisters, sons and daughters, nieces and nephews were all litterati. Cantus, mentioned by Karl’s mandatum for schools, was the study of music, as well as the practice of its melodies and harmonics in liturgy, court entertainments, and wedding or funeral processions. New markings called neuma indicated melody and guided voices and instruments from late eighth through twelfth centuries. Numeric/alphabetic systems and staff notation were invented towards the middle or end of the ninth century to indicate tones. Hucbald of Elnone (St. Amand) described organum, that is, tones in parallel – the beginnings of poly-
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phonics. Not at all like the sweet and dreamy ‘Gregorian chant’ created by the Benedictines of Solesme in the romantic nineteenth century, this Carolingian cantus was rhythmical and lively. Central to literacy were the Holy Scriptures which were read aloud and at length during parish, cathedral, and monastic worship. Too often however, many books of the Bible were not available when needed, and some copies might be incomplete. Even though the Book of Isaiah the Prophet had once been in a library, it might no longer be found; or a Gospel was fragmentary; or the Letters of Paul the Apostle could be missing. Scriptoria were active in every monastery and some cathedrals for teaching and practice of writing but especially for copying complete and corrected books of the Bible and commentaries for studying them. Karl called for emended texts in which the Latin syntax was correct and words rightly spelled. Eahlwine responded by preparing a new text of the Holy Scriptures for worship with the assistance of Gisela and Rodtrud (Karl’s sister and daughter) in the scriptoria of Chelles and Soissons, together with Guntrada (his first cousin).6 It was skillful calligraphy by ladies who were also known at court as Lucia, Columba, and Eulalia. Theodulf, bishop of Orléans (798 – 818) and abbot of Fleury (799 – 821), also corrected the text of each book, adding variant readings for many texts from copies in other manuscripts. Theodulf ’s Bible7 also contained 25 additional folios of exegetical methodology, a survey of world history, alternate systems of chronology, a glossary of Hebrew and Greek names and terms, and supplementary texts. This is a huge Pandect – much too large to be contained in a single codex – and truly a scholar’s edition of Sacra Scriptura. Following Benedictine, Augustinian, or the variety of similar monastic guidelines used during this period, every monk borrowed a book for reflective reading during one or two hours of daylight after each day’s labours. During Lent those books would usually be commentaries on scriptures written by one of the early Church Fathers. At other times in the year, they would often read a variety of books, whether old or new, religious or secular. They might also keep notebooks of their readings, and their interests could be quite diverse: including gardening, engineering, poetry, or history. 6 Illustrated Gospel books are attributed to Ada, sister of Karl. She also participated in writing the texts in ms Manchester, John Rylands Library 116 and ms Trier, Stadtbibl. 22, noticed by McKitterick (1989), 257n. 7 Ms Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale Lat.9380 (Orléans s.IX in); CLA V (1950) 576.
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After introduction to grammar, young students were led to try their skills on the books of Vergilius, Horatius, and Ovidus, even if some passages of those authors were risqué or plainly pornographic; perhaps the magistri hoped to catch the interest of young oblates and lay students whose minds tended to wander. The oldest surviving codices of almost any classical text which survives today were transcribed in eighth and ninth century monastic scriptoria. An example is the Roman poet Horatius Flaccus, whose Odes and Epodes, Satires and Epistles were transcribed at Weißenburg im Elsaß/Alsace during the summer of A.D.829. As we shall see in Chapter VI below, the young poet Walahfrid Strabo participated in writing and correcting that oldest surviving copy during a brief visit en route from Fulda to Ingleheim. Some scholars went to great lengths to make sure that their texts were complete and correct. A remarkable example is Servatus Lupus (805 – 862) who studied at Senones (Sens) and at Fulda. In addition to grammatical works by Nonius Marcellus, Flavius Caper, Donatus, and several by Priscianus, Lupus (the insatiable wolf?) used the work of Aulus Gellius, the Sententiae of Publilius Syrus, and the Interpretatones Vergilianae Aeneidos by Donatus and Servius. He possessed Cicero’s Latin translation of the Phenomena by Aratos and probably a translation of Plato’s Timaeos (which he cited but is now lost). Also corrected or completed by Lupus are three works by Augustinus: Sermones, De nuptiis et concupiscentia, Contra Julianum, and possibly a fourth: the Confessiones; Macrobius, Commentarii in somnium Scipionis and Saturnalia; and the Epistolae of Symmachus. Lupus’ interest in history was evidently quite strong, for he possessed the works of Livius, Ab urbe condita; De bello gallico of Julius Caesar; Valerius Maximus, Facta et dicta memorabilia, with its fifth century Epitome by Julius Paris; and he searched for a copy of Suetonius, De vitae Caesarum. He also used the logical studies of Cicero’s Paradoxa and Topica with commentary by Boetius, and the latter’s Commentarium in Isagogen Porphyrii. Often those texts have been completed in several folios written or corrected in detail by Lupus in comparison with second and third copies of the same works. Some of them may have been annotated in the same style by his students, rather than by the magister himself; for example, Julius Caesar, De bello gallico; Lucanus, De bello civile; Quintilianus, Institutionum oratoriarum; Hieronimus, Commentarii in Hieremiam prophetam, and his Chronica – a work to which Rufinus, the contemporary of Jerome, had added to his own Latin translation of the Greek history by Eusebios; and Quintus Curius, Historia Alexandri Magni. In 840, a year of transition and up-
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heaval in the Frankish kingdom, Lupus was appointed abbot of Ferrières, probably at the behest of Queen Judith. With the properties of that monastery, he became a fidelis and active in the government of her son, Karl der Kahle, who in that year succeeded his father as King and Emperor but who continued to be at war with his brothers. At Fulda during late 829 – 835, Lupus joined Gerolf in transcribing the four books of abbot Hraban’s Enarrationum in Librum Numerorum; and he was also assigned the task of transcribing customary laws of the Franks, Ripuarians, Langobards, and Alemmans. That collection of laws was intended for Eberhard, a Frank advisor in the court of Ludwig der Fromme and by whose appointment he had become Count of Friuli and Carinthia (South and East of Bavaria). It was quite an expensive gift. Eberhard’s men controlled several passes through the Alps to the markets of Aquileia, Venetia, and Verona where abbots of northern Frankish monasteries and cathedrals sent agents to buy cloth, dyes, and books. The tombs of Fulda monks, for example, have been found along the roads to and from those markets. Another example of a great scholar who corrected his own texts is the magister Heiric (ca.841 – 903) who taught the works of Perseus, Juvenal, Horatius, and Prudentius at the schools of Auxerre, Laon, and Soissons. He commented in great detail upon Beda’s works De temporibus and De temporum ratione and wrote new tracts on logic and computus. Remigius (ca.841 – 908) also taught those books at Auxerre, Laon, and Reims and commented on ancient works by Phocas and Eutyches, as well as on the early Latin dramas by Terentius which could be quite vulgar, along with the simple moralities of Disticha Catonis. A few of the many other classical texts known and used with advanced students in those schools were Lucretius, De rerum natura; Vitruvius, De architectura; Vegetius and Frontinus on warfare; Historia Gothorum by Jordanus; and Historia ecclesiastica by Beda. The early figured poems of Porphyrius provided models for adventurous poets like Hraban of Fulda (779 – 856) and Abbo of Fleury (945 – 1004). Authors and titles of the books which filled Carolingian libraries could be added for several more pages if those of Regensburg, Würzburg, Hersfeld, Fritzlar, Corbie, and Corbeia nova were included in this account. In addition, the private libraries of Karl der Große, Ludwig der Fromme and his wife Judith, Ludwig der Deutsche, and Karl der Kahle were rather large and provided exemplars for the work of copyists who were sent to them from cathedrals and monasteries which wanted to improve their own libraries with more and better Latin classics (and a
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few Greek). Those works also included recent compositions for diverse purposes. One type of new book was devoted to the praise of kings, implicitly teaching them about justice by holding up mirrors-of-princes. An example is De institutione laicali by Jonas of Orléans (ca.760 – 843) for his own Count Matfrid; and Epos de Karolo rege et Leone papa of the early ninth century; others are De institutione regia written for instruction of young Pippin when he was king of Aquitaine (814 – 848), and of course the Vita Caroli by Agnard or Einhart which presented Karl der Große in the image of biblical King David for his grandsons to respect as a model of good government. The notae mentioned by Karl’s guidelines were stenographic conventions of Roman scribes and notaries: notae communes, which would be written quickly and later expanded into full texts. A thesaurus from the court school provides an example of teaching manuals for such notas; many psalters in Tironian notas show how they were learned, and drafts of charters reveal how they were used. Lay students were trained to use notas, as found for example in the Libri Carolini, especially if they were to be employed as clerks in the courts of kings, counts, or travelling justices. Numerous notations in margins of literary, religious, and scientific texts display their use and reveal that monastic scribes also learned and used the system of notae communes, for example in copies of Hraban’s Liber de computo. Carolingian scribes developed a hierarchy of letter forms for special uses: Capitalis for important texts, especially their headings; Uncialis for the stock of library books, cursivus for normal correspondence, and combinations of these according to the importance of a text. They also introduced a new graphic convention: littera notabilior, a system by which quotations were marked by Uncial letters in the margins of texts, in order to identify authors of passages quoted, thus avoiding plagiarism. Rustica romana lingua aut theotisca were languages commonly spoken but also written in Alemmanic, Bavarian, Rhein-Frankish, and Saxon forms of German. The Lord’s Prayer, baptismal vows and two creeds, hymns of Ambrosius, the rule of St. Benedict, instruction for monastic novices, and a treatise on theology are found in the early vernacular languages, as well as common verses and table songs for festivals and funerals. The deeds of earlier kings, Theodoric and Hinield, provided images for father and son at war in the Lay of Hildebrand and Hadubrand, which was first told in the Old High German of Bavaria before it was written in the Old Saxon of northern people. Such stories were also adapted to the Old Saxon epic of Der Heliand (ca.830), a heroic war-
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rior who nevertheless humbly accepts suffering and indignity. They were used by Otfrid von Weißenburg to write an Evangelienbuch (ca. 863 – 871), various copies of which were dedicated to Ludwig der Deutsche, to the bishops of Konstanz and Mainz, and to two of his friends at the monastery of St. Gallen; also called Der Christ, it was a Christian missionary message to those in Francia whose old gods were weakening. There were verses of all sorts which had little or no Christian reference, and the planctus continued to be sung at secular funeral rites and other notable events where laments were in order. The hexameters of Walterius (ca.930) were intended for courtly feasts, even while the common language interacted with Latin. A large part of the heroic legends which form Nibelungenlied was composed by Pilgrim, bishop of Passau (971 – 991), who was not the only cleric who appreciated and enlarged upon glorious images of a distant past. Literary accomplishments of Carolingian schools were varied and often quite sophisticated.
Calculatio Renovatio of the Frankish kingdom involved construction of churches, halls, barns, and bridges, the survey of properties for fair evaluation, sale, or taxation, and other work requiring accurate measurement of lines, curves, and angles. The basic skills of these activities are Arithmetic and Geometry, then and now. Numeracy was needed throughout Francia because of both practical and theoretical demands,8 and there was continuous pursuit of the disciplines of calculatio in court, cathedral, and monastery. All Carolingian schools used the work De ratione calculi, written in mid-fifth century by that calculator scrupulosus, Victurius of Aquitaine. His Calculus was a small booklet of basic arithmetic with addition and subtraction, multiplication and division, as everyone uses them today. (If one is used to them, Roman numerals are surely not more difficult than Hindu-Arabic figures for these purposes.) It also taught Roman ounces and fractions in halves, thirds, quarters, twelfths, and sixteenths. In A.D.836 Servatus Lupus requested from Agnard/Einhart (770 – 840) that a second copy of this book be sent to him for comparison with the 8 An excellent review of these multiple uses of numeracy throughout Carolingian society is by John Contreni (2002) ‘Counting, Calendars, and Cosmology,’ with many examples.
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Fulda copy.9 Agnard was a layman who had studied in the monastery at Fulda before he was employed as engineer and architect in Karl’s court at Heristal and Aachen. Examples of his work survive in stone churches at Aachen, Metz, and Steinbach im Odenwald, as well as the octagonal chapel of Karl in Aachen, which he planned with Ealhwine/Alcuin and constructed together with magister Odo of Metz.10 Learning and practice of arithmetica was also aided by counting boards and by finger reckoning. Roman counting boards (mensa) were widely used in at least two forms: one in which the board was divided above and below by a horizontal line, with calculi or apices (pebbles or plain roundels) placed across the top to indicate the amount due, with others placed on a second line for an amount added or deducted; below the line, another row of calculi would indicate the resulting amount paid or still owed. Of course any flat surface could be dusted and then lined for this purpose. Another form of counting board added a vertical line, dividing the spaces, right and left, for more complicated reckonings or for multiple calculations. Apices could be blank but placed to represent units, fives, tens, fifties, hundreds, five hundreds, and thousands in columns right to left. Or, the apices could also be marked by numerals I to IIII, V, X, L, C, D, M, and grouped to represent the number required. Both forms used place-value-positions, and some used nulla or an empty space with which the counting began; in early ninth century (about 814), one series of Roman numerals represented its beginning with the signum 0, to be called zephira in Venice only after 1200 and after 1400 zero.11 From Greek ἄβαχ the Romans derived a new Latin term for these boards: abacus. Correspondences of both Greek and Hebrew letters and symbols with Roman numerals were also commonly taught. At least four forms of finger reckoning were known and practiced in the Mediterranean lands and throughout Carolingian Europe. They were explained in numerous Latin manuscripts which are often illustrated for finger positions themselves and for fingers placed on the arm, leg, or face in order to represent numbers from I to mille milia. One of them, Romana computatio ita digitorum flexibus, existed long before the Romans and continued to be used into the seventeenth century. Another is well explained by Beda and Hraban; a third appeared in Mainz; and a fourth was known at Regensburg. An example of this Calculus is ms Bern, Burgerbibl. 250 (A.D.836) f.1v – 11. Ley (2014), cit. Lohrmann (2015b), 57 – 59, who explains Ealhwine’s interest and contributions to the cathedral at York and the basilica at Aachen. For Beda’s earlier attention to architectural detail at Jarrow and Wearmouth, Gem (2015). 11 Stevens (2013 – 2014). 9
10
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This practice of indicating amounts by finger positions may be observed in farmers’ markets today throughout southern and eastern Europe. A strong supplement to the study of Arithmetic in schools was the work De arithmeticae institutione in two books written about A.D.500 by Boetius whose Consolations of Philosophy is truly a great book for all times. Found in most Carolingian schools, the first book of his Arithmetic was based on a schema of points, their series (odd and even), and their combinations for 3, 6, 10, 14 et seq. and for 4, 9, 16 et seq. There is a theoretical discussion of odd and even numbers (par et impar) and the alternatives: aequis paribus, pariter par, pariter impar, impariter par. In keeping with this system, Boetius also introduced rhetorical speculations of Pythagorean arithmology and numerology. Liber de natura rerum by Isidorus of Sevilla was also found in every school. It gives few examples of how to unravel the spiritual or Pythagorean meanings of numerals. Isidorus went a step further in number theory than Boetius by adding the logical alternative of impariter impar. Several examples of arithmetical exercises were attributed to Beda. Others were provided for magistri and discipuli in the Calculatio Albini Magistri, written in 776 proprio labore by Ealhwine of York. He brought this booklet to Francia about 782 to stimulate the study of arithmetic in Frankish schools. Other masters also set thought-provoking problems with arithmetic puzzles, some of which are still used in modern algebra and continue to interest mathematicians today. From the classroom are fifty-one Propositiones ad acuendos iuvenes, including these well-known problems and solutions:12 1) Propositio de limace: a bout a snail invited to dinner; how long does it take to get there if it can move only one inch a day? (ed. Folkerts, Gericke, 297; see Contreni, 2002, p. 55) 5) Propositio de emptore in C denariis: a bout a customer with 100 coins to purchase 100 pigs; if he pays 10 for a boar, 5 for a sau, and 1 for two piglets, how many of each must he buy? (ed. Folkerts, Gericke, 300 – 301) 12 Propositiones ad acuendos iuvenes, edited by Hadley and Singmaster (1992) with English translations and comments, and by Folkerts and Gericke (1993) with German translations and explanations.
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7) Propositio de disco pensante libras XXX: a bout a bowl which weighs 600 solidi (or 30 pounds), made of gold, silver, brass, and tin; if it holds three times as much silver as gold, three times as much brass as silver, and three times as much tin as brass, how much of each type of money would it contain? (ed. Folkerts, Gericke, 303 – 305) 17) Propositio de tribus fratribus singulas habentibus sorores: a bout three brothers, each of whom is attracted to the sister of another and dare not be left alone with her; how can all six cross the river safely with a small boat which has room for only two at a time? (ed. Folkerts, Gericke, 314 – 316) 18) Propositio de lupo et capra et fasciculo cauli: about a wolf, a goat, and a cabbage; the goat wants to eat the cabbage, and the wolf wants to eat the goat; how can anyone with one boat bring all three across the river unharmed? (ed. Folkerts, Gericke, 316 – 317; see Gropp.)
Rules for using positive and negative numbers were also taught by Carolingian masters: Verum cum vero faciat verum. Minus cum vero facit verum. Verum cum nimus facit minus. Minus cum mis facit minius. Verum essentiam, minus nihil significat.13
Numerus verus (= positive) was assumed by all to refer to something existing, but numerus minus (= negative) was important for many quite ordinary calculations in which something were taken away: A positive number (verum) with a number (verum) makes a positive. A negative number (minus) with a positive (verum) makes a positive. A positive with a negative makes a negative. A negative with a negative makes a negative. True (verus) indicates something existing (essentia), negative (minus) indicates absence (nihil).’
13 Edited by Folkerts (1972), revised (2013): item III; text p.22 – 30, esp.p.29 – 30. The editor knew of 19 surviving manuscripts; the five used are dated from s.IX1, ca.850, 862 – 864, post 1104, and s.XIII respectively, and are described p.1 – 9. Commentary and translation by Contreni (2002) 53 – 58 and 79 – 83; correction p.53: 11/12 x 7 less 65/12 = 12/12 or 1 integer. Present translations are by Stevens.
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The explanation goes on with examples for manipulation of numerals 3, 4, 7, and 10, concluding: This works to make a true number and a minus number, or the reverse. Join 3 and 7, they make 10; again, join minus 3 and plus 7, they make 4; join 3 and minus 7, they make minus 4; join minus 3 and minus 7, they make minus 10.
Obviously, they were not afraid of either nihil or essentia, as some philosophers have wished. It is curious that reckoning with negative numbers was probably used by mathematicians of Baghdad and by merchants during these centuries but was not mentioned in their records. Thus, Carolingian renovatio was grounded in arithmetic functions, exercises, and applications, as taught by Victurius and Boetius with both Pythagorean and Euclidean number theory. Euclid was much more important than Pythagoras in these schools for understanding the essential principles of arithmetica. In the second part of Boetius’ Arithmetica is a series of problems in geometry based upon Euclidis Elementa, books VII, VIII, and IX, which become progressively more difficult. The large ninth century collection of Ars geometriae et aritmeticae is a work which introduces geometry with questions and answers. The Altercatio duorum geometricarum raises that dialogue to a more advanced level. In Carolingian schools Plane Geometry was taught from the best possible source: the first four books of Euclid’s Elements. From its Book I, all of the 23 Definitions are given in plain, clear Latin for point, line, plane, angle, circle, rhomboid, and so forth, together with all of his Axioms and Postulates. There were 14 out of 15 possible Definitions from Books II, III, and IV, and the Enunciations concerning triangles, diameters, tangents, and perpendiculars for 76 of the 107 Propositions edited by Heiberg (1883) and found in some later Latin manuscripts. These were accompanied by over a hundred constructions, though proofs are found only for Book I. In some schools of Francia, other masters led their students through the 18 Definitions from Book V. In mid-ninth century Freising, master Waltherius created a textbook for some rather good Euclidean geometry, and the interest in Plane Geometry continued to grow in subsequent centuries. Arithmetica and Geometrica in Carolingian schools are the basis for natural sciences in European education, for they support many professions. Surveying and engineering skills were gained from study of Euclidean texts but also from Roman works of mensores and gromatici. These practical texts were intertwined with geometry because they
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served each other in construction of buildings and bridges, draining swamps, determination of property boundaries and acreage, planning and excavation of long canals for the transportation of goods by barge between river systems. A rare survival of this planning is the Fossa Carolina, das Karlsgrab, begun in 798 to allow more efficient movement of Karl’s troops and supplies against the Avars from the Rhein river via the Main to the Rezat, the Altmühl, and finally to the Danube river systems. It was washed out by unusual and repeated rain-storms at that time and was abandoned; but it has been completed recently quite near to the original route surveyed by Karl’s civil engineers and is currently used to transport goods from the Rhein to the Danube.14 There was also great activity in Francia from the eighth to eleventh centuries concerning time series, that is, the creation and use of a proper calendar. This was the discipline emphasised by Karl der Große as computus, calendar reckoning, which could serve both public and private needs. For example, the Annals of Gorze (704 – 803)15 gave feast days for Arnulf of Metz and Gertrud of Nivelles, household saints of the Carolingian family, to which was later added the sole report of Karl der Große’s birth. More recently published as ‘Lorsch Annals,’ from year 760 onwards, its Calendar indicates the appearance of Sun, Moon, and five other planets, and the dates on which the Sun enters each sign of the Zodiac; at the end of that Calendar is a note placing the 21st year of Karl’s reign at annus domini DCC LXXXVIIII (789). That year is coordinated with the birth of Jesus Christ and with a number of years from Creation until the Incarnation: annus mundi V milia C LXXXXVIIII (5199), derived from the Chronica Hieronymi which Rufinus had added to the history by Eusebios. But these various dating statements have different sources and do not use the same time series. What do they mean? Are they reliable? The Annals of Gorze ignored two very important dating systems: they did not coordinate with the annus mundi V milia D (5500) used by Victurius of Aquitaine for his annus Passionis; nor did they coordi14 Fossa Carolina, das Karlsgrab; a photograph of the canal near Stettin is by D. Bullough (1965), fig.18, p.68. An exhibition may be seen in the Huttinger-Scheune barn bei Treuchtlingen. 15 Ms Wien Österrieichische National Bibliothek Cod.Lat.515 (Gorze, 794 – 803) f.1. This is the Codex Laureshamensis, so-called because the manuscript was later found at Lorsch. A copy was made ca.835 by Reginbert on the Reichenau in ms St. Paul in Carinthia 81, to which was later added an unusual entry for the birth of Karl der Große at annus domini DCC XLVII (~2 April 747). For these manuscripts and their dates, see CLA X (1963) 1482; Stevens (2003), 25 – 27.
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nate with the newer aera Incarnationis, unstated but implied from the Tabula Paschalis by Dionysius Exiguus; and nor with the annus Mundi CCC milia DCCCC LII (3952) based upon Dionysius by Beda venerabilis. But without the one or the other, what could its annus domini mean? During the entire Carolingian period, but especially in A.D.799 – 809, there was debate over dates and calendars. Some of the troublesome questions were: How to keep a true account of the sequence of years? When to set the beginning of each year? How to account for the days of the week and days of the month in successive years? For Christian worship: How to determine the dates for movable feasts and the times of fasting and feasting? And especially: How to predict future dates of the most important celebrations of any year: Epiphany, Holy Week, the Passion of Christ, the evening of Saturday and the morning of Sunday for his Resurrection? For answers, one could not turn to central Italia where Roman bishops and the Roman curia never understood how to calculate solar and lunar cycles for predicting the date of Easter, and usually ignored those who did. In mid-fifth century Victurius had been asked to adapt Alexandrian tables to local Roman needs, and during the sixth and seventh centuries his new Easter tables were used only in Gallia (and debated in Ireland if not used there) but not in Roma or elsewhere. A more successful system was created in 525 by the Scythian lawyer Dionysius Exiguus; but his Easter tables were also not used in the curia, liturgy, or annals of Roma nor in the Liber pontificalis until the tenth century. Nevertheless, the work of Dionysius was taken up and applied successfully in Northumbria by a pious monk, Beda venerabilis (685 – 735), and eventually throughout Europa by influence of his several works de temporibus. How did this happen without Roman authority? Beda’s works made good sense. Computistical tables of data and their explanations stimulated studies of Arithmetic everywhere in western Europe. In 800 a Saxon schoolmaster wrote Lectiones seu regula computandi, comparing the reckonings by Victurius and Dionysius with explanations by Alexandrian Greeks.16 He clarified technical questions about the synodical lunar month, coordination of other Christian feasts with Easter, and the Easter lunar cycle itself. His Tabula Paschalis provided data sets for concurrentes, several types of regulares, and the epactae lunae, explaining Lectiones seu Regula Computandi: ms Köln Dombibliothek 83 II (Köln ca.805) f.59 – 69v; ed. Borst (2006), 527 – 659; Stevens (2012). 16
RENOVATIO IN LITERATURE AND THE SCIENCES
how to apply them – all necessary for using any Easter table. This master demonstrated how each system could be applied to the year DCC LX (760), as found in some of his sources, but the data were also adjusted to his own year DCCC (800). Several arithmetical problems had to be solved in each system. Simple only in appearance was the leap year by which an extra day was added to every fourth year. After Julius Caesar had defeated Pompeius in battle at Alexandria (31 B.C.) and then enjoyed a sweet interlude with twentyyear old Cleopatra on her royal barge in the Nile River, he returned to Roma with the Alexandrian astrologer, Sosigenes, who introduced dies bissextile to resolve a major difficulty in the Roman calendar. That is, in every fourth year he added an extra day before VI Kalendas Martii, or VI bis, counting back from the first or Kalends of March, as Romans did. (For us that would have been an extra and earlier 24th of February, not the 29th). Of course priests of the Temple of Jupiter couldn’t manage doing that; they miscounted again and had to be replaced by emperor Octavian Augustus (44 B.C. – A.D. 14), in order to establish what is called the Julian Calendar. Saltus lunae was the term for a day which was leaped over or taken away from the nineteen year soli-lunar cycle, used to coordinate the two cycles, because the daily period of lunar orbit was shorter by a few minutes than the solar orbit and thus gradually crept forward each year. An adjustment was necessary in order to keep solar and lunar cycles in coordination. But that was more easily said than done, and it too generated difficulties. For practical purposes, temporary adjustments were made during each cycle with the eighth year and the eleventh. The differences counted up to almost a whole twenty-four hours every nineteen years. There were different times for making that correction in each type of computus, so that weekdays and days of the month in one system were sometimes not the same in another. Each year with a day added or a day deleted is explained by the need to adjust the lunar cycle and the solar cycle to each other in terms of whole numbers, integers. Thus, the adjustments must be made when the annual difference of minutes and hours have been accumulated over several years to make up whole days. It goes back and forth. Because the Saltus adjustment subtracted a bit more time from the nineteen-year lunar cycle than required, a further addition to the day-count was made after 95 years, denoted embolismus. But that added more time than needed, so that yet another subtraction would be made, and the periods of Sun and Moon finally came out together after 532 years, or nearly did so.
RENOVATIO IN LITERATURE AND THE SCIENCES
The year’s beginning date was a practical question and was discussed in letters exchanged between Karl and his advisers: Ealhwine, Ghaerbald, and Agnard. Ealhwine complained to Karl that in A.D.797 the Saltus lunae had been ignored at court when the 19-year lunar cycle had been completed. It seems like a small technicality, but without it many calendars would soon be at odds with each other. Karl responded that his advisers were using a different lunar cycle than in Tours and placed the Saltus in March, thus, ignoring the expert work of Victurius and Dionysius who placed Saltus before September and the year’s beginning with that month, as well as neglecting the teaching of Beda and Ealhwine who placed them both in January, so that the years from 797 to 809 commenced with March at the royal courts of Heristal, Aachen, and Paderborn. This affected the dating of all royal charters during that period, as well as annals and feast days noted in twelve-month calendars; it would apply more broadly to the reported dates of other activities in many calendars written during that time, until the habits of consistency slowly set in the pattern of life. (Historians still have work to do on these sources.) This astonishing variety of calendar practices meant that a medieval scholar could not be certain that his predecessors had made all of these adjustments consistently with each other. Had they assumed the same lunar cycles and placed those adjustments on the same days as did their predecessors? Would the next Easter Sunday be predicted and celebrated on the same day by their peers? Of course, this variety of dating systems increased the possibility that a dies bissextile or a saltus lunae or an annus embolismus may have been overlooked. Careful reckoning and review was demanded for the sake of cooperation between those Christians who believed that they should worship together ut omnes unum sint, as Jesus had taught and the apostles remembered, ῾That all may be one.᾿ Ninth century scholars had reason to study their calculus and their astronomia intensely. Adalhard (735 – 826), abbot of Corbie and first cousin of Karl der Große, fulfilled the royal mandatum to alleviate those difficulties by presiding over an assembly on computistical and astronomical questions at the time of a general synod in annus domini DCCC IX (809). The protocol of that assembly shows that the question of the year’s beginning was still disputed in Aachen and that many questions of computus were not widely understood. Several collections of diverse computistical and astronomical tracts were gathered at that time, in order to pursue such studies in many monastic schools. One of the most important col-
RENOVATIO IN LITERATURE AND THE SCIENCES
lections made during 808 – 810 was the Compilatio DCCC VIIII, in which most differences were resolved into Bedan reckonings, as taught by Ealhwine at York, Heristal, Aachen, and Tours. Further studies were gathered a few years later in the seven-book Compilatio DCCC XII during 812 – 818. Soon thereafter it became general practice to begin the solar year on January first and to place the Saltus lunae in the same month, and calendars did the same. The prevailing form of computus became that taught in dialogue form in the Fulda school during years 801 to 822 by magister Hrabanus, Liber de computo, which he had learned from Beda and Ealhwine and wrote during the months of 819 – 820, before he became abbot of Fulda (822 – 842), later bishop of Mainz (844 – 856). All monastic rules expected a daily regimen which included prayer times around the clock. During the night, the brothers should be awakened at times known by position of the stars. One should expect therefore that some monks would take up the discipline of astronomia as a personal vocation, and their books are full of sketches which tried to clarify what they were seeing in the heavens.17 Indeed, Carolingian renovatio in astronomy was remarkable. Seven planets can be observed from night to night moving gradually from West to East, but none appears to move in a continuous circle. Rather, one sees each planet varying its course from North to South; some seem to turn back and then move forward again erratically; some become brighter for a while and then grow dimmer. How may such phenomena be explained? Aristoteles of Stagira (384 – 322 B.C.) and Eudoxos of Cnidos (ca.408 – 355 B.C.) had supposed that each planet moved in a circle centred upon the Earth but that the axis of its circle was attached to the circle of another planet or to a putative intervening circle; this resulted in the theory of a nest of interacting orbits which would replicate the unusual appearances of each planet. Apollonius of Rodos (ca.262 – 190 B.C.) tried to do that with eccentric and epicyclic models: eccentric meaning that the centre of each planet’s orbit would not be that of the observer on Earth. Much later, Ptolemaios of Alexandria (ca.A.D.100 – 165) proposed a model with epicycles, so that the motion of each planet could be reckoned to be regular and perfect if it moved on a small circle whose centre rested upon a larger circle and the centre of the larger was the Earth. His quite sophisticated calculations Numerous trials and errors and alternatives were drawn on manuscript pages displayed in the articles of Bruce Eastwood, gathered and reprinted in 2002 and 2007. See further the interesting manuscript illustrations reproduced by Elly Dekker (2013). And there are yet more. 17
RENOVATIO IN LITERATURE AND THE SCIENCES
however also required that the centres of larger circles be eccentric -- a contradiction of his own theory. The works of those Greeks were unknown to Latin astronomers, but some of their thoughts seem to have recurred. In the early seventh century, Isidorus of Sevilla (ca.560 – 635) posed several questions for his students in the widely used schoolbook De natura rerum XIII and XXIII: Do the planets really stop, reverse, and then return to their normal daily increments of movement through signs of the Zodiac which can be seen and measured? Or, were those only appearances, while their actual motions were continuous, regular, and without reversal?
Magister Isidorus went on to ask about the Sun (DNR XV – XVI): Or, were those circles only appearances? Or, does the Earth circle the Sun?
Experts were cited by him for either view, and the matter was left open. No single explanation of planetary motions prevailed in the early Christian schools. A Carolingian observer on Earth could also judge the planets to be in sequence from near to us or far away. But their successive distances from the Earth and from each other were not by equal increments. Astronomers made drawings of their planetary orbits in proportional intervals from each other, called tonos by musical analogy from the Phythagoreans. Further drawings showed their orbital motions to be irregular in pattern, so that pauses and reversals could be drawn by zig-zag interruptions in the circular line used to represent each orbit. Varying brightness and dimness of five of the planets also showed apsides, that is, they sometimes appeared nearer to the Earth at perigee, sometimes farther away at apogee. To describe these observations, circles of planetary orbits were plotted off-centre, that is, eccentric to the Earth which itself was not always shown.18 Venus could be seen often at both rising and setting of the Sun, and Mercury could be observed in the West at sunset occasionally, but only rarely at sunrise on the eastern horizon. Indeed, Venus and Mer18 These four systems are illustrated in many manuscripts, of which the earliest may be ms Paris BN N.a.lat.1615 (A.D.820) f.159v – 161: published in colour by Stevens (1993) and in black and white by McGurk (1981), Eastwood (2002), and Dekker (2013).
RENOVATIO IN LITERATURE AND THE SCIENCES
cury may be observed only in association with the Sun. In ninth and tenth centuries, drawings were made with that group of three circling the Earth together on the Sun’s orbit, while Mercury and Venus also circled the Sun on epicycles.19 Further drawings show them in several other configurations. The standard Zodiac was used to place stars, planets, and their orbits within a coherent celestial space. The Zodiac was an imaginary band of space projected onto the heavens in longitude and having a band-width of the wanderings of the Moon, divided into seven steps of latitude above the ecliptic to the North and five steps below to the South. But in diagrammes the steps (partes) were often resolved into six above and six below. The ecliptic is that central band of the Zodiac in which the Sun’s path was observed to vary about one step above and one below, often drawn as a simple line,20 while the bands or orbits of other planets wandered more widely in latitude. Longitudes were described by twelve constellations or divided more specifically into twelve signa of the Zodiac; and each signum could be divided into four puncti to measure the solar orbit, or five puncti for the lunar orbit. For other planetary orbits, either ten or fifteen or thirty puncti were used in a sign. This system of latitudes and longitudes allowed astronomers to record the position of a planet or of any other star with greater precision and to measure its movements. The wider band of the Zodiac with its signa, partes, and puncti provided a useful scientific instrument, used by Beda in Northumbria for instruction of students with his horologium nocturnum for use at night, not during the day (a term sometimes mistranslated as a sundial). All stars seem to turn regularly about a supposed geometric pole in the North. Yet, one star was more near to the imagined pole than the others; in the ninth and tenth centuries however, that star was not at the centre but was at a distance of almost four diameters of the Sun: it is now called Polaris (a Ursae minoris) and is still not at centre. Designating that star as his noctium horarum computatrix, Pacificus of Verona (d.844) created an instrument with tube and a marked disk by which the revolutions of Polaris about the geometric pole could serve as a perfect Stevens (1997); Eastwood (2002); Dekker (2013). Geminos of Rodos, Introduction to the Phenomena V.11 had said that ‘One must think of these circles as without thickness, perceivable by reasons, . . . by our power of thought.’ Greek edition: Aujac (1975), 22 – 23; English translation: Evans and Berggren (2006), 151. But his advice (first century B.C.) was not known in Latin until translated from Arabic by Gerard of Cremona about A.D.1170 in Spain, for which manuscripts became available only in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. 19
20
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clock during the night hours.21 Gerbert of Aurillac, Reims, and Bobbio (946 – 1003) created four spheres and semispheres (as he called them) with sighting tubes for observing the stars and planets.22 At Magdeburg in 997 he explained that form of horologium nocturnum to his young student who had become the king Otto III of Saxony (994 – 1002), before they went to Roma in 999 to make themselves emperor and pope (Sylvester II, d.1003). Notker Labeo mentioned that a globe of the constellations around the Zodiac had been made in St. Gallen during this period, of which illustrations survive.23 More complex was the Latin astrolabium which came to be known in the Western kingdoms during 960 – 1030, along with Latin terminology and explanations of how to make and to use it.24 Hermannus Contractus (1013 – 1054) could not use his arms and legs and had to be carried about in a basket on the Reichenau, nevertheless he could manage the astrolabe for lunar observations and later for tracking the courses of other planets, as well as to find the terrestrial latitude, as did Berthold of Konstanz (1074 – 1096), and others at Augsburg, Fleury, Micy, Chartres, Laon, Lüttich, and Köln.25 Dates of solstices and equinoxes were usually expected at the wrong times during this period, being late by two days or more, so that the calendar was not quite in accord with the heavens and the seasons. In the ninth century however, there were significant improvements in observations and data. In his Ars calculatoria Heiric of Auxerre (841 – 903) described a new method for observing solstices by marking the point of sunlight at sunrise on successive days as it passed through a narrow aperture on one wall of a building and shown on the opposite wall: the pinpoint method. Others were able to reason that the vernal equinox fell as early as 18 March or even the 17th. Before A.D.1069 Wilhelm von Emmeram created a new instrument for astronomical observations 21 Wiesenbach (1993) and (1994); Stevens (1997); Dekker (2013), 157, 160, 196 – 198 who confirmed the earlier claim by Helevius (1611 – 1687) and more recently by Michel (1954), 177, and by Wiesenbach (1993), 246 that while faint, the binary 32H Camelopardalis could be seen through a tube by the naked eye, pace Poule (2009). 22 Dekker (2013), 194 – 207, reviews the evidence for Gerbert’s instruments, and explains them with drawings and an illustration of his semisphere with sighting tubes (figure 3.29) from ms Paris BN Lat.7412 (s.XI), f.15, and its use as a clock at night. 23 Notker Labeo of St. Gallen (d.1022) recalled astronomical events during the abbacy of Burkart II (1001 – 1022), cit. Wiesenbach (1991), 141. Drawings of globes and hemispheres are in ms St. Gallen Stiftsbibl. 902 (s.IX2), p.76; a copy is ms 250 (s.IX/X), p.462 and 472, described by Dekker (2013), 217 – 221 with figures 3.7 and 3.28. 24 The earliest Latin astrolabe: Stevens (1995b). 25 Borst (1984) 379 – 477.
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at Regensburg on the Danube River and established true solstices and equinoxes. With his sphaera, Wilhelm could date the vernal equinox to 16 March, a correction of five calendar days.26 Happily for church reform but unfortunately for science, Wilhelm soon became abbot of Hirsau (1071 – 1091) where he played an important role in restricting bishops from misusing their feudal rights to take possession of church properties for themselves and their families, as many had done. Thus, he did not continue astronomical work, though other scholars did so with improved methods, instruments, and observations. Marian Scottus (d.1082/3) at Fulda and Köln was justified in calling for major calendar reform which was finally introduced only in 1581: the Gregorian Calendar Reform, for which general implementation required two more centuries, region by region. Unfortunately, Ptolemaic astronomy reasserted itself in the thirteenth century with its hypothetical mix of circles, centres, eccentrics, and equants and continued with Nicolaus Copernicus (1473 – 1543). Finally, Tycho Brahe (1546 – 1601) returned to the simpler but more reliable Carolingian models. He suggested to Johann Kepler (1571 – 1630) that the data for Mars did not support speculations by either Ptolemy or Copernicus. The new analysis by Kepler resulted in his discovery that ellipses described the orbits of planets better than circles, and this resulted in a return to observation by astronomers, truly a medieval innovation in that discipline. The Carolingians established and maintained numerous schools based on Litterae and Calculatio. They collected, corrected, and read almost all of the classical and biblical literature which survives today; and they created much new literature in both Latin and vernacular languages. The Carolingian society became equally active in the sciences with sound arithmetic, plane geometry, and a new astronomy. One of those who contributed to this dynamic renovatio in the culture of Europe was Walahfrid Strabo of the Reichenau.
Wilhelm of St. Emmeram, Sphaera: ms Munich Staatsbibl. CLM 14689 (s.XI ex) f.1v. Wiesenbach (1991), 132, 141; Dekker (2013), 200, 204, 207. A replication of his Sphaera stands as a monument in the garden of the Museum der Stadt Regensburg; Wiesenbach (1991). 26
II. THE VADEMECUM
The manuscript Sankt Gallen Stiftsbibliothek 878 is the personal notebook of one man: Walahfrid, known also as Strabo or Strabus. He copied into his Vademecum whatever pleased or impressed him as worth keeping while he passed a varied and fruitful career, adding gathering after gathering.1 About one half of the writing on leaves of this large book of 394 pages was done by himself, and the remainder was written from time to time by other scribes who assisted him at a variety of places, some of whom may have been travelling with him. Much can be learned about Walahfrid during several stages of his life from his own manuscript. Born about A.D.808/9, Walahfrid had been the child of a poor family in Alemannia (now Swabia and the Alsace) when he was brought to monks of St. Pirmin on the peninsula of Reichenau, barely tucked into the Swiss side of the Bodensee (Lake Konstanz). He became one of those pueri oblati who were orphans or whose parents renounced their property rights and who then were nurtured in a safe monastic community and devoted themselves to the riches of eternal life, even as children,2 on the analogy that no offering was too small! He liked monastic life and proved to be an apt pupil in school, despite the ‘twisted eye’ which 1 This codex is not comparable with the occasional notes on ‘say, a sheaf of parchment off-cuts, perhaps held together by a thong,’ to be recopied later more formally – a hypothesis suggested by Michael Lapidge to explain the composition of Collectionea pseudo-Bedae, Part I (nos. 1 – 304), ed. Bayless, Lapidge (1998) 6 – 8, an anonymous and undated work called Excerptiones partum by Johannes Heerwagen in his edition of Opera Bedae (1563) III 647 – 674, repr. PL XCIV 539 – 562. 2 De Jong (1996) on the early lives of Walahfrid, Godescalc, and many other oblates in the ninth century.
THE VADEMECUM
was embarrassing when others called him strabo, a squinter, or perhaps cock-eyed.3 Walahfrid would have begun writing with an iron or hard-wood griffel on a wax tablet, and at least by the year 825 he was eager enough to have acquired a bit of vellum for his own copybook, in which the earliest entries were made when he was about fifteen or sixteen years of age. As the lad had no family resources, his first folios were probably made available by one of his teachers: Tatto, Heito, Erlebald, Theganmar, Wettin, Adalgis, Reginbert, or others whose names may no longer be known. We shall follow his entries and additions to that book throughout his life until his accident4 crossing the Loire River near Orléans and death on 14 August 849, barely forty years of age. By that time he had been abbot on the Reichenau for seven years and was then undertaking a diplomatic journey in behalf of his former student who had become emperor Karl der Kahle or Charles the Bald. As an oblate during 825 to 827, he was already a close friend of Godescalc or Gottschalk when both were students. It may have been Godescalc or Bernolt or another transient scholar from Fulda5 who came to study at the Mittelzell on the Reichenau and brought with him one of the earliest transcriptions of the new Computus of Hrabanus Maurus, written during A.D.819 to 820; for that is where Walahfrid’s Vademecum begins on the page now renumbered 178. A lost quire would have included Hraban’s epistolary Prologue and first 12 chapters with the beginning lines of the thirteenth chapter: ... unum momentum. The remaining quires and some leaves of Walahfrid’s book are not now in the shape and sequence which he knew and used; at least two gatherings and a few single folios have been lost. It appears that the surviving leaves were once in chronological sequence of quires and pages, as follows: 3 The Greek στραβίον (m.) was transliterated into Latin: strabo, strabonis, by Varro to mean ‘an envious person’ and by Cicero and Horace to mean ‘a squinter.’ 4 Often it has been assumed that he fell from his horse, but he may have drowned in a boating accident, acc. Goldberg (2006) 171. See Ermanrich, Epistola ad Grimaldum abbatem, ed. Dümmler, MGH. Epistolae V.539. 5 Both Bernolt and Godescalc had been Saxon students at Fulda before travelling to the Reichenau. For Godescalc or Gottschalk: see infra Chapter V, p.1 – 2 et passim. For Bernolt or Bernold: see E. Friese (1978), II/1, 245 – 246; II/2, 537 – 538; and Werner (1990), 71, n.256. An epitaph was written by Walahfrid for Bernolt whom Friese suggests may have been a relative of Godescalc. Another of Walahfrid’s beloved friends was Liutger, to whom he dedicated two poems. A fourth good friend was mentioned but is unnamed in his Epistola 31, noticed by Laistner (1937), 344.
THE VADEMECUM
[- I -] ante A.D.825: Mittelzell on the Reichenau; one or more quires missing. [- II -] ca.A.D.825: Mittelzell on the Reichenau: ms p.178 – 241. [- III -] A.D.825 – 827: Mittelzell on the Reichenau: p.5 – 81. [- IV -] Autumn A.D.827 to Spring 829: Fulda: p.242 – 289; Spring, Summer A.D.829: Fulda and Weißenburg: p.322 – 351. [- V -] A.D.829 – 832: Ingelheim, Worms, Aachen en route; one or more quires missing. [- VI -] A.D.833 – 841: Prüm, St. Denis, Aachen en route: p.290 – 305. [- VII -] A.D.842 – 849: Reichenau, Aachen, Compiègne en route: p.82 – 177. [- VIII -] A.D.842 – 849: Reichenau, Aachen, Compiègne en route: p 352 – 394. [- IX -] A.D.842 – 849: Reichenau, Aachen, Compiègne en route: p.306 – 321. The codex manuscriptus is outlined here in its original order. Its first ten quires represent Walahfrid’s studies of reckoning and Latin grammar as a young man on the Reichenau from about 825 to mid-827. Clues to his later whereabouts and associations will be sought in coordination of contents and scripts. Bernhard Bischoff first described this book and its scripts in 1950, and we shall add further details.6 With his guidance, we have placed quires and pages in their original sequence; within the pages of texts, each hand is distinguished in so far as possible, and their lines and columns (a, b) are indicated by a smaller font. The hands of Walahfrid and of other scribes assisting him are shown in bold-face, and their later continuations of earlier texts which had not been completed or additions of new texts on spaces available in existing quires are indented.
Bischoff (1950), 30 – 48, repr with his additions (1967a), 34 – 51. Two of the four facsimiles which accompany the 1967a revision unfortunately were labelled incorrectly: Walahfrid’s earliest Hand W I is displayed in Bischoff (1967a), plate IIb, and Hand W II in his plate IIa. One may notice also that some of the later scripts included by Bischoff in hand W IV were written about A.D.834 but others well after that when the ductus tended gradually to become more thick, and the hand of Walahfrid was becoming just a bit unsteady. See also Bischoff (1998); Allen (2002), 169 – 169A. 6
THE VADEMECUM
Ms Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 878 Quires and hands occurred in nine chronological stages, indicated by Roman numerals in square brackets [- I -] , [- II -], et sequentia with their probable dates and locations, so far as can be known. Successive periods of Walahfrid’s writing are indicated W I, W II, W IIIa, b, and so forth. Sigla for these hands and those of his associates H Q A and others are indented once; later additions to a quire by W or other scribes are indented twice. [Quire] Script
Page, line, column Content
[- I -] One or more quires missing ante A.D.825: Mittelzell on the Reichenau. * * * [- II - four quires] ca.A.D.825: Mittelzell on the Reichenau 178 – 193 (8 leaves, 16 pages)
[Tituli W I]7
H 178 – 193 ... unum momentum et seq. [Hrabanus]8 194 – 209 (8) [Tituli W I]
W I 194 – 209 Ibidem.9
7 Hands of rubric tituli are usually those identified by Bischoff (1950, 1967a), though we have noted several variations. 8 Hrabanus, De computo liber, ed. Stevens (1979). Contents of a previous quire included his Prologus, Capitulatio, and chapters I – XIII,8 . . . atque succedere sentitur. Capit ergo. The first surviving quire (178 – 193) begins with the next words: . . . unum momentum ostentum et dimidium [XIII,8 et seq.]. Numerous corrections by hand W I are in the same black ink used to correct the same text in ms Oxford BL cm 353, with which it was collated: Stevens (1972a, 1973, 1993). See especially the B’s for bissextile years in the table of concurrents (chapter LXXXIII) and the numerals added by the corrector to chapters XCV and XCVI. 9 At foot of ms p.209 is the numeral XIII, perhaps indicating the previous end of that quire (194 – 209). No other quire marks survive.
THE VADEMECUM
210 – 225 (8) [Tituli W I] W I 210 – 220 Ibidem. Q/W I 220 – 225 Ibidem.10 226 – 241 (8) [Tituli W I] W I 226 – 240,7 Ibidem. W IVa 240,10 – 241 SATURNI DIES N11 W IVa 241 EFFECTUS XII SIGNORUM12 * * * [- III - five quires] ca.A.D.825: Mittelzell on the Reichenau 3 – 17 (8)13 [Tituli W II] 3 – 4 (one leaf missing) W II 5 – 13,18 INCIPIUNT PARTES MINORES. [Dialogus14] A 13,19-25 DE PARTICIPIO. [Dialogus15] W II 13,26-31 Ibidem. 10 Hand Q alternated with W I for six pages on 220 – 225 and returned on 262,16 – 263 for a page-and-a-half of Beda, De temporibus. Q with his coloured initials on 220 – 221 and variant usages has not been noticed previously. 11 Ms p.240 had been left blank after line 7 by W I, but was later used by W IVa for a list of seven planets and weekdays. This was identified as an excerpt from Chronographus (Part V), ed. Mommsen (1892), 32, for which compare Bedae DTR VIII. Citations of Saturn for its annus of 30 days are found in Aratus Latinus cum scholiis, Recensio interpolata, ed. Maass (1898) 273; Macrobius, Commentarii II.11,7, ed. Willis (1970) 128; Libellus annalis 13, ed. Borst (2006) 682, but lacking in the earliest manuscripts. 12 Effectus XII Signorum (???) ... is another excerpt from the Chronograph. 13 Two pages of this quire have the same number 16. This may be explained if, after the first series of numerals were written up to 17, it were noticed that the verso continued the text and had to be reversed. The correct page 0f that folio was numbered 16A, in order that 17 could be retained et sequentia. 14 Epitome of Donatus, ed. Keil, IV (1860), 372,25 – 392,3. Aelius Donatus lived during the fourth century in Roma where one of his students was Hieronymus, later known as St. Jerome. This selection is based upon his shorter work, Ars maior, ed. Keil (1860), IV, 367 – 402, but was reshaped in ms Sn into the question and answer form of his Ars minor. 15 Epitome of Donatus, cf. ed. Keil, IV, 372,25 – 392,3.
THE VADEMECUM
W II
14 – 16, 16A – 17 Ibidem.
18 – 33 (8) [Tituli W II] W II 18 – 32 DE NOMINE [Dialogus: cf. Priscian16] W II 32 – 33,31 DE VERBO [Dialogus: cf. Priscian] W II 33,33 DE SECUNDA CONIUGATIONE. [Priscian] 34 – 49 (8) W II
34 – 43,31 Ibidem.
A.D.842 – 849: on the Reichenau [Tituli W IVb] W IVb 43,33 – 47 Ibidem. B 48 – 49 Ibidem.
50 – 65 (8) A.D.825 – 827: on the Reichenau
[Tituli W II]
W II 50 – 58,7 INCIPIT EDITIO SECUNDO DE PARTIBUS OCTO. Partes orationis sunt octo ... [Donatus] W II 58,8 – 65 INCIPIT DE PRONOMINE. Pronomen est pars oratonis cum casu ... [Donatus] 66 – 81 (8) [Tituli W II] W II
66 – 69,28 DE TEMPORIBUS. Tempora participiis accident tria. Praesens, preteritum et futurum ... [Donatus]
Priscianus, De nomine pronomine et verbo, ed. Keil (1860), IV, 443 – 456.
16
THE VADEMECUM
A.D. 827 – 829: Fulda/Weissenburg? C 70,1-11 M ARO MECENATI SALUTEM.17 Urbs quae tantum allias inter caput extulit urbes / … D 70,12-26 Frumentum premitur lolium sine nomine surgit / … Si qua tuae nunc matris habet te cura faveto. D? 71,1-25 Omnipotens vis trina deus pater optime rerum / …18 A.D.842 – 849: Reichenau, Aachen, Compiègne en route
72 – 76 DE VOCE. Vox est aer ictus sensibilis ... [Dialogus continued19] W IVb 77 – 79,4 Ibidem. W IVb 79,5 – 81 DE BARBARISMO. [Dialogus20] B
* * * [- IV - five quires] Autumn A.D.827 – Spring 829: Fulda 242 – 257 (8) A.D.827 – 829: Fulda [Tituli J] J 242 – 243,a Bedae De Natura Rerum [Capitulatio of DNR in two columns]. W IVb 243,b Bedae De Temporibus [Capitulatio of DT in one column]. 17 Vergil, De urbe Mantua, ed. Riese (1868), nr.686. This quire was begun on ms p.66 – 69 by W II with his grammatical studies, but the rest of its folios were left blank. Hands C and D used open-a and p’ post of early Fulda scripts, so that it is uncertain whether the texts on ms p.70 – 71 were written at Fulda before Walahfrid departed or during his weeks at Weißenburg by scribes who had been trained at Fulda. 18 Three sets of verses, ed. Riese (1868), nr.689a, probably based on Vergil, Georgica. 19 This dialogue was created from Donatus minor, ed. Keil, II, 367 – 372,23; it was begun by W II and completed by later additions by Hands B and W IVb. 20 Cf. Donatus, ibid. (continued on ms p.82).
THE VADEMECUM
J 243 Bedae DNR [text in full lines] J 244 – 253 Ibidem. W IIIa 254 – 257 Ibidem. [Tituli W III]
258 – 273 (8) [Tituli 258 – 262 J; 264 – 273 K]
J? 258 – 260,8 Ibidem. W IIIa 260,9 – 261 Ibidem. J 262,1-15 Ibidem (to explicit). Q 262,16 – 263 Bedae De temporibus (partly illegible). K? 264 – 273 Ibidem.
274 – 289 (8)
K 274 – 276,15 Ibidem (to explicit). [Tituli K] W IIIb/IVa 277 [Labyrinth with eight concentric circles: domus]
[s.XI – XII] 277 [Liturgical verses with neums]
A.D.833 – 834: Prüm, St. Denis? [Tituli W IV] W IVb 277,31 EXCERPTUM DE LIBRO ALBINI MAGISTRI.21 W IVb 278 – 289 ADBREVIATIO CHRONICAE. Adam cum esset CXXX∙ annorum genuit Enos … /… cuius prophetiae veritate & hystoria … (continued on ms p.290 – 301: ed. Appendix D)
21 Excerpts from the Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818), ed. Appendix D. The Compilatio section I 5 omitted two lines of text, but they were added by W IVb on p.278 mg supra. Adbreviatio Chronicae, ed. Mommsen (1892), XIII, 349 – 353. The years of Adam, Enos et alii are in accord with those used by Beda, DTR LXVI for six ages, and by Hrabanus, De computo XCVI for his first four ages.
THE VADEMECUM
324 – 339 (8) [Tituli 324 – 328 W III]
W IIIa 324 – 327,a IAN. HAB. AUG. DI[ES]. DEC. XXXI. [Calendar in columns: ed. Appendix A] ? 327,b Kalends, Ides, Nones, …22 K 327,31-33 EPISTOL[IS] IPOCRATIS AD ANTIOCHUM ET ANTONIUM [DE IIII] ORIGINI MEMBRORUM ET DE SAUMENTA CIBURUM VEL POTIONUM.23 [Titulus K] W IIIa or J? 328,1-12 Ibidem: Quoniam [te ss] convenit regum omnium peritissime ... /... intellego assolet signis. Ma 328,12-33 Ibidem: Nam quasi vertigo et tenébrae attemptant ... / ... id est alopicia et ulcera incapite.24 W IIIa 329 – 331,20 Ibidem: Si vero pectoris causa est, haec signa praecedunt, ... / ... sine auxilio medicorum. W IIIa 331,22 – 332 Ad [p]silotrum faciendum, quod Grece acilea dicitur, ... / ... docibili ex plerat tactu W IIIa? 333,1-15 Ad ilium dolorem, mille morbia & cortex persici. Item, Lappa & Ad piboz. … Ad fracturam … pleurisin ... Contra carbonem. Ruta & dictamnum.25
List of Roman calendar terms explained in column b; the script is uncertain. Epistola ps-Hippocrates ad Antiochum regem, cited by Beccaria (1956), 431 – 432; TKr 1304; Reiche (1973). Cf. Corpus medicorum latinorum V, ed. Niedermann (1916), p.xx: Quoniam convenit te regem omnium potentissimum . . . More tracts of this sort were cited by Kibre (1945), 403 – 404; Stanard (1966); and many others. 24 Note the use of é with accent in tenébrae by hand Ma. 25 A list of four medical titles, possibly written by Walahfrid, with three spaces left blank for texts to be added for each one; several Old High German glosses. A titulus was added in upper margin: Incipiunt medicamina queda (sic: s.XI or later), as were five verses below: Prespiter electus . . . /. . . in celum dirige vultus [sic]. 22 23
THE VADEMECUM
W IIIa 334,1-16 Cot Zubri. libri. VI∙ Storace calamus. uncia ∙VIII ...26
Summer A.D.829: Weißenburg [Tituli W IV] W IIIb 335,1-17 DE CONFLICTU. Inutile quippe est crebro videre.27 W IIIb 335,18 – 339,28 EPISTOLA KAROLI REGIS AD ALBINUM MAGISTRUM28 322 – 323, 340 – 351 (1 + 6+ 1) Spring or Summer A.D.829: Fulda or Weißenburg L 322 – 323 DISPUTATIO DE VERA PHILOSOPHIA ALBINI MAGISTRI29 [Tituli W III] Δ Audivimus te doctissime magister sepius dicentem quod philosophia omnium esset ... / ... in corde seu oculorum incapite L 340 – 344,2 Ibidem: ... omni modis invincibilis efficiamini.30 E XPLICIT DISPUTATIO ALBINI MAGISTRI.
Two lists of spices and elements (including amber), with their costs at market. Title and 16 verses, of which the last line is from Horace, Epistula I, 2, 55. Some of these were reproduced in Bischoff (1967a), Tafel IIIa. Phrases of Horace were also used by Godescalc at least four times, cit. E. von Severus (1940), 132 – 148. Another scribe has accented two letters é on ms p.335, a practice found in regions of the Middle-Rhein or of Middle- and Eastern-Francia, but not usually in scripts of the Reichenau, Fulda, or Weißenburg. Notice the word affluentes corr ex affluentis, probably by yet another reader. 28 Letter from Karl der Große to Albinus/Alcuin about the designations Quinquagesima, Sexagesima, and Septuagesima and their liturgical usages, ed. Dümmler (1928), MGH. Epistolae IV, 228 – 230. 29 The first leaf 322/3 of a bifolium wrapped ms p.340 – 351. Disputatio, ed. PL CI (1850) 849 – 854 where this edition was printed by mistake under the rubric Alcuini De Grammatica. Its ideas of teaching are discussed by Brunhölzl (1965), 32 – 43, with German translation. 30 A correction to the text in lower margin of ms p.341 is also by Hand L. 26 27
THE VADEMECUM
Summer A.D.829: Weißenburg Ma 344,3-32 [Compilatio DCCC XII: excerpts, ed. Appendix C.] Mb 345 – 346,1 Ibidem. W IIIb/IVa 346,2-3 Ibidem. Mb 346,4 – 347 Ibidem. W IVa 348 – 350 SENECA LUCILLO SUO SALUTEM. Epistola tua per plures questi unculas vagata est ... / ... in se omnium animos.31 ? 351 [Horologium, circular.32] (a folio missing) * * * [- V -] One or more quires missing (A.D.829 – 833: Ingelheim, Worms, Aachen?). * * * [- VI - one quire] A.D.833 – 841: Prüm, St. Denis, Aachen en route. 290 – 305 (8) [Tituli 290 – 300 W IV]
31 Seneca, Epistola ad Lucillum 120, 1 – 13, ed. Reynolds (1965a), xiv, 510 – 514, in which Seneca refers to Horace: ‘Horatius cocles solus implevit pontis angustias . . .’ Carolingian collections of the letters of Seneca circulated in two parts: ep.1 – 88 and ep.89 – 124; all are addressed to Lucillus. Cf. ms Bruxelles Bibliothèque royale 18723, and ms Bamberg Staatliche Bibliothek Class.46 (West German s.IX med). The latter is a collection of epistolae 89 – 124, copied from an Uncial codex: Reynolds (1965b), 55 – 56 and 93, n.1, Plate 1, facing page 32; Bischoff (1967a), 47, n.58, Tafel IIIa; idem (1976), 15. The edition by Reynolds and his commentary are reviewed by W.A. Laidlaw in Hermathena 102 (1966) 106 – 108, and 103 (1966) 98 – 100, with useful comments on the manuscript tradition. 32 This Horologium is circular and partly illegible. After the folio following it was removed, ms p.301 served as an outside cover page and was damaged; it is difficult to decipher or to date, but it was not blank.
THE VADEMECUM
W IVb 290 – 301,17 ... veterum & nostrorum hodieque temporum testator ... / ... ordine cuncta proveniant.33 (continued from 289, ed. Appendix D) W IVb 301,18 – 302,11 DE HOROLOGIO.34 Ianuarius & December, hora prima & undecima. pedes XV∙... / ... hora VI. pedes ∙III∙ W IVb 302,14 – 303,4 Primis Iane tibi sacratur ut omnia mensis / ... Quae [sis] quam vis annum claudere possis.35 W IVb 303,6-9 Divo Vero imperatore. Scrofa porvellum peperit in effigiem elefanti. Gordiano imperatore. Mula hominem comedit. Gallo & Volusiano imperatoris. Magna mortalitas comedit.36 W IVb 303,10 – 305,25 EXCERPTUM EX CHRONICA HOROSII. Valentiniano ∙V∙ & Neuterio confessores. Signum apparuit in caelo quasi columna pendens per dies XXX. Teodosio ... / ... esse videbatur.37 Excerpts from Compilatio DCCC XII [ed. Appendix D]. The running text of this Horologium corresponds with data of Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818), Addendum IV 28a, ed. Schriften 1232 – 1234. 35 Primis Iane tibi sacratur ... [24 verses on the 12 months], ed. Anthologia latina (1868), nr.665: Primus, Iane ... [sic: 22 verses]; ed. Salzman (1990), 276 – 277 with line by line annotations from other manuscripts and editions, including ms Sn. 36 Consular lists of the Chronograph reached only to annus CCCLIIII (354). The Fasti Vindobonenses were a continuation from CCCLXXVIII (378) with brief notations of contemporary events. 37 Excerpts from Orosius, Historia. On ms p.303 lower margin, someone added the note: req[uire]. signum istud [135] folio XXXVII. Counting forward (but not ms p.306/7 which had once been an end-leaf), the 37th page would be 378, from which the expected matching signum on that page has been lost in binding, according to Bischoff (1967a), 41, n.11. We do not believe that the second part of the note could have been written by Walahfrid himself. 33
34
THE VADEMECUM
A.D.848: on the Reichenau W IVc 305,27 -31 Anno ab incarnatione domine DCCC XLVIIII terra motus maximus factus est … ? & postea [per] intervalla tamen sepe ve[nit] Kal. Iun. ipso anno primo mane die sabbat[o] acci[dit].38 * * * [- VII - six quires] A.D.842 – 849: Reichenau, Aachen, Compiègne en route. 82 – 97 (8) [Tituli W IVb]
W IVb 82 – 91,4 [DE BARBARISMO, continued from 81] ... ledeam Helenam Troianas vexit ad urbes. [explicit] W IVb 91,5 – 95 INCIPIUNT CAPITULA LIBRI BEDAE DE ARTE METRICA.39 I. De littera. II. De syllaba ... B 96 – 97 Ibidem. 98 – 113 (8)
B 98 – 113 Ibidem.
38 Ed. Mommsen (1892), 32, 249 – 250, but see Bischoff (1967a), 45, n.27. The ends of four lines are lost in the right margin of ms p.305. An insertion: & postea ..., was made with a different ink in a hand not seen heretofore; and there seem to have been erasures. An attempt to read this text by use of a chemical reagent in the nineteenth century has obliterated most of one line and parts of others. 39 Bedae De arte metrica liber, ed. Kendall (1975), in Jones, Bedae Opera didascalica; the exemplar was ms St. Gallen 876 (s.VIII2 St. Gallen), p.208 – 257, corrected from a manuscript of Kendall’s Class II.
THE VADEMECUM
114 – 129 (8)
B 114 – 129 Ibidem.
130 – 145 (8)
B 130 – 131,29 Ibidem: … habere credimus sempiternam. E XPLICIT DE METRICA ARTE LIBER PRIMUS. B 131,30 – 143 INCIPIT LIBER II DE SCHEMATIBUS ET TROPICIS.40 Solet ab quoties in scripturis ordo verbo ... B/E41 144 – 145 Ibidem. 146 – 161 (8)
146 – 148,16 Ibidem: ... et memores estote uxoris Loth EXPLICIT. B/E 148,17 – 161 DE NOMINE PRONOMINE ET VERBO.42 Omnia nomina quibus latina utitur eloquentia ... B/E
162 – 177 (8) B/E 162 – 167 Ibidem. W IVb 168 – 170,18 Ibidem.43 B/E 170,19 – 171,11 Ibidem: … genetiva & dativa & ablativa corripiuntur. G 171,13 – 172,2 DE SCRIPTORIBUS DIVINORUM LIBRORUM.44 40 Bedae De schematibus et tropicis liber, ed. Kendall (1975), in Jones, Bedae Opera didascalica: same exemplar as De arte metrica; same source for corrections. 41 Hereafter, hand B often alternates with Hand E. There is no hand F. 42 Priscianus, De nomine pronomine et verbo, ed. Keil (1860), 443 – 456. 43 Walahfrid intervened on three pages (W IVb), showing the form of Fulda open-a (amando, verba, passiva etc.) from his exemplar, while the upper stoke of his regular letter a rises higher as the writing progresses. 44 Hand G interrupts the section on declenations with an account of biblical books, probably based upon Isidorus, De ecclesiasticis officiis I 12; but the source
THE VADEMECUM
Ut et eris autem testamenti scriptores secundum hebreorum traditionem, ... / ... est spiritu reparavit, cuncta prophetarum volumina quae fuerant. B? 172,3-8 Ibidem: ... corrupta correxit, totumque testametum ... / ... Omnium libros gentium congregavit. W IVb 172,8 – 174,4 Ibidem: Iste enim ab Eleazaro qui erat princeps … / … prophetas suos scribenda dictavit. W IVb 174,7 – 176,12 Item alio modo casus declinationum ... / ... super positus atque subiectis.45 [s.XII] 176,13 – 177,16 DE DUO[decima] SIGNIS. De aquario perhibent .../... occidat Orion. V ERSUS DE SEPTEM DIEBUS. Prima dies phebi, sacrato nomine, fulget/... Finicat alma dies Saturno avia summo. Nomina latronum Dismas, Gesmas, .../ ... Serapion, Constantinus. * * *
could also be Hraban, De institutione clericorum II 54. The script of G is quite distinct from others in this codex: note the tall suspension mark for sps spiritus, and the elaborate double-looping abbreviation pro- in prophetarum. The scribe must be from some location along Walahfrid’s travels during the period of W IVb, that is, A.D.833 – 841. 45 This Chrien on ms p.174 – 176 declines the nouns in singular and plural through all cases. It was identified by Bischoff, to be mentioned below in Appendix E.
THE VADEMECUM
[ - VIII - three quires] A.D.842 – 849: Reichenau, Aachen, Compiègne en route. 352 – 367 (8)
N 352,1-16 INCIPIT EPISTOLA ANTIMI MEDICI VIRI INLUSTRI AD TITUM IMPERATUM ET AD TEODORICUM REGEM FRANCORUM.46 Qualiter omnis cibos comedantur ut bene digerantur ... / O 352,17 – 365 ... et alba sum faciunt deunas crudas fit. FINIT. 366 – 367,10 conservatio fleotomiae. Et dies caniculares47 bonum est.../... aperiatur vena, ita ut non lassetur egret. 367,2-10 At dies egyptiac sunt, quo per totum annum schari o portentut sangnis xviii Kalendas Ianuar[ium].
(one leaf was cut away, not numbered)
368 – 381 (6) [Tituli W IV]
W IVc 368 – 374,19 MENSE NOVEMBRIO DE POMIS.48
Anthimos, De observatione ciborum, ed. Liechtenhan (1963). This essay ‘On the examination of foods’ emphasises eating with moderation. Anthimos (480 – 520?) was a Byzantine physician at the imperial court of emperor Zeno when he was accused of betrayal; he fled to Italy where he served the Ostrogothic King Theodoric (511 – 533) in negotiations with the Franks. 47 The qı abbreviation for qui is used in quia (366). Lines 11 – 31 on ms p.377 were left blank, though a few legible letters were entered later on 377,11. 48 The paragraph De pomis for the month of November was copied before 842 according to Bischoff (1967a), 41, who attributed it either to Palladius (s.IV), Opus de agricultura 12, 7,1-12, or to his source in the epigrams of Marcus Valerius Martialis (ca.A.D.40 – 102). Others have attributed it to Lusius Iunius Moderatus Columella, De re rustica XII,27-30 (written ca.A.D.60 – 65), ed. Stephenson (1955). It was used by Walahfrid in the final section of his De cultura hortorum, addressed to Grimalt. 46
THE VADEMECUM
Hoc mense locis calidis, ceteris vero Ianuario ... / ... (369,1) operiatur vena, ita ut non lassetur egret. (369,2-10) At dies egyptiaci sunt, quo per totum annum servari oportuem ut sanguis49 (373,27) in laesa transferri. DE VINO DULCE FACIENDO. Vinum dulce sic facere oportet, quas legiro in sole ... / ... quia in ipso [corr ex ipsa] (373) humores deponat. 373,23 – 374,18 DE MELANCOLIA Cibas eos ptysan a mane accipiant, cum granulis suis, hora secunda in prando aut ... / ... effecta materia constricta & pinguior effecta. 374,19-22 SI QUI STRINGIONES IN CARNE HABERINT. Abstinendi sunt a carne bubula porcina, an ferina ungula et ab omnia legumina. 374,23 – 375,7 DE OBSERVATIONE TOTIUS ANNI UT IN COLOMITAS CUSTODIATUR. Ab octava Kalendarium Ianuarium die usque VIII Kalendas Aprilis, . . ./. . . ullam indigebus expectationum medicorum.50
The remaining lines 11 – 31 of ms p.369 are blank. The next line of text has been erased. All lines of this item were underscored and many dates restated within the text in modern terms. 49
50
THE VADEMECUM
375,9 – 376,18 Hippocrates Archiater Antigno regi scribens . . ./. . . vino & veneri dies sunt hi hiberni XLVII.51 376,20 – 377,14 Hiemis enim ut pote longius sole remoto frigidus est et umidus. Ver . . ./. . . pliades media fere die52
(one leaf was cut away, not numbered) 378,1-17 Iohanne Crisosthomo ad exilium destinato per noctem terrae motus civitatem regiam invasit. .../... diebus totidem ambulare stadia non valerent.53 378,33 EXCERPTUM EX STORIA ECCLESIASTICA. 379 – 380,2 Stella enim praefulgens gladio per omnia similis .../... audiunt dicentes. Migremus hinc54 380,7 – 381 EXCERPTUM DE LIBRO HOROSII. Ante annos urbis conditae mille quadraginta in Achaia ... / ... non consulendos putarent. 382 – 393 (6) [Tituli W IV]
51 Titulus is lacking. All but the first three lines were underscored and all dates restated within the text in modern terms. 52 Incomplete; the next folio is missing. Some medical phrases have been underscored and restated in modern terms. Old High German glosses were edited by Steinmeyer (1989), IV, 455. 53 An excerpt from Historia ecclesiastica tripartita, ed. Mommsen (1892), 33. Some other users of the Historia tripartita during the ninth century were named by Laistner (1948), 58 – 59. 54 This excerpt is the earliest transcription to survive about a vision of the cross by Constantine. It began on ms p.306 – 307 and continued on 379; it appears that Walahfrid did not attribute this fiction to Eusebios, though he may have wished to verify it. A second excerpt is about Gainas the Goth (379 – 380). His final comment: Migrimus hinc, left part of the line blank; four more lines are blank before the Orosius.
THE VADEMECUM
W IVc 382 Ibidem. Atque in globos coactae portataeque ... / ... Nisi quod obscenum in modum nuda & lingua paulolum [damage to line-ends, incomplete]. 383 [Blank.] W IVc 384 – 391 Ibidem. (384) . . . &cetera iacuit equus quoque . . ./. . . & punitorem malorum55 392 – 394 [Blank until later in the ninth century.] CONFECTIO ANTIDOTI P56 QUOD DICITUR POTIO A MARA. [Three medical recipes] Potio amara idropicis, pedagricie, scoto maticis, . . . ELECTUARUM DIACALIAMENTIS QUOD DICITUR GRECI EGIALATER SANCTAS. Hae maxime utenda est in hiems . . . HAEC EST CONPOSITIO PROBATISSIMI PULVERIS CONTA ILIO COL . . . Recipit autem haec. Costum uncial ·I· . . . et seq. * * * 55 The text is incomplete at line-end. A bifolium ms p.387/88 and 389/90 was divided into two separate sheets, then replaced after ms p.386 in reversed sequence. 56 This is Bischoff’s hand P, an Alemannic script which leans to the right and uses accented é in distémpera, rédacta, anetisémen. Once, we find the short vertical mark with q' qui in equis (382), rather more thick than is seen in W IV. These practices suggest that hand P may have first learned to write in N/W Francia but came later (s.IX2 or IX ex) to the same scriptorium of the Reichenau where Walahfrid had begun. Old High German glosses were edited by Steinmeyer (1989), IV, 455. Eight verses and several grammatical notes seem to have been added in the twelfth century, but here again we find q' qui (394).
THE VADEMECUM
[- IX - one quire] A.D.842 – 849: R eichenau, Aachen, Compiègne en route. 306 – 321 (8) [Tituli 315 – 318 W IVc] ? 306 – 307 EXCERPTUM EX STORIA TRIPERTI[I I]M.57 W IVc Constantinus in somnio vidit cruces signum . . ./. . . sed nigra colore signatae.58
(followed by other historical notes)
B? 308 – 315,15 INCIPIT EPISTOLIS SANCTI HIERONIMI AD EVAGRIUM PRESBYTERIUM DE MELCHISEDECH.59 Misiti mihi volume/ anonymon sine nomine/ et nescio utrum tu . . ./. . . nocuerit corporis valitudini. W IVc 315,16 – 318,29 ISIDORI EPISCOPI DE ACCENTIBUS.60 Accentus qui grece prosodia dicitur, . . ./. . . (317) et psilem facis. DE POSITURIS. Positura est figura . . ./. . . Totus autem versus, (318) periodos est.
57 Added in capitalis rustica is a heading for Historia Ecclesiastica Tripartita: a Latin translation of the collection of Greek works by Sozomen, Socrates, and Theodoret dating from A.D.306 to 439. The translation had been made under the authority of Cassiodorus (ca.490 – 583). Bischoff (1967a), 40 showed that this titulus was not written by Walahfrid. 58 Ms p.306 – 307 had been an end-leaf for this gathering, originally blank. Seven other excerpts selected from the Historia Tripartita were written by W IVc and continued on 379 – 380. For the texts and their sources see ch.12, infra. 59 Hieronimus, Epistola 73: cit. Lambert (1969), nr.73: ad Evangelum Presbyterum [sic]. 60 Isidorus, Origines I,18 and 19,3-4: on stenographic signs, alphabets with numerals, squared forms of Hebrew letters, diphthongs. Walahfrid did not copy Isidore’s section 20 about punctuation or section 21 about writer’s symbols. See Mentz (1944), 18 – 25 and 187 – 234 on use of stenographic notations in Carolingian times.
THE VADEMECUM
318,30 – 32o,32 DE LITTERIS. Litterae Latini et Grecae ab Ebreis videntur ... / . . . (320) proprie vocata nicostrata. HEBRAICE LITTERE . . . Aegyptiorum litteras ...61 320,33 – 321,13 ALFABETUM GRECI CUM [numeri] I II [III] ... ? 321,14-28 [runes62] Thus, his personal notebook was created step by step by Walahfrid, leaving spaces in some quires which allowed earlier texts to be completed later and more texts to be added when he found them during his travels. Often he began transcription of a text on the top line of one page, but would write its semi-uncial rubric heading on the last line of the previous page.
61 The Hebrew and Egyptian letters and their Latin phonetic sounds may have been difficult to decipher already in the nineteenth century when chemicals were applied to assist readers. Most have been obliterated on the lower third of ms p.320, and this affected a text on lower p.321 as well. Note also a Fulda abbreviation for quia on ms p.320,21. 62 Two sets of runes begin in the middle of ms p.321, with headings: ANGULISCUM (three lines) and ABECEDARIUM NORDMANNICUM (four lines). It is uncertain whether the script for these runes is that of Walahfrid.
III. THE SCRIPTS
Identification of the multifarious contents and analysis of the several scripts in ms Sankt Gallen 878 allowed Professor Bischoff to specify four periods in Walahfrid’s development: W I and W II as a student on the Reichenau for about three years, W III as a student at Fulda for about two years, and W IV for about twenty years during which he worked at court or other places. Bischoff’s subsequent discovery of his autograph written at Weißenburg supplemented this schema for early W IV. Further details and analysis should allow for some refinement in delineating these scripts as they changed over time. Retaining his enumeration of hands at work on successive gatherings, we shall distinguish seven paleographical periods for Walahfrid’s writing at specific times and places or when he was travelling, along with the hands of other scribes who assisted him, as well as the manuscript pages on which they are found: W I ca.825, Mittelzell on the Reichenau, ms p.178 – 240, with hands H Q. W II 825 –827, Mittelzell on the Reichenau, ms p.5 – 43, 50 – 81, with hand A. W IIIa Autumn 827 – Spring 829, St. Michael’s Abbey at Fulda, ms p.324 – 334, 254 – 261, with hands J K L Ma. W IIIb Summer 829, Weißenburg an der Lautter, ms p.335 – 339, with hands L Ma Mb. W IVa Autumn 829 – 833, Ingelheim, Worms, Aachen en route, ms p.240 – 241, 346, 348 – 350.
THE SCRIPTS
W IVb 833 – 841, Prüm, St. Denis, Aachen en route, ms p.43 – 47, with hand B; ms p.77 – 81, 243, 277 – 305, 32 – 45, 82 – 95, 168 -176, with hands C D E G. W IVc 842 – 849, Reichenau, Aachen, Compiègne en route, ms p. 305 – 307, 366 – 391, 315 – 321, with hands N O P. In the following analysis, by the term ‘Carolingian minuscule’ we assume those letter forms which came to prevail in the ninth century scriptorium at the Abbey of Saint-Martin near Tours and spread gradually throughout Francia, forms which were relatively more recognisable than those of some scripts had been in previous times. E.K. Rand (1929, 1934) has attributed the origin of that developement of more accessible scripts to the influence of the scriptorium of St. Martin’s Abbey during the abbacy of Fridugis (804 – 834), successor of Ealhwine/Alcuin. From 819 Fridugis also served as chancellor for Ludwig der Fromme. When this influence is not the case for Carolingian letter forms or their ligatures which became common, we shall describe the variations, in so far as they were used by Walahfrid and were distinctive for his script. * * * W I ms p.193 – 240. Mittelzell on the Reichenau about A.D.825. The hand of Walahfrid appears first on p.193 as a small Carolingian minuscule in red-ochre ink with rather fine ductus, leaning slightly to the right, using only one-third to one-half of the writing space between rulings. Most of the letters are made from short vertical strokes or small curves which round into forms that have been noticed in the Alemannic region of the upper Rhein River and the Bodensee (Lake Konstanz) in the first half of the ninth century.1 There are distinctive forms for the five vowels: Minuscule letter α or a are used often and alternately but may vary with or even ; but the first letter of the Latin alphabet will never be formed by Walahfrid from two c’s (as it could be at St. 1 There is ‘a slight suggestion of round forms (perhaps of upper Rhein area),’ as remarked by Bernhard Bischoff (1967a), 36 – 38, citing facsimiles in Chroust I (1902), 22, 10 and Bruckner I (1935), Tafel 22b.
THE SCRIPTS
Gallen) or from strokes which would leave it open above (as at Fulda), unless transcribed from an exemplar. Letter e is always round, with the lower curve shortened and tapered to a point; the middle stroke rises and may be extended widely to the right, as the script continues; the Epsilon form ε as tall e is found also in ligature.2 The same form was used for letter t. For both purposes the Epsilon continued to be used in the Bodensee region of Reichenau influence during Walahfrid’s lifetime. Minuscule iota is usually a simple and short letter ı ; but I – longa is found at the beginning of sentences: e.g. Ideoque (ms p.206), Igitur (210), Item (211), and for the initial of some words: Iecimus (194), Iovis and Iovi (195, 201, 200). There are two examples of subscript iota in ligature: austrinus (201) and the double ligature quinquageni (211). Here too we may consider letter y which takes three forms: two descending strokes which meet on the ruling line; the right stroke may continue across the ruling, down to the left; or two very short curving strokes may meet on the ruling. Letter o is small and round. Letter u is rounded at bottom, except in a word at line-end where it often takes the form of suprascript v in bissextvs, incarnatvs (208); this may usually be due to lack of space: saltvs, circulvs , conceptvs, traditvs, quotvs, but not always: distinguvnt corr ex distinguant (202) in mid-line; and the name Avgustus as the third word on a line which is not crowded (221). For consonants, the lower curve of letter c is shortened, as with letter e; cursive but initial C- could become Ch- Chatholico (214). Upright minuscule d with high ascender served all purposes on the first two pages of this hand (194 – 195); the ascender is completed at bottom with a slight hook to the right. Thereafter, minuscule d alternated with uncial or , the first leaning slightly to the left, the second leaning yet more to the left (with a downwards hook), or leaning about 90 degrees to the left; or it may become horizontal ∞ (giving the appearance of a modern arithmetical sign for infinity).
This Epsilon form ε as letter e had been known in Merovingian scripts; its use also as letter t for ligature in the early ‘rätische Schrift’ of some early Swiss scriptoria was recognised by Karl Löffler (1929), 21: ‘We have found the Epsilon form used both for “t with i” and for “t with e”,’ in early manuscripts of Chur, St. Gallen, Reichenau, and Konstanz. His examples of pre-Carolingian minuscule forms of -te and -ti (s.VIII/ IX) are ms London, BL Chester Beaty Collection 5; BL Addit. 43460; and the Scheide Fragment at Princeton University: CLA II, 161 and 180. According to James J. John (1962), all are possibly from Nonantola in Emilia. 2
THE SCRIPTS
Cursive f is quite tall , beginning wide to the right above the letter which follows, and its lower strokes often descend well below the ruling or base-line; its middle crossing always joins the next letter, especially letter e , e.g. confecto (198); or it ligatures with letter ı in fiunt (198) and with other vowels. As an initial , it is quite distinctive and will be noted below. Minuscule g begins with a loop and swings down to the right, then a lower curve to left which is always open , though the pen has turned upwards and may leave a trace back up to the right. As the script develops in these pages, the first downward stroke of letter g may bow to the right, displaying a distinctly angular form before turning down and left into the final loop or . Minuscule h is simple with ascender and lower bow, but the bow may have a shoulder before it drops directly to the line. Minuscule l may be straight or slightly bowed to left and ends on the ruling with a turn or a small loop to the right. Minuscule letter m begins its first stroke with a slight hook on the top-left before the minim descends to the ruling; this first stroke is bowed a bit left. Second and third strokes of m curve slightly left as they descend. Letter n also begins with a slight hook on the top-left before descending in a vertical stroke without curve; as it descends, the second stroke also becomes entirely straight and may be short, ending with a firm hook to the right . But the second vertical of n may reach the rul. ing, and its hook extend horizontally to the right Letters and are conventional for Carolingian minuscule scripts of this period, though the descender of q is shorter than that of . Letter q often became c. Letter r is usually formed with a slight shoulder from left to a short vertical minim. From near its top, a second stroke rises to the right into a slight peak from which it often drops into a wavy line; the peak can be higher or lower, and it may flow into a smooth lower . curve to left or right Minuscule s is tall and begins wide to the right above the following ; its lower vertical strokes often descend well below the line. letter There is normally no ligature of s with t or with any other letter, with the single exception of celestibus (202). Letter t is usually upright and the descending vertical stroke finishes with a small loop to the right. Its upper crossing stroke may be flat and short, but more often it is extended far to the right in a wide curve. That horizontal stroke may cross just below the top of the vertical, leaving a bit of a peak or allowing the tip of the vertical to begin above the crossing. Two more forms of the letter t are used in ligature with letters e or
THE SCRIPTS
i or n, described below. Letter z is tall and graceful, with flat horizontal strokes , but there is both a lower z form, and a tall z form with straight strokes, stretched to the height of ascenders in minuscule d or h: e.g. aZimorum (224). While other letters tend slightly to the left, ascenders of letters b, d, h, and l lean slightly to the right, as do descenders of and q. Ligatures of letter e with consonants are usual: ec, en, er, et, ex; but they occur especially with the Epsilon form of tall ε. Epsilon ε with tail crossed becomes ex; et or ec take the form & , as described below. Letter f ligatures from centre crossing with all vowels. Letter h does not ligature. The final minim of letter m could extend on ruling to the right and -mus: e.g. habemus, possumus, be crossed vertically at an angle celebramus. Extension of the final minim of -n on ruling to the right is –nus: e.g. terminus. These abbreviations for –mus and crossed and –nus were used by Walahfrid in all periods. They are often found at line-end but were not limited to his need for saving space. Letter n may . ligature with i which descends in an s-curve Letter r ligatures often with subsequent vowels: -ra- -re- -ri- -ro- -ru- . The upper line of r can be flat and drop into another vertical stroke to form the ligature. In ligatures with r, the letter ı can be a short vertical stroke down to the line: e.g. nostri (204), aprilium (209); or extend below septemtrio (213); or the r can rise to a peak and drop suddenly into iota in an elongated, thin bow which arches below the line in a sinuous s-form : e.g. nuperimae (198), austrinum (201), ceteris (203), aprilium (203), utrique (209). These -ri- ligatures occur in mid-word and mid-line, as well as at end of a word and end of a line: e.g. breviori (205), terminari (206), tempori (208), lunari (211). There are examples of a rounded letter r in ligature with letter o; in one instance, the r has a long lower stroke to frigidior (200); with a vertical stroke across that extension the right , it could become an abbreviation for -orum: minimorum (222).3 Letter t often formed ligatures with preceding letters as well as with following vowels. Letter -t in the Epsilon form joined with e at line-end for ut pute (200) and adventante (232), a form of ligature used also in northern Italy (sometimes called ‘Beneventan’). The ti-ligature occurs only at line end (210, 226); but in Epsilon form letter t may join with small letter ı which extends gracefully below the line either as Notice that hand J used a tall minuscule r with a waving abbreviation mark above the final -u for untiarum (260). 3
THE SCRIPTS
or as .4 With letter n, the letter t may take the form of a very short or horizontal which turns sharply down as a diagonal to the foot of n may cross that foot . This is usually found at word-end and especially at line-end. The -nt ligature could be formed when the minuscule letter adds a horizontal stroke on ruling to the right and the figure of 7 drops , e.g. tribuunt (196), tadunt (196).5 Sometimes this into the angle: final -nt was altered into a tall form , leaning right: recurrunt (194) or efficerent (188). The –nt ligature may also be formed by a tall, square N with the right stroke high and crossed at top for letter T, occurring either mid-line or word-end . Abbreviations and suspensions on ms pages 194 and 195 are numerous, as if the student were trying out everything which he was just beginning to learn. Their incidence is reduced on p.196 and tapers off even more as the young writer gains experience. The upper abbreviation stroke over a final vowel can be flat, or have a slight curve which could become a rising wave; in either usage it could rise about 20° to the right. For example, autem may be abbreviated with a horizontal stroke above, ; it could also take the insular form, similar to letter h either or or with that mark rebut with a curved mark dropping to the bow versed like a c0mma . Other examples of the abbreviation mark are –u with mark above for –um at word-end, though seldom; that mark is also used for -em: e.g. idem, lucentemque (194), septembrio (201); id est; enim; iam.
He used either form of that mark above n non and nn nomen, nc nunc, nr noster and its declensions; om omnis or omnes,6 oma omnia, and omps omnipotens. Placed over a final consonant, the flat or slightly rising abbreviation sign may serve many other purposes for W I: for example, sicut (204), facit (207); -bis; 4 There was one mistake when the young oblate apparently heard or thought assibilated -ti-, but then changed to –ci- : ratiocinatione corr ex ratiotinatione (210). 5 W I tried this once with the final stroke of letter a extended on ruling and 7 in the angle for –at: nominat (201). 6 W I mistook om omnis (210) from an abbreviation for annos in his exemplar. Notice also a misplaced mark in the words: ab initi ‘o mundi (181).
THE SCRIPTS
-men- at beginning, middle or end of a word, e.g. nomen (194), lumen (195), mense (198), argumento (201); non or nonas; at word-end: e.g. ferit (194), sumpserit (196), adserit (202); and
ligature: dixerit (201), fuerunt (204); regulares (226); secundum,7 or secunda (224); sunt. or ter at beginning or end of a word: e.g. tertia (198), terrae (200), quarter (194, 199), propter (196), inter (196, 200), terries, terminis (224); -tur with a large, raised comma slightly to right side, once. –tur with a large, raised 2 directly above the letter t or slightly to right side, often. Other abbreviations are –b; with semi-colon for –bus, consistently; conjunctive use of letter q may alternate between medial-point –q· , or colon –q: , or semi-colon –q; -que. W I did not yet understand the early Fulda abbreviation quia with a flat stroke across the descender; rather, he often read quod or sometimes qui.8 Septimo may be represented VII° or VII∙mo; and -ma follows its numeral or is raised above it: e.g. XIIIIma quartadecima (226). The cedilla appears occasionally with letter e but not excessively; its form is a subscript stroke added to left ȩ , ending with a faint loop, and it could be extended; or it could be a firmer short mark to right ę. Suspensions include ɔ- con- or com- : e.g. congruentissime (228). He used the abbreviation mark ─ or ~ above c- con- or com- or col-; drdicitur (194, 202) and dnr- dicuntur (194). Accented é· est followed by a medial point alternates with ·é· est with medial points on each side; ée with abbreviation mark above both letters, or eé esse with accent; eé with no point alternates with eé· with a following medial point; or id est. Both lower descenders of est are also found, especially with pp propter and qq quoque are crossed by a horizontal stroke; but also qq 7 This abbreviation of sec- was also noticed three times in Lorsch manuscripts by Bains (1936), 45. 8 Later, W IIIa erased and corrected many of these errors to read quia, though not all of them.
THE SCRIPTS
quoquo with the flat stroke above (238); -qa qua at mid-word or wordend, e.g. aliquanto (206), reliqua (195). Suspensions with letter p are found in common usages at beginning, middle, or end of words:
per; e.g. super (198); pre: e.g. precor (194), precidit (202); post; pro- .
But some distinctions were lost in suspensions when W I used not only for pre- but also for –por- tempora (199, 200) and temporis (204); or when he placed a stroke either above or below pp for propter, or compropter (194, 232). He often wrote p' post but would bined them also write -p' –pri-: Apriles (214), as well as p' pri-: primo (212), and q' – qui- : siquis (229, 231). This abbreviation mark ' is a plain, upright stroke, quite short and more like iota than comma. It is similar to the forms p' and q' of Hand IId in ms Oxford BL Canon.misc.353 (Fulda ante 829) f.15v – 16v which we have noted elsewhere.9 Ligature of letter t in Epsilon form –ε could join with sinuous letter ı extending below the ruling , e.g. egypti, egyptiorum (226) at line-end, whether or not assibilant.10 The slightly rising horizontal stroke crosses the ascenders of qd quod and siml similia (205); that mark is above qt quot and qm quoniam (231, 232); tc tunc, tm tantum (206), tn or tam tamen (196); uo vero, but once ů vero in this hand (200), repeated from its exemplar. He usually spelled the pronominal prefix of words: e.g. adbrevians, inlustratur, subputo, rather than double the consonants: abb-, ill-, supp-; nevertheless, he was not consistent, for a single consonant could be doubled mid-word, or two could be reduced to one: e.g. sume for summe. Technical terms in the computus text (p.178 – 241) were assumed to find their proper declinations without stenographic indications, other than the usual raised abbreviation stroke above a final letter or crossing or or ∙kl∙ kalendas; end endecade (following prian ascender: e.g. 9 Stevens (1972a), 297 – 300, 305, facs.5. Yet a third example of this script has been found in ms Paris BN Lat.13955 of uncertain provenance but dating ca.A.D.830 – 840. Although often asserted to have been written s.IX2 at Corbei, this ms Lat.13955 has no discernable relations with the scripts of that abbey and cannot have been written later than ca.840. 10 Löffler (1929), op.cit. (note 2 supra), p.21.
THE SCRIPTS
mo); emb ogd· embolismo ogdoadis (following novissimo); ian Ianuarius, Ianuarias; febo Februario (196), mai Maii or Maias; septb September (196) or Septembris (204). W I was somewhat creative in his suspensions or tempore, a technical term in computus. He may be alone of among writers of Latin to have used the combination &c& for et cetera. Nomina sacra in suspension with an abbreviation mark above were: xrs christus, xrm christum, di dei, dns dominus, dni domini, iHu Iesu, sac sancta. Corrections are indicated by one or more diagonals with medial points on one side or both: There are several times when hand W I used signs and abbreviations that seem to derive from his Fulda exemplar of Hrabani De computo liber: ci’ cuius ei’ or ∋ eius (211), eiusdem (198) or est, est id est (196, 203) p’ post (218) -t’ -tur (218) From this early experience, he retained the use of ei’ eius and p’ post in his later repertoire of signs and suspensions. But ci’ cuius and ·|· id est were exceptional and recurred only rarely in later developments of his script as derivatives from the exemplars. We should note that during the second quarter of the ninth century it became common in Carolingian scriptoria to distinguish –t’ –tus from –t2 –tur; but that is not a ‘sure criterion’ of date.11 The use of the raised comma for -t’ –tur continued in some Fulda scripts until mid-ninth century.12 Tituli of chapters are written in a Capitialis rustica, characterised by Bischoff as ‘mannered’; their forms are upright and occupy half the line space. A firm pen was used at top and bottom of their ascenders, though Lindsay (1924) 13 – 14. Stevens (1972a) 308 – 309, n.57, has traced this question from its first proposal by Lindsay to his assertion of it as a ‘sure criterion’; major exceptions were also noted by Rand and Bischoff. Stevens (1972), 307 – 309 has also described in detail the practices of several Fulda scribes who continued to use the comma for -t’ –tur during that period. 11
12
THE SCRIPTS
small horizontal end strokes are sometimes found at head and foot. Certain of these capitals have particular characteristics: Letter Λ is open, not having a mid-crossing stroke. Letter E has all three horizontal strokes crossing the vertical, with the top and bottom extending only slightly farther than the middle one. Letter F uses an upper horizontal stroke beginning from left and crossing the vertical in a slight bow which rises and turns back upon itself: e.g. SIGNIFERUM (195), SIGNIFICATIONE (236), in a form distinctive for early Reichenau scripts. Letter L opens its lower stroke into a wider obtuse angle and swings below the ruling, then rises in a fine line to touch the bottom of the next letter. The vertical strokes of letter M spread as they descend to the ruling. The final stroke of M and of N falls well below the line and swings slightly to the left. The final lower stroke of letter R extends far to the right below the ruling and finishes with a curve which rises to contact the bottom of the following letter. Letter U is rounded below with the second vertical stroke falling below the ruling line and swinging slightly to the left, as they do for M N Y. Letters K L Z rise above the normal height; an exception is AZIMA (235), in which the Z is consistent with the other letters. Tituli also include occasional abbreviations and suspensions, not only the end marks for ITEM and ARGUMENTUM but also hori; rather than ; . Nozontal strokes above tice also abbreviation by omission of first letters of -NT SUNT and of -Q- USQUE. The same letter forms were also used for headings of the Easter Table on ms p.228 – 229 where one finds N with a lower swing to its third stroke but with a short crossing stroke above to form in CONCURRENTES. Initial letters for the text of each chapter were written in classic Capitalis quadrata forms with black ink, and they were enlarged to occupy the full space of one line and half of the next or more. These forms are standardised in most details, so that stencils must have been used for both. Initial letter A has a crossing which may be a single thin line (216) or double lines (215, 221) or one broad line (223), but always in the same position and proportions. The right descending arm of A is wide, whereas its twin letter V has a thick left arm; this and the identical finishing marks of their diagonals reveal that the same stencil is being used for both A and V. The broad diagonal of N reaches from top left
THE SCRIPTS
to bottom right. Oval Q and standing capital are both classic Roman forms; separate strokes join at the top while the tail across the bottom of the oval or from its centre extend and touch the bottom of the following letter. Middle curves of letter S are broadened, as are corresponding midportions of letters C D O Q or standing , and the verticals of letters H I P T are also broadened. Initial letters of other sections of text take quadrata or rustica forms of Capitalis letters, either with a very dark brown ink or with the normal brown of minuscule text. These secondary initials include the Alemannic : e.g. Februario (296), Faciam (239). Numerals for chapters are placed in margin or between lines, set off by thin, double paragraph marks to the left and above the numerals: numeral takes a simple form of crossing diagonals, but its right to left stroke is extended below the ruling line. Numeral V is composed of two diagonals which meet on the line. L is in the Capitalis rustica form described above; but as a numeral, L takes a medial-point above its obtuse angle, while its lower stroke curves below the ruling and then rises to join the lower end of the extended second stroke of numeral X. For punctuation, W I placed a point above the ruling which is low-, medial-, or shoulder-height. Any of these could indicate a full stop if it were followed by an initial of the new sentence; this was not controlled by an Isidorean rule of high point for full stop and low point for weaker pause.13 In this dialogue format there is usually no other indication of a question than the initial of the next sentence, such as Greek delta Δ (Discipulus) or the answer with uncial or semi-uncial M (Magister); the words Quid or Quod would introduce a new sentence. In this usage, Δ and M may not be distinguished by a point from the text which follows. Numerals and titles for sections of the works he copied are often set off by paragraph marks: . * * * W II ms p.5 – 43, 50 – 81 Mittelzell on the Reichenau about A.D.825 – 827. Walahfrid was maturing as an oblate, but analysis of hand W II can begin with its first appearance only with uncertainty. Not only is the first leaf missing (ms p.3 – 4) but also the surviving page 5 is so heavily damaged that many words and their letter forms are difficult to decipher. The heading at the top of that page: INCIPIUNT PARTES · MI13
Isidorus, Origines I, 20.
THE SCRIPTS
NORES was written in the same ductus, red-ochre ink, and restrained format as used by W I. The second line continues with the ductus of W I but using dark brown ink, alternating with red ink: ARTES ORATIONES QUOT SINT. The answer is OCTO, followed by QUAE, thereupon introducing a question mark in the form of a medial point with a rising wave above it which had not appeared earlier . A new Hand A gave the answer, not with the eight terms expected from Donatus but with only three: Nomen, Praenomen, Interiectio, no longer in capitalis script but with semi-uncial initials and minuscule script. That hand continued from line 2 until the beginning of line 21. Here is yet another punctuation mark with an angular hook above a point to indicate a pause . W II took up his pen again on line 21 but alternated with Hand A until the writing fades out in lines 28 – 31 and can no longer be read. This is true of course on the reverse side of the folio in upper and lower lines of the writing area. From ms p.6 onwards however, the script of W II is similar to that of W I but with ductus more narrow, the letters broader, and their forms less rounded. The texts which follow are grammatical and their words were mostly written out in full, often relying only upon the conventional horizontal abbreviation stroke rising slightly over a vowel for final –m. Letter forms a and α alternate, and other forms of that letter are no longer used, except when copied from an exemplar. There is a significant number of abbreviations, suspensions, signs, and ligatures, but their use is reduced. On the next four surviving pages 6 – 9, minuscule d appears quite often but uncial not once. On p.10 uncial occurs twice for the words ad and desinunt, thereafter in the terms modo and eodem modo whenever they appear, and with other words once or twice per page. Upright d and uncial alternate equally on pages 18 – 30, after which minuscule d occurs less often and uncial comes again to dominate. Yet thereafter, the uncial form with a downwards hook is no longer found in W II or later. Letter u takes the form v suprascript for –us; letter y takes all the three forms described above (page 49) for W I, usually two full, straight strokes (the right extending below the ruling) but the third form only once with two very small curving strokes: syllabas (23).14 Abbreviations are fewer, but with the same errors for quia/quod. Now there is a comma rather than semicolon for -b, -bus and for -q,
A later reader has intervened to place a point above y twice on ms p.25, as well as a point in centre of each initial and Ͼ on p.43. 14
THE SCRIPTS
-que. Some of the more common suspensions continue with the usual mark above: for example, esse and its conjugations; sicut only once (p.6); -mus with final stroke extended on the ruling, rarely; -nus with final stroke extended only in word endings; regularly, but oma with suprascript a , once (6); post is common; quot (11), but unusual for W II; or reliqua; (6) and (20); or the sign . The words est and sunt are usually spelled out, so that e· est appears only occurs rarely, and once (13), and the insular sign is not found; only once (11). Insular sign ·|· id est is seen only once in this hand (21). Doubtless, the writer was following usages of his exemplar. W II continued to use the raised comma for abbreviation of ei’ eius with the mark , and p’ pro- occurs often, never p’ post. There are with a short horizontal stroke above rising slightly in a wave and with a stroke across the descender, but less often than before. The or tempore in grammatical above for -por- is used again for rather than computistical expressions. Abbreviation -t2 –tur appears a few times on most pages. Because these are texts intended to teach Latin grammar and syntax, the detailed examples for declination of nouns, adjectives, and adverbs and for conjugations of verbs required repetitive abbreviations. Technical terms for mode, time, number, and person thus become abbreviated so severely that they often could not have been recognised out of context. In these texts however, they would cause no unusual difficulties for the magister who is teaching or for the discipulus who is learning them. Remarkably, W II may have been susceptible to one trick which the mind ; may play on writers: plurali is given suspensions with the latter is a variant15 which recurs on ms p.9, 22, 23, 36. 15 Reversal of letters prl or plr could be his own creation, lacking a standard and being in too much of a hurry for concern about consistency. Such reversals occur also in pbr and prbi but are probably not signs of latent dyslexia.
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Ligatures of W II are usually the same as those of W I. Ligatures of letter e in the form of Epsilon tall ε with consonants continued two or three per page, of which quadragesimae (247) with e and subscript s is unusual; is seen only once: fuissent (15); -rı with a short, vertical stroke for letter ı is found often; –r with subscript ı, is rare and occurs only at line-end (9, 15, 35, 37); as or -tı was written once with subscript ı (35). The thin, sinuous stroke to complete –rı and -tı ligatures begins higher and descends lower in this period than previously (9). An accent was placed by W II himself above the vocative ó whenever it occurs: e.g. ó tu (8), ó species (32, twice), as well as for the monosyllable té (10). For rhythmic intonation an accent was also placed on the fourth syllable of interiéctiones (18) and in series with rei, rei, rem, ores (32). There are other examples of accents on p.8 to 12, 16A, 18, and especially on p.9, but those were probably added by later readers. The punctuation preferred by W II was the low-point or medialpoint. At first there was no pattern to distinguish weak or strong pauses, save by use of initials to begin sentences. But other forms were introduced in the first twenty-two pages of these grammatical texts (5 to 26). At first the question mark had no form of its own. A point on ruling with a wavy line rising to the right of vertical at about 30° often served W II as the question nota, as it had once for W I, though sometimes there was medial-point for weak stop or medial-point beside 7 for strong stop. Other hands had their own patterns of punctuation, later. Walahfrid may have been following suggestions of his supervisor or trying out practices he noticed in other manuscripts. On p.5, it seems that his inconsistency was being corrected by instruction: after the question NOMEN QUID EST, he used the wave without a point. If the point is there, the wavy line drifts to left and might centre over the point or settle above the final letter of the previous word. That line could be horizontal or rise to the right; it could begin with a cup on left before extending to the right or form a graceful, unbroken wave motion. Likewise, an angle hook above a medial point was tried for full stop. The relation of the hook and point however was uncertain, as was its purpose. At times it was used where a weak pause would be appropriate or was omitted where a strong stop was necessary at the end of a section; after ms p.30,
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this form was almost completely neglected. He used the paragraph mark . Correction signs are the same for W II, as for W I. Some of these trials may have been by the magister, others by the discipulus under instruction. Apparently, W II inserted all rubric tituli for these texts using a redochre ink to write Capitalis rustica letter forms which we have seen earlier by W I. These headings fill the space fully between two lines and allow some letters to cross over a bit below the second ruling. Initial letters of headings were made in Capitalis quadrata with the same stencils and with black ink that we found in W I. Characteristic are the letters the rising upper stroke turning back upon itself in Alemannic form; M and N with third stroke descending below the ruling and curling to left, as does the second stroke of U; the lower bow of letter S continues well below the ruling line. The text itself commences with an initial which requires two or three lines; these quadrata letters in stark black ink are very striking. In most sections however, he wrote initials freely in smaller capitalis rustica letters with the brown ink used for remaining text. Other letters of the first word and first line of text are relatively square and somewhat large, whereas the second line and remainder of text are normal minuscule occupying about half of the available space. His script is small and can fill a line with many words without crowding; spacing between words is somewhat more extended for W II than it was for W I. Thus, he was learning to use graded levels of script and word separation.16 * * * W IIIa ms 254 – 261, 324 – 334. Abbey of St. Michael, Fulda, Autumn A.D.827 – Spring 829. While Walahfrid was studying at Fulda from Autumn 827 until Spring 829, he copied several important tracts, written and rubricated mostly in his own hand. The texts transcribed during his third period were available in the libraries of many Carolingian monasteries and some cathedrals, but Walahfrid found them at Fulda and Weißenburg. As on the Reichenau with hand H, so in Fulda he also had the assistance of companions J Q K L Ma who co-operated in adding to his notebook. The pages of his Vademecum also received later additions at various times 16 The hierarchy of scripts developed at St. Martins Abbey near Tours during this period has been described by E.K. Rand (1934), II, 21-22; that for English manuscripts by E.A. Lowe (1960). For variations of these developments, Bischoff (1990), 77 – 80.
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by other scripts to be discussed below. His own hand continued the practices he had developed on the Reichenau, and there seem to be no direct influences from the practices taught by Fulda masters, save that his letter forms became more upright and square.17 Then, en route to his new post at the aula regis, he paused for ten to twelve weeks during the late Spring and Summer 829 at Weißenburg where he participated quite actively in correcting and completing the Odes and Epodes of Horace. Thus, we shall distinguish between two phases of his script during a very short period. In this Vademecum the text of Bedae De natura rerum liber (ms p.242 – 254) was already underway by hand J when Walahfrid joined the effort. The fine, thin ductus became broader and spacing for letters and words a bit more open in the first pages by W IIIa (254 – 257), but it soon settled back into his usual practices. Notice the very dark brown ink which W IIIa shared on p.260, an ink which artists and printers today still know as ‘Fulda Braun.’18 There is a natural mud in the area of Fulda which is mined and may be prepared for producing this colour. W IIIa used the dark Fulda Braun to correct the text written by W I and by hands H Q (178 – 228), as well as to complete the Computus of Hraban (228 – 240). Hand J was using it when he returned for pages 258 – 260, and he also supplied phrases and lines on p.260 – 262, and on other pages written mostly by Walahfrid. After the titulus and first initial in Capitalis rustica, there was no attempt by W IIIa to continue a hierarchy of scripts. Letter forms were written with the same ductus as during both earlier periods but are now distinctively upright and square. That is true of assisting hands K L Ma and was usual in the Fulda scriptorium during the first half of the ninth century. In comparison with W I and W II, variations in certain letters of W IIIa will have an interest: Minuscule d and uncial alternate on ms p.254 – 255, 257, 260 – 261; but on p.329 – 335 and 346 – 350, upright minuscule d prevails, the single exception being the suspension rac· (331) where it is also abbreviated drac· or spelled out dragmas. Letter again begins high above the following letter and is finished with an especially long vertical descender well below the line. Letter appears to be changing, so that a stroke descending from the oval swings less to the right and forms a corner before the final stroke Stevens (1972), idem (1973); Spilling (1982), idem (1996). The distinctiveness of the dark ink was noticed by Bischoff (1986), 32 – 34; English trans. (1990), 16 – 18. His proposal that Irish, Breton, and Anglo-Saxon scribes brought a recipe for ‘schwarzbrauner Tinte’ from their homes to ‘areas of Anglo-Saxon influence in Germany’ however is unnecessary. 17
18
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meets it from left to right; an example on the last line of p.260 is extreme but illustrates a tendency of this ductus which will be found also in subsequent periods of Walahfrid’s script. Letter t continues to vary from its basic upright form, often leaving a little cap above the horizontal stroke. Its crossing stroke may ligature with any letter to the right. at word-end and line-end is The particular configuration of found here.19 Sharp v occurs again in the word nothvs, written hastily but broadly at line-end (254); it seems that these consonants were written first and the vowel added suprascript. Thus in the word lybvs, a sharp v should have appeared suprascript but was omitted: lybs. Letter y was written in all three forms by W IIIa: the largest with straight diagonals (254); the second with two curves meeting just above the ruling line and descending to it (260, 261); and the third with curves quite small and low, meeting just on the line (330, 331). Notice that the ductus of the second type of y is sometimes a short left curve met by the longer right one as it descends to the line; or the sequence may be reversed. Letter is tall and graceful, with flat horizontal strokes for top and middle, as with W I and II, and the lower curving stroke swings widely from right to left below the ruling; but the lower z and the tall narrow raised are not found here, save for the large, elaborate on ms p. 268: zephira. Ligatures of letter e in form of tall Epsilon ε with other letters are few in W IIIa and occur usually at line-end for -em, -er, ex. Notice letter p with ro-ligature in a loop (268) and the large duplicated pro + p in propter, probably a correction and quite elaborate. The long r – ligature with is found twice (330, 331), and one of those is sinuous subscript iota with long straight iota and a slight actually a double ligature of –tri; turn to right at the end (261). Abbreviations are few in these texts which W IIIa preferred to copy out in full. End strokes above final vowels –e and –u are used freely, but is found a few times, as is –q· –que; qı has the vertinot with –a; cal mark four times, short and perfectly straight, for qui; but there is also (330) where head and tail of the mark result in a curved a variant rather than a straight stroke. Abbreviation -b· -bus is seen only once (329) in this hand. Letters with abbreviation mark for Item (332) occurs once, added in left margin as correction to the text. Technical terms are abbrevi An attempt to create this form on ms p.256 with curved strokes was due to Hand J, not W IIIa. 19
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ated with the usual horizontal mark above the final letter in rac. dragmas, pri pridie, I idus, ian ianuarias, mai maias, oct octobris. Suspensions include only one case of ·e est (331), when Walahfrid seems to have forgotten that his usual practice had been the reverse: e· . The insular symbol for est also occurs only once, repeated from his exemis found only once in W IIIa, while appears twice plar. (note that the tall s is more upright in abbreviations than in words fully spelled-out). Those verb forms were normally written in full during this third period. Other suspensions with the mark rising slightly at about 20° are di dici and dr dicitur; n non; qd quod in a marginal correction; and the several forms of sps spiritus, spu spiritu, spm spiritum. There is also often, and ů vero once with suprascript o , as noticed once earlier in W I. During this period of Walahfrid’s writing, it was J who supplied most of the headings on p.242 – 262 and 255 – 257, assisted by K and rarely W IIIa. Spaces for tituli had been left blank and filled later with capitalis rustica in the same bright red-ochre ink which was used for this purpose previously. Initials for W IIIa texts are Capitalis quadrata, two-rulings tall for the chapter initia and one for lesser sections. The ductus of W IIIa is distinguished in headings by a longer third stroke for wide M, N, U with graceful short curves to the left. In Fulda Walahfrid admitted many stencilled initials; but for lesser initials it was probably Hand J who inserted the Uncial letter for Nam (329, last line), and the enlarged minuscule for neque (261). Other enlarged cursive initials of sentences were written by hands J and Ma. Punctuation is medial-point or high-point, but still not consistently. A high-point for a full pause appears before cuius (254) which it should normally not receive. On ms p.260 – 261, W IIIa uses medial-point for either weak or strong pause, saving the high-point for full stop at end of a chapter. On p.329 – 331, only the medial-point can be found, but on p.332 the high point is used again for full stop. There is no nota to indicate a question.20 Numerals may be followed by a point, or have a is used to mark paragraphs. point placed on each side, or have none. with medial points, as seen earlier. Correction notae are He continued to use the ‘Fulda Braun’ dark ink for many corrections. * * * Only once (178) had Hand H used the question notation of a point on ruling with a wavy line rising to the right of vertical at about 45° ; but not W IIIa. 20
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W IIIb ms p.335 – 339. Abbey of SS. Peter and Paul, Weißenburg an der Lautter, Summer A.D.829. On ms page 335 Walahfrid transcribed a titulus and 15 verses which conclude with a single line of Horace’s Epode 2, 55 in his Vademecum.21 It is possible that Horace or at least that epode was available to him during 827 – 829 at Fulda.22 It is much more likely however that Walahfrid found it in the full text of works by the famous Roman poet at Weißenburg in the Elsaß during late Spring or Summer 829 when he was en route from Fulda to Ingelheim, in order to take up a new position at the court of Ludwig der Fromme and Judith as tutor for their son, Karl. The earliest surviving and most complete transcription of the works of Horace is in the manuscript designated R, that is, ms Vat. BAV Regin. lat.1703, though for many decades its early date was not recognised by the succession of editors.23 Verses by Otfrid of Weißenburg on a cover leaf of ms R suggested to Friedrich Klingner (1894 – 1968) that the codex could be from that monastery in the Alsace, and that proved to be the case. Furthermore, there were places in the poems at which words or phrases had been effaced in order to provide improved readings, and other places had been left incomplete until the exemplar could be better deciphered. Finally, Bischoff recognised that Walahfrid had entered corrections over the erasures on f.28v and 30, copied single verses or parts of verses throughout, transcribed at least fifteen portions of text within f.60v – 109, made new c0pies of two pages (rectos of f.110, 112), and wrote many a complete page or more thereafter (f.113 – 142) to the end of the poems. His participation at the Alba Civitas in the Summer of 829 provides a very specific date and provenance for ms R which must now be given priority in critical editions of those works. During his few weeks at Weißenburg, Walahfrid’s ductus continued the same, but his hand also shows a transition from W IIIa script at Fulda to variant forms which we distinguish as W IIIb. His minuscule letters were still written in black ink. Minuscule d and uncial are Seven of these verses may be seen in facsimile: Bischoff (1967), plate III. For a manuscript of Horace in the medieval Fulda library, see the Rainaldi Inventory of ca.1550 in ms Vat. BAV Pal.lat.1928, edited by K. Christ (1933), 155: ‘Ordo XLI, 477’: Opera Oratii; and p.273 – 275: ‘Repositorii Decimi Ordo Tertius. 38, Ordo Quartius,’ 11,15,44 and 49, the Inventory of ca.1561 in the same manuscript. 23 This Reginensis manuscript was usually designated by siglum R in the editions by Alfred Holder, Otto Keller, and others; unfortunately, variant readings from ms R, f.125v – 142, had been omitted until they were incorporated into the second edition of the Horatii Opera by Klingner (Leipzig 1950). 21
22
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both used throughout; letter y can be formed either with large, straight strokes or with very small curves to the line. These and other letters are consistent with the practices of W I, II, and IIIa. Abbreviations with a rising mark above –u to end words with –um have become numerous but seldom with other words, such as au autem, b bis; n non. His rising abbreviation mark was also used above nri nostri; p per; p pro-; qd quod; sce sanctae; t –ter praeter. Suspensions occur somewhat more often: est may be ·e· with points on each side or without them, as also ∙ee∙ esse with or without points; insular sign for est is found twice (335); conjunctive -q· -que takes the medial point. Ligatures are Epsilon tall ε with consonants: ec, em, er, ex; iota subboni (348) and –r necessario (350). Insular sign 7 script with -n for et was remarked by Bischoff on ms p.324 – 327, 351 seq. Walahfrid’s taste for combining stenographic usages is seen again in the word haec where ęc ligature receives cedilla to the right (349). Accents for letter é occur twice: affluéntes (335) and deluéntes (350), but they may have been added by a later reader. Tituli are in doubt: they include a very tall letter L; but long third strokes of letters U and wide M are now straight rather than curved left at their lower end. This does not seem to present the ductus of Walahfrid at any period. Initials include Uncial N (348) and yet again minuscule n, enlarged for initials of two subsections (348, 350), exceptions not by W IVa but by hand J, as seen previously (329, 261).24 Punctuation is the medial-point for all purposes, but W IIIb also used the comma or semicolon for weak stop and kept the angle above a point for strong stop.25 * * *
Enlarged minuscule letters in tituli by hand J were noted above on p.640. Note that an angle with point .7 for full stop was characteristic of many scriptoria in NE Francia, according to Bischoff, rather than of central Germanic areas, and is not usual for Fulda scripts. But medial-point beside the angle . 7 for strong stop was also used in the Fulda ms Wolfenbüttel HAB Weißenburg 84 (A.D.842) f.101, noticed by Butzmann (1964), Abb. 9: his hand A. 24 25
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W IVa ms p.346, 348 – 350, cf. 335 – 339. Weißenburg, Ingelheim, Aachen en route, Summer 829 to 833. From the time he met the royal family at Ingelheim and travelled with them during the next four-and-a-half years, Walahfrid’s letter forms remain consistent with those of W III; minuscule d is tall and upright; uncial is rare. , with a stroke looping Abbreviations are yet fewer; notable is –r down and turning right; ligatured with letter o, that loop may be exfor –orum tended along the ruling ; it may be crossed vertically minimorum (222), nostrorum (48) at line-end. Ligatures en and et are at mid-word and mid-line, but other ligatures or letter r with e are found only at line-end. In the Capitalis rustica of tituli, each of three horizontal strokes of letter E begins to the left of its vertical shaft. The top horizontal stroke of F is long and turned up and back at the end in the Alemannic usage. The angle of L is open, obtuse, and its lower stroke may be extended under the letter following. The right shaft of M and of upright N is usually extended well below the ruling, as is the right stroke of V. Sometimes these right strokes end with a swing to left. Bischoff attributed these rubrics to Walahfrid and said that his practices are similar to those of the Reginbert group of manuscripts from the Reichenau as well as to those of St. Gallen in the first half of the ninth century. Punctuation continues to use the comma or semicolon for weak stop, and sometimes the angle 7 above a point on ruling: for strong stop, but used erratically. For a question mark there is a point on ruling with a wavy line rising to the right of vertical at about 45° , but sporadiwith medial points. cally. Correction notae continue as * * * W IVb ms p.43 – 47, 77 – 95, 168 – 176, 290 – 305. Prüm, St.-Denis, Aachen en route, Autumn A.D.833 – 838. In the next two successive periods, Walahfrid was travelling with young Karl and his retinue when they were incarcerated at Prüm. He was with the boy when he rejoined Ludwig’s court at St.-Denis and Aachen, and then accompanied Judith and Karl to Aquitaine until Carolus iunior was honoured as an adult (838), after which tutors were not deemed appropriate. Ludwig then attempted the installation of Walahfrid to
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the abbacy of the Reichenau twice (838, 840); but the monks rejected him each time, and he had to scramble for a living until re-installation finally in 842. During these periods of uncertainty, he continued to visit libraries and to transcribe many texts, but his ductus is increasingly irregular, and the strokes become broader, thicker. * * * W IVc ms p.366 – 391, 306 – 321, 305. Reichenau, Aachen, Compiègne en route, A.D.842 – 849. Although his appointment as abbot became secure finally in 842, Walahfrid also travelled in support of his protégé, Karl der Kahle, in negotiations with the quarrelsome brothers. He continued to add many historical items to his Vademecum with assistance of Hands N O P. Notable are use of -&- often at mid-word as well as word-end and with the upper stroke for letter t becoming taller and curving to lower right, even appearing as if it were a tall letter c. Conjunctive –q· -que recurs more often; and the suspension eq's equis (382) appears with the short, exactly vertical stroke. Punctuation has changed slightly for full stop as either · or · 7 spread apart; the higher 7 becomes more like an apostrophe ’ . At line-end, the angle 7 may stand directly above the medial point. Though his own writing can still be recognised without remarkable changes, its letter forms were becoming a bit erratic, and Walahfrid’s ductus was losing its regular features while he continued to show respect for authentic texts in all fields by correcting or completing them. * * * Attribution of these scripts to Walahfrid by Bischoff however was circumstantial, depending upon several variables: his ability to recognise Reichenau and Fulda scripts; dates proposed for Walahfrid’s changes of style during a short career of only about twenty-five years; and the fitness of some of the texts to his interests and locations. Thus, questions about this identification have been raised by Paul G. Schmidt (1994) and Hartmut Hoffmann (2001).26 Both Latin palaeographers emphasised not only that no one was named as author in this St. Gallen manuscript, 26
Schmidt (1994), 137 – 148; Hoffmann (2001), 32 – 35.
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that several other scripts appear in it, and that other scribes could have produced such a volume from similar travels and careers.27 But each accepted that later evidence tends to confirm Bischoff’s opinion that this manuscript was probably the personal notebook of Walahfrid himself. Several attempts to identify Walahfrid’s hand in other manuscripts have been without success. In 1868 Alfred König offered to identify his autograph and again in 1882 his notebook, as did Konrad Beyerle in 1925 and Karl Preisendanz in 1927. The scripts in the manuscripts they cited were quite different from each other, and their proposals could not be maintained in the face of Lehmann’s critique (1927). Lehmann agreed however that Beyerle may have been correct to notice a minuscule list of monks living on the peninsula of the Reichenau about A.D.825, known as the ‘Reichenauer Verbrüderungsbuch,’ written in Reichenau cursive script in ms Zürich Zentralbibliothek Rh.hist.27, pt.I. The final name of fratres defuncti on ms p.vii is uuettin, with addition to the list of Nomina vivorum fratrum insulanensium on ms p.iv of a penultimate name in capitalis rustica letters by his own hand: UUALAHFRIDUS mon.28 This is a list of monks living at Fulda during ca.826 – 830 (perhaps 827 – 828), for whom the Reichenau community would pray, while in turn the Fulda monks would also pray for them.29 Notice also on ms p.37 the name Cotescalc, probably the name of Walahfrid’s friend Godescalc/Gottschalk who referred de magistro meo Uuectino,30 with whom he had studied since ca.824. To be considered is another Zürich codex, ms Rh.hist.73, which includes Adamnan’s Liber de locis sanctis, describing travels by Arculf to the Holy Land and his descriptions of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem, the Church of Mount Sion, Ascension Church on Mount Olive, and the cruciform Church of Samaria. That book was given to the Reichenau librarian Reginbert by Walahfrid about 840 – 842; but it was not transcribed by him, as Preisendanz thought.31 Likewise, ms St. Gallen 283 is a copy of Walahfrid’s version of a Commentary on the Pentateuch, deriving in part from the commentary written by Hraban; but the writing style is typical of A good candidate would be Ermenrich of Ellwangen (ca.814 – 874), son of a noble Alemannic family and abbot of Passau (866 – 874), noted by Bischoff (1994), 107. 28 Beyerle (1925), 1110 and 1193, n.13, with facsimile on p.1203. Lehmann (1927) accepted Walahfrid’s name as autograph, as did Bischoff (1967), 48 – 49 and n.43. 29 This entry was noticed by Freise (1978), 226. 30 Lambot (1945) 170; Vielhaber (1956), 14, 52. 31 Preisdendanz (1936) 190 – 191; cit. Horn and Born (1979), I, 54 – 56, figures 41 – 44. 27
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the later scripts of St.Gallen (s.IX2) after Walahfrid’s death in 849. Further, the ms St. Gallen 68 with Tatian in both Latin and Old High German32 was written by an Alemannic scribe working in Fulda, but not by Walahfrid. Notable is a brief part of the Historiae or Chronicle of Frechulf in the Beuron Fragment 17, a bifolium written by two hands in the first half of the ninth century. Bischoff described one hand from Orléans in that fragment and suggested that the other could be that of Walahfrid in period W IV.33 Professor Michael Allen (2002) agreed and ascribed the second hand to Walahfrid in some detail. This proposal is attractive because the writing of a part of this book was completed by Freculph of Lisieux in A.D.829, while the second part of his Historiae was written later. As transcribed in ms St. Gallen 622 (s.IX2/4), the Prologue offers ‘the deeds of emperors, the triumph of saints, and the doctrines of the Church Fathers’ for the education and training of Carolus iunior. That manuscript was written by some dozen scribes in Northern France, some of whom may have also copied Frechulf ’s edition of Vegetius34 which had been offered to Karl about 838. Frechulf ’s revision of Vegetius survives in ms Paris BN Lat.7383. Allen (2002) cites correspondence with Professor Bischoff who also suggested to him that ms St.Gallen 622 could have been Frechulf ’s master copy of his own Vegetius. Allen emphasises that the lad’s mother, Judith, second wife of Ludwig der Fromme, was friendly with Walahfrid and that Freculph was active at Orléans near to where Walahfrid died. Further, the Chronicle of Frechulf is listed in a Reichenau catalogue from the second half of the ninth century, a booklist dated however after 884 by Lehmann.35 It would seem possible that Walahfrid assisted with transcribing a part of that Chronicle, as he did with several works written by others. The second hand of these Beuron selections however is not W III which would be too early for the second part of Freculph and is not similar to the more timely scripts of Walahfrid’s periods W IVa (829 – 834) or W IVb (834 – 841). More appropriate would be a comparison of the second hand of ms Beuron with the script of W IVc (842 – 849). That fragment however does not con32 Baesecke (1921) and Schröter (1926), cit. Bischoff (1967), 47 n.34. On the Old High German Tatian written ‘per cola et commata,’ see Baesecke (1930); Bischoff (1981c), 78; Meineke (1996), 410 – 411. 33 Bischoff (1967), 50 – 51; Michael Allen (2002); for them both, the period W IV was thought to be 829 – 849, without distinction. 34 See also Allen (1996), 61 – 80. 35 MBK I (1918), 265, 28.
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tain the Prologue addressed to Judith in 842 but only the chapter list for the first part (I,6) and later lines of the second part (II, 1051A – 1051C, 1060C – 1062); its second script is not similar to the final development of Walahfrid’s hand and cannot support that attribution. Both scripts of the Beuron fragment should probably be dated later than texts transcribed by any of the W IV scripts, that is, post 849. Another proposal is by Veronika von Büren, that the second hand in ms Købnhavn, Det kgl. Bibliotek Gl. Kgl. S.444 2º, which transcribed Iulius Solinus, De Situ Orbis Terrarum, could be an autograph of Walahfrid. The text was carefully prepared on 16 folios of three columns with 71 lines, dated probably to the first quarter of the ninth century. The first hand wrote almost the entire text in a script which has some Fulda characteristics by a scribe who could have been trained there. It uses special and alternating forms for letters r and g; ro- and rt- ligatures; short rather than tall s; an elaborate and distinctive final t. It also has an st-ligature with very long and graceful letters whose upper strokes lean together but whose lower strokes spread wide. The second hand wrote f.13 col.c (lines 1 – 71) and f.13v col.a (lines 1 – 32) and has fewer Fulda characteristics; short and stubby minims form m, n, and other letters. These are not practices of Walahfrid’s developing scripts in his Vademecum, so that neither of those two scripts in the Købnhavn manuscript could have been written in that period by either W I or W II (ca.825 – 827) or by W III (827 – 829).36 Walahfrid’s cursive scripts, as well as his Capitalis quadrata, Capitalis rustica, and Uncialis usages, have been identified at all stages of his career in ms Sankt Gallen Stiftsbibliothek 878. His script has been identified also in ms Vaticana BAV Regin.lat.1703 during a few weeks of the Summer 829. His autograph is known at the end of a list of Reichenau monks in the ms Zürich Zentralbibliothek Rh.hist.27, pt.I, p.15v. This is fortunate, for they reveal much about the life of a monk who was quiet and modest. Not only was he present and a participant for many great events but also rose to high authority: an interesting and many-talented man.
36 Von Büren (1996), 22 – 87 and plates 6 – 11, esp. p.25, 40 – 53 and plates 7b and 8. Other such proposals to identify Walahfrid’s script have been noted by Booker (2005), 83 – 105, especially notes 15 – 16.
IV. FRUIT OF THE VINE
What can be learned about Walahfrid from an analysis of his scripts? His notebook contains quite a lot of the language studies which one should expect of young students. This allows us better to know the Reichenau students struggling with Latin before some of them became proficient. In this case those studies are not only datable but are also due directly to students in that Abbey, one of whom we may follow through his entire life. With brief assistance from hand A, the young W II copied out instructions for grammatical syntax, metrics, and prosody from versions of Donatus (ms p.5 - 18), Priscian (18 - 43, 148 - 167),1 and Beda (131 - 148). Parts of these works were in dialogue form (19 - 49), modified in that way either by their masters or perhaps by themselves.2 We even see them drilling on Latin declensions and syllable quantities (168 - 176). This should allow scholars to know the students better as they struggeled with Latin before some of them became proficient. Although texts of these various grammatical materials in Walahfrid’s growing notebook had often been interrupted by his travels to Fulda, Weißenburg, and elsewhere and left incomplete,3 the early results were quite good, as his skills soon became known in poetic hagiography, for he 1 Jeudy (1972) and Gibson (1972) on Priscian; see Holtz (2000) on the school of Alcuin, and idem (2010) on the school of Hraban. The grammatical studies of Walahfrid in the school of Mittelzell on the Reichenau however have not attracted attention, so far as I know. 2 Cf. Asper maior, an outline of Donatus maior, ed. Keil (1860), V, 547; and Asper minor, an outline of Donatus minor, ed. Hagen (1870), 39, of which there were many transcriptions s.VIII2 and IX1, including three at St.Gallen: Löfstedt (1976). 3 Walahfrid came back to these texts from time to time throughout his life and completed or added to them especially during the periods of W IVb and W IVc, along with assistance of hands N, O, P.
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wrote Versus de vita et fine Mammae monachi; Versus de vita et fine beati Blaithmaic; as well as verses for the Visio Wettini. A prose version of Wetti’s visions of heaven and hell related before his approaching death (3 November 824) may have been written first by abbot Heito.4 It was followed during 825 to 827 by the verses of Walahfrid whose imagination had been stimulated by Wetti, but those images of life after death were not appreciated by his teachers, Hatto and Erlebald.5 A cousin of Wetti was Grimalt who was active in the aula regis of Ludwig der Fromme as a chaplain and had been sent to Roma for the King. On his return, he visited the community of Mittelzell and received the first copy of Walahfrid’s Visio Wettini. The second copy was presented in the Spring of 827 to abbot Erlebald with a covering letter from Grimalt who continued to support Walahfrid throughout his life. Also important to him at this time was the patronage of Adalgis, a monk and prominent relative of Wetti, who probably was supplying the writing materials and encouraging Walahfrid to put the Visio into memorable verse.6 Further, Walahfrid’s prose Vita Sancti Galli was revised and dedicated to Abbot Gosbertus of St. Gallen7 who had requested it and who probably had also requested Walahfrid’s Vita Otmari.8 The young oblate was becoming known for his rhetorical and poetic talents. Nevertheless, it is natural history and science which were rivals for his attention and in particular the technical studies of calendar usage. Preoccupation with the discipline of computus is displayed in the Vademecum of Walahfrid Strabo. It contains one of the earliest known copies of Hrabanus, De computo liber, transcribed about A.D.825 on the Reichenau by this young student W I , a second scribe H, and probably a third scribe Q. This was only five years after that work had been composed during 819 - 820 at St. Michael’s Abbey, Fulda, when Hraban was Heitonis Visio Wettini, ed. Dümmler, MGH. Poetae II (1884); Autenrieth (1978). Heito was abbot of St. Pirmin on the Reichenau, at the same time bishop of Basel, and also a diplomat sent by Karl der Große to Constantinople; his career is summarised by Zettler (1990), 657 – 659, and by Ineichen-Eder (1983). 5 This magister Erlebaldus was not the Erleboldus who in 826 wrote the long poem In Honorem Hludowici Imperatoris, ed. Faral (1964), with exaggerated praise and idealised language of the king and emperor. Three years later, Erlebold was castigated as stercora nigella or ‘black dung’ in a word play by Walahfrid in his Versus de Imagine Tetrici (829), lines 24 and 30, while Grimalt was praised extensively. See also Godman (1987), 106 – 109; Goldberg (2013), 613 – 642, esp. 626 – 630. 6 Plath (1892), esp. p.269; Feger (1956). 7 Gosbertus withdrew as abbot in 837 and was succeeded by Grimalt, probably under pressure of Ludwig der Deutsche who was trying to regain control of Alemannia. 8 His verses are reviewed in detail by Martin Brooke (1990). 4
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still magister of the school.9 It may have been brought to the Reichenau by Godescalc or Bernolt or another Fulda monk sent there about 824 by Hraban for further studies. Hand H is the first script found in this early copy of that Computus up to chapter XIII, followed by W I who continued and completed the book, perhaps with assistance of hand Q in the concluding chapter XCVI, the brief chronicon with final words: . . . et aeternitate semper manet perenni trinus et unus omnipotens deus qui est benefictus in secula. Amen. We may learn more about Walahfrid and his ways of working by following not only his scripts but also his exceptional usages, mistakes, and their corrections in the first period. In Alemannic script the usual suspension for autem was with a rising stroke above, as seen in all periods of Walahfrid’s scripts. But in his transcription of Hraban’s Comautem. Once, he putus, W I occasionally used the insular sign or wrote ergo with his customary rising upper stroke, but normally W I did not abbreviate that word. These two exceptions were probably imitations of their appearance in his Fulda exemplar. The word propter was erroneous where post should be, perhaps due to his misreading of pt with stroke above, rather than pt with suprascript comma often used in some early scripts, including those of Fulda. The ti and te ligatures by hand W I are numerous but were not due to lack of space; rather, they were early Alemannic practices which were being learned by a lad of fifteen years in the Mittelzell scriptorium and were not retained by him later. The Fulda suspension with a short stroke across the descender for quia was misread throughout the Computus text as quod or qui; most of them were erased and rewritten correctly by himself, W IIIa, probably under supervision of a more experienced scribe at Fulda. Notice the word aliquid corr ex uliquid (226) which had been misread by W I from the open-a of his Fulda exemplar. After the first two words of his ms p.228, W I replaced an old pen and took up a new one, continuing with firmer ductus and fewer abbreviations or suspensions. Coloured initials on ms p.220 – 221, which do not occur elsewhere and other variant usages suggest interventions by another Reichenau hand which we designate Q, not previously remarked. This hand may 9 Edited by Stevens (1979), 163 – 332, from sixteen extant manuscripts, of which the earliest are the Fulda ms Oxford BL Canon.misc.353 and Walahfrid’s Sn. Collation of the texts and their marginal Tironian notations by Stevens (1993) has shown that Walahfrid’s text of Hraban was corrected from the Oxford manuscript during Autumn 827 – Spring 829 while he was at Fulda. It should be mentioned that variants of text in the Fulda ms Oxford and ms St. Gallen were denoted by signs C and G by Bischoff (1950, 1967a) and in our edition; those signs are not retained for our present analysis.
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have been active intermittently along with W I on ms p.220 - 225 for six pages of the Computus. Hand Q seems to have intervened also on 262,16 - 263 for a page-and-a-half of the text of Beda, De temporibus. Apparently, Bedae DT was then continued by hand K who also wrote tituli for that work in Fulda during 827 - 829. At that point in his career, Walahfrid was assigned the job of tutoring Carolus iunior and departed Fulda for Ingelheim. On the formerly blank ms p.277 is a carefully drawn labyrinth with opening at bottom and the word domus at centre which Walahfrid may have included for the amusement of the six-year old son of the king and emperor Ludwig and Judith. This game may have been created by hand W IIIb either while he was preparing to depart Fulda in Spring or during his brief time at Weißenburg in Summer 829 by W IVa; but certainly it was added prior to his second set of excerpts from the Compilatio DCCC XII on p.278 - 289 in hand W IVb (833 - 834). Those excerpts begin on ms p.278, but their titulus was placed at the bottom of the previous page (277): Excerptum De Libro Albini Magistri. Later added in the upper margin of ms p.277, perhaps in the eleventh century, are five lines from a liturgical antiphon to be sung ante Evangelium in the Processional for the liturgy of Epiphany with music indicated by neums, as used at Nonantola. Two phrases are blotted out, but there follow new verses and music: EXCE[LSIS] Tribus miraculis ornatum diem sanctum credimus Hodie stella magos dixitur ad pre[sequi. . .] Hodie visum ex aqua factum est ad nupcias hodie IHOHANNE
This text appears in three manuscripts from the Abbey of St. Sylvester at Nonantola, according to musicologist Paul Evans of Oberlin College when we were both working in the Stiftsbibliothek Sankt Gallen; his career continued at Pennsylvania State University. These lines and neums may indicate where this and other books from libraries of the Reichenau, St. Gallen, and others were hidden from raids by Avars and Huns in the tenth century and sometimes were returned to their homes in a safer time.10 10 For the possibility that Sn was at Chur in 1457 before being acquired by Aegidius Tchudis: Lehmann (1920, repr 1959) 171 – 185. Other annotations were added on ms p.276 (s.XII), including music: pro grege subiucto sternite vos domino/ corona. But pace Bruckner (1935) 26, 93 – 94, there is no evidence of Chur scripts or neums, according to Bischoff (1950) 30, repr (1967a) 38, n.10.
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There were many mistakes and corrections by W I or by his companion hand H. If he noticed that a word were lacking, he would first place the word in the margin with two dots beside it : (like our semicolon) and repeat them where the word belonged in the text. If an entire line were missing, he supplied it in the upper or lower margin with a nota before it, also placing that sign interlinear in the text to show where the addition belonged. These notae took several forms, as displayed in Table I, recwith two ognising the progress of his script in line corrections, first short curves and points on each side of them by W II on the Reichenau, then by a star with points in the two or four spaces by W IIIa at Fulda, using a different pen and darker ink, called asterisk: Table I
Sn ms p.191 (H)
ms p.191 (W IIIa) mg supra
D. Quot minuta M. XXVIII. (Computus XXXIII 32 - 33)
M. VII milia CC Δ Quot momenta
ms p.206 (H)
ms p.206 (W IIIa) mg infra
anno unum diem solari adicimus eamque lunae mensis februarii tribuamus . . . (Computus LIIII 34 - 35) ms p.218 (W I) redeant . . . fuerint & post V (Computus LXXI 15 - 16) ms p.16A (W II) lectus lecta lectum iecti lectae lecti . . . (Donati Ars minor)
genetivo
ms p.28 (W II) masculine vel feminini vel omnis . . . (Prisciani Institutio) ms p.30 (W II) Genetivus & dativus . . . (Prisciani Institutio)
similiter lunari unam diem adiciamus ms p.218 (W IIIa) mg infra annos futurae sint quae primo post bissextum anno sunt eadem, & ante annos XI transierint [& post VI add] ms p.16A (W II) mg infra Participia venientia a verbo passivo tempore generis masculine feminine et neutri numeri singularis figurae simplicis casus nominativi et vocativi [. . . ]untur sic nominativo lectus lecta lectum ms p.28 (W II) mg infra vel communi duum vel trium . . . masculine vel feminine. ms p.30 (W II) mg dextra in us
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ms p.39 (W II) eramus ritis rvnt Infinitivo . . . (Prisciani Institutio) ms p.44 (W II) edamus edatis edant In perfecto cum ederem . . . (Prisciani Institutio) ms p.278 (W IVa) Seth autem habens annos CV genuit enos vivente adam . . . (Compilatio DCCC XII)
ms p.39 (W IIIa obelus) interiectus rvnt corr ex rint ms p.44 (W IV comma) mg infra [coniurativo . . . eda . . . damus] edatis. [. . .] ms p.278 (W IVa) enos quippe habens annos ·XC·, genuit cainan vivente adam, & habente annos CCCXXV.
There are more corrections worth our attention: ms p.178 - 194 were written by hand H. On ms p.191 in the Computus ch.XXXIV, he first wrote the word alterutra, without however understanding it. He decided that the last three letters, -tra, might be an abbreviation and spelled out the word terra, completing the previous term with an abbreviation mark, so that the text would read alterum terra. But that left a text which made no sense. Later with a broader pen and darker ink, the correct word alterutra was restored by W IIIa. In the left margin of the Fulda manuscript of this text is the long and graceful - nota, to be discussed below. Walahfrid himself wrote ms p.193 - 220 and 226 - 240 of his Vademecum. On ms p.210 of the Computus ch.LX, one finds a sentence with many corrections for two words which ought to read: antiquissimi romanorum. Somehow the fifteen-year-old was confused and did not grasp the meaning of the text. Having mistaken the insular r in his for tall letter s in the light red-brown ink of his Fulda exemplar Reichenau scriptorium , he wrote: antiquissimus omanorum. He corrected this first by inserting a tiny minuscule r above letter s of the mistaken ending –mus, also erasing the final s. Yet another stroke with the same pen and ink changed the –u- to –us with tall final . The result was antiquissimus romanorum which still did not read very well. However, sometime later with a broader pen and darker ink of W IIIa, the mistaken letters –us were again erased and letter ı was inserted, in order that the text would read correctly: antiquissimi romanorum. Yet again in the left margin of the Fulda manuscript, one finds the q - nota. In ms Sn the ductus of the later corrections by W IIIa with a darker, even black ink distinguish them from the corrections made on the Reichenau by W I or W II. There are many more instances of the of q – nota in the
q
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computus text of the Fulda manuscript which correspond with corrections of the same text in his own ms Sn by W IIIa. Some examples will show that the two manuscripts were used side by side, in order to collate and correct Walahfrid’s text: Table II ms Fulda ms Sn Hrabani De computo p.191 [H] XXXIIII 18 - 22 f.19v Quibus aeque qualitatibus disparibus quidem per se sed alterutra ad invicem . . . aer humidus et calidus, ignis . . . calidus et siccus. p.210 [W I] LX 14 ... antiquissimusomanorum f.33v antiquissimu omanorum antiquissimus romanorum antiquissimi romanorum f.39v
p.219 [W I]
LXXIII 2 . . . ad epactas solis
The Oxford Canonici manuscript of Hrabanus, De computo liber is remarkable in that it was written in the author’s own scriptorium but also because it is one of the two oldest transcriptions of that work. It must be dated not later than Spring 829 but before W IIIa could have used it. Its first two lines were written on the first folio of each gathering by the master of the Fulda scriptorium, leaving the following text to others. The second gathering he passed to a group of novices who were learning to write with Fulda style. The third the master entrusted the text to a more experienced scribe who wrote with a mature Fulda script; and so forth.11 On f.3 to 40 and again on f.54, common errors of letters of the alphabet or of grammatical forms were noted in margin but without ink. The corrector used a dry griffel and marked the margin with one line usually at a 30° to 45° angle to the horizontal or with two or three ; in text nearby, a correcsuch lines crossing each other:
The organisation of ms Oxford BL Canonici misc.353 and the earmarks which characterise each scribe have been described by Stevens (1972a) and (1973). 11
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tion will have been made.12 Those dry indentations or scratches on the vellum however are rather difficult to see with the naked eye and cannot be reproduced by photography. For more significant corrections, various signes de renvoi were used in the Oxford manuscript, such as f.7 f.13v f.36
Obellus with a point, for insertion of a line of text; Antissima indicates a word that should be deleted; Asterisk with points for supplying a missing part of text.
Yet more interesting is the stenographic nota on f.39v near the words ad ; this nota asks quaere epacta, or What is the epact?13 epactas solis Epact is a technical term in computus, by which the thirty days of months are remembered, counting from the first month of a year. Those are lunar epacts; but the student asked: Can there be a solar epact? Yes there can, but this must be learned under the terms adiectiones solis or concurrentes septimanae dies in Hraban’s chs. LXXI and LXXII for which he had turned to the best sources: Argumentum IV and Beda, DTR LIV. For deciphering this Tironian stenography or tachygraphy, I am grateful to Professor Bernhard Bischoff for his correspondence on 27 December 1971 and other times. As remarked by Steffens (1910), xxxi - xxxiii, Roman stenography was not common in the ninth century but could be learned in some Carolingian schools, such as Tours, Fleury, or Fulda. It was used to good effect in comparison of the Oxford and Sn texts of this Computus. Sn reveals that Walahfrid learned and used several signs which were common to literary criticism and had been taught by Suetonius, Hieronimus, Priscian, Cassiodorus, Isidore, and Hraban: especially several forms of the asterisk, antissima, and two forms of apostrophe. Later, W IV transcribed Isidore’s discussion of Roman stenography (ms p.315 - 318) from Origines I, 18: De accentibus; 19: De figuris accentuum; and a few words of 20: De posituris, stopping short of the part about punctuation signs. He omitted entirely section 21: De notis sententiarum, on grammarians’ signs and their distinctive applications. That may have been because he used those signs but did not maintain the Isidorean distinctions in practice. The series of notae which he did 12 Bischoff (1966), without noticing this Fulda manuscript. Such intentional ‘scratches’ in manuscripts deserve further analysis. 13 This nota was not recorded by Chatelain, Jusselin, Tangl, or others; but see Kopp II (1817), 8, 125, 368 – 370; and Bischoff (1979), 103 – 105, English trans. (1990), 80 – 82.
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use were applied variously to notice and supply omissions to an incomplete text, to correct a misspelled word, or to indicate scattered items on a single subject. He then continued with transcription of Origines I 22. Twice (194, 240) in his copy of Hrabanus, De computo XXXVI, are notae which are by other readers and not by Walahfrid: a minuscule d in text corresponding with an h in upper margin (with cross-stroke on ascender of each). This combination may be compared with practices of scribes trained in Lorsch and found widespread in uses by other Carolingian writers.14 Computus was a discipline which Walahfrid continued during 827 to 829 in his hand W IIIa for two works of Beda, Liber de natura rerum and Liber de temporibus, cited herein as DNR and DT.15 Those three texts of Hraban and Beda were transcribed quite accurately by Walahfrid himself and his companions (Fulda hands J and K). To them he added practical applications in the Fulda Calendar (324 - 327) in columns for the months of 31 days, those of 30 days, and the one month of 28 days. This Calendar was his own creation while at Fulda and has been reproduced below in facsimile, together with our transcription [Appendix A]. Slight changes have been detected in Walahfrid’s transition from his hand W IIIb at both Fulda and Weißenburg to his hand W IVa at Weißenburg where his script has been identified by Bischoff in three places: transcription of the earliest and best surviving manuscript of the Odes and Epodes of the Roman poet Horace in ms Vat. BAV Regin. lat.1703; the 16 verses entitled De Conflictu [veris et hiemis om] which he copied for himself (335); and the letter from Karl der Große to Albinus (Ealhwine, Alcuin). It was probably also at Weißenburg that he found the Disputatio de vera philosophia Albini Magistri (322 - 323, continued on 340 - 344) which was transcribed for him by hand L, a well-trained Fulda scribe who was travelling with him. There is also a Horologium on 351 drawn in the shape of a circle with a compass and regular (a ruler or Lowe (1946), 76 – 77, who also refers to earlier insular usages. Bedae De natura rerum liber, ed. Charles W. Jones with glosses edited by Frances Randall Lipp, in Bedae Opera Didascalica A (1975), 189 – 234. Bedae de temporibus liber I – XVI, ed. Jones, Bedae Opera (1943), 295 – 303, but without its Chronicon (chs. XVII – XXII); reprinted in Bedae Opera Didascalica C (1980), 585 – 601, together with Theodor Mommsen’s edition of the Chronicon (1898), for which there were some textual corrections by Jones. Although the Sn transcriptions of Bedae DNR and DT in ms Sn are nearly the earliest to survive and were listed in the sources for his editions by Jones, they could not be collated by him, due to his hurried departure from Europe late in 1941. 14 15
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straight-edge); its data cannot be deciphered because of wear and tear of a page which had served as the end-sheet of Sn for a long period. Thus we do not know whether this Horologium was written either by hand L or by hand W IVa or perhaps later. The other Horologium is easily read on ms p.301 - 302 in the hand W IVb who copied the data in run-on lines of text rather than tabular form. It provides length of shadows at meridian for every month of the year at about 51° North Latitude. January is paired with December, February with November, and so forth, as well as pairing the first and eleventh hours, second and tenth, and so on to hours at noon. These data correspond with those published by Borst as Addendum IV 28a, an addition to Compilatio DCCC XII (812 - 818), ed. Schriften 1232 - 1234. That data however would correspond better with the latitude of Fulda, Köln, Aachen, or Paris, rather than more southerly regions, such as those on ms p.81 of Sk¹, which apply to latitude of about 48° for the Reichenau and St.Gallen. These horologia deserve further evaluation.16 It was at Weißenburg or possibly his next stop at Ingelheim where the aula regis was settled with Judith that he also found the Compilatio DCCC XII in seven books. From this large collection of astronomia and computus, he selected five texts; they were transcribed for him by hands Ma and Mb (345 - 347), though he intervened in their work for two lines himself (346,3-4): W IVa. Those texts are published here in Appendix C with collations from the earliest copies, or their dated exemplars, which existed during his lifetime. Further changes in Walahfrid’s writing may be noticed during the period from Autumn 829 to the Winter 833 and Spring of 834, which we designate W IVb. That hand is found in his larger selections of the same Compilatio, but from a different exemplar and probably at a different location. He knew this collection as Liber Albini Magistri, and its texts are published here in Appendix D. The first of these later excerpts
Note also that a Horologium nocturnum was used by Beda, DTR VI.13 – 15 and XXXVIII.33 – 37. Centred on a gnomon, that instrument was not for measuring shadows of the sun, from which latitude can be determined during hours of daylight, but for observing the stars and constellations, from which not only their positions may be measured against the scale of the Zodiac but also may tell the equinoctial hours of the night: Stevens (1997), 425 – 433. A Horologium nocturnum was sent to Frankish king Pippin III the Short in A.D.760 by Paul, bishop of Rome: Codex Carolinus, Nr. 24, p.529, cit. McCluskey (1990), 11; Borst (1993), 55. That was not a sundial, as usually proposed. Was it a table of data from central Italy or an instrument for general observation of the heavens, like that used about 840 by Pacificus of Verona? 16
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[Item 6] is one of the earliest surviving Latin chronicles.17 Another is a series of speculations about the long-term age of mankind in three yearcounts of Anni Mundi. The remainder are practical explanations of how to use the Bedan calendar. Walahfrid always liked chronicles, and there are a number of excerpts from other historical works which he discovered and copied about the same time. For example, the Chronographus CCCLIIII (354) may have been found by W IVb in the library of Judith at Ingelheim where there was great interest in astronomy. His excerpts from Part V of the Chronograph were mostly notes on each of the seven planets commencing with Saturn, coordinated with days of the week, but lacking hours or illustrations, ms p.240 - 241: SATURNI DIES N18 Saturni dies horaque eius cum erit nocturna sive diurna . . ./ . . . factum non invenietur. SOLIS DIES C . . ./ LUNAE DIES C . . ./ MARTIS DIES N . . ./ MERCURII DIES C . . ./ IOVIS DIES B . . ./ VENERIS DIES B Veneris dies horaque eius cum erit nocturna sive diurna sponsalia facere . . . convalescit furtum factum invenietur. This was followed on ms p.241 by a short piece from Part V on rising times for the twelve signs of the Zodiac which is very difficult to read, due to glosses which were intended to extend abbreviations of headings or which were entered above, and due to erasures and use of chemicals to decipher them: EFFECTUS XII SIGNORUM ARI[ES] CAN[CER] LIB[Ra] CAP[ric] In his signis tropicis luna cum erit nummos mu[lt]os dare vel . . ./ . . . migrare utile. TAU[rus] LEO S[C. . .] AQUa In his signis solidus luna cum erit . . . GEMINI VIR[g. . . ] SA[T. . .] PISCES In his signis duplicibus luna cum erit [viam] navigium . . ./. . . barbam, [capillos facere] utile est. Adbreviatio Chronicae, ed. Mommsen (1898), 349 – 354. Stern (1953), 50; Salzman (1990), 30 – 31. The significance of capital letters which follow each heading in sequence: N C C N C B B, is not known. 17
18
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This text follows the moon through the Zodiac and was described by its catalogue and editor as Zodiologion.19 Recommending activities in each month appropriate for those born under each sign, it is the earliest example of Roman astrology known to have been transcribed in the ninth century and may have been taken into his Vademecum by Walahfrid from the exemplar of ms Vat. BAV Pal.lat.834 (A.D.836?) f.42v, now missing. This scribe seems to have had difficulties with a diagramme of the twelve signs of the Zodiac in his exemplar, so that tituli and texts may not belong to each other. As there was not enough space for these entries on p.240 - 241, W IVb continued them on the blank spaces of his p.302 - 303. The Chronograph was a well-illustrated calendar created by the Roman calligrapher Furius Dionysius Filocalus for Valentinus, a prominent citizen in mid-fourth century and a Christian. One bit on ms p.303 included names of emperors from the previous century20: Gordianus III (238 - 244), Gallus (Gaius Vibius Trebonianus ), and his son Volusianus. It is surprising that neither Philip the Arab (244 - 249) nor Decius (251 - 253) were included in this list: Philip was remembered as having been the first Christian emperor, while Decius was known to have persecuted Christians. The Chronograph was a really precious creation with illustrations and decorated with coloured borders. Walahfrid’s selections are the earliest evidence that it survived into the ninth century. His exemplar seems to have been copied into ms Vat. BAV Pal.lat.834 (West Germany ante A.D.850), f.1 - 26, whose cycles in the later section (f.26 - 90) begin with year 836 but may have been based upon an exemplar of 823, now also missing.21 As well, there are excerpts from the Fasti Vindobonenses,22 a work which borrowed illustrations of signs and stars of the Zodiac from the Chronograph. Thus, Bischoff (1967a), 44, 19 Svenberg (1936), 158 – 159; idem (1963), 12 – 13, 44. The text was thought to be part of the Chronograph by Mommsen (1892), 32, 47, and Stern (1953), 15, 60 – 61. 20 The ‘Divus imperator’ leading this list could have been any emperor who could be designated divus, probably meaning only that he had died and is honoured. 21 There are valuable studies of the Chronograph, Filocalus, and the Vatican manuscript by Carl Nordenfalk (1936), Henri Stern (1953), Michele Salzman (1990), and others. Apparently, its illustrations of months were the models for those surrounding the Planispherium of the Leiden Aratea, ms Leiden Rijksbibl. Voss-Q.lat.79 (s.IX1) f.93v. Diverse uses of the Chronograph in Carolingian computi were suggested by Borst (1998), 20 – 22, 403 – 405, 555 – 556, et passim. 22 The Fasti were later transcribed in ms Vat. BAV Regin.lat.438 (s.IX ex) by a scribe probably from the Reichenau who omitted the illustrations; that manuscript is also missing. Salzman (1990), 279 – 282, does not refer to the excerpts by Walahfrid.
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proposed that the two works, Chronographus and Fasti, may have been found together when used by W IV. Excerpts from these two works by Walahfrid (240 - 241, 302 - 305) are the earliest of their texts known. Even his excerpts from Eusebios, Orosius, and the Historia Tripartita have to do with unusual events seen in the heavens or with the experience of earthquakes. One of his last entries was an earthquake, six months before he died. The twenty-four verses of Primis Iane tibi sacratur . . . may also have been found by Walahfrid in the Chronograph CCC LIIII. His transcription on ms p.302 - 303 is again the earliest surviving copy and does indeed include the last line: Quae [sis] quam vis annum claudere possis, pace Salzman.23 A few lines on ms p.378 - 379 have a titulus: EXCERPTUM EX STORIA ECCLESIASTICA which suggests the Historia ecclesiastica of Eusebios, but the text: Stella enim praefulgens gladio per omnia similis . . . is from an addition to the authentic work of that author which we found above: Vita Constantini. This text seems not to have been written by Eusebios in Greek; rather, there is no reason to suppose that the so-called Vita Constantini was actually written in Greek by Eusebios of Caesarea (ca.260 - 340) or in Latin by Rufinus of Aquileia (ca.345 - 410); Rufinus had translated the Historia and continued it with two more books to the year 395, for which there remain several versions. The Vita had probably been written in the scriptorium of the Roman curia and added to a Latin version of that work at 3,7,2 for presentation to Pippin III the Short on the occasion of his visit to Roma ca.750 - 751. It was desired in Roma that Pippin make war upon the local bishop’s enemies. The lands conquered by Pippin on that expedition were given to the Roman church, whose bishop then recognised him as rightful king of the Franks. Walahfrid may not have known about these matters but was curious. Another famous document appeared at the same time and perhaps in the same way: there is no evidence that the so-called Donatio Constantini was accepted as valid by anyone at this time or by Walahfrid, though it was a curiosity. Rather, it appears that both the Vita and
Salzmann (1990) says that ‘No conjecture or later manuscript resolves the text satisfactorily.’ Unfortunately, she gave it a later date of writing, and she did not record the erasure of sis in the final line which, though omitted by Housman, had been noticed by Stern and printed in the edition of Courtney (1988). 23
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the Donatio were ignored by Pippin, Karl, and their successors as forgeries, certainly without legal value in disputes over those lands.24 On ms p.315 - 318, W IVc turned his attention to the practices of scribes described by Isidore’s Origines vel Etymologiae. His selections are from I,18: De Accentibus, on stenographic signs, and a few lines of 19: De Posituris, on grammarians’ insertion notae. His manuscript (p.317) shows the terms and signs for Yfen, Diastole, Apostrofos, and Psile with explanations. As we have noted, Walahfrid did not copy section 20 about punctuation or section 21 about writer’s symbols for other purposes: that would have included the sign X which we have found with his several insertions for correction of texts.25 He had never taken Isidore as determining his own practices.26 At this time of life, Walahfrid was more interested in the comparison of Latin letter forms with those of Greek and Hebrew, selecting parts of Origines I,3 and 4 for his ms p.318, 319, and 32o: DE LITTERIS. Litterae Latini et Grecae ab Ebreis videntur et orate apud ebreos enim dictum est Aleph deinde ex simili enuntiatione
apud Grecos tractus est alfa [inde ss] a[ud Latinos a]. Translator enim et similii sono . . ./. . . Cathmus Agenorisi filius Grecas litteras e fenica in Greciam decem et septem primus attulit ∂ Β Γ Δ e Ζ . . . Τ Φ. . . . adictit Η Χ Ζ Θ, Υ litteram Pitagoras . . . HEBRAICE LITTERE. Apud Ebreos enim dictum est Aleph . . .27 ;
and an ALFABETUM GRECI with Roman numerals, to which a line of four Greek diphthongs was added with Latin phonetic sounds. After
24 Clerks of Otto III (king 996 – 1002; emperor 999 – 1002) knew it in A.D.1001 as ‘the long-standing lie under the title of Constantine the Great’, one of several ‘fabrications’ by greedy popes who wasted their own properties and then claimed those of others: DO. III. 389, Constitutionum Constantini, ed. MGH. Diplomata II/2. Die Urkunden Otto des III (ed. T. Sickel, 1957), III. 881 – 882; English trans. Boyd H. Hill, Jr. (1969), 64 – 66. 25 On Roman stenography, Mentz (1944), 18 – 25, and on use of stenographic notations in Carolingian times: idem, 187 – 234. 26 Cf. ms p.171 – 174: a list of books of the Bible which could have been found by hand G in either Isidore, De ecclesiasticis officiis I,12 or Hraban, De institutione clericorum II,54. 27 These Greek and Hebrew alphabets may also have served for secret writing, such as found in ms Wien ÖNB 2223 (Würzburg s.IX in), München CLM 14725 (N Francia s.IX in), and others cited by Bischoff and Hofmann (1952), 53; Bischoff (1954), 1 – 27.
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a space there are three more Greek signs which are explained as ‘more numerals’: I II [III] . . . alpha beta gamma . . . Λ Β Γ . . .
XL my Μ
[L] ny Ν
e i u y Diptong- AI • EI • OY • OI
. . . . . . . . .
DCCC DCCCC o longa [blank] ω ↑ Ista tres cara[cteres] ad numerum tantum continent• ЅЧ↑
Finally on ms p.321, nine lines and spaces were added with both AngloSaxon and Nordic runes, but not alphabetic.28 They were partly obliterated by the use of chemicals in two attempts to decipher them in the nineteenth century. These experiments have left different results: one of the chemicals has dis-coloured the parchment of 320 - 321 to orange-red but is stable; the other is now black and continues to cause deterioration of the ink used for the original text.29 Ductus of scripts in these later additions and excerpts become increasingly broad and unsteady. Walahfrid may have been a bit ill during many of these developements, and he was always concerned with his health. Already in Fulda at age 19 or 20, hands J and K joined him in transcribing the letter to Antiochus and Antonius, supposedly from Hippocrates (327 - 331), with prescriptions for headaches, constipation, vertigo, ulcers, dieting and eating moderately, the relation of annual seasons to good health, and so forth. For some of this advice he may have needed assistance by consulting local physicians, for the Latin terms are glossed with Old High German words and phrases.30 Walahfrid seems to have gathered four titles of additional medical works and even to have visited a market and noted the cost of spices and elements, leaving spaces Facsimile of p.320 in Heinrich Hattemer (1844, repr. 1970), Tafel 1. See Eis (1949), 32 – 33, 99; and Derolez (1954), 78, 80, 315 – 321 et passim. Derolez considered the runes of ms Sn to be more original than those in the work De inventione litterarum, ascribed to Hraban. The latter was also concerned with a runic alphabet, of which the earliest extant copy is ms St. Gallen 876. 29 Johannes Duft, librarian of St. Gallen (1948 – 1981), thought that these efforts were the work of the earlier librarian of that library, Ildefons von Arx (1755 – 1833), or perhaps later by Anton Henne when he was acting librarian (1855 – 1861): Duft (1951), 252 – 256; (1952), 37 – 38; cit. Horn and Born I (1979), 6. 30 Medical prescriptions with Old High German glosses, ed. Steinmeyer (1989), IV, 455. 28
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for adding more such information (p.333 - 334). He further wrote two letters about medical problems,31 as well as remarks on health in Liber de cultura hortulorum. Later, his companions on the Reichenau, hands N and O, transcribed for him a long letter from the Byzantine physician Anthimos addressed to Theoderic, king of the Franks (352 - 365) on eating carefully: quite a rare item (p.352 - 365). That letter points out that in moderation meat is good for health, even including esicum (sausage) if it is made from hens or pullets; with addition of an egg, the sausage is tender and produces good humours. During his last period, W IVc himself cheerfully added a note, Conservatio fleotomiae (p.366 - 367), on the preservation of flowing streams which are so valuable for the numerous personnel who live in any large complex of monastic buildings, certainly important in the large community of the Reichenau for which he was responsible. It is remarkable to have two eyewitness accounts of major earthquakes in March and June of 849 on the last five lines of ms p.305. The first was written by W IVc himself: Anno ab incarnatione domine DCCC XLVIIII terra motus maximus factus est post primum gall[i]cantum XII∙ Kal. M[art. sunt secunda] die Saturnis et fuit [∙X∙] diebus. Another hand, unknown but contemporary, has added with a different ink: & postea [per] intervalla tamen sepe ve[nit] Kal. Iun. ipso anno primo mane die sabbat[o] acci[dit].32 The ends of four lines are lost in the right margin of ms p.305, and there seem to have been erasures. An attempt to read this text by use of a chemical reagent in the nineteenth century has obliterated most of one line. There was a first earthquake at cockcrow on 17 February and an aftershock ten days later: ∙X∙ diebus, experienced by Walahfrid in the last year of his life, as well as a second quake on the first of June, noted by someone close enough to him to insert the report in the abbot’s note Walahfrid, Epistolae 10 and 22, ed. Beyerle (1927), 95, 98. Gallorum cantum was seen by the first editor, Mommsen (1892), 249 – 250, but it is probably gallicinium or gallicantum. He also read: terrae motus, XII Kl. Mais die Saturnis et fuit . . . diebus, and omitted some words thereafter, as they are extremely difficult to decipher. Uncertain readings are bracketed, but Bischoff (1967a), 45, n.27, read Mart. (rather than Mais.) which we give above as M[art.], uncertain. 31
32
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book. These events were also noticed more formally in two sets of annals.33 Walahfrid was not a physician, and his continued attention to medical regimen opens the question as to whether it were his own illness that resulted in a fall from his horse on 14 August 849 when he died, crossing the Loire river. The Vademecum of Walahfrid was in his pack at that time and was returned with the abbot’s body to the Reichenau. His book survived fortunately in Switzerland and is now a treasure of the Sankt Gallen Stiftsbibliothek: revealing in detail his pursuit of knowledge and his difficult but interesting life during that stormy period.
A major earthquake was reported by Annales Flaviniae, a.849 (ed. Mommsen 152): XII Kl. Mart. = 17 February; and by Annales Bertiniani, a.850 (ed. Mommsen 443): XIII Kl. Mart. nocte sequenti = 17/18 February. These were probably the same event. 33
V. ST. MICHAEL’S ABBEY
In 827 Walahfrid went North to the monastery and school of St. Michael’s Abbey at Fulda in order to study with Hraban who was already well known as a teacher not only of theology and computus but especially of grammar and rhetoric, as both Godescalc and Servatus Lupus later remarked. From his early studies with Ealhwine/ Alcuin, Hraban had brought a rare book to Fulda: ms Wolfenbüttel H.-A. Bibliothek Weiβenburg 86 (Tours s.VIII ex), full of grammatical texts for classic Latin usage, to which many marginal and interlinear annotations have been added in several hands, probably by Hraban’s teachers at Tours and by his own students at Fulda. Those annotations include some which were possibly written in the semi-uncial hand and very dark ink of Hraban.1 This codex was at Fulda during Walahfrid’s brief stay and could have been studied by him. He was accompanied to Fulda by Godescalc who was returning to his original abbey. But within two years both were in trouble: Godescalc was born about 806/8 and had been given by his parents to the monks of St. Michael’s Abbey as an oblate about 814. He asked to be released ca.828/9 from the vows made on his behalf by his parents in order to recover the noble status and properties which he would have inherited from his father Bern, a Saxon nobleman (but were then enjoyed by his younger brother); apparently the older sibling and first heir had died. When he appealed in June 829 to a council of bishops at Mainz over the head of abbot Hraban, he was defended by Hatto of Fulda (later abbot, 842 - 856). That Synod did not consider him rebellious and freed him from his monastic vows, but it did not order his properties to be returned by the monastery to which they had Butzmann (1964), 22, n.68.
1
ST. MICHAEL’S ABBEY
been pledged. Thereafter Godescalc lost every appeal to council or court. Godescalc retired to Corbie, then moved to Orbais, and in 835 was ordained priest by Rigbold, bishop of Reims. He was an exciting orator. Although he was guided and even ordered to mend his ways, he was not restrained by Hraban or by anyone else until after the 840 death of King Ludwig.2 These circumstances were evidence for Professor Karl Werner to say that Ludwig’s reign may have been a relaxed period of innovation, a time tolerant ‘de suggestions parfois presque revolutionaire.’3 Walahfrid had no such prospects and seems to have felt no such need. But he was loyal to his friend: meae pars unica mentis,4 and addressed him as ‘Fulgentius’; while Godescalc returned his friendship5 and called him ‘Servius.’ These nicknames were drawn from their study together of Vergil and commentaries on the Aeneid and the Georgics. Yet Walahfrid may also have had a talent for quarreling with his elders. If we may believe his letters, this young monk had been constantly at odds with his Reichenau masters Erlebald and Tatto, and he may have experienced the abbot’s resentment at Fulda for his support of Godescalc. His letters and poems record his complaints as well as his attempts at reconciliation, and his independence of mind and spirit is evident.6 Thus, we expect that of Walahfrid’s transcription and correction of texts were not always done because required by his masters. Rather, it appears that he was determined to undertake the arduous tasks of learning because he understood their value. A surprising correlation of two manuscripts allows us a view of Walahfrid at work. While studying in St. Michael’s Abbey at Fulda from Autumn 827 to the late Spring of 829, a brief period of perhaps only 22 months, Walahfrid corrected his own text of Hraban’s Computus, a book which had been written at Fulda earlier during 819 – 820. 2 His appeals and their denials by Hraban and by successive synods at Mainz are traced by Vielhaber (1956), De Jong (1996), Nineham (1989), Ganz (1990), and Patzold (2010). It was the council of Mainz (847), chaired by the new archbishop Hraban, that first condemned him; at Mainz (848) and Quierzy (849) Hinkmar of Reims argued that Godescalc was heretical on the basis of teaching an extreme notion of predestination and imprisoned him at Orbais until his death about 867/9. Further details are given by Freise (1980), 1021 – 1029; Nineham (1989); Ganz (1990). 3 Werner (1990), 71. 4 Walahfrid, Epistola 18, ed. K. Beyerle (1927), 97. 5 Bischoff, ‘Gottschalks Lied für den Reichenauer Freund’ (1960, repr. 1967). 6 Plath (1892), concerning a letter found in the Reichenau Formula Book, ed. MGH. Leges section V, Formulae, p.376; Madeja (1920), 251 – 256; Sanderson (1985); Zettler (1990), p.671, n.82 on Tatto.
ST. MICHAEL’S ABBEY
There are corrections on every page of his copy. The manuscript which he used to correct his own is now Canonici Miscellaneous 353 in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, of which the primary writing is mature Fulda script while the remainder is by scribes who were being trained by a Fulda master. This copy was probably in the library of Fulda before Walahfrid arrived there in 827.7 The collation was made with the close assistance of another scribe and included a number of marginal notae in the Fulda manuscript which were used by Walahfrid for corrections to his own Sn. Thus, these notae may have been entered in margins of the Canonici manuscript as early as Autumn 827 or at least by Spring 829 before he departed. In a careful and handsome script, several of the notae indicated questions: and (with the rising abbreviation mark above): interrogandum est; correction of punctuation with the tall, upright ascender for minuscule letter d distinctum est. Entered by the same hand and ink were a series of twenty-four textual queries in the form of q - notae with long descender. While Walahfrid decided whether or not the text of Hraban in his Vademecum needed to be altered to read correctly or a difficult reading verified, these long and graceful Tironian q’s were added to margins of the Fulda exemplar by the second scribe. That could also signify a completed collation: requisitum est. The second scribe has not been surely identified, but he could have been his closest friend, Godescalc, who had been together with Walahfrid earlier on the Reichenau for several years, and was also with him at Fulda during those two years.8 Hraban’s handbook began with the concept of number, how to use numerals, and how to apply fourteen divisions of time. Through a dialogue of question and answer the student learned to observe the stars and their patterns, the movements of Sun and Moon and their imperfect correlations. By the middle of the book he was deeply into the technical details of how to make and use a continuous calendar based upon a nineteen year cycle, as well as the rationale for such a calendar in Latin Christian history. 7 By comparison with other dated Fulda scripts, the Canonici manuscript must have been written in the Fulda scriptorium before A.D.836, for which see Stevens (1972a), 287 – 317, and (1973), 9 – 16. Further analysis by Stevens (1993) has allowed an earlier terminus post quem non for the Canonici manuscript of Spring 829 certainly and probably terminus ante quem before Walahfrid arrived at Fulda in Autumn 827. 8 For evidence of the relationship of Walahfrid and Godescalc on the Reichenau, at Fulda, and later: Bischoff (1960, rpr 1967b); Stevens (1993) 376 – 378. For Walahfrid’s early years in both places: Fees (2000) 42 – 47.
ST. MICHAEL’S ABBEY
Additional notes that appear at the end of Hraban’s Computus in these two manuscripts are answers to problems which a master had posed for his students when they began their study of the calendar itself. The first was this: On which feria or weekday did the Kalends of each month occur? Kalends is the first day of each month. Beda had explained the system, and so did Hraban who also applied it to the example of August when he was writing these passages. Taking the year 820 as his example, a student has worked out in the Fulda manuscript the feria for the Kalends of each month from March 820 to February 821; thus, the problem was solved and a system learned which could be applied to any year. The second problem was: In the Roman system, one must know how many Nones, Ides, and Kalends there are in each month. Beda and Hraban had provided explanations of how the Romans came to their system and what the terms meant, but not how to use them. In both Walahfrid’s manuscript and in the Fulda manuscript however, we see that students were drilled in the number of Nones and of Ides and of Kalends, and in the application of the terms by groups of months, according to a corresponding number of Nones and Ides. Students were also taught to divide months into weeks. How do you correlate 12 months and 52 weeks in a Roman system? On which days of the month will a feria or weekday recur in successive years? Begin with the Kalends of January: whatever feria occurs on the Kalends of January will also fall on the sixth Ides of that month and on the 18th Kalends of February, as well as on its 11th Kalends and the 4th Kalends. In order to continue reckoning the sequence of weeks, the student must recall what he learned in the preceding problem: the number of Nones, Ides, and Kalends for each month. Answers to these problems would have been simple, almost instinctive for a Roman but not for an Alsatian or a Frank. If such drills are elementary,9 they are also necessary in order to go further in this discipline. Many readers may recall these details of the Julian system, but we should explain them again according to the numbers of Kalends, Nones, and Ides. Thus, Kalends are the first day of each month but do not start there; rather, in the Roman way they begin after Ides of the previous month and are counted forwards to Kalends: that is, Modern scholars of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, like those of the ninth, resort to their own reference works in order to keep such matters straight. Roman calendar practices are summarised for example in the classic Latin grammars of Bennett (1895), 247 – 248; or Allen and Greenough (1931), 428 – 429. 9
ST. MICHAEL’S ABBEY
from XVIIII Kalends for January, August, and December; from XVIII Kalends for April, June, September, and November; from XVII Kalends for the four months March, May, July, and October; and from XV (or XVI) for variations of February. Nones fall on the day after Kalends and are numbered five for eight months including February, counted forwards, that is V, IIII, III, II (or pridie), Nones; but seven days for March, May, July, and October. Ides fall on the eight days after Nones for all twelve months, counted forwards: that is, VIII, . . . III, II (or pridie), Idus. With 28 days, February is an exception, as it has only XV Kalends for three years but 29 days and XVI Kalends for every fourth year because it then adds an extra day preceding Kalends VI (thus called bis sextus). For us, the numbering may seem reversed, and so it was for the Franks; but it had to be learned and might not have been easily remembered. Perhaps Walahfrid took the teaching more seriously than most students, for he applied it in an uncommon way. At Fulda Walahfrid created an unusual calendar which is quite compact (Sn ms p.324 – 347),10 not placing months in the usual twelve-month sequence from January to December, page by page, but grouping them according to whether they had the same number of Kalends, Nones, and Ides, exactly as here described: on one page are January, August, and December which have 31 days; March, May, July, and October which also have 31 days are together on a second page; on a third are April, June, September, and November which have 30 days; and a column for February is on the fourth page – altogether, a space of less than two folios. The teaching was that of Hraban; application may be seen in this short practical calendar by a quick-witted student. [Appendix A] The Fulda calendar created by Walahfrid makes it easier to keep track of these details and also names the many apostles, saints, and martyrs honoured there on the proper days.11 We note that Winfrid Bohne 10 The text of this Calendar was prepared in 1940 by Dr. Josef Müller, librarian of the Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen, for Bernhard Bischoff, then an Assistant in the Seminar of Professor Paul Lehmann at Universität München and sometime assistant to E.A. Lowe for the Codices Latini Antiquiores. It could not be delivered to him during the war and was misplaced. Later, it was found by Munding (1948), 6, 19 – 20, 36, and published without analysis. See further Bischoff (1967a), 42, n.16; Stevens (1972b), esp. 16; Heyne (1996), 55 – 64, with illustrations on 275 – 277; cited as ‘Kal. a 4’ by Borst (1998), xviii, 50, 308 et passim. 11 For liturgies and saints days at Fulda, see the Martyrologium Rabani Mauri, ed. McCulloch (1993); ms Frankfurt-am-Main, Stadt- und Univ. Bibliothek Barth. 32, (Fulda ante 856) f.1 – 3; and the Sacramentarium Fuldense, s.X, eds. G. Richter, A.
ST. MICHAEL’S ABBEY
(Gymnasium Instructor at Fulda) had studied the saints’ names, in comparison with those in other calendars, for two decades before his death without publishing the results. By comparison with the calendar in the Fulda Psalter of ms Frankfurt and three tenth century Fulda calendars with similar format,12 Bischoff determined that they share a common core with Sn, even to the point of common errors.13 This research should be pursued. In Walahfrid’s manuscript, feria were added in left margin of the calendar for the series of March, May, July, and October (325), though by whom is not clear. They would correspond with weekdays for March 829 or 837, May 825 or 838, July 832 or 840, and October 826 or 831 or 839. Walahfrid could not have used the period before he arrived in 827 at Fulda, and this early script would perhaps exclude the 830s and 840s; those feria fit well with March 829 and could have been added near the time of composition, though they were not written by Walahfrid. In column b on its final page (327), the calendar is followed by definitions of Kalends, Nones, and Ides. Calendar formulae and calendar reckoning were not exceptional for learned men during the ninth century, though the discipline of computus has not usually been considered by literary critics or historians to be significant for Carolingian culture and politics. Walahfrid’s personal notebook demonstrates that computus was an important and continuing activity during his entire life in the central regions of Germania and Francia, centring in Alemannia and Lotharingia. If Fulda and Reichenau students learned to think in Roman terms only with effort, they also needed the aid of memory verses which are so abundant in medieval manuscripts. Walahfrid composed four of the earliest known Versus computistici14 which we provide in Appendix B, with Schönfelder (1912). Notice also tituli for altars of the Salvator Cathedral at Fulda, ed. Dümmler, Poetae Latini II (1884), 205 – 206; and its metrical litany, ibid., 217 – 218. 12 Bischoff (1967), 42 – 43: ms Basel Universitätsbibl. Fragment II.31 (s.X med) f.1 – 6v; Göttingen Universitätsbibl. Theol.231 (s.X2) f.251 – 256v; Bamberg Staatsbibl. Lit.I [A.II.52] (post A.D.993) f.3v – 12. For ms Bamberg: Lehmann (1962), 4. Cf. also a similar calendar in ms Paris BN Lat.4860 (s.IX¾) f.135v – 136v. 13 Other early texts are known which group the months by Nones or Ides or Kalends in order to keep track of epacts through the year in Irish, Anglo-Saxon, Frankish, and Italian schools, cit. Warntjes (2010), clxxiv. 14 Ed. Dümmler, MGH. Poetae latini II (1884), 422 – 423, from CLM 14523 (s.X) f.1 – 11v and collated with the texts in several other manuscripts; cit. ICL (1977), nrs.1719, 7641, 4508, 11155. They are found together with Hraban’s Computus in ms Paris BN Lat.4860 (s.IX3/4) f.156 – 157 whose scripts are from the region of Konstanz and the Reichenau. All four verses are in ms München CLM 14523 (s.X1) f.1 – 1v from
ST. MICHAEL’S ABBEY
English translation. They are not present in surviving quires of Sn but are found in early manuscripts of the Reichenau, Sankt Gallen, Einsiedeln, Mainz, and more widely through the ninth and tenth centuries. The verses serve to keep in mind basic practices in the Bedan system, especially as can be coordinated with the 19-year Luni-solar cycle and its correlation with the regular appearance of stars in and around the Zodiac: [A] De Quatuor Divisionibus Zodiaci Versus Strabi. [8 verses] [B] Item De Initiis Quatuor Vicissitudinum Versus Eiusdem. [4] [C] Item De Circulo Decennovennali. [22] [D] Versus Eiusdem De Terminis Quadragesimalibus. [19] From Verse A we learn that Walahfrid must have been looking at a map of the heavens which had lines crossing for the North-South meridian, and for the equator: East-West, a division of the kosmos (mundus) into four parts (plaga). That would be similar with the figure orbis quadratus. Each cursus is a line which circles the mundus (Heavens) and is projected onto terra (Earth), as a band of latitude. Remarkable are his seasons [Verse B], each of which commences on the seventh Ides of November, February, May, August. That would be 7 November for Winter, 7 February for Spring, 9 May for Summer, and 7 August for Autumn – dates which seem rather earlier than usual. Verses C and D are intended to show how each year of the 19 Luni-solar cycle corresponds with the annual rising of a constellation seen within or near the Zodiac. He does not repeat the usual astronomical terms for figures of stars but rephrases and plays with the language, so that as yet no one has been able to identify all of them. In order to be memorable, these verses need to be simplistic, especially those for the lunar terms of Lent [D] which are certainly not elegant. Dümmler did not accept attribution of these four sets of verses to Walahfrid, apparently because they are awkward and have none of the quality usually found in Walahfrid’s other poems,15 but also because the name of Beda was sometimes attached to the fourth [D] in later manuscripts. As noted however by Bischoff (1950), 46, all four were early attributed to Walahfrid, and there is no reason to reject him as author. Other computistical verses for the same purposes were written for example by Paul the Deacon (A.D.763), Wandalbert of Prüm (813 – ca.870), Monastery St. Emmeram at Regensburg on the River Danube; and separately in mss St.Gallen 459, 915, 869, and many other manuscripts. Only the fourth of these verses is in ms München CLM 14569 (s.XI) f.29 where it is attributed to Beda. 15 Laistner (1937), 333.
ST. MICHAEL’S ABBEY
Agius of Corbei (865 – 888), and Erchempert of Monte Cassino (904). They were scattered through numerous manuscripts and were also gathered into booklets, for example ms München CLM 14743 (s.IX) f.117 – 184, edited as Carmina Salisburgensia, ten sets of verses which were joined with Hrabani De computo liber in five manuscripts transcribed in the early tenth to twelfth centuries.16 More computistical explanations were also added to Sn during later stages of his life which included periods in the Abbey of Sts. Peter and Paul at Weißenburg an der Lautter in Elsaß (Alsace); the court of Ludwig and Judith when they were at Ingelheim; travelling with them to Worms, Aachen, St. Denis, and Poitiers; held in the Sanctus Salvator Abbey at Prüm in der Eifel (the Ardennes); and his return to the Reichenau as abbot. Not all of Walahfrid’s time was spent in either grammatical or computistical studies. On two pages of his notebook (368 - 369), there is a paragraph De pomis on how to grow pears, excerpted from a Fulda copy of Palladius; he also used that Roman work in a poem addressed to his sponsor and friend Grimalt, as one of the 27 short poems later gathered into his Liber de cultura hortorum, now often called Hortulus.17 It also became necessary for him to give some attention to medicine while at Fulda, as he found and copied out a letter ascribed to the Greek physician Hypocrates (328 – 331) which provided a medical regimen which one might follow through the course of an entire year. To this he added further medical prescriptions (331 - 334) with German translations of key words. He may have been trying to overcome the real and very disturbing communications gap between a local physician and a transient foreign student by translating words and phrases into his own Alemannic language, now called Swabian.18 In the meantime however, Walahfrid was called to a new assignment and departed Fulda in late Spring 829. Grimalt and Hilduin of Corbie sponsored Walahfrid to become tutor for Karl, the six-year old son of 16 Details of these two groups may be found in Stevens (1979), 171 – 172 et passim. Those and many more early computistical verses are cited by incipit in the ICL. 17 Ed. Paul von Winterfeld, MGH. Poetae latini IV (1899), 434 et seq.; cf. Manitius (1911), 309. There are many translations and discussions of this collection of verses. 18 The medical regimen falsely attributed to Hippocrates, Epistola ad Antiochum et Antonium, is very common in medieval Latin manuscripts, and is also found in Bedae Liber de temporum ratione XXX 13 – 39, a text which Walahfrid did not copy into his Sn. He did copy other medical items and added interlinear German words, for which see Steinmeyer (1989), IV, p.455. Further medical notes were added after Walahfrid had left Fulda on his ms p.368 – 377 and 392 – 393: W IVb, as remarked previously.
ST. MICHAEL’S ABBEY
Judith. Grimalt continued to be active in the aulus regis of Ludwig and Judith especially at Ingelheim, and he continued later in the courts of son Ludwig and son Karl der Kahle, even while they were hostile to each other. Hilduin (or Hildoinus) served as capellanus imperatricis in the court of Judith,19 though perhaps not as summus capellanus for Ludwig after 830 when he seems to have sided with the revolt and was removed as chancellor.20 There were many candidates for service as tutor. For example, it is remarkable that, although Servatus Lupus and Walahfrid both lived at Fulda during 829 and laboured in the same scriptorium and library under the same abbot, they may never have met. Their interests in classical Latin literature and in natural phenomena were similar, but neither mentioned the other in any surviving evidence, perhaps because the one arrived (829/830) after the other’s departure in late Spring 829. Servatus Lupus was also brought to their court by Ludwig and Judith where he expected to achieve an important place, perhaps in the capella, but was frustrated at least for a while.21 Other students at Fulda whose writings have survived but who did not later mention each other included Otfrid of Weiβenburg, Baturich of Regensburg, Hartmut of St. Gallen, Haimo of Halberstadt, Waldo, Altwin, Gerolf, Erchanbert, and Ado of Wien.22 Lupus and Godescalc were at Fulda together and corresponded with each other. However, Walahfrid was chosen for the aula regis and moved on.
19 ‘Honorando atque sublimate . . . magistro atque precipue capellano domne imperatricis,’ ed. Dümmler 5 (1928), 143, who showed that this was addressed to Walahfrid; von Bezold (1924), 387 – 388. But he may not have been appointed to the capella maintained at Aachen under Hilduin, archicapellanus and chancellor for Ludwig during 819 – 830; cf. the later charter of Karl der Kahle: ‘in palatio Aquensi capellam in honore beate dei genitricis et virginis Mariae,’ ed. Tessier (1952): nr.425. 20 Hilduin was abbot of St. Denis from 814, and in 826 he had also become abbot of Saint-Germain-des-Prés, retaining both until his death ca.855/9. Fleckenstein I (1959), 52 – 55; Depreux (1997), 250 – 256. Fulrad sponsored Maginar as capellanus, and Hilduin himself sponsored Hinkmar who became summus capellanus in A.D.833/4; Fleckenstein I (1959), 72, 116 – 118, 172. 21 Servatus Lupus, Epistola 5, ed. Dümmler (1895), 566. He wrote Epistola 6 to Reginbert about his hopes. In Epistola 7 Lupus expressed frustration that he had not yet been favoured with an appointment. For these references to Lupus, I am grateful to Jeremy Christian Thompson (University of Chicago). 22 Tischler (2001), 121 – 122, agrees that Lupus’ arrival at Fulda in 829 – 830 must have been after Walahfrid’s departure in the late Spring 829. Raaijmakers (2009), 178; Depreux (2010), 53; Haubrichs (2010), 155.
VI. FROM FULDA TO WEISSENBURG
Leaving Fulda for his new assignment in the late Spring of 829, Walahfrid travelled to Weißenburg in the Alsace which lay about 250 km southwest of Fulda and the same distance southeast of Aachen, three places which form almost an equilateral triangle between them. He did not go to Aachen, as has often been asserted or assumed for example by Ebert, Langosch, Fees, Depreux, Booker, and often repeated by myself and others, although the king’s wife and children were not settled in Aachen and were rarely known to be there.1 The town which grew around the monastery of Saints Peter and Paul is now Wissembourg on the present border of Germany and France, about 70 km south of Worms and about 35 km west of Karlsruhe. Professor Bischoff noticed that at Weißenburg the young poet Walahfrid took a major part in completing the earliest and best surviving manuscript of the Odes and Epodes of Horace.2 Transcrib1 That he went from Fulda directly to Aachen was asserted for example by Ebert (1878): ‘In Frühjahr 829 Walahfrid kam “aus Fulda nach Aachen” und muß “sich seitdem bis ungefähr zum Jahr 838 am Hofe Ludwigs des Frommen aufgehalten haben”,’ an assumption carried forward in the Verfasserlexikon of Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters by Langosch (1953), 735 – 736. More recently, Fees (2000), 50 – 52, 57 – 58 et passim, also assumed that ‘am Hofe’ could only mean Aachen, whatever the context or reference. Similarly, Depreux (1994 etc.) and others have placed almost all charters issued by Ludwig palatio regio at Aachen, unless otherwise stated, although this could not be possible for an itinerant court. That presumed itinerary ‘from Fulda to Aachen’ was summarised again by Booker (2005), for his attribution to Walahfrid of an unsigned Prologus to Theganbert, for which ch.IX infra. The author is grateful to Professor John Contreni for calling his attention to the articles by Fees and Booker. 2 Walahfrid’s participation was described by Bischoff in a supplement to the reprint of his essay (1967a), 50 – 51; Ms Città del Vaticano Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana ms Regin.lat.1703 is siglum R in the Teubner edition: Q. Horati Flacci Opera, rec. Fr. Klingner et alii (3ed Leipzig 1959). Many of the texts in these folios were heavily com-
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ing Horace was rather a large task requiring considerable time of several scribes during the spring and summer months of 829, and the scribes at Weißenburg had difficulties with the texts of an exemplar written in early scripts (perhaps a Roman cursive) with which they were not accustomed. With his training in the scriptoria of the Reichenau and Fulda, Walahfrid was the better scribe. W IIIb erased and corrected words which had been copied in error (f.28v, 30), and at least 15 times between f.60v and 109 he was able to decipher and fill in words and entire verses of Horace, for which spaces had been left blank. Further, he transcribed a bifolium (f.110/112), though probably not the inserted folios 110a and 111. He also wrote longer sections of these poems on about 30 more pages. At this time he also added on ms page 335 of his notebook the heading, De conflictu, and sixteen lines of moral comments. This may suggest verses of Conflictus veris et hiemis3; but we have not been able to identify them as yet with one exception. In the left margin line 12 was identified by a later user as STOICUS, while the final line was noted by Walahfrid as ORATIUS: De conflictu. Inutile quippe est crebro videre. Per quae aliquando captus sis. & eorum te & perimento committere quibus difficulter careas. Abite pessum malae cupiditates. Ego vos mergam ne mergar a vobis. Difficile immo impossibile est deliciis & voluptatibus affluentes. Non ea cogitare quae gerimus. Contra naturam est copiis voluptatum sine voluptate per frui Sensus corporis equi. Anima auriga Corpus puer anima pedagogus [STOICUS mg] Animae imperio, corporis servitio magis utimus. Luxoriosa res vinum, & contumeliosa ebri&as. Omnis quicumque his misc&tur, non erit sapiens. Sapientiae operam dare non possumus si mensae mented and altered by several readers. They could be deciphered and explained for understanding the influence of Horace during the following centuries. We regret that the Prefect of the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana would not allow us to include facsimiles of Walahfrid’s script in ms R for this publication. 3 Many references to Conflictus veris et hiemis during the next three centuries were noticed by Manitius (1911), I, 279, especially together with works of Cicero. It may have been composed by Ealhwine/Alcuin.
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Abundantiam cogitemus. ORATIUS Sperne voluptates nocet empta dolore voluptas This last line was added appropriately by Walahfrid from Horace, and could be loosely translated: ‘Avoid sensual pleasures; sadly, lust begets grief,’ as it is the first of Horace’s series of warnings about lust, avarice, envy, and anger in his Epistulae I, 2, 55 - 63. Half or full stops should be expected to follow both voluptates and voluptas, but were not used here by W IIIb.4 It seems that he was in a hurry to copy the next item on this page, the letter of Karl der Große asking Albinus/Alcuin about the liturgical periods leading to the Easter celebration. He was alternating a series of texts with Fulda Hand L, probably soon after arriving at Weißenburg en route to Ingelheim. At the same time as his literary endeavours at Weißenburg with the poetry of Horace, Walahfrid’s interest in other disciplines continued to be strong, especially those requiring reckoning. This combination was common to Beda, Ealhwine/Alcuin, Hraban, Walahfrid, Abbo, et alii who were engaged in both computus and astronomica. Today, one may focus on the one or the other discipline quite fruitfully, as Bruce Eastwood has done in his introduction to Ordering the Heavens (2007). Yet, the evidence produced in Carolingian schools does not suggest that magistri and discipuli would have understood such a distinction. In his own hand Walahfrid added five more items to his Vademecum ms p.344 – 347; two were formulae for argumenta paschalia and three were of astronomia: 1) ARGUMENTUM AD INVENIENDOS REGULARES FERIAE KALENDARUM. 2) ARGUMENTUM AD INVENIENDOS REGULARES LUNAE KALENDARUM. 3) DE MUNDANO ANNO QUI QUINDECIM MILIBUS SOLARIUM CONFICITUR ANNORUM. 4) DE ASCENSU AC DISCENSU SOLIS. 5) DE ACCENSIONE LUNAE. One may well ask whether Walahfrid copied these materials at Fulda in early 829 before departing, or did he find them during his brief sojourn The text was identified with Horace by Bischoff (1950, repr 1967a), 40. Save for this one line, we have not found any of Horace’s words or phrases therein. 4
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in the Summer at Weißenburg?5 Those five formulae and argumenta were apparently unknown to Hraban at Fulda, and they supplemented the materials which Walahfrid had thus far acquired from two computi of Beda and the work of Hraban, without duplicating anything in those three. His own participation6 in lines 3 - 4 on ms p.346 is still in the style W IIIb of the texts he had transcribed at Fulda and does not yet betray the early W IVa style. Assisting him however were two scribes enumerated by Bischoff as Hand M, though without further analysis.7 The writing on those four pages may be differentiated into two similar but distinct scripts: Ma on ms p.344; and Mb on ms p.345 - 347. Those two writers were not of Fulda origin but betray evidence of either having worked in its scriptorium at one time or having been influenced by a writing master who had trained at Fulda. The ductus of the two hands is quite similar; but they have quite different forms of punctuation: for full stops, Hand Ma used a point midway above the line, exactly on the line, and at the upper ascender level, whereas Hand Mb used only the medial point for all stops. In their practices of word separation, they are also divergent: Ma set his words clearly apart and separated them from prepositions, whereas Mb intended to do so but occasionally let the words run together (e.g. finisest) and combined prepositions with their objects (e.g. aluna) or separated a prefix improperly (e.g. de praehendet). The ms p.344 - 347 of Sn are thereby narrowly datable to 829 - 830, and probably to those early summer months of 829 at Weißenburg. Why did Walahfrid select the two formulae [Items 1 and 2]8 concerning ferial regulars and lunar regulars, as well as three more argumenta which are concerning planets, rising and setting of the Sun, and increments of time for passage of the Moon as it appeared to increase and decrease? Contents of the five items are not complicated: [Item 1] The first formula is an explanation of a method for reckoning Regulares Feriae, by which one could anticipate the weekday of Kalends or first day for each successive month of any year. Early examples 5 For the computi available in Carolingian schools during the lifetime of Walahfrid, see Appendix G. 6 This part was noticed ‘auf S.346 kurz unterbr.’ by Bischoff (1950), though without attribution. 7 Bischoff (1950). Such influence of the Fulda scriptorium on writers elsewhere has been recognised in scripts of Regensburg, Tegernsee, Weißenburg, and many other places. 8 Items 1 and 2 were also known to Grimalt in his ms Sk¹, p.70, but apparently not the next three on astronomy.
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of explanations for ferial regulars with similar content may be found in Lectiones compoti (792); Compilatio DCCC XII (812 - 818); and Computatio Graecorum sive Latinorum (827).9 [Item 2] is an explanation for a system of Regulares Lunae, with which one may follow the cycle of lunar months through the year, despite varying lengths of both lunar and calendar months. Reckoning of regulars for the age of the Moon in different terms may also be found in other sections of Compilatio DCCC XII (812 - 818) and again in Computatio Graecorum sive Latinorum (827).10 Then comes astronomy. [Item 3] There was much interest in practical astronomy during the first half of the ninth century, as evidenced especially by Ealhwine/ Alcuin’s and Dungal’s correspondence with Karl der Groβe. Walahfrid shared this interest, as we found in late additions to his Vademecum (Chapter 3), though he did not pursue it to the extent that did several of his contemporaries: notably the diagrammes of planetary orbits in both Compilationes; the illustrations and planispheria in several Aratea manuscripts; and the anonymus author of the third Vita Hludovicii. Item 3 in his first series of argumenta is a long discussion of the annus mundanus or annus magnus which encompasses all planetary phaenomena, an old idea to which many Babylonian, Greek, Roman, and medieval Latin scholars have contributed. ‘It is possible to grasp,’ Plato had said of the heavens, ‘that the Perfect Number of Time fulfils the Perfect Year at the moment when the relative speeds of all eight revolutions have accomplished their courses together.’11 Many successive astronomers and philosophers took up this Lectiones compoti (793) II 2, paragraphs B and C, ed. Schriften (2006), 568 – 569; Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 18) II 16, ed. Schriften (2006), 1167 – 1168; Computatio Graecorum sive Latinorum (827) 12, ed. PL CXXIX (1853) 1288 – 1289. Note that these passages are about ferial regulars, not lunar regulars, and thus are not the same data as the tables for determining position of the moon in the Zodiac, cited by Borst in Schriften (2006), 1169, from Jones (1939), 68. Warntjes (2010), 66 – 67, cites other sources for Mc 24:12 – 18, but not about ferial regulars. Henceforth the Patrologia Latina will be cited as PL; Borst (2006), Schriften zur Komputistik will be cited as Schriften; and Mc is ms München Staatsbibliothek CLM 14456, f.8 – 46 (A.D.823): ‘The Munich Computus,’ which the editor dated ante A.D.823 (p.ccxi – ccxii). On the date, cf. Bischoff (1940a), 195 – 196. 10 Lectiones compoti II 3, ed. Schriften 569 – 571, and Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) II 17, ed. Schriften 1169; Computatio Graecorum sive Latinorum (827) 22, ed. PL CXXIX (1853) 1289. Concerning this method for determining lunar regulars, see Warntjes (2010), 172. 11 Plato, Timaeus 39c – d. Parts of the Greek Timaeus survive in Latin translation through quotations by Cicero, Macrobius, and Calcidius. Plato’s ‘Perfect Number of 9
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cyclical image of time and estimated how long the planets should require, in order to return to their beginning points relative to the stars and to each other. Their answers varied: 600, 1461, 2484, 5552 years up to 3,600,000 and beyond. Some Stoics speculated that such an annus magnus would culminate in fire and flood, but others like Paenitios (185 - 112 B.C.) of the middle Stoa doubted that such a calamity would occur. Astronomers like Ptolemaios or Ptolemy of Alexandria (ca.A.D.90 - 168) also doubted that a perfect return or a perfect year would ever happen.12 Nevertheless, the Latin writings of Cicero, Vergil, Censorinus, Verrius Flaccus, Fabrius Laurentius Victorinus, and others show that the Great Year was worth their attention. It was sometimes called vertens annus or annus magnus or annus maximus and was said to be consummated by recurrence of their phaenomena in one or another constellation of the Zodiac. Cicero’s computation of the vertens annus or ‘Revolving Year’ was the multiple of the number of years required for complete orbits of Saturn (30), Juppiter (12), Mars (2), Venus (1), Mercury (1), Sun and Moon (18) which would make a total of 12,960. Each outer planet can be observed by anyone to circle the Earth in a certain number of years, returning to the same sign of the Zodiac; for the nearer planets, careful and patient scholars could either observe or calculate the number of days and hours required for each cycle. Thus, more precise numbers were gathered by Pliny Secundus and repeated by Beda venerabilis for Saturn (30 years), Juppiter (12), Mars (2), Sun (365 days, 6 hours), Venus (348 days), Mercury (339 days), and Moon (27 days, 8 hours) relative to a specific point in the Zodiac.13 Despite the variety of those orbits, some Hellenic scholars would predict that each may be multiplied by a whole number, so that eventually all would complete their courses on the same day in perfect alignment to make one cosmic year. After that annus magnus has been completed, all orbits were thought to recur in the same correlations with each other as at the beginning. In addition, lunar and solar eclipses should also recur in a predictable sequence. Time’ and ‘Perfect Year’ are found in Calcidius 39d, but modern commentators have had little to say about them. 12 G. de Callataÿ (1996), discusses many of the great cycles and lists them in his Appendix 2, p.253 – 258, with brief citations and summary explanations. This is supplemented by Warntjes, (2010), clxciv – clxcv. 13 Pliny the Elder, Historia Naturalis II,8,32–44; cf. Bedae DTR VIII (1943) 42 – 49; (1977) 49 – 57. See Borst (1998), 711 – 712. For the works of Beda, both editions of DT and DTR will be cited by chapter (year) and lines, as provided by the two editions of each by C.W. Jones.
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While a student on the Reichenau and then at Fulda, Walahfrid did not yet have such information about a ‘Cosmic Year.’ Rather, his copy of Bedae De temporibus liber told him that Annus magnus est dum omnia sidera certis cursibus exactis ad locum suum revertuntur, quem sexcentis annis solaribus Iosephus dicit impleri. That was an annus magnus of 600 solar years from Flavius Josephus of Alexandria who lived in the first century A.D. and whose work was known to Isidore of Seville, a source for Beda’s first computus (701 703).14 After Beda had extended the Dionysian tables from 19 and 95 years to 532 years for repetition of the data for Easter celebrations in his second computus (716 - 725),15 the latter count of 532 also became known in computistical literature as annus magnus; but it was not so expressed by Walahfrid. He copied the new information from Macrobius [Item 3] into his Vademecum. Here as in other cases, Walahfrid did not hesitate to collect disparate data about any question. The period of annus mundanus had been estimated as 14,960 years by Hipparchos of Nicaea (fl.162 - 126 B.C.), most of whose career was spent in the school of Rodos or Rhodes, rather a large island near the southwest coast of Asia minor. His works were often cited by Ptolemy in Megale Syntaxis, the Great Collection (later called Almagest).16 As reported by Macrobius (ca.A.D.436) in the passage quoted from Book II of his Commentarium in Somnium Scipionum,17 that estimate was rounded to 15,000 years. That passage was also quoted in A.D.811 and the idea 14 This notice of Josephus was taken from Isidori Origines 6,17,21–25 into Beda’s early teaching (701 – 703) in his DT IX (1943) 6 – 8; (1980) 8 – 10. There seems to have been a mistaken transfer by Josephus from reports about solar and lunar eclipses into the idea of annus magnus. 15 Bedae DTR XXXVI (1943) 25 – 27; (1977) 30 – 31. 16 Ptolemaios, Megale Syntaxis 7,2: on the precession of 36,000 years. His Hypotheses, ed. Heiberg (1907), also described the universe and calculated its size. On the Ptolemaic system: Neugebauer (1957), 191 – 207. For ‘The ambiguity of Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos,’ see G. de Callataÿ (1996), 79 – 80. 17 The Compilatio text and Walahfrid’s transcription of it are lacking Macrobius’ sentence: Vergilius denique ad discretionem lunaris anni, qui brevis est, annum qui cursu solis efficitur significare volens ait: interea magnum sol circumvoluitur annum, annum magnum vocans solis comparatione lunaris, in Commentarium II,11,6. (The phrase about the Sun completing the great year is from Vergilii Aeneid 3,284.) His second omission is a brief remark at the beginning of II, 11,8: Haec de luminibus ac vagis ut saepe relata iam nota sunt. See Scholia in Ciceronis Aratea (1992), II, ix – x.
FROM FULDA TO WEISSENBURG
explained by Dungal in answer to questions from Karl der Große.18 The text is nearly complete in Compilatio DCCC XII (812 - 818)19 which was Walahfrid’s primary source, as we shall see. Thus incidentally, at least parts of the Commentarii by Macrobius were known during the first third of the ninth century by several Carolingian scholars, for which these citations by Dungal (811), the Compilatio DCCC XII (812 - 818), and Walahfrid (829) are the earliest datable evidence.20 [Item 4] The fourth paragraph discusses not only the rising and setting of the Sun but also the daily increase and decrease of hours of sunlight during the course of the year. That was taught by Beda in his larger computus, De temporum ratione liber XXXI, though without the details found here. During the four periods from equinox to solstice and reverse within a range of six and eighteen hours, this formula of Compilatio III 14 provides specific numbers for the period of sunlight which will vary by one hour each 15 days, using the term ostenta for specific details, as Beda had not.21 There are many other applications of this horological schema, for example the appendix Compilatio DCCC XII (812 - 818) IIII 28a, and Computus Grecorum sive Latinorum (827) 114. It is notable that Walahfrid’s numerals were correct in the fourth paragraph, whereas all other transcripts have errors [Appendix C]. Its application particularly to northern latitudes of Lotharingia would also be added later by Walahfrid in ms p.301 - 302: mature style W IVb. [Item 5] Fifth is a similar section on the course of the moon, its rising and setting, and its eclipses. The language of days and nights is fairly 18 Dungal gave calendar dates for observations of planets with the age of the Moon but without the hour and without the position of the Sun in the Zodiac. His letter to Karl was edited by Luc D’Achery (1723), rpr PL CV (1852) 447 – 458; and again by Dümmler, MGH. Epistolae IV (1925), 570 – 578, for which see the appendix to Eastwood (1993), repr idem (2002), item 5. 19 Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) III 5, ed. Schriften, 1189 – 1190. 20 Macrobius, Commentarii II, 11,5 – 17, ed. Willis (2ed. 1970); see also ibid. II, 6,4 – 5. Other quotations from this work and the dating of their manuscripts before the late ninth century are uncertain. 21 Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) III 14, ed. Schriften 1196 – 1197. The idea of calculating changes of times for ascension and descension at the rate of either four momenta or two-and-two-thirds momenta per day may have begun with Anatolius, according to Warntjes (2010), clxi, though not as expressed in this text. Anatolius was a Christian scholar in the school of Alexandria (A.D.260s) who became bishop of Laodicea in Syria (269 – 280): Mosshammer (2008), 10 – 34. A large medieval literature on daily increase and decrease of hours of sunlight was cited by Borst in his comments on several texts edited in Schriften, and by Warntjes (2010), lxvi – lxvii, clxi, and 110 – 111. The latter concerns section XXXVIIII of ms Mc.
FROM FULDA TO WEISSENBURG
precise, indicating their increase or decrease by horae and ostenta. Appearance of the New Moon, luna prima, is predicted also by use of data for solar eclipses and solstices. The synodical lunar month from first appearance to its reappearance is counted here as 29 days, 14 hours, and 6 ostenta. Similar content had been given earlier by Bedae DTR XXIIII, using horae and puncti, but not with ostenta in that sense. Beda reckoned the synodical month 29 days, 12 hours from one appearance of the moon on the horizon to the next, and the sidereal month 27 days, 8 hours in passage of the moon across the same space through the Zodiac.22 His own division of an hour was with four solar puncti, but five lunar puncti in a sign of the Zodiac, or perhaps 10 partes for passage of a planet through that sign. Beda also referred to mathematici who spoke of ‘punctos singulos in momenta XL, momenta singula in ostenta LX distribuunt,’ thus either 40 puncti or 60 ostenta within each moment, a fine calculation well beyond the possibility of observation or measure.23 Other writers used as and dodrans to express these small increments of increase during each month up to luna XV or of decrease thereafter. As transcribed by Walahfrid however, this calculation of an extra 2 horae and 6 ostenta has been found only in this appendix to Compilatio DCCC XII (812 - 818).24 Those five texts are Argumenta Paschalia I – V, for which we provide critical editions in Appendix C. From Weißenburg25 Walahfrid continued en route to the aula regis at Ingelheim to assume his new duties with Judith and Carolus iunior.
Bedae DTR XXXVI (1943) 8 – 12; (1977) 10 – 14. Bedae DTR III (1943) 32 – 33; (1977) 38 – 40. See comments by Jones (1943), 332 – 333 on mathematici who practiced horoscopic astrology, firmly rejected by Ambrose, Augustine, Basil, Isidore, Beda, and Hraban; note also comments by Wallis (1999), 267 – 268. Beda’s mention of ostenta used by mathematici may be the earliest datable occurrence of the term as a division of an hour into 60 measured parts. Ostentum was defined as Pars horae minima by Du Cange (1678) and as Sexagesima pars unius horae in his Addendum (1688). The latter phrase was repeated in Dictionnaire Latin-Français des Auteurs du Moyen-Âge by Albert Blaise (1967), and by the Novum Glossarium mediae latinitatis: Ordior – Oz (1980), ed. Yves Lefèvre. Most dictionaries and lexicons however define ostentum as ‘monstrum, portentum, prodigium’ and ignore its technical use in time-series. 24 Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) IIII 33a, ed. Schriften 1240 – 1242. 25 Control of this area in Alemannia is described by Borgolte (1983) and (1984). 22 23
VII. AULA REGIS
The first meeting of Walahfrid with the boy Karl and his mother Judith of family Hwelf was probably at Ingelheim. Judith was the second wife of King Hludovicus pius or Ludwig der Fromme, and she preferred to live at the Ingelheim Pfalz. Husband and wife enjoyed one another’s companionship, but life was not easy for this family. One may say that ‘they lived in interesting times’ – difficult especially for Walahfrid in the aula regis when the family was sometimes together, sometimes separated, and often under attack. About 794 at sixteen years of age, Ludwig had taken as wife Hirmengarda (Irmingard, Ermengard), daughter of Ingram, Count of Hexbaye in the Ardennes. They had three sons: Lothair, Pippin, and Ludwig.1 By the Ordinatio imperii of 817, King and Emperor Ludwig divided his realms of Francia, Bavaria, Aquitania, and Italia into three parts for the sons to inherit, and each moved into his own area in order to exercise control over it, that is, to collect taxes and tolls, raise military forces, and settle legal disputes; the lord and vassal forms of governance were just beginning to take the shape of what later became known as feudalism. Hirmengarda was travelling with her husband in August 818 when taken ill at Angers with a fever. He proceeded with Count Matfrid and his forces against Angers held by Marcoman (Marman) who wanted to reign as king over Bretagne, but that campaign continued beyond the Loire River into the Northwest and required six weeks. Before Ludwig 1 For genealogical tables of Ludwig’s family and relatives, Nelson (1992), 305 – 313. Hirmengarda was from a very powerful Rupertiner family; their five children were born in Aquitaine when Ludwig was a young king there: Lothair (a.795), Pippin (a.797), Ludwig (a.805/10?), Rotrud, Hildegard. See Werner (1967); Goldberg (2006) 24 – 27.
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could return to Angers, his wife had died on 3 October 818, a few days before he reached her.2 In the following year, a ‘bride show’ was held for the king, and from the daughters of his noble fideles Ludwig chose the beautiful, young Judith.3 Her father’s name was written variously as Hwelf, Huelp, and Welp, and came to be modernized as Welf; her mother Heigilwi was from the Frankish Ecbertiner family of Saxony. Her parents were from Altorf in the Alsace and at first would seem (to historians) to have been of lower status, for they had not been remarked in any Frankish annals during the eighth and early ninth centuries. On the other hand, the family Hwelf was well known in Bavaria as well as in Alemannia, and they possessed lands in Burgundy near Auxerre which had been granted to them by Pippin the Short.4 When they married in 819, Ludwig was forty years of age and Judith not yet twenty.5 Her dowry and morning gift were enormous, including San Salvatore, a convent for women at Brescia in an area of Italy taken from the Lombards by Karl der Große and still controlled by Ludwig at that time. There is evidence that the marriage was advantageous to Ludwig in the balance of power with other great families of Alemannia and was quite significant in the realignments of Carolingian Francia in ways which perhaps Ludwig had not expected; and they were resented by many of their rivals. Was Ludwig a pious ruler and thus weak in the modern sense? The usual explanation for adding pius to his name is that he prayed often and made public penance for his sins.6 Indeed, he faced resistance and his authority was tested often. Bernard of Italy had revolted in 817 against the overlordship of Ludwig. He was defeated, blinded, and died. Ludwig had taken action also against those who supported that revolt which included members of great Frankish families. Some nobles and bishops considered those actions to be misdeeds and sins. As an act of reconcili Theganbertus, Gesta 25; Anonymus, Vita 30. Astronomus, Vita 32: Undecumque adductus procerum filiae inspitiens; Annales Regum Francorum anno 819: inspectus pleribus nobilium filiabus. Bischoff (1967a), 50 – 51. 4 Fleckenstein (1957), 71 – 136; Hartung (1998), 23 – 55; Schneidmüller (2000), 46 – 50. 5 Wemple (1985a); idem (1985b), 80 – 81, esp. n.35. 6 MGH. Capitularia I, no.174; Annales regni Francorum, a.822; Noble (1980), 312 – 313. Those annals were written during 741 – 830; because they survive in a manuscript of Fulda they have been published as Annales Fuldenses but were probably not written there. During 813 – 830 they were kept by a chaplain in the aula regis of Ludwig der Fromme and thus should be known as Annales regni Francorum. 2 3
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ation at Attigny in 822, Ludwig did public penance. Yet, the bishops at Attigny also publicly admitted their own crimes and negligence. In a trade-off which shamed no one, each side could accept that these acts of penance confirmed the honour of all survivors and did not humiliate the King and Emperor. It could also be said that Ludwig was pius because he was overly interested in monasteries and acted as if he were a ‘monk in imperial garb,’ that is, ‘weak.’ But the term pius could as well mean ‘just.’ Several of his contemporaries said that he wanted peace and harmony, organization and regularity; thus, he tried to choose homines palatini and missi who would be ‘public officials of high quality who were of pure life, sincere faith, incorruptible morals and who could not be swayed by flattery or intrigue.’ 7 His Roman and Carolingian predecessors had been praised with the same term: pius, as were his heirs.8 As especially applicable to Ludwig, those several terms were rejected in detail by Thomas Noble (1976) but have been reaffirmed by Mayke De Jong (1992). In the Prologue of his Vita Hludowici, the Astronomer noted that Ludwig was too willing to forgive and to restore malefactors to imperial favour. This may have been the case. Yet, even if most of the rebels were restored each time, some were condemned to die. Not all of those condemned were executed. Theganbert was usually positive towards Ludwig in his Gesta, written about 837 to 840, but thought that he was dominated by those around him and followed his advisers more than was fitting.9 Several of Ludwig’s critics agreed with Theganbert, but each blamed a different person for the supposed bad influence. The term pius does not account for such complicated affairs of governance. Ludwig however was fortunate at home. He liked to be with his wife Judith and their children, Gisela and Karl,10 rather than always out on the road for royal business and official functions. If the term pius were taken to characterise Ludwig’s personality, one may speculate that it was due to the exceptional love and loyalty that he showed to his wife and 7 Proemium generale, ed. MGH. Capitularia I (1883), no.146, p.298; Ermoldus Nigellus, ed. Faral, verses 825 – 827; Astronomus, Vita Hludowici 38. 8 Schieffer (1982), esp. 65 – 69: pius and pietas were part of ceremonial terminology, like gloriosissimus; piissimus imperator; hic fidus, fortis, nulli pietate secundus; and they were used on coins. Pius Rex was said of other Carolingians, earlier and later, including Ludwig der Deutsche and Karl der Kahle. 9 Theganbertus, Gesta Hludowici imperatoris, ed. Pertz (1829); ed. Tremp (1995), 25. See ch. IX infra, p. 135-137. 10 Schieffer (1990), 155, estimates that Gisela was born between 819 and 822, probably 821. According to several annals, Karl was born in 823. See also Schieffer (2006), 112 – 138: Die fünfte Generation.
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children. That observation may be supported from his itinerary which shows how often he was at home with them. In addition to the numerous Spring and Summer assemblies of fideles called by Ludwig, a goodly number of documents issued by him which survive from the years 814 – 840 have located him with Judith at Ingelheim 24 times, nearby at Frankfurt-am-Main 20 times, and twice at a ‘hunting lodge’ on the Petersau, a local island in the Rhein where he liked to hunt.11 Ingelheim, Frankfurt, Mainz, and even the ‘hunting lodge’ on the Petersau were estates with permanent residences and personnel, ready for his visits accompanied by family and by the personnel of aula regis.12 And of course Judith also travelled with him on many occasions. In comparison with his father’s series of wives and concubines, Ludwig’s relationship with Judith must have impressed his companions as being far more than ceremonially or conventionally proper. Ingelheim is a beautiful area bordering on the Rhein River just North from where the Main River joins it near Frankfurt.13 In some Carolingian documents, it was called a villa, though Einhart named Ingelheim as one of three outstanding palaces built by Karl der Große, along with Aachen and Nijmegen. There were many buildings with an extensive palace and grounds which Karl is known to have visited in 774, at Christmas 787, and again for Easter celebrations 788. It was there that were brought Tassilo, the captured third Duke of Bavaria, with his 11 Residences and hunting lodges of Ludwig der Fromme were identified by Simson (1874, 1876): Ingelheim (24), Rheininsel (probably the Petersau) near Ingelheim (2), Frankfurt-am-Main (20), Bodman-am-Bodensee (1), Gervais (4), Heristal (2), Nimwegen Castle (19), Quierzy an der Oise (10), Salz (9), Theux or Tectis (4), Vitry (1). The list was expanded by Fleckenstein (1959), I, 18 – 28, 95 – 98, who identified numerous capellae regis visited by the king, especially those at locations important for the royal fisc, of which Diedenhofen should not be overlooked. Classen (1964), 96 – 99, comments on some of these royal visits, organised by seasons of the year. See further Goldberg (2013) 642 – 643: ‘Reports of Carolingian Hunts, 751 – 987.’ According to Folz (1964), 214, general assemblies were held in or near Aachen (15), Compiégne – Quierzy – Attigny (10), or in the region of Frankfurt – Ingelheim – Worms (9), cit. Werner (1990), 8. Fuhrmann (1974) reviewed the ecclesiastical synods at Ingelheim from 788 to 840, but some large assemblies occurred thereafter. 12 Henceforth the term aula regis shall be used to mean not only the location of the court which of course varied with the royal itinerary but also to include those who had privileged access to it in service to the king and his family. 13 Ingelheim am Rhein (1964). Archeological remains of the site are now meager but were well presented by Sage (1964), 65 – 86: with photos of fragments of walls and columns, as well as his figures which allow comparisons of the contemporary and similar layouts for Frankfurt-am-Main, Aachen, and Ingelheim. See also Emmerling (1964), 275 – 277; Grewe (1999) and (1999a). Models for the ninth-century palace and chapel may be seen in the figures of Rice (1966) and Lobbedey (2003).
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wife Liutperga, daughter of Desiderius, their son, and those followers who had not escaped. Tassilo was accused of conspiring with the Avars to invade lands of the Franks, contrary to his earlier agreement to keep the peace and defend the realm. He was forced again to give up all ducal rights, then tonsured and imprisoned at Jumièges until dead.14 The Avars did invade the next year, 789. Great assemblies were also held by Karl in June 788 and in 807 at Ingelheim.15 Although the sometime Danish King Harald Krak (or Herioldus) seems to have arrived by boat at Mainz in 826 and was met there by Count Matfrid,16 it was at Ingelheim in June 826 that he and his queen, together with their son, were received by Ludwig in liturgical procession to the accompaniment of choirs and instruments and there baptised.17 Incorporating them into the royal family in this way with ceremonies both at Mainz and at Ingelheim was not only wonderfully impressive but would have had juridical consequences as well, explained by Arnold Angenendt.18 Nevertheless, Harald lost power soon after returning to Denmark. The Ingelheim Pfalz was described with glorious detail in verses of the poet Ermoldus19 as ‘a vast palace, fixed on a hundred columns . . ., a thousand entrances and exits . . . provided with richly cultivated areas and thousands of dwellings,’ made by the hands of craftsmen and artisans. In the palace the figure of Charles Martel was centred with those of Constantine and Theodosius on one side, Pippin the Short and Charlemagne on the other. ‘The temple of the most high God is built of stone with Annales regni Francorum, a.787; Chronicle of Moissac, a.789; Collins (1998), 86
14
– 87.
H. Fuhrmann, ‘Die Synoden von Ingelheim,’ (1974), 157. Annales regni Francorum, a.826, ed.Kurze (1891), 169. 17 Verses 2164 – 2337, ed. E. Faral; Boutelle (1971), 132 – 137. For personnel of the liturgical procession: Ermold verses 2280 – 2281; Depreux (1994), 343 – 344. Although the Annales Bertiniani (1964), 65, place the reception of Harald (Herioldus) in Ingelheim, they also say that the mass, banquet, and baptism were at Mainz, 20 km upstream on River Main. For this contradiction of sources, see Bullough and Corrêa (1990), esp. 491, n.1, and Boshof (1996), 167. The origin of Annales Bertiniani is uncertain, but they are so named because they survived in a later copy at the monastery at St.-Bertin. Although these annals were not a court chronicle, they may have been nearly contemporaneous with the reigns of Ludwig and Karl der Kahle. 18 Angenendt (1973), esp. 152 et seq.; idem (1984); and idem (1989). 19 Ermoldi Nigelli In Honorem Hludowici christianissimi caesaris augusti exulis elegiacum carmen has been edited by Muratori, Pertz, and Dümmler. It is cited here in the edition of Dümmler, as it was reprinted with minor corrections by Edmond Faral (1932), together with his French translation. An English translation is by Noble (2009), 127 – 186. 15
16
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doors of bronze and portals of gold.’ There was an enormous range of paintings and sculptures20 which he described at length in over 100 verses (2062 - 2163), as well as the library created by Judith whom he described as ‘a learned woman . . . beautiful and exceptionally well-educated.’21 One should keep in mind that Ludwig had mastered the discipline of writing and must be counted among the literati of his time.22 Bischoff affirmed that ‘During Charlemagne’s lifetime the writing province of Austrasia embraced the region lying predominantly west of the Rhine; its focal points were Ingelheim and Aachen.’ Nevertheless, he did not explore the scriptorium of Ingelheim, nor consider the period of Ludwig and Judith in those terms.23 The Hofbibliothek attributed to Ludwig by Bischoff (1976) has been assumed to have been at the Aachener Hof but only on condition that Aachen was Ludwig’s chief centre of government, as had been true in the last years of his father. According to Einhart, Vita 33, however, Karl der Große had dispersed all his possessions, and that included his books. No collection of books was left for his son to build upon at Aachen. Ludwig’s government was not so centralised, and his own library was more likely to have been at Ingelheim which was his seat of government as often as any other one place. At least since 828, his library was under the oversight of Ebo of Reims and Gerward of Lorsch; to the latter a copy of Einhart’s Vita Karoli Magni was addressed by the author in 828 or 829: ‘Einhart to his dearest G, greetings.’ Gerward then added his own verse dedication and presented the Vita to Ludwig:
Gerwardus palatii bibliothecarius, cui tunc temporis etiam palatinorum operum ac structurarum a rege cui a commissa erat.24
Ermoldus Book IV described numerous works of art on walls of Ingelheim chapel and palace. See further Classen (1964), 96 – 99; Boutelle (1971), 127 – 32; Lammers (1972), with seven figures and four tables which account for Ermoldus’ descriptions of mosaics and frescoes in both chapel and aula, supplemented by Hauck (1990), 291 – 295; and Lobbedey (2003), especially 138 – 143, with figures 19a, 19b, 20. 21 The library of Judith was mentioned by Bischoff (1976), 22, (Eng. trans. 1994), 78; idem (1981b, Eng. trans. 1994), 142. Her library would have to be at Ingelheim, rather than at Aachen, as sometimes assumed. Further, Ganz (1997), 309; idem (2005), 41; Schefers (1997), 93; Tischler (2001), 157 – 168. Theganbert, Gesta 26, also said of Judith: erat enim pulchra valde; cf. Ward (1990) and Konecny (1977), 14. She was indeed very beautiful. 22 Grundmann (1958), esp. 38 – 44: Carolingians were well known to be literate, that is, able to write Latin as well as to read it, including Ludwig der Fromme. 23 The question whether texts were written in either Ingelheim or Aachen is usually ignored, and this uncertainty was recognised by McKitterick (1993). 24 Ed. MGH. SS. XV, 258; Fleckenstein (1959), I, 66; Noble (2009), 11 – 13; Booker (2009), 91 – 93; English trans. Dutton (1998), 4. Gerward was a monk of Lorsch who 20
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The importance of Judith at the Ingelheim Pfalz may be further recognised in that, already on 4 March 828, she issued a charter in her own name as Empress.25 During 829 and 830 it was there that Judith dealt with royal business in behalf of the king and emperor when absent, along with her new chamberlain, Bernard, Count of Barcelona and Duke of Septimania. She was also accompanied by her brothers, Konrad and Rudolf, while Bernard had the support of his brothers, Gozheim and Heribert.26 Not only the presence but the power and influence of these two sets of brothers may have caused dismay of other Carolingian nobility who had been accustomed to approach Ludwig directly; they became angry and quarrelsome. Both of Judith’s two children, Gisela and Carolus, were healthy and were expected to grow to maturity, making it obvious that there would have to be changes to the divisio regnorum of the previous Ordinatio imperii (817), so that three inheritances would surely be revised into four. The king’s older sons tried to prevent any reduction in their several lands and jurisdictions and were supported by heads of great families which feared that they were rapidly losing influence by favours now shown to the Hwelfs. That led to revolt in 828 and 829 by Lothar, Pippin, and son Ludwig against their father which included mala fama at the palace of Ingelheim – with accusations of witchcraft against Judith and of debauchery against Judith and Bernard. Judith survived, but Bernard had to escape; Heribert was imprisoned in Italy and blinded27; the fate of Gozheim is unknown. Following that palace uprising, Ludwig dealt immediately and severely with the rebels; two of its leaders, counts Hugh retired to Gannita near Nijmegen (d.860), some of whose books ended up at Lorsch. Lowe (1951), 88 – 89, identified him as the keeper of the Annales of Xanten; Bischoff (1976), repr (1981), English trans. Gorman (1994) 78 – 79. Ebo or Ebbo was from a peasant family but rose to become bishop of Reims and enlarged the church, according to Flodoard, Historia Remensis ecclesiae II, 19, ed. MGH. SS. XIII 408. Yet he rebelled against Ludwig and was removed (ch.9 infra). The Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals include many forgeries in Ebo’s defence against loss of his see and for his rebellion (Knibbs 2017). 25 Jüsselin (1951 – 1952), 19; Depreux (1994), 336. 26 Gozheim, Heribert, and Bernard of Septimania were sons of Guillaume or William of Gellone, Count of Toulouse, who had resigned his Honour in 804. His sons rose to power briefly in the 820s, not only in the Spanish March but also in the county of Autun and the Honour of Burgundy. This family was sometimes in conflict with the Nibelungen in Burgundy. Collins (1990), 374 – 379 et passim; Costambeys et alii (2011), 154 – 213: their discussions of family rivalries in those pages are quite useful and should be continued. 27 Astronomus, Vita 45; Depreux (1997), 242; Bührer-Thierry (1998), 74 – 91.
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of Tours and Matfrid of Orleans, were not forgiven by the king: Hugh was of the great Alsatian family Etichonides, and his appointment as Count of Tours had allowed them to spread further in Francia. Matfrid was from the Eifel (the Ardennes). They were each condemned to death, and their families lost almost everything,28 as did others. They all survived until Ludwig called his sons back for an assembly at the palace of Ingelheim at Easter 831 and made peace with them. Gradually during 831 and 832, he restored to their co-conspirators the family inheritances which had been taken away, and he even returned some of them to the positions they had lost.29 Ludwig was probably at Fulda in 832 when he was presented a Commentarium in librum Regiorum by Hraban.30 He was accompanied by Judith who received Hraban’s Commentaries on the Books of Judith and Esther, referring to her prudence in the midst of continuing difficulties.31 Judith and Hraban seem to have had a long relationship which had begun with his father.32 Thus, Walahfrid would have visited Fulda again, together with the nine-year-old Karl and his parents. Later in 833, it was from Ingelheim that the older sons kidnapped the Queen and her children, and that event also involved Walahfrid. At Ingelheim Walahfrid would have seen the Queen in control of the Palace where she not only resided but was responsible for its admin Volmar (1957); Wilsdorf (1964); Depreux (1994), 360 – 364. Counts and vassals of emperor Ludwig at this time are named by Depreux 366. Matfrid survived until 836. 29 For the peace of 831: Annales Bertiniani, op.cit., 42; de Jong (2009), 56. 30 The first part of Hraban’s Commentary on the Book of Kings had been written in 829, but the dedication to Ludwig can be dated 832. For literary activities of Hraban during his abbacy, see Dümmler (1898), I, 24 – 42, esp. p.34 – 41. 31 Rudolf of Fulda, Miracula sanctorum in Fuldenses ecclesias translatorum 15, ed. Waitz (1887), 340; Hrabanus, Expositio in librum Judith, PL CIX 539; Expositio in librum Esther, ed. ibid., 635; ed. Dümmler (1898), 423. De Jong (2001), 69 – 100; Koch (2005), 120 – 126; ‘Itinerar Hrabans’ (1980), 64. The Expositio in librum Esther is undated, but it seems likely that Judith was with Ludwig at Fulda in 831. It is less likely that she was with him at Fulda later in 834, the date proposed by Dümmler (1898), I, 36 – 37, when he was at war in Hesse and Thuringia against his son Ludwig. 32 At least four letters survive which were exchanged between them, sometimes citing previous correspondence or contact, ed. Dümmler, Ep. Hrabani, and Appendix (1899): no.3 and 13. Often overlooked is the fragment of a letter from Hraban to Judith at the beginning of ms Chartres, fonds Notre Dame 124, perhaps from the Abbey of St. Martin near Tours (lost in the fire from bombing at Chartres, 26 May 1944), identified by Wilmart (1922) 238 – 242; Gravel (2010). Another Hraban died in support of Karl der Kahle at Angoulème, and he was prominent enough to be cited in Annales Bertiniani, a.844, see Gravel, esp.46. Perhaps this was the abbot’s father or cousin. 28
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istration in the absence of her lord.33 From time to time, Judith necessarily presided over many aspects of government: defense of royal prerogatives and properties; communications with counts responsible for the Honours, near and far; annual gifts to the palace personnel and to the king’s warrior-retinue (at his command), and sometimes the gifts expected as courtesy to foreign embassies. The burdens of such an array of duties for Judith came in 819, the first year of her marriage to Ludwig. Especially, it was her responsibility to protect the royal treasury from which payments and gifts were drawn, kept in the King’s chamber, with which she would be assisted by a Chamberlain. The Chancellor was in charge of notaries who prepared documents, especially those requiring the King’s seal – thus, he might be called Keeper of the Seal. The Chaplain ordered worship in chapels with his clergy, some of whom were also scribes and notaries. Judicial decisions were needed: first by stewards according to their different areas and levels of responsibility; a Count of the Palace heard appeals from judgements of stewards and could refer them to the Queen for decision in absence of the King. There was a Constable whose guards protected them and kept malefactors in prison, a Cellarius or Butler who regulated provisions and supervised other lesser officers for care and sustenance of the large and busy household, and an Apocrisarius in charge of the kitchen. Their many duties are not always obvious under these titles. Those who were not travelling with the King to assemblies and his other necessary public appearances or were not on campaign or hunting with him would answer to her command. The Palace would also be served by a Seneschal who attended King and Queen and controlled access to them when they were in residence. This was a very sensitive and influential office. When the camerarius Bernhard had to escape during the 829/30 attacks on Judith and Ludwig, another Adalhard defended them and gained the position of Seneschal which he held during 831 and 840 and may have continued in that office under Karl der Kahle.34 His grandfather, uncles, and brother were successively counts of Paris; and he himself succeeded Hugo as Count of Tours (ca.829?) and of Trier (ca.831?) until his death in 865. It was a family so powerful that when Karl married Hermentrada, the niece of his Seneschal, in December 842, Nithard commented perhaps 33 For a general account of a Carolingian royal household: Nelson (1991a), 42 – 44, partly drawn from Hincmar of Reims who wrote (879) about the court of Karl der Kahle in which he had participated. See further Lohrmann (1976). 34 Nelson (1991a); Booker (2001).
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a bit cynically that Karl needed an alliance with this family ‘in order to win the support of most of the people.’35 As Queen, Judith would also have a quasi maternal role, as Janet Nelson calls it, for she was responsible for raising their own children as well as other children who were privileged to reside in the Palace for training to ride, fight, and dance in expectation of future rule. The years following became increasingly trying times for her. It was important therefore that she maintain a network of personal relations in order to promote the interests of her kin.36 Her father Hwelf was from a family which had large properties in Bavaria, Alemannia, and Burgundy (described p.112, 117 supra).37 During her reign their wealth and military resources increased in Neustria, north of the River Loire, as Judith’s brother Rudolf became lay abbot of St.Riquier and of Jumièges; her sister Hemma or Emma married Ludwig der Deutsche; another brother married Adelheid, daughter of Hugo, Count of Tours, thereby strengthening their alliance with the Etichonen family of the Alsace; and their mother became lay abbess of the royal abbey of Chelles. Ludwig’s Notitia de servitio monasteriorum of 817 allowed lay abbots to use the monastic property as they saw fit,38 so long as they provided a portion of lands, sustenance, and annual income for the monks and their constant liturgy, as well as for the school and library, especially their care for local orphans and the sick, and for the workers required for support of these duties. Sometimes, the remaining properties and income therefrom could be substantial, and the Hwelfs were becoming yet more rich and prominent. The palace at Ingelheim continued to be considered appropriate for high royal occasions: a Byzantine embassy from Metropolitan Bishop Theodosios of Chalcedon was received there on 18 May 839, along with court officer Theophanios and the great Khan of the Rus, probably hoping to engage Ludwig’s support against encroaching Turks in east Nithard IV.6; Nelson (1986), 231 – 233. Hermentrada lived until 869. Ward (1990), 214 – 15; Koch (2005), 88 – 89; Dohmen (2011), 296. 37 Fleckenstein (1957); Hartung (1998); Schneidmüller (2000), 47 – 50; Koch (2005), 28 – 32. 38 Notitia, éd. Lesne (1920), 489 – 493; éd. This item consists of a single paragraph and a list of monasteries, for which see Noble (1980), 301. Bernhardt (1987), 54 – 59 cites the Notitia as an early example of servitium regis and its development during the tenth and eleventh centuries; but there is little text, and he must explain the servitium on the basis of other documentation. The earliest surviving manuscript of the Notitia was transcribed in s.XIII. As emphasised by Lesne 449 – 489, the editions of Sirmond (1629), Du Chesne (1636), and Delalande (1666) must be the basis of any later edition, for example that of Becker (1963), 483 – 499. 35
36
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ern regions and Moslems from the South.39 In August of 840 but after Ludwig’s death, an ecclesiastical synod was held near Ingelheim on the Rhein island of Petersau, where the royal hunting lodge must have been palatial. Ingelheim continued to have political significance for Francia for many years thereafter. During those many difficulties and even wild disturbances for Ludwig and Judith, their young son Karl would often have been present, along with his companions, guards, and tutors. Many of those who had served from time to time in the court school and chapel of Karl der Groβe and directed construction of the new buildings, bridges, and canals are well known, as are those who continued with Ludwig at other sites.40 One may well ask what Walahfrid’s duties may have been in the aula regis, whether in a palace or when travelling with the itinerant court. Studies by Philippe Depreux and Irmgard Fees for example have attempted to negate any evidence from which it might be implied that Walahfrid was ‘the teacher’ of young Karl, although there were several other court attendants about him. Writing from Straßburg (having been banned from the court at Ingelheim and hoping to return), Ermoldus noted that there had been a pedagogus for the boy as early as three years of age. Wirnit was named a magister parvulorum nostrorum, probably tutor for both children, young Karl and his sister Gisela. Gotabert and Thomas were described as praeceptores palatii. Marcward, later abbot of Prüm (826/9 - 859/60), was also known as praeceptor Caroli, for whom Karl der Kahle was vester alumnus, as Servatus Lupus reminded him. Aldrich was referred to as another praeceptor palatinus; a student of Ealhwine/Alcuin (d.804), Aldrich became abbot of Ferrières (821 - 827), chancellor of Pippin when king of Aquitaine, and from 829 bishop of Sens.41 Strict construction is not possible for understanding these terms since in 829 even the new camerarius et socius imperii, Bernhard of Septimania, Count of Barcelona (d.844), was also named tutor et defensor of young Karl; there was already a threat to Judith and their son, so that the terms tutor For the Byzantine embassy of 839: Boshof (1996), 225. Fleckenstein (1959), I, 66 – 74, 103 – 109, 231 – 239 named and described many of those who were in the school or in the chapel of Karl der Große, so far as surviving evidence allows; there were doubtless more. He also noted when some of these scholars, deacons, presbyters, and engineers continued with Ludwig der Fromme. He assumed however that they all served Ludwig as well as his father in Aachen which was not possible, because that was only one of Ludwig’s several centres of government and not his normal residence after his father’s death in 814. 41 E. von Severus (1940); Brunholz (1975), 476 – 480. 39
40
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et defensor expressed the father’s interest in protecting his children, but could not indicate specific duties of a Chamberlain. Despite her initial assertions to the contrary, Fees concluded after all that Walahfrid may have been one of those tutors and teachers during his decade at court.42 It is relevant that Walahfrid’s Vademecum still has a children’s game on ms p.277 in his script of either W IIIb or W IVa; that page has eight circles forming a labyrinth with domus at centre.43 A bit more advanced for play with children is a game board cut into marble (undated) which now forms a vertical part for the right side of the great throne which sits on the balcony overlooking the alter of the Aachener Cathedral; it was created for the ancient game now called Nine Men’s Morse.44 That game is easy to learn and easy to play, but it requires strict attention. Its two squares around the centre are connected at midlines and lead to domus. Each player has nine pieces which he places on the board in turn one-at-a-time at the corners, or where lines cross; he then moves one to align them or to prevent his opponent from doing that. An alignment of three of his own men, vertically or horizontally, will win, while the other player tries to do the same in his turn. Games were needed for a six-year-old boy and his tutor. This one has survived to the present time and may be enjoyed from ages six to sixteen. The emperor had issued the Ordinatio imperii in 817 and renewed 822 at Attigny in behalf of his three sons with Hirmengarda.45 But with a fourth son by Judith, he was determined to change his testament in order to grant Carolus iunior jurisdiction in Alemannia. For this purpose he called a great assembly of homines, fideles, and familia at Worms in July 829. Walahfrid was present with the family at the important generalem conventum when a new divisio regnorum was declared, a loss of their sense of honour and respect (dignitas) for the elder sons, and by which a large part of Francia was assigned to his protégé by Ludwig’s
42 Fees (2000), 57 – 58. Further details about the personnel of Ludwig’s court are given by Depreux (1997): on Ermoldus, 398; Marcward, 213, 327 – 329; Thomas, 28, 389; Wirnit, 28, n.3, and 398; Bernardus camerarius, 27, 137 – 139; and quite briefly on Walahfrid, 393 – 394. Aldrich as praeceptor palatinus was noticed by E. von Severus (1940); Brunholz (1975), 476 – 480; and Lohrmann (2013), esp. 427. Names of other teachers in the palace school were given by Fleckenstein (1959), I, 66. 43 The figure on Sn ms p.277 was listed as a labyrinth by Batshelet-Massini (1978): cit. Scriptorium XXXIII (1979): no.628; and has been cited by others. 44 A similar figure for play with children is on folio 61v of ms Karlsruhe Landesbibliothek Aug.229, f.70 – 222 (A.D.829). 45 Ordinatio imperii 1, ed. MGH. Capitularia 1, no.136, p.270 – 271.
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change of testament.46 Not only was the Honour of Alsace granted to the child, apparently without contest, but also a part of Burgundy and the more southerly Honours of Rhaetia and Chur in the high Alps. The boy’s step-brothers had properties, roads, and rivers in Burgundy and Chur which they wished to hold; the Honour of Chur included the most accessible passes for trade between southern and northern markets, for which tolls were being collected and controlled from castles and guard houses with long views of the valleys through the Alps, as anyone who drives through the lower passes of Swiss and Austrian Alps may see today. Those grants to young Karl meant financial loss to his brothers Lothair and Ludwig and may have caused their rebellion against their father in the following year.47 It was at this assembly that Bernhard of Septimania was called to be Chamberlain of the court at Ingelheim in order to prevent the revolt by several fideles in collusion with Lothair which was known to have been building up since 828. Hugo and Matfrid had been among Ludwig’s closest advisors, but they and others were condemned to death at Worms, while Lothair was sent to rule in Italy and ordered not to return across the Alps without being recalled by his father, the King and Emperor Ludwig.48 He was not given control of the Alpine passes in the Honour of Chur, so important for commerce. Matfrid had been prominent in the court49 at least since 821 as an ambasciator regis, the one through whom a petition from a great person could reach the king and emperor Ludwig; he had also been present in June 823 for the birth of young Karl, by which time he had been appointed Count of Orléans, a benefice of great value to his family. In 826 the counts Matfrid and Hugo had walked with Judith in the parade for Harald Krak’s baptism 46 Divisio regnorum 2, ed. MGH. Capitularia 1, no.45, p.126 – 130; Annales Xantenses, a.829: Et ibi tradidit imperator Karolo filio suo regnum Alisacinse et Corae et partem Burgundiae; Theganbert, Gesta 35: imperator . . . karolo suo . . . terram Alamannicam, et Redicam, et partem aliquam Burgundiae . . . traditit; Depreux (1994), 359 – 360; Koch (2005) 15 – 18, 45 – 58; also, Koch 127 – 131 who would assign this divisio imperii to 831. 47 Bischoff (1981a), 187 – 212, esp. 199 – 210. Annales Xantenses, August 829, ed. von Simson (1909), 7. See Boshof (1990), 161-190, esp. 183. According to Nelson (1992), 270, the entries in the Annals of Xanten for years after annus 811 were probably written in 832 and later at Köln rather than at Xanten where the manuscript was later found. 48 Annales regni Francorum, a.828, 829, ed. Kurze (1891); Astronomus, Vita 43; Ganshof (1972); Nelson (1985); Depreux (1994), 355 – 356, 362. 49 Theodulf of Orléans had gained several of the positions during the reign of Karl der Große, but had been replaced in several of them by Ludwig’s and Judith’s new men, even losing his abbacy of Fleury in 828.
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at Ingelheim. For them to have been among the first to turn against the emperor and his wife and younger son in 828 and 829 must therefore have been shocking to the family and court. Walahfrid did not mention them in his writings, but he knew Hilduin, Hugo, and Matfrid from the July 829 assembly at Worms when they and other very close advisors of Ludwig were condemned. Walahfrid’s new place as tutor in the aula regis, his presence for the judgement at Worms, and travel with Karl to Aachen where he observed and wrote about Ludwig, Judith, and their party in the parade into the palace grounds reveal the first gigantic steps of his career into the inner circle of familia. Within a few months he had suddenly become one of the homines palatii who had special functions in the royal household, of which there were a great variety.50 He was one of those who remained at court to fulfil their duties during all seasons. It was another ten years before he was named abbot with an Honour and thus became one of the fideles who were expected to be present for the emperor’s Spring and Summer assemblies, one of those nobles with their own men and properties and a high degree of independence.
De Jong (2004), 60, on the distinction between homines palatii and fideles of the Carolingian courts. 50
VIII. COMPILATIONES ASTRONOMICAE ET COMPUTISTICAE
Ealhwine of York was called Alcuin or Alcoin by the Franks or Publius Albinus by himself with reference to his English origin.1 At least from 768 he had taught in the cathedral school at York and along with Aelberht and Eanbald helped to plan and construct the Church of Holy Wisdom (Sophia).2 He became master of the school when his own teacher became bishop, Aelberht, from whom he had learned especially reckoning and astronomy. He accompanied Aelberht on the long trip of about 1675 km to Roma to obtain the pallium (768 - 769), crossing not only the Alps but also the Apennines and following the Via Francigena from Parma through Lucca to Roma. It was on their return trip that they heard a debate on the validity of Christianity by the Jew Lull and Peter Pisanus at Pavia and met two magni reges who ruled jointly the diverse Frankish peoples: Karl and Karlomann. While Aelberht hurried ahead to take up his episcopal duties in Northumbria, Ealhwine/ Albinus enjoyed a more leisurely visit to Murbach on the Vosges, perhaps Ingelheim on the Rhein, Echternach, and other places. Aelberht was succeeded as bishop in 778 by Eanbald who sent Ealhwine again to Roma for his pallium (780 - 781), which gave him yet another opportunity to meet with and talk again with Karl and to visit centres of Frankish power in Lotharingia. See chapter I, n.4, supra. Alcuini Versus 1506. Later plans for Karl`s great chapel at Aachen may have followed this example. See the discussion by Janet Ley in Aachen, ed. Kraus (2013), 2, 172 – 175; Lohrmann (2015a), 6; idem (2015b), esp.54 – 56. For the following events, we accept the recent analysis of sources by Lohrmann and his conclusion about Ealhwine’s two trips to Roma. 1 2
COMPILATIONES ASTRONOMICAE ET COMPUTISTICAE
By 793 Ealhwine had decided to join the itinerate court of Karl, and he brought many materials with him from York. One of those texts was a Calculatio quomodo. During the next three years, he adapted the Calculatio into a new version dedicated to an unnamed great lord, probably his new King. That new work became known in early ninth century manuscripts as Calculatio Albini Magistri, and it closed with three lines that editors call Versus Alcuini: 1)
Haec, dilecte comes, proprio argumenta labore Descripsi tibimet, tu die quo munere mecum Cetares hodie, do talia dum tibi fessus.
Th0se verses accompanied the Calculatio in ms Vat. BAV Pal.lat.1448, f.70 - 108 (Mainz s.IX in) f.74, and were copied later (s.IX ex) on f.12 of ms Pal.lat.1449 (Lorsch s.IX1); both of these calculationes have exempla for 776 and 777.3 At Karl’s behest, he also created an Annalis Libellus for general use by instructors of computus, probably written at Tours during 796 - 804, and it was accompanied with one of the additional sets of verses: 2)
Me legat annales vult qui cognoscere ciclos, Tempora qui varia, qui simul astra poli.4
These two verses were once on f.5v in ms Pal.lat.1448, f.1 - 44 (Trier 810), but were erased and recopied by the same hand in the upper margin on f.1 verso, apparently in order that they should serve as a heading for the tables and argumenta paschalia which followed: 3)
Ut praecepta mihi dederas, dulcissime domne, Sic celeri currens calamo dictare libellum Annalem veterum simul argumenta sophorum
3 The verses Haec, dilecte comes, . . . were also added to the conclusion of at least one copy of Bedae De Paschae Celebratione Liber, or Epistola ad Wichthedum, ed. PL XC 599 – 606; ed. Jones (1943), 319 – 325; (1980), 635 – 642. See Incipit Calculatio Quomodo Repperire Possit Quota Feria Singulis Luna Pascha Occurrat, ed. Jones (1939), 104 – 106, n.17. Concerning Ealhwine/Alcuin’s version of 776 and 777, see Jones (1939), 43 with a list of early manuscripts. For the same titulus: Incipit Calculatio Quomodo . . . but with a different text, see also ms Pt5 (s.IX ex) f.187 – 187v: Primo anni primi circuli decennovennalis. Anno primo qui non habet . . . 4 The two verses, Me legat annales . . ., were also added to ms Pal.lat.1447, f.11v mg infra in s.X/XI. At this later date, the verses were adapted to his own use by Abbo of Fleury for his Ordo Solaris Anni . . ., with only a slight variation of word sequence in some copies: Me legat annales qui vult cognoscere ciclos, . . .
COMPILATIONES ASTRONOMICAE ET COMPUTISTICAE
Quae quondam mirus perscripsit Baeda magister Notus in orbe procul [nostrae] cathegita terrae Quae vos coepistis mirandis sensibus olim Nec ego quid noviter possum nunc pandere vobis Sed vetera ammoneo vestrae commendite menti Augeat omnipotens vobis pia dona sophiae Et vos deducat per magna palatia caeli Qua Christum laeti cernatis perpete visu.
These eleven verses, Ut praecepta mihi dederas . . ., were added to f.72 of ms Pal.lat.1448 in s.IX2, over an erasure of most of that page. Bischoff remarked in 1964 about them: ‘Das Widmungsgedichte . . . könnte sich auf ein Corpus wie den folgenden Argumenten enthalten beziehen.’5 The contents which follow may well have fulfilled Karl’s request to Ealhwine for an Annalis Libellus. He had left the royal court of Karl der Große at Heristal or Worms in 796 to become abbot of St. Martin’s Abbey on the Loire River near the market town of Tours. During the years after 796 however, the king was listening to advice at court which was contrary to the works of Beda. His correspondence shows a number of disputes of Ealhwine with other advisers of Karl concerning three questions: 1) whether the year should begin with March, September, or January; 2) which series of anni mundi should be used for placing the birth of Christ within a chronology of other memorable events, especially in sequence with those later events which could be dated according to the aera Incarnationis; and 3) how to reckon and place the Saltus lunae within the final year of a nineteen-year luni-solar cycle. At his death in 804, it appeared that Ealhwine/Albinus/Alcuin had lost all of those disputes to the pueri Aegyptiaci who then prevailed at the royal court.6 The Bedan calendar would probably not have a future in Karl’s Francia. Nevertheless, only one year later, these matters were still being studied within the circle of Karl der Große and had begun to change. In his letter of A.D.805 or 807 to Ghaerbald, bishop of Lüttich/Liège (784 809), Karl called for further work on such outstanding questions.7 A They were edited by Dümmler (1895), 244 – 245; and by Bischoff (1964), repr (1981), 154. 6 Lohrmann (1993); Borst (1993); Stevens (2003); idem (2011). Further about Ealhwine’s dissatisfaction with the aegyptica schola in palatio by Lohrmann (2003), 418 – 420. 7 Epistola 124 ad Ghaerbaldum, ed. Boretius (1888), 245 – 246, cited by Borst (1993), 70, n.39. According to Eckhardt (1955), 47 – 49, that letter should perhaps be 5
COMPILATIONES ASTRONOMICAE ET COMPUTISTICAE
workshop on computus in 809 was led by his cousin Adalhard who himself had written a ‘Lectio’ about the Easter moon. During these years, Adalhard did many services to Karl, especially in Aquitaine as a companion of his youngest son, Ludwig. That was not a happy relationship. When Ludwig became king in 814, Adalhard was immediately exiled from the court and imprisoned at Noirmoutier; but after seven years he was released in 821 and returned to become abbot of Corbie until he died 2 Jan. 826. A considerable literature was generated before and after that 809 workshop on computus.8 One result was the creation of two large compilationes astronomicae et computisticae: the first, a ‘ThreeBook Computus’ or Compilatio DCCC VIIII (~A.D.809/10); and then, a ‘Seven-Book Computus’ or Compilatio DCCC XII (A.D.812 - 818). Their contents served the same comprehensive purpose of clarifying the several computus systems upon which calendars are based and contain many explanations of how to apply those systems. Both placed emphasis upon aera Incarnationis, as taught in the mature work of Beda.9 On the other hand the two collections vary so much from each another that they should not be considered as versions of the same work. The earlier Compilatio DCCC VIIII in three books may have been composed in the region of Aachen, possibly at the Abbey of St. Amand. The year DCCC VIIII has often been used for convenience but should be denoted ~A.D.808/9/10, for the numerals for each of those three years are used for one or more argumenta in that work. One may not be dated 805, rather than 807: ‘Die Kapitulariensammlung Bischof Ghaerbalds von Lüttich.’ 8 A part of the results are found in five manuscripts under the heading: Capitula de quibus convocati compotiste interrogati fuerint, ed. Dümmler (1902, repr 1925), 565 – 567; English translation by Jones (1963), whose suggestive title is not descriptive of the contents. The most recent edition is by Borst in Schriften (2006), 1040 – 1053, with a useful introduction on p.1034 – 1039. 9 In his book, Der karolingische Reichskalender (2001), 198 – 204, and in his Schriften (2006), 257 – 258, 313, et passim, Professor Borst re-named the three-book collection as Liber calculationis and referred to it as either ‘Salzburger Enzyklopädie’ or ‘Salzburger computus,’ while the seven-book collection is called Libri computi and referred to by him as either ‘Aachener Enzyklopädie,’ or ‘Aachener computus,’ in accord with his speculations about the locations of their composition. These new usages may be convenient for citation and discussion but, as indications of provenance, they go well beyond the evidence. It is also difficult to understand his reasoning that the three-book Compilatio DCCC VIIII was compiled later than and was secondary to the seven-book Compilatio DCCC XII, despite the contrary evidence. Springsfeld (2002), 126 – 127 accepted Borst’s re-dating. Warntjes (2010), xxvi – xxvii, also followed this reversal throughout his own text and commentaries, apparently on the basis that in future the texts will often be cited from the editions in Schriften.
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more specific about the year because their formulae often use anni mundi which could not quite correspond with any annus domini, as each annus mundi would come from sources whose beginning of a year is usually not known. In the two best manuscripts, annus domini is stated either as DCCC VIIII, corresponding approximately with its annus mundi IIII milia DCC LXI (4761), roughly ~A.D.808/9, or as annus mundi IIII milia DCC LXI (4762), roughly ~A.D.809/10, because its section I 2 uses five regulars and the second indiction for annus praesens. Dionysius Exiguus first used the terms aera Incarnationis and annus domini; but his computational year began with the month of September, as did the annual tax-period for the eastern Roman government, and would apply to Egypt (and of course Alexandria), while the western Roman government of that empire used January for the purpose and began its tax year with that month, as would apply to Italy (Milano, Roma, and Napoli) and to the near parts of North Africa. Centuries later, when the annus domini was assumed to follow the Julian calendar of Emperor Augustus Caesar (ignored by Dionysius), it is certain that these terms, annus mundi and annus domini, did not cover the same twelve months and that their use in different parts of the empire would have varied during the lifetime of Dionysius. Thus, we use the sign ~ or the abbreviation ca. (circa) for their proximate relationships. When annus praesens is expressed with numerals DCCC VIIII, any of the dates ~808, ~809, or ~810 could be correct for sources of the original document from which it has been copied; for convenience we shall refer to the Compilatio DCCC VIIII (~A.D.808/9/10).10 None of these years however is a date of writing for either of its earliest surviving manuscripts. Ms München Bayerische Staatsbibliothek CLM 210 was transcribed in Northwest Austria perhaps at Mondsee during several years. Its writing began as early as A.D.812 and continued to ~820; on fol.7 there is an annus mundi IIII milia DCC LXII (4772) which could correspond with ca.819, 820, or 821. Ms Wien Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Lat.387 was probably transcribed in Salzburg during A.D.816 - 818. Both copies have alterations and adaptations of annus praesens in many places which display study by the scribes con-
10 For other examples of such correspondences, cf. De ratione computi Dialogus (779) 18: annus mundi milia CC LXXVIIII secundum Graecos (6279 – 5500 ~ 779); and Lectiones computi (793) V 5: annus mundi V milia XC LXXXV (5985 – 5199 ~ 776). An excellent discussion of the evidence for several early systems of anni mundi and their variations is by Mosshammer (2008), 93 – 94, 127 – 161 et passim.
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currently with their transcriptions, as well as study by later users who altered the dating formulae in 830 and again in 867. Because of the richness of their astronomical diagrammes, art historians have often assumed the origins of both Compilatio collections to be in the royal courts of Judith and Ludwig within the Lotharingian region which extends from Aachen in the North to Ingelheim, Metz, and Lorsch in the South. Compilatio DCCC VIIII, sections 100 - 104; Compilatio DCCC XII, book V, sections 3 - 5. These colourful illustrations of planetary orbits and artistic figures by which constellations could be recognised in the heavens might have been created anywhere within the region but have often been attributed to the workshop at St. Amand (northwest of Aachen) where at this time Arno was abbot as well as being bishop of Salzburg (d.821). However, each of the two compilations must have been created independently, for not only are the scripts and dates of writing in their earliest copies considerably different from each other but so too their contents and structures. The Compilatio DCCC VIIII (~808/9/10) contains only two of the five argumenta in Walahfrid’s first series [Appendix C], and only 15 correspond with his later and larger selection of 25 formulae [Appendix D]; therefore it cannot have been his source. On the other hand, every item of each series is found in the seven-book Compilatio DCCC XII (812 - 818).
IX. AACHEN AND PRÜM WITH YOUNG KARL
Walahfrid’s Versus in Aquisgrani Palatio Editi Anno Hludowici Imperatoris XVI. De Imagine Tetrici Strabus1 describes the arrival of the royal family in Aachen in November 829 and comments on participants in the royal train. Tetricus refers to a statue supposed at that time to be of Theoderich, king of the Ostrogoths in Italy during the sixth century,2 which was on display in the inner court and grounds at Aachen. In the first scene of dialogue between the poet (Strabus) and his muse (Scintilla), verses 74 - 75 refer to the praeclara palatia and the Christicolas greges opposed by Tetricus; against his Arian heresy Walahfrid emphasised the authority of the Apostles and Fathers (84 - 85).3 With reminisces of Horace, Vergil, and Lucretius,4 Scintilla introduces the royal family, comparing Judith and Karl with biblical figures of pulchra Rachel and her son Benjamin, as well as depicting Judith as Miriam, sister of Moses. 1 Ms St. Gallen Stiftsbibliothek 869 (s.IX²); ed. Dümmler (1884), 370 – 378, repr Faral (1932). A new edition and English translation are by Herren (1991), 122 – 131, whose annotations and commentary are quite useful: 118 – 139, and idem (1992), 25 – 41. A new translation of the Dümmler/Faral edition is by Noble (2009), 127 – 186, with introduction and bibliography (119 – 126), but overlooking the works of Herren. 2 This statue (now lost) was once at Ravenna and was described by Agnellus of Ravenna, ed. Holder-Egger (1873), 337 – 338, who thought that it had originally depicted the emperor Zeno on horseback, but that it was later renamed in honour of Theoderich. It was brought from Ravenna by agents of Karl der Große to Aachen where Walahfrid found it in the entry to Ludwig’s courtyard. Godman (1985), 239 – 289; Goldberg (2013), 629 – 631. 3 Herren (1992), 29: on ‘the authority of the Apostles and Fathers.’ In these verses there is no reference to the bishop of Roma as defender of orthodox doctrine or as pope – an idea often imported by modern commentators inappropriately. 4 Raby (1934), 230 – 232.
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In this poetic drama, the role of Moses was played by Ludwig, the emperor, who was opposed by Pharoah (Tetricus), perhaps on analogy with the images they all knew from the halls of Ingelheim.5 Walahfrid goes on at length to praise the qualities of Judith as a jubilant mother; she was an equal to the eloquent ‘Sappho’ who made sweet music and to ‘Holda,’ the Jewish prophetess and scholar in Jerusalem who had interpreted the Torah for Joshua: Mary made the rough-skinned tympana jangle/ Judith strums her instrument with the tuneful pecten. [Verses 166 - 167]6 We learn from Walahfrid that the royal familia at that time included Hilduin, Einhart, and Grimalt, expecially the latter7 whom he praised in verses 179 - 208. In order to follow the life of Walahfrid further from late 829 through a series of rebellions by the elder sons,8 culminating in their offenses of 833 and the resolution of their quarrels in May 834, there is little information from his poetry and letters; but we may turn to his computus. The second set of argumenta and formulae in Sn, ms p.284 - 300, was written by Walahfrid during the years when he was with the young Karl. During those four to five years in the midst of great political affairs, increasing difficulties of the royal family and the entire aula regis would have affected Walahfrid’s personal life and courtly duties. Yet, he found opportunity for scholarship. Was that in Ingelheim, Worms, Prüm, St. Denis, or Aachen? From the late Summer and Autumn of 829 and several years thereafter, he must have been required to travel with the boy Carolus iunior after the Ordinatio imperii had been altered in his favour, if not entirely set aside, in August 829 at Worms.9 The three older sons of Ludwig der Fromme were soon in rebellion. As in their other revolts, distribution of Siemes (1966), 149 – 152, cited by Godman (1985) and Melzak (1990), 631. Walahfridus, De imagine Tetrici 143 – 178, ed. Herren (1991). Mary’s ‘roughskinned tympana’ was probably a tambourine which she made to ‘jangle.’ She played a lute or harp with a pecten = plectrum. Walahfrid’s poetic licence was a bit loose here: the player or the instrument would be tuneful, not the pecten. Ward (1990), 221 – 224. For Holda: IV Kings 22:14 – 20. 7 Geuenich (1988), 55 – 61; for Grimalt’s library, Bischoff (1981a), 197 – 200, 210 – 211. 8 For the events of 829 – 831: Collins (1990), 380 – 383 et seq. 9 Nelson (1992), 75 – 92. 5 6
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riches played a large part in this one, and lay abbots of some monasteries and houses of canons auctioned off their support to the sons and their followers.10 There were many atrocities. Chancellor Bernhard of Septimania had escaped the slaughter, but his brother Heribert was blinded, and their sister, Gerberga, was murdered by drowning. Bernhard and Heribert were sons of Guillaume of Gellone who was a prominent ally of the Carolingians in Aquitaine. According to Theganbert, Gesta 36, the young Ludwig, then king of Aquitania, had raised Bernhard from the baptismal waters. Later, Bernhard led the defense of Barcelona against Saracens, fought the Basques, and was named Count of Barcelona in 827. Two years later, he was called to court by Ludwig and was made Chamberlain (Annales regni Francorum anno 829). With him came his brother Heribert and sister Gerberga who was probably lay abbess of St.-Croix (rather than a nun) when she was captured and killed by the rebels.11 It was in 830 or 831 that Hraban entered the fray with elaborate praise for Ludwig and Judith: distributing his commentaries on the biblical books of Judith and Esther which were dedicated with carmina figuratum to the nobilis matrona Judith and emphasising vestra nunc laudabiliis prudentia and her dignitas which have overcome her adversaries.12 The copy made in Murbach contains the only image of Judith or of any other empress in this period. It may have been presented to her at Fulda in 831 by Hraban himself, for they had a long and pleasant relationship.13 However, all was not well for Judith and her son Karl. A detailed account of the movements of Judith has been given by Linda Dohmen14 which we may summarise: Ludwig learned of the scandal about her and Bernhard but did not act on that rumour. After Easter 830 she may have been with her husband when he started for St.-Bertin but turned back Zatschek, (1935); Noble (1980), 301. Astronomus, Vita Hludowici, ed. Tremp (1995), § 52. The editor (66 – 68) dates this Vita to Spring 841, quite soon after describing Ludwig’s death, because it ends without mentioning the battle at Fontenoy in the Summer of 840 or any events of the following three years of destructive civil war. English translation by Cabaniss (1961), 30 – 125 (with our minor corrections). A recent translation is by Noble (2009), 219 – 302. 12 Hrabanus, Expositio in librum Judith, PL CIX 539; Expositio in librum Esther, ed. ibid., 635; ed. Dümmler (1898), 423; Hrabanus, Epistolae 17 a and 17 b, ed. MGH. Epistola 5; Schramm, Mutherich (1962), I, nr.21; Ernst (1991), 297 – 298; Perrin (1997), 60 – 61. 13 As noted in ch.VII supra; see further Gravel (2010). 14 Dohmen in Streit am Hof . . . (2011), 291 – 298. Events of 830 are summarised and those in revolt against the emperor are named also by Depreux (1994), 359 – 363. 10 11
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to Compiègne, perhaps under guard by the rebels. Judith fled from Pippin to the convent of Santa-Maria at Laon for protection, but she was removed forcibly from its church by his men and taken to Verberie (just south of Compiègne), where she was held by Count Warin of Mâcon and Count Lambert of Nantes. She was then moved to St. Croix to be questioned by Pippin ‘under severe duress, including torture and death threats,’ according to the Astronomer, Vita 44. In April or May 830 she and Ludwig were both brought to an assembly at Compiègne under control of Lothair and Ludwig der Deutsche in which, according to the Annals of St. Bertin, Lothair was exercising regia potestas. Judith agreed to admit her guilt and to withdraw to the convent of Ste.-Radegunda at Poitiers where she remained for several months; her brothers Rudolf and Konrad were tonsured which means that they were held temporarily in monasteries and their properties confiscated during that period. Ludwig had also agreed to the demands of the rebels but delayed public admission of fault until he regained control in October 830 in an assembly at Nijmigen. His elder sons were defeated and finally, at Aachen in February 831, all was reversed: properties of the sons were forfeited and those of Judith’s brothers restored to their families; Count Hugo of Tours and Count Matfrid of Orléans were again removed from their Honours.15 At Thionville both Judith and Bernhard of Septimania took oaths of their innocence, and Judith could safely return as Ludwig’s wife and Queen. Bernhard was restored to favour as camerarius, but he never regained his influence with the King and left the court after a few months, probably returning to his wife Dhuoda at Uzès in the Midi.16 Accounts of this melée do not mention the boy Karl, nor his guards and attendants; we should assume that during 829 - 831 most of them had remained safely at the Ingelheim Pfalz, except for Walahfrid who was with young Karl and his mother. Ludwig’s royal and imperial authority was confirmed again in May 831 at Ingelheim, while Lothair was required to remain in his kingdom of Italia and was not again named as co-emperor. Cited p.117 et passim, supra; Depreux (1994), 331 – 374. Bernhard and Dhuoda had been married in palatio, perhaps at the great palace at Ingelheim rather than Aachen. Uzès is in the Occitaine area just west of the Pont du Gard, north of Nȋmes. Their families were of the most noble status but not wealthy enough to withstand the rebellious Frankish nobles of 828 – 831. Later, Dhuoda wrote a Liber manualis (November 841 – February 843) to advise their son, William, how to live well in the saeculum and how to keep his senses sound and Christian in the difficult surroundings of Karl der Kahle’s court, supported by prayer and reading. She took no notice of accusations against her husband at the court of Ludwig and Judith. See the excellent account of her life and her book by Nelson (2007). 15
16
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Soon, the older sons were again shown clemency by their father who even returned their properties. His charity was extended to most of their followers, though not to all of them.17 One occasion of Ludwig’s unwonted forgiveness for their many crimes is that, at the request of Judith, he displayed exceptional trust in Lothair by asking him to accept the duty of protector and defender of the youngest son, Carolus iunior, whose inheritance the elder son was still disputing.18 Despite Ludwig’s attempts to make peace with them, the three older sons went into rebellion once more. Not only did they humiliate their father in 833 at Rotfeld bei Colmar, ‘The Field of Lies,’ campus mentitus, campus mendacii, but they also beheaded counts who were loyal to him. Along with a few bishops, they forced their father to make a public penance and then on 29 June kidnapped his wife Judith and young Karl. Ludwig der Deutsche held them at first in the Abbey of St. Médard at Soissons and then took father and son Karl to Compiègne where they were held ‘under the keep with a large guard.’ According to his later selfjustification, Lothair claimed that this was done ‘in accordance with an episcopal judgment,’ and several prominent clerics would have gone along with his claim, even blaming Judith for everything: . . . totius mali causa; . . . magnorum fluctuum commocio et conturbacionis largus thesaurus. In the felicitous translation by Fried: ‘O, wie shaden schlechte Frauen ihren Männern.’ It seems that Ado, bishop of Wien, would have agreed with him.19 They wrote from a distance, but some observers were closer to the events and the family and would not agree with that; Theganbert and Walahfrid certainly did not. They knew Judith personally, and had probably observed Ebo on his visits to the aula regis. Usually, Walahfrid has little or nothing to say about the severe political and military difficulties through which he was living. Yet, earlier in the Visio Wettini he had bemoaned the capellani of the aula regis whom he thought to be corrupt because they monopolised high ecclesiastical appointments in the empire.20 Later, looking back on the events Romig (2014), 382 – 409. Astronomus, Vita Hludowici 59. 19 Agobardus, Liber apologeticus II, cap.2, ed. Waitz (1887), 227; or again in his Libri duo pro filiis et contra Judith, ibid., 278. See Boshof (1969), 230. Fried (1990), 232; Ado, cit. Fried, 268. 20 Walahfridus, Visio Wettini II, 324 – 331, ed. Dümmler, MGH. Poetae Latini II (1884). This was similar to the earlier complaints by Wala, brother of Adalhard of Corbie, about clerici palatii who controlled career advancements, reported by Paschasius Radbertus, Epitaphium Arsenii, ed. Dümmler (1900), 65 – 66, cit. Airlie. Wala however supported the opposition to Ludwig and was then confined to Corbie as a monk, 17
18
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of 833, Walahfrid had a few things to say about the bishops whose dubious ‘episcopal judgment’ was intended to humiliate the emperor and his wife.21 On the other hand, for ‘accounts of events which could be trusted,’ Walahfrid praised Theganbert’s Gesta Hludowici (837 - 840) which he described as a ‘little work in the manner of annals, . . . succinct, and more truthful than elegant’; that is, it may have been written without literary ornamentation.22 Walahfrid had known Theganbert since 825 and praised him in Carmen 5. He was a cleric at Trier who was sympathetic to his King and had a low opinion of Ebo, about whom he said: the emperor ‘did not make you noble, for that is impossible.’23 In his Prologus to Theganbert’s Gesta, Walahfrid affirmed without qualification that Ebo was ‘the author of this evil.’ To his edition of the Gesta, he went a step further and appended the bishops’ Relatio Compendiensis of Ludwig’s public penance of 833, warning that it was certainly not the decree of an authoritative council. Rather, the demand of those bishops for royal penance was exitalis commute molimina – a ‘dastardly attempt at fabrication.’ Ludwig was not reconciled with some of his unfaithful bishops and certainly not with Ebo who was held to be a leader responsible for demeaning him and Judith through the forced penances at Soisson 833. Ebo was removed as bishop of Reims, with loss of property, and he was eventually executed. According to Flodoard, ‘A number of bishops were deposed after the rebellion of 833 for infidelity to the emperor.’24 That
having been removed from his position as abbot, an Honour that he later regained. The Prefatio to Walahfrid’s edition of the Vita Karoli Magni (ed. p.xviii – xi) also refers to Einhart’s difficulties in Ludwig’s court, noted by Airlie (1990), 194, and by Noble (2008), 7 – 8. For these events and further evaluations of the surviving literature about them, see Booker (2009), 91 – 124. 21 Relatio Compendiensis, ed. Booker (2008), 1 – 19, esp. p.11. 22 Walahfrid’s Prologus to Theganbertus, Gesta Hludowici imperatoris, ed. Pertz (1829), 598; ed. Tremp (1995), 60, 168; English translation by Noble (2009), 194. Theganbert wrote most of the Gesta in 837, continuing to about 840. They do not mention the disastrous Battle of Fontenoy near Auxerre (25 July 841), the Oaths of Strasburg (14 February 842) between Karl der Kahle and Ludwig der Deutsche, or the Treaty of Verdun (August 843) which included Lothair and settled the division of royal properties for some time. Walahfrid had also promoted Einhart’s Vita Karoli, the Vita Sancti Galli, and Hraban’s Commentarius in Pentateuchum with his own prologues; see further Egon Boshof (1996), 12. 23 Ibid., ed. Tremp (1995), 60. 24 Flodoard, Historia Remensis ecclesia 2.10; Noble (1980), 312.
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included Helisachar, his former chancellor and bishop of Köln, who lost both positions.25 During this third uprising of the older sons, Carolus junior was taken away from his father to the Salvator Abbey at Prüm by 11 November 833. Prüm lies 65 km SSE of Aachen and 33 km NNW of Trier; it was a stronghold often used by the Carolingian rulers.26 Judith was separated from them both and forced under guard to cross the Alps. Some fideles of Lothair must have cooperated with Ludwig der Deutsche to guarantee the exile of Judith in the Carolingian Kingdom of Italy, that is, in northern Italy but out of reach of the Bavarian Hwelfs. The tide turned quickly however: sons Ludwig and Pippin quarrelled with Lothair, and their father’s fideles drifted back to him. Although a few bishops had seen fit to join Ebo in demeaning the emperor by the symbolic action of formally removing his weapons and insignia,27 other bishops reversed that insult towards the end of February 834 by honouring their King Ludwig at St. Denis in the presence of the young Karl. By March, Judith had been located in Italy at Tortona28 and was returned to be reunited with husband and son with a ceremony in Aquisgrani palacio probably at Easter on 5 April. Walahfrid was witness to this celebration and wrote especially in praise of Ruadbern, the nobleman from Ludwig’s entourage who with some risk had escorted Judith back to court and family.29
He may have been allowed to retain the abbacy of Saint Riquier at Centula (822 – 837) for a few more years. Huglo (1994) 216 – 220. 26 After a conspiracy in 792 – 793 by his rebellious son Pippin the Hunchback, Charlemagne had imprisioned him at Prüm, where he died in 811. Annales Einhardi, ed. Kurze (1895), 95; Fichtenau (1953), 305. Later, Lothair was buried at Prüm (d.855). 27 The Prologus to Theganbertus, Gesta, ed. Tremp (1995), 4; Booker (2005), 93 – 105. It is dated between 840 and 849 by Berschin (1991), 223; or more narrowly A.D.840 – 841 by De Jong (2004), 72 – 73, and Booker (2009), 91 – 94. 28 Tortona lies at 44°54ˊ North Latitude, 40km SSW of Pavia and due North of Genoa, the centre of the diocese in which lay Placentia and Bobbio. The events of Judith’s return are unclear: Koch (2005), 152 – 158. A second Innocentum was noticed in the Fulda Calendar on V Kal.Ian. (~28 December) [Appendix A, ms p.324], not otherwise identified. Was this name added by Walahfrid in 834 to honour the early bishop of Tortona? A Vita Innocentii (BHL 4281) survives however in the late fifteenth century ms Fulda Hessische Landesbibliothek Aa96, I, f.71v – 73v, ed. Tomea (2013). 29 Astronomus, Vita Hludovici 50 and 51. Nelson (1992), 86 – 92; Walahfridus, Epistola ad Ruadbernum Laicum, ed. Dümmler (1884), 388 – 390; with German translation by Önnorfors (1977), 195 – 196, 391 – 392. 25
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Where was the tutor Walahfrid during the twelve months of disturbances and displacements from June 833 to May 834? He may have been forced to accompany the kidnapped ten-year-old Karl to Soissons and Compiègne, and then to the Salvator Abbey at Prüm. Most likely, he was still with him when the boy met his father again to St. Denis and where Grimalt’s relative and friend, archbishop Hilduin, would have welcomed the royal family. Many years later, the reminiscences by Karl der Kahle of those events do not mention any of his tutors or guards or other companions who must have been with him, and no surviving letters and poems have revealed anything more about those months. The eleven-year-old boy would have been brought from Prüm to St. Denis to await the reinstatement of his father in a glorious celebration, and with him would be those whose assignment was to care for him, including Walahfrid. Gathering of familia and fideles at St. Denis during weeks of the Christmas and Epiphany festivals and then this ceremony in February 834 could not have happened without some planning. There may have been time for Walahfrid to explore the abbatial libraries and perhaps to have found a manuscript with the computistical contents he loved and to which he added many more formulae [Appendix D]. Finally, there would surely have been time to use the library at Aachen during March 834. He was present on 5 April to celebrate reunion of father, mother, and son. Thereafter, the older sons were sent back to their own lands rejoicing, as one report said,30 perhaps because they had survived their crimes. At some time during those disturbed years with the aula regis, Walahfrid himself transcribed twenty-five more selections of computistical materials. The collection from which they were chosen was attributed to Alcuin in the Vademecum: Liber De Albino Magistro,31 written in the Capitalis rustica script often used for tituli by W IVa. Walahfrid’s heading is found on the last line of ms p.277 for texts beginning on p.278, as was his normal practice. We recall that Albinus was the name used by Ealhwine/Alcuin for himself in several letters and essays. This is the Compilatio DCCC XII, from which their texts are recorded below in Appendix D. It may assist the reader if their contents were described here, briefly: Anonymus, Vita 48. The exemplar from which he transcribed these parts may have lacked initial sections I 1 – 4. 30 31
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Compilatio DCCC XII
Sankt Gallen ms 878
p.277 - 283 6) I 5 ADBREVIATIO CHRONICAE32 Six periods from Adam to the fourth year of the reign of Karl der Große as king (~ 772/3), to which is added his 42d year as king and his ninth as emperor. These annals place Karl’s imperial coronation on annus domini DCCC I (801), so that annus imperii ∙VIIII∙ is probably meant to correspond with annus domini ~ 810. 7) I 7 NOSTRATES . . . HIERONIMUS . . . GRECI . . . p.284 Reckoning the years from creation to the birth of Christ and his Passion in three ways: 3952, 5199, 5500 anni mundi.33 8) I 8 RATIO QUOMODO FERIA QUA DOMINUS PASSUS EST INVENITUR p.284 - 285 Discusses alternative estimates for the day of the Passion and settles on the Julian aquinox, VIII Kal. Aprilis (= 25 March) or annus mundi III milia XC LXXXIII (3983). By Bedan reckoning of Hebraica veritas, that year (3983 less 3952) would correspond with ~ A.D.31. Yet, Beda also knew that in Roman practice the Year of Passion was held to be A.D.34.
32 That brief chronicle was edited by Mommsen (1898), 349 – 354. It had derived originally from fifth century Italy and had been known also in Northumbria during the eighth century before Ealhwine brought it with him to the continent in 792 on his first visit to Karl’s transient court, or in 793 when he came to stay. It is often found separately and became part of both Compilatio DCCC VIIII (~808/9/10) I 1 (section A) and Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) I 5 A (with additions of sections B and C). It was also edited by Borst in Schriften 951 – 970, where it is named ‘Series Annorum Mundi Nova,’ for which the earliest manuscript is Roma Biblioteca Casanatense 641 (Montecassino 811 – 812), f.45 – 46v: version α. The last editor somehow implied for this ‘Series Nova’ a date (807, rather than 804) and a provenance (Lorsch), for which the only evidence is that the additions from 793 to 806 in version β are Frankish. The earliest manuscripts of version β are mss Pt Sn Sk, and Borst’s ms Sm = St.Gallen 732 (written perhaps at Freising ca.815), none of which are related to Lorsch. 33 Various year counts from Creation to Incarnation and to Passion of Christ and their consequences for chronology are discussed by Borst (2001), 75; idem (2006), 266; Warntjes (2010), ccxx, citing a later addition to CLM 14456, f.77v; Mosshammer (2008), 30 – 34 et passim.
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9) I 9 DE EBDOMADIBUS LXX PROPHETICIS p.286 - 290 The meaning of Daniel’s vision of the ‘70 weeks’ multiplied by seven years, lunar rather than solar, is explained by Bedae DTR IX. See the commentary by Jones (1943), 343 - 344. 10) II 1 ARGUMENTUM AD ANNOS AB INITIO MUNDI INVENIENDOS p.290 By Bedan reckoning of Hebraica veritas (4761 – 3952), the current annus domini DCCC VIIII (~ 808/9/10) is said to correspond with annus mundi IIII milia DCC LXI (4761). In Mb² the numerals were miscopied, and its arithmetic did not result in either annus mundi 4761 or annus domini 809. Walahfrid’s text is correct. 11) II 2 ARGUMENTUM AD INVENIENDUM ANNUM CYCLI DECENNOVENALIS PER EOSDEM ANNOS p.291 The number of years from Creation in the current year of the 19-year Luni-solar cycle.34 This reckoning is similar to Dionysii Argumentum V, but here it follows that of De ratione computi Dialogus (779) 18 and Lectiones computi (792) III 4. 12) II 3 ARGUMENTUM AD INDICTIONEM INVENIENDAM p.291 The number of the current year of Creation in the 15-year cycle of indictions, following De ratione computi Dialogus (779) 18. 13) II 4 ARGUMENTUM AD EPACTAM INVENIENDAM p.291 The lunar epact in annus mundi, the current year of Creation. Cf. De ratione computi Dialogus (779) 18 which uses the 19-year Luni-solar cycle.35 14) II 5 ARGUMENTUM AD CONCURRENTES INVENIENDOS
p.291 - 292
34 A later reference to the cycli decennovenali was added in the margin of Mb2 f.26: apparently in order to bring it into accord with the Bedan cycles, rather than with the Dionysian cycles of Mb2 f.7 – 20 which were one year earlier. 35 A teacher who used this Argumentum in Mb2 has underlined a few words, Et de his subtrahe III; ceteros, in order to emphasise that in this formula, III must be subtracted for determining the lunar epact, rather than IIII used for Indiction in the previous section.
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The concurrent of present but unnumbered year of annus mundi, counting from 24 March. It follows De ratione computi Dialogus (779) 18 which uses the 19-year Luni-solar cycle. 15) II 7 A ARGUMENTUM AD ANNOS DOMINI INVENIENDOS p.292 Section A: Current annus domini is DCCC VIIII (~808/9/10) with twelve regulars and the second indiction. This formula is similar to that of Lectiones Computi (793) VII for year DCC XCIII (793) and is similar also to the text in ms Bern Burgerbibliothek 417 (Fleury ca.826) f.25. [N.B. In the sequence of argumenta copied by Walahfrid, Sections II 7 and 6 have been reversed.] 16) II 6 ARGUMENTUM QUALITER CYCLUS LUNAE INVENIRI DEBEAT p.292 The series number of the Bedan year of creation, as it corresponds with the 19-year Luni-solar cycle. This formula follows De ratione computi Dialogus (779) 18 and Lectiones Computi (793) III 3. 17) II 8 ARGUMENTUM AD INVENIENDUM ANNUM CYCLI XIX p.292 The series number of the current annus domini DCCC VIIII (~808/9/10) in the 19-year Luni-solar cycle. It applies Annalis libellus (793) 24 where the formula is given for any year. Hrabani De computo LXXVIII is similar but with variations in application. 18) II 9 ARGUMENTUM AD INDICTIONEM INVENIENDAM p.292 The series number of Indiction for the current year DCCC VIIII (~808/9/10), following Annalis libellus (793) 7 where it was given as a formula for any year. 19) II 10 ITEM ARGUMENTUM AD EPACTAM INVENIENDAM p.292 - 293 The lunar epact is the difference between solar and lunar years. Epacts are reckoned here for the year of Incarnation DCCC VIIII (~809/10). This follows Dionysii Argumentum III which
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stated the formula for any year, and Bedae DTR LII which applied it to his own year DCC XXV (725).36 There was an error in transmission of this section for all other known manuscripts, but Walahfrid’s result is correct. 20) II 11 ARGUMENTUM AD CONCURRENTOS INVENIENDOS p.293 Concurrentes or Adiectiones solis or Epactae solis determine days of the week. This formula follows Dionysii Argumentum IV and De ratione computi Dialogus (779) 18 for any year, as applied to the year DCCC VIIII (~809/10). The concurrents are correct in this argumentum, but the arithmetic is faulty. Walahfrid’s copy repeats the error. 21) II 12 ITEM ARGUMENTUM QUALITER CYCLUS LUNAE INVENIRE DEBEAT p.293 The number of the current year DCCC VIII (808) is found in the 19-year cycle by this formula. De ratione computi Dialogus (779) 18 gave the same formula for any year. 22) III 6 DE RATIONE BISSEXTI p.293 - 294 Origin and necessity of Bissextus in the solar calendar are explained according to Bedae DTR XXXVIII,37 expanding upon his brief DT X which Walahfrid already had in his Sn. 23) III 8 IN QUOT ANNIS DE BISSEXTILIBUS DIEBUS UNUS ANNUS ADCRESCAT p.294 An increase of one day every four years is accumulated through 1460 years,38 by which time there would be an increase of 366 days, one full year. This spells out the results of the next item. [N.B. In the sequence of argumenta copied by Walahfrid, 36 See also Annalis libellus (793) 8; Argumentum XI ps-Dionysii; and other applications with similar content. 37 Further notes on other placements of Bissextus (e.g. Egyptian on 29 August) are given by Borst (2006), 39 – 41 et passim; Warntjes (2010), cxliv; and Mosshammer (2008), 101 – 102 et passim. 38 This is the ‘Great Year’ used by some astronomers in Alexandria as a cycle for phenomena which would begin again after 1460 years with the rising of ‘Sotis’ or ‘Sirius’ or Alpha Canis majoris (the Dog star). It was called the ‘Sothic Period’ by Clement of Alexandria and is discussed by Mosshammer (2008), 36 and 374 – 378. See also G. de Callataÿ (1996), 73 – 76, 112 – 113, 254.
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Sections III 7 and 8 have been reversed.] 24) III 7 DE MENSURA CREMENTI BISSEXTILIS. p.294 The annual increase of time which makes up the fourth year Bissextus of the solar calendar is summarised by Bedae DTR XXXIX (1943) 1 - 10; (1977) 1 - 12. The author explains why several false explanations should be rejected. 25) IIII 8 DE SALTU LUNAE p.294 Saltus is reckoned from the difference between the common lunar years and the lunar leap year. This is similar to Bedae DTR XLV - XLVI. 26) IIII 9 ITEM DE SALTU LUNAE p.295 - 926 Two excerpts [A and C] from Bedae DTR XLII account for the annual amounts of hours and points which accumulate after nineteen years to make up one full solar day, requiring it to be skipped over in the lunar day-count. Walahfrid omitted section B, in which Beda had mentioned epacts of Victurius and Dionysius. 27) IIII 10 IN QUOT ANNIS PER SALTUM LUNAE UNUS ANNUS SUBTRAHATUR p.297 The small excess of solar time during one full year is accumulated for 6935 years after Creation, in order to count up to the number of Saltus lunae equivalent to the number of days in a solar year. 28) IIII 11 QUOD ET LUNA QUADRANTEM HABEAT. p.297 - 298 This is Bedae DTR XLI on the necessity of Saltus in order to keep track of the course of the Moon. 29) IIII 12 CUR ARGUMENTUM LUNAE KALENDARUM PER OMNES ANNOS CIRCULI DECENNOVENALIS STABILITATEM SUAM SERVARE NON POSSIT. p.298 - 300 For the 19-year Luni-solar cycle, lunar epacts changed their count at the beginning of each year. There were several ways to do this. The text from Bedae DTR XX (1943) 22 - 55; (1977) 26 - 66 offered an alternative.
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30) IIII 20 CUR XIIII LUNA PASCHALIS INTER XIX KAL. APRILIS ET XIIII KAL. MAII IN QUIBUSDAM LOCIS EVENIRE NON POSSIT. Incipit constant igitur . . . p.300 This text reckons calendar days for Easter full moon from the age of the Moon on 8 March. That is the earliest day for the beginning of Spring.39 Thus, there was a great deal of work for Walahfrid to do while the royal family was engaged in tumultuous political affairs. While his intellectual labour may have seemed of little consequence at the time, it may have had greater effect in the long term, as a coherent structure for organising and remembering almost everything they did. It was said of King Ludwig that, having been reunited with Judith at Easter 834, ‘thereafter he kept his son Karl with him for a long time,’ as he governed through judicial hearings, diplomacy in settling local disputes, and the ever necessary display of royal authority. For some of these occasions, Judith was also with the travelling court. There were many changing alignments and new negotiations between various family members in the following years, during which the king sought protection for Judith and Karl, while steadily increasing the boy’s authority over Neustria and even Aquitaine. Although they had gathered their fideles and moved towards Paris, it is unclear whether the forces of Ludwig’s son Pippin and the latter’s archicapellanus Fridebert had joined in the rebellion of 833 or were present for any steps towards reconciliation during January to May 834. Fridebert was bishop of Angoulême and also abbot of Saint Hilaire in Poitiers. They did not want to lose control of that great region of Aquitaine in the Southwest. Probably later in 834, Walahfrid travelled with Judith and Karl to Poitiers where they negotiated peace with Pippin concerning his authority in Aquitaine; and from his verse, Ad eandem de quodam somnio, a relationship of trust between Walahfrid and Judith may be presumed, though he also had other patrons at this time.40 Apparently, Walahfrid continued to accompany the 39 Edited by Jones (1980), 677, who could not believe that this item should be attributed to Beda on the basis of its poor Latin style. 40 Ad eandem de quodam somnio, ed. Dümmler (1884), 379 – 380, for which there is a German translation by Langosch (1968), 108 – 111. See discussions of their relationship by von Bezold (1924); and Ward (1990), 221 – 224. Other patrons are named by Booker (2001), 124 – 126, and by Ries (2005). Pace Booker, Walahfrid’s patrons could not have included Godescalc who was often a friend-in-need, rather than a supporting patron.
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royal family for such negotiations during the next four years (834 - 838) until Carolus iunior came of age in May 838, having been well trained in use of weapons, horseback riding, and military command.41 Walahfrid was present at Quierzy in September when the lad was declared mature by his father and was honoured with sword and crown.42 After that, without being accompanied by either his mother or his tutors, the young Karl (about 15 years old) could make his own agreements with Pippin about freer control of Aquitaine in return for his cooperation until his death on 13 December 838, after which Karl’s authority in that region was undisputed. But it became known in early 838 that Ludwig had also assigned the governance of a part of Neustria to Karl, giving rise to new quarrels with step-brothers Lothar and Ludwig. Walahfrid was then rewarded for his ten years of service by royal appointment as abbot of the monastery and three churches on the Reichenau from which he had come. It was an Honour with great lands and a large resident population, such as he had never had before, and with it came personal properties.43 Although he had been one of the homines palatii of the aula regis and was friendly with Judith, he seems not to have had access to or any personal relations with the emperor. Upon receiving news on the Reichenau of Walahfrid’s appointment however, his former teacher Erlebald resigned his office as abbot (832 - 838), so that the monks could elect Ruathelm as their own abbot. They were free to do so. Near the beginning of his reign, Ludwig had confirmed free election of bishops and had guaranteed free elections of abbots in monasteries which followed regular rules,44 not however for canons of cathedrals who were using various other rules.45 ‘Regular’ probably meant ‘rules similar to those attributed to Benedict of Nursia.’ But there cer41 Hrabani De procinctu Romanae militiae described this training, its drills, and its hardships for Lothair II, son of Ludwig der Deutsche; well summarised by Goldberg (2006) 39 – 42. Cf. Vegetius, De rei militaris; and the Epitome rei militaris. 42 Oexle (1969), 180; Fees (2000), 43 and 48. Karl’s sister Gisela had married two years earlier (ca.836) with the most powerful Eberhard of Friuli who defended Bavaria (even Istria) and Italy for Ludwig and then for Karl. For the library of this learned couple, see Kershaw (2007) and the numerous studies he cited about them. 43 Grants to Walahfrid by Ludwig are found in items 991 and 994 in Der Urkundenbuch der Abtei Sankt Gallen. 44 Free election of bishops and abbots would appear to have been in conformity with canon law, but this did not prevent local pressures, royal nominations, or even intimidation: Noble (1980), 310 – 311. 45 Noble (1980), 300: ‘Rules were drawn up for canons and canonesses.’
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tainly were important monasteries which resisted the reforms desired by Benedict of Aniane and supported by Ludwig: for example, St. Martin’s near Tours and St. Michael’s at Fulda, neither of which felt any need for ‘reform’ at that time, though they yielded to other reforms in the eleventh century. Furthermore, the Notitia did not apply to monasteries which were in control of lay abbots. For example, Einhart was lay abbot not only for the abbey at Seligenstadt to which he retired with his wife Emma in the late 820s (perhaps 829), but also for Sts. Peter and Bavo (Ghent), St. Servais (Maastrict), St. Claudius (near Paris), St. Wandrill (Fontanelle), St. Peter’s Abbey at Fritzlar, and others. From his share of annual income from their properties, Einhart and his wife would have been quite comfortable, even personally wealthy. He seems also to have inherited lands from his parents near Muhlenheim and was granted more lands both there and at Michelstadt by Ludwig der Fromme.46 Although distinctions between regular and lay monasteries in the ninth century are unclear, monks on the Reichenau could cite the Notitia for their right to choose their own abbot. It was territory still claimed by Ludwig der Deutsche, and they probably had his support when they refused to accept the royal nomination of Walahfrid as abbot. Consequently, there was a dispute between two ecclesiastical statesmen and landlords which required justice. Pressure and intimidation could always be brought, but in such a case justice was usually reached by compromise – a settlement acceptable by both parties and one which seemed fair to their peers, at least fair enough for peace to be kept. And so it was for Walahfrid who, though supported by emperor and consort, was at a disadvantage as an orphan with no family and lands. He is further not known to have had any familiares amongst landed nobility, other than Grimalt and perhaps Hilduin. The king and emperor Ludwig visited the Reichenau in the Spring 839, again requiring them to accept Walahfrid as their abbot. They agreed to do so, accepting new gifts of royal lands. But when the royal guest had departed, their acquiescence faded as well, for Walahfrid had to flee again when other business required Ludwig’s presence to the North. The monks should have recognised an advantage to the appointment of Walahfrid, in that he had no family to ferret away lands from the Honour, as was not uncommon; but some of them were determined not to accept him. By 840 Ludwig der Fromme had regained control of Alemannia (and the R eichenau) from 46 Charter, ed. Dutton (1998), 143; Fleckenstein (1999), coll.1737 – 1739. For the wealth of Einhart and others as lay abbots, Fleckenstein (1959), I, 107 – 108; Noble (2009), 8 – 9.
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his son Ludwig. He was successful also in the Northern areas of Fritzlar and Verden, from which Ludwig der Deutsche retreated before the two armies met in full force. But as early as 836, it had been remarked that the King’s health was failing, and that was certainly true in 840. Although his wife and youngest son may have still been in Poitiers at this time, he was probably on the way home to Ingelheim on 20 June 840 when he died nearby on the Petersau, an island in the Rhein River where he had often hunted.47 Present at his death was his half-brother Drogo, bishop of Metz, who claimed the body and took it to Metz for burial. The Astronomer also described in detail a previous solar eclipse on 5 May 840, with a ‘lamentable result,’ he said (Vita Hludovici 62), for the king died six weeks later. Some have suggested that his words mean that the author was superstitious; nevertheless, he also affirmed that ‘this prodigy is attributable to nature.’ We should note that a few years earlier in 837, Ludwig and the Astronomer were discussing the stars and had been watching them for several nights.48 What attracted them was probably Halley’s Comet which was travelling West through the skies of Europe ‘in the middle of the Easter festivity in Virgo and was seen for 25 days, crossing Leo, Cancer, and Gemini’ (Vita 58). Easter Sunday in 837 would have been April first, and those days of visibility could have been from 5 to 28 April. The comet would have been nearest the Earth and appear brightest on 11 April with maximum elongation from the Sun, but the light of full moon on 24 April would have interfered with observations for a few of those days. The Astronomer had already retired one evening when Ludwig saw something unexpected in the sky, called him back, and asked him to go out to the menianum to observe this new phenomenon. That word could mean gallery or balcony to Cicero or Vitruvius, but a more 47 The only contemporary account of his death is by Astronomus, Vita Hludowici imperatoris 63 and 64; Schmoll (1974) ; Sage (1976); Boshof (1996), 246 – 247 on Ludwig’s death and other events of that year. 48 Astronomus, Vita Hludowici imperatoris 58, written shortly after Ludwig’s death in 840. Throughout his book the anonymous author showed himself to be interested in astronomical phenomena (§ 21, 31, 37, 41, 42, 58, 59, 62); in section 58 he identified himself partially as ‘me, who is writing this and who is believed to have knowledge of these matters,’ that is, knowledge of signs of the Zodiac, planets, eclipses, and comets. He was well-informed about life within the aula regis, and many have guessed at his name. He might have been Hilduin the Younger of St.Denis, according to Tremp (1991), 147 – 148; or Dicuil, according to Depreux (1997), nos.37, 73; or Jonas of Orleans, according to Tischler (2001), 1109 – 1111; or Walahfrid Strabo, according to Booker (2009), 293, n.129. These proposals are summarised by De Jong (2009), 79 – 81, but none is convincing for lack of evidence.
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common term at this time was solarium. Mayke De Jong has noticed49 that the buildings of many ‘royal monasteries and canonical communities,’ might have such a solarium – ‘a construction situated on the upper story – a balcony or gallery possibly roofed, or alternatively a sun-room’ – as well as being ‘an integral feature of Carolingian royal dwelling, be they palaces or villae.’ Some of them had metal railings for safety. This menianum was open to the heavens and was used by Ludwig to observe the stars, as his father had done. From it he expected the Astronomer to see that, after the comet had passed from view, a new bright star appeared which neither of them had noticed previously, and he was expected to account for it. The Astronomer hesitated, ‘so that I would not have to report something sad.’ But the king ordered: Perge, inquid, in meniana huic domui contigua, et nobis quae perspectris nuntia.50 Ludwig then leaped to the conclusion that the comet was an ill omen ‘of a great change in the realm, and the death of the prince.’ The Astronomer did his best to deny that old superstition, quoting Jeremiah X.2: ‘Do not fear the signs from heaven which the nations fear.’ To this, Ludwig responded: ‘We ought not to fear anyone except Him who is our creator, and [creator of] that star.’ Then he took all measures to wish it away with a little wine, an all-night vigil in his chapel for those who were available, alms for the poor (monks and canons), and solemn masses. In any case, after a good day hunting in the Ardennes somewhere between Prüm and Ingelheim, Ludwig was happy again and all omens seem to have been forgotten. The Astronomer closed his account without explaining either the comet or the new bright star following. Could these phenomena be explained today with new models of the heavens and calculations which project earlier positions of stars, planets, and comets? A recent review of the evidence by Scott Ashley (2013) identifies the perigee of that comet as occurring on 11 April when it would be the closest to the earth and therefore appear at its brightest. But a comet would have come across the skies gradually and would not appear suddenly, as a surprise on a single night during its period of visibility. (The night skies were almost always cloudy during that month in Lotharingia.) Another possibility according to Ashley was that ‘On 49 De Jong (2008), 278 – 279, 285 – 286; but the Astronomer did not use the word solarium in Vita Hludowici, nor did Einhart in Vita Karoli Magni. 50 Vita Hludowici 58, ed. Tremp (1995), 523: meniana = ‘solarium,’ trans. De Jong (2008), 285; or ‘balcony,’ trans. Noble (2009), 293: ‘Go out on the balcony adjoining this house, he said, and you will see what seems new to us. For I know that I did not see that star last evening, and you did not point it out to me.’
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the evening of 27 April there was a conjunction of Mercury and Venus within the horns of Taurus,’ where the Astronomer said their view of the comet had ended. Mercury however only appears on the horizon for a short time slightly before sunrise or just after sunset. An experienced observer knows that it is always difficult and usually impossible to see that planet, not only because of its rare appearance during the brief periods before the brilliance at sunrise in the East when sun’s leading edge begins to bulge above the horizon, or at sunset when the sun’s great disk and its following edge (moving at an angle) seem almost to stand on the western horizon, then suddenly to race across it in a blaze of light before disappearing. Observations on the horizons are also difficult because of the clouds which are usually interfering with one’s view of anything in either direction. Even at the maximum elongation of Mercury from the Sun and standing within two degrees of Venus, such a conjunction would also occur gradually as each planet approaches the other over many nights; that might become an impressive sight for the patient royal observer but could not come about as a surprise.51 The writer himself excluded this possibility when he said that the brightness ‘did not seek to move toward the East after the fashion of the seven wandering stars.’ There was no unexpected motion of the planets which he and his king had been observing. A third possibility was that they saw one of three novae which modern models of the heavens calculate to have appeared on 29 April, 3 May, and 26 May, phenomena which were set in the heavens and did not move along with the usual course of the seven planets or against them but could not be explained. Ashley’s explorations of these alternatives are worthwhile, and he cites observations of Halley’s Comet in that period not only from China but also from Japan and Iraq. His best insight is that the Astronomer may have conflated two memories of 837 when he wrote his Vita 58, three or four years later: first, that the two of them had been watching the unusual comet and discussing the 51 Ashley (2013), 41: Maximum distance of Mercury from the Sun in Aachen was calculated to have been at 7:54 pm on 6 May 837, according to Tuckermann (1964), 436. About Halley’s Comet, Kronk I (1999), 125 – 128 reports ‘the most southerly declination on April 10’ and ‘maximum solar elongation of 149° on April 11,’ calculated by Yeoman and Kiang (1981). He also affirms that ‘The comet’s observed path [in China, Japan, Iraq] never took it to Cancer and Gemini.’ He depended upon a guidebook for the British Museum exhibition: Halley’s Comet in History (1985), which cited Babylonian and Chinese sources but not European because, the editors said, ‘the latter are not reliable before the fifteenth century,’ by which they mean that European sources do not always accord with Chinese records from that time. Tao Kiang (1972) plotted only the Chinese reports for those days.
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planets from time to time during those 25 nights; and second, that later, Ludwig did sight a nova, but the Astronomer could not explain it. Others saw those phenomena but reported them differently.52 Servatus Lupus also saw something in the southwest, probably near the horizon: ‘This last April shortly after midnight I saw with my own eyes a rather faint star (subobscuram) lying under Leo, and its beam (radium) stretched to Spica in Virgo. I watched this star for several days, examining it closely, but later I lost sight of the beam of light. Finally the star itself passed from view.’53 As described by the Astronomer, that would have been near the head of Taurus and at the feet of Auriga. Radium could have been a ‘beam of light,’ so that he may be talking about the same comet. But subobscuram? The Chinese report is for appearance of the comet during 5 - 13 April and again on 28 April without indicating its brightness or height above the southern horizon. Ashley notes that its perigee would be 11 April and that it would be seem brightest on 13 April with longest tail, yet that would still be low to the southern horizon. If it appeared faint or weak to Lupus, that could be because he noticed it later in the month near the horizon, or that it was hidden in the clouds, or that it was too near the moon which was then waxing. In surviving evidence Walahfrid did not remark either the comet or the nova. Nor did he mention that Lothair had captured one of his father’s palaces and destroyed the three silver tables once owned by his father and grandfather. One of those tables depicted the entire heavens with circles for equator, ecliptic, and orbits of Sun, Moon, and five more planets which moved through the Zodiac. When royal possessions were distributed in accordance with Karl’s testament, Ludwig had withheld 52 Annales regni Francorum, ed. Kurze (1891), a. DCCC XXXVIII (838). Cf. Anonymous, Vita Hludovici 62, where the editor, Ernst Trempe, commented (p.523, n.885a) that the head of the comet did not clear the horizon before ca. 10 April. The Annales regni Francorum during years 830 – 901 were written at Mainz, rather than at Fulda or at the royal court. The edition of Annales Fuldenses by Kurze (1891) places marginal entries from three manuscripts into one series of dates from 741 to 854. Entries for Annales Fuldenses antiquissimi however occurred for years 741 – 814 or 822 in three independent manuscripts with different marginal annals to Easter tables: 532 – 1063; the ms CLM 14641 places some entries a year later than the others: Freise (1979), 16 – 66; Corradini (2002), 113 – 163; idem (2003), 130 – 131; summarised by Raaijmakers (2012), 58 – 61. 53 Servatus Lupus, Epistola 20, ed. Marshall (1984), addressed to Altuin or Alcuin in late Spring 837; trans. Regenos (1966), 21; cit. Ashley (2013), 33, who also noticed (41) that Mercury is always shown on planetaria drawn in this period: for example, ms Madrid BN 3307 [L 95] (Murbach 814 – 820) f.65v; and the Leiden Aratea in ms Leiden Voss Q.79 (s.IX¹) f.93v.
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these magnificent tables. But in his turn, Lothair had the one depicting the heavens cut into pieces for payment of those who joined him in rebellion. It seems that Lothair was angry with his father and had little or no interest in astronomy – exceptional in this family.54 Not only Karl and Ludwig were interested in astronomy but also Liutgard (d.ca.800), last wife of Karl der Große55; Judith, probable patron for the elaborate planispheres of ms Leiden Voss.lat.79; and Karl der Kahle - each of whom was attentive to stars with their numbers and signs, according to Sedulius Scottus.56 Those were zodiacal signs with measured parts for tracking orbits of planets and comets, eclipses of sun and moon, and other astral phenomena. Members of this family showed little or no interest in horoscopic astrology. Astrological treatises were abundant during all periods of Greek and Arabic literature, but there were only brief allusions to astrological divination and horoscopic prediction in Latin. Thoughtful writers of many Mediterranean and European lands often warned against such practises. From Justin Martyr onwards, Christian writers praised the use of mathematics and astronomy but not for the scurrilous practices of mathematici or magi, as they were misleading, futile, and denied both the free will of any person and the free will and omniscience of a loving God. Reason was against it. The period between fifth and eleventh centuries was the only time in western history, from which no horoscope is known and no astrologus may be named. David Juste reviewed surviving Latin manuscripts written eighth to eleventh centuries and found glosses added to some of their texts with references to exaltations and domiciles of planets in zodiacal signs, influence of the moon on plants and humans, calamities coordinated with eclipses and appearance of comets, and even bits of sorcery.57 Those glosses are not well dated, but none are from the Carolingian period, and most seem to have been added in the twelfth century or later. On the other hand, at Fulda one could have known the best surviving (yet partial) text of Aratus Latina in ms Basel Universitätsbibliothek AN.N.18, f.2 – 9v, accompanied by 54 Theganbertus, Gesta Hludowici 8; Einhart, Vita Caroli 25; Annals of St. Bertin, ed. Nelson (1964), 41; McCluskey (1998), 140 – 141. 55 Of Liutgard, Alcuin said in Epistola 149: mea filia, famula vestra fidelissima, ed. Dümmler I (1892), 244 and note 2, cit. Dutton (2004), 100. 56 Sedulius Scottus, Carmen 3,4, ed. Traube, MGH. Poetae Latini III (1886), 234. 57 Juste (2007), reviewed in ISIS 99 (2008), 825 – 826.
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a well-illustrated planisphere (f.iv), as well as the Aratea of Germanicus, f.11 – 45v with contemporary scholia.58 All computists emphasised regularity of calculations for Sun, Moon and stars. They had no interest in horoscopic astrology. But the orbits of planets were exceptions which were hard to explain, as those wandering stars seemed to slow down, reverse directions, and rush ahead; they were newly mapped in four forms for analysis. Augustine in the fourth century, Isidore in the seventh, and all other Christian scholars distinguished between astronomia and astrologia: the first category was the study of revolutions of the heavens, rising and setting of constellations, and the regula which govern them; the second was the study of irregular movements of wandering stars and their places in time sequence. As well, compotista studied and mapped motions of those two planets (Venus and Mercury) which obviously stayed close to the Sun and probably circled it. In other words, the evidence of Carolingian manuscripts shows that, as Paul Dutton says in particular of the Leiden Aratea, there were ‘virtually no horoscopes and no sophisticated mathematical reckonings of human fortune.’59 Christians usually sought rational explanations for unusual appearances in the heavens. Apparently, Lothar cared little for mathematics and astronomy and was quite willing to destroy the instruments by which those disciplines were promulgated, preferring their other values as silver and gold. Nevertheless, Walahfrid supported him as successor to the imperial throne and opposed the claims of his brother Ludwig to Alemannia, as did Fulda abbot Hraban. Not only had Hraban gathered forces in the year 840 and appeared on the field of battle at the call of Ludwig the father against Ludwig the son, but also at the emperor’s death he too had supported the imperial claims of Lothair whom Walahfrid had once re58 The Aratus Latina manuscript now at Basel was probably written at Fulda and is dated either to the first third of the ninth century by Obrist (2001), 25, or to ca.820 – 835 by Dekker (2013), 116, more likely the latter; it has not yet received adequate palaeographical analysis. See Dell’Era (1979b); Haffner (1997); Dekker (2013), 116 – 117. The large planisphere (f.iv unfolded and now kept in a separate folder) is printed by Obrist, figure 20, and by Dekker, figure 3.13, who describes its construction and its figures of the constellations on p.228 – 230. The Aratea of Germanicus is ms Leiden Voss.Q 79 (s.IX). 59 Dutton (2004), 203. As Ingram (1998) says of an event in the twelfth century, several monks saw something unusual in a lunar eclipse which appeared suddenly to have horns: there was a loss of light reflected from the moon, but they did not see it ‘split open,’ as claimed by some excited pagans, unless it were in their dreams.
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ferred to as equitatius.60 In the same year Hraban was forced by Ludwig der Deutsche to resign as abbot of Fulda. It was an easy retirement to the Petersberg nearby where the monks supplied him with vellum and with scribes for his new Commentary on the Book of Ezechiel.61 Hraban was soon reconciled with Ludwig der Deutsche and appointed bishop of Mainz (842 - 856). On the Reichenau the monks continued for two more years to resist Walahfrid, their former brother and abbot-designate. Those were four difficult years for Walahfrid (838 - 842), during which he sought refuge at Speyer or perhaps at Murbach, complaining quite sharply to Hraban about the changing ways of those he had supported while in the aula regis, not only within the Queen’s entourage but also known by the most influential nobles of the realm; and he also described his lack of food and clothing.62 To some extent his straightened circumstances may have been due not only to the sons’ rebellions and the monks’ resistance but also to Grimalt’s realignment with son Ludwig, having left the service of Judith. He probably did not expect help in Weißenburg after Grimalt had lost control of that Abbey during the filial controversies. Grimalt was in the court of Ludwig der Deutsche from 830 onwards, and the evidence shows him to have been acting as his chancellor at least in certain years: 833 - 840, 856 - 857, and 860, if not continuously. Somehow during the whole period he was also welcome at the courts both of Ludwig der Fromme and later of Karl der Kahle. In addition to being a relative and friend of Hilduin, Grimalt’s relations with his brother Waldo, perhaps with another brother Theitgand, and with his uncle Hetti, archbishop of Trier, gave him not only hospitality but also security.63 Better times were ahead for Walahfrid and were probably due Carmen 24, ed. Dümmler (1884). His autograph was identified by Hans Butzmann (1964) as the semi-insular script of Hand ‘x’ in marginal and interlinear corrections to the Commentary on Ezechiel in the two mss Weißenburg 84 and 92 (Fulda A.D.842) in the Herzog-August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel. 62 Three fragments of Walahfrid’s Epistola (ad Hrabanum) were edited by Dümmler (1895), 358; and idem, Poetae Latini (1884), 377 and 414: Carmen LXXVI (ad Lotharum), lines 40 – 57. See Feger (1956), 132 – 35; Borst (1978b), 60 – 61. The heavy hand of son Ludwig was emphasised by Hartmann (2002), 90. For Walahfrid’s wanderings in these years, there is little evidence: von Winterfeld (1907), 527 – 528, suggested that he may have gone to Murbach, while Önnerfors (1977), 187, thinks that he wrote to Hraban from Speyer. These guesses could be augmented by the possibility of refuge at Weißenburg or Worms where he was well known. 63 For details, see Fleckenstein I (1956), 169 – 183; Depreux (1997), 221 – 222 on Grimalt and 244 – 246 on Hetti (also known as Oheim). For Waldo (Walto) and 60 61
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to his continued good relations with Grimalt who at least by 840 also became abbot of St. Gallen64; and of course with his protégé in power: Karl der Kahle.65 Walahfrid was finally able to return safely to his aula felix on the Reichenau in 842 and continued as abbot until his death seven years later.66 His most important patron during those difficulties of course was Iudith imperatrix Caroli Calvi mater who had raised troops in Aquitaine to support her son Karl at the Battle of Fontenoy (June 841). She became ill and died in April 843 at the Abbey of St. Martin near Tours.67 Walahfrid’s last years were often spent writing verse and letters in excellent Latin and travelling on diplomatic journeys. He was trying to negotiate peace between the half-brothers, Ludwig and Karl, when in XVIII Kal. September [~14 August] 849 he fell from his horse into the Loire River near Orléans and died.68
Theitgaud, see Fleckenstein I (1956), 89, and II (1966), 187. Although they were cited by Depreux, he did not include Waldo, Theitgaud, or Hetti in the entourage of Ludwig der Fromme. Hetti was archbishop of Trier (814 – 847), followed by Theitgaud (847 – 863). 64 Emma, sister of Judith, married Ludwig der Deutsche, and that gave him considerable rights of inheritance to territories in Alemmania which included Sankt Gallen and the Reichenau. 65 Some of the counts and vassals of Karl der Kahle were named by Depreux (1994), 366. 66 It is uncertain whether he was thanking Ludwig for restoring him as abbot in 838 or 840 in Carmen 71, ed. MGH. Poetae Latini 2.410 – 411; English translation by Goldberg 170. 67 Her death was noticed in several annals, cited by Koch (2005), 203, n.66. 68 His name appears by that date in a list of obits on page three of ms St. Gallen 250. Those entries were added one at a time by different hands and seem to be nearly contemporary with each death they record. Further references to Walahfrid’s death are by Ermenrich, Epistola ad Grimaldum, ed. Dümmler (1928), 564, line 535; Hrabanus, Epitaphium, ed. Dümmler (1884), MGH. Poetae Latini II, 239, nr.88; and 432, Appendix I, 5; Annali Alammani, ed. Pertz, MGH. Scriptores (in folio) I (1826), 50; and later, Hermannus Contractus, Chronica, ibid. V (1884), 194.
X. WALAHFRID’S CHRONOLOGY
From the developing styles of Walahfrid’s script, it is clear that the second set of argumenta and formulae was written later than the first. They were excerpted from a manuscript of the Compilatio DCCC XII (812 818) by early W IVa without assistance of other scribes, perhaps because during that period he was in a location which did not provide him with the support that he had usually enjoyed.1 The texts selected by Walahfrid during A.D.830 - 834 were probably copied when he was at Prüm during the Winter of 833 - 834 but possibly at St. Denis in January or February 834. They consisted of three more sections of Book I, twelve sections of Book II, three sections of Book III, and six sections of Book IIII. All have been edited in Appendix D. Is it possible to determine the exemplar of this second collection? The provenance and history of five manuscripts should again be considered, as well as their contents. After A.D.828, Mb² was taken from Murbach to the Salvator Abbey at Prüm in der Eifel (the Ardennes) where its Easter Table on f.7 - 20v received many additional entries for years 828 to 1044 and was published as the Annales Prumienses.2 It was at Prüm when the ten-year old Karl was held as a prisoner during several months of 833 and was probably accompanied by his tutor Walahfrid, along with a few guards and court com Bischoff (1967a), 40. Boschen (1972), 13 – 26 with illustrations on p.242 – 246; Springsfeld (2002), 113 – 115. Despite their common interests in natural phenomena and cosmology, Walahfrid and Wandalbert (813 – post 848) did not meet at Prüm during those few months because Wandalbert did not enter that monastery until some years later (about 838 or 839). Their surviving writings do not mention one other. Manitius I (1911), 557 – 560. 1 2
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panions. If this manuscript were then complete, it could have provided all 25 argumenta, as transcribed by Walahfrid in Sn p.284 - 300. A few similarities of texts in Mb² and Sn suggest this: for example his Compliatio II 9 [Item 17] should read quinquagies et [qua]ter; the syllable qua was omitted by both Mb² and Sn but was added in the margin of Mb² f.26 in correction. The text of Item 26 [A] also suggests a close relationship: Mb² Sn Mt²
Hunc divide per decem et octo Hunc divide per X et VIII Hunc divide per decem et octo.
Per decem et novem would be correct, as in ms Vp; this section is lacking in Sk1, Pt3, and Vy2. Further in Compilatio section IIII 9 C, the word obsolutis was written by both Mb2 f.42 and Sn p.296 but was corrected to absolutis in the margin of Sn by the hand of Walahfrid.3 It was correctly spelled absolutis in Mt² and Vp. However, despite close relations in these items, variant readings of many other texts make it unlikely that Mb² was used by Sn. Rather, they may have shared a common exemplar.4 Sixteen of Walahfrid’s argumenta are also found in ms Sk1 p.79 - 81, 101 - 102, and 109. These leaves were the Vademecum of his sponsor, Grimalt, written during the latter’s early life when he was especially active on the Reichenau, at Ingelheim where he advised the royal court of Judith, as well as at Weißenburg where he became abbot about 830. Grimalt then joined the itinerant court of Ludwig der Deutsche, probably with his seat at Regensburg, and later he became abbot of St. Gallen. It is not surprising therefore to find that many of the same computistical materials were ordered by Grimalt to be copied into his own manuscript: sections I 5; II 1, 3 - 12; III 6, 7, 8; and IIII 10. Not found there however are II 2 or other sections of books I, III, or IIII, of which some items in each were known to Walahfrid. A few argumenta were begun on pages of Sk1 but left incomplete by the scribe (e.g. II 12); and some texts are now incomplete due to missing folios. Near the end of the Sk1 collection on ms p.146 is transcribed a Liber horologium in two columns. The same 3 The source is Bedae DTR XLII (1943) 61; (1977) 73; the spelling absolutis is given in the text with the variant obsolutis noted from ms St. Gallen 251 (St. Gallen ca.820) and ms Melk G 32 (Auxerre shortly after 836). The first corrector of ms Melk G 32 was possibly Heiric of Auxerre (before 876), according to Jones (1943), 146 – 148. 4 Item 11: partire2: partita; item 18: DCCCtos X; item 21: post agitur add unus unius uni et seq.; item 22: intercalandi: interkalarae; item 30: conputatur/ conputabatur.
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horologium was copied into Walahfrid’s ms Sn p.301 - 302 but post 834 by W IVb; another horologium was transcribed also at the end of Sn p.351 and repeated on ms p.24 - 25 of Sk2 by a later scribe (ante 867), each with variants.5 We may conclude that Grimalt and Walahfrid shared the same interests in computus and horologium but not the same exemplar. Vy² = Vat. Lat.645, f.12 - 92 was written during the second third of the ninth century by several scribes in the region of Reims, perhaps in a scriptorium influenced by Saint-Vaast at Arras, but more likely at the Abbey de Saint-Quentin. As noted in Appendix E, f.38 - 55 of this codex contain major parts of the Compilatio DCCC XII, but there are significant losses. There is a gap in folios prior to f.35 and another after f.42. Folios 43 - 44 were written by a new hand which omitted section numerals but introduced large capitals for the first letters of incipits, sometimes decorative. Item 9 [II 1] explains how to find the current annus mundi: multiply 317 x 15 = 4755; add regulars 4 and indictions 2, resulting in 4761, corresponding roughly with A.D.808/9/10. On Vy² fol.43 however, the annus mundi was increased by suprascript words ‘et VIII’, or 4769, to which is added 4 regulars and 15 indictions, resulting in 4788 which would correspond with ~ 836/7. That date6 has been corrected in margin for annus mundi IIII milia DCC XCVIII (4798) which would correspond approximately with ~A.D.846/7 and provide a terminus post quem non for the script of Vy². After f.55 furthermore, the gathering which held book IIII 2 - 27 is missing, so that texts of Walahfrid’s last five items: sections IIII 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, and 20, cannot now be verified from this manuscript. Apparently in order to complete the Compilatio with books V to VII, another codex Vy³ = folios 56 - 103 was added, in which sections V 1, VI 6, and VII 2 - 4 were written in scripts which should be dated after A.D.850. For ms Vy² f.38 - 55 therefore, we accept provenance and date as ‘NE Francia ca.845, too late for use by Walahfrid.’ Many of the same contents are also found in a third manuscript: Mt2 = Monza Biblioteca Capitolare 6B-117, f.9v - 92, written in various hands in the region of the lower Rhein during the decade of A.D.840 - 850, 5 The horologia of Walahfrid and Grimalt deserve separate evaluation. After Walahfrid’s death in 849, the gatherings of his Vademecum became mixed up, and ms p.351 became the final page of that codex. It has become worn and damaged, so that it is now very difficult to decipher. It is not blank however, as reported by Bischoff (1967a), 40. 6 Describing ms Vy in Schriften (2006), 311 – 312, Borst said: ‘Für den komputistischen Hauptteil benutzen die Schrieber ein Vorlage aus dem Jahr 827 . . .’ I have not been able to confirm that statement but suspect that it was intended to describe ms Vp but was misplaced. See p.159 and 162 infra.
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as noted in Appendix E. Parts of Mt2 were annotated during the third quarter of s.IX in the Abbey of St. Peter at Lobbes/Laubach (now in Belgium); the earliest of those additions was made perhaps by A.D.851 which provides a terminum post quem non for the primary script.7 Thus, Vy² and Mt2 probably shared the same exemplar, one which could have been used by Walahfrid for his second group of argumenta paschalia. Nevertheless, by collation of their texts we shall see that he did not do so. What of an exemplar shared by Mt2 with Vy²? Their texts also differ from Walahfrid’s in many variant readings.8 Numerous times in Compilatio III 5 [Item 3], Walahfrid spelled the name of the storied founder of the Roman civitas as Romolus, rather than Romulus. The spelling Romolus is not found in Mb² Pt3 Vy² Vp2, and it occurs only once in Mt2; thus, his practice probably results from hearing the pronunciation of vowel o/u by a reader in dictation, as he seems always to have had assistance during that early period of his life (825 - 829), though not later (833 - 840). Further, the titles and texts in Mt2 are so full of variant readings that its exemplar cannot have been used by Walahfrid. The same is true of texts in Vy², so that it would be even more difficult to expect that Walahfrid used an exemplar shared by Mt2 Vy². Vp2 = Vat. Regin.lat.309 , f.4v - 29, 59 - 120 has all Items 6 - 30 (Appendix D). On f.66v is an argumentum which could have been copied from a source with formula for DCCC XXXI (831). In this later transcription of the Compilatio DCCC XII however, many texts of their formulae have been revised to bring some of their dates and reckonings into accord with annus praesens DCCC LVIII (858) and seven regulars. This adjustment was not always successful; for example, there are multiple confusions in Compilatio II 9 [Item 18]: I f you want to know what the indiction may be, take the annus dominus 858. Add to it the number of seven regulars, making 812. Divide that by 15. From 812 (that is, 53 × 15), there remain 2. The indiction of the current year is seven. 7 For scripts of ms Monza 6B-117, notice ms Paris BN Lat.4762 (s.IX3/4), probably from Lobbes/Laubach, according to Ferrari (Belloni, Ferrari 1974), for which she cited correspondence with Professor Bernhard Bischoff. Nevertheless, a more general provenance of lower Rhein and the date s.IX3/4 for ms Monza are preferred by Borst (1998), xxii; (2001), Teil I, xvi and 183 – 184; (2006), 256 – 257, 311 – 312; and by Springsfeld (2002), 116 – 119. 8 Notice that Mb² Sk1 Vy² Mt2 Vp2 and all other manuscripts gave the incipit of section II 8 [Item 17] as Si vis nosse . . ., not Walahfrid’s unique transposition Si nosse vis . . . Sn (pace Schriften).
WALAHFRID’S CHRONOLOGY
The formula in Vp2 is faulty in many ways: 858 + 7 = 865 (not 812); divide that by 15 and the result is 57 with remainder 10. That should mean an indiction of ten (not two or seven). On the other hand, 812 divided by 15 makes 54 with remainder 2, meaning an indiction of two (not seven). The result of his arithmetic should be a remainder of decima, whereas the scribe is certain of septima for the indiction of year 858. On the other hand, we may notice that Walahfrid’s text for Compilatio II 9 is correct. Notice also the text transcribed on Vp2 fol.69v - 70 where the scribe has altered some of the numerals of section II 11 [Item 20], in order that they would accord with annus praesens DCCC LVIIII (859), but retaining his indictio VII, epacta XIIII, concurrentes VI: I f you would like to know the count of concurrents whatever they may be currently, take the anni domini, thus 859, and add to it a quarter more, that is 214, making 1073. Also add three regulars, making 1076. Divide them by seven (7 x 100 = 700; 7 x 47 = 329; subtotal 1029), with remainder six (rather than 5 or 7). There are six concurrents.9 But the numerical changes again make bad arithmetic: note that 7 x 100 + 7 x 53 = 1071; and 1076 – 1071 = 5. Fol.69v repeats a formula for annus magnus IIII mille DCCli XI (4711) and concurrentes VII (7). Yet most likely, the formula on f.70 was originally for DCCC X[XVII] (827).10 Again, Walahfrid’s text for the formula of Compilatio II 11 is correct. The last corrector of section II 7 [Item 15] erased many numerals and terms on f.70 in order to create a new annus praesens DCCC LX (860), then added the final line: Isti sunt anni ab incarnatione domini. Furthermore, textual variants in some sections of the Compilatio DCCC XII transcribed by Vp2 in 858 - 860 are quite numerous; for instance, IIII 33a [Item 5]: numero XXVIIII et horas XIII et ostenta VIIII, for which Walahfrid wrote numero XXVIII et horas XIIII et ostenta VIII. As with most of his transcriptions, both text and calculation in section IIII 33a were given correctly by Walahfrid. These and other variants of Vp2 are 9 This section is derived from Dionysii Argumentum IV, as it was applied by Bedae DT XIV (1943) 11 – 14; (1980) 12 – 16. The same text was found earlier on f.20v in the codex ms Vat. Pal.lat.1447, f.3 – 24/5, written at Mainz (A.D.798 – 813). 10 A modern reader deciphered these erased numerals on f.70 as ‘816,’ but that is probably not correct.
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so numerous11 that it would not be possible for its exemplar (from either 827 or 831) to have been used by Walahfrid for transcription in his Sn. Another element of the Compilatio DCCC XII which may be compared in these several manuscripts is the sequence of book numbers and of section headings in some copies but lacking in others. Suprascript headings were added to the texts of three manuscripts: LIBER I on Mt2 fol.32 mg ss at section I 7, and LIBER PRIMA [sic] on fol.37v - 38 at I 10 [pace Schriften], but LIBER PRIMA [sic] on Vy² fol.37v - 38 mg ss at I 8; LIBER SECUNDUS on Mb2 fol.26 mg ss, Mt2 f.41v mg ss, and Vy² fol.41v mg ss at II 1 [pace Schriften]; LIBER TERTIUS at III 5 on Mb2 f.31v - 32 mg ss and on Mt2 f.47 mg ss; LIBER QUARTUS on Mt2 fol.53v mg ss above IIII 13 and repeated above IIII 15 on the next page f.54 mg ss. Originally in the first half of the ninth century, there were no Capitula or Table of Contents for the Compilatio of these manuscripts, and there are still none in Mb² Pt3 Sn Sk. Capitula of books I - IIII is now found in Vy1 f.1 - 2v, having been added later (s.IX²) with enumeration. The Capitula of Mt2 f.7 - 8v was added s.IX ex, as was its section I 1: Rota of the births of saints on f.9. The only manuscript which provides a Capitula of the Compilatio DCCC XII contemporary with its primary texts is Vp2 (A.D.858 - 860) f.4 - 6 which lists tituli of books I - IIII but without numerals. Book or section numerals: the ms Mb² enumerated I 4 and all sections for books II - IIII, but it is incomplete at the beginning and now lacks other parts of book I. Pt3 is also incomplete, and none of the scattered texts and tituli which survive were enumerated.12 Sn and Sk provide no enumeration for their selections. Tituli of Vy² were enumerated I 8 and 9 (but not 7), and there are no numerals for sections of book II; it has numerals for III 5, 6, and 7 (but not for 8); and books IIII to VII are lacking.13 Enumeration of the sections in Mt2 was haphazard: it is incomplete at the beginning, and its texts gave numerals for I 7 and 8, II 1 - 9, and possibly other sections of book II which cannot now be seen in margins due to its tight binding; but for II 16 and 17 there were no numer-
11 Less significant is a copying error on f.73v, where Vp2 omitted a full line of text in Compilatio II 10: componere, fiunt triginta quinque. De hac summa tolle lunationem ipsius mensis. 12 Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) I 7, 8; II 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 16, 17; III 5, 14; IIII 20. 13 As noted above, Vy1 fol.1 – 2v received a list of titles for books I – IIII and their sections later (s.IX²), though without enumeration.
WALAHFRID’S CHRONOLOGY
als.14 It also enumerated III 5, 7, 8, 14 (but not 6, 9, or 12), and IIII 8, 10, 11, 20 (14 is lacking). We note also that Mt2 used numerals in book I for sections VIII and X which other transcriptions numbered VII and VIII. Vp2 enumerated some sections and not others: I 8 and 9 (but not 10); II 1 - 11, 16, 17 (but not 12 to 15); and numerals were given to all sections of books III and IIII. Apparently, Mb² Mt2 Vp2 enumerated most of their sections, whereas Vy² Mt2 were inconsistent. The Compilatio Appendix IIII 33a [Item 5] was not numbered, wherever it is found. If Walahfrid had found a Capitula or book and section numerals for any texts of these items in his exemplars in 829 or again in 833/4, he must have decided to omit them from his Sn; the same would have been the case for Grimalt in Sk1 ante 830. It is far more likely that the exemplars they each used lacked Capitula as well as book and section numbers altogether. Most of Walahfrid’s argumenta of the second series [Appendix D] could have been found separately or in groups in several other collections of manuscripts written during the first half of s.IX: 12 – Vl2 = Vat. Pal.lat.1448, f.45 - 61, 70 - 122 (Mainz s.IX1). 11 – Vl1 = Vat. Pal.lat.1448, f.1 - 44 (Trier 810). 8 – Rq = Roma B. Vallicelliana E 26 (Lyons 814 - 816) f.1 - 83, 139 - 162. 8 – Ro = Roma B. Casanatense 641, f.1 - 46v (Montecassino, ca.811 - 812). 7 – Pf = Paris BN Lat.5543 (probably Fleury 847) f.4 - 144. 3 – Ge = Geneva B.univ. Lat.50, f.155 - 170 (Massay? ca.827). The count of occurrences of these argumenta is drawn from notes made by W.M. Stevens in his visits to the manuscript collections, as well as from citations of the texts by Borst, Schriften (2006), passim, which nevertheless are incomplete or unclear. Stevens has differentiated between various parts of some manuscripts which bind together codices of different provenances. For example, as used by Borst, the signum ‘Vl’ = ms Vat. Pal.lat.1448 does not take into account these differences: folios 14 Texts of the explanations for three types of anni mundi in Compilatio I 7 C, D, E in Mt³ were placed on f.36v – 37 at the bottom of the table of I 7 A, B which also spread across f.36v – 37: Terminum Paschales Concurrentes Septimanae Dies Per Quintos Triginta Duos Annos [sic] with Bissexti and Feria for 532 years. That table A, B was enumerated VIII and given the mistaken title in Mt³. In Vp2 , those texts were fitted around the same table where they were also written across verso and recto of f.63v – 64. Section I 7 lac Mb2 Sk; numeral and titulus lac Pt3 Sn Vy2; numeral VII lac Vp2 . Note that Borst (2006) has given a new descriptive title to section I 7, not found in the manuscripts.
WALAHFRID’S CHRONOLOGY
1 - 44 may have been written in Trier (ca.A.D.810), but f.45 - 59 and f.60 - 122 were written in Mainz (s.IX¹); within the latter is an insertion (f.62 - 69v) which has been described variously to have had its origin in either Lorsch or Aachen (ante 850?); f.123 - 165 and 166 - 168 have yet other provenances. Our count of argumenta therefore distinguishes between codex Vl1 and codex Vl2. We should notice also that contents and scripts make it evident that the parts of ms Geneva Bibliothèque publique et universitaire Latin 50 were written at different times and locations, though now bound together. Only the first codex f.1 - 23v, including the calendar (f.18 - 23v), could have been written so early as ca.A.D.805, though its origin is still unknown. That date cannot be applied for the whole and certainly not to the Easter Table on f.149v - 155. Codex f.24 - 155 was written between A.D.825 and 836 by numerous hands probably in the Abbey of Saint-Martin at Massay near Bourges. Therein lay several works of Beda: f.32 - 37v DT; f.38v - 41v: Epistola ad Wicthedum; f.41v - 44v: mixed chapters of DTR; f.45 - 120: the full text of DTR; as well as scattered parts of the computus entitled Sententiae in laude compoti.15 Jones (1943) and other commentators who cited separate works from ms Geneva were uncertain about these distinctions. Borst (2006), 232 - 233, 1073, et passim, could identify five sections (with two appendices) of Compilatio DCCC VIIII; and 26 sections (and three appendices) of Compilatio DCCC XII scattered throughout 174 leaves of the whole manuscript. Before being transcribed in ms Geneva 50 however, most of them had already been parts of the Lectiones (792) and Annalis Libellus (793). Thus, siglum Ge is appropriate only for codex f.155 - 170, for which annus praesens DCCC XX (820) was used in its last argumentum on f.170v, and DCCC XXVII (827) for another on f.169v, providing the terminum ante quem non for its script. Of Walahfrid’s items 6 - 30 [Appendix D], only Compilatio DCCC XII, sections III 8 and 14, and IIII 20 appear in f.155 - 170. Textual variants exclude them as his source for those three argumenta. Some of Walahfrid’s 25 argumenta in his second group are found also in other manuscripts of the later ninth century: 1 5 – Mo = Monte Cassino Archivio della Badia 3 (Montecassino 874 - 882?) 14 – Sg = St. Gallen Stiftsbibliothek 450 (ante 900) 13 – Bs = Besançon Bibliothèque mun. 186 (Lotharingia s.IX3/4) 15
664.
Sententiae in laude compoti, ed. Heerwagen (1563), repr PL XC (1850) 647 –
WALAHFRID’S CHRONOLOGY
9 – Pc = Paris BN Lat.4860 (region of Konstanz and the Reichenau) Other manuscripts which have fewer items or those with major textual variants are not included in the above lists. There are at least forty-nine manuscripts of all centuries in which some of Walahfrid’s computistical items are found singly or with two or more together, including several codices from St. Gallen near the Reichenau where Walahfrid and Grimalt were active at several times during their lives. Their contents and contexts vary greatly from each other, and most lack major parts of Compilatio DCCC XII (812 - 818), so that none could have served as Walahfrid’s exemplar. The contents of Walahfrid’s 30 selections supplemented the knowledge of computus and astronomia that he had received from Bedae De temporibus and Hrabani De computo. Apparently, he had not been taught the computus from Beda’s mature but difficult De temporum ratione liber, either at Mittelzell on the Reichenau or in St. Michael’s Abbey at Fulda; his teachers may all have considered Hraban’s work to be sufficient. Later however, he would not have agreed. The Compilatio DCCC XII quoted parts or the whole of nine chapters of Bedae De temporum ratione, of which Walahfrid excerpted seven.16 They are cited here from the edition of Jones (1943); thus Compilatio DCCC XIISn Sections I.9 DTR IX complete ms p.286 - 290 III.6 DTR XXXVIII.14 - 32 293 - 294 III.8 DTR XXXIX.1 - 12 294 IIII.9 DTR XLII.1 - 21 and 66 - 78 295 - 296 IIII.11 DTR XLI complete 297 - 298 IIII.12 DTR XX.26 - 66 298 - 300 IIII.20 Constat igitur . . .17300 16 Walahfrid did not transcribe Compilatio section IIII 21 Quomodo Errent Quidam In Primi Mensis Initio = Bedae DTR LI (1943) 1 – 24, 64 – 87; (1977) 2 – 29, 77 – 106, with its long quotations from Victurius of Aquitaine and Victor of Capua. Or section IIII 27 De Effectiva Lunae Potentia = DTR XXVIII (1943) 14 – 49; (1977) 16 – 59, with its quotations from Ambrose, Basil, and others. 17 The last of these texts (IIII 20) may have been composed in the school of Beda within his lifetime, though it appears here with a new title, Cur XIIII Luna Paschalis . . ., ed. Jones (1980), 677. Jones believed that this argumentum with incipit Constat igitur . . . had been composed about A.D.720. The earliest manuscripts may be Berlin Staatsbibl. Phillipps 1831 [Cat.128] (Verona ca.800) f.128v; and Vat. BAV Pal.lat.1448, f.70 – 116 (Mainz s.IX in) f.80.
WALAHFRID’S CHRONOLOGY
Before completing his own computus in A.D.820, Hraban had also used many argumenta and formulae which are similar to those from two other collections of computistical materials: Annalis libellus (793) and Compilatio DCCC XII (812 - 818). Arno Borst18 found that Hraban drew from Annalis libellus (793), as it is found in ms Berlin Deutsche Staatsbibliothek Phillipps 1831 [Cat.128] (Verona? ca.800) f.106 - 125v; thus raban III. De Speciebus Numerorum Diversis. … H (4) cardinales sunt numeri, … ms f.124v: De Ratione Numerorum. Cardinales sunt numeri … = Annalis Libellus LXV LXXXIV. Item de eadem re argumentum versus comprehensum ms f.121: Versus De Eadem Re. Hi vero numeri praenotati … = Annalis Libellus XXXII XXXVIII. Argumentum Ad Inveniendum Diem Dominicam L Paschae. … (lines 18 - 27) In quot diebus evenit nobis pascha celebrare? ms f.121v: Quot diebus debemus pascha celebrare. = Annalis Libellus XXXVIII. Hraban also used ten sections from the third and fourth books of Compilatio DCCC XII, identified by Borst19; thus Hraban VI. Quomodo digitis significentur. Compilatio III 1. De compoto articulari. XXXVI. Quot species sint annorum. Compilatio III 4. Quot modis soleat annus nominari?
18 Borst (2001), 74, n.46. His identification of this source, then called ‘Computus of 793,’ supplements those cited by Stevens in his edition of Hrabani Liber de computo (1979), 199 – 320, with its Index scriptorum (328 – 331). The Annalis libellus von 793 was edited from three manuscripts and one edition by Springsfeld (2002), 330 – 375, with German translation; and then edited as Libellus annalis by Borst in Schriften (2006) 679 – 772, from ten manuscripts and one edition, also citing single chapters as they appear in many other manuscripts. Both editions are quite useful. 19 Schriften 1087 – 1334.
WALAHFRID’S CHRONOLOGY
XLIII. Argumentum de eo quot horis luna luceat. Compilatio III 5. De anno qui quindecim milibus … LXXV. Argumentum per dies mensis de eadem re. Compilatio III 12. Argumentum ad inveniendam feriam. LXXXI. Argumentum de eadem luna quartadecima Compilatio IV 18. Quota feria singulis annis … ? LXXXII. Item aliud argumentum. Compilatio IV 13. Ratio XIIII lunae paschalis inveniendae. XXXIII. Item ... de terminis paschalibus et de accensione primae L lunae primi mensis et de terminis quadragesimalibus qualem concordiam inter se habeant.20 Compilatio IV 21. Quomodo errent quidam in primi mensis initio. LXXXV. Argumentum ad inveniendum initium primi mensis. Compilatio IV 16. Item … Quota luna in Kalendas Ianuarii . . . ? LXXXVIII. Argumentum ad inveniendum diem dominicum paschae.21 Compilatio IV 14. Item … Sed et hoc sciendum est … Compilatio IV 15. Item … Quantos dies ante Kalendas Aprilis habueris Pascha . . . ? Walahfrid already knew those materials, as he had transcribed them in his own copy of Hrabani Liber de computo. Evidently, he remembered what he had studied earlier, for he carefully avoided repeating any of them. On the other hand, smaller bits of information in those sources could be expanded. For example, Hraban’s work had provided a little data about different sorts of ‘weeks,’ but he had quoted only six lines 20 The origin of Hrabani De computo liber LXXXIII is explained by HolfordStrevens (2008), 165 – 208, esp. 179 – 180. 21 Sections IIII 14 and 15 were taken from Annalis Libellus 49 and 51; they are both found also on Pt3 fol.143, as well as in ms Mb Sk Mt Vp. Compilatio DCCC VIIII, 56 has variations of these texts.
WALAHFRID’S CHRONOLOGY
from the discussion of weeks in Bedae DTR IX. Additional information about weeks was available from the Compilatio DCCC XII, and Walahfrid took it into his own collection.22 His selections from Bedae DTR clarify Bissextus and explain how to account for the accumulation of hours in each of the four years before the addition of an extra day. Beda’s mature explanation of Saltus lunae was added by Walahfrid to the accounts in Bedae DT XII and Hraban’s ch.LVI. He also transcribed some of Beda’s calculations of the loss of lunar hours and minutes during 19 years of the Luni-solar cycle until they accumulate to an integer; those hours are then skipped in a full lunar day of the final, nineteenth year of the cycle. Although Beda was not so specific, that Saltus should occur in November according to Ealhwine of York.23 One of Bede’s original contributions to astronomy had been his developement of the concept of ‘sidereal time,’ that is, tracking the Moon through a periodic cycle of 27 days 8 hours, relative to the stars in the Zodiac.24 Hraban had not pursued his astronomy to that extent, but Walahfrid was certainly interested: with Compliatio IIII 12 (= DTR XX) and IIII 20 (= Constat igitur …), he added this mature Bedan account of sidereal time to his Vademecum, perhaps influenced by the Astronomus who was responsible for the wonderful coloured diagrammes of planispheria and planetary configurations in the Leiden Aratea Latina, created at the royal court when the aula regis was residing at Ingelheim or visiting Aachen during Walahfrid’s stays in those centres.25
22 A more thorough comparison of Hraban’s sources and his uses of them should be undertaken. 23 Springsfeld (2002), 61; Stevens (2010), 29 – 65, esp. 39, n.47. 24 Stevens (1992), 125 – 152, esp. 129 – 133. 25 Ms Leiden Universiteitsbibliothek Voss.lat.Q.79 (A.D.830 – 840); Aratea Latina (Faksimile 1987/1989). See also Bruce S. Eastwood (1993), 161 – 180. Illustrations for the Leiden manuscript were probably prepared by or for the anonymous author of the Vita Hludowici imperatori (1995).
XI. AERA INCARNATIONIS
There were also many other items selected by Walahfrid whose sources in the Seven-Book Compilatio DCCC XII (812 - 818) have not previously been identified. Three explanations of annus mundi for example are set out by Walahfrid with headings in semi-uncial script in the left margin of his ms p.284. Thus, NOSTRATES, ‘Our Own,’ explained the annus mundi, by which the year III milia DCCCC LII (3952) is approximately the year for the birth of Christ, according to Beda who used it as equivalent with the annus mundi in the Chronicon of his De temporibus liber XVI - XXII, transcribed by Walahfrid (Sn p.278 - 283). Annus mundi III milia DCCCC LII is found as well in the Chronicon of Liber De Albino Magistro which Walahfrid also copied on his ms p.262 276. The titulus HIERONIMUS derived from the Chronicon of Jerome and gave the year count of annus mundi for Incarnation as V milia C XC VIIII (5199), as used by Orosius (d.418).1 The GRECI reckoning was from a Byzantine source and gave annus mundi as V milia D (5500) for the same correlation.2 These three summaries of anni mundi did not occur in the Compilatio DCCC VIIII (~808/9/810). Apparently, Walahfrid found them in an early version of the Compilatio DCCC XII (812 - 818); before his death in A.D.849, they were known in only two
1 Paulus Orosius, Historiarum adversus paganos, 663 – 1174; also found in Computus Graecorum sive Latinorum (827) LXXIX - LXXX. 2 Declercq (2000), 29 - 39. The GRECI reckoning was given in a different form by De ratione computi Dialogus (779) 18. The consequences of various anni mundi from creation to the year of Incarnation and to the year of Passion for the chronology of later years are discussed by Borst (2001), 75; idem (2006), 261; Warntjes (2010), ccxx.
AERA INCARNATIONIS
other manuscripts: Vy² (NE Francia ca.845), and Mt² (Lower Rhein 840 - 850).3 HIERONIMUS and GRECI may have been used by the ‘Egyptians,’ aegyptica schola in palatio, for these anni mundi were explained by this author but were not favoured. Rather, Walahfrid followed Beda, Ealhwine, and Hraban who argued against the ‘Egyptians,’ that is, against those whose reckonings had been favoured in the court of Karl der Große after Ealhwine left it for the Abbey of St.Martin, Tours, in 796 and before he died in 804.4 In addition, Walahfrid selected several sections of the Compilatio DCCC XII for determining other time references: Section II 3 used annus mundi to reckon the fifteen year cycle of imperial indictions. Section II 2 is a formula for determining the number of the current year in the 19-year Luni-solar cycle from the present annus mundi; for example: f rom the present annus mundi 4761, subtract 6 and divide the total by 19; this equals 250 with a remainder of 5. It is therefore the fifth year of the cycle. But if the remainder is null, it will be the 19th year of the cycle. Section II 7 led one from the present annus mundi to find the number of its annus domini also in the 19-year cycle. Apparently, Walahfrid was especially interested in long chronological series and wished to understand events of the aera Incarnationis in sequence with earlier historical events.5 A correlation of annus mundi with the lunar cycle would give all dates a reference in nature, the creation. But how is this to be done? 3 Walahfrid's first group of five argumenta was transcribed in three later manuscripts dating ca.858/9, ca.1000, and 1056. The paragraph, NOSTRATES, is also in ms Paris BN N.a.lat.456 (post A.D.978) but without the other two paragraphs; that manuscript is a composite from several codices [Libri 44]. In these later manuscripts and in the edition of Schriften 1119 - 1123, the three summaries of annus mundi follow large tables of concurrentes septimanae dies which extend from the XII Kalendas Aprilis to II Idus Aprilis of the next year. Those tables of concurrents are not found in Walahfrid’s Vademecum nor in any of the manuscripts which he could have used as sources during his lifetime. Apparently, they were not originally a part of Compilatio DCCC XII, pace Borst. 4 Hraban had made his own calculation for anni mundi of the Incarnation in ch.LXV, 4 - 5 where the years came to 3956 for ca.A.D.1, due to his use of a faulty transcription for the Secunda aetas; that was noticed by at least four copyists who attempted corrections of 3966, 3961, 3957, and 3856. But in ch.LXVI, 23 - 64, Hraban gave the Bedan figure of 3952 for ca.A.D.1 (DTR LXVI, 1 - 8). 5 Stevens (1993), 372 - 376.
AERA INCARNATIONIS
Compilatio DCCC XII, Book II, sections 4, 5, and 7 also took annus mundi as the starting point for reckoning epactae, that is, the lunar day count from the Kalends of January; concurrentes, that is, the code for finding the weekday count also beginning with the Kalends of January; and the number of each year during the 19-year cycle. Different kinds of cycles themselves were numbered in sequence, 7 to 7, 15 to 15, 19 to 19. Within the aera Incarnationis, section II 6 led one to reckon the current annus domini on the basis of indictions if he knows the number of the successive fifteen-year cycles, a series commencing with the first year of Emperor Diocletion’s reign (now said to be approximately A.D.284). Section II 8 allowed one to find the yearcount of the current 19-year lunar cycle. For example: I f the current year were 809, add one lunar regular because the birth of Christ was assumed to have occurred on the second year of a cycle. The sum 810 is then divided by 19 (do it like this: 42 x 19 is 798, and subtract from 810), with a remainder 12. Thus, it is year 12 in the current 19-year cycle. This initiated a series of formulae by which one assumes the present number of annus domini in the nineteen-year Luni-solar cycle, and from that he can reckon the indiction (II 9), epacts (II 10), concurrents (II 11), and the number of the year within the cycle itself (II 12) in its longer series. That series was 56 x 19 years (counting anni domini from o to 1063), as recorded in full in the section I 4 of the Compilatio DCCC XII, not however transcribed by Walahfrid. He then turned to the extra days to be added or deleted from lunar or solar cycles. From Compilatio DCCC XII, Book III, he took sections 6 and 8 concerning the Bissextus whose source had been Bedae DTR XXXVIII and XXXIX, and which supplemented his copies of Bedae De temporibus XII and Hrabani Liber de computo LIV and LV. But in addition, the young scholar excerpted a rather simple count of days which accumulated in those multiples of four years (III 7): 4 years (1 day), 8 years (2), 12 (3), 16 (4), 20 (5) ... 28 (7 or ebdomada, a week). Then in 40 years (10 days), 120 (one-twelfth of a year or 30 days) have accumulated, in 240 two months appear, in 480 four months are shown (a third part of a year), in 960 two-thirds of a year is manifest, in 1460 years a whole year is shown, that is 366 days.
AERA INCARNATIONIS
This does not add any useful information, but it shows the joy of a computista in simply doing his figures. It seems that the Compilatio scribe had been a bit inconsistent, assuming 360 days for a year (of which a twelfth is 30) several times but ending with 366 days of a full- or leapyear. Strictly speaking, 1460 years should accumulate an extra 360 days, but the emphasis remains on the larger difference made by bissextile days when accumulated over longer periods. The next four sections are concerned especially with Saltus lunae, that lunar day which must be skipped over during the final year of a 19year Luni-solar cycle or at its end, in order that lunar cycles remain in close coordination with the solar cycles. For this purpose, the monthly lunar cycle is composed of synodical months of alternating 29 and 30 days, relative to the moon’s first appearance on the horizon. Walahfrid’s excerpt from the Compilatio IIII 8 explained that during the 19-year cycle one must keep track of twelve lunar years of 354 days (29 days 12 hours x 12) called common and of seven lunar years (adding 30 days) called embolismic. The solar year of 365 days is longer than the common lunar year by 11 days and shorter than the embolismic lunar year by 18 days. If one multiplies these differences: 11 x 12 are 132 and 19 x 7 are 133, that is, one more. The 132 days which are made by taking 11 as multiplier pertain to the course of the sun, and the 133 days are reached by use of 19 as multiplier which pertains to the course of the moon; those sums are in tension with each other, that is, 132 and 133. And thus it is that the course of the moon surpasses the daily solar course by twice one night. In accord with the balance of the courses of both stars, that extra day must be passed over during the 19th year of the 19 year lunar cycle. That was a justification of the Saltus which had not been used by Beda or Hraban. The explanation in Bedae DT XII had been extremely trenchant and was probably one part of that work about which his students had complained; thus in DTR XLII, he had written about the Saltus at greater length. Hraban had repeated the brief DT XII in his ch. LVI 4 - 19 and had added to his own explanations a few more lines from DTR XLII (1943) 11, 17, and 55 - 65. By copying section Compilatio IIII 9, Walahfrid was bringing the richer substance of Bedae DTR XLII into his own material.6 To this, he also added another of those detailed reckonings (IV 10) which he so much enjoyed: Bedae DTR XLII (1943) 1 - 21, 55 - 65; (1977) 1 - 25, 66 - 78. When this matter was considered in the Three-Book Compilatio DCCC VIIII, seven additional paragraphs from Bedae DTR XLII (1943) 22 - 55; (1977) 25 - 66 were added; but the final explanations of DTR (1943) 55 - 61; (1977) 66 - 72, were omitted. 6
AERA INCARNATIONIS
t he 19 year lunar saltus produces one day, 190 years make 10 days, 1900 years produce 100 days. Take this number three times, that is, 5700 years show 300 days. Add 6 x 190 which make 1140; if you add that number to the previous ones, you will have 360 days. Therefore add to this number 5 x 19 for a full year of 365 days. In total there are 6935 years which produce one year of Saltus per diem [by adding the days skipped]. Although there is no new application for the result, it may have clarified details or answered questions which could have arisen with students. Walahfrid took pleasure in such calculations. Walahfrid’s selections of Compilatio IV 11 and 12 [Items 28 and 29] bring one back to astronomical theory by introducing another Bedan teaching which Hraban had omitted. Section IV 11 [= DTR XLI] refers to the synodical lunar cycle, as it was effected by the four-year Bissextus. And section IV 12 [= DTR XX (1943) 26 - 66] gives more detail about the sidereal lunar cycle, in which the Moon returns in 27 days, 8 hours to its position relative to any star in the Zodiac. Finally, section IV 20 [Item 30]: Argumentum Ad Inveniendam Lunam XIIII Lunae Paschalis Per XVIIII Annos, is not from the writings of Beda or Hraban but occurs often in Carolingian manuscripts. Its incipit is usually Constat igitur ...7 The new title, Cur XIIII Luna Paschalis ... Evenire Non Possit, has turned it into a question of ‘why not?’, as did the title of the previous item: Cur Argumentum Lunae Kalendarum Inter XIX Kalendas Aprilis Et XIIII Kalendas Maii In Quibusdam Locis Servare Non Possit? These are formulations by a teacher such as Ealhwine or Adalhard or Hraban who customarily set problems for their students to keep in mind while they learned the data and the reckonings which could provide answers. Constat igitur... is a matter of Easter terms which allow the Easter full moon or luna XIIII to be recognised and used for calculation as early as the 19th Kalends of April and as late as the 14th Kalends of May [= 14 March to 18 April]. In fact, there were other restrictions in the Bedan system which required a more narrow range of dates. In theory the Jewish month Nisan could begin with the new moon. If that thin sliver of luna I appeared on 1 March however, it could lead to luna XIIII on 14 March, as had been observed by some early Christians. That early celebration would not have been from the Council of Nicaea (A.D.325): 7 Constat igitur ... , ed. Jones (1980), 677; the earliest manuscripts may be Berlin Staatsbibl. Phillipps 1831 [Ĉat. 128] (Verona ca.800) f.128v; and Vaticano BAV Pal. lat.1448 (s.IX in) f.80.
AERA INCARNATIONIS
according to the ‘Nicean tradition’ (for which Dionysius Exiguus is the only witness, 300 years later), the vernal equinox or luna XIIII should not be observed before 21 March. If it could not be avoided that luna XIIII fell on a Sunday as early as 21 March, Beda allowed the Easter celebration on the next Sunday thereafter. Such matters were stated briefly in his DT XIII and were more fully discussed by Hraban chs. LXXX - LXXXII. This section IIII 20 of the Compilatio DCCC XII, excerpted by Walahfrid, gives an account which is expressed differently from theirs but is a reliable summary of the same teaching.
XII. EVALUATIONS
Walahfrid has often and rightly been praised as a poet and biblical com mentator. And there is much more: he was also a liturgist. Remarkably, there is little in his Vademecum about one of his most important contri butions to Western culture: Libellus de exordiis et incrementis quarundam in observationibus ecclesiasticis rerum. That was the first history of Christian worship.1 As requested by Reginbert, his librarian on the Rei chenau (d.842), he described a variety of temples and cults, altars and bells. Chapter 6 explained Greek terms and their origins for ecclesia, baptizma, chrisma, and others of liturgical usages, as well as the Latin names of church buildings and their parts. Many of their German names were given in Chapter 7, where Kirche is derived from Greek Kyriaca, as are common German terms for Vater, Mutter, and some everyday expres sions. He also suggested that both Greek and Latin derived some words from Hebrew. Pictures and their proper use are discussed in Chapter 8. The Eucharist is described in Chapters 14 - 24, as are hymns in Chapter 25. It is the first historical-critical discussion of liturgical practices and how they were formed over the course of time,2 avoiding however the mystical notions of their origins and practices proposed by his contem porary, Amalarius of Metz (s.VIII ex - ca.850), bishop of Trier and Lyon. One of Walahfrid’s sources was the letter from Karl der Große to Ealh wine/Alcuin about the stages of the season of Lent which W IVa added to his Vademecum on ms p.335 - 339 during the Summer of 829. 1 Ebert (1880), 162 - 163; Commentary and English translation by Alice Hart ing-Correa (1996). 2 Harting-Correa (1996). This historical study of Christian liturgy by Walahfrid was the first of its kind. He also wrote a commentary on the Pentateuch and another on the Psalms, but not the later Glossa Ordinaria. Froehlich (1993), 192 - 196.
EVALUATIONS
Equally remarkable is that his Vademecum reveals a concerted inter est in the discipline of computus, and he obviously liked to do the reckon ing. The calendar which he introduced [Appendix A] has no precedents and may have been created by himself at Fulda, before it was transcribed and spread about by others. His poetic talent was applied in his four memory verses [Appendix B] to support the common use and under standing of that essentially Bedan calendar, despite its verbal complica tions. At a more sophisticated level, a variety of argumenta paschalia and argumenta astronomica were gathered into his notebook from the Compilatio DCCC XII: the first five were selected in the period from May or June to August 829 probably at Weißenburg [Appendix C]; and then twenty-five more [Appendix D] were found at another place and tran scribed between June 833 and May 834. None of these 30 argumenta vel formulae duplicate any of the materials in the first computus of Beda which he transcribed at Fulda; nor did they duplicate materials in the computus of Hraban which he had studied during 825 - 827 on the Rei chenau and corrected so carefully during 827 - 829 in the scriptorium at Fulda where he could consult the author. Rather, his selections from the Compilatio DCCC XII supplement and clarify data found in his first books of that discipline. In Autumn 833 he was taking up for a second time the collection which he knew as Liber de Albino Magistro, prob ably at Prüm where his protégé was held captive, or possibly two months later at St. Denis when young Karl again joined his father, Ludwig der Fromme, after they had both been released and before they were joined by Judith when she returned from imprisonment. Some of the Compilatio texts were not only copied but also corrected by Walahfrid himself. Returning later to complete the transcription of materials that he had begun previously but had not completed was a practice of Walahfrid which Bischoff recognised in the grammatical, metrical, and rhetorical parts of his Vademecum. If Walahfrid was thor ough about grammar and rhetoric, he was equally persistent in pursuing knowledge of the computus throughout his career. From a collation of his texts of these argumenta with those of col lections in other manuscripts, it becomes certain that Walahfrid’s selec tions were all transcribed from the Seven-Book Compilatio astronomica et computistica DCCC XII (A.D.812 – 818), and that he did so at two different times. The first set (ms p.344 – 347) was copied during the transition of his writing in the periods designated by Bischoff as W III and early W IV. We have narrowed its scripts to the period after he left Fulda and arrived at Weißenburg in Summer 829: W IIIb and W IVa.
EVALUATIONS
The second set (ms p.278 - 300) was transcribed during the Autumn 833 or the following months, thus by W IVb (833/34). The periods cannot be very precise for each stage of these developing scripts, but our analysis results in the following proposals: W I W II W IIIa W IIIb W IVa W IVb W IVc
(825 on the Reichenau) (825 - 827 on the Reichenau) (Autumn 827 - Spring 829 Fulda) (Summer 829 Fulda and Weißenburg) (Summer 829 - Summer 833 Weißenburg, Ingelheim, and en route with aula regis) (Autumn 833 Prüm or St. Denis en route with Karl to 840) (842 - 849 on the Reichenau and in service to Karl).
In search of his exemplar, several variants attract the readers’ attention to Mb², as possibly the manuscript from which Walahfrid may have transcribed his second set of excerpts in Sn: note especially sections II 9 [Item 17] and IIII 9 A [Item 26]. There are also variant readings in Sec tions II 1, 10, 11, and IIII 8 which could derive from a common exemplar of Mb² Sn, though not directly from the Murbach manuscript Mb² it self. The various texts of Pt3 or Sk1 do not seem possible as his exemplar, due to their variant readings, nor do the texts of Vy² or Mt². It remains possible that he used the exemplar of Vp² whose textual variants reveal that it could have been written in 827 or 831 and could have been available to Walahfrid in those regions of eastern and north eastern Francia during the period, A.D.829 - 834, while he was occupied with raising and instructing Carolus iunior from the child’s sixth to fif teenth years of age. That exemplar could have been transcribed later into Vp² during A.D.858 and 860 in the Abbey of St.-Denis. Walahfrid was surely present with the young Karl at St.-Denis when his father was re instated as king and emperor in February 834; its abbey library was im portant and is within the regions which Walahfrid also visited later, es pecially during 842 - 849 when Karl der Kahle held court at Compiègne as king and emperor.3 The last decade of his scripts however would have been the period 835 - 849 (mid- to late-W IV, according to Bischoff) The scripts of Walahfrid and Grimalt were not noticed in documents from the scriptoria of the palace school or court of Karl der Kahle in the accounts by Riché (1977), or by McKitterick (1980) and (1990); but on Grimalt, idem (1989), 182 – 185. On the latter, see comments by Bullough (2004), 61, n.145. 3
EVALUATIONS
which we denominate W IVb and c. Five items were added by W IVc to ms p.370 – 372: DE VINO DULCE FACIENDO, which probably mean that the new abbot expected better wines than were normal in his own abbey. Notable are his notes from Eusebios, Orosius, and perhaps works of the three Greek historians: by Sozomen, Socrates, and Theo doret translated into Latin in the Historia ecclesiastica tripartita. One of his selections is especially interesting: on p. 306 – 307 and continued on p.379, W IVc transcribed a part of the story of Constantine’s vision of a cross in the sky while marching into southern Italy against Maxen tius in A.D.311. It appears to be from Socrates but summarised in Latin by Epiphanius Scholasticus in the Historia Ecclesiastica Tripartita I 4,7 and X 6,8. Epiphanius could have found it in the Latin translation of Eusebios by Rufinus, Historia Ecclesiastica where a section De laudibus Constantini I 28 has been added, often called Vita Constantini.4 That would be too late for transcription of these computistical argumenta by W IVa from his visit to Weißenburg (829) until his time at Prüm (833). We have eliminated all known surviving manuscripts of the first Items 1 - 5 [Appendix C] as his exemplar. Yet we have also found that, for transcription of later Items 6 - 30 [Appendix D], he may have used not Mb² itself (814 - 820) but its exemplar (812 - 818). During those years of turmoil from May 829 until May 834, Walah frid found opportunity to work with the Odes of Horace and on at least two occasions with the Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818), taking care to select those argumenta paschalia and argumenta astronomica which would not be redundant with texts already known in his Vademecum, and which would assist the serious student. In the original Compilatio section II 11, there was a mistake in the number of concurrents, and its arithmetic 4 Constantinus in somnio vidit cruces ... Walahfrid’s selection may be the earliest known copy of this story. It is a late addition to the Latin version of Eusebios, Historia ecclesiastica, book IX, 9. Cf. also a still later addition to HE X, 33 De laudibus Constantini I 26 – 31, ed. Heikel (1902) 195 – 203, a separate work called Vita Constantini which was unknown to Christian writers in the fourth century and much later. Pos sible manuscripts from the eleventh century or later are listed by Heikel. Many histo rians have assumed or argued for authenticity of the story or its elaboration without reference to manuscript sources: e.g. Barnes (1981, 1982) who admitted progressive revisions of HE but ignored the story as it appeared in HE IX; rather he commented on many possible Greek sources for the Latin phrases of HE X, in order to establish Eusebios as author of Vita Constantini at an early date. See also Winkelmann (1962) 239 - 242 and Cameron and Hall (1999) 4 - 9 for editions and their variant texts. Another manuscript was cited by Ireneo Daniele as ‘Pap. Lond. 878.’ That ‘papyrus’ may have been: Βίος Μεγάλου Κωνσταντίνου, a version translated later from Latin into Greek, which cannot be attributed to Eusebios.
EVALUATIONS
is faulty in all manuscripts, including that of Walahfrid who repeated the mistaken calculation but corrected the number of concurrents. But he was not careless of numbers. There are also series of reckon ings in two sections of the Compilatio DCCC XXII which must have been in error from their origin: in section II 1 of Mb², the numerals were miscopied so that its arithmetic did not result in either annus mundi 4761 or annus domini 809, as intended; but Walahfrid corrected them both. There are errors also in all but one of the known copies of section II 10: that single exception is by Walahfrid who again is correct. He was not perfect in every detail. In assessing his life and work however, we should attribute to him serious and capable attention to chronology and especially to the arithmetic and the astronomy required by computus. As an oblate, an advanced student, a resident of the aula regis, a tutor of the future emperor, the abbot of a monastery with status of a great Honour, and a fidelis of two kings and emperors, these disciplines were continu ously integral parts of his life. Walahfrid was a master of language and reckoning, simul rhetor vel computista.
APPENDIX A The Fulda Calendar of Walahfrid Strabo (A.D. 827 – 829)
THE FULDA CALENDAR
Each facsimile page of Sn ms p.324 – 327 is placed on the left, faced on the right by our transcription of Walahfrid’s text.1 As he grouped the months by the number of days and his pages are sometimes crowded or unclear, this transcription is followed by his details per month. Further information found in the text of Walahfrid would sometimes indicate both beginning and completion of Nones or Ides, though not of Kalends. For March, he indicated the number of Kalends for the month which followed: April; for April, he indicated the number of Kalends for May; et seq. Walahfrid laid out these four pages and entered tituli with numeral series in rubric. He also entered the names of months at beginnings of Kalends in the same ink. Included are ms p.324: XVIIII. ms p.325: XVII. ms p.326: XVIII.
F[eb.] – S[ept.] IA[n.] AP[r.] IUN. AUG. NOV. MAI- IUL- OCT- DEC-
The numeral would have indicated the Kalends when it began to be counted towards a new month. But then he realised that this practice would interrupt the continuous day-count within the month itself, as usually observed in Francia. He added new entries on the same lines. We indicate uncertain readings in [square brackets], as we do other. He used a darker ink for names of prophets, apostles, two Gospel writers, martyrs, confessors, presbyters, bishops, popes, monks, virgins, crucifixion and resurrection of the Lord, and the cathedral of St. Michael at Fulda. Walahfrid’s list of ap- (apostles) includes Thomas, Timotheus, Iacobus, Barnabas, Barthomeius, Andreas, Mathias, Tathei (=Thaddeus), and an unnamed group of octava apostolorum. His abbreviations vir- or virg- or vg- refer to a holy man or woman: virgini or virginae. Latin names end1 A previous facsimile was published by Emmanuel Munding, Die Kalendarien von St. Gallen aus Handschriften 9. bis 11. Jahrhundert, I. Texte und Arbeiten XXXVI (Beuron in Hohenzollern, 1948): K2, p.6, 19 – 20, 36. The calendar was cited by B. Bischoff (1950), 46 – 47; Stevens (1972b), 9 – 16, esp. 16; Heyne (1996), 55 – 64, 275 – 277, with illustrations; and Borst (1998): Kal. a 4, xviii, 50, 308 et passim. Dr. Winfrid Bohne, Gymnasium Instructor at Fulda, was preparing an edition before his untimely death, but it was not published and his notes were not available. Similar in format are the calendars in later manuscripts of Basel Universitätsbibliothek Fragment II.31 (Fulda s.X med) f.1 – 6v; Göttingen Universitätsbibl. Theol.231 (s.X2) f.251 – 256v; Bamberg Staatsbibl. Lit.I [A.II.52] (Fulda post A.D.993) f.3v – 12. A calendar in ms Paris BN Lat.4860 (s.IX¾) f.135v – 136v is also similar but probably not a copy of Sn. Other early texts from Irish, Anglo-Saxon, Frankish, and Italian schools which group months by Nones or Ides or Kalends were cited by Warntjes (2010), p.clxxiv.
THE FULDA CALENDAR
ing with –a were usually distinguished male or female when necessary. Not all of these names have been identified. Often Walahfrid would return later to complete a calendar entry, as he did for other texts in his Vademecum. Earlier sources of saints’ names which may have been available to Walahfrid at Fulda or later are not known, but many of the names occur in Martyrologium Rabani Mauri, written later, probably between the end of 843 and the death of Ratleik of Seligenstadt (abbot of Fulda 840 – 854), to whom one copy was dedicated.2 Hraban often identified a date of death with natale, meaning entry into eternal life; he also designated many persons as sanctus/sancta. Those terms are omitted from our citations as redundant. Line numbers of the Martyrologium are given from the McCulloh edition. For convenience, the date of each citation is translated into the corresponding modern day of each month. On Sn ms p.327, Walahfrid added the text: In Ian- Aug- & Dec- . . ., which may have earlier given him the idea for this task. He began his Calendar with a leap year (indicated in his data for January: XVIIII KL [F] which may have been his first year at Fulda (827), and he probably continued to use it through the full year 828 to March or April 829, as well as during May and June 829 when he was travelling via Weißenburg to Ingelheim, and perhaps for the remainder of his life. Ferial letters A through G were added to the left column of Sn ms p.326 for the seven weekdays of March-May-June-October, beginning with letter B. Those letter forms however cannot be dated to W III; they could correspond with feria at Kalends of March 829. They are uncertain however and may have been entered by a later user to correspond with one of those four months in another year. Thus, they are indicated here in [square brackets], as uncertain. Headings, numerals, and minuscule text of the Fulda Calendar were written in the script of W IIIa whose ductus is the same as that of W I and W II. Some variations are due to the rather roughly finished vellum. We have used the short hyphen - following one or more letters to show where Walahfrid’s normal suprascript abbreviation sign occurred, as well as the medial point which he also used for the same purpose. The Calendar is organised with explanatory headings across the top of each page in the usual red-ochre ink, but the Kalends of each month and numerals for each day are a darker red, perhaps made from a local lead oxide, while the text is 2 Martyrologium Rabani Mauri, ed. John McCulloh (1979), xxv – xxxvi; on Abbot Ratleik, p. xxxvii – xxxix. No comparison has been attempted with the later Sacramentarium Fuldense s.X, ed. G. Richter, A. Schönfelder (1912), 31 et passim.
THE FULDA CALENDAR
written with a very dark ink, possibly ‘Fulda Braun.’ From his exemplar, W IIIa also accepted abbreviations and suspensions which he would not normally use, including insular usages of Fulda. Note especially ɔ con-
conversis, conceptio, confessori
ɔf ,
confessori
, conf-
7, ,
et uuigberti
timothei
episcopi
mo-,
martyri monachi
sebastiani ,
machabeorum
p, pbr-, pbri-, prbi- presbyteri ·p· , ·pp·
papae
pro- , prop-
prophetae
petri, valeri
There is one example of -t’ -tur- in the name saturnini on ms p. 326: IV KL November. The names and identifications of persons are usually in genitive case and are sometimes plural. They are often separated from following words by the medial point . Initials of names were usually not capitalised, but notice those of Bonifatii, Iohannis evangelistae, Innocentum, Petri (in June), Lantberti (in September), Ascensio, Assumptio, and Nativitas. In his edition of the Martyrologium Hrabani, McCulloh noted alternate spellings of names in the manuscripts, and these have been repeated here in [square brackets] if they appear to correspond with those found earlier in Walahfrid’s Calendar.3 A name in the Fulda Calendar
For example Xisti rather than Sisti: ed. McCulloh (1979), p.78: Xistus in ms Va = Vercelli Biblioteca Capitolare LXII (s.XI). 3
THE FULDA CALENDAR
which does not occur in the Martyrologium is identified by the notation –––, meaning ‘not found in that source.’ Second or third repetitions of a name may indicate his use of more than one source. We expect that this data may be supplemented from other ninth century sources, in so far as they could have been available to Walahfrid at Fulda during 827 – 829, or later within his life-time.
THE FULDA CALENDAR
1. Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 878, page 324 (Hand IIIa)
THE FULDA CALENDAR
Transcription of ms Sn, p. 324
IANUARIUS H ABET
AUGUSTUS
KL-
circumcisio domini
machabeorum
IIII.NONAE telesphori p III
DIES
DECEMBER XXXI
stephani epi
genovefae [corr ex genofesae]
II NONUS
simeonis pro-
VIII ID
epyphania
xisti felicissimi
agepiti
VII
isidori [corr ]
onati epi
m- et afrae m
VI
[ISIDORI]
simeonismo-
cyriaci
V IIII pauli her-
[pro-add] laurentiim eulaliaevir isp
III tiburtiim & susannae
meltia
amasi pp-
II IDUS
hilarii epi-
yppolitim
XVIIII
[F.] felicis
[S] eusebi
XVIII
uuig
erti cf- luciae vir[IA]
Assumptio sanctae mariae
XVII marcellip XVI
antonii mo-
mammatis mon-
ignatiimar
[ terminorum] XV priscae vir-
agapitim
XIIII
[magni m ]
XIII fabiani
samuhel pro-
sebastiani
XII agnaevir XI vincentii
anastasii m.
timothei
thomae ap
simphorianim-
X cyriaci victorism VIIII timotheiap-
bartholemeiap
[& babillae epi-] VIII
conversio pauli in dam-
genesiim
Nativitas domini
anastasiae VII
stephani protom.
VI ioh- christomi
rafi m.
Ioh- evangel-
V
agnae de nat- cirili epi-
augustini epi- hermetis [m ss] Innocentum
IIII
pas- ioh-
III
felicissimi & audacti
sabinae vir perpetui epi-
II paulini silvestrip & collumbaem
THE FULDA CALENDAR
[Details per month: January] IANUARIUS HABET DIES XXXI Martyrologium Hrabani Mauri KALENDIS circumcisio domini
1 Jan. (line 5): Dominus noster circumcisus est
IIIINONAS telesphorip 2 Jan. (26): Tellesphoris pp. [Telesphori ms GC] III genovesae 3 Jan. (39): d epositio Genofefae u. [genovefae corr] [Genovefae ms GC; Genosevae ms M] II NONIS simeonispropheta
5 Jan. (70): d epositio Simeonis prophetae
simeonis mo-
(72): depositio Simeonis mon.
VIII IDUS
epyphania
6 Jan. (79): Epiphania
VII
isidori [corr ex isidoris]
–––
VI [ISIDORI add] ––– V IIII pauli her- [pro-add] 10 Jan. (97): Pauli anachoretae [heremitae ms M; Hieronimi alii] III II IDUS FEBRUARIUS rubric
14 Jan. (167): Felicis pr. conf.
felicis
XVIII XVII marcellip
16 Jan. (193): Marcelli pp.
XVI
17 Jan. (230): depositio Antonii mon.
antonii mo-
[ terminorum add] ––– 18 Jan. (266): Priscae m.
XV priscaevir
THE FULDA CALENDAR
XIIII XIII fabiani 20 Jan. (270): Faviani ep. [Fabiani ms GC] Sebastiani hilariiepi-
(276): S ebastiani de Mediolano
12 Jan. (118): depositio Hilarii ep.conf. in Pictauis
XVIIII XII agnaevir-
21 Jan. (301): Agnes u.m.
XI
22 Jan. (309): passio s. Vincentii diac.m.
vincenti
anastasii m-.
(330): Anastasii mon.m.
X 24 Jan. (349): Timothei ap.
VIIII timotheiap-
[& babillae epi- add] VIII
conversio pauli in dam-
(350): passio s. Babillae ep.
25 Jan. (355): t ranslatio et conversio Pauli ap.
VII VI ioh- christostomi V
— 28 Jan. (368): Agnetis u.genuinum de nativitate
agnae de nat
cirilli epi-
—
IIII III II
* * *
THE FULDA CALENDAR
[Details per month: August] AUGUSTUS HABET DIES XXXI
Martyrologium Hrabani Mauri
KALENDIS machabeorum
1 Aug. (line 2): Machabeorum
IIIINONAE stephani epi-
2 Aug. (7): Stephani pp.m.
III II NONUS 6 Aug. (39): S ixti pp.m. qui decollati sunt [Xisti ms Va]
VIII IDUS
xisti
felicissimi
agapiti
VII
onati epi-
(39): Felicissimi diac.m. (39): Agapiti diac.m.
7 Aug. (44): Donati ep.m.
m-
et afraem
5 Aug. (28): Afrae m.
VI
cyriaci
8 Aug. (49): Cyriaci m.
V IIII laurentiim
10 Aug. (62): Laurentii m.
III tiburtiim
11 Aug. (81): passio s. Tiburtii m.
& susannae
(68): Susanne u.
II IDUS yppolitim
13 Aug. (114): Ypoliti m.
uuigberti conf-
13 Aug. (131): Vigberecti pr.conf.
XVIIII SEPTEMBER rubric 14 Aug. (134): Eusebii pr.conf.
eusebi
XVIII
Assumptio sanctae mariae 15 Aug. (154): Adsumptio sanctae Mariae u.
XVII XVI
17 Aug. (161): Mammetis m.
mammetis mon-
18 Aug. (182): Agapiti m.
XV agapitim
THE FULDA CALENDAR
XIIII
magni m
19 Aug. (189): Magni seu Andrae cum sociis mm.
XIII samuhel pro- 20 Aug. (192): Samuelis prophetae. [Samuhelis ms G] XII XI
22 Aug. (203): Timothei m.
timothei
simphoriani m-
(212): passio Symphoriani m.
X cyriaci
–––
VIIII bartholomeiap
24 Aug. (228): Bartholomei ap.
VIII genesiim
25 Aug. (235): passio Genesi mimi, m.
VII VI rufi m- 27 Aug. (248*): Rufi martyris [add ms G mg s.XI] V augustiniepi-
28 Aug. (250): depositio Augustini ep.Hipp.
hermetis m
(254): Hermeti m.
IIII pas ioh- 29 Aug. (263): Passio Johannis; cf. decollatio Iohannis Baptistae sabinae vir-
29 Aug. (262): Sabini m.
III
felicissimi & audacti
30 Aug. (167): m m. Felicis, Audacti, Gaudentiae u. et alii
II
paulini
31 Aug. (271): P aulini ep.Trevir. conf.
* * *
THE FULDA CALENDAR
[Details per month: December] DECEMBER HABET DIES XXXI
Martyrologium Hrabani Mauri
KALENDIS IIII NONAE III II NONUS VIII [IDUS] VII VI V IIII eulaliaevirginae
10 Dec. (line 140): Eulaliae u.
meltiadis p.
cf. 10 Ian. (103): Miltiades pp.
III
11 Dec. (146): Damasi pp.conf.
amasi pp.
II IDUS
13 Dec. (153): Luciae u.
luciae vir-
XVIIII [KL] IANUARIUS rubric XVIII XVII 17 Dec. (174): Ignatius ep.m.
XVI ignatiimar XV XIIII XIII XII
21 Dec. (191): Thomae ap.
thomae ap
XI. X uictorism
23 Dec. (223): E uaristi, Victoris et aliorum
VIIII
THE FULDA CALENDAR
VIII
Nativitas domini
25 Dec. (231): N ativitas Domini nostri Iesu Christi
anastasiae
25 Dec. (233): Anastasiae
VII
26 Dec. (276): p assio s. Stephani primi martyris et diaconi
stephani protom
[protho martyris ms Mg] VI
ioh- evangel-
27 Dec. (278): adsumptio Iohannis eu.
V
Innocentum cf. 28 Dec. (283) i nfantum lactantium
[innocentium ms Mg] IIII III
perpetui epi-
30 Dec. (291): depositio beati Perpetui ep.
II silvestrip
31 Dec. (294): d epositio Silvestri ep.conf.
& collumbaem-
31 Dec. (295): passio Columbae u.
* * *
THE FULDA CALENDAR
2. Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 878, page 325 (Hand IIIa)
THE FULDA CALENDAR
MARTIUS HABET MAIUS DIES IULIUS XXXXI ET OCTOBER
[B] KL-
donatim
philippi & iacobi ap- Rémedii
germani
albini
[C] VI N
athanasii epi processi
martiniani m.
leudegardiim
moneguntisvir [D] V
alexandri euenti
sulpicii et serviliani
et theotoli et inventio s cruc[E] IIII
adriani cum socius
[F] III
florianim Ascensio domini
[G] II
octava ap-
esaiae prophetae
[A] N- perpetuaei marci epi
felicitatis
[B] VIII ID-
cilianim
[C] VII XL milita- dionisii ruftici [D] VI
gordiani m
VIIfratri m
[E] V [F] IIII
sancti benedicti ABBATIS
gregoriip pancratii, nerei, et achillei
[G] III [A] II
cl-
paulini
servatii epi-
Innocentiip calistip
[B] ID-
[cyrici m]
[C] XVII
AP- cyriacim
AUG- NOV- galli conf-
[D] XVI
patricii
[IUN-]
[E] XV
fortunati
sancti arnulfi conf- lucae evangelistae Trifoniae
uxoris decii ss [F] XIIII
potentianae
[G] XIII
cudbertiepi-
[A] XII
benedicti abbati [s]
praxetis vir.
daniel proph. hilarionis mon-
& virg- in coloniae [B] XI
mariae magdalenae
[C] X apollonarism
seueri epi-
& dorothei [D] VIIII
christinae vir
[E] VIII ominus urbanip
Iacobiap-
crispini &
desiderii
crispiniani
crucif-est & a nuntiatio s. mariae [F] VII [G] VI
resurrectio
omini
simeonismon-
[A] V [B] IIII
faustini & uiatricis.
[C] III
abdo & sennes & ursi m.
uictorism
[D] II
simonis et tathei ap-
maximini epi- felicis simplicii felicis epi- petronellae vir
quintini in gallia
THE FULDA CALENDAR
[Details per month: March] MARTIUS HABET DIES XXXI Martyrologium Hrabani Mauri KALENDIS donatim –––
albini 2 Mar. (line 2): depositio Albini ep.
VI NONAE V IIII
adriani cum sociis
4 Mar. (13): passio ss. Adriani cum et aliis
III II NONUS perpetuci
felicitatis cf. 7 Mar. (23): Perpetuae et Felicitatis
VIII IDUS VII XL milit[um corr 9 Mar. (37): xl ex militia] militum mm. VI V IIII gregoriip 12 Mar. (71): XXXI, Gregorius pp. XXXV III II Innocentiip ––– IDUS XVII APRILIS rubric cyriacim cf. 6 Mar. (21): Quiriacus pr. XVI
patricii 17 Mar. (116): Patricius ep. in Hibernia XXXVI*
XV
THE FULDA CALENDAR
XIIII XIII cudbertiepi- 20 Mar. (147): Cuthbertus ep. Lindisfarn. XXXVI* XII
benedicti abbati[s] 21 Mar. (153): Benedictus ab. XXVIII
XI X VIIII ominus crucifixus VIII est
25 Mar. (167): Dominus noster Iesus Christus crucifixus est.
& a nuntiatio s .mariae
25 Mar. (166): Adnuntiatio incarnationis dominicae.
VII VI resurrextio omini 27 Mar. (181): Resurrectio Domini nostri Iesu Christi. V IIII III uictorism ––– II
* * *
THE FULDA CALENDAR
[Details per month: May] MAIUS HABET DIES XXXI Martyrologium Hrabani Mauri KALENDIS philippi 1 May (line 3): Philippi ap. XXXII & iacobi ap- (41): Iacobi ap. XXXII VI NONAE athanasii epi-
2 May (15): ep. Alex.
V alexandri euenti et theotoli-
3 May (20): Alexandri Euventi et Theoduli presbyteri, mm.
et inventio s. cruc- (17): Inventio sanctae crucis ab Helena regina
IIII florianim
4 May (28): Florianus m.
III
–––
Ascensio domini
II NONUS VIII IDUS VII VI
gordiani m cf. 10 Mai. (82): Gordianus et Epimachus mm. XXXII
V IIII pancratii 12 May (109): Pancratius m. XXXII nerei & achilei (111): Nereus et Achileus mm. XXXII III
servatii epi- 13 May (127; 118*): Servatius ep. Taiect.
II IDUS XVII IUNIUS rubric
THE FULDA CALENDAR
XVI XV XIIII
potentianae 19 Mar. (191): XXXII, Pudentiana u., m. LXVII, LXXIV
XIII XII XI X VIIII VIII urbanip 25 May (252): Vrbanus pp. desiderii (247): Desiderius ep. Vienn., m. VII VI V IIII
maximini epi- 29 May (288): Maximinus ep. Trevir.
III
felicis epi-
II
petronellae vir 31 May (301): Petronilla u. XXXII
–––
* * *
THE FULDA CALENDAR
[Details per month: July] IULIUS HABET DIES XXXI
Martyrologium Hrabani Mauri
KALENDIS VINONAE processi
martiniani 2 July (line 12): Processi et Martiniani mm.
XXXII
moneguntisvir-. (20): Monegunda u. V IIII III II
octava ap 6 July: et octabas apostolorum [octava ms C] esaiae prophetae 6 July (32): Esaiae prophetae NONUS VIIIIDUS cilianim
8 July (65): Ciliani m.
VII VI VIIfratrum 10 July (66): VII fratrum filiorum s. Felicitatis V sancti 11 July (111): Benedicti benedictiABBATIS depositio IIII III II IDUS
[cyrici m rubric eras]
XVII [AUGUSTUS rubric eras] XVI XV sancti 18 July (150): arnulficon[f corr]- Arnulfus ep. Metten.
LXXVIII
THE FULDA CALENDAR
XIIII XIII XII
praxetis vir- 21 July (172): XXXIII, Praxedis u., m. LXVII, LXIX
daniel prophetae (171): Daniel propheta. LXIX XI
mariae magdalenae 22 July (233): Maria Magdalenae.
X apollonarism 23 July (238): Apollinaris ep. Ravenn. XXXIII VIIII
christinae vir 24 July (256): Christina u., m.
VIII Iacobiap- 25 July (279): Iacobus Zebedaei ap. XXXII VII VI simeonismon- 27 July (297): Simeon mon. V IIII
felicis
29 July (322): Felix pp., m. XXXIII
simplicii faustini. (322*): Simplicii et uiatricis Faustini et Beatricis mm. III
abdo & sennes 30 July (338): Abdon & Sennes mm.
& ursi m (342): Ursi epi. II
* * *
THE FULDA CALENDAR
[Details per month: October] OCTOBER HABET DIEI XXXXI Martyrologium Hrabani Mauri KALENDIS Rémedii 1 Oct. (line 3; 13*): Remigius ep. Remen. germani (2): Germanus ep. Autiss. VI NONAE leudegariim 2 Oct. (15): 3 Oct. (24): Leudegardius ep. Augustodun. V
sulpicii et serviliani
–––
IIII III II NONUS
marci epi- 7 Oct. (102): Marci ep. [ms V]; cf. (44) et (57)
VIII IDUS VII dionisii 9 Oct. (102): Dionysii, ruftici el- Eleutherii et Rustici VI
paulini 10 Oct. (103): Paulini Eburaci epi.
V IIII III II calistip 14 Oct. (90): Callistus pp., m. XXXIV IDIBUS
fortunati 15 Oct. (108); 12 Oct. (84): Fortunata
XVII NOVEMBER rubric
galli conf- 16 Oct. (110): Galli XLVII, LIII*
THE FULDA CALENDAR
XVI XV
lucae evangel-
18 Oct. (117): Lucae eu.
trifoniae uxoris decii ss (122): Triphonia uxor Dexii caesaris XIIII XIII XII hilarionis mon- & 21 Oct. (145): patris virg- in colonia nostri Hylarionis
–––
XI X seueri epi- & dorothei
24 Oct. (189): Severi et Dorothei.
VIIII VIII crispini & crispiniani 25 Oct. (193*): Crispinus et Crispinianus LIII* VII VI V
simonis et tathei ap- 28 Oct. (257): Simon et Thaddeus ap. XXXII
IIII III
quintini in gallia
31 Oct. (268): Quintinus
II
* * *
THE FULDA CALENDAR
3. Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 878, page 326 (Hand IIIa)
THE FULDA CALENDAR
APRILIS HABET IUNIUS DIES SEPTEMBER XXX ET NOVEMBER
KL-
quintiani
priscae & teclae vir-.
prisci
petri epi-
caesarii
anastasiim [& nicome is.m]
severini memoria
omnium sanctorum ss IIII N-
marcellini & petri
iusti epi-
III germani epiII
ambrosii epi-
cyrini
N Bonifatii & aliorum LV
perpetuae vir-
quinitini epi-
VIII ID- uuillibrordi VII reginae vir VI
medardi con- Nat- scae- mariae vir- [ania ri add]
IIII. coronatorum
V VIIvirginum
primi & feliciani
gorgonii
theodorim
III
barnabae apost-
proti
[
IIII
eZechiel proph-
iacinthi martini epimemae m- eugeniae]
[II] naZarii basilidis naboris gorgonii IDUS
[amata conf-]
bricii epi-
XVIII [MAI-] [IUL-] [OCT-] [DEC-] tiburtii
ualeriani
ualeri
rufini
cornelii
cypriani exaltatioscruc- ss
et maximi elisei pro- XVII uiti modesti crescentiae XVI
aurie
nicomedis m
iustini m
ualeriani m.
eufemiae luciae
geminiani
XV lantberti epi- m gregorii miraculorum operatorum aniani epiXIIII
marci
XIII
gervasii
marcelliani protasii
ianuarii epi-
m
XII [uilg- math-] XI
albanim
mathei ap-
X
paulini epi-
cum sociis
ceciliae vir
VIIII georgiim
linip & teclae vir clementis columbani
VIII
conceptio ioh- bapt-mauricii
felicitatis VII letania VI
ioh- baptistae
marci euan-
cleti prophetae uitalis m
petrialexandri
ioh- & pauli
V cosmae IIII
crisogonim
[Leonis pape eras]
damiani
optati epi-
iustini prbi-
christofori m
III
Petri & pauli
ed- ecclae
saturnini crisanti
michahelis arch- mauri dariae II
marcialis epi-
hieronimi prbi-
[na-pauli eras]
andreae ap-
THE FULDA CALENDAR
[Details per month: April] APRILIS HABET DIES XXX Martyrologium Hrabani Mauri KALENDIS quintiani
anastasiim —
IIIINONAE III II
ambrosii epi- 4 Apr. (line 26): Ambrosius ep. Mediol. XXXVI*
NONUS VIIIIDUS VII VI V VIIuirginum 9 Apr. (43): VII virginum IIII
eZechiel prophetae 10 Apr. (46): Ezechiel propheta
III [II om] IDUS XVIII MAIUS rubric 14 Apr. (71): tiburtii valeria & maximi Tiburtii Valeriani et Maximi XVII XVI XV XIIII XIII XII XI X
THE FULDA CALENDAR
VIIII georgiim 23 Apr. (146): XXXI, Georgio XXXVI* VIII VII
letania –
–––
marci evan 25 Apr. (157): Marti eu. [Marci ms S2MGVC] VI
cleti pp. 29 Apr. (214): Cleti pp. m.
V [IIII NONUS] uitalis m 28 Apr. (195): Vitalis m. XXXI (212): Cristofori m. christofori m [Chr- ms S2MG] III [corr ex I] II
* * *
THE FULDA CALENDAR
[Details per month: June] IUNIUS HABET DIES XXX Martyrologium Hrabani Mauri KALENDIS priscae cf. 18 Jan. (line 266): Prisca m. et teclae vir. cf. 22 Feb. (156): Thecla u., m. XXXI et nicome is. m 31 Mai. (315): Nicomedis presb. cf. 1 June (2): dedicatio ecclesiae Nicomedis IIIINONAE marcellini et petri 2 June (6): Marcellinus pr. et Petri exorcistae
XXXII
III II
cyrini cf. 4 June (57): Et Saratiae Cyprini
NONUS Bonifatii & 5 June (59): Bonifatius LXVII, aliorum LV ep.Mogun., m. LXXII cf. 2 June (38): Bonifatius m.
XXXII
VIIIIDUS VII VI
medardi con- 8 June (70): Medardus ep.Suession. LXXIII
V
primi & feliciani 9 June (79): Primus et Felicianus mm. XXXII
IIII 11 June (114): Barnabas ep. LXVII, LXXI
III
barnabae apost-
[II]
nazarii basilidis 12 June (117): Nazarii m. cum Basilide
naboris Nabor cum Basilide gorgonii (118): translatio Gorgonii IDUS XVIII IULIUS rubric
THE FULDA CALENDAR
ualeri
rufini 15 June (146): Valerii et Rufini mm.
elisei prop. 14 June (141): Elisei propheta XVII uiti modesti 15 June (149): Viti m., cum crescientiae Modesto et Crescentiae XXXII XVI aurie
iustini m. 16 June (168): Aurei ep. et Justinae m. XXXVI*
XV XIIII marci XIII gervasii
marcelliani 18 June (191): Marci et Marcelliani mm. protasii 19 June (210): Gervasii et Protasii
XXXI
XII XI
albani m. 22 June (237): Albani m.
cf. 21 June (226): Albani, Theonesti et Ursi mm. X
paulini epi-
22 June (243): Paulini ep.
VIIII VIII
ioh- baptistae 24 June (253): Iohannis Baptistae
VII VI
ioh- & pauli 26 June (262): Iohannis et Pauli
XXXII
V [I]III
[leonis pape] 28 June (299): Leonis pape
III
Petri et pauli 29 June (304): XXXII, Petri et Pauli XXXVI*
II
marcialis epi-
30 June (311): Martialis ep.
[na-pauli eras] –––
* * *
THE FULDA CALENDAR
[Details per month: September] SEPTEMBER HABET DIES XXX Martyrologium Hrabani Mauri KALENDIS petri epi-
–––
prisci 1 Sept. (6*; 15*): Prisci [ms G mg s.XII-XIII] 2 Sept. (17): Iusti ep.
IIIINONAE iusti epi- III. II. NONUS
quintini epi-
–––
VII
reginae vir
7 Sept. (89): Reginae m.
VI
Nat- scae- mariae vir
8 Sept. (91): Mariae
VIIIIDUS
a riani ––– V
gorgonii 9 Sept. (96): Gorgonii et alii mm.
IIII III. proti
iacinthi 11 Sept. (127): Proti et Hyacinthi qui errant eunuchi
[
eugeniae] sanctae Eugeniae virginis
[II] IDUS [amata conf] XVIII OCTOBER rubric
cornelii 14 Sept. (150): Cornelii ep.
cypriani (163): Cypriani ep. XVII
exaltatios (167): exaltatio est cruc-ss sanctae crucis
nicomedis m 15 Sept. (169): Nicomedis pr.m.
valeriani m (178): Valeriani m.
THE FULDA CALENDAR
XVI
eufemiae 16 Sept. (181): Euphemiae u.m. XXXIII
luciae XV
geminiani (189): Luciae et Germiniani mm. XXXIII
lantberti epi-
m 17 Sept. (208): Landeberti ep.Taiect.
XIII
Ianuarii epi-
m 19 Sept. (225): Ianuarii ep. et alii mm.
XII
[uilg- mach- rubric eras] –––
XI
mathei ap 21 Sept. (257): Matthaei ap.m. XXXII
X
mauricii cum sociis 22 Sept. (262): Mauricii m., Thebaei mm.
XIIII
VIIII lini p 23 Sept. (293): Lini pp.m. teclae vir (279): Theclae u.m. VIII
conceptio ioh- bapt- 24 Sept. (287): conceptio Iohannis Baptistae
VII VI V cosmae IIII
damiani 27 Sept. (126): Cosmae et Damiani mm. XXXIV
iustini prbi- 26 Sept. (319): Iustina m., cum Cypriano
III II
XXXIII
c f. 26 Aug., 28 Oct., etc. ed- eccle- michahelis arch.
hieronimi prbi- 30 Sept. (351): Hieronymi pr. XXXVI*
THE FULDA CALENDAR
[Details per month: November] NOVEMBER HABET DIES XXX Martyrologium Hrabani Mauri KALENDIS caesarii 1 Nov. (line 20; 4*): Caesarii diac.m. et XXXII, Iuliani pr.m. XXXIV severini (41): Severini mon. (42; 4*): memoria XXXV, memoria omnium sanctorum ss omnium sanctorum LXX* IIIINONAE III
germani epi- 3 Nov. (53): Germani et alii
II
perpetuae vir- cf. 6 Nov. (63): Perpetuae cum Primo
NONUS VIII IDUS
uuillibrordi 6 Nov. (80): Willibrordi ep.
XXXVI*
VII VI iiiicoronatorum 8 Nov. (95): coronati IV mm. XXXIV V theodorim 9 Nov. (105): Theodori m. XXXIV IIII III
martini epi- 11 Nov. (125): Martini ep.
XXXVI*
memae m (132): passio Menne m. [II om] IDUS
13 Nov. (159): Briccii ep. XXXVI*
bricii epi-
XVIII DEC- rubric XVII XVI
THE FULDA CALENDAR
XV gregorii miraculorum 17 Nov. (173): Gregorii operatorum miraculorum factoris. aniani epi (174): Aniani ep. XIIII XIII XII XI X
ceciliae vir
22 Nov. (246): Ceciliae
VIIII clementis 23 Nov. (274): Clementis pp.m. XXXIV columbani (282): Columbani ab. felicitatis (280): Felicitatis matris vii filiorum martyris VIII crisogonim 24 Nov. (285): Chrysogoni m.
XXXIV
VII petrialexandri 25 Nov. (298): Petri episcopi Alexandri m. VI V
27 Nov. (322): Optati ep.
optati epi-
IIII III saturnini crisanti 29 Nov. (327): Saturnini, Serii et Sisinnii diac. mauri cf. (339): duo milites, Papias et Maurus, m. dariae cf. (4*): Dariae m. II
andreae ap- 30 Nov. (350): XXIX, Andreas ap. XXXIV
THE FULDA CALENDAR
4. Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 878, page 327 (Hand IIIa)
THE FULDA CALENDAR
FEBRUARIUS HABET DIES XXVIII KL-
policarpi . brigidae
IIIIN
ypapanti dni-
In ian- aug- & dec- K XVIII K
III
id-
II N agathaevir VIII ID-
uedasticon ˥ amandi
XI K
In mar- mai- iulXI K
VI id-
IIII K unus dies est oct K & VIIII dies.
IIII K unus dies est
In apr- iun-. sept-. & nov-. K & VI Idepi- ss
XVII K
VII
X K
III K unus dies est
In Februar- K & VI VI idus &
VI
XV K & VIII K dies unus est
V
Ille mens- qui habet IIII non-. facit
IIII
in Non-. dies V
scolasticae vir
in id- dies XIII
III
Ille mens- qui habet VI non-
II
facit In non- dies VII
ID-
in id- dies XV
[luciae virg- & quiliae vg-]
XVI MAR- ualentini prbi- & m XV XIIII
iulianae vir
XIII XII XI X VIIII VIII
cathedra petri in antioch-
VII VI
mathiae ap- Inventio cap- ioh-
V IIII fortunati III II
* * * EPISCOPUS IPOCRATIS AD ANTIOCHUM ET ANTONIUM [....] ORIGINI MEMBRORUM ET DE SAUMENTA[sic] CIBURUM VEL POTIONUM.
[Titulus; the text of this letter is on ms p.328 – 331.]
* * *
THE FULDA CALENDAR
[Details per month: February] FEBRUARIUS HABET DIES XXVIII Martyrologium Hrabani Mauri KALENDIS policarpi 1 Feb. (line 2): Polycarpi ep. brigidae (4): Brigidae IIIINONAE ypapanti dni-
XXXVI*
–––
III II NONUS agathaevir 5 Feb. (30): Agathae u.m. XXXI VIII IDUS
uedasticon- 6 Feb. (12; 46*): Vedasti ep.Atrebat.
amandi epi- ss (14): Amandi ep. VII VI V IIII
scolasticae vir 10 Feb. (73): Scolasticae u.
III II IDUS [luciae virg- & quiliae vg- add et eras] ––– XVI KL
MAR- rubric
ualentini prbi- & m 14 Feb. (87; 90): Valentini pr.m. (ep.) XXXI
XV
* * *
THE FULDA CALENDAR
XIIII
iulianae vir 16 Feb. (108): Iulianae u.m. XXXI
XIII XII XI X VIIII VIII
cathedra petri in antioch- 22 Feb. (154): cathedra Petri Antiochiae
VII VI
mathiae ap- 24 Feb. (169): Matthias ap. XXIX
Inventio cap- Ioh-
–––
V IIII fortunati
–––
III II
* * *
APPENDIX B Versus Computistici Walahfridi
Versus Computistici Walahfridi
[A] DE QUATUOR DIVISIONIBUS ZODIACI VERSUS STRABI. [8 verses]
Bissenis, Aprilis, habes vernale Kalendis Par spatium noctis et pariter diei.
Solstitium fervens duodenis aeque Kalendis Iulius aestivum fertque refertque tibi.
Noversi Octimbrem [ternis] denisque Kalendis Noctis et aurorae aequa ternere loca.
Ianus in australi dinoscitur axe quaternis Cursibus et denis figere solstitium.
[B] ITEM DE INITIIS QUATUOR VICISSITUDINUM VERSUS EIUSDEM. [4]
Idibus intrat hiems septenis dura Novembris, Quattuor et ternas Februi ver optinet Idus,
Quinque duasque Idus aestas capit optima Maii,
Augustus septem autumno dat fervidus Idus. * * *
Versus Computistici Walahfridi
VERSES ON THE FOUR DIVISIONS OF THE ZODIAC BY STRABO. On the 12th Kalends of April you have Spring With length of night equaling length of day. The boiling Summer Solstice is also on the 12th Kalends When July burns you and burns again. You know that on the 13th Kalends of October The periods of night and daylight are equal again. Ianus will show on its southern axis How to fix the Solstice at fourteen orbits.
MORE VERSES ON THE BEGINNINGS OF THE FOUR SEASONS BY THE SAME AUTHOR. Harsh Winter begins on the 7th Ides of November Spring takes over on the 4th Ides of February, plus three. Summer begins the best season on the 5th Ides of May, plus two. August is warm as it yields to Autumn on its 7th Ides.
Versus Computistici Walahfridi
[C] ITEM DE CIRCULO DECENNOVENNALI. [20] 1) Ergo decennovennali sic ordine cyclus or 2) Ergo decem ille novenalis sic ordine cyclus Tempora dat paribus disparibusve modis.
Primus in his modulis gaudet communibus annus, Alter ab hoc aeque munere non rapitur.
Sumit et augmentum diffusis tertius horis, Quartus item brevior dicitur in numero.
Quintus par quarto cursu non gaudet adaucto, Sed sextum voluit prorsus habere moras.
Septimus ad longos sese non ducit honores, Tenditur octavus callidus inde magis.
Nam nonum placuit brevioribus indere summis, Qui decimum sibimet assimilare queat.
Undecimus potuit longis distendier horis, Ille duodecimus sed minuit numerum. Tertius hinc decimus non est aetate profusus, Sed quarto decimo longa dedit spatia.
Inferior decimus numero stat denique quintus, Iam sextum decimum adsimilando sibi.
Rursus habet decimus plura agmina septimus ille, Octavum decimum viribus exsuperans. Ultimus ille iacet, saltu minuatur adempto, Maiorum est unus, respicit atque caput.
Versus Computistici Walahfridi
MORE VERSES ON THE NINETEEN-YEAR CYCLE. 1) Here is the order of the 19-year cycle 2) Now, the 19-year cycle takes this sequence In succesive modes of time, equal and unequal. The first year celebrates with its usual intervals. From it the next gains nothing of equal value. The third increases and adds a few hours. The fourth is said to be shorter by that much. The fifth is equal with the fourth without an increase, But the sixth clearly wants to delay. The seventh takes no great honors to itself. From then, the clever eighth is stretched out. For the ninth, to add to the shorter years is pleasing, And that makes the tenth similar. Eleven can be extended by long hours. The twelfth however reduces the number. Hence thirteen is not of great age, But the fourteenth takes a long way. Then, the fifteenth has a lesser number. Now, the sixteenth is imitating it. In its turn, the seventeenth year advances, While the eighteenth surpasses it in strength. The last year is ended by taking away the Saltus. One of the longest, it returns to the beginning.
Versus Computistici Walahfridi
[D] VERSUS EIUSDEM DE TERMINIS QUADRAGESIMALIBUS. [19] Octonas Martis coepit lex quinque librorum, Ast Idus Februi ternas deus unus honorat.
Nonarum senas secum sex vasa tulerunt, Undenas capiunt Martis duo iussa Kalendas.
Idibus in senis alacres stant quinque puellae. Terna Kalendarum tria numera signa reportant.
Quattuor et denae sex excrevere diebus. Martius in Nonis bis bina elementa creavit.
Sexta Kalendarum septem fert norma lucernas Idibus in Februi sociatur trina potestas,
Nonarum speciale gerit baptisma quaternas. Bis bina cursus capimus virtute novenos.
Quartanas Idus septem coluere ministri, Sensibus ex quinis Martis scrutare Kalendas.
Una fides potuit duodenas ferre Kalendas. Septem Idus ornant paradisi quattuor amnes. Testamenta duo quartas dant ire Kalendas. Quindenas capiunt stolidae vix quinque sorores.
Pridie nonarum posuit tria tempora saecli.
Ed. E. Dümmler, MGH. Poetae latini aevi Carolingi II (1884), 422 – 423.
Versus Computistici Walahfridi
HIS VERSES ON THE TERMS OF LENT. The Law of Five Books begins Lent on the 8th day of March, But our One God honours the 3rd Ides of February. ‘Six Vases’ bring with them six Nones, And two Kalends are added after March 11th. On the 6th Ides you see ‘Five Girls’ brightly Displaying the third sign on the third Kalends. Four and ten are separated by six days. March creates both beginnings on the 2nd Nones. The 6th Kalends leads to ‘Seven Lamps’ on the Ides, Joining the three-fold power of ‘Februa.’ Four Nones bring a ‘Special Baptism.’ Again, with strength we take twice nine orbits. ‘Seven Servants’ colour the four Ides, and Study the Kalends of March with all five senses. One faith must hold twelve Kalends together. Seven Ides ornament the ‘Four Rivers of Paradise.’ ‘Two Witnesses’ grant the coming four Kalends, While ‘Five Foolish Sisters’ need scarcely fifteen days. The day before Nones determines three stages of the Age.
English trans. W. Stevens, L. Latour, J. Gerbasi.
APPENDIX C Argumenta Paschalia 1 – 5
Argumenta Paschalia 1 – 5
The following texts of argumenta paschalia are transcribed as written by hands Ma and Mb, and supervised by W IIIb or W IVa who intervened with about two lines on ms p.346. Recto and verso of the folios of St. Gallen manuscripts are enumerated by page, in accordance with usage of that library. Ellipses [in brackets] indicate readings of text which are uncertain on those pages, even though they may appear to correspond with texts of identifiable sources. Variant readings in other codices are noted with reference to Sn. For comparison with Walahfrid’s argumenta in Sn, the edition by Arno Borst in Schriften (2006) 1092 – 1334 is cited by book and chapter. That edition was usually based upon ms Mb, as indicated [in brackets], though with exceptions. Where a text was not found or is not complete in Mb (items 6, 7, 8, 11), Borst provided the best reading from other copies without notice; in some instances he improved the text on philological grounds. Reference to that edition is followed by annotations of variant readings we have found in the five codices manuscripti dating from the first half of the ninth century: Mb2 Pt3 Sk1 Mt2 Vy2, that is, during the lifetime of Walahfrid (d. 14 August 849), and in a sixth from after mid-century: Vp2, whose exemplar may have been available to him. These manuscripts are described in Appendix E. Single items from the Compilatio which may be found separately in other manuscripts have not been collated with the texts of ms Sn. Numerals and tituli which may appear in the codices are given here in bold font with variant readings. Such a numeral may be preceded or followed by medial-point or both, as ·X or X· or ·X· ; a space is left after the numeral when there is one in its manuscript. Numeral and titulus of a section in Mb² Mt³ Vp may also be preceded by a paragraph sign , here indicated by ¶ . Readings of the text in Sn or in other codices which do not agree with the Borst edition are denoted pace Schriften. For convenience of locating variant readings, some texts are divided into paragraphs [A], [B], [C] et seq. If the text of a section is a transcription of Bedae DTR, variant readings are given with their pages and lines from both editions of C.W. Jones (1943 and 1977); variations in Bedan manuscripts are added (with the editor’s sigla) in cases where they could be significant. Each codex of Compilatio DCCC XII cited here has been inspected in situ and reviewed in microfilm with the exception of Mb which has been read both in facsimile and from a microfilm copy (as explained in Appendix E, note 5). A bracket with three points [. . .] for any text means that the reading in that codex is uncertain. Many argumenta of ms Vp had been
Argumenta Paschalia 1 – 5
revised by their scribes to accord with their annus praesens 858 or 859 or 860; in some cases the arithmetic of such revision may not be correct. Manuscript sigla of Compilatio DCCC XII are repeated from edition Schriften.1 However in some cases, one should recognise that more than one codex of different provenance and date has been bound into the same manuscript, as denoted today in its library. In such cases, the sigla used in Schriften are revised, and the codices originally separate from each other are indicated by suprascript numerals; for example, the several codices of Pt now gathered in a single binding were originally five individual codices, cited henceforth as Pt1, Pt2, etc. They are described in Appendix E. For his own files of argumenta paschalia by topic and incipit from hundreds of codices, often with transcription of the full text, the author is grateful for the labours for many years by research assistants whose professions have now taken them to other posts: Dr. Elizabeth Hyde (Victoria) was an astute and excellent co-worker, aided from time to time by Edward English (San Diego), Wesley A. Stevens (Toronto), and Ian Henderson (Montreal). Other individuals are also named with appreciation in the text. Librarians at home and abroad have been wonderfully helpful.
It should be noticed that the Compilatio DCCC XII was not accompanied by a Capitula in its early manuscripts, contemporary with their texts, pace Schriften. 1
Argumenta Paschalia 1 – 5
Sn = St. Gallen 878, p.344 – 347 Item (A.D.829)
1) ARGUMENTUM AD INVENIENDOS REGULARES FERIAE KALENDARUM [A] Annus solis habet dies CCC LXV, hos quinque dies Aegyptii qui mensem trecenis tantum diebus concludunt quasi residuos post completos XII menses in fine anni sui intercalari consuerunt, quos pro regularibus sumere et Martio mensi debes aptare. Deinde eosdem quinque diebus Martii mensis adiungere atque hanc summam per septenos dividere, simul iuncti quinque et XXXI, fiunt XXXVI; partire per septem fiunt quinquies VII et remanet unus; hunc unum da Aprilio et pronuntia Apriles unum. [B] Item sume dies Aprilii et adiunge unum, fiunt XXXI; divide per septem, fiunt quater VII et remanent III; hos iunge Maio et pronuntia Maius III. Similiter de ceterorum mensium diebus et regularibus faciendum est usque ad Martium quia quoties dies mensis cum suo regulari coniunxeris et per septem dimiseris sequentis mensis regulares procrea(ms p.344) bitur. [A] post mensem add sem/ completos corr ex expletos Sn. Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) II 16, ed. Schriften 1167 – 1168 [Mb] ms Mb² = Madrid BN Lat. L.95 [cat.3307] (Murbach 814 – 820) f.29v ¶ XVI . [A] tricenis/ intercalare/ partiti. [B] VII: septem/ diviseris corr ex dimiseris ss/ regularis. aris BN N.a.lat.1615, f.128 – 183 (E Francia 812 – 820) Pt3 = P f.152v – 153 [A] dies¹ om/ tantum tricenis tr/ intercalare/ partiti. [B] Maius: Mai/ quoties: quotiens. Sk = St. Gallen Stiftsbibl. 397, p.53 – 148 (Grimalt ante 830) p.70(72): [A] tricenis/ interkalare/ partiti. Vy² = Vaticano BAV Lat.645, f.12 – 92 (NE Francia ca. 845) f.45v: [A] aptari/ pertiti. [B] regularibus. Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.44v:
Argumenta Paschalia 1 – 5
XVI· . [A] solaris/ tricenis/ intercalare/ aptari/ adiungere add ss/ adque/ fiunt XXX et VI/ Aprilio: Aprili/ Apriles: Aprilis. [B] Aprilii: Aprilis/ III¹: tres/ pronuncia/ coniuncxeris/ regularis. Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 859) f.73v: ¶ XVI . [A] tricenis/ intercalare/ Aprilo/ Aprilis. [B] summe/ Aprili.
Argumenta Paschalia 1 – 5
2) ARGUMENTUM AD INVENIENDOS REGULARES LUNAE KALENDARUM [A] Quinque residuos Aegyptiorum dies de quibus superius fecimus mentionem pro regularibus Septembrio mensi qui caput anni eorum est debes adiungere et pronuntiare September quinque. Eosdem quinque cum diebus ipsis mensis componere fiunt XXXV. De hac summa tolle lunationem ipsius mensis quae XXX diebus continetur et remanent V; hos da Octobrio et pronuntia October V. [B] Item eosdem quinque iunge cum diebus Octobri mensis, fiunt XXXVI. De his tolle XXVIIII quae est lunatio eius, remanent VII; hos da Novembrio et pronuntia November VII. Sic fit ut ab his quinque incipies qualiscumque mensis dies cum suis regularibus conposueris et de hac summa numerum lunationis eiusdem subtraxeris, remanebit tibi (ms p.344) regularis mensis sequentis. sub[… …] traxeris corr Sn Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) II 17, ed. Schriften 1169 [Mb] ms Mb² = Madrid BN L.95 (Murbach 814 – 820) f.29v: ¶ XVII . [A] quinque: V/ conponere/ [B] Octobrii/ incipiens. Pt3 = Paris BN N.a.lat.1615, f.128 – 183 (E Francia 812 – 820) f.153: [A] conponere/ hac corr ex hanc. [B] Octobrii/ incipiens/ composueris. Sk = St. Gallen Stiftsbibl. 397, p.53 – 148 (Grimalt ante 830) p.70(72) Vy² = Vat. Lat.645, f.12 – 92 (NE Francia ca. 845) f.45v – 46: [B] iungere/ Octobrii/ November: Novembrio/ composueriis. Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.44v – 45: [A] Septembrio: VIIbrio/ pronunciare/ quinque¹: V/ conponere/ summe/ pronuncia1 . [B] Octobrii/ his: is/ lunacio/ pronuncia2/ incipiens. Vp = V at. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis ca. 858 – 859) f.73 v: ¶ XVII . [A] componere, fiunt XXXV. De hac summa tolle lunationem ipsius mensis om. [B] Octobrii.
Argumenta Paschalia 1 – 5
3) DE MUNDANO ANNO QUI QUINDECIM MILIBUS SOLARIUM CONFICITUR ANNORUM, TULLI CICERONIS SOMNIUM SCIPIONIS DICTANTIS ET MACROBII IDEM EXPONENTIS AC SENECAE PHILOSOPHORUM AUCTORITAS. [A] Annus non is solus est, quem nunc communis omnium usus appellat, sed singulorum seu luminum sive stellarum emenso omne caeli circuitu, a certo loco in eundem locum reditus annus suus est. Sic mensis lunae annus est intra quem caeli ambitum lustrat. Nam et a luna mensis dicitur qui a Greco nomine luna mene vocatur. Nam cursus quidem Veneris atque Mercurii pene par soli est. Martis vero annis fere biennium tenet; tanto enim tempore caelum circumit. Iovis autem stella duodecim, et Saturni XXX in eandem circumitione consumit. Annus vero qui mundanus vocatur, qui vere vertens est, quia conversione plenae universitatis efficitur largissimis saeculis explicatur, cuius ratio talis est. [B] Stellae omnes et sidera quae infixa caelo videntur quorum proprium motum numquam visus humanus sentire vel deprehendere potest, moventur tamen, et praeter caeli volubilitatem, qua semper trahuntur, suo quoque accessu tam sero promovent, ut nullus hominum vita tam longa sit quae observatione continua factam de loco permutationem, in quo eas primum viderat, depraehendat. [C] Mundani ergo anni finis est cum stellae¹ omnes omniaque sidera quae aplanes habet a certo loco ad eundem locum ita remeaverit, ut¹ nec una quidem caeli stella² in alio loco sit quam in quo fuit, cum omnes aliae eo loco motae sunt ad quem reversae anno suo finem dederunt, ita ut² lumina quoque eum erraticis quinque in isdem locis et partibus sint in quibus incipiente mundano anno fuerunt. Hoc autem ut physici volunt post annorum quindecim milia peracta contingit. Ergo sicut annus lunae menses¹ est et annus solis XII menses² et aliarum stellarum. [D] Hi sunt anni quos supra retulimos, ita mundanum annum quindecim milia annorum quales nunc conpotamus efficiunt. Ille ergo annus vertens vocandus est quem non solis id est unius astri reditu metimur, sed quem stellarum omniumque in quocumquae caelo sunt, ad eundem locum reditus sub eadem caeli totius discriptione concludit, unde ad mundanos dicitur quia mundus proprie caelum vocatur. Igitur sicut annum solis non solum a Kalendis Ianuariis usque ad easdem vocamus sedet a sequenti post Kalendas die usque ad eandem diem et a quocumque cuiuslibet mensis die usque in diem eundem reditus annus vocatur, ita huius mundani anni initium sibi quisque facit quodcumque decre-
Argumenta Paschalia 1 – 5
verit, ut ecce nunc Cicero a defectu solis qui sub Romoli1 fine contigit, mundani anni principium sibi ipse constituit. [E] Et licet iam saepissime postea defectus solis evenerit, non dicitur tamen mundanum annum repetita defectio solis implesse, sed tunc implebitur cum sol deficiens in isdem locis et partibus et ipse erit et omnes caeli stellas omniaque sidera rursus inveniet in quibus fuerant cum sub Romoli2 fine deficeret. [F] Igitur a discessu Romoli3 post annorum quindecim milia, sicut adserunt phisici, sol denuo ita deficiet ut in eodem signo eademque parte sit, ad idem principium in quo sub Romolo4 fuerant stellis quoque omnibus signisque vocatis. Peracti autem fuerant cum Scipio in Africa militaret a discessu Romoli5 anni quingenti septuaginta et tres. Anno enim ab urbe condita sexcentesimo septimo, hic Scipio deleta Cartagine triumphavit, ex quo numero annis remotis triginta duobus regni Romoli6 et duobus qui inter somnium et consummatum bellum fuerunt quingenti septuaginta tres a discessu Romoli7 ad somnium usque remanebunt. Ergo rationabiliter vereque signavit necdum mu[n]dani anni vicesimam partem esse conversam. Nam vicesime parti quot anni supersint a fine Romoli8 ad Africanam militiam Scipionis quos diximus annos fuisse quingentos septuaginta tres quisquis in digitos mittit in(ms p.344 – 346) veniet. [C] habet corr ex habent Sn. [D] astri corr ex astra/ Romoli1: Romol- hic et seq Sn. [F] mudani anni Sn. Compilatio DCCCXII (812 – 818) III 5, ed. Schriften 1189 – 1190 [Mb] ms Mb² = Madrid BN Lat. L.95 (Murbach ca. 814 – 820) f.33v – 34v: [LIBER TERTIUS, f.31v – 32 mg supra] ¶V. [A] sive: seu/ omni/ XXX: triginta annos. [B] deprehendat. [C] cum erraticis/ XII: duodecim. [D] retulimus/ computamus/ post ergo add vere/ quocumque/ descriptione/ ad mundanos: et mundanus/ eundem diem corr ex eundenden diem/ Romoli1: Romulhic et seq. [F] physici/ cathagine/ mundane/ vicesimae/ septuagesima tres: LXXIII. Pt3 = Paris BN N.a.lat.1615, f.128 – 183 (E Francia 812 – 820) f.166v – 167v, pace Schriften:
Argumenta Paschalia 1 – 5
DÉ . [A] usui/ omni/ quam/ mensis dicitur quia Greco nomine luna om/ per soli est/ annis: annus/ tempore om/ stellam/ XXX: triginta annos. [B] sidera: desidera/ qui/ celo/ nullius/ vitam. [C] certe/ remeaverint/ stella²: stellae/ ad quae reversae/ ut² om/ lumina corr ex lumine/ in hisdem locis/ mundano anno: mundano quando/ mensis¹/ annus solus/ XII: duodecim. [D] quales add sunt/ computamus/ ergo add verus/ annus: annorum/ non solus/ metimur: metus/ quocumque/ eandem/ ad mundanos: et mundanus/ mundus proprie caelum: musdus propriae caeli/ sedet: sed/ sequenti/ ad eundem diem/ anni initium: anunitium/ Romuli¹: Romul- hic et seq. [E] iam: etiam/ deffectio/ sed tunc/ in hisdem locis. [F] discessu: dissu/ ut: et/ Scipio: sepio/ Chartagine/ quingentis/ vicesimae/ Romuli corr ex Romoli8/ miliciam. Sk lac Vy² = Vat. Lat.645, f.12 – 92 (NE Francia ca.845) f.49 – 50v: V . TULLII/ SEN[CAE] PHYLIOSOPHORUM. [A] omne: omni/ a certo: arto/ eodem/ reditur/ Graeco/ XXX in eandem: triginta annos in eadem/ plenae. [B] de loco: delo/ deprehendat. [C] ante eo add ex/ loco om. [D] retulimus/ computamus/ propriae/ Ianuaris/ eundem/ diem om/ initium sibi quisque facit quodcumque decreverit, ut ecce nunc Cicero a defectu solis qui sub Romoli1 fine contigit, mundani anni om. [E] saepissimae. [F] physici/ Charthagine/ vicesimae. Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.47 – 48: [LIBER TERTIUS, f.47 mg supra]/TULLII. [A] non is: nonus/ emense/ omne: omni/ Grecae/ paene/ Martis: Matis/ annus/ Saturnus/ XXX: triginta corr ss ex ginta/ eadem/ circumitionem/ vertens corr/ plene/ efficitur corr/ largissimus. [B] nullius corr ex nullus/ viderit. [C] remeaverint/ alie/ ante eo loco add ex/ motaee corr/ cum/ phisici/XII: duodecim. [D] supr[c]a/ retulimus/ quindecimilia/ conputamus corr ex conputavim/ post Ille ergo add vere/ totius: tonus/
Argumenta Paschalia 1 – 5
descriptione/ Unde et mundanus/ propriae/ a sequenti: a om/ sequente/ reditus corr/ mundani anni¹: anni om/ deffectu/ hisdem/ sub Romuli¹ fine: Romul… hic et seq. [E] sepissimae/ hisdem/ sub Romoli² fine: Romulis/ deficeret corr/ [F] phisici/ autem: aut/ Africa: astrica/ quod/ ad Africana malitiam. Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 859) f.77 – 77 v: ¶ V . TULLII/ AUCTORITATE. [A] omni/ annis: annus/ stellae/ univers[ita]tis corr. [B] loco om/ remeaverint corr ss ex remeaverit/ eum: cum. [C] computamus. [D] post ergo add vere/ unus astri/ unde ad: unde et/ propriae/ Romuli1: Romuli… hic et seq. [E] sepissimae. [F] physici/ peractis/ Carthagine/ discensu/ vicesimae parti quod.
Argumenta Paschalia 1 – 5
4) DE ASCENSU AC DISCENSU SOLIS. [A] Ascensus solis dicitur augumentum lucis et discessus eius dicitur augumentum noctis ac tenebrarum. Hic autem ascensus ac discensus eo modo conficit, ut in XV diebus sive in ascensu id est in lucis augmento sive in discessu quod est lucis detrimento, hora una conpleatur, et in XXX diebus horae duae, in LX diebus id est in duobus mensibus horae IIII, et in tribus mensibus horae sex. [B] Sic fit, ut dies brumalis brevissima, quae fuit horarum sex, ascendente sole post tres menses exactos habeat horas XII, ac deinde post totidem menses habeat horas XVIII. Et contra dies solstitialis longissima, quae XVIII horarum, fuit discendente sole post tres menses habeat horas XII, itemque post menses totidem horas sex. In ascensu itaque solis ad augmentum diei cottidie adcrescunt ostenta IIII. Hora autem habet ostenta LX. Quindecies quattuor faciunt LX. Sic in quindecim diebus adcrescit una hora. Eadem ratio est in discessu solis, id est in det(ms p.346) rimento lucis obseruanda. [B] solstitialis corr ex solstialis Sn. Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) III 14, ed. Schriften 1196 – 1197 [Mb] ms Mb² = Madrid BN L.95 [cat.3307] (Murbach 814 – 820) f.39v: ¶ IIII / DESCENSU corr ex DISCENSU. [A] descensus corr ex discensus¹/ descensus corr ex discensus²/ conficitur/ in discensu/ compleatur/ IIIIor/ sex: VI. [B] Sic fit, ut dies brumalis brevissima, quae fuit horarum sex om/ Et econtra/ quae²: que/ sex: VI/ cotidie/ IIIIor/ discessu: discensu. Pt3 = Paris BN N.a.lat.1615, f.128 – 183 (E Francia 812 – 20) f.151v: [A] ac: atque/ descensus¹/ conficitur/ ante lucis add in/ compleatur/ LX: XL/ IIIIor . [B] Sic om/ exactes/ XVIII1: XVIIII/ Et e contra dies solestrialis/ descendente/ post: per/ cotidie/ IIIIor/ Hora autem habet ostenta LX. Quindecies quattuor om/ discensu/ in3 om. Sk lac Vy² = Vat. Lat.645, f.12 – 92 (NE Francia ca. 845) f.55v: XIIII . [A] discessus¹: discensus/ ac³: atque/ duae: et in XL/ conficitur/ in LX: in XL/ IIII: quattuor. [B] menses1 corr ex mens/ horas2: hora/ Et contra: Et
Argumenta Paschalia 1 – 5
econtra/ descendente/ cotidie/ ostensa IIIIor/ ostensa LX/ diebus corr ex dies/ discessu: discensu. Mt2 lac [pace Schriften] Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 859) f.80v: ¶ XIIII. . [A] discensus1/ augmentum/ ac²: atque/ in dicessu: in discensu2/ ante lucis add in/ compleatur. [B] Et econtra/ cotidie/ IIIIor/ in discensus solis.
Argumenta Paschalia 1 – 5
5) DE ACCENSIONE LUNAE. [A] Si quis nosse desiderat qua hora luna renovetur et quando hoc vel in die vel in nocte contingat, observet solis eclipsin et ab illa incipiens conputet dies integros. Idem XXIIII horas habentes numero XXVIII et horas XIIII et ostenta VIII et ubicumque haec lunatio completa fuerit sive in die sive in nocte ibi sequentis initio esse cognoscat. [B] Et ut exempli causa aliquid proferatur in medium, ponatur prima luna accensio post completam eclypsis inque forte meridiano diei tempore circa brumale solstitium quando dies incipiunt crescere contigit atque inde sicut iam dictum est XXVIIII dies, XIIII horae et VIIII ostenta conputentur. Et quia tam dies quam nox cottidiano incremento quattuor ostentis semper augetur. Eo autem tempore diei sunt incrementa sive ante sive post meridiem illa lunae renovatio facta fuerit. Cottidie duobus ostentis vel ab ortu vel ab occassu solis longius omnes aetatum mutationes peraguntur usque quo bis XV diebus exactis et duabus horis id est una ex principio altera ex fine noctis diurnae longitudini adiectis tricesimae aetatis principium una hora propinquius diei conficitur quam prima fuisset accensio. [C] Et e contra si circa solstitium est estivale simili modo lunae accensio sive ante sive post meridiem facta fuerit omnes aetatum eius mutationes propter cottidianum noctis incrementum duobus ostentis solis ortui vel occasui viciniorem efficiuntur. Quod die dictum eadem ratione in nocte perficitur sive ante sive post me[ri]diam noctem luna fuerit renovata. Quae vero vel media die vel media nocte fuerit accensa eodem loco omnes aetatum suarum mutationes observat. Et incrementa diei vel noctis nisi tota lunatione peracta non sentit et XX quidem ac novem dierum talis est ratio. [D] Tricesima autem quae non amplius quam XIIII horarum et novem ostentorum spatio continetur. Non simile ceteris terminum habet. Licet eodem quo aliae lunae aetates loco incipiat. Ut exempli gratia [fit] circa vernalis aequinoctii tempus quando dies XII et nox aequam XII horas habere noscuntur. Media die renovatio lunae contingat eodem in loco id est media die omnes aetates eius et fines et initia sortiuntur. Sed tricesima similiter ut caeterae media die incipiens transactus ipsius septem et totidem noctis horis in octavae horae primo puncto terminatur. At in autumnali aequinoctio quando nox crescit in decimae (ms p.346 – 347) horae noctis primo puncto finem accipit. [B] cottidiano, cottidie: cott… hic et seq Sn. Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818): Appendix IIII 33a, ed. Schriften 1240 – 1242 [Mb]
Argumenta Paschalia 1 – 5
ms Mb² = Madrid BN L.95 (Murbach 814 – 820) f.52 – 52v: [A] numero XXVIIII/ ostenta VIIII/ initium. [B] prima lunae/ eclipsis inque: eclypsin² quae/ post dies2 add et/ cotidiano/ Eo autem tempore: Et eo tempore/ cotidie/ conficitur: efficitur/ primae. [C] Et e contra/ solstitium: solis stium/ est om/ aestivale/ cotidianum/ viciniores/ post Quod add de/ me[ri]diam: mediam/ ante loco add in. [D] similem caeteris/ fit: si/ aequae/ post ipsius add diei/ totidem corr ex toetidem. Pt3 = Paris BN N.a.lat.1615, f.128 – 183 (E Francia 812 – 820) f.178v – 179: [A] ab: et/ Idem: Id est/ numero XXVIIII/ ostenta VIIII/ conpleta/ ibi corr ex ubi/ initium. [B] lunaeascensio/ eclipsim quae/ meriano die/ solsticium/ ante XIIII horae add et/ cotidiano/ augetur corr ex augentur/ Eo autem: Et eodem/ Cotidie/ propinguus/ efficitur/ primae. [C] solstitium: solis stitium/ est om/ aestivale/ cotidianum/ viciniores/ post dictum add est/ mediam noctem/ lunam. [D] ante spatium add et/ similem caeteris/ si circa/ aequae/ initia corr ex ininitia/ ceterae/ transactis/ post ipsius add diei [pace Schriften]. Sk lac Vy² lac Mt2 lac Vp = V at. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis A.D.858 – 859) f.89v – 90: ASCENSIONE. [A] numero XXVIIII/ horas XIII et ostenta VIIII/ initium. [B] lunae/ eclypsis inque: eclypsin quae/ est add ss/ cotidiano/ Eo autem: etco/ cotidie/ efficitur/ primae. [C] solstitium corr ex solis stitium/ est om/ aestivale/ ante¹: antea/ facta om/ cotidianum/ viciniores/ ante die add de/ ante²: antea/ mediam noctem/ ante loco add in. [D] quae corr ex quea/ [s]patio corr/ similem/ fit circa: sicirca/ nos aeque XII/ ceterae/ transactis/ terminetur.
APPENDIX D Argumenta Paschalia 6 – 30
Argumenta Paschalia 6 – 30
Item St. Gallen 878, p.277 – 300 (A.D.833 – 834) 6) ADBREVIATIO CHRONICAE [A] Adam cum esset C XXX annorum genuit¹ Seth. Seth autem habens annos ·C V· genuit Enos¹. Enos² vivente Adam, & habente¹ annos ·CC XXXV· ·) [E]nos quippe habens annos ·XC·, genuit Cainan vivente Adam, & habente annos CCCXXV. [B] Cainan vero habens annos LXX· genuit¹ Malalehel vivente Adam & habente² annos ·CCC XCV· Malalehel habens annos LXV· genuit² Iareth, vivente Adam, & habente³ annos ·CCCC LX· Iareth autem habens annos ·C LXII· genui[t]³ Enoch, vivente Adam & habente annos DC XXII· Enoch vero habens annos LXV· genuit Matusalam vivente Adam & habente annos ·DC LXXXVII· [C] Et Mathusalam habens annos ·C LXXXVII· genuit Lamech vivente Adam, & habente annos DCCC LXIIII. Lamech enim habens annos ·C LXXII· genuit Noe. Noe habens annos ·D· genuit Sem. Sem autem habens annos ·C· diluvium factum est. [D] & hic perfitur numerus annorum millesimus sex centisimus quinquagesimus sextus. AETAS SECUNDA [A] Anno secundo post diluvium, Sem annorum centum duorum genuit Arfaxath. Arfaxath vero habens annos XXXV·¹ genuit Sale. Sale autem habens annos XXXV·² genuit Heber. Heber habens annos XXXIIII· genuit Falech. Falech² habens annos ·XXX· genuit Reu. [B] Reu habens annos ·XXXII· genuit Seruch. Seruch habens annos ·XXX· genuit Nachor¹. Nachor habens annos ·XXVIIII· genuit Thara. Thara habens annos LXX· genuit Abraham. [C] Hic finitur numerus secundae aetatis annos habens ·CC XCII. Et fiunt simul anni duarum aetatum ·I·milia DCCCC XLVIII. AETAS TERTIA [A] Abraham cum centum esset annorum genuit Isaac. Isaac autem habens annos LX, genuit Iacob. Iacob habens annos ·XC· genuit Ioseph, qui vixit annos C X. Fueruntque ab eo usque ad egressionem filiorum Israhel ex Egypto per Moysen ducem anni C XLV. Et ab egressione Israhelis usque ad Iosue, annis XL.
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[B] Ab Iosue ergo usque ad Othonihelem sunt anni XXVI. Et ab Othonihele, usque ad Aoth, anni XL. Ab Aoth vero, usque ad Debbora fiunt anni LXXX. Ab Debbora autem usque ad Gedeonem, fiunt anni ·XL· Et a Gedeone usque ad Abimelech anni ·XL· Ab Abimelech enim usque Thola, fiunt anni ·III. A Thola quippe, usque Iair, anni sunt .XXIII. [C] A Iair vero usque Ieptho¹, sunt anni XXII. Et de Ieptho² usque ad Ebessan, fiunt, anni ·VII. De Ebessa autem usque ad Achialonem sunt anni ·VII. Ab Achialone usque ad Labdonem, fiunt anni ·X. A Labdone vero usque Samsonem, fiunt³ anni ·VIII. Et a Samsone usque Heli, anni ·XX. Ab Heli enim, usque ad Samuhelem sunt anni XL. Et a Samuhele, usque ad Saulem, fiunt anni ·XII. A Saule ergo usque ad David, sunt anni ·XX. [D] Hic perficitur numerus tertiae aetatis annorum .DCCCCrum XLII·rum. Et fiunt simul anni trium aetatum ·II·milia DCCC XC. AETAS QUARTA [A] A David usque ad Salomonem sunt anni XL. A Salomone autem usque ad Roboam computantur anni XL. Et a Roboam usque ad Abiam, sunt anni ·XXII. Ab Abia, usque ad Asa, fiunt anni ·III. Et ab Asa, usque ad Iosaphat anni ·XLI. A Iosaphat autem usque ad Ioram sunt anni XXV. De Ioram usque ad Azariam fiunt anni ·VIII. Et ab Azaria usque ad […]haliam fit annorum unus. [B] Ab Athalia enim usque ad Ioam sunt anni ·VI. A Ioa vero usque ad Amasiam sunt anni ·XL. Et ab Amasia, usque ad Oziam, sunt anni XXVIIII. Ab Ozia enim usque ad Ioatham fiunt anni ·LII. De Ioatham autem, usque ad Achaz sunt anni XVI. Et ab Achaz, usque ad Ezechiam, sunt anni ·XVI. Ab Ezechia ergo, usque ad Manassen, sunt anni ·XXVIIII. [C] A Manasse vero, usque ad Amon, sunt anni¹ ·LV. Ab Amon, usque ad Iosiam, fiunt anni duo. Et de Iosia, usque ad Ioachim, sunt² anni ·XXVI. A Ioachim, usque ad Sedechiam, sunt anni ·XI. De Sedechia ad Nabuchodonosor anni ·XI. [D] Hic finitur numerus quartae aetatis continens annos CCCC LXXIII, Et anni IIIIor. […]tatum fiunt simul III·milia CCC LXIII. AETAS QUINTA [A] Sunt anni quintae aetatis usque ad Cyrum ·XXX. A Cyro, usque ad Cambisem, sunt anni ·XXX. A Cambise usque ad Darium, anni ·VIIII. A Dario usque Xerxen anni XXXVI. A Xerxe, usque ad Artaxerxen, sunt anni ·XXI. Et de Artarxerxe, usque ad Darium, sunt anni XL.
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A Dario, usque ad item Artarxerxen, fiunt¹ anni XVIIII. Ab Artarxerxe autem usque item² Artarxerxe, fiunt, anni ·XL. Et ab Artarxerxe, usque Arsen, anni ·XXVI. Ab Arse vero usque ad Darium, fiunt anni ·IIII. A Dario autem usque ad Alexandrum, sunt anni ·VI. [B] Ab Alexandro enim usque ad Ptolomeum, sunt anni ·V. Et de Ptolomeo usque ad Philadelphum, fiunt anni ·XL. A Philadelpho, usque ad Euergetem, anni .XXXVIII. Ab Euergete autem usque ad Philophatorem, fiunt2 anni ·XXVI. A Philophatore enim, usque ad Epyphanen, sunt anni XVII. Et de Epyphane, usque ad Phylometorem, anni XXIIII. A Phylometore quidem, usque item ad Euergetem, anni XXXV. Et ab Euergete, usque ad Soterem, sunt anni ·XXVIIII. A Sotere, usque ad Alexandrum, anni XVII. [C] Ab Alexandro enim usque ad Ptholomeum, fiunt anni ·X. A Ptolomeo usque ad Dyonisum, anni VIII. A Dyonisio vero usque ad Cleopatram, sunt anni ·XXX. Et a Cleopatra usque ad Iulium Caesarem, anni duo. A Iulio usque ad Octavianum Augustum, sunt anni ·V. Et ab Octaviano Augusto, usque ad Christum, fiunt anni ·XLII. [D] Hic finitur quinta aetatas, annos habens ·D LXXX. Et fiunt simul anni quinque aetatum ·III·milia DCCCCLII. AETAS SEXTA [A] A nativitate domini nostri Iesu Christi, usque ad Tiberium numerantur anni ·XIIII. A Tiberio vero, usque ad passionem Christi, fiunt¹ anni XVIII. Et a Christi passione usque ad Gaium, fiunt anni ·V. A Gaio, usque ad Claudium, anni IIII. Et a Claudio, usque ad Neronem, fiunt³ anni XIIII. A Nerone vero, usque ad Vespasianum sunt anni XIIII. Et de Vespasiano, usque ad Titum, anni VIIII. A Tito vero, usque ad Domitianum, anni duo. Et a Domitiano, usque ad Nervam, anni XVI. A Nerva usque ad Traianum, fit annus unus. A Traiano quidem usque ad Adrianum, anni XIIII. [B] Ab Adriano usque ad Antoninum, fiunt anni XXI. Et ab Antonino, usque ad item Antoninum, anni XXIII. Ab Antonino autem usque ad Commodum, fiunt anni XVIIII. A Commodo enim, usque ad Heluium Pertinacem, anni XIII. Et de Heluio usque ad Severum, fit annus unum. A Severo, usque ad Antoninum Caracalla, sunt anni XVIII. Ab Antonino Caracalla, usque ad Macrinum anni ·VII. A Macrino vero, usque ad Aurelium, fit annus unus. Et de Aurelio, usque ad Alexandrum anni ·IIII. [C] Ab Alexandro, usque Maximinum, fiunt anni ·XIII. A Maximino quoque usque ad Gordianum, anni ·III. A Gordiano ad Philip-
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pum, anni VI. Et a Philippo usque ad Decium, anni ·VII. A Decio ad Valerianum, anni ·III. A Valeriano usque ad Claudium, anni ·XV. A Claudio enim usque ad Aurelianum, anni duo. Ab Aureliano, usque ad Probum, fiunt anni ·XI. A Probo ad Carum, anni ·V. Et a Caro usque ad Diocletianum, anni ·II. [D] A Diocletiano vero usque ad Constantium¹, anni fiunt ·XX. De Constantino usque ad Constantium², anni XXI. A Constantio usque ad Iulianum, anni XXIIII. Et a Iuliano, usque ad Iovianum, anni duo. A Ioviano ergo usque ad Valentinianum, fit annus .I. De Valentiniano, usque ad Theodosium, anni ·IIII. [E] A Theodosio¹ vero, usque ad Archadium, anni ·XVII. Ab Archadio, usque ad Honorium, anni ·XIII. Ab Honorio, usque ad Theodosium, anni XV. A Theodosio² usque ad Marcianum anni XXVI. Et a Marciano, usque ad Leonem, anni VI. A Leone vero, usque ad item Leonem, anni XVII. Item a Leone, usque ad Zenonem, fit annus ·I. Et de Zenone, usque ad Anastasium, fiunt anni XVI. Ab Anastasio vero, usque ad Iustinum, sunt anni XXVII. Et a Iustino usque ad Iustinianum, anni ·VIIII. [F] Item a Iustiniano usque ad Iustinum, sunt anni XXXVIIII. Item a Iustino, usque ad Tiberium, anni XIII. A Tiberio, usque ad Mauricium, fiunt anni ·IIII. A Mauricio, usque ad Focam, sunt anni ·XX. A Foca, usque ad Heraclium, anni ·VIII. Ab Heraclio, usque ad Constantinum, sunt anni ·XXX. A Constantino patre usque ad Constantinum filium, fit annus ·I. Item a Constantino usque ad Constantinum, fiunt anni ·XXVII. A Constantino, usque Iustinianum, anni XVII. A Iustiniano usque ad Pippinum Seniorem fiunt anni ·II. [G] A Pippino Seniore, usque ad Carolum¹, anni XXVII. A Carlo usque ad Pippinum & Carlomannum, anni XXVII. Item a Pippino & Carlomanno, usque dum Pippinus rex constitutus est, fiunt anni ·X. A Pippino vero, usque ad Carlum² & Carlomannum anni ·XVII. Et a Carlo & Carlomanno usque ad Carlum³, fiunt anni IIII. [H] Et inde domnus Carolus solus regnum suscepit. Et deo protegente gubernat usque in praesentem annum feliciter, qui est annus regni eius XLII, Emperii autem .VIIII. [K] Sunt autem totius summae ab origine mundi anni usque in (p.278 – 283) praesentem annum IIII·milia DCC LXI (4761). [A] ·) ./ nos quippe habens annos XC, genuit Cainan vivente Adam, & habente annos CCCXXV. Sn mg supra [B] genuit³ corr ex genuipro/ Mathusalam corr ex Matusalam Sn
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AETAS QUARTA [A] usque ad […]haliam eras Sn [D] […]tatum Sn AETAS QUINTA [B] usque ad Epyphanen corr ex usque ad Ephyphanen Sn AETAS SEXTA [G] A Carlo stet Sn ms Mb² lac aris BN N.a.lat.1615, f.128 – 182 (E Francia 812 – 820) Pt3 = P f.171 – 172v post CHRONICAE add UBI MITTENDA SIT. [A] C XXX: centum triginta/ Seth²: Sed/ habens: habet/ ·C V· genuit Enos.: Enos quippe habens annos XC genuit Cainan vivente Adam & habente annos CCCXXV. tr. [B] habente² : habet/ habente: habent/ DC XXII[..]I: DC XXII/ Mathusala. [C] Matusala/ & om. [D] perficitur/ centesimus. AETAS SECUNDA. [A] XXXV¹: XXV/ XXXV²: XXX/ Falech²: Falec. [B] Nachor¹: Nahor/Nachor²: Nahor. AETAS TERTIA. [A] esset centum tr/ Aegypto/ egressione corr ex egressionem/ ad Iosuae. [B] Ab Iosuae corr/ ad Othonidem/ ab Othonide/ ad Ahoth corr ex ad Dotha mg/ ab Oth/ ad hebora/ ab Debbora: ad ebora/ Ab Abimelech: Abamilech/ usque ad Thola/ [usque ss] ad Iair/ XXIII: XXXIII. [C] Ieptho¹: Iepthe/ Ieptho2 Iepthe/ [A]bessan/VII: VI/ De Abessa/ Achilonem/ Ab Aquilone corr ex Aquiilone/ fiunt corr ex sunt/ usque ad Heli/ A Saule: A Sole. [D] DCCCC XL/ anni simul tr. AETAS QUARTA. [A] A David: Ad David/ A Salomone: Ad Salomonem/ A Iosaphat: Ad Iosaphat/ ad Athaliam. [B] autem: asitem/ ad Achaz: ad Achiaz/ Ab Ezechia ergo: et ab Ezechia/ ad Manasen.
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[C] anni¹ om/ de Iosiam/ XXVI: XXXI/ De Sedechiam/ usque ad: usque add. [D] quarta/ annus. AETAS QUINTA om [A] quinta/ A Cambisen/ post Xerxen add sunt/ ad Artarxerxen/ De om/ Ab Artarxerxen/ usque ad Arsen. [B] ad Ptolomeum: ad Tholomeum/ de Tholomeo/ ad Philadelfum/ a Philadelfo/ Ab Euerge autem/ usque ad Philophatorem, fiunt anni ·XXVI. A Philophatore enim om/ ad Phylometorem: ad Phylomanem/ Et auergete/ A Sotere: Ad Sotere. [C] enim om/ ad Ptholemeum. [D] quinta aetatas: quanta aetas. usque ad Philadelphum, fiunt anni ·XL. [post quem om] AETAS SEXTA om. [A] Et a Claudio: Et adClaudium/ ad Vespasanum/ A Tito om/ usque ad Nervam: ad om/ anni XVI: anni XXVII/ ad Traianium corr ex ad Trianum/ ad Atrianum. [B] A Atriano/ ad Antonium/ Ab Antonio/ item Antonium/ Ab Antonio/ ad Comodum/ A Comodo/ ad Heluidium corr ex ad Helfuuum/ de Heluidio corr ex de Heluio/ ad Antonium/ ab Antonio. [C] [uo: vero]/ ad Valerianum corr ex a Valerianum/ Claudio: Glaudio/ ·XI·: VI./ A Probo corr ex Ad Probo/ ad Diocletianum corr ex adhodiocletianum. [D] a diacliano/ ad Constantinum/ De Constantino/ A Iuviano/ ad Valentianum, fit annus unus/ De Valentiano, usque ad Valentem anni XI. Et de Valente ad Theudosium. [E] Ab Honorio corr ex Ab Honorium/ a Theodosium/ usque ss/ Item a Leone: a ss/ ·VIIII: novem. [F] XIII: XVI/ A Tiberium/ ·XXVII: XVII. [G] Item: &/ Pipinus/ rex om/ A Pipino. [= I 5 A] [H] Et deo/ qui est om/ imperii. [= I 5 B] [K] ad presentem annum. [= I 5 C] Sk = St. Gallen 397, p.53 – 148 (Grimalt ante 830) p.141 – 144 ADBREVIATIO CHRONICAE om. [A] Enos² om. [B] genuit Enoch/ DC XXII[..]I: DC XXII/ Mathusalam.
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AETAS SECUNDA [A] centum: X. [C] ·I·milia DCCCC XLVIII: mille nongenti quadriginta octo. AETAS TERTIA [A] centum: C. [B] A Iosue/ ab Othonihelem/ ad Achimelech corr ex Ahimelch/ Ab Achimelech. [C] Ieptho¹: Iepthe/ De Iepthe/ ad Abessan/ De Abessa. [D] XLrum II. AETAS QUARTA [A] ad Iosaphath/ ad Athaliam/ annorum. [C] sunt²: fiunt. [D] IIIIor atatum. AETAS QUINTA [A] A Cambisen/ ad item Artarxerxen [ait: i ss]/ usque ad item²/ IIIIor. [B] ad Ptholomeum/ de Ptholomeo/ ad Epyphanen. [C] enim: vero/ A Dyonisio: Ad Dyonisio. [D] quinta aetas. AETAS SEXTA [A] fiunt¹: sunt. [C] Ab Alexandro corr ex Ab Alexandrum/ anni ·XI·: anni ·VI·/ ad Diocletianum corr ex ad Diocletionum. [D] ad Constantinum¹/ ergo om/ De Valentiniano: add usque ad Valentinem anni ·X. Et de Valente. [E] ad Martianum/ a Martiano/ fit om. [F] ad Eraclium/ ad Constantium filium/ usque ad Iustinianum. [G] ad Carlum/ A Carlo/ ad Karlum & Karlomannum/ ad Karlum. [= I 5 A] [H] domnus Karolus solus/ Et deo/ Imperii. [= I 5 B] [K] summe. [= I 5 C] Vy² lac Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.32 – 33v: [VII.]
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CHRONICAE: UBI MITTENDA SIT add. [A] C XXX: centum triginta/ Enos² om. [B] genuit Enoch/ DC XXII. [D] perficitur. AETAS SECUNDA [A] Nachor¹ om/ ·XXVIIII·: ·XXVIII· . [C] secunde. AETAS TERTIA [A] anni ·XC·/ Et ab egresione. [B] Ab Iosue: Ad Iosue/ ad Adthonielem/ ab Atonihel/ ad Ebora/ ·⫽· Ab Debbora autem usque ad Gedeonem, fiunt anni .XL. add mg infra/ ·III·: tres. [C] Ieptho¹: gepthe/ de Ieptho²: de gepthe / ad Abessan/ fiuntI anni ·VI·/ De Abessa/ usque Samsonem, fiunt³: usque ad Samsonem, sunt/ Ab Eli. AETAS QUARTA [A] ·III·: tres/ Et ababAsa/ De Ioram corr ex De Ionem/ Et om/ ab Azariam/ ad Athaliam fit annorum. [B] ad Ionam sunt anni ·VII·/ ad Manasen. [C] ·XXVI·: ·XXXI·/ A Ioachim: Ad Ioachim/ ad Nabogodonosor. [D] quarte/ aetatum. AETAS QUINTA [A] quinte/ A Cambisem/ ad Artarxerxen/ fiunt¹ om/ Ab Artarxerxe corr ex Ab Artanxerxe/ item² Artarxerxe: ad item Artarxerxen/ ·IIII·: IIIIor. [B] ad Ptholomeum/ Et de Ptholomeo/ A Phyladelpho/ fiunt2: sunt/ A Phylophatore/ enim: autem/ ad Ephyphanen/ Et de Ephyphane/ ad item tr/ ad Soterum/ XXVIII. [C] enim: vero/ ad Pholomeum/ [anni decem]/ A Pholomeo/ ad Dionisium. AETAS SEXTA [A] fiunt¹: sunt/ fiunt³: sunt/ ad Vespassanum/ a Vespassano/ duo: ·II·/ Et a Domiciano/ ad Traianum: ad Trinum/ a Triano corr ex a Trino.
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[B] Ab Adriano: Ad Adriano/ A Comodo. [C] usque Maximinum: usque ad Maximinum/ ad Philippum: usque ad Philippum/ ·XI·: ·VI·/ ad Dioclecianum/ ·II·: duo. [D] A Diocleciano/ ad Constantium¹: ad Constantinum/ ad Constancium²/ ·I·: unus/ De Valentiniano: usque ad Valentem anni XI. Et de Valente add. [E] A Teodosio¹/ ad Teodosium/ A Theodosio²/ ad Martianum/ Et a Martiano. [F] a Iustino: a Iustiniano/ ad Eraclium/ ·VIII·: VII/ Ab Eraclio/ ·I·: unus/ usque Iustinianum: usque ad Iustinianum. [G] ad Carlum¹/ A Carlo/ Item: Et/ ad Carlum². [= I 5 A] [H] Carolus/ gubernet/ Imperii. [= I 5 B] [K] IIII·milia DCC LXI: IIII·milia DCCC XX. [= I 5 C] Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) f.59 – 60v: [V] CHRONICAE: UBI MITTENDA SIT add. [A] C XXX: centum triginta/ genuit¹: genuith. [B] LXX·: LXV·/ ·CCCC LX·: ·CCC LX·/ genuit Enoch/ ·DC XXII·/ Mathusalam¹/ Matusalam corr ex Mathusalam². [D] perficitur. AETAS SECUNDA [A] XXXV¹: XXV/ XXXV·²: XXX· . AETAS TERTIA [B] ad Ebbora/ ad Gedronem. [C] ad Ieptho¹: ad Iepthe/ de Ieptho²: de Iepthe/ ad Abessan/ ·VII·: VI·/ a Abessan/ ad Lapdonem/ A Lapdone/ fiunt³: sunt/ ·XII·: [XX· corr ex XI·]. AETAS QUARTA [A] A Abia corr ex Ad Abia/ ad athaliam/ annorum. [B] ad Mannassen. [C] ·XXVI·: ·XXXVI· . [D] aetatum/ CCCC LXXIII: CCCC LXXII·/ III·mille CCC LXII· corr ex III·mille CCC LXIII· .
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AETAS QUINTA [A] A Cambisen/ Et de Artarixerxe/ fiunt¹ om. [B] ad Ptholomeum/ de tPtholomeo/ ad Philadelphum: ad om/ ·XXVI·: viginti sex/ A Filophatore/ ad Epiphanen/ fiunt anni decem et VII/ de Epiphane/ ad Philometorem/ XVII·: decem et septem· . [C] enim: vero/ ·X·: decem/ A Ptholomeo/ VIII·: octo/ A Dionisio. [D] etas/ etatum. AETAS SEXTA [A] fiunt¹/ IIII·: quattuor/ ad Vespassianum/ a Vespassiano. [B] ·VII·: XVI· . [C] usque Maximum/ a Maximo/ ·XI·: VI· . [D] ad Constantium¹: ad Constantinum/ ·I·: unus/ De Valentiniano: usque ad Valentem anni XI. Et de Valente add. [E] A Theodosio: A Theodio/ Et a Martiano/ ·I·: unus. [F] ·I·: unus/ usque ad Iustinianum. [G] A Carolo/ ad Carolum/ Et a Carlo/ ad Carlum. [= I 5 A] [H] deo/ in praesente: ad add ss/ Imperii. [= I 5 B] [K] om. [N.B. As Series Annorum Mundi Nova, version α, ed. Schriften 971 – 1008, the text of Adbreviatio Chronicae is combined with two other versions; version β is section I 5 of the Compilatio DCCC XII, cit. Schriften 1108 – 1110; version γ is section I 1 of the Compilatio DCCC VIIII, cited Schriften 1388 with incipits and explicits only. This practice has obscured the several texts, so that we cannot use any of these Schriften versions for our edition of Item 6.]
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7) N [C] Ab Adam usque ad nativitatem Christi computantur anni III·milia DCCCC LII, O inde usque ad passionem eius anni XXXIII et dimidius. Si in primo anno quo Adam S factus est posueris terminum paschae in XII Kal. Aprilis et VII concurrentes¹ erit, T ipsa dies IIII feria in qua sidera condita esse creduntur, et plenilunium atque aequinoctium. R A Quodsi cum tali termino talique concurrente cyclum inchoaveris et usque ad Christi T nativitatem vel passionem supputando praedictum annorum numerum perduxeris, E erit anno nativitatis dominicae terminus Paschae Kal. Aprilis et concurrentes² IIII, S annoque passionis terminus XVII Kal. Maias et concurrentes³ IIII. H I E [D] Si vero ab Adam usque ad nativitatem domini V milia CXC VIIII annos habere R volueris et supputationem eorundem annorum secundum praedictum rationem O per concurrentes et terminos compleveris habebis anno nativitatis domini N terminum Paschae XIIII Kal. Maias et concurrentes² ·I· . I Anno vero passionis terminum IIII Nones Aprilis et concurrentes³ ·II· . M U S G R [E] Si autem ab Adam usque ad Christum annos V milia D pronuntiat veris eosque secundum ipsam regulam computaveris, eveniet tibi anno dominicae E nativitatis terminus Paschae XI Kal. Aprilis et concur[rentes]¹ ·VII·, annoque C passionis terminus Nonas Aprilis et concurrentes² ·VII· . (ms p.284) I
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[Titulus om Sn; sections A, B om Sn.] concur.: concurrentes Sn Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) I 7 C, D, E, ed. Schriften 1122 – 1123 [Mt] ms Mb² lac [cf. sections A, B f.22 – 21v]. Pt3 = Paris BN N.a.lat.1615, f.128 – 183 (E Francia 812 – 820) f.173 – 173v: Tit. om. [A, B om.] [C] et [dimidias] corr/ [paschae..] corr/ IIIIor/ in[qua] corr/ esse condita tr corr/ Paschae om/ Aprilis1 om/ Aprilis2 om. [D] pronuntiaveris/ XIIII. [E] annus. Sk lac Vy² = Vat. Lat.645, f.12 – 92 (NE Francia ca. 845) f.37 – 38 Tit. NOSTRATES (f.37); HIERONIMUS (f.37v – 38); GRECI (f.38). [C] conput[antur]/ conc[urrentes]¹ ² ³/ quod corr ex quo. [D] concur[rentes]¹ ² [E] pronuntiaveris/ conputaveris/ conc[urrentes]¹ ². Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.36v – 37: Tit. om. [A, B add post E]. VIII . [C] Christi¹: domini/ quarta/ VII: septem. incoaveris/ Christum/ subputando/ annoquae. [D] praedictam/ rationem corr ex orationem/ conpleveris/ Mai/ concurrentes ·I·/ conputaveris. [E] pronunciat veris/ concurrentes VII/ ante annoque add ·I· . Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) f.63v – 64v: Tit. om. [C, D, E add circum A, B]. ¶ VII . [C] IIII¹: quarta/ IIII²: quattuor/ IIII³: quattuor. [D] pronuntiaveris/ V milia CXC VIIII: VIIII om/ praedictam.
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8) RATIO QUOMODO FERIA QUA DOMINUS PASSUS EST INVENITUR [A] Prima dies saeculi creditur fuisse dominica septima sabbatum sicut scriptura divina testatur. His septem diebus in sese redeuntibus totus transactorum temporum cursus et ordo peractus est, reliquusque peragitur. Si quis secundum hanc rationem, ab initio mundi inchoans, primam feriam, id est diem dominicam, in capite posuerit omnesque annos quinquaginta duarum ebdomadarum, id est CCC LXIIII dierum fecerit. Sicque ad III milia DCCCC LXXXIII, id est a mundi exordio usque septimum decimum Tiberii Caesaris annum computando perduxerit, inveniet dominum nostrum Iesum Christum VIII Kalendas Aprilis, feria VI secundum historiam evangelii crucifixum, quod sic inveniendum est. [B] Ponatur ad initium primi anni qui fuit in primordio mundi XV Kal. Aprilis pro feria prima. Ipseque annus CCC LXIIII dierum, id est quinquaginta duarum ebdomadarum computetur. Erit ultima dies eius XVII Kal. Aprilis et prima sequentis XVI Kal. Aprilis. Qui item cum fuerit evolutus in Idus Martias terminabitur. Habebitque tertius initium in XVII Kal. Aprilis. Qui cum in Pridie Idus finem sortitus fuerit, dabit quarto principium in Idus Martias finemque in III Idus Martias. Sic fit ut primus secula annus in XV Kal. Aprilis sumat exordium, secundus in XVI Kal. Aprilis, tertius in XVII Kal. Aprilis, quartus in Idus Martias, quintus in Pridie Idus, sextus in III Idus, et hoc ordine sursum versus in Februarium et Ianuarium, Decembrem et Octimbrem ceterosque menses usque ad Martium, singulos dies singulis annorum principus assignans. Post CCC LXV annos in XV Kal. Aprilis trecentesimi sexagesimi sexti anni primum diem in prima feria absque ulla ambiguitate repperies. [C] Cum hoc ita esse constiterit, considerato diligenter annorum numero secundum Hebraeicam Veritatem ab Adam usque in XVIImum Tiberii Caesaris annum partitoque in CCC LXV, invenies nifallor annos III [milia] DCCCC LXXXIII et in his decies CCC LXV, insuper et CCC XXXIII. Undecies ergo evenit, ut in XV Kal. Aprilis anni contingat initium. Et hoc in prima feria supputatis de hinc a XV Kal. Aprilis sursum versus CCC XXXIII diebus, notatoque ipsius trecentisimi trecesimi tertii diei loco, videbis hoc in XII Kal. Maias incidisse ipsumque esse III [millesimi] DCCCCmi LXXXmi tertii anni primum diem primamque feriam. [D] Quod si his duos annos qui de bissextili cremento per totam praedictorum annorum seriem colliguntur adieceris, erunt anni ab initio mundi usque in XVIImum Tiberii Caesaris annum III [milia] DCCCC LXXXV. Initiumque III [millesimi] DCCCCmi LXXXmi quinti anni XIIII Kal. Maias et finis XVI Kal. eiusdem mensis, eodemque anno in
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VIII Kal. Aprilis, feria VI, qua Christum crucifixum sancti evangelii (ms p.284 – 285) sacra testatur hystoria. [C] tricesimi corr ex trecesimi Sn. Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) I 8, ed. Schriften 1124 – 1127 [not Mb] ms Mb² lac Pt3 = Paris BN N.a.lat.1615, f.128 – 183 (E Francia 812 – 820) f.174: FERIA: FINA/ INVENITUR: INVENTUS. [A] peragetur/ ebdomarum/ dierum fecerit. Sicque ad III milia DCCCC LXXXIII om/ istorium. [B] mundi om/ annus¹: annum/ id est quinquaginta duarum ebdomadarum computetur om/ saeculi/ ordinem/ Febroarium/ singulos annorum/ assignans: signans/ absque: ab/ reperies. [C] constiterit corr ex constituerit/ considerate/ ante Hebraicam: in del/ Hebraicam/ partitumque/ III [milia] DCCCC LXXXIII/ post de hinc add et/ trecesimi/ in XI Kal. Maias. [D] colligunt/ Tyberii/ quinti: III/ XVI: sexto decimo. Sk lac Vy² = Vat. Lat.645, f.12 – 92 (NE Francia ca.845) f.38 – 38v: VIII· . [A] peragetur/ Tiberi/ conputando. [B] sexagesimi om/ secula: saeculi/ principiis. [C] Hebraicam/ CCCLV¹ corr/ nifallor: nisi fallor/ III milia DCCC LXXXIII/ post evenit om ut/ inicium/ trecentesimi dupl/ trecesimi om. [D] bisextili/ predictorum/ quinti: VI/ historia. Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.37v – 38: [LIBER PRIMA, f.37v – 38 mg ss] X. [A] sesse corr/ peragetur/ quinquiginta/ LXXXIII: LXXIII/ ad om/ Tyberii/ VI: sexta/ saecundum. [B] inicium1/ conputetur/ inicium2/ fuerit om/ III1: tercio/ primus seculi/ Marcium/ adsignans/sexagemi. [C] considerato: considentio/ Hebraicam/ Tyberii/ inicium/ iniciumque/ quinti: III/ trecesimi om/ tercii. [D] bisextili corr/ incio/ Tyberii/ iniciumque/ historia. Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) f.64v – 65:
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¶ VIII . [B] CCC LXIIII corr ex CCCC LXIIII/ saeculi/ principis. [C] Hebraicam/ ut om. [D] bissextuli/ quinti: IIItii/ [XIIII Kal. Mai] corr/ historia.
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9) DE EBDOMADIBUS LXX PROPHETICIS [A] Septima species ebdomadis est qua propheta Danihel utitur, more quidem legis septenis annis singulas complectens ebdomadas, sed nova ratione ipsos annos adbrevians, duodenis videlicet mensibus lunae singulos determinans. Embolismos vero menses, qui de annuis undecim epactarum diebus adcrescere solent, non lege patria tertio vel altero anno singulos adieciens, sed ubi ad duodecimum numerum augescendo pervenerint pro integro anno pariter inserens. Hoc autem fecit non veritatis cognitionem quaerentibus invidendo sed prophetiae more ipsum quarentium exercendo ingenium, malens utique suas margaritas a filiis clausas fructuoso sudore vestigari quam profusas a porcis fastidiosa dispectione calcare. Verum, ut haec apertius elucescant, ipsa iam angeli ad prophetam dicta videamus: [B] Septuaginta, inquit, ebdomades adbreviatae sunt super populum tuum, et super urbem sanctam tuam, ut consummetur praevaricatio, et finem accipiat peccatum, et deleatur iniquitas, et adducatur iustitia sempiterna, et impleatur visio et prophetia, et unguatur sanctus sanctorum. [C] Nulli dubium quin haec verba Christi incarnationem designent, qui tulit peccata mundi, legem et prophetas implevit. Unctus est oleo letitiae prae participibus suis; et quod ebdomades LXX per septenos annos distinctae quadringentos et nonaginta annos insinuent. Sed notandum quod easdem hebdomadas non simpliciter adnotatas sive computatas, sed abbreviates, asserit, occulte videlicet lectorem commonens ut breviores solito annos noverit indicatos. [D] Scito ergo, inquit, et animadverte: ab exitu sermonis ut iterum aedificetur Hierusalem usque ad Christum ducem, ebdomadas septem et ebdomades sexaginta duae erunt. Et rursus aedificabitur platea et muri in angustia temporis. Ezra narrante, didicimus quod Neemias, cum esset pincerna regis Artarxercis vicesimo anno regni eius, mense Nisan impetraverit ab eo restaurari muros Hierusalem, templo multo ante Cyro permittente constructo. Ipsumque opus ut dictum est in angustia temporis perfecerit. Adeo scilicet a finitimis gentibus impugnatus, ut structores singuli gladio renes accincti una manu pugnasse, altera murum recuperasse, narrentur. Ab hoc ergo tempore usque ad Christum ducem ebdomadas LXX computa, hoc est annos duodenorum mensium lunarium quadringentos nonaginta, qui sunt anni solares quadringenti LXXV. [E] Siquidem Persae a praefato vicesimo anno regis Artarxersis usque ad mortem Darii regnaverunt annis C XVI. Ex hinc Macedones usque ad interitum Cleopatrae annis XXXtis. Inde Romani usque ad septimum decimum Tiberii Caesaris annum monarchiam tenuerunt annis
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LVIIII. Qui sunt anni simul, ut diximus, anni CCCC LXXV, et continentur circulis decennovennalibus XXV. Decies novies enim viceni et quini fiunt CCCC LXXV. Et quia singulis circulis embolismi septem adcrescunt, multiplica XXV per septem, fiunt C LXXV, qui sunt embolismi menses quadringentorum LXXV annorum. [F] Si ergo vis scire quot annos lunares facere possint, partire C LXXV per XII (duodecies deni et quaterni C LXVIII). Quattuordecim ergo annos faciunt, et remanent menses VII. Hos iunge ad suprascriptos CCCC LXXV, fiunt simul CCCC LXXXVIIII. Adde et menses superfluos VII, partem ·I· octavidecimi anni imperii Tiberii quo dominus passus est, et invenies a tempore praefinito ad eius usque passionem ebdomadas Septuaginta adbreviatas, hoc est annos lunares CCCC XC. Ad eius vero baptismum, quando unctus est sanctus sanctorum descendente super eum spiritu sancto sicut columba, non solum ebdomades VII et LX duas fuisse completas, sed et partem iam septuagesimae ebdomadis inchoatam. Et post ebdomadas, inquit, LX duas occidetur Christus, et non erit eius populos qui eum negaturus est. Non statim post LX duas ebdomadas, sed in fine septugesimae ebdomadis occisus est Christus. Quam ideo, quantum conicere possumus, segregavit a ceteris, quia de hac erat plura relaturus. Nam et Christus in illa crucifixus, et a populo perfido non modo in passione verum continuo, ex quo [a Io]hanne praedicari coepit, negatus est. [G] Quod autem sequitur, et civitatem et sanctuarium dissipabit populus cum duce venturo, et finis eius vastitas. Et post finem belli statuta desolatio, non ad LXX ebdomadas pertinet; praedictum enim fuerat quod ipsae ebdomades ad Christi usque ducatum pertingerent, sed scriptura, praedicto adventu et passione ipsius, quid etiam post hanc populo qui eum recipere nollet, esset eventurum ostendit. Ducem enim venturum Titum dicit, qui quadragesimo anno dominicae passionis ita cum populo Romano civitatem et sanctuarium dissipavit, ut non remaneret lapis super lapidem. Verum his per anticipationem praelibatis, mox ad exponendum ebdomadae quam omiserat redit eventum. Confirmabit autem pactum multis ebdomada una. Hoc est, ipsa novissima in qua vel Iohannes baptista vel dominus et apostoli praedicando multos ad fidem converterunt. Et in dimidio ebdomadis deficiet hostia et sacrificium. Dimidium ebdomadis huius quintus dicimus annus Tiberii Caesaris erat quando, inchoato Christi baptismate, hostiarum purificatio fidelibus paulatim vilescere coepit. Item quod sequitur. Et in templo erit abominatio desolationis et usque ad consummationem et finem perseveravit desolatio, ad sequentia tempora respicit, cuius prophetiae
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veritatem et hystoria veterum et nostrorum hodieque temporum testatur eventus. [H] Totum ideo prophetae testimonium ponentes, quantum facultas suppetebat, exposiumus quia hoc et a plerisque lectoribus ignorari et speciale genus ebdomadae flagitare cognovimus. Falluntur enim qui putant Hebreos annis talibus usos. Alioquin tota veteris instrumenti series vacillat; nec ullius aetas tanta quanta scripta est debet intellegi, sed ad lunae cursum stringi. Et Graecos quidem veteres legimus, trecentis quinquaginta quattuor diebus annum ad lunae cursum putantes, octavo semper anno XC dies, qui nascuntur si quadrans cum XI diebus epactarum octies conponatur, pariter interkalasse in tres videlicet menses tricenarum dierum distributos. Iudaeos autem numquam sed altero vel tertio anno mensem lunae tertium decimum, quem embolismum vocitamus, inserere solitos, sicut notissima quartae decimae lunae paschalis aperte ratio probat. Sciendum sane quod africanus edomadarum cursum, quem nos in septimum decimum vel octavum decimum Tiberii Caesaris annum quo dominum passum credimus iuxta Chronica Eusebii perduximus, ab eodem quo nos incipiens exordio quinto decimo eiusdem imperatoris anno quo eum passum credit putat esse completum. Ponens annos regni Persarum C XV, Macedonum CCC, Romanorum LX. Sed diligens lector quod magis sequendum putaverit eligat. (ms p.286 – 301) [A] propheta corr Sn. [F] [a ..]hanne praedicari corr Sn. [G] dominus mg/ hystoria hic et seq Sn. Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) I 9, cit. Schriften 1127 [not Mb] = Bedae DTR IX (1943) 1 – 95; (1977) 1 – 113, complete: 1 LXX: SEPTUAGINTA/ 4ebdom …: hebdom… hic et seq/ 4 adbrev…: abbrev. . . hic et seq/ 8pervenirent/ 13despectione calcari/ 22laetitiae / 29hebdomades VII/ 34Ipsumque/ 41regis Artarxerxis usque/ 45post Qui sunt om anni/54 partem ·I·: partemque/ 68a Iohanne praedicari/ 77post populo Romano add et/ 81ante ipsa novissima add in/ 88perseverabit. ms Mb² lac Pt3 lac Sk lac Vy² = Vat. Lat.645, f.12 – 92 (NE Francia ca.845) f.39 – 41: VIIII· . [A] conplectens/ anno¹: annos/ pervenirent/ prophetae/ qaerentium/ fructuose/ calcari.
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[B] [s]uper corr/ consumetur/ prevarication. [C] conputatas/ occultae. [D] Artaxersis¹/ inpugnatus/ conputa/ duosdenorum/ [nona]ginta corr. [E] Siquidem corr ex sequidem/ Artaxersis²/ Cleopatre annis CCCtes/Tiberii corr ss ex tibi/ decenno[venn]alibus corr ss. [F] quod/ populus/ in finem/ segregavit: congregavit/ praedicari corr ss ex praedicare/ multos corr ex multis. [G] LXXta/ ipse/ praedicatio/ anno om/ ut add ss/ historia. [H] Hebraeos/ tricentis/ componantur/ sanae/ Chronicam/ Eusebii corr ss ex Esebii. Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.38 – 39 DE om/ SEPTUAGINTA [Titulus pace Schriften] [A] conplectens/ adieciens: adiciens/ pervenirent/ quaerentium/ a portis/ despeccione calcari. [B] inquid/ adbreviata/ prophetiae/ urguatur. [C] laetitae/ prae participibus suis; et quod ebdomades LXX per septenos annos distinctae om/ ebdomadas/ conputatas/ adbreviatas/ breviores. [D] muri: mari/ Artarsersis/ regno anni tr/ inpugnatis/ LXX om/ quadringento. [E] Perse/ Cleopatre/ Tyberii/ annis²: anni/ anni² om/ LXXV corr ex LXX ss. [F] quod/ lunare/ septem partem uni XVIII/ Tyberii/ prefinito/ septuaginta: LXX/ unctus: untus/ ebdomades: ebdomadas. [G] ipse/ anticipationem: -pati- dupl/ ebdomade/ multis ebdomadas/ Tyberii Cesaris/ sequencia/ historia. [H] subpetebat/ exposmius/ tricentis/ nascitur/ intercalasse/ tercium/ Tyberii/ Chronicam/ conplectum. Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) f.65 – 66v: VIIII· add. [A] conplectens/ embolisnos/ adiciens/ quaerentium. [B] adbreviate/ consumetur. [C] quin corr ex qui in/ laetitiae/ destinctae: destintae corr ex destintiae/ conputatas/ adbreviatas. [D] [pincerna] corr/ Artaxersis/ post Nisan [ms fault]/ multo [ms fault]/ conputa. [E] annis LVIIII; annis LVIII/ decennovennalibus corr ss ex decennovennalis/ [ergo²].
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[F] LX duas¹ corr ex LXX duas/ LX duas² corr ss ex duas. [G] deficiet hostia et sacrificium. Dimidium ebdomadisom/ consumationem/ historia. [H] exposuimus/ Grecos/ Chronicam/ cumpletum.
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10) ARGUMENTUM AD ANNOS AB INITIO MUNDI INVENIENDOS Si scire cupis annos ab initio mundi, multiplica CCC XVII quindecies, fiunt IIII milia DCC LV; adde semper regulares IIII; adde etiam et indictionem anni in quo computare volueris, verbi gratia presentis secundam, fiunt simul IIII milia DCC LXI (4761). Isti sunt anni ab initio mundi. Cum autem ad XVmam indictionem perveneris, tunc CCC XVIII, multiplicabis quindecies et hoc ordine deinceps servato annos mundi (ms p.291) sine errore repperies. Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) II 1, ed. Schriften 1145 – 1146 [Mb] ms Mb² = Madrid BN L.95 (Murbach 814 – 820) f.26: [LIBER SECUNDUS mg ss add] ¶I. CCC XXVII (327)/ qui[n] decies corr/ regulares VIIII/ praesentis/ ab initio mundi: mg anni mundi IIII milia DCCC XXXI (4831 ~ 879). Pt3 = Paris BN N.a.lat.1615, f.128 – 183 (E Francia 812 – 820) f.148v: regulares IIII: IIII om/ reperies. Pt3 = (second copy s.IX1) f.151v – 152: regulares IIII: IIII om/ IIII milia DCCC LXI: DCCC LI (4851)/ ad XV: ad XX mam/ deinceps corr. Sk = St. Gallen 397, p.53 – 148 (Grimalt ante 830) p.79(81): computare corr ex compotare/ XVmam. Vy² = Vat. Lat.645, f.12 – 92 (NE Francia ca.845) f.43: CCC XVII (317) add II ss (319)/ vol[u]eris: eras/ IIII milia DCC LXI (4761) add et VIII ss (4769). Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.41v: LIBER SECUNDUS add mg ss [pace Schriften]. I / INICIO. CCC XXXIII (333) corr ex CCC XVII (317) add/ praesentis/ inicio mundi/ XVmam indiccionem. Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) f.69v: ¶I. DCC LXI (761) corr ex DCC XI ss/ XVmam.
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11) ARGUMENTUM AD INVENIENDUM ANNUM CYCLI DECENNOVENALIS PER EOSDEM ANNOS Si nosse desideras quotus sit annus in cyclo decennovenali, collige annos ab initio mundi quot fuerint in praesenti, et de his semper subtrahe VI; ceteros partire per XVIIII. Quotus numerus remanserit, totus annus est cycli decennovenalis. Si vero de tota summa per XVIIII partire nihil superfuerit, XVIIII annus cycli decennovenalis erit. (ms p.291) annus est Sn est annus tr alii . Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) II 2, ed. Schriften 1147 [Mb] ms Mb² = Madrid BN L.95 (Murbach 814 – 820) f.26: ¶ II / DECENNOVENNALIS1 . decennovennali/ totus est annus tr/ cicli decennovennalis2/ partire2: partita/ decennovennalis3 . [ceteros: add mg et his semper adice ·I·]. Pt3 = Paris BN N.a.lat.1615, f.128 – 182 (E Francia 812 – 820) f.152: CICLI DECENNOVENNALIS1 . ciclo decemnovennali/ per decem & novem¹/ remaunsit/ totus est anni tr/ cicli decemnovennalis2/ per X & IIII²/ partita/ cicli decemnovennalis3. Sk lac Vy² = Vat. Lat.645, f.12 – 92 (NE Francia ca.845) f.43: INVENIENDUM [pace Schriften]/ DECENNOVENNALIS¹ . in om/ decennovali/ totus est annus2 tr/ decemnovennalis2/ decennovennalis3. 2 Mt = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.41v: II / DECENNOVENNALIS1 . decennovennali/ inicio/ quod/ presenti/ totus est annus tr/ decennovennalis2/ partire2: partita/ decennovennalis3. Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) f.69v: ¶ II / DECENNOVENNALIS1 . decennovennali/ quod/ per XVIII¹/ totus est annus tr/ decennovennalis²/ partire2: partita/ decennovennalis3.
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12) ARGUMENTUM AD INDICTIONEM INVENIENDAM Si vis scire quota sit indictio, tene annos ab initio mundi quot fuerint in presenti, et subtrahe semper quattuor; et totam summam partire per XV. Quod remanet, ipsa est indictio. Si nihil remanserit, XV erit. (ms p.291) Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) II 3, ed. Schriften 1147 – 1148 [Mb] ms Mb² = Madrid BN L.95 (Murbach 814 – 20) f.26: ¶ III . praesenti/ quattuor: IIII. Pt3 = Paris BN N.a.lat.1615, f.128 – 182 (E Francia 812 – 820) f.152. Sk = St. Gallen 397, p.53 – 148 (Grimalt ante 830) p.79(81): XV2 erit: XVa erit. Vy² = Vat. Lat.645, f.12 – 92v (NE Francia ca.845) f.43: INVENIENDUM. praesenti. Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.41v: III / INDICCIONEM. inicio/ quod/ praesenti. Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) f.69v ¶ III .
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13) ARGUMENTUM AD EPACTAM INVENIENDAM Si nosse vis quota sit epacta, collige annos ab exordio mundi. Et de his subtrahe III; ceteros partire per XVIIII, et quod remanserit multiplica per XI. Ipsos iterum divide per XXX. Quod superfuit, ipsa est (ms p.291) epacta. Si nihil, remanserit nulla erit. Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) II 4, ed. Schriften 1148 [Mb] ms Mb² = Madrid BN L.95 (Murbach 814 – 820) f.26: ¶ IIII . ante partire add et ss/ superfuerit. Pt3 = Paris BN N.a.lat.1615, f.128 – 182 (E Francia 812 – 820) f.152: superfuerit. Sk = St. Gallen 397, p.53 – 148 (Grimalt ante 830) p.79(81) Vy² = Vat. Lat.645, f.12 – 92 (NE Francia ca.845) f.43v: INVENIENDUM. superfuerit. Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.41v: IIII . superfuerit. Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St. Denis 858 – 860) f.69v: ¶ IIII . per XXX: per XXI.
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14) ARGUMENTUM AD CONCURRENTES INVENIENDOS Si concurrentes invenire cupis, sume annos ab origine mundi quot fuerint, et eorum quartam partem semper adice, ex his subtrahe unum; ceteros divide per septem. Quod remanserit¹, ipsi sunt concurrentes. Si (ms p.291- 2) nihil remanserit², septem erit. Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) II 5, ed. Schriften 1149 [Mb] ms Mb² = Madrid BN L.95 (Murbach 814 – 820) f.26v: ¶V. unum: ·I·/ septem: VII . Pt3 = Paris BN N.a.lat.1615, f.128 – 182 (E Francia 812 – 820) f.152: summe/ remanserit¹ corr ex remanserint/ septem: VII. Sk = St. Gallen 397, p.53 – 148 (Grimalt ante 830) p.79(81). Vy² = Vat. Lat.645, f.12 – 92 (NE Francia ca.845) f.43v: invenire corr ex inveni[es]eris/ unum: ·I· corr ex [duo]s/ Quod: Quot2/ septem: VII/ remanserit1: remanserint. Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.41v: V. quod1/ subtrahe: subtra/ Quot2/ remanserit1: remanserint/ VII. Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) f.69v: V.
Argumenta Paschalia 6 – 30
[N.B. The order of sections II 7 A and II 6 is reversed by Walahfrid in Sn and in Mb²; but in Sk Vy² Mt2 Vp they are in sequence II 6 and II 7 A, ed. Schriften. Sections II 7 A and B were omitted by Pt2 . Section II 7 B was omitted by all.]
15) ARGUMENTUM AD ANNOS DOMINI INVENIENDOS Si vis scire quot anni sint ab incarnatione domini, multiplica quindecies L et III, fiunt DCC XCV; adice regulares XII, anni quoque praesentis indictionem secundam, fiunt simul DCCC VIIII. Isti sunt anni ab (ms p.292) incarnatione domini. Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) II 7 A, ed. Schriften 1150 – 1151 [Mb] ms Mb² = Madrid BN L.95 (Murbach 814 – 820) f.26v: ¶ VII . Pt3 = Paris BN N.a.lat.1615, f.128 – 182 (E Francia 812 – 820) f.154: Titulus om. quod/ sunt/ incarnatio/ secundum, fiunt om/ sunt om. Sk = St. Gallen 397, p.53 – 148 (Grimalt ante 830) p.80(82). Vy² = Vat. Lat.645, f.12 – 92 (NE Francia ca.845) f.43v: presentis. Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.42: VII . quod anni sunt. Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) f.70 VII. . L et III: L & VII/ fiunt DCC XCV: DCCC[XL]V corr/ regulares del/ post XII add quia quarta indictio ne secundum dyonisium natus est dominus [ . . . ]/ secundam del/ simul DCCC VIIII: simul DCCC [LX] corr ex simul DCCC [XXVII vel XVI].
Argumenta Paschalia 6 – 30
16) ARGUMENTUM QUALITER CYCLUS LUNAE INVENIRI DEBEAT Si cyclum lunae invenire desideras, tene annos a mundi initio quot fuerint; de his subtrahe II; ceteros partire per XVIIII. Quod remanet, ipse est cy(ms p.292) clus. Si nihil remanserit, XVIIII erit. Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 18) II 6, ed. Schriften 1149 [Mb] ms Mb² = Madrid BN L.95 (Murbach 814 – 820) f.26v: ¶ VI . Pt3 = Paris BN N.a.lat.1615, f.128 – 182 (E Francia 812 – 820) f.152: CICLUS. ciclum/ ciclus/ nihil corr ex nibil. Sk = St. Gallen 397, p.53 – 148 (Grimalt ante 830) p.81(83): CYCLUS corr ex CICLUS. subtra duo/ nil. Vy² = Vat. Lat.645, f.12 – 92 (NE Francia ca.845) f.43v Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.41v: VI . ante mundi inicio add a/ inicio/ quot/ ciclus. Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) f.69v VI . ciclum/ fuerint [pace Schriften].
Argumenta Paschalia 6 – 30
17) ARGUMENTUM AD INVENIENDUM ANNUM CYCLUM DECENNOVENALIS Si vis nosse quotus sit annus cycli decennovenalis, collige annos ab incarnatione domini, utpote in praesenti DCCC VIIII. Adde r egularem unum; sic demum divide per XVIIII. De DCCC IX subtrahe DCCtos XCVIIII, qui sunt quadragies et bis XVIIII, remanent XII. XII ergo (ms p.292) annus est cycli decennovennalis. vis nosse Sn nosse vis tr alii Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) II 8, ed. Schriften 1152 – 1153 [Mb] ms Mb² = Madrid BN L.95 (Murbach 814 – 820) f.26v: ¶ VIII / CYCLI DECENNOVENNALIS1 . nosse vis tr/ decennovennalis2/ decennovennalis3. Pt3 lac Sk = St. Gallen 397, p.53 – 148 (Grimalt ante 830) p.80(82): CYCLI corr ex CICLI/ DECENNOVENNALIS1 . nosse vis tr/ decennovennalis²/ De DCCC VIIII/ DCC XCVIII corr ex DCC XVIII/ XII²: XIImus/ decennovennalis³ corr ex decennovenalis. Vy² = Vat. Lat.645, f.12 – 92 (NE Francia ca.845) f.43v – 44: DECENNOVENNALIS1 . nosse vis tr/ decennovennalis2/ decennovennalis3/ quadragies corr ss ex quadrages. Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.42: VIII / CICLI/ DECENNOVENALIS1 . nosse vis tr/ decennovennalis2/ post est add annus dupl. Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) f.70: VIII / ANNUM om/ CYCLI/ DECENNOVENNALIS1 . nosse vis tr/ decennovennalis2/ DCCC LIIII/ post Adde add qui a secundo eiusdem anno natus est/ De DCCC IX subtrahe DCCtos XCVIIII: Deduc LX, subtrahe DCCC LV/ et bis: Ves/ remanent XII: remanet V/ XII ergo: V ergo.
Argumenta Paschalia 6 – 30
18) ARGUMENTUM AD INDICTIONEM INVENIENDAM Si scire cupis quota sit indictio, sume annos domini DCCC VIIII. His adiunge regulares III, fiunt simul DCCC XII. Hos partire per XV. De DCCC XII subtrahe DCCC X, id est quinquagies et [qua]ter XV, (ms p.292) remanent II. Secunda est anni praesentis indictio. ·⫽· Hos partire per XV. De DCCC XII mg infra/ et [qua]ter: qua om Sn. Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) II 9, ed. Schriften 1153 – 1154 [Mb] ms Mb² = Madrid BN L.95 (Murbach 814 – 820) f.26v: ¶ VIIII . DCCCtos X/ quinquagies et [qua]ter: qua mg/ II: duo. Pt3 lac Sk = St. Gallen 397, p.53 – 148 (Grimalt ante 830) p.80(82): regulares add III ss. Vy² = Vat. Lat.645, f.12 – 92 (NE Francia ca.845) f.44: et [qua]ter: qua om Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.42: VIIII . DCCC VIIII (809): DCCC VIII (808)/ DCCCtos X (810). Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) f.70: VIIII . DCCC VIIII: DCCC LVIII (858)/ DCCC XII: DCCC LXII. De DCCC LXII/ subtrahe DCCC X (810) om/ [qua]ter: septies/ remanent VII/ secunda: septima.
Argumenta Paschalia 6 – 30
19) ITEM ARGUMENTUM AD EPACTAM INVENIENDAM Si autem vis cognoscere quot sint epactae, sume annos domini DCCC VIIII. Hos per decem novem divide; subtractis itaque DCCtis XCVIII, id est quadragies et bis XVIIII; remanent XI. Hos undecies multiplica, fiunt C XXI; divide per XXX et remanet unus. Una est in (ms p.292 – 293) praesenti anno epacta. per decem novem Sn per XVIIII Mb² Sk Vy² Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) II 10, ed. Schriften 1154 [Mb] ms Mb² = Madrid BN L.95 (Murbach 814 – 820) f.26v – 27 ¶X. DCCCtos VIIII/ per XVIIII/ unus: ·I· . 3 Pt lac Sk = St. Gallen 397, p.53 – 148 (Grimalt ante 830) p.80(82): per XVIIII/ DCCtis XCVII (797). Vy² = Vat. Lat.645, f.12 – 92 (NE Francia ca.845) f.44: unus: ·I· . Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.42: [X] / EPACTUM. DCCCtos VIIII (809). Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) f.70: ·X· . quod/ DCCC LVIIII/ DCCC LV/ bis: Ves/ remanent IIII. Hos XI decies/ fiunt XLIIII/ remanet XIII/ Una est: Quarta decima est.
Argumenta Paschalia 6 – 30
20) ITEM ARGUMENTUM AD CONCURRENTES INVENIENDOS Si vis scire concurrentes septimanae dies in praesenti quot fuerint, sume annos domini utpote DCCCtos VIIII, et ad hanc summam horum quartam partem adice, id est CCtos duos; fiunt¹ milia XI. Adde etiam regulares IIII, fiunt² milia XV. Hos partire per VII (septies centeni, DCC; septies XL et VII, CCC XV); et non remanet aliquid, quia sep(ms p.293) tem sunt concurrentes. Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) II 11, ed. Schriften 1155 [Mb] ms Mb² = Madrid BN L.95 (Murbach 814 – 820) f.27: ¶ XI . duos [pace Schriften]/ post fiunt¹ add simul. Pt3 lac Sk = St. Gallen 397, p.53 – 148 (Grimalt ante 830) p.80(82): ITEM om. Vy² = Vat. Lat.645, f.12 – 92 (NE Francia ca.845) f.44: septimane/ duos: duo/ post fiunt¹ add simul. Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.42: [XI mg?] . septimane/ quod/ DCCCtos VIIII (809)/ duo(?) [Schriften]/ regulares III/ ante Hos add Et. Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) f.70: XI / DCCC LVIIII/ duos: XIIII/ fiunt1 simul mille LXXIII/ fiunt2 mille LXXVII./ (septies centeni DCC, septies quinquaginta et III)/ et non remanet aliquid: fiunt tricentos LXXI et remanent VI/ quia septem: quia sex.
Argumenta Paschalia 6 – 30
21) ITEM ARGUMENTUM QUALITER CYCLUS LUNAE INVENIRI DEBEAT Si nosse cupis cyclus lunaris quotum agat annum, collige annos domini utpote in praesenti DCCCtos VIIII. Ex his deduc ·II·; reliquos partire per XVIIII, et remanent VIIII. Nonus est autem cycli lunaris (ms p.293) annum² qui nunc agitur. DCCCtos VIIII (809) corr ex DCCCtos VIII (808) Sn. Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) II 12, ed. Schriften 1156 [Mb] ms Mb² = Madrid BN L.95 (Murbach 814 – 820) f.27: ¶ XII . annum2: annus/ post agitur add unus unius uni et seq. 3 Pt lac Sk = St. Gallen 397, p.53 – 148 (Grimalt ante 830) p.81(83): CYCLUS corr ex CICLUS. presenti/ et remanent VIIII om/ cycli corr ex cicli. Vy² = Vat. Lat.645, f.12 – 92 (NE Francia ca. 845) f.44 – 44v: lunaris corr ex lunaeris eras/ post agitur add unus unius uni seq. Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.42: [XII]. praesenti/ DCCCtos VIII (808)/ annum2: annus. Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) f.70: DCCC LVIII/ remanent II/ Nonus: Secundus/ post agitur add unus unius uni seq.
Argumenta Paschalia 6 – 30
22) DE RATIONE BISSEXTI Bissextus igitur ex quadrantis ratione per quadrie[nni]um¹ conficitur. Quadrantem namque solent appellare quartam partem cuiuslibet rei, verbi gratia, pecuniae, temporis, loci; et ideo quarta pars diei qui XXIIII horis cum sua nocte completur, id est horae sex, quadrans consuete vocatur; quadrantis autem huiusce per quadriennium² in diem integrum colligendi et suo in loco interkalendi. Haec est ratio quia sol annuum caeli ambitum, id est XII signa circuli Zodiaci notissima, non in CCCtis LXV diebus sed superadditis sex horis, adimplere cognoscitur. Unde fit ut si, verbi gratia, nunc aequinoctialem caeli locum mane oriens intraverit, in hunc anno sequente meridie, tertio vespere, quarto media nocte, quinto rursus in exortu diei, utpote completo diei totius circuitu recurrat; sicque necessario diem superfluum admoneat ubi libet interponendum annique quarti plenitudini esse copulandum. Quem Egyptii anno suo sollemniter expleto, id est IIII Kalendarum Septembrium. Romani autem VI Kalendarum Martiarum (ms p.293 – 294) die, unde et bissextum vocant, interkalare consuerunt. Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) III 6, cit. Schriften 1190 [not Mb] = Bedae De temporum ratione XXXVIII (1943) 1, 12 – 27; (1977) 1, 14 – 32: 15 quadriennium1/ 21intercalandi/ 28ubi licet: ubilibet. ms Mb² = Madrid BN L.95 (Murbach 814 – 820) f.35v – 36: ¶ VI . quadriennium¹/ conpleto/ Aegyptii/ interkalarae. Pt3 lac Sk = St. Gallen 397, p.53 – 148 (Grimalt ante 830) p.101 – 102: quadriennium¹/ intercalendi/ est²/ quinto rursus: quintus/ rursus om/ ubi libet/ solemniter. Vy² = Vat. Lat.645, f.12 – 92 (NE Francia ca. 845) f.50v – 51: VI· . quadriennium¹/ Unde fit ut si: Unde fit sib/ id est om. Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.48: [LIBER TERTIUS f.47 mg ss add]. VI . unde et bissextum: unde et bisextum . Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) f.77v – 78: ¶ VI· . Quadrantem om/ verbi gratiae/ horae: hore/ quinto corr ex quinus/ conpleto/ necessariae.
Argumenta Paschalia 6 – 30
[N.B. The sequence of sections III 7 and 8, ed. Schriften, is correct because 8 explains 7. But their order is reversed in Mb² Sn. Both sections are lacking in Pt².]
23) IN QUOT ANNIS DE BISSEXTILIBUS DIEBUS UNUS A NNUS ADCRESCAT In quattuor annis unus dies, in octo II, in duodecim III, in sedecim IIII, in viginti V dies adcrescunt. In XXVIII ebdomadam complent. In XL annis dies X, in centum XX unciam unius anni praeparant. In CC XL duos menses ostendunt. In CCCC LXXX quattuor menses esse probantur quae est tertia pars unius anni. In DCCCC LX bissem unius anni manifestum est. In mille CCCC LX annis annum (ms p.294) integrum, id est CCC LXVI dies esse probantur. Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) III 8, ed. Schriften 1191 [Mb] ms Mb² = Madrid BN L.95 (Murbach 814 – 820) f.36: ¶ VIII . in sedecim IIII: in sedecim quattuor/ in viginti V: in XX quinque. Pt3 lac Sk = St. Gallen 397, p.53 – 148 (Grimalt ante 830) p.109: IN QUOT ANNIS om/ DE SOLLARIBUS BISSEXTILIUM DIEBUS/ UNUS ANNUS ADCRESCAT om. in centum XX: in C XX/ anni1 om/ preparant/ quattuor menses: menses IIII tr . Vy² = Vat. Lat.645, f.12 – 92 (NE Francia ca.845) f.51 – 52v: [Titulus pace Schriften]. in octo duo/ in sedecim quattuor/ in XX· quinque dies/ unciam: unicam. Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.48v: VIII / IN QUOT ANNIS om. untiam. Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) f.78: VIII· / ANNIS: ANNUS/ DIEBUS corr. CCCC LXXX: CCC LXXX/ in mille CCCC LX: in I mille CCCC XL.
Argumenta Paschalia 6 – 30
24) DE MENSURA CREMENTI BISSEXTILIS Sed et de mensura crementi bissextilis, ne te nostra lateat sententia, dicimus quadrantem eiusdem diei, id est VI horas, per annum adcrescere. Horam autem per duos menses, dimidium vero horae per unum mensem solis dico naturalem. Porro quartam partem horae, id est punctum, per dimidium mensis, quia solem novimus Zodiacum circulum, id est duodecim signa horoscopi per CCC LXV dies et sex horas ambire. Singula autem signa eiusdem Zodiaci per XXX dies et X horas ac semissem naturali cursu peragere. Dimidium vero signi cuiusque per XV dies quinque horas et quadrantem unius horae percurrere. (ms p.294) Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) III 7, ed. Schriften 1190 [Mb] = Bedae DTR XXXVIIII (1943) 1 – 10; (1977) 1 – 12. ms Mb² = Madrid BN L.95 (Murbach 814 – 820) f.36: ¶ VII . duodecim: XII. Pt3 lac Sk = St. Gallen 397, p.53 – 148 (Grimalt ante 830) p.102 – 103: ne te: n&e. Vy² = Vat. Lat.645, f.12 – 92 (NE Francia ca.845) f.51 ¶ VII . sex horas/ XII signa. Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.48 – 48v: VII . bissextilis corr ex bisextilis/ lateat corr ex leteat/ sentia/ percurrecurrere. Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) f.78: VII .
Argumenta Paschalia 6 – 30
25) DE SALTU LUNAE In cyclo decennovenali¹ sunt anni lunares XVIIII. De quibus XII sunt communes et VII embolismi. Communis annus habet dies CCC LIIII, embolismus habet dies CCC LXXXIIII. Solaris annus qui habet dies CCC LXV superat communem annum diebus XI, et superatur ab embolismo diebus XVIIII. Duc XI duodecies, fiunt C XXXII, et duc decem novem septies, fiunt C XXXIII, id est uno amplius C XXXII dies, qui de undenis multiplicatis collecti sunt, ad solus cursum pertinent, et C XXXIII qui ex decem et novem septies ductis procreati sunt ad lune cursum pertinent. Confer inter se has duas summas, id est C XXXII et C XXXIII. Et videbis quod lunaris cursus solarem unius diei abundantia supercrescit. Qui dies propter aequiperandum utriusque sideris cursum anno XVIIII cycli decennovenali² transilitur. Et haec transilitio saltus appel(ms p.294 – 295) latur. De quibus XII: XII ss/ ad solus cursum Sn Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) IIII 8, ed. Schriften 1205 – 1256 [Mb] ms Mb² = Madrid BN L.95 (Murbach 814 – 820) f.41v: ¶ VIII / ante DE add ITEM. decennovennali¹/ duc decem novem: duc XVIIII/ ad solis cursum/ ad lunae cursum/ anno XVIIII: anno XVIIIImo/ decennovennali2 . 3 Pt = Paris BN N.a.lat.1615, f.128 – 182 (E Francia 812 – 820) f.168 – 168v: ante DE add ITEM. In cliclo decennovennali¹/ XII: duodecem/ dies ss/ CCC LXV: CCC LVI/ duc decem novem: duc VIIII/ C XXXIII, id est: C XXXIIII dies est/ ad solis cursum/ lunae corr ex luna um/ diei corr ex diebus/ supercrescit corr ex supercressat/ aequiperandam/ XVIIImo cicli decennovennalis2. Sk lac Vy² lac Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.51v – 52: VIII . dies CCC·LX·III (363)/ anno XVIIIImo/ decennovenalis2. Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) f.82v: VIIIo / ante DE add ITEM. decennovennali¹/ ad solis cursum/ ad lunae cursum/ habundantia/ anni XVIIIImo/ decennovenalis2 .
Argumenta Paschalia 6 – 30
26) ITEM DE SALTU LUNAE [A] De quo tamen saltu verisimile apparet quod eum citior quam vulgo putatur lunaris incensionis locus et hora procre[et]. Nam quomodo fieri posset, ut per annos denos et novenos unum necesse esset solito dierum lunae numero auferri, si non hoc velocitas aliqua lunaris giri paulatim toto circuli decennovenalis tempore procuraret? Quomodo contra tarditatem cursus solaris agi probatum est, ut unus per quadriennium eius cursui dies augeatur? Huius autem velocitatis et, ut ita dicam, anticipationis, tametsi ordo non facile patet, mensura nequaquam latet. Constat enim, quia deminutio illa atque ablatio diei unius, quae quomodo agitur, per denos et novenos annos tota conficitur, hora per annos singulos et uno puncto et nona decima parte unius puncti augetur. Dies namque XXIIII habet horas, e quibus cum X et VIIII totidem annis circuli decennovenalis distribueris, remanent V. Hos per quattuor multiplica, quia videlicet hora quattuor punctis constat, fiunt XX. Da singulis annis singulos et remanet unus. Hunc divide per X et VIII, et videbus quod ad saltum lunae complendum, ut diximus, annuatim hora et punctus et nona decima pars puncti unius adcrescit. Non ergo semper unis hisdemque vel articulis temporum vel caeli climatibus lunae celebratur accensio, sed semper aliquanto citius quam praecedente mense provenerat, ut sit unde unum anno XVIIII transiliatur dies. * * * --- * * * --- * * * [C] Qui profecto saltus non alibi aptius quam duodecimo Kalendarum Aprilium die videtur anno reddendus, propter originem videlicet, quam praefati sumus conditionis siderum, ut luna mensis Martii quae eo fit die vicesima nona dehinc vertatur in novam. Sed sunt, qui hoc nobis in luna Novembri mensis agendum magis autument, quatinus, huiusmodi inpedimentis cum praecedentis anni fine [o]bsolutis, novum de cetero annum libero possint computo ingredi, iuxta exemplum videlicet Egyptiorum, qui hoc in penultimo anni sui mense, qui est noster Iulius, facere perhibentur. Sed sive hic sive illic sive alibi feceris, necesse est ibidem ni fallor tres (ms p.295 – 96) pariter menses undetricenorum computare dierum. [A] procre&/ Hunc divide per X et VIII [stet]/ vel1 ss Sn. [C] obsolutis corr ex absolutis mg Sn. Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) IIII 9 A, C, ed. Schriften 1207 – 1208, 1211 [Mb]
Argumenta Paschalia 6 – 30
= Bedae DTR XLII (1943) 1 – 21, 55 – 65; (1977) 1 – 25, 66 – 78: [A] 3procre&/ 6gyri/ 7tarditate/ 11diminutio/ 16Hunc divide per decem et novem/ 24unus anno XVIIII. [C] 73absolutis.
ms Mb² = Madrid BN L.95 (Murbach 814 – 820) f.41v – 42: ¶ VIIII . [A] procre&/ gyri/ decennovennalis1/ decennovennalis2/ cum X et VIIII: cum X et novem/ quattuor punctis: IIII punctis/ Hunc divide per decem et octo/ unus anno XVIIII. [C] duodecimo: XIIus/ obsolutis/ Aegyptiorum. 3 Pt lac Sk lac Vy² lac Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.52 – 52v: [VIIII mg?] [A] gyri/ decennovennalis1/ tarditate/ cursui: cursu/ [videbis?]/ semper1 unis: semper un[u…]/ caelebratur/ precedente. Hunc divide per decem et octo. [C] absolutis/ de cetero/ compoto/ paenultimo: pene ultimo/ perhibentur. Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) f.82v – 83: VIIII . [A] necesseiesset/ gyri/ decennovennalis1/ tarditate/ facile non patet tr/ decennovennalis2/ Hunc divide per decim et VIIII/ caelebratur/ unus anno XVIIIImo. [C] absolutis/ Aegytiorum corr ex Aegptiarum/ peni ultimo/ nisi fallor.
Argumenta Paschalia 6 – 30
27) IN QUOT ANNIS PER SALTUM LUNAE UNUS ANNUS SUBTRAHATUR Item de saltu lunae XVIIII anni unum diem efficiunt. C XC anni decem dies faciunt, I [mille] DCCCC anni centum dies efficiunt. Hic numerus ter ductus, hoc est V [milia] DCC anni tricentos dies demonstrant. Iunge sexies C XC qui faciunt I [mille] C XL; hunc numerum si superioribus iunxeris habebis dies CCC LX. Adice autem ad hunc numerum quinquies decem et novem ad integrum annum qui sunt CCC LXV. Sunt in totum VI [milia] DCCCC XXXV anni, unum annum in (ms p.297) saltu lunari per diem, efficiunt. tricentos [pace Schriften]/ qui faciunt dupl Sn. Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) IIII 10, ed. Schriften 1212 [Mb] ms Mb² = Madrid BN L.95 (Murbach 814 – 820) f.42v: ¶X. I mille DCCCC/ V milia DCC/ I mille C XL/ VI milia DCCCC XXXV. Pt3 = Paris BN N.a.lat.1615, f.128 – 182 (E Francia 812 – 820) f.168v: QUOD/ UNIUS. Sk = St. Gallen 397, p.53 – 148 (Grimalt ante 830) p.109: SUBTRANTUR. anni³: adde/ XXXV⁵ anni: XXX anni. Vy² lac Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.52v: X. DCCo/ tricentos1 . Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) f.83: X. XVIIII corr ss ex XIIII/ sexies: sixties.
Argumenta Paschalia 6 – 30
28) QUOD ET LUNA QUADRANTEM HABEAT Inter haec autem meminisse debet calculator, ut lunam mensis Februarii ceteris annis XXVIIII dierum, anno autem bissextili computet XXX sive illam ante interkalatum quadrantem, seu postmodum terminari contingat. Cuius adiectione diei efficitur lunarem tunc annum, si communis sit CCC LV, si embolismus CCC LXXXV diebus compleri. Palam namque apparet quadrantem, de quo sermo est, non ad solis tantummodo, sed ad lunae cursum aeque pertinere. Quia si lunae quoque quadrantem accomodare negaveris, sed bissextili anno eiusdem quantitatis mensem lunarem Februario cuius et antea sole[le]bas aptaveris, fit profectu ut et XIIII luna paschalis eiusdem anni pridie quam debuerat adveniat. Ideoque ratio paschalis vacillet, et totius mox anni cursus titubet, statusque ille semper inviolabilis circuli decemnovenalis magis magisque turbatus evertatur. Quare oportet ut, sicut dictante quadrantis ratione quarto anno, quem bissextilem dicimus, in una eademque sexta Kalendarum Martiarum linea, verbi gratia tertiam quartamque, solemus ponere feriam. Ita etiam tunc ibidem lunam, verbi gratia tertiam simul ac quartam, computare meminerimus. Hac semper industria pervigiles ut, cum lunam mensis Februarii tunc uno die plus quam solebat habere fecerimus, in diebus tamen Kalendarum Martiarum, excepto solum undecimo circuli decennovenalis anno, ipsam quam et ante consuerat luna servet aetatem. Nam et ideo maxime lunae quadrantem dandam monemus ne, maior solito in Kalendas Martias existendo, ratum paschalis observantiae cursum recto a tramite deflectat. Quibus autem quantisve temporum particulis idem lunae quadrans adcrescat, maiore quaesitu indiget. Namque cum ipso quadrante etiam crebra embolismorum interruptio et saltus quoque ratio, ne tota discursus lunaris (ms p.297 – 298) mensura ad purum dignosci queat, obsistit. solelebas: -le- dupl Sn. Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) IIII 11, cit. Schriften 1213 [not Mb] = Bedae DTR XLI (1943) 1 – 27; (1977) 1 – 32: 12 solebas/ 14paschalis ratio tr/ 25consueverat/ 26dandum. ms Mb² = Madrid BN L.95 (Murbach 814 – 820) f.42v – 43: ¶ XI . sed1: sedet/ Quia si corr ex quasi/ accomodare corr ex acomodare/ solebas/ decemnovenalis¹: decennovennalis/ decennovennalis2/ ratio, ne: ratione/ dinosci. 3 Pt lac Sk lac
Argumenta Paschalia 6 – 30
Vy² lac Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.52v – 53: XI / QUOT. Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) f.83 – 83v: XI· . annum: autem/ solebas/ XIIIIa luna/ decemnovennalis¹/ tertia/ decemnovennalis²/ maximae/ dinosci.
Argumenta Paschalia 6 – 30
29) CUR ARGUMENTUM LUNAE KALENDARUM PER OMNES ANNOS CIRCULI DECENNOVENALIS STABILITATEM SUAM SERVARE NON POSSIT. Sunt autem anni tres circuli decennovenalis² in quibus idem argumentum stabilitatem sui tenoris conservare nequeat: octavus videlicet, undecimus, et nonus decimus – cui causam nutandi varia facit ac dispersa per annum embolismorum insertio. Siquidem anno octavo luna Kalendarum Maiarum iuxta rationem quidem argumenti vicesima et octava computatur, sed propter embolismum qui in Martio mense inseritur XXa VIIa probatur existere. Item in Kalendas Iulias iuxta argumentum XXXa fieri potuit luna, sed propter adiectionem diei quem superfluitas embolismi adtulerat, fit XXa VIIIIa. Item anno undecimo, quia luna embolismi pridie nonas Decembris accenditur, facit lunam in Kalendas Martias vicesimam esse et octavam, cum hanc ratio argumenti XXVIIIIam tum existere doceat. Item anno XVIIII, quia luna embolismi tertio die nonarum Martiarum incipit, cogit lunam in Kalendas Maias XXVIIIam computari, cum XXa VIIIIa secundum argumenti calculationem canatur. Quo etiam anno ratio saltus lunaris, de quo in sequentibus dicemus, fidem eius argumenti inpugnat. Si enim ipsum argumentum iuxta Aegyptios a Septembrio mense ubi principium est anni eorum inchoaveris. Necesse est ut luna Iulii mensis eo anno XXVIIII dies ut numquam alias habeat, uno videlicet ratione saltus amisso; et ob id luna Kalendarum Augustarum tertia reddatur, quae iuxta argumenti regulam secunda computabatur. Si vero, iuxta hoc quod nos supra docuimus, a Ianuario principium argumenti sumere mavis, eodem ordine luna in Kalendas Decembris VIIa incurrit, quae iuxta argumentum VIa fieri debuisse putabatur; quia nimirum luna Novembri mensis unam amittit diem et pro XXX consuetis unde XXX solum diebus cogitur esse contenta. Quae profecto omnia melius conloquendo quam scribendo docentur. Non autem transitoriae commemorandum quod hoc argumentum a Septembrio quidam incipiant, ponentes eidem Septembrio regulares V, Octobrio V, Novembrio VII, Decembrio VII; cetera ut supra nos posuimus. Quod ob auctoritatem Aegyptiorum rationabiliter prorsus agunt, ut a quibus origo computandi sumpta est horum quoque in computando anni principium imitentur. Verum aliis aptius multo et expeditius videtur, ut computatio omnis, quantum non necessitas rationis obsistit, a principio anni sui etiam apud Romanos incipiat, et usque ad terminum anni rato atque intemerato ordine procurrat. (ms p.298 – 300)
Argumenta Paschalia 6 – 30
Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) IIII 12, cit. Schriften 1213 [not Mb] = Bedae DTR XX (1943) 22 – 55; (1977) 26 – 66: 31 vicessima et octava: et om/ 36pridie nonas Decembres/ 38 tum: tunc/ 43eiusdem argumenti/ 51Decembris VIIa incurrit/ 53undetriginta/ 57incipiunt: incipiant. ms Mb² = Madrid BN L.95 (Murbach 814 – 820) f.43 – 44: ¶ XII / DECENNOVENNALIS¹ . decennovennalis²/ conputatur/ undecimo: XIo/ vicesimam: XXam/ tum: tam/ quia² corr ex qui/ conputabatur/ transitorie corr ex transitoriae/ caetera. Pt3 = Paris BN N.a.lat.1615, f.128 – 182 (E Francia 812 – 820) f.168v – 169: DECENNOVENNALIS¹ . decennovennalis²/ conputat/ marcio/ inferitur XXVII/ XXXma/ XXVIIII/ nonas: non/ vicesimam: et XXXma/ XXVIIIIa tam/ cogit luna in Kalendas Mai/ conputari/ XXVIIII corr ex XXXVIIII/ conpucabatur/ argument/ argumen/ VI/ contenda/ transitducie/ incipiant: anticipiant/ Novembrio VII, Octobrio V tr/ multo corr ex mu[ctud]o/ expeditus corr ex expraeditus/ computacio/ omnis corr ex omnia. Sk lac Vy² lac Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.53 – 53v: [XII] / DECENNOVENNALIS¹/ STABILITATE. decennovenalis² . Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) f.83v – 84: XII· / DECENNOVENNALIS¹ . decemnovennalis² corr ex decennovennalis/ Maiarum corr ex Ma[rt]iarum/ conputatur/ mense Martio tr/ attulerat/ vicesimam: XX ma/ XXVIIIIam: XXVIIIIma/ tum: tamen/ Maias XVIIIvam/ cum XXVIIIIam/ conputabatur/ conmemorandum/ incipiunt/ Octobrio V om.
Argumenta Paschalia 6 – 30
30) CUR XIIII LUNA PASCHALIS INTRA XII KALENDAS APRILIS ET XIIII KALENDAS MAII IN QUIBUSDAM LOCIS EVENIRE NON POSSIT. [A] Constat igitur quod primo anno decennovenalis cycli, quando nulla epacta in capite ponitur, in Kalendas Martias luna VIIIIa et in VIIIo Idus Martias XVI occurrit. Hanc deduc XXXmam et incipe primam; et Nonas Aprilis occurrit XIIIIa, qui est terminus primi decennovenalis. Iterum eisdem XVI quos anno priori in VIII Idus Martias habuisti, adde XI, occurrit eodem die XXVII. Hanc cum XXX mam deduxeris, occurrit sequens XIIIIa luna VIII Kalendis Aprilis, qui est terminus secundus. Sicque lunationibus singulis usque nonum decimum annum, eodem die, VIII Idus scilicet Martii. Addendo semper XI ad praecedentem eiusdem diei lunae aetatem, anni praecedentis quotalibet infra trigesimam fuerit. Deduc eam XXXmam et deduc sequentem usque XIIIIam, et ubicumque XIIIIma fuerit, ibi sine ulla ambiguitate terminus paschalis erit. [B] Porro si eodem die XXXa inciderit, quod tamen non nisi semel per XVIIII annos fit, deduc more solito sequentem, et ubi XIIII occurrerit, ibi et terminus erit. Prima vero cum VIII Idus Martii occurrerit, eadem procul dubio paschalis erit. Et hoc certissime cave, ne prius natam lunam quam VIII Idus Martii paschalem deputes; sed quotacumque eodem die occurrerit, aut XXXa eodem die teneas aut XXXmam deducas, et sequentem quolibet loco XIIII occurrerit paschalem esse non dubites. [C] Iste ordo et haec ratio numquam ex eodem die quo in praedicto concilio statuta fuit, turbari ab ullo potuit aut poterit; sed potius ille concussus erit qui eam concutere nisus fuerit. Expleto igitur anno XVIIII, statutoque eiusdem anni termino novissimo. Si iterum probare volueris quod haec ratio ratione constet et haec auctoritas digna auctoritate subsistat. Adde de eodem sepedicto die VIII Idus Martii praecedetis lunae aetati, non XI, ut prius, sed propter saltum lunae XII; et iterum occurrit tibi luna, sicut in principio eodem die, XVI. Atque ita sequentia (ms p.300 – 301) eodem quo prius ordine cuncta proveniant. Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) IIII 20, cit. Schriften 1222 [not Mb]: = Argumentum Ad Inveniendum Locum XIIII Lunae Paschalis Per XVIIII Annos, ed. Jones (1980) 677: 7 terminus primus decennovenalis/ 12decimum nonum tr/ 28 praedicto concilio: Niceno Concilio/ occurret. ms Mb² = Madrid BN L.95 (Murbach 814 – 820) f.46 – 46v: ¶ XX / POSSIT ss. [A] decennovennalis¹/ decennovennalis².
Argumenta Paschalia 6 – 30
[B] et ubi XIIIIa/ deputaes/ loco XIIIIa. [C] igitur anno XVIIIIo/ ratio ss/ Adde de: de om/ praecedentis/ XVI: XVIma . 3 Pt = Paris BN N.a.lat.1615, f.128 – 182 (E Francia 812 – 820) f.169v, 181v: KALENDAS APRILIS ET om [pace Schriften]/ POSSIT: POTEST. [A] decennovennalis¹/ in³ om/ primus/ decennovennalis²/ XVI²: sedecim/ XXXa: XXX ma/ XXIIIIa: XXIIII/ nonum decimum: nonXIum/ VIII Idus scilicet: scilicet VIII tr/ Idus om/ trigisimam/ erit corr ex exit. [B] XXXa¹: XXX mam/ quodacumque/ occurrerit², aut XXXa2 eodem die om/ XIIII occurrerit: XIIIIma occurrit/ concuss/ XVIIII: XIIImo. [C] quo: quod/ digna …: dig- (f.169v)/ -na auctoritate subsistat … cuncta provenient (f.181v). Sk lac Vy² lac Mt2 = Monza B.Capit. 6B-117, f.11v – 92v (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.55v: XX . [A] primi: primus/ eisdem XVI: eius deinde decim/ XIIII Kalendis Aprilis/ infra trigesima. [B] certissimae. [C] perbare/ et hec/ eode saepedicto/ precedentis. Vp = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4v – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) f.86 – 86v: XX . XIIII²: XIII. [A] decennovennalis¹/ decennovennalis²/ trigisimam. [B] XVIIII corr ex VIIII ss.
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APPENDIX E Manuscript Descriptions
Manuscript Descriptions
Within Walahfrid’s lifetime (808/9 – 849), all of his argumenta vel formulae computistica transcribed from the Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 820) could have been found in the following codices or their exemplars and copied in his ms Sn: Mb² = Madrid BN Lat. L.95 [cat.3307] f.7 – 71 (Murbach 814 – 820) f.7 – 20, 26 – 71. Pt3 = Paris BN N.a.lat.1615, f.128 – 182 (E Francia ca.820) f.143 – 181v. Sk¹ = St. Gallen Stiftsbibliothek 397, pages 53 – 148 (Grimalt ante 830). Vy2 = Vat. Lat.645, f.12 – 92 (NE Francia ca.845) f.38 – 55 Mt2 = Monza B.Capitolare 6B-117 (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) f.9 – 92v. Vp2 = Vat. Regin.lat.309, f.4 – 29, 59 – 120 (St.-Denis 858 – 860).
From them we could hope to find the source used by Walahfrid for his argumenta 1 – 5 in ms Sn p.344 – 347, written in the late Spring or Summer of A.D.829 at Weißenburg [Appendix C]. These manuscripts also contain the earliest sources for his argumenta 6 – 30 in ms Sn p.278 – 301 [Appendix D]; collation of their texts gives the probable provenance of these later transcriptions to have been written in Autumn 833 at Prüm, though with less certainty. For this search, we may add to previous descriptions of the six manuscripts in relation to Sn:
Manuscript Descriptions
Mb = ms Madrid Biblioteca National L.95 [cat. 3307]. The manuscript Mb contains the earliest known and most carefully transcribed and illustrated copy of the Compilatio DCCCXII, books I – V, though some folios are missing at its beginning and end, and those remaining are no longer in good order. The present binding holds together a printed book and five codices which may have been written at various times and places. Original folios 1 – 4 of Mb were replaced by a printed book about the course of the Sun through the Zodiac, incomplete.1 Some other folios were cut into strips and used for binding. Thus, we differentiate the five codices: Mb1 = f.5 – 6, 73, 79 – 80; Mb2 = f.7 – 20, 26 – 71; Mb3 and Mb4 = f.21 – 25; and Mb5 = f.72 – 78. One or more quires must have been lost after f.71, for Mb5 f.72 begins in the middle of Bedae DNR XLVII (= Compilatio book VII) and concludes its final book DNR LI on f.74, continuing however to f.78 with other texts which are not parts of the Compilatio. Although several of its folios have been scattered or lost, the codex Mb1 retains parts of Compilatio section I 3: the twelve-month Calendar.2 Fol.5 – 6v contain the part for May to August; March and April are now numbered f.79 – 79v, followed by September to October on f.80 – 80v, both folios having been misplaced in binding. A vertical strip (reversed) was formerly December, now numbered f.73, and its verso was November of the same calendar, though most of their texts are now missing. Folio 73/76 was a bifolium: the surviving strip of f.73 now serves in the binding to hold f.76 in place. Two other such strips which follow f.25 and 52 belong to this codex Mb1 and possibly to this calendar for months January and February; they are now used for holding adjacent leaves in the binding.3 It may be assumed that these fragments are from original folios 1 – 4. Thus, we distinguish Mb1 as f. 5 – 6, 73/76, 79 – 80, and possibly the unnumbered fragments f.25bis and 52bis. Mb² was written with Alemannic script, for which the Reichenau, St. Gallen, Straßburg, and Murbach were the principal centres. It was 1 Thesaurus Eruditionis, Pro Sole. Per Duodecim Zodiaci Signa Discurrente. Excellmo. D.D. Francisco Fernandez De Castro . . . (Plutomynia P. Francisco De Macedo Societatis Iesu . . .), described by Boschen (1972), 13 – 14. 2 Compilatio I 3 is a twelve-month Calendar; it does not have the title introduced by Borst in Schriften 1103: Martyrologium Per Duodecim Menses. 3 This calendar has been reconstructed by Boschen (1972), 34 – 55, with facsimiles of ms Madrid, f.16v and 17. These Calendar fragments are of I 3 in Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) and differ considerably from the calendar in the three-book Compilatio DCCC VIII (~808/9/10), section I 5: Martyrologium excarpsatum, ed. McCulloch (1979), II, 179 – 237; ed. Borst (2001); the latter is cited idem (2006), 1390.
Manuscript Descriptions
written in three handsome hands of the same scriptorium within the period of A.D.814 – 820 and probably at the Abbey of St. Leodegar at Murbach.4 We may distinguish the first hand as having written f.7 – 20v, 26 – 30v through the titulus of Compilatio section II 22, after which the second hand continues with the text, f.30v – 34v; a third hand5 is active briefly on f.34v – 35v to the completion of section III 5. At this point, the first hand returns for f.35v – 71v, completing the surviving folios of this codex, though he allows brief spaces for other writers.6 This writing has the characteristics of script known in the Alsace during the first quarter of the ninth century and has been claimed for Murbach, but it may also be compared with scripts of Weißenburg and Straßburg. The script of f.7 – 20v is not the earlier, rounded Murbach type from the end of the eighth century described in Codices Latini Antiquiores IX (1969), p.x; rather its letter forms are mostly rectilinear, using few abbreviations or suspensions. Carolingian minuscule letter a with long upper stroke in a lazy curve is preferred, but sometimes this usage alternates with the Fulda open-a made with separate strokes rising to points (e.g. f.34 quia). Minuscule d with vertical ascender alternates with insular ∂ , leaning far to the left. The semi-uncial upright and square letter N is found at beginning or middle of words, as well as at word-end in the NT-ligature. The scribe’s letter r can ligature with any vowel or most consonants, and it often rises to a peak before descending with a curve into ligature with letter t; he often uses the ri-ligature with the letter i curving below the line into the shape of elongated s. A high and hand Manuscritos liturgicos de la Biblioteca Nacional. Catalogo, por José Janini y José Setrano, con la colaboracion de Anscari Manuel Mundo (Madrid, 1969), 73. Regrettably, during 26 – 29 July 2012 the Director of Manuscripts of the Biblioteca Nacional allowed me to view only a facsimile, not the manuscript itself. That facsimile appears to be a reliable reproduction on modern parchment. Fortunately, this author possesses an excellent microfilm made several decades ago directly from the original manuscript, from which my more recent readings of the facsimile could be confirmed. 5 This third hand is quite different from the others in ductus and abbreviations: Haec sunt sortes sanctorum quem umquam conturbant . . . CCC Post solem surgunt stellae sed interum sol ad lucem reveritur . . . CCV De quo consulis animus tuus firmus sit . . . etc. In right and lower margins of f.34v and f.35 – 35v, a new hand has entered Sortes Sanctorum; this would be perhaps the earliest datable example of this means of overcoming uncertainty. 6 The last two lines of Bedae DTR XXVIII. De Effectiva Lunae Potentia are written on the top of f.50 recto and the remainder of that folio was left blank, as was f.68 recto. The third hand also added a Horologium on f.50v, completed by several other hands on f.51. But the first hand of Mb2 returned for f.52 – 52v to complete Compilatio book IIII. Notes about solar eclipses on f.68 verso are a bit smaller and in a different and contemporary hand; then in mid-folio the first hand continues the previous text. 4
Manuscript Descriptions
some st-ligature is used often, but the semicircular Ct-ligature of Fulda is not found. It seems as if the scribe were trained during the first quarter of s.IX, perhaps under a Fulda master,7 and then returned to his home scriptorium in the Elsaß, for he sometimes forgets the Alemannic style and falls into usages of previous training, of which the open-a and insular-∂ (leaning left) are exemplary. The second hand returns on f.35v (eleven lines from bottom) with Compilatio III 6, a quotation of Bedae DTR XXXVIII. De Ratione Bissexti, ed. (1943) 12 – 27; (1977) 14 – 32, explaining the need for an additional day in the solar calendar every four years. Uncertainty is introduced however by the editor of this section who cited it but did not give the text for its appearance in either of the compilationes, but only cross-referenced each to the other. Codex Mb2 folios 7 – 20v hold 56 nineteen-year cycles enumerated from years o to M LXIII (1063). Consistent with that enumeration of nineteen years (0 – 18), the ogdoas was noted at annus VII and endecas at XVIII, rather than at VIII and XVIIII. These cycles are an extension of the Tabula paschalia by Dionysius Exiguus who had created Tabula Paschalis DXXXII – DCXXVI for 95 years (532 – 626), edited by Bruno Krusch, from which these greater tables in Mb2 were projected backwards and forwards to encompass years from o to 1063. Krusch however used a later manuscript in which the table extended from 1 to 1064; thus, his edition is not the table created by Dionysius but one adapted to the later practices of Beda. The modified table of Krusch has been thoroughly analyzed by Declercq (2000) and (2002).8 Nevertheless, they and many others have not used Mb2 which offers the earliest surviving transcription of that table. In Mb2 the heading, Primus Cyclus Decennovennalis, was enumerated IIII, as found in other manuscripts. With Mosshammer (2008), 33 – 34, we assume that in A.D.525 Dionysius had used the word nulla as numeral to begin the Primus Cyclus of his Easter Table for the conjunction of a New Moon with the Sun. However, rather than writing the 7 Stevens, (1972a), 287 – 317; idem, (1973) 9 – 16; both repr idem (1995), items VI and VII. 8 Dionysius Exiguus, Tabula Paschalis DXXXII – DCXXVI, ed. Krusch (1938), 19, 69 – 74. Declercq (2000), especially 99 – 112: ‘The Easter table of Dionysius,’ and 112 – 130: ‘The year of the Lord.’ Declercq then offered some corrections in (2002), esp. 187 – 209. Notice also p. 189 – 196: ‘The “error” of Dionysius,’ and his remarks on 197 – 200. Similar data for years nul to 531 have been published in PL XC (1850) 826 – 835, attributed to Dionysius and projected for years 532 – 1063 by Jones (1980), 551 – 562.
Manuscript Descriptions
term nul or nulla, or leaving a blank space, the scribe of Mb2 wrote the numeral o, shaped like the normal letter o in the script of his Roman alphabet. The numeral o is not associated with those numerals which were later called Gubar, Hindi-Arabic, or Western Arabic9 but was used here in sequence with Roman numerals I, II, III et sequentia to XVIII. Folio 7 thus displays the first known use of the sign o as a Roman numeral in a Latin manuscript.10 Nine columns of data are headed Anni Domini Nostri Iesu Christi / Indictiones/ Epacta Lunae/ Concurrentes/ Cycli Lunae/ XIIII Luna Paschae/ Dies Domini Festivalis/ Luna Ipsius Diei. Prior to the column for Anni Domini, letter B’s for Bissexti are placed in the left margin, but that column lacks a heading. In the left margin of folio 7 are several additions of anni mundi. They begin with III milia DCCC[C] LII (3952) to correspond with annus domini I. Eighteen years later, annus domini XVIIII (19), first numeral of the second cycle is noted in margin as III milia DCCCCLXX (3970). Thirty years later, annus XLVIIII (49) of the third cycle is noted in the margin as IIII milia ab origine mundi secundum ebraicam veritatem (4000). These marginal notations were certainly written in the same scriptorium as Mb² and could have been added by the first hand. Apparently, this scribe was comparing the year-count of this table with that of Beda.11 Other notes in left margins of Mb2 are at annus CXXII (122): Item Antoninorum; annus CXLI (141): Commodus; annus C LII (152): III milia DCCCC LII (3952), but erased; annus C LIIII (154): Fluvius. Also in contemporary scripts at annus DCCC I (801): Karol imp. est; DCCC XIII (813): Karolus imp. Obit. More difficult to read are DCCC XIIII (814): Hludo]uuicus filius eius [Karl]uum successit; and DCCC XVIII (818): [. . .]nhart filius Pippini obit; [Hi]rmingart regina.12 9 See Gandz (1931), 393 – 424; Beaujouan (1948), 301 – 313; Irani (1955 – 1956), 1 – 12. Declercq (2002) remarked also that the first ‘epact’ was numbered nulla and added parenthetically: ‘(the number 0, of course, being then still unknown).’ 10 The significance of o in the early ninth century as a Roman numeral is discussed by Stevens (2013 – 2014) with a facsimile of folio 7. Borst, Schriften 1107, noted this small circle in Mb as a variant reading: ‘0 (ein kleiner Kreis)’; yet, Mb is his primary text, and the numeral o is not a variant. 11 Cf. also cycli decennovenali in Section III 10: et his semper adice ·I· , in the margin of f.26. 12 For these and for many more annotations in later scripts, see Boschen (1972), 17 – 26, 57 – 61 et passim. Another annal for the coronation of Karl der Große on the calendar line for annus DCCC I (801) is ms Wien Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Lat.515, f.1 – 5 (s.IX in). Usually called Annales Laureshamenses, having survived at Lorsch, those folios of ms Wien reveal no early reference to Lorsch and are more likely
Manuscript Descriptions
Eclipsin solis was added in the right margin of folio 14 at annus DXXXVIII (538) and again at annus DXL (540), apparently in the same script and ink as the primary text. Later eclipses of the sun were noted in the right margin of f.17 – 17v at anni DCC LX (760); DCC LIIII (764); DCC LXXXVIII (788); DCCC X bis (810); and DCCC XII (812). These correspond with the eclipses on f.68v, listed below. A lunar eclipse was also noted in the right margin of f.17v for annus DCCC XX (820). The first five books of Compilatio DCCC XII are enumerated in upper margins of f.26 [Liber . . .] ss, f.31v – 32 Liber Tertius ss, f.40 Liber Quartus ss, and f.53 Liber Quintus ss; these tituli may have been added by a contemporary reader after their texts were completed. The sixth and seventh books of the Compilatio are not found in Mb, save for a few lines of the seventh, as noted. Other parts of the present-day manuscript Mb are now gathered into this one binding and written by different hands which are often similar, though not certainly from the same time and place. We may distinguish: Mb3 and Mb4 = f.21 – 25. Fol.21/22 is a bifolium in which the rectos were blank; but it was turned, and the inside of those leaves was used, f.22r – 21v, in reverse sequence of that now found. Without a heading, they received a list of feria with Bissextiles: the data begin with B IIII V VI VII, B II III IIII V et sequentia. Presumably, this series was intended to begin with year D XIII (513) and Bissextus for feria IIII. The second line begins 19 years later for years D XXXII (532), continuing with lines D LI (551), D LXX (570), and so on to DCC LXXIIII (774); two more lines for years 793 and 812 have disappeared into the binding. The series continues on f.21 verso for years DCCC XXXI (831) to M XLV (1045). The right margin also gives the year XXXVII (37) and is marked to correspond with the second line of bissextiles and feria, year LVI (56) with the twentieth line, continuing to D XXXI (531), thus corresponding with years of cycli decennovenales on f.7 – 20v. Similar data for only seven bissextiles and 28 feria were organised in a rota, which was also copied in Pt Vp and later manuscripts of Compilatio DCCCXII (812 – 818).13 Data of f.22r – 21v to have been written in or derived from Gorze or Metz: discussed by Stevens (2003), 9 – 28. Annus domini DCCC I (801) is also recorded as the date for crowning Karl in Annales S. Amandi breves, cit. Boschen (1972), 105, who notes that the edition of Pertz should not be cited for these dates, as it is incomplete after year 796. 13 Cf. section I 1 B, ed. Schriften 1098, collating Pt3 Vp2 but not Mb3. The heading: Concurrentes Septimanae Dies, used in Schriften, does not occur in Mb3 but was found by the editor in later manuscripts.
Manuscript Descriptions
were written in a script similar to Mb², which we may call hand Mb³. A later user however has entered alternate numerals in the right margins: XXXVII, LXI, LXXV et seq. in reverse order and has marked each line of text with a long, lazy ∽, extending from below the numeral of each annus to the right above the preceding indictio numeral, in order to shift each horizontal series of data to a year one line lower; that would make annus DXXXII correspond with data for annus I (rather than with annus o or nulla). This alteration would force data at the end of the vertical series of cycli decenovennales on f.20v to become annus M LXIIII (1064), rather than the original annus M LXIII (1063), so as to correspond with Bedan data. A later user Mb4 however deemed that those years should be realigned with concurrents of the second line. Across the bottom of f.21v, a yet later hand has added corresponding data for Epacta/ Anni/ Cicli Lunaris/ Terminus LXX/ Terminus Paschalis/ Regulares.14 Lacking from the first book of Compilatio DCCC XII are sections I 1 – 2 and the beginning of the calendar in section I 3, but the entire verso of folio 22 was left blank. Four lists of numerals were added to fol.23 by yet another hand. Sections I 10 and 11 were written on f.23v – 25 by a hand similar to and contemporary with Mb4, missing brief parts of the texts. Section I 10 A,B (without titulus) is written across the first twelve lines of f.23v – 24, explaining how to reckon Easter Sundays from the Kalends of January. The table for section I 10 is headed by subsection 10 C and continues across all four pages, but its data for seven feria of luna dominica on Kalendarum Ianuarii are not those published in Schriften.15 Section I 11 (without titulus) is also written across the first twelve lines of f.24v – 25, explaining how to reckon Easter Sundays from March first. A folio which began the next gathering [f.25bis] has been cut away, leaving a gap. Notice also the addition of a teaching drill on fol.27 in the same hand for three pronominal adjectives: Unus unius uni 14 Also added below by a fourth hand is a 19-year lunar table composed of data from Lectiones computi I 7. Epactas lunae; and I 8. Regulares Ad Pascha Conputanda. For this text cf. De Paschali Racione Aliisque Causis (737) XXII B, from ms Berlin Staatsbibliothek Phillipps 1831, f.138 – 142, ed. Schriften 403. The scripts of this Dialogus computi in ms Phillipps 1831 are from Metz about A.D.882 and later, not from Verona ‘zwischen den Jahren 800 und 810,’ nor ‘wenig später, 818 oder 819,’ pace Schriften. 15 The texts of sections I 10 and 11 are well edited in Schriften 1132 – 1133. The table which follows section I 10 C in Mb2 however was omitted from Schriften 1134 – 1145, substituting data from the earlier Compilatio DCCC VIIII (~808/9/10) I 11 B where the manuscripts of München and Wien are cited by Schriften 1394 – 1395.
Manuscript Descriptions
solus solius soli alter alterius alteri16
These selections from Priscian may be compared with the Chrien for student practice of irregular singular and plural forms in Walahfrid’s Sn ms p.174 – 176, noted by Bischoff as ‘a rare little gem in the history of education.’17 Immediately on Mb3 f.27, there follow a selection of terms for defining numbers which are repeated here, as they were written: Genera numerorum in sensibus secundum Augustinum18 Progres fores in actu Occur fores in passione: Recordabiles in memoria Sonandes in delectatione: Judiciales in descretiones: [Read: progressiones, occuriones, recordabiles, sonantes, iudicales.] Only the second set of these lines from Mb3 is found in Pt3 f.154; but both sets recur in Vy2 f.44v, Vp f.70v, and a few later manuscripts. It may be noticed that Compilatio III 10 transcribes Annalis libellus III and V, though without tituli, and dates itself DCC XCIII (793), while section IIII 19 on Mb2 f.45v was transcribed from Calculatio Quomodo Repperiri Possit, . . . and dates itself DCC LXXVI (776).19 For Compilatio IIII 12 [item 29] on Mb2 f.43, most of a line was originally left blank; returning to complete the text, the same hand changed his script to smaller letter forms in order to fit the space available: ‘& nonus 16 The larger source of these declensions is Priscian, Institutio de nomine, pronomine et verbo 2,35. They were added by Borst to his edition of Compilatio DCCC XII as section II 12c [B], ed. Schriften 1158. A dialogue version of the work by Priscian is found in Walahfrid’s early studies before 827 on the Reichenau: ms Sn p.18 – 32 [W II], but not noticed by Jeudy (1972). 17 Bischoff (1967a), 46 and his note 31. Although he recognised the rarity of such a Chrien in Carolingian manuscripts and named two others in München; he remarked also that this ‘rare little gem’ was a ‘Monstra.’ 18 These lines were printed by Borst as appendices in Compilatio II 12c A and 12d, ed. Schriften 1157, though not edited with these textual variants. In note 53, he identified the source of Genera numerorum . . . as Augustini De musica VI,6,16, ed. G. Marzi (1969), 534 – 536. 19 All early manuscripts give the same dating formulae in Section III 10 which are from its source. The latter section appeared first as an addition to Bedae Epistola ad Wicthedam, and was used also for 776 by Ealwhine/Alcuin for his Calculatio Quomodo Repperiri Possit, . . ., noticed by Jones (1939), 42 – 43 and his edition on p.104 – 106. Those two sections were not used by Walahfrid.
Manuscript Descriptions
decimus – cui causam nutandi varia facit ac dispersa.’ On f.45v the Calculatio Alcuini of Section IIII 19 gives annus DCC LXXVI (776), as found also in Annalis libellus XVIIII.20 Compilatio V on f.53 – 70 includes not only the particular stars for recognising signs of the Zodiac within large selections and illustrations of mythic figures [V 1 – 2], apparently taken from one of several available Latin versions of Aratos de Soloi (ca.315 – 240 B.C.),21 but also descriptions of the orbits of planets on f.63 – 66 with yet larger illustrations of those orbits, two concentric and two eccentric to Earth, created by Carolingian scholars:
f.63v [V 3] rota of seven planets in positions and orbits around terra, as centre point;
f.64 [V 4] rota of seven planets around terra, with their orbits in tonal proportions;
f.65v [V 5] rota of seven planets around terra but not at centre point, as their orbits describe apogees (near and far), with small zig-zags representing apparent retardations;
f.66 [V 6] rota of seven planets around terra but each with a different centre, showing apogees and perigees for each orbit, relative to the zodiacal signs. The Earth is not shown.
The texts were written first and spaced on the pages so as to leave room for the diagrammes. They have attracted recent studies22: Stephen Mc Cit. Schriften 1218 and 704 – 711. Cf. Aratus Latinus cum scholiis, ed. Maass (1898), 175 – 271, with comparison of Greek and Latin texts, and a Latin Recensio interpolata. Cf. De signis coeli ps-Bedae, ed. Heerwagen I (1563) 442 – 456, repr PL XC (1850) 945 – 950; also ed. Maass (1898), 582 – 594; and ed. Dell’Era (1979), 283 – 296. The Recensio interpolata has been edited as ‘Revised Aratus Latinus’ by Kristen Lippincott, The Saxl Project: [email protected] and http://www.kristenlippincott.com/the-saxl-project/ manuscripts/classical-literary-tradition/revised-aratus-latinus/ where she has published both texts and illustrations online. For description of constellations in Mb2 , f.63v – 66, see also Dekker (2013), 188, who places it in Metz, rather than Murbach; for provenance from Metz, see p.21 – 23 infra. 22 The diagrammes of eccentric planetary orbits on Mb2 f.65v – 66 were displayed and discussed by Stevens (1997), 417 – 487, esp. 447 – 454 with illustrations. Similar diagrammes from later manuscripts are published and described by Eastwood and 20 21
Manuscript Descriptions
Cluskey suggests for example that the diagrammes are earth-centred and could be Ptolemaic. Yet, being earth-centered would not be sufficient for his purpose, since the master astronomer of Alexandria used equants (off centre from the Earth) for his descriptions of inner orbits of Venus and Mercury; that is, his calculations required that they not be centred on Earth. However brilliant in their time, the mathematics for Ptolemy᾿s explanations of the outer orbits of Mars, Saturn, and Jupiter which did seem to centre on Earth were never sufficient to account for them. In fact, for two of those Carolingian diagrammes, all orbits of planets are shown not concentric with the Earth, save for Sun and Moon. Could this be due to observations of the heavens in ninth century schools? That seemed unlikely for Carolingian schoolmasters, according to most historians. Bruce Eastwood for example knew that some of those scholars could have read parts of the Historia Naturalis of Plinius Secundus. The text of HN II 15 – 17 describes absides of planetary orbits and their apogees, though not perigees; thus, planetary apogees may have stimulated these drawings. Yet, that text of Pliny has never been found together with these diagrammes, save in the Compilatio DCCC XII. Eastwood seems confident that Carolingian attempts to decipher and represent the text of Pliny was more important than observations, yet he later allowed that there may have been some observation for the purpose. It should be clear now that there were both observations and use of texts when studying astronomy in the early ninth century, without insisting that one or the other must take priority. The two figures of eccentric planetary orbits on Mb2 f.65v and 66 and numerous later manuscripts of Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) V 5 – 6 could have provided a new basis for astronomy in Carolingian schools for the next three centuries. The concept of eccentric planetary orbits however was lost during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries in the attempts of later scholars from Sicily and Spain to fit their observations and calculations into Ptolemaic tables which once more required the orbits of all planets to centre on Earth. That must have been a backward step for astronomy, from which it did not recover until the sixteenth century when doubts about Ptolemy’s data on Mars by Tycho Brahe led Johannes Kepler to propose that orbits of planets could be described by ellipses with two centres, rather than by circles with one. Grasshoff (2004), 30 – 37 with figures II 5 and 7. Recent discussions are in the essays on Carolingian Scholarship and Martianus Capella, eds. Teeuwen and O’Sullivan (2011), with different perspectives.
Manuscript Descriptions
These remarkable and innovative astronomical figures of Mb2 in the early ninth century are followed on f.67 by explanations of lunar and solar eclipses from sections V 7: De Interlunio; V 8: De Eclipsi Lunae; and V 9: De Eclypsi Solis, which are simple but accurate, then and now. On f.67v there is an incomplete rota mundi which shows the equator, the meridianal band, and five lines of latitudinal bands of climata, leaving spaces for twelve plagae, but without names or description. The scribe also left blank a little more than half of f.68 verso at the top, either for the text of section I 10 or with the intention of entering a drawing to illustrate the phenomena of eclipses.23 Written with a pale red ink in that space of 17 lines on upper f.68v is a list of solar eclipses from A.D.760 to 812; the script of this extra data on eclipses appears to be written by the same hand or by a contemporary hand of the same scriptorium: Anno dominice incarnationis DCC LX facta est eclipsis solis XVIII Kal. Septembris [14 Aug. 760] in XXVIII parte Leonis [28th part of Leo] hora diei quasi nona. [about the 9th hour] Anno DCC LXIIII similit[er] facta est eclipsis solis pridie nonus Junii [4 June 764] in XVIII parte Geminorum, [18th part of The Twins] hora diei quasi VI. [about the 6th hour] Hae duae eclipsis facta est tempore domni Pippini regis. [during 751 – 768] Item anno DCC LXXXVII facta est eclipsis solis XV Kal. Octobris.24 [17 Sept. 787] Item anno DCCC VII similiter facta est eclipsis solis III Idus Februarii [11 Feb. 807] in XXVI parte Aquarii [26th part of Aquarius] hora diei quasi sexta. [about the sixth hour]
23 The text of Compilatio section V 10: De Eclipsi Solis, Quando Visa Sit, was omitted by Mb2 , pace Schriften. 24 A ruler was used to make a thin line under the words, perfectly clean and regular. Attention to this line could be assumed in the exemplar from which Mb2 f.68v has been copied.
Manuscript Descriptions
Item anno DCCC X [fuit] eclipsis solis VII Idus Junii [7 June 810] hora quasi secunda [about the second hour] in XXII parte Geminorum. [22d part of The Twins] Item eodem anno fuit eclipsis solis pridie Kal. Decembris, [30 Nov. 810] in XIIII parte Sagittarii. [14th part of Sagittarius] Item anno DCCC XI fuit ecclipsis solis V Kal. Mai [27 April 811] hora diei prima completa. [the entire first hour] Item anno DCCC XII fuit eclipsis solis Idus Mai [15 May 812] hora diei quasi septima [about the seventh hour] in XXVIII parte Tauri. [28th part of Taurus] Those dates of eclipses are entered also at the proper years for the cycli decenovennali. We have remarked previously that notices of eclypsin solis were placed in the margin on f.14, beside anni D XXXVIII (538) and D XL (540), apparently in the same script and dark brown ink that was used also for the text of Vicesimus Nonus Cyclus Decennovennalis (533 – 552). On f.17v the date of a lunar eclipse for year DCCC XX (820) has also been added in the right margin of the QUADRAGESIMUS QUARTUS CYCLUS DECENNOVENNALIS. Like many of the other marginal notes, this one also appears to be in the original script of f.7 – 20, 26 – 71, thus providing the terminus post quem non (820) for the primary scripts of codex Mb2. From lower f.68v to 71, Compilatio V is completed with section 11: Dimensio Caelestium Spatiorum Secundum Quosdam, discussing relative distances between earth, planets, and the zodiac; and section 12: De Praesagiis Tempestatum, on weather predictions from observations of sun, moon, stars, clouds, animals, and plants.25 After f.71, gatherings containing Book VI had been removed. Book VII is found earlier in f.53 – 73. Added to the Compilatio DCCC XII are several items by scribe Mb4, of which we notice: 25
1) f.50v: DE HOROLOGIO Tituli are lacking for V 11 and 12.
Manuscript Descriptions
Compilatio IIII 28a, ed. Schriften 1232 – 1234, Appendix.26 [Lengths of shadows for latitudes by hours of daylight per season.]
2) f.51v – 52: ARGUMENTUM QUOT HORAS LUNA IN UNAQUAQUE NOCTE LUCEAT. Compilatio IIII 31a, ed. Schriften 1237 – 1239, Appendix. [The time of moonlight during each night.27] 3) f.51v: EXPOSITIO DE EADEM RE. Compilatio IIII 32a B, ed. Schriften 1239 – 1240, Appendix. [The basis for determining the duration of moonlight in each night.] 4) f.52 – 52v: DE ACCENSIONE LUNAE. [Times of first appearance of new moon = Walahfrid’s item 5: Sn p.346 – 347.]28 One or more quires were lost after f.71, including the whole of Compilatio VI and most of VII. Surviving are f.72 – 76 which we call Mb5, in which are the last chapters of Bedae DNR29 from mid- XLVII to LI on f.72 – 74. Continuing on f.74 – 76v are three sections for explanations of weights and measures30 which were not transcribed by Walahfrid. There follows a fragment from another manuscript, later numbered 77, of which the writing is only partly visible because the leaf is partly crumpled. Its verso reveals a table of seven feria in a series of bissextiles for Appendices now printed as Compilatio IIII 28a – 33a, ed. Schriften 1232 – 1242; and V 13a – 20a, ed. Schriften 1294 – 1305 are found only in manuscripts of mid-ninth century and later and were not part of the Compilatio DCCC XII. Those argumenta were included by Borst in his edition because their contents are related to argumenta of V 1 – 12, concerning appearances of planets. 27 Titulus, table, and text were written across the upper seven lines of adjacent folios. This table omits semis, quadrans, et seq. but for dodrantes, their signa were used rather than the word. 28 Compilatio IIII 33a, ed. Schriften 1240 – 1242, Appendix. 29 Compilatio VII 1 C, cit. Schriften 1321 – 1322. 30 Compilatio VII 2 – 4, ed. Schriften 1322 – 1332. The right and lower margins of f.74, 75, 75v have glosses, some of which were lost due to trimming of folios in binding. Folkerts (1992), repr (2003), item II, 311 – 334, esp. 326; for possible sources, Borst (2006), 1327, n.191. 26
Manuscript Descriptions
four years at a time, beginning with B I but skipping over each fifth year (V, III, I . . .) et sequentia. The next folio has also been later numbered 78, also from a different manuscript written perhaps in the tenth century in two columns. However, f.79 – 80 are from ms Mb1 with parts of the twelve-month Calendar of Compilatio I 3, described above. Wilhelm Neuß proposed in 1940 that Mb was probably written about A.D.840 at Metz.31 Wilhelm Koehler cited that date and origin when he was first describing illustrations of constellations in Carolingian manuscripts, and it has been widely accepted.32
f.63v [V 3] Rota of seven planets in positions and courses around terra, as centre point, Koehler Plate 60 b;
f.64 [V 4] Rota of seven planets around terra as centre point, with their orbits in tonal proportions, Koehler Plate 60 c;
f.65v [V 5] Rota of seven planets around terra, as their orbits describe apogees (near and far), with small zig-zags representing apparent retardations; the orbit of each planet is eccentric to Earth. Koehler Plate 60 d;
f.66 [V 6] Rota of seven planets circling around terra but with different centres, showing apsis and perigesis for each orbit relative to the zodiacal signs, Koehler Plate 60 e.
For some specified folios, Neuss had also supported the dates from A.D.820 to 829, and again 812 – 827 (probably meaning 820 – 827) at Metz.33 Later, Koehler included Mb with five manuscripts called the 31 Neuss (1940), 37 – 64, esp. 46 – 48 and 60. The date of ‘ca.840’ was repeated by Florentine Mütherich (1965), 50, for the illustrations on f.54v – 62v, rather than for the scripts. She had inspected them in Madrid for Professor Koehler. However, when that date was repeated in the Austellungskatalog Karls des Großen (1965), Nr.479, apparently it was extended to the scripts. 32 For planetary orbits displayed in Compilatio V 3, 4, 5, 6 of Mb2 , described above, see Koehler (1960), III, plates 60b, c, d, e. 33 Neuss (1941), 113 – 140. He proposed that the Madrid manuscript could be related to ms Paris BN Lat.9388 from Metz. He also differentiated three types of texts and illustrations of Hyginus: those of Mb and ms Vat. BAV Lat.645 which he believed were at Metz in A.D.827; a second in three manuscripts: Wien 387, CLM 210, and Vat. Regin.lat.309; and a third in ms Leiden Voss. Lat.79.
Manuscript Descriptions
Drogo-Gruppe, accepting that it could have been written at Metz and adding that this manuscript could have been presented to the young Drogo in 823 when he became bishop of Metz.34 There has been a tendency of art historians to retain the late dating of illustrations in this manuscript to Metz A.D.840 and to apply that date to the scripts as well, but that cannot be correct.35 Further descriptions of Mb are by Boschen (1972); Borst, Schriften (2006); and literature cited by them.36 The opinion of Bischoff about photos of f.16v – 17 was cited by Boschen that ms Madrid had been transcribed in Murbach, though no date had been offered.37 More recently, Professor A.M. Mundo concluded that it 34 Drogo was a relative of Ludwig der Fromme, became bishop of Metz in 823, and continued in that Honour until his death in 852. Text and facsimiles from Mb of Der Sternbilder-Codex. Drogos astronomischer Kalender were published by Verlag Bibliotheca Rara (no date). Its anonymus introduction affirmed that it had been copied at Metz from a codex of Einhard. Unfortunately, that edition reproduces only the two illustrations of planetary orbits centered on terra but not the two in which their orbits are excentric. No relation with Einhard is in evidence. I am grateful to Professor Dietrich Lohrmann (Aachen) for the gift of this facsimile. 35 Early Alemannic scripts which could be from Murbach or Weiβenburg were noted by Bischoff (1974), 50 and n.104, 105: ms Vat. Pal.lat.574: CLA I 96; Vat. Pal. lat.493, f.100 – 106: CLA I 94; Vat. Pal.lat.245: CLA I 89; and the Weiβenburg fragment in ms Gotha Landesbibl. Mbr. I.85. Part of the so-called ‘Lorsch annals’ in ms Wien ÖNB Lat.515 (s.IX in) is Alemannic script (idem, n.106); and ms St. Gallen 831, p.1 – 182, which is apparently written by an Alsatian hand. Later, several scripts of ms Paris BN Lat.4860 (s.IX¾) are from the Alemannic-Bodensee region, perhaps the Reichenau, well before it travelled to Mainz in mid-tenth century: Stevens (1979), 191. Other West German manuscripts probably written with Murbach scripts are ms Firenze Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana pl. XXIX.32: Agrimensores, from the first third of the ninth century; and ms Brussels Bibliothèque Royale II.2572 (shortly after 800), with a hand on f.1: IUSSIT DOMNUS CAROLUS REX transcribere ex autentico Petri archidiaconi, perhaps not an original entry but identical with that of f.2 in ms Firenze. CLA X (1963) 1553 and Addenda to CLA II (1992); Bischoff (1981b), 170, trans. Gorman in Bischoff (1994), 139; Munk Olsen (1989), II, 534. These manuscripts were described from the notes of Bernhard Bischoff by Ebersperger in Bischoff, Katalog I (1998), 164 and 259. Murbach scribes in the first half of the ninth century have also been proposed for ms Leiden Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit, Lipsius 7. Together with a scribe from Luxeuil, those writers transcribed the entire text of Plinii Historia Naturalis before 850, for which see Borst (1994), 186, n.51. However, the ms Lipsius 7 was not written by any scribes cited here nor by those of ms Mb. Attribution of ms Lipsius 7 to a scribe of Luxeuil was not noticed by Tewes (2011). 36 Boschen (1972); Borst (2006), 248 – 249. Mb is not described in Professor Bischoff’s Katalog der festländischen Handschriften des neunten Jahrhunderts (mit Ausnahme der wisigotischen, Teil II: Laon – Paderborn (2004), because he had not inspected manuscripts in Madrid. 37 Boschen (1972) reviewed the opinions of Neuß, Mütherich, Koehler, Bischoff, and others concerning the dating and composition of the ‘Seven Book Computus.’ He concluded: ‘Herr Professor Bischoff . . . teilte mir (mündlich) mit, daß die Madrider
Manuscript Descriptions
was ‘escrito entre 814 – 820 … que la ultima anotación del copista seria de 820.’38 Thus, folios 7 – 20 and 26 – 71 were transcribed in the Abbey of St. Leodegar at Murbach during the first quarter of the ninth century, 814 – 820, probably during the earlier of those years. * * *
Handschrift nach einer Vorlag des Hofes in Murbach geschrieben sei’; that is, ms Mb was transcribed in Murbach from an exemplar belonging to the royal court. A summary of contents and a discussion of provenance is given by Mariana (1993) who accepted provenance from Metz rather than Murbach but noticed that the latest entry was added in 820. After reviewing the contents and scripts of Mb in his Reichskalender (2001), Teil I, 178 – 180, and Schriften (2006), 248 – 249, Borst stated that ‘Was übrigblieb, ist einer der ältesten Zeugen, jedenfalls die beste Fassung der Aachener Enzyklopädie.’ His edition of books II – IIII of the ‘Seven-Book Computus’ was called ‘Libri computi’ or ‘die Aachener Enzyklopädie,’ the exemplar for which he assumed a yet earlier date. 38 Mundo (1969), 73.
Manuscript Descriptions
Pt = Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Nouvelles Acquisitions lat. 1615.39 Now bound together are parts of three codices: Pt1 = f.3 – 18; Pt2 = f.19 – 127; Pt3 = f.128 – 181v; with three short additions Pt4 = f.181v – 183v; Pt5 = f.184 – 190; and Pt6 f.190 – 193. According to Léopold Delisle, Pt1 and Pt2 were stolen from Orléans by Guillaume Libri (1803 – 1869) and combined with other parts for sale as a single book.40 At the beginning are two folios 1 – 2 from a fourteenth century Bible, added perhaps to make this new assemblage more appealing on display for collectors. Provenance and date of Pt1 and Pt2 have been established as written at Fleury ca.830 by Elisabeth Pellegrin.41 Pt2 contains Bedae DTR. Folios 128 – 143 of Pt3 contain three more texts of Bedan computi, and its f.143 – 181v have many computistical items from Compilatio DCCC XII. The five texts gathered in the Summer of 829 by Walahfrid are found scattered in several folios of Pt3. Contents of codex Pt1 f.3 – 18 are f.3 LUNAE PER DUODECIMA SIGNA A N h c k e m g B Aprilis/ . . .42 [Bedae DTR XIX: Pagina Regularum, ed. Jones (1943), 219; (1977), 345.] f.4 – 9v Twelve-month Calendar. [Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) I 3, cit. Schriften 1103.]
f.10 [one page of a nineteen-year cycle for years DCC XCVIII – DCCC XVII (798 – 817) with nine columns, ogdoas and
39 The ms Pt is listed without differentiation of its six codices by Borst (1998), xx: Kalender c 1 (Auxerre um 830), which he relates to a group of Stammhandschriften in their Westfrankische Fassung, of which the earliest example is ms Roma B. Vallicelliana E 26 (Lyon 814 – 816) f.3 – 8v. That manuscript E 26 has many argumenta of the Compilatio, but few of those transcribed by Walahfrid. See also Borst’s comments on his Schriften, p.64, 118, 161, 306, 473, 502, 514, 521; on p.318 he also cited Pt for the series of questions: Capitula, De Quibus Convocati Compotiste Interrogati Fuerunt, ed. Dümmler (1895), 565 – 567, but they are not found therein. 40 Delisle (1883), 45; idem (1884), 70 – 76: Libri nr. 90. 41 Pellegrin (1963), 1 – 10. 42 This text lacks the last line of 19 Roman numerals but is followed by two horizontal series of letters, corresponding with the columns above: [S X A v U] I K R E . . . , and [. . . . . .] I S R . . . , with dots placed above, below, or to the right of some letters, perhaps as litterae formatae, for which see Jones (1943), 60, 68, 331.
Manuscript Descriptions
endecas at years eight (805) and nineteen (816); there are also five lines of a later computus note.] f.11 Quota Sit Luna Per Singulis Kalendis XVIIII Annorum. VIIII X VIIII X . . .43 [Compilatio IIII 1 A,B: Table for age of the Moon at Kalends of each month for 19 years; section C for epacts is lacking. Cf. Vp f.142v: Greek; f.143: Roman. Ed. PL XC 805 – 806; see Jones (1939) 76 – 77: this item is to be combined with Aetas lunae . . .] [Lunar letters, series A – K (30 columns x 20 lines), incomplete.44] f.11v Cicli solaris: Anni XVI – XXVIII, I – XV. [Table for seven days: Sabbat – Feria VI; Dominical letters A – G for seven years.45] f.12 – 18v PRIMUS CICLUS DECENNOVENNALIS [Anni Domini Nostri D XXXII – D L (532 – 550) in nine columns46 with OG- [= Ogdoas] at annus D XXXVIIII (539), and eN- [= Endeca] added one line below the data for D L (550). Titulus for the second nineteen-year Lunisolar cycle: CICLUS DECIMUS (551 – 569), was at first overlooked but then named in right margin by the same hand. Its tituli for columns are in better order, with ogdoas [abbreviation DG-O-] at year 558 (after data of last three columns were realigned), and endecas (en- added) at year 43 Compilatio DCC(C XII (812 – 818) IIII 1 A,B, ed. Schriften 1198 – 1200. Titulus is incomplete, names of the months are lacking, and final (thirteenth) column for enumeration of years is also lacking. Although this item on Pt3 f.167v was collated for the text in Schriften, lacking the first line: Kal. Ian . . . Dec. (pace Schriften), the same item on Pt1 f.11 was not noticed. 44 Jones (1939), 73, 76 – 77, 83, 108: noticed in Vp f.128v – 140. 45 Ed. PL XC 733, discussed by Ideler (1883), 135; cit. Jones (1939), 61, who noted several other manuscripts. 46 Anni Domini Nostri/ Indictiones/ Epacta Lunae/ Concurrentes Sept./ Cicli Lunae/ [XIIII] Luna Pasche [dies add] / [Dies add] Domini Paschalis/ Luna Ipsius Diei, with letters B in left margin for Bissextus. The column for XIIII Luna Pasche was lost by the copiest who attempted to correct the tituli at that point. Glosses for a few annals are difficult to read in right margin, though they were apparently contemporary with the text.
Manuscript Descriptions
569. These cycles were extended by several other hands to annus M LXIII (1063).]47 Contents of codex Pt2 = f.19 – 127 are f.19 – 126v Praefatio. De natura rerum et ratione temporum . . . [Bedae DTR I – LXI).48] f.127 Blank. [Added on its verso is a rota of bissextile days for twelve months: Martius VI, Aprilis II, et seq. That would be one day advanced from the data of Compilatio II 15 C.] Contents of codex Pt3 = f.128 – 181v are
f.128 – 135 Bedae DNR.
f.135 – 140v Bedae DT I – XXII, with its Chronica minora.
f.140v – 143 Bedae Epistola ad Wicthedum.
f.143 – 181v Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818): selections from books I, II, IV – VI.
Pt3 was also stolen but from a different location. Its scripts are from the first quarter of the ninth century, earlier than those of Pt1 and Pt2. Writing space is smaller, and the gatherings are signed in different styles. Pt3 was not written in scripts of Fleury, and there is not sufficient evidence that they were written in the scriptorium of Auxerre, though they may be from that region. Thus, its provenance remains to be determined. Its date however is more certain. In an argumentum on folio 154, the year DCCC XX (820) was used for annus praesens, thus providing terminum post quem non for script. Writing style and practices of the scripts in Pt3 47 There is a notable change on f.13v when some tituli for SEPTIMUS DECENNOVENNALIS CIRCULUS [sic] are altered: . . ./ Quota Sint Indictiones/ Lunae Epacta/ Concurrentes Dies/ Quas XIIII Lunae/ Dies Domini Paschalis/ . . . Thereafter, the tituli alternate and vary with usages of different scribes. 48 The text of Bedae DTR is complete but lacks author and title. Pt2 was noted by editions of Jones (1943) and (1977) for containing this early copy of DTR, but its text was not collated for either of his editions. Contrary to some reports, Bedae DNR is found within Pt3 on f.128 – 135, but not in Pt2 on f.19 – 127.
Manuscript Descriptions
in the folios f.128 – 154 would be consistent with that date or perhaps earlier. Pt3 was probably written in ‘E Francia 812 – 820.’ The five texts gathered by Walahfrid from the Compilatio in the Summer of 829 [Appendix C] are found on Pt3 folios 152v, 153, 166v – 167v, 151v, and 178v. Compilatio sections II 1 – 7, 9, 10 are also present, but lacking are Sections II 8, 11 to 13 , and 15 – 16. The two parts of II 7 A,B are rather garbled and lead into a different text, similar to that of Lectiones computi II 1, 3, 2. The text of section II 9 is similar to Annalis Libellus VII; and section II 10: Si quis cognoscere quotae sint epactae, . . . is similar to Annalis Libellus VIII.49 Following section II 17 on f.153 – 153v is a new item in seven columns for 19 years: II. Termini Cum Suis Regularibus Ad Luna Initium Romanorum, with headings and subheadings for six columns of lunae: L[una]·X· Ad Septuagesimum Inveniendum. L[una] II Ad Quadragesimum Inveniendum. L[una] I Mensum Novorum Ebreorum. L[una] XIIII Termini Paschales Inspirant S[epusceo?] a Pachomio In Heremo [sic]. L[una] XX Ad Rogationes Inveniendum. L[una] IIII Ad Pentecosten Inveniendum. In an extra column on the right margin of f.153 is a note about the Hebrew Passover, apparently written in the same hand as the previous argumentum.50 Nota quia Hebrei pascha suum tali termino celebrant sicut hic illum Vides adnotatum in extrema transversum per longum posita lunea. Sed secundum doctores christianae legis aliquotiens errant. Dum pascha illud in quartadecim luna quae aequinoctum processerit agunt. The data on f.153 were misaligned in their columns but have been reconnected horizontally, line-by-line; although data for Septuagesima and Quadragesima occur often in computistical manuscripts, these of Pt3 have not been found elsewhere. On the right column of f.153v is Excerp49 Lectiones computi II 1, 3, 2, ed. Schriften 593; Annalis Libellus VII and VIII, ed. Springsfeld (2002), 336; ed. Schriften (2006), 687 – 688. 50 Notice the use of a short vertical stroke for abbreviation t' tibi, rather than t’ , the same short vertical stroke for suspension q' –qui- in aequinoctum, as well as q< quia, of the right column script.
Manuscript Descriptions
tum De Calculo Quod Dies Habeat Annos Per Ebdomadorum [Compilatio II 19 = Lectiones Conputi I 5]; and Item Calculatio Ad Luna Inveniendam Secundum Victorium [= Compilatio II 20]. On f.154 there is also the addition: GEN Progressiones in actu Occursores in passione Recordabiles in memoria Sonantes in delectation Judiciales in descretiones. That series begins with only the first three letters of the heading which we noticed in Mb3 f.27: GEN[era numerorum in sensibus secundum Augustinum], but the text is found here with better spelling than in other manuscripts in which it appears.51 This is followed by two more additions: Nonnae Aprilis norunt quinos/. . . Quinde[ne corr] constant tribus adepte. [19 verses]52 Cardinales numeri sunt ut I· II· III· IIII· V· VI VII· Ordinales ut primus· secundus· tertius· quartus· Adverbiales ut semel bis ter quater Dispertiva ut singuli bini Ponderales u[t] simplum duplum . . . [incomplete, cf. Annalis Libellus LXV] On f.154 is an application of Dionysian Argumentum II = Compilatio II 7 A,B,53 along with section II 9: Si vis scire quota est indictio anni presentis, summe annus ab incarnatione domini nostri Iesu Christi, id est DCCC XX. His semper adice III, fiunt DCCC XXIII. Hos partire per XV, remanent XIII. XIIIa est indictio anni presentis. Si nihil remanet, XV indictio est.
If you want to know the number of Indiction of the current year, take the year of our Lord Jesus Christ, that is 820. Always add to that 3, making 823. Divide that by 15, and there remain 13. 13 is the Indiction of the current year. If nothing remains, the Indiction is 15.
Mb3 f.27, Pt3 f.154, Vy2 f.44v, Vp f.70v (cit. p.19 et passim). 52 Termini Paschales. These verses were available from either Lectiones computi VI 2 B, or Annales Libellus XXXII B, as well as from other sources. 53 Compilatio II 7 is found also in ms Geneva Latin 50 (Massay 825 – 836, probably 827) f.169v; cf. Lectiones Conputi II 1. 51
Manuscript Descriptions
This is another confirmation that the annus praesens for the writer of Pt3 was A.D.820. It begins a series of Dionysian argumenta II to X with brief variations as they are adjusted to successive years: annus presens 817, 818, 819, or 820.54 Indeed, other argumenta on f. 153 – 155 also use either DCCC XVIIII or DCCC XX, providing a date ante quem non A.D.820 for the script of codex Pt3. It appears that these folios were originally the trials of a student, such as Hrabanus Maurus whose De computo liber was composed during 819 – 820 at Fulda.55 These are followed on f.155 – 155v by Exemplum suggessiones boni[ fci] primicerii notari [diu] ad iohannem papam de ratione paschali, a memo from Bonifatius, chief of notarial services of the Roman diocese, to Iohannes, bishop of Roma (A.D.523 – 526), recommending that the Easter tables and argumenta received from Dionysius Exiguus about 525 be adopted for Roman usage during the coming years DXXXII – DCXXVI (532 – 626).56 He explained that the ninety-five year table of Dionysius is also transcribed below (cf. Pt1 f.12 – 18v: 532 – 1063 ~ part of Compilatio I 4). Apparently, bishop Iohannes died without acting on this recommendation, and nothing was done about it in the Roman diocese of central Italy until the tenth century. About two centuries later, Bedae Historia Ecclesiastica 3,25 quoted the beginning and end of a letter from Vitalian (bishop of Roma 657 – 672) which asked for uniformity, but surviving portions of his letter do not say what the Roman practices were at that time, pace some modern scholars. Vitalian had not advised acceptance of the Paschal Tables of Dionysius, although that too has been claimed by some modern scholars.57 Beda too favoured uniformity of Easter obser54 Fourteen argumenta were attributed to Dionysius Exiguus in ms Oxford BL Digby 63 (A.D.864), edited by Jan (1718) and repr PL LXVII 487 – 506, of which only the first nine are authentic. They were again edited from ms Digby 63 and the earlier ms Milano B.Ambrosiana H 150 inferior (A.D.808/10) by Krusch, Studien II (1938), 63 – 86, from which we cite them. The texts of Pt3 have often been revised and applied to later dates. Cf. Lectiones Computi IIII 2, ed. Schriften 593 – 594; for this part of the Lectiones, Borst also cited ms Paris BN Lat.2796 (N Francia ca.815). 55 Hrabani De computo LV 5 – 11 (cf. Dionysii Argumentum VIII); LXII 1 – 11 (cf. Arg. I); LXVII 4 – 11 (= Arg. II); LVIII 1 – 7 (cf. Arg. V); LXVIIII 3 – 11 (= Arg. III); LXXII 4 – 19 (= Arg. IIII); LXXVIII 1 – 11 (cf. Arg. VI); XC 1 – 21 (cf. Arg. VIIII). In his chapters LXXIIII 4 – 54 and LXXVIIII 3 – 8, Hraban also used the Argumentum ps-Dionysii XIII. 56 Some folios must have been missing from the exemplar which would have included not only the Tabula Paschalis of Dionysius but also his Epistola ad Petronium, for which see Pt5 f.185 – 185v where it is also incomplete. 57 Recently, cf. Corning (2006) 73: ‘Although Bede is careful not to identify which [Easter] table Augustine used, . . . since Rome did not adopt the Dionysian until
Manuscript Descriptions
vances, even if he did not know Roman practices in his lifetime. There is no evidence that the Roman curia used Dionysian tables for dating any letter or document before the tenth century, by which time it had accepted not the Dionysian but the Bedan calendar. The text of the Exemplum was begun by Pt3 on f.155, but it was left incomplete on f.155v: . . . per hanc indictionem quartam, XXIII sunt in his/ . . ., interrupted in mid-page by fifteen more argumenta and tables – a separate computus which continues to f. 159. These argumenta include Compilatio II 13 (f.155v – 156, completed on f.157 with numerals in columns, but not as arranged in ed. Schriften 1159 – 1161). Between its two parts are three more argumenta written by a new scribe on f.156 – 159 which have not been noticed elsewhere: f.156 – 156v Addiduntur IIII, id est medietatem mensium VIII. A septembrio . . ./. . . colligitur ex his subtrahunt (f.156v) remanent XXII. Ipse numerus lunae paschalis. Haec vere rationis fiunt. . . . (incomplete)
f.156v Si vis scire aepactas lunares super unumquemque semper totum annum . . ./. . . et sunt VIIII super id [septem] est. Si vis scire quota sint aepactae decies novies XXX . . ./. . . partire per XXX tricies seni CLXXX. On f.157 recto is an Astronomical Table for Luna I – XXX in 13 lines and 12 columns (for months), with notes added in right margin for lines 2 – 13. LUNA: Martius, Aprilis, . . . . . . Februarius I, II Aries, Taurus, . . . . . . Pisces . . . . . . . . . . . . et seq., On f.157v are multiplication tables for milia in columns, at the foot of which are two lines: Agnosces mensum qua luna & aetate Kalendas alti vago rutulans transcurrit culminae caeli
sometime in the 630s.’ She is right about Augustine and Bede’s reference to him, having explained that the bishop of Rome seems to have used the Victorian Easter Table at the time of sending Augustine to be archbishop of Canterbury (A.D.596); but she has no evidence for Roman use of the Dionysian table in the 630s or for many centuries thereafter..
Manuscript Descriptions
The scribe who left off writing on f.156 then returned on f.158 – 159 with seven more computistical argumenta which have not been found elsewhere:
f.158 Si vis scire quota sit luna in Kalendas Ianuarii, scito quot[a l] lunaris in cyclus sit. Verbi gratia, ciclus lunaris XVmus est, tene tibi unus . . ./. . . Tres annos de indictione precidentis quando incarnatio facta est, hic addidit. Notandum quod cum primo argumento XIIcem aepactas, dicat in hoc vero . . ./. . . usque in quemlibet presentem annum annos additos numerare debemus. Lunaris in sole continetur decennovennalis in luna numeratur (f.158v) restantes de lunari . . ./. . . in anno enim incarnationis V feria nono Kalendam Aprilis invente sunt pascha. [sic] Ab initio anni secundum Aegyptios quorum ratio hic sequitur . . ./ . . . usque ad III Kalendas Aprilis in quo die eo anno pascha inventum est. Si requiras a Septembrem [sic], id est ab initio anni Aegyptiorum, usque ad finem Latinorum anni [in] regulam IIII Kl- III Kl- II Kl- Sept. . . ./. . . eo quod in hoc anno in V feria, VIIII Kalendas Aprilis inventes me ostendet.
f.159 Latius [dicitur quoniam] idem numerus aepactarum . . ./. . . quod nec latius nec brevius dicitur. Anno primo cyclo lunari usque ad XVIII anno non adicias . . ./ . . . super inflexionem senam.
This intervention of a separate computus whose contents would require only about two folios is another indication of confusion in the exemplar from which this part of Pt3 is being transcribed. It is written with extra large initials A and S (f.158v). This is followed on f.159 – 159v by the latter part of Compilatio V 4 B: . . . rationem appellat tonum . . . quam diapason armonian [vocant. add], and the tonal diagramme, but not the same text as either of the compilationes.58 However that text and diagramme is the continuation from f.181v of the text of V 4 A,B which had begun but was interrupted Compilatio DCCC VIII, 104 A, ed. Schriften 1441; Compilatio DCCC XII, V 4 B. Cf. Plinius HN II 19 – 20, ed. A. Ernout (1947), 2, p.12 – 14); II 83 – 84 (2, p.36); Hyginus De astronomia IV 14, ed. G. Viré (Teubner, 1992), 152 – 154); Joh. Eriugena Annotationes in Marcianum I 11, ed. C. Lutz (1939), 19 and VII 736 (ed. p.158); Remi58
Manuscript Descriptions
after Interdum et musica[na . . .], probably due to a misplaced folio in the exemplar, for thirteen lines on f.159 were left blank. Texts and diagrammes of planetary orbits are out of order in Pt3: on f.159v – 160 is Compilatio DCCC XII, V 5 A,B with the diagramme for eccentric orbits in zig-zag to represent apparent retrograde motions. On 160v – 161 is Compilatio DCCC XII, V 6 A with the diagramme of absides.59 On f.161v is the text of Compilatio DCCC XII, V 6 B: Tres superiores ab exortu matutino . . ., continuing to f.162, but its diagramme [V 5 C] had appeared earlier on f.160v. Sections V 7 to 10 about lunar and solar eclipses were omitted, but sections 11 – 12 continue on f.162 – 164v. At this point there seems to have been more confusion from a misplaced folio in the exemplar of Pt3, for the first lines of section VI 1 are on f.164v, but its next lines are found previously on f.164, along with sections 2 and 3. Section VI 4 A and the beginning of 4 B are lacking, due to the loss of several folios; but 4 B continues on f.165 – 166v with . . . multiplicata colligere. Unde . . ./. . . et insuper centum septuaginta milia (complete), and sections 5 – 7. The text of section 7 is rather garbled: these are quotations from Macrobius and Martianus Capella about the spheres of heaven, sun, moon, and earth (omitted by Sn), and they lead into another quotation from Martianus on f.166v – 167: De Mundano Anno . . . (Compilatio III 5), which was included by Sn. This astronomy is followed on of Pt3 f.167v – 169v by selections from the Annales Libellus 43, 44, 46A,B, 47 A,B (usually without tituli), concerning the age of the moon, hours of moonlight, and the moon’s course through the signs of the Zodiac measured in parts and points.60 For the most part they correspond with sections of Compilatio IIII 1, 8, 10, 12, 18 and 17 (in reverse sequence), and the beginning of 20; but 2 – 7, 9, 11, 13 – 16, and 19 are lacking.61 Notice that Annales Libellus 46 A and B are complete in Pt3, whereas the creator of the Compilatio accepted Annales Libellus 46 A: Si scire cupis prima luna . . ., but skipped over 46 B: Si scire velis secunda luna . . . He had then continued with 47 A: Si scire vis tertia luna . . ./. . . et quinque puncti horam faciunt.62 This may gius Commentum in Martianum VII 736, ed. Lutz (1965), 2, 189, but not I 11 (ed. 1, p.88); B. Eastwood – G. Grasshoff (2004), 23 – 27. 59 The diagrammes of Compilatio V 5 C and V 6 E were cited by Schriften 1269 and 1274 but were not printed. 60 Annales Libellus 47 A,B = Compilatio IIII 4, 6 A, and 7 (lacking 5 and 6 B). 61 Jones (1939), 58, identified section IIII 9, but it is found in Vp3, not Pt3. 62 Omission of Annales Libellus 46 B by Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) IIII 6 was not remarked by Schriften 1202, nn.100, 101.
Manuscript Descriptions
indicate that Pt3 had selected these passages directly from the Annales and added to those in his exemplar. It is curious that section IIII 20 was begun on f.169v but left incomplete when the scribe of Pt3 quit writing digna in mid-word: dig- , though another line-and-a-half was available on that page. As we have noted above, he carried on with –na on f.181v, interrupting the incipit of V 4 B Interdum et musica by squeezing the -na into musicana and continuing the text of IIII 20. . . –na auctoritate subsistat ad eodem . . ./. . . cuncta proveniant.63 Skipping section 21, he then continued on f.181v – 182v with Compilatio IIII 23 – 26.64 Section 27 was omitted.65 Folio 170 – 170v has a table of numerals for multiples of milia, followed by many selections from book I of the Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818). On f.171 – 172v, Adbreviatio chronicae66 = Compilatio I 5 A extends through Sexta Aetas with the additions B and C to explicit: . . . ad praesentem annum IIII.milia DCC sexagenta unus (4761). Finit. On f.173 is section I 7 A,B: a numerical series of concurrentes used to find weekdays for Luna XIIII during 532 years for solar cycles of 28 years and lunar cycles of 19 years, adjusted for bissextile years67; but it was completed only on f.173v in the space below section 7 C,D,E which had been entered previously after a blank line on f.173 – 173v (without the tituli: These details were noticed by Borst and cross-referenced in annotations to IIII 20 and V 4 B, cit. Schriften 1222 and 1264, but the texts are not printed there. The remaining text of section V 4 B is lacking in Pt3; some other transcriptions of Compilatio IIII 20 were also garbled at the end. In order to follow the course of these interruptions, see the textual variants to Walahfrid’s final Item 30 in Appendix D. 64 Compilatio IIII 26 is the Fragmentum, published in PL XC 605 – 606 and cited by Jones (1939), 44. That text was later copied also in ms St. Gallen 250 (s.X1) p.445. 65 Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) IIII 27: De Effectiva Lunae Potentia, ed. Schriften 1230 – 1232, is a collection of quotations from Ambrose and Basil about the effect of the moon on plants, animals, and the weather. It is similar to Bedae DTR XXVIII who added comments by Vegetius and others who had remarked these phenomena, for which cf. Mb3 f.50v. Although section IIII 27 was omitted by Pt3, it is found in Mb3 Mt2 Vp3; it was transcribed only once again, more than a century later, in ms Paris BN N.a.lat.456 (Auch post 978) f.84v; it may not have been part of the original Compilatio. 66 For this Chronicon, annus mundi 4761 would correspond approximately with annus domini ~809/10, rather than earlier annus ~808/9. 67 The title Terminus Paschae appears after rather than before titulus: Concurrentes Septimanae Dies Per Quingentos [corr ex Quintos] Triginta Duos Annos. Omitted by Pt3 were B for Bissextus of the first group (III, V, I, IIII), and the entire last line: III, VI, II, B V, VII, III, VI, B II, IIII, VII, III, B VI, pace Schriften 1119 – 1122. For this section, Borst also created his own explanatory title on page 1119 to assist the reader. 63
Manuscript Descriptions
Nostrates, Hieronimus, Graeci). There follow on f.174 the sections 6, 8, 10 C,A,B, and 11. The proper sequence of 6 and 7 has thus been reversed, and the paragraphs 10 A,B,C rearranged. Sections 1 A, 2 – 6, and 9 were omitted. On f.174, the first letter P is large and decorated for the text of section I 8: Prima dies saeculi . . .. Folio 174 begins section I 10 A, B (without titulus): Quoniam in primo deciennovennalis cycli [sic]/. . . , which was interrupted but then completed on f.175v. Notice that section I 7 C begins on f.175 and continues on f.176 (left column), to be completed on f.176v – 177; similarly, section I 10 A,B, begins on f.174 but continues on f.175v, while the table of section 10 C begins on f.175, continues on f.175v, f.176 (right column), and f.176v; its data correspond with those in ms Mb3. There is a rota for bissextiles at the bottom of f.175; a double wind rota with Greek names at bottom of the second column of f.176; and a large Latin wind rota at bottom of f.176v, within which are texts in twelve pie-shaped sections surrounding a very small T-rota of asia, africa, europa; the texts are written with a tiny script which we have not deciphered. Folio 176 recto is divided into two columns in order to present two sets of data, side by side. In the left column is a part of Compilatio section I 11 A (without titulus): Primo decenovennalis cycli anno quando . . ./. . . Verbi gratia, si prima feria fuerint Kalendas Martii . . ., incomplete on this page but with three lines left blank (a column of Epactae were entered in its left margin). In the right column of f.176 and continuing to 178v are two tables of sections I 10 C and 11 E: Luna Kalendarum Ianuarii, for seven weekdays and 19 years. On f.177v – 178 is section II 22: Qualiter Latini Et Greci Dissentiunt In XIIII Luna Paschae. This is a table arranged in six lined columns for comparison of the observations of Luna XIIII with data of the nineteen-year Luni-solar cycle, along with the practices in four traditions of data indicated by initials L[atini], G[raeci], U[icturius], E[usebius].68 This table is found in four of our early manuscripts: Mb2 Pt3 Mt2 Vp, but not in Sk1 Vy2 or Sn. Something had been lost from the exemplar, for on f. 178 – 179 this codex Pt3 turns suddenly to four later item which have been added to The vagaries of this table in Pt3 and other manuscripts, and the alterations provided in his edition by Borst, Schriften (2006), 1172 – 1175, are mentioned briefly in the editor’s notes 70 and 71. An early example of this table is ms Berlin Phillipps 1831 (Verona 800 – 819) f.128, first noticed by Immo Warntjes and cited by Borst. For comparison of Victurian and Dionysian usages of full moon on luna XIIII, see Warntjes (2010), Appendix 3, 327 – 329. 68
Manuscript Descriptions
the Compilatio DCCC XII by Borst as appendices to book IIII.69 They are followed by three computus texts which we have noted in Mb4 f.51v – 53 and other manuscripts; they were written in a different hand (perhaps s.IX med) and with variant spelling:
f.178 – 178v ARGUMENTUM QUOD HORAS LUNA IN UNAQUAQUE NOCTE LUCET.
f.178v EXPOSITIO DE EADEM RE.
f.178v – 179 DE ACCENSIONE LUNAE.
EXCERPTUM DE ASTROLOGIA70 on f.179 – 181v also provides some texts from book V describing heavenly phenomena [sections 1, 3, 4], but it lacks descriptions and illustrations of the constellations [section V 2]. As explained above, the first diagramme of concentric orbits of seven planets [V 3 C] is on f.181: Saturnus, Iovis, Mars, Sol, Venus, Marcurius [sic] around terra at centre, along with the beginning of an explanation of the second [V 4 A,B]; but the text of 4 B was interrupted on f.181v, then continued by Pt3 on f.159. Forty to fifty years later, texts were added on f.181v – 183v which we designate Pt4, probably written in the same scriptorium. Each successive scribe commenced a new text on the verso of the final folio of the previous part or continued without identifying author, title or incipit. Pt4 continues Compilatio IIII with Sections 23 – 26 which Pt3 had omitted. On f.182v – 183, section IIII 26 received an addition which has not yet been identified: DE PERITIA CURSUS LUNAE ET MARIS. Luna tertia decréscit mare usque ad lunam XI. De luna XI sive XII crescit marem ad lunam XVIIIImam [de luna XVIIIImam mare usque in lunam XXVI]. De luna XXVIta crescit mare usque ad lunam tertiam. . . ./ . . . Revertitur in circulo iterum luna I, quae IIII. [sic]71 Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) IIII 31a A, 31a B, 32a, 33a, ed. Schriften 1237 – 1242. 70 Compilatio V 1: DUo sunt extremi vertices mundi . . ., with enlarged initial letters DU. 71 For Compilatio IIII 26: De Concordia Solis Et Lunae, cf. Annalis Libellus LI, ed. Springsfeld (2002), 362; ed. Schriften (2006), 746 – 747. For the addition: De Peritia Cursus . . ., cf. Bedae DTR XXVIII (= Compilatio IIII 27) and Bedae DNR I (= Compi69
Manuscript Descriptions
Without a break on this folio, a new text runs-on into a description of the appearance of a burst of light from the Sun when the Irish Colman was in the city of Roma: Colmanus nepos Cracavist in Roma virtutem hanc sanctae Brigitae praedicavit. Quadam forte die caelo dum turbidus imber . . ./. . . toto stillarent humida libo.72 On f.183 are three more extraneous texts: Sed valido Matheus [corr ex clus] ceu fune p[er]pendit amictus. . . ./ . . . Caetera nunc aliis post me scribenda re linquo.
ITEM IDEM Dum subito properas dulce senuissere terras descris et nostrae refugis consortia vite . . ./. . . carnos [corr ex caros] . . . doctis loci [corr ex doctus loco] . . ./. . . Omnia fert aetas gelidas tardente senecta. [N.B. sim' ss = simili; t' = -ti- doctis; loc' = -ti locti; N ss carnos.]
DE CONCORDIA MARIS ET LUNAE Ostendum igitur qualiter ogduades minus plene sint, et qualiter endegae exuberant ut illarum detrimenta possint supplere. Sanguis hebet [corr ex haebet] regent, e fete in [fete in dupl. vel del] corpore vires. Memaris anfractus lustrandaque litota terrent. Tuus calido complentur sanguine venae. Rumpe moras celer in avis sulcare carina . . .73 The text seems to have been left incomplete. A new hand returned to Colman:
Colmanique tui semper Colmane mementa [o ss], [iam c ss] enim liceat qui date voce manere. Pauca t' [= tibi] dicam vigili [q-] mente teneda.
latio VII 1 C). An omission at the beginning was also added to this text by the hand of a corrector: De luna XVIIIImam mare usque in lunam XXVI. The incipit: Luna tertia decrescit . . . was cited by Jones (1943), 365, but overlooked by Wallis and Borst. 72 The last word libo is probably incomplete for libonota, a wind between south and southwest; libo is repeated in lower margin. Space for several lines is blank. 73 This text DE CONCORDIA MARIS ET LUNAE is not that of Compilatio IIII 26 or 27, nor of Annalis Libellus LI; neither is it from their source in Bedae DTR XXVIII.
Manuscript Descriptions
Non te pompiferi delectet [corr ex delectat] gloria mundi. Qui volucri vento vanoque similima somno. Labitur et valido [corr ex vallido] cursus fluit ocioramni. [N.B. d&: eras, q.v. infra/ t' = tibi] Vale dib eps [sic] patriae quem te curare mordat. [Omnipotens] genitor [in terrae ? corr ex irtae ?] spes unica vitae. Qui maris [horrisoni corr ex orisoni] fluctus ventosque gubernat. D& t’ tiunctutas [sic] crispanti gurgitis undas. Ipse tuae liquidis rector sit [corr ex fit] navis in undis. Aequore numbi feri de vectum flatibi euri. Reddat [corr ex Reddet] adoptatae scotorum litoter a terrae, . . . [sic] [N.B. D& t' = Det tibi; t' = tibi, -tri ?; N ss [crispanti corr ex crispati]
(f.183v) N unc[-] valeas fama felix [corr ex fel¹ ex] multoque per annos. Ui vas egregiae capiens preconsa [corr ex preconse] vitae sic ego pres[en]tis gaudia temporis opto. Ut tibi perpetuae contingant premia vitae.
In his abbreviations for omnis and terrae, this scribe misread insular n for p or r . He used an rt-ligature which rises to very high point, and his high loop for st-ligature is quite graceful; the abbreviation q; -que is unusually vertical, and its descender is written without a turn. He often began sentences with a semi-uncial letter, sometimes having left one or more spaces blank before the first word. He was unsure when to separate a preposition from its following object or adjective and when to join a prefix with the next syllable of the word to which it belongs. He may also be the corrector of his own text (using a pen sharpened to a finer point) with quite thin vertical strokes for a square N: the first longer than the second, with the two connected by a short stroke at an abrupt 30º angle; a long and thin letter h ; a short and perfectly vertical suprascript stroke ' for abbreviation, e.g. eis corr ex eus; t' for tibi and for loctis, l' for felix, and apparently suspension t' -tum for sacramentum. Two lines were written on the top margin of f.183v. The remainder of that page is blank. Abbreviation or suspension by suprascript comma is common of course in Carolingian cursive scripts; but in the form of a short, vertical suprascript ' , it is exceedingly rare. This form ' for abbreviation or suspension has been found also in two texts of ms Paris BN Lat.13955
Manuscript Descriptions
(A.D.830 – 840) f.5 – 45v: Martiani De nuptiis VIII. De astronomica; and in the second hand of f.123 – 129: Boetii Artis Geometriae et Arithmeticae. The latter Ars Geometriae is the first four books of Euclidis Elementa in its earliest Latin transcript.74 The second hand of that transcript of Euclid is similar to one identified previously in the ms Oxford BL Canon. Misc. 353 as Hand IId who was then a neophyte in training at Fulda during 825 – 829. While learning the early Fulda style of threefold forms of letters a and r and the Ct – ligature, Hand IId continued to use some forms of script from his home monastery before coming to Fulda. Remarkable in the Canonici manuscript is his use of abbreviations p¹ pri- and q¹ qui-.75 The abbreviation mark is exactly vertical ¹ , as in Pt4, and not the right leaning mark ′ nor the apostrophe ’. Those practices are quite distinctive, and this script deserves further attention. Codex Pt5 = f.184 – 190 has several more items, of which three are of interest for studies of medieval computus:
f.184 – 185v . . . ex eo anni superane. In nostro hoc opere preferentes unde quinque alius . . ./. . . perturbationem seorsum collegere . . ./. . . simili[s] supputationis compe[n]dio require[entur]. FINIT.76
This excerpt completes the text of Dionysii Epistola ad Petronium (which should have begun on f.155v), in which appeared the first assertion by Dionysius Exiguus that the Council of Nicaea was the source for the Alexandrian tables on which his own were based. He thereby elaborated a tradition of sancti patres which had been developing for at least a century and a half and has often been reaffirmed, usually without recognition that it could have been a bit of wishful thinking.77 74 Appendix I: Excerpta Euclidis, ed. Folkerts (1970), 176 – 217, in which ms Paris BN Lat.13955 was not collated for the text, as the editor had accepted the previous mistaken dating to s.XI by Lachmann and other scholars. 75 Stevens (1972a), 287 – 316, Facs. 1 – 9; for Hand IId on folio 15v, see p. 304 – 305 and 312 – 313 with Fasc.5. 76 Titulus and the earlier part of the text are lacking in Pt4 for Dionysii Exigui Epistola ad Petronium. That letter is also found in ms Köln Dombibl. LXXXIII² (ca.A.D.805) f.181v – 184; Milano B.Ambros. H.150 inf, f.24 – 154 (808/810) f.81v – 85; Oxford BL Digby 63 (862 – 892) f.63 – 67; Paris BN Lat.4860 (s.IX²) f.148v – 149v, and BN Lat.5543 (A.D.847) f.7 – 9; Malibu Getty Museum Ludwig XII.3 (s.IX ex) f.1 – 2 [now Trier Stadtbibl. 2500]; ed. Jan (1718), 59 – 73; et alii. 77 Ed. Jan (1718), 59 – 73; et alii. Cf. Jones (1939), 71 – 72: ‘perhaps an incorrect inference.’ For sancti patres, see also Pt3 f.155 – 155v: Bonifatii Exemplum . . . de ratione paschali, described above.
Manuscript Descriptions
f.186 – 187 Post resurrectionem vel ascensionem . . . /. . . pascha nobis vissum est caelebrare.78
Without title or author, this is the so-called Acta Synodi Caesareae, third version: with a large first letter P whose descender extends seven lines.
f.187 – 187v INCIPIT CALCULATIO QUOMODO REPPERIRE POSSIT QUOTA FERIA [SINGULIS] LUNA XIIII PASCHA OCCURRAT. [Primo anni] primi circuli decennovennalis. Anno primo qui non habet . . ./. . . Tene semper in eo mensé . . ./. . . Tene hos XIII adde concurrentes . . ./. . . tricesimo die A[prilis] erit luna paschalis XIIII.
This Calculatio is based upon the Argumentum ps-Dionysii XIV and often quotes it; several versions have been published but not this one, though it may be the earliest form of the text used at York in 776 by Ealhwine/Alcuin.79 On f.187v – 189v is an account of the names of eleven Roman months (lacking November) with many quotations attributed to Machrovius [sic].80 Below on f.189v is a rota of winds with heads of four fish meet In several early manuscripts, this version of Acta Synodi is entitled Epistola Philippi de pascha: e.g. ms Köln Dombibl. CIII (Köln ca.805) f.190v – 192; and ms Geneva Lat.50, f.121 – 154 (Massay? s.IX med) f.132 – 132v, incomplete but with an addition which uses the date annus domini DC LVIIII (659). See also ms London Cotton Caligula A XV, f.73 – 119 (NE Francia, s.VIII2) f.80v; St. Gallen 251 (ante 840) p.14 – 16. It was edited as De Ordinatione Feriarum Paschalium Per Theophilum Episcopum Caesariensem Synodum, by Noviomagus (1537), f.99, repr PL XC (1850) 607 – 610, thus attributed too casually by the editor to Theodosius of Caesarea because he is often named therein. Also ed. Krusch (1880), 303 – 310: version B in combination with his versions A and C. Another version was found and edited from ms Vat. Regin. lat.39 (s.IX), f.102v and f.103v – 105v, by Wilmart (1933), 19 – 27 who suggested that the origin of Epistola Philippi de pascha was in Africa. This work was quoted by Bedae DTR XLVII. See Jones (1937), 210 – 212, 216: no.25; idem (1939), 44 – 45. 79 For the text of a later version: Incipit Calculatio Albini Magistri (793) . . . , ed. Springsfeld (2002), 322 – 328, discussed on her p.183 – 185; or that of Annalis libellus XVIIII, cit. idem, 343; also ed. Borst, Schriften 704 – 711. Both editors also list other editions, including an abbreviated version attributed to Pacificus of Verona (d.ca.844), Manuale di computo, ed. Meersseman, Adda (1996), 79: Addition Nr. 24 (cited without reference to its date). 80 Note ‘Chori et Praetextati‘ in ms Geneva Lat.50, f.155 – 170 (Massay 825 – 836, probably 827) f.163; cf. ‘Disputatio Hori et Praetextati,’ cit. Jones (1943), 107 and 108, from Macrobii Saturnalia I. 13,1-3; Isidori Origines 5,33,3; Bedae DTR XII; and ms Oxford BL Bodley 309 (s.XI2) f.101 – 105v. 78
Manuscript Descriptions
ing in the centre, surrounded by names of winds; this is followed by an explanation of Greek and Latin names of winds in eight lines on f.190:
Quattuor aqua consurgunt limite venti. . . ./ Argenterique gra[…i] vocitant cognomina. [8]
The remainder of the folio is blank. Codex Pt6 = f.190v – 193 is the eleventh century addition of brief excerpts from letters of Gregory the Great, Isidore of Seville, and Leo the Great, as well as brief selections from three books of the Historia ecclesiastica tripertita; none are computistical. Pellegrin described the Fleury scripts of Pt1 and Pt2 and distinguished 3 Pt as a separate codex but without description. Borst also recognised fol.128 – 193 as a separate codex but presumed a single provenance for all parts of Pt: ‘am Loiretal, entweder in der Abtei Saint-Benoît-de-Loire zu Fleury oder in der Abtei Saint-Germain zu Auxerre’ (Schriften, 282 – 283). It may be noted that the cursive letter é is often accented in ms Pt2, an early practice by some scribes from the region of Fleury but not specific to that scriptorium. Accented é is found also 0n Pt3 fol.167v with a large mark added to semiuncial é for the heading of Compilatio III 5: Dé MUNDANO ANNO . . . [Item 3]. In Pt5 a third hand (from f.182v) continued the text on f.184; that hand occasionally uses accented cursive é and once an accented letter í. The é recurs in a correction on f.184, twice in texts on f.184v – 185v, and once again on f.187v. This could mean that codex Pt3 had been brought into the region of the Fleury codex Pt2 or into the hands of another scribe trained at Fleury who sometimes used é, though these examples are insufficient to confirm this suggestion. Pt3 = f.128 – 181v was probably written not at Fleury nor at Auxerre but probably elsewhere in that region. Thus far, there is no evidence to support a provenance for Pt3 more specific than somewhere along the great arc of the Loire river, as it flows northwest from Nevers to Orléans and turns to the West toward Fleury and then Tours. Dating however is more secure: several of its argumenta used annus presens 817, 818, 819, or 820 in f.153 – 155; the latest formula is for DCCC XX (820), twice on f.154 – 154v with references to corresponding epacts and indictions. The writing style and practices are consistent with ‘E Francia 812 – 820,’ probably in the region of Fleury and Auxerre. * * *
Manuscript Descriptions
Sk = ms St. Gallen Stiftsbibliothek 397. This manuscript has two distinct parts which are now bound in reversed sequence: Sk1 = p.53 – 148; and Sk2 = p.1 – 52. Each part of the manuscript was written during several years at different places by a variety of hands and not in a single scriptorium, but together they were the personal manuscript of Grimalt. Bischoff called Sk2 the ‘Regensburger Teil,’ of which the earliest scripts could have been written in the second quarter and the latest in the third quarter of the ninth century. Its later part (ms p.1 – 36) has received additional texts which include an excerpt of Einhart’s Vita Karoli to which has been added notice of the death of Karl der Große, and a list of the succession of Frankish kings which has been dated A.D.855 – 857.81 All entries of Sk1 however were written earlier (820 – 830). Grimalt was quite prominent in Carolingian politics from his earliest years in the second quarter of the ninth century until his death in 867. He served in the courts of Ludwig der Fromme and each of two sons: first in the court of Ludwig himself, then in the court Judith; but in A.D.830 he moved to the court of Ludwig der Deutsche usually located at Regensburg, and later to the court of Carolus iunior or Karl der Kahle, sometimes at Compiègne. Grimalt travelled widely for each of them during his long life. He seems always to have had assistance of scribes travelling with him or wherever he stopped along the way; but his own script has not been identified in this or in other manuscripts from his library. The pages of Sk1 = p.53 – 148 were written in a variety of scripts from various locations during 820 – 830; its pages 68, 80, 88 – 98, 106 – 109, 111, 113 – 114 contain most of the Annalis libellus,82 with supplementary paragraphs, none of which were known to Walahfrid. There are many excerpts on ms p.97 – 101 from the Compilatio DCCC XXII (812 – 818),83 as well as additions to several of these selections. But the contents of Compilatio DCCC XII in Sk1 are not continuous: the See Tischler (2001), 1, 49 et passim. Annalis libellus was first edited by Springsfeld (2002), 91 – 96, 329 – 375. Sk was not used for her edition, but her table 5 on p.376 – 398 is useful for comparison of Annalis libellus with the two compilationes and their sources. The same text was also edited as Libellus annalis by Borst (2006), 676 – 772, apparently with collation of its texts in Sk. Unfortunately, he dated the entire manuscript ‘um 830 – 867’ which could only apply to the later Grimalt codex Sk2 p.1 – 52, not to the earlier Sk1 p.53 – 148 in which the sections of Compilatio DCCC XII are found. 83 It is necessary to keep in mind that Borst has reversed the dating of the two compilationes. Nevertheless, his cross-referencing between them is valuable, ibid., 24 – 26. 81
82
Manuscript Descriptions
first section is I 3, and sections from many other books intervene until it returns to a final long entry on ms p.141 – 144 of Adbreviatio Chronicae (I 6, untitled).84 The addition of lunar letters to the table of section I 2 D could have had many early sources85; therefore they do not indicate Compilatio DCCC VIIII, I, cap.9 as their source. Some of the sections originally omitted were added later: for example,86 Compilatio DCCC XII section III 8 should follow immediately III 6 and 7 but appears five pages later on p.109, along with IIII 10; they are followed on ms p.109 – 113, by argumenta from other sources but not by the remainder of book III. The first five items entered in Walahfrid’s Vademecum from the Compilatio in the Summer of 829 are found also in the Vademecum of Grimalt. He had been in the service of Ludwig der Fromme and Judith at Ingelheim for several years, and by 829 he was either already abbot of the monastery of Saints Peter and Paul at Weißenburg or would take up that post within the next year.87 In July of 829, Walahfrid and Grimalt travelled with the aula regis from Ingelheim to Worms nearby for announcement of Ludwig’s decision to change his testament in favour of Judith’s son. Their duties that summer brought them together in both places, and they also shared a serious interest in computus. It should be possible that they shared the same exemplar of the Compilatio DCCC XII at one of those centres. Unfortunately, our expectation that Sk1 may be related to Sn through a common exemplar is not sustained by collation of their texts. In Schriften 1381, Borst remarked that there were six selections in Sk from the Compilatio DCCC VIIII (~808/9/10), but this is not the case for its primary source: ms CLM 210 and ms Wien 387. Two of the items he cited are not found either; rather, they are later additions to cap. 38 84 That section could have been found in Series annorum mundi nova (807) 1 – 6, ed. Schriften 971 – 1008, which may have been the source for Compilatio DCCC VIIII (~808/9/10) I 1, as well as for Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) I 6. See the analysis by Borst, ‘Die ostfränkische Ahnentafel von 807,’ ibid., 951 – 970. 85 As noted in Schriften 1102, n.6 and 1393, n.17. 86 Section III 8, ed. Schriften 1191, is also found in the earlier Compilatio DCCC VIIII section I 45: In Quot Annis De Bissextilibus Unus Adcrescit Annus, ed. ibid. 1412. Its reckoning of bissextile days accumulates to 366, the equivalent of one full year during passage of 1460 solar years; this was used earlier in several other texts cited by Borst. The sections III 7 and 8 of Compilatio DCCC XII were often copied in reverse of their proper sequence. 87 Borst (1978b), 59 – 61, and Geuenich (1988), 55 – 68. A later date for Grimalt’s abbacy had usually been assumed because at least in A.D.833 he was serving as Chancellor for the younger Ludwig who by that time had gained control of the territory.
Manuscript Descriptions
in ms Besançon 186 (copied after 875). Two more of his six selections are additions to cap. 85 and 86 (Bedae DTR XLV and XLVI), for which their earliest occurrences together are in Sk1 and then separately in ms Geneva Latin 50, f.155 – 170 (Massay 825 – 836, probably 827). Two more cited for Compilatio DCCC VIIII (I cap. 9 and 45) are found as well in Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) III 8 and IIII 1 A, so that his assumption that the latter has priority is unfounded.88 Thus, for the date of Sk1 = p.53 – 148, we accept Bischoff’s identification of it as ‘Grimalt ante 830.’ * * *
Further descriptions of Sk1 are by Borst, Schriften (2006), 289 – 290, and literature there cited. 88
Manuscript Descriptions
Vy = Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Latinus 645. Vy is made up of four codices which shall be designated Vy1 = f.1 – 11; Vy2 = f.12 – 55; Vy3 = f.56 – 92; Vy4 = f.93 – 103. Each was transcribed in Northeastern Francia and perhaps in the region of Reims.89 Although now bound together, their scripts and dates of writing are different from each other. The second of these diverse codices, Vy2, contains most sections of the first three books of Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818), but some of its leaves are not in their original order and some are missing. Although the texts of Vy2 were not written before mid-ninth century, its exemplar could have been available at one of the sites along Ludwig’s itinerary when Walahfrid was travelling with the royal family in late Summer and early Autumn 829, and its annus praesens is revealed as DCCC XXVII (827). We accept its provenance and date as ‘NE Francia ca.845.’ Large parts of the Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) are contained in codex Vy2 f.12 – 35, but not all. Most of books IIII and V are not found, and all of books VI and VII are also lacking. The first sections I 1 to 3 are missing, as is a gathering which would have carried the end of I 10 C,D and the text of I 11 A,B. The latter should have included its 19-year Table (E) of Luna XIIII for the Kalends of March and for each weekday, using feria and epacts for the Kalends of January.90 Section I 4 begins on Vy² f.12 with PRIMUS CYCLUS DECENNOVENNALIS (years 0 – 18), indicating B[issextus] on left beside the blank space but without numbering the first year; no years of the first cycle are marked ogdoas or endecas. On f.12v however, SECUNDUS CYCLUS (19 – 37) is noted with OG[doas] in the right margin for annus XXVI (26) and annus XXXVII (37) with EN[decas].91 This practice continues through f.29v QUADRAGESIMUS QUARTUS (817 – 835). A later reader added a marginal nota at annus DCCC XXVI (826) which is repeated suprascript92 and says: Hoc anno perfecta 89 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Codices Vaticani latini, vol. I (1902), 496 – 500; Saxl (1915), 71 – 76; Pellegrin (1991), 44 – 47. The calendar on Vy2 folios 3 – 11v was described by Borst (2001), Teil I, 183 – 184. Various parts of the manuscript Vy have also been described by McGurk (1966), 52 – 61; Springsfeld (2002), 116 – 119; and Borst (2006), 311 – 312. 90 In the edition of Schriften 1134 – 1145, section 11 A,B was expanded by Borst with texts of C and D with related content. However, sections 11 C,D are not found in the seven earliest codices but only in two later manuscripts. 91 For year XXXVI, the Luna Ipsius Diei is given as IIII Idus Ap-, rather than III. 92 Many marginal notae and brief texts were added to the first four cycli and a few thereafter in the same hand with a darker ink.
Manuscript Descriptions
est. In comparison with the data for PRIMUS CYCLUS of Mb3, we find: Mb3 DCCC XXVI IIII VIIII VI IIII VI Kl- Ap- Kl- Ap- XVIIII Vy² DCCC XXVI IIII VIIII VII VII VI Kl- Ap- Kl- Ap- XVIIII Altered in Vy² are the number of the lunar cycle (VII, rather than VI) and the day of Luna XIIII (VII, rather than IIII). The latter would change the date for Easter Sunday 826 significantly. Earlier at year DCC XXX[V corr] (735) is a nota which is repeated suprascript with the words: Hoc anno Beda hunc librum scribit, attributing these Cycli to the venerable Bede. That would be the year of his death, rather than the year of his completing the 19-year cycles for either DTR or Historia Ecclesiastica. On f.30 – 34v a new hand begins with annus DCCC XXXVI (836) but with a different numbering: SEPTIMUS DECIMUS CYCLUS DECEM NOVENALIS, and this script extends to VICESIMUS SEXTUS CICLUS (1007 – 1025); there are many more marginal notae and entries. Those cycles are no longer Dionysian but have been altered in order to bring them into accord with the Bedan year-count. There is a gap in sequence of folios before f.35 and another after f.41, showing that a bifolium has been lost which may be referred to as f.34bis/41bis. Fol. 34bis should have contained VICESIMUS TERTIUS CICLUS (1026 – 1045) and VICESIMUS QUARTUS CICLUS (1046 – 1065). Vy2 f.35 has six lines about numerals from Priscian (abbreviated),93 which are often found in computistical collections: Cardinales sunt numeri ut I, II, III, IIII, V. Ordinales vero ut primus secundus tertius. Adverbiales ut semel bis ter quater. Ponderales ut simplum duplum triplum. Dénuntiativi ut unus solus vel alter. Contiplicativi ut duplex simplex triplex sed haec nominatrium generum essé noscuntur. Sunt item adverbia ex his nascentia ut simplicter dupliciter tripliciter. Unus unius uni, Solis solius soli, Alter alterius alteri. Annalis libellus LXV 1 – 11, ed. Springsfeld (2002), 370; ed. Borst, Schriften (2006), 761 – 762. Cf. notes by Jones (1939), 47; Springsfeld and Borst cite many other appearances. Notice Rabanus, De Computo III, and Pacificus, Computus 1,15, for whom the ultimate source was Priscian, De figuris numerorum, 412 – 416. 93
Manuscript Descriptions
The last two lines were also selected from Priscian94 and appear as well in an appendix to Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) II 12c, transposed above its heading in Mb2 Vp. These eleven lines95 with semi-uncial initials were written by the same hand as Vy2 f.12 – 29 and twice used accented é. In a different hand at mid-page are eight verses: Conveniunt subito cuncti de montibus altis/. . ., followed on f.35v – 36v by the verse Conflictus Veris et Hiemis of Ealhwine/Alcuin which we found earlier in Sn p.335. Fol.36v – 37v contain texts of Compilatio I 7 A,B: TERMINUS PASCHAE CONCURRENTES SEPTIMANAE DIES; and I 7 C: NOSTRATES; but then continue the titulus of Section I 7: PER QUINQUAGENOS TRIGINTA DUOS ANNOS and more data of I 7 A, B. The texts and marginal subtitles of section 7 D,E are completed on f.38: HIERONIMUS and GRAECI. Book I of the Compilatio continues on f.38 – 42 with sections 8, 9, 10 A,B, enumerated VIII, VIIII, X but without headings. In the space left on f.42, a later hand (s.X/XI) has added the 19-year verses: TERMINI SEPTUAGESIMALIS. Procedunt Februae quinta sub sorte Kalendae/. . .,96 writing the word quinta with a strong, vertical superscript ¹ suspension mark.97 Compilatio I 10 C continues on f.42v, but is incomplete, and section 11 is missing because the original f.43 has been removed. The present fol.43 – 44v contain sections II 1 – 12. On f.44v without pause from the explicit of II 12, the scribe runs-on with two brief additions98:
unus unius uni solus solius soli alter alterius alteri.
The second addition is in alignment with a semi-uncial heading: GENERA NUMERORUM IN SENSIBUS AUGUSTINUM Progressores in actu Occursores in passione Priscian, Institutio de nomine, pronomine et verbo, ed. Keil (1860), 449 – 450. This text appears also in Geneva Lat.50, f.155 – 170 (Massay 825 – 836, probably 827) f.165. 96 Cf. Walahfrid, D. Versus Eiusdem De Terminis Quadragesimalibus, line 10: Idibus in Februi sociatur trina potestas, . . . [Appendix B]. 97 In the same hand (though smaller) was added in a space on f.44v: aepactae mutant in K- Septb-, and the title and text used by Annalis libellus (793) VIIII, about how to use epacts on 22 March. In the upper margin of f.45 was scribbled the brief text of chapter X, about the paschal moon on that date. 98 The first addition is also on f.35. Both additions were found in Mb2 , as noted on p.232 supra, and in Vy2 f.35 on p.323 supra. The second is on ms Mb3 f.27, Pt3 f.154, and Vp2 f.70v. 94 95
Manuscript Descriptions
Recordabiles Sonantes Iudiciales
in memoria in delectatione indiscretione.
Strokes for letter d in both recordabiles and iudiciales are separated as c l. Such carelessness occurred previously in this script. Omitting section II 13, these interruptions are followed by II 14 in same semi-uncial script for titulus and text. The title of section II 15 is found on f.45: CONCURRENTES ET EPACTE CUM SUIS REGULARIBUS AD INVENDIENDAS FERIAS ET LUNAS DICITUR99 with its data in columns (with two errors). Beside them are two more columns of numerals, boxed, and not quite parallel with the other data. On f.45v – 46v are sections II 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, but not sections 15, 20, or 22. On f.47 – 55v are sections III 1, 2, 5, 6 (with decorative headings and initials, but without numerals: hic et seq.), 7, 8, 9; 10 (without titulus: 793); 11 (with numeral, titulus, and decorative initial: hic et seq.), 12, 13, 14. Titulus of IIII 1 was written at the foot of f.55v, but the text on the next leaf was lost when the original folio 56 was removed. The new hand of Vy2 on f.48v – 55v introduced larger Capitalis letters for titles and initials for first words of each text. These initials became ornate and coloured on f.51 – 53, and colour was also used for one or two titles. This hand continued with books V and VI on new folios 56 – 92, but those additions still lack sections V 1 and VI 6. Vy3 transcribed those books well after mid-century or more likely s.IX/X, perhaps from the same exemplar which had been used earlier by Vy2 . Folios 56 – 67 display stars and illustrations of constellations of the Zodiac from Compilatio V 1 – 2, as well as all four diagrammes of planetary orbits, concentric and eccentric from the earth, from its section V 3 – 6. Those contents are interrupted by an additional leaf 67, displaced from another manuscript, which gives a formula to explain the Moon’s rising and its daily gradual progress through the cycle by hours and points.100 Dicitur [sic], rather than Kalendarum (pace Schriften). This argumentum may be compared with those of Bedae DTR XXIV; Annalis libellus (793) 44; and Computus Graecorum sive Latinorum (827), Arg.V. Later users of these ideas were Heiric of Auxerre, Liber de computo XIX (903); De argumentis lunae ps-Bedae 704 (930); and Heimo of Bamberg, De cursu temporum 24 (1137). It is followed on f.67 by an addition in a different hand: Tradunt doctores a sanctis patribus maxime a beato Isidoro terminum constitutum infra quem debeamus incipere adventum domini . . ./. . . dominico fuerit natalis dici. 99
100
Manuscript Descriptions
Si nosse vis qua hora accendat luna cotidie, sume cyclum ipsius quot fuerit et multiplica quinquies. Huic numero adde dies anni quot fuerint eo die de quo inquiris. Si ultra LX creverit, tolle quoscunque sexaginaries invenieris et quot remanserint scias ponctos horarum. Fac inde horas V ponctos unicunque . . ./. . . puncti qui faciunt. [sic] On the verso of f.67 is a rota planetarum with terra at centre. Folio 68 continues book V 7 et seq. without diagrammes and with additions to the texts of some sections. In the eleventh century, Vy1 fol.1 – 2v received the addition of a partial Table of Contents for Compilatio DCCC XII, listing tituli for books I – IIII with enumeration of books and their sections. These capitula are not contemporary with the texts of Vy² or of Vy3, pace Schriften, and their scripts differ considerably from those of the earlier texts. The calendar of Compilatio I 3 had also been lost to codex Vy2 but was added later on f. 5 – 11v by Vy3 and enumerated V (rather than III). See also f.10v: section I 1 B,C,D: Cursus Lunae Per Duodecim Signa = the pagina regularum from Bedae DTR XIX. These additions to Vy¹ (s.XI) and Vy3 (s.X/XI) were written too late to be relevant to this study of Walahfrid. The contents of the fourth codex in this binding, Vy4 f.93 – 103, are not computistical. It has not been dated or described heretofore as a separate manuscript. Vy2 was copied from an exemplar of Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) about A.D.845; that date is based upon the assumption that it was written prior to a marginal entry for annus mundi IIII milia DCC XCVIII (4798) which may correspond with ~A.D.846/47 and provides a terminum post quem non for its script. It has also been suggested that it may have been written in the Abbey of Saint-Vaast at Arras or perhaps in the Abbey of Saint-Quentin; the latter may be favoured because some additions to the calendar were made at Saint-Quentin later when it was added.101 Borst’s suggestion in Schriften, 311 – 312, that Vy2 may be related to Vp2 is not sustained by our collation of their texts. Setting aside these uncertainties, we accept provenance and date of Vy2 as the ‘region of Reims 845.’ *** --- *** --- *** There are a few annalistic notes from year 793 until 813, 826, and 840; they increase for annus domini DCCC LXXXVIII (883) and continue to DCCCC LXXXXIIII (994). Those notes have been published as ‘Annales Sancti Quinti Veromandensis.’ Further descriptions of Vy are by Springsfeld, Borst, and literature cited by both. 101
Manuscript Descriptions
Mt = Monza Biblioteca Capitolare 6B-117. Three codices now bound together as Mt may be designated Mt1 = f.1 – 7, 8 – 9; Mt2 = f.9v – 48, 49 – 71; Mt3 = f.72 – 94. Original folios 1 – 9 of this manuscript are missing and have been replaced by seven later folios with miscellaneous writings of late s.IX to s.XI, to which two more folios have been added toward the end of the ninth century; a Table of Contents for the Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818) has been completed on f.4v – 8. Mt2 = fol.9v – 71 is most of the seven books of Compilatio DCCC XII, but some parts are out of order. They were written by several hands in a region of the Lower Rhein, perhaps shortly before the middle of s.IX or during the early third quarter of that century.102 After folio 48, Mt2 has lost a gathering, so that only three of Walahfrid’s first five items remain. The Compilatio begins on f.9v with I 1 A: Rota Quae Continet Natalicia Sanctorum. Section B: CONCURRENTES SEPTIMANAE DIES is lacking, but it is uncertain whether it was in the original collection. I 1 B, ed. Schriften 1098, is a section only found in Pt3, a separate codex Vp (s.IX4/4), and a few manuscripts of s.X ex or later. On fol.9v – 10 were written the 19 verses of Termini Paschales in s.XI:
Nonas Aprilis nonus quinos sunt. V/. . . Quindene constant tribus adeptae. III
with additions on right margins to the first eleven lines. There follow on f.10 – 10v (s.IX med) three computistical argumenta which are shared by Pt3 Sk1 Vy2: Si vis invenire terminum paschalem, hoc est luna XIIII, in Martio aut in Aprile, tene in Martio regulares maiores XXXVI et minors IIII. . . ./. . . quod superat septem ipsa erit feria luna XIIII. Sunt VII evenerit, VII erit. De Lunari Circuitu, Si Quis Conputari Non Didicit. Si qui calculandi minus idoneus . . . /. . . observatione traditum. [Bedae DTR XIX]
De Aetate Lunae, Si Quis Conputari Non Potest.
Stevens has taken earlier readings of this manuscript in the library of Monza Cathedral, reached at the rear of the nave by the long, dangerously open stone stairway. Details of his readings were confirmed or corrected from a microfilm copy of Mt, for which the author is grateful to Professor Bruce S. Eastwood (University of Kentucky). 102
Manuscript Descriptions
Quodsi adeo quisque . . ./. . . dum providit antiquitas. AMEN. [Bedae DTR XXIII] The first text: Si vis invenire terminum paschalem, . . . , has been found only in these six early Compilatio manuscripts, but its incipit is similar to Annalis Lectiones II 10 and V 4, as edited by Borst in Schriften 582 – 583. The second is Bedae DTR XIX, the annual lunar cycle based upon the sidereal year; this is the source for Compilatio I 2 A, with a new title but only a slight change of the incipit. In order to use it, there must be coordination with a table for the annual solar cycle, or with a calendar.103 The third insertion is Bedae DTR XXIII and is numbered III in left margin. On f.11 is Cursus Lunae Per Duodecim Signa = the pagina regularum from Bedae DTR XIX which corresponds with Compilatio I 2 B,C,D (as found also in Vy1 f.10v). On f.11v – 17, the calendar of Compilatio I 3 is numbered V (as also in Vy3), rather than III, and it received additional notes in s.IX ex and later. Inserted on f.17v is CICLUS LUNARIS DECEM ET NOVEM ANNOREM [sic] PER DUODECIMA KALENDAS, with a column for the sequence of epacts of each month, beginning with IAN- VIIII XX I . . .104 Section I 4 on f.18 – 31v lacks the usual heading and begins with PRIMUS CYCLUS DECENNOVENNALIS which has been numbered for years I to XVIIII (1 – 19), though OG[doas] in the right margin is noted at annus VIII which would have corresponded with that cycle for years 0 – 18 in Mb2. There have been other alterations: annus domini XVIIII (19) was left unnumbered but its data correspond with those of annus XVIII (18) in Mb2, for which END[ecas] is in right margin. Variant data in the first cycle are annus III: Cyclus Lunaris XVII (not XVIII); annus VIIII: Dies Dominicae Festivitatis VII Idus Aprilis (not VI); [annus XVIIII]: VII Kal- Mai [not VIII]. In other words, the Dionysian cycles have been altered to bring them into accord with the Bedan year-count. 103 Bedae DTR XXIX: Argumentum De Cursu Lunae Per Duodecim Signa. Cf. Compilatio I 2 A: Si quis vero etiam calculandi minus idoneus . . . /. . . observatione traditum. Sickel (1861), 181; Jones (1939), 62 – 63, 68 – 69; idem (1943), 354. 104 Cf. Computus Graecae et Latini 73 – 76, ed. PL XC (1850) 1308 – 1323, and Compilatio DCCC XXII (812 – 818) I 10 C, ed. Schriften 1134 – 1137: section heads.
Manuscript Descriptions
SECUNDUS CYCLUS (19 – 37) begins with annus domini XVIIII (19) and gives the same data as in Mb2, noting OG[doas] at year XXVI (26) and END[ecas] at year XXXVII (37). Variants are annus XXIIII: Concurrentes V et sequential [sic]; annus XXXIIII: Dies Dominicae Festivitatis III Id- Ap- [not IIII]; annus XXXVII: Luna Ipsius Diei XVII [not XVIII]. Other cycles continue with the advance of numerals but with the earlier data. Yet at the end of the cycles on f. 31v, QUINQUAGESIMUS SEXTUS CYCLUS DECENNOVENNALIS (1045 – 1064), has acquired and numbered an extra year (but not new data) to apply, year by year: M LXIIII I XVIII II XVI XV K- Mai- XII K- Mai- [XVIII] [END-]
These 19-year Easter cycles also received marginal notes for the years DC LXXXVII to XC XII (687 – 912) by many hands, of which the first was probably for DCCC LI (851) at Laubach.105 A new gathering begins with f.32 – 33v and Compilatio I 5: Adbreviatio Chronicae.106 A reader recognised that it belonged to the first book and added ‘Liber I’ in the upper margin of f.32. The conclusion of this text reaches . . . usque in praesentem annum IIII.milia DCCC XX (4820), rather than IIII.milia DCC LXI (4761). Annus mundi 4820 would have corresponded with ~A.D.979/80 which was probably not intended. Rather, the scribe may have disregarded ‘IIII.milia’ and thought that he was correcting annus ‘DCC LXI’ to ‘DCCC XX.’ If so, the date of its exemplar was probably annus praesens ~820/21. Variant readings in final sections of the Adbreviatio text: Carlus, novem, and Carlum are also found in Pt3 Sn Sk1 Vp2. As noted by Borst, the following Section I 6, Incipit De Ortu Et Obitu Patrum [Isidori], on f.34 – 35v is uniquely enumerated VIII, rather than VI. Other books and sections of the Compilatio continue on f.36 – 59v in good order.107 The astronomy of Compilatio book V on f.60 – 77 includes not only descriptions and illustrations of constellations but also full page figures of seven planets around terra as centre point [V 3 C and 4 C] or as eccentric Annales Laubacenses, p.1 – 55. Compilatio DCCC XII section I 5 A Adbreviatio Chronicae, cit. Schriften 1108 – 1109. Section I 5 B is lacking in Mt2 (pace Schriften). 107 On f.50v section III 10 is without titulus, as also in Mb2 . 105
106
Manuscript Descriptions
[5 C and 6 E].108 There follow on f.74 – 76 sections V 7 – 10 to explain lunar and solar eclipses and dimensions of space to the effects of Sun and Moon on weather and plants on earth in section 12: De Praesagiis Tempestatum. The new first folio of Mt1 was blank until six obits (s.IX ex) and eight verses were added (s.XI). On f.2 – 3v there are annals Ab Incarnatione Domini Gesta Francorum for DCC VIIII – DCC XXXIIII (709 – 734), probably begun s.IX ex and continuing in later hands to DCCXCVIIII (799) Kerlot occisus est; on the same last line were added annus domini DCCC and DCCC I without annals; and DCCC II: Egino Veronensis episcopus. The seven years thereafter are also listed but without entries. The annals are continued on f.4 – 4v: DCCC III to DCCCC XII (803 – 912). Fol.5 is a larger leaf, now folded, and has two fragments of later astrology (s.XI); the verso shows a computistical series of letters and numerals which has not been identified; and f.6 – 6v has twelve sets of well-known computistical verses (s.XI). Towards the end of the ninth century, a complete Table of Contents for the seven-book Compilatio was added on f.7 – 8v, headed by Liber Primus. This concludes with Liber Septimus, but the text of the latter book is limited to only the one line for title and incipit of Bedae DNR, lacking the text. Added to f.8v is an early and rare paragraph: Globus lunae conparatus globo terrae . . ./. . . Umbram vero lunae eclipsin solis id est defectum.109 In s.XI, Mt2 received the addition of 19 verses of Nonae Aprilis norunt quinos/. . ., five computistical argumenta, and the lunar table of Beda from Compilatio IIII 1 which were not found in ms Sn. The texts of the three items of Mt2 which are also found in the first five of Sn [Appendix C] have readings which vary so often from those of Walahfrid, especially in his Item 3, that he could not have used them from this code or their exemplar for his own transcriptions. Mt2 was known in the Abbey of St-Peter at Laubach/Lobbes at least by A.D.851 when annals began, though the evidence does not support that monastery as its origin.110 We may assume that it was written during the previous decade and accept its provenance and date as ‘Lower Rhein 840 – 850.’ *** --- *** --- *** The one diagramme of eccentric planetary orbits with diverse centres on Mt2 folio 73 is depicted in figure 6 of Eastwood (1987), 158, with explanations on his p.157 and notes 37 – 38; repr Eastwood (2002), item 3. Earlier presentations of the same drawing are also found in Mb2 fol.66 and Pt3 fol.161. 109 Globus lunae . . . is otherwise found only in Fulda ms Kassel Astron.F.2 (s.IX in) f.9v. 110 Notes left by Bischoff (2004), no.2892, as interpreted by Ebersperger. See further McGurk (1966), 52 – 61; Belloni and Ferrari (1974), 106 – 107. Further descriptions of Mt are by Springsfeld, Borst, and literature cited by them. 108
Manuscript Descriptions
Vp = Città del Vaticano BAV Regin.lat.309. The binding of Vp now holds together five codices of different origins which we designate Vp1 = f.1 – 3; Vp2 = f.4 – 29 and 59 – 70; Vp3 = f.30 – 58; Vp4 = f.70v – 119; Vp5 = f.120 – 156. The folios 1 – 3 of Vp1 appear to have been written s.XI, as were additions to f.3v – 4 and 16 – 16v. This dating would include the titles on fol.2v – 3, whereas the script of Vp2 f.4 – 6 (both texts and capitula) and f.7 – 29 and 59 – 70 is Carolingian minuscule of mid-ninth century and used dates A.D.858, 859, and 860. Codex Vp2 contains Compilatio DCCC XII, books I – VII, written probably at St.-Denis. Section I 4 on f.17 PRIMUS CYCLUS DECENNOVENNALI [sic] lacks the titulus given it in ed. Schriften 1106. Its anni domini are enumerated from [nulla] to XVIII (18), with the first numeral space left blank; OG[doas] and EN[decas] are placed at years VII (7) and XVIII (18). SECUNDUS CYCLUS extends from annus XIX to XXXVII (19 – 37) et sequentia to f.26 OCTOGESIMUS PRIMUS CYCLUS for years MD XVIII – MD XXXVIII (1518 – 1538). Years [nulla] to MCC LXXXV (0 – 1285) received notes which form a Chronicon Sancti Dionysii breve,111 many of which have been recopied in s.XII on a second series of numerals on Vp3 f.37 – 58 with additional annals. On f.66v is an argumentum which could have been copied from a source with formula for DCCC XXXI (831); f.69v repeats a formula for annus magnus IIII mille DCCli XI (4711), but probably intending annus IIII.DCCC XI (4811) which would correspond with ~ 859/60, and concurrent VII. A formula on f.70 was for annus praesens DCCC X[XVII] (827), probably transcribed from an exemplar.112 A contemporary corrector erased many numerals and terms in order to create a new annus praesens DCCC LX (860) for Compilatio section II 7 A and then added the final line: Isti sunt anni ab incarnatione domini. Argumenta of book II 1 – 12 on f.70 say that the indictio is 7, epacta 14, concurrentes 6, and annus lunaris 5 which would correspond with annus domini DCCC LX (860). Following on f.70v are the grammatical drills we have remarked also in Mb2 Vy2 Mt2: unus unius uni . . . . Further is a brief text from Boetius
111
721.
Chronicon Sancti Dionysii breve, ed. Waitz, MGH. Scriptores XIII (1881), 718 –
A modern reader deciphered these erased numerals on f.70 as ‘816,’ but that is probably not correct. 112
Manuscript Descriptions
De Numeris about the origin of numerals which stem from like and unlike, placed in a lined box: I I I I II III Ponatur primo primus aequalis, id est unus uni, secundus primo et secundo, id est duo, tertium vero primo, duobus secundis et tertium par sit, id est uni, duobus et uni, quod [sunt] quattuor, ut est discriptio.113 This addition uses the abbreviations p'mo p' m' , with a short verticle stroke above p in the form we described in additions to Pt3 f.153 and to Pt4 f.183. Thus, this brief note from Boetius may have been added to Vp2 by the same hand as Pt3, but three decades later than his training at Fulda.114 Added also is the text: Legimus in epistolis Graecorum . . ./. . . usque in finem, which explains that the verses, Nonae Aprilis . . ., for remembering the dates for 19 years of the Easter full moons with their lunar regulars, as had been spoken by angels to a third century monk in Egypt, Pachomius.115 The Excerptum De Astrologia of Compilatio V 1 – 2 is on f.90 – 99; but the diagrammes which usually illustrate the four texts about of planetary orbits [V 3 – 6] are lacking. Walahfrid’s Item 5: De Accensione Lunae is found on f.89v – 90, as in the early manuscript Mb² and in a late addition to Pt3 f.178v – 179 (s.IX ex); but it is lacking in Sk1 Vy² Mt2. Item 5 was not enumerated by Capitula of Vp2 or by most surviving manuscripts of the Compilatio. These uncertainties led Professor Borst to separate this argumentum as an appendix to section IIII 33a in his edition. The manuscript Vp received many additions during 860 to 885 from other computi, of which Vp4 f.124: DCCC LXXXV (885) would be the Boetius, Arithmetica 132, with variants: tertium (twice)/ post quod om sunt/ discriptio Vp. Borst added this bit to his edition as Appendix II 12d, ed. Schriften 1187, although the paragraph occurs only in this one manuscript of the Compilatio, cit. Schriften 1158 (with note 55). 114 Stevens (1972a), 287 – 316, repr Stevens (1995): item 6, and cited p.314 – 315 supra. 115 See Jones (1939), 57 and 63; idem (1943a), 198 – 210. Found in many manuscripts, the Legimus . . . text may have been composed in the seventh century, according to Jones. It was not included in the edition of Annalis libellus by Springsfeld; but it was added by Borst to Libellus annalis as section XXXIb, ed. Schriften 724. Recent study by Marina Smyth would place its origin in the late ninth century. 113
Manuscript Descriptions
last. Transcribed in a variety of later scripts, there are numerous texts on f.73v – 76 and 121v – 124 from an early version of the Lectiones computi (760/792), many from Annalis libellus, and one from Bedae DTR XXIII: De Aetate Lunae, about the age of the Moon expressed in three alphabets. The last one is found also in Pt3 Sk Mt Vy2 and could have been taken from Compilatio DCCC VIIII (~808/9/10) I 35. On f.1v – 2 and 16 – 16v (s.XI) were entered arithmetic problems, many from the mid- to late-ninth century Propositiones ad acuendos invenes116 on f.3v – 4 and 16 – 16v which some editors have attributed to Alcuin; they are also found in the eleventh century work De arithmeticis propositionibus ps-Bedae.117 Vp was still at Saint-Denis in 885 and later where the school must have been very active in teaching mathematics.118 Codex Vp2 may have been written at St.-Denis.119 Walahfrid had been dead ten years before its earliest part was written, but it reveals the earlier dates of its exemplar for anni domini DCCC XXVII (827) and DCCC III a passione domini (~A.D.831).120 Many readings in Vp2 however vary considerably by comparison with those texts in Walahfrid’s Sn,121 making it doubtful that its exemplar could have been used by him. The formulae in Vp2 have been re-calculated for current years: either annus domini DCCC LVIII (858) or DCCC LVIIII (859) and in one case DCCC LX (860), with indictions, epacts, concurrents, and regulars appropriate sometimes for the earlier, sometimes for the later years. With Borst we accept provenance and date of Vp2 as ‘St.-Denis 858 – 860.’ * * * 116 Folkerts (1993), 273 – 281; rpr with English translation in idem (2003), item 4 and 5, esp.5, 17. 117 Folkerts (1972), 22 – 43; revised English translation by idem (2003), item 3, esp. 7 – 8. 118 Further descriptions of Vp are by Wilmart (1945), 160 – 174; V.H. King (1969), 49 – 50; Springsfeld (2002), 115 – 119; Borst (2001), 184 – 185; and idem (2006), 303 – 304. 119 Borst (2001), Teil 1, 184 – 185, 216 – 218; Springsfeld (2002), 115 – 119; Borst (2006), 303 – 304. 120 Notice that annus praesens DCCC XXVII (827) appears in the Vp2 text of Compilatio II 7 A (Item 15), and in ms Geneva Lat.50, f.155 – 170 (Massay 825 – 836, probably 827) f.169v. 121 According to the editor of Schriften, Item 5: De Accensione Lunae has also been found in a group of three later manuscripts: Montpellier Faculté de médecine 334 (Loire Valley ca. 850), Bamberg Staatsbibl. Classicus 55 (ante 900), and St. Gallen Stiftsbibl. 459 (St. Gallen ante 900), each with the same two textual variants.
Manuscript Descriptions
Thus, we cannot be assured that any of the six manuscripts or their exemplars was the source for Walahfrid’s copies of Items 1 – 5. Rather, it seems most likely that they were transcribed into of a quire of his notes while he was en route between Fulda and the royal court where Judith and her son resided, probably then at Ingelheim. Where had W IIIb found his exemplar along that route and transcribed these selections? With assistance of the hands Ma and Mb on Walahfridʼs ms p.344 – 347, their texts could have been transcribed during his several weeks at Weißenburg in early Summer 829, or mid-Summer during his first few weeks at Ingelheim. In August of that year, the court moved to Worms for Ludwig’s official business, for which evidence survives in charters, and for the announcement of his new testament. From there the family and retainers progressed in early autumn to Aachen. While any of those locations is possible for Walahfrid, the more probable venue for his copies of the first five argumenta is the scriptorium and library of the Abbey of Saints Peter and Paul at Weißenburg in the late Spring or early Summer of 829. Collation of their texts reveals variations which eliminate all six manuscripts as the source for his transcription of the second group of his argumenta 6 – 30, a few years later. Nevertheless, there are variant readings in Mb2 and Sn which suggest that he may have used the exemplar of Mb2 as his source. The most likely location for that labour is either Prüm or St. Denis where Walahfrid was required to be with Carolus iunior in Autumn of 833 and Winter of 833/4. Again, ms Vp2 of St. Denis (858 – 860) was written too late to be his source, as well as having many variants which are not found in Sn; its exemplar of 827 and 831 is interesting but has also been eliminated by collation of texts. The most probable date and location for his second set of argumenta paschalia are the time and place when he and his protégé, Carolus iunior, were under constraint during in Autumn 833 in the Sanctus Salvator Abbey at Prüm in der Eifel, where either Mb or its exemplar were known.
Manuscript Descriptions
5. Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 878, page 178 (Hand H)
Manuscript Descriptions
6. Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 878, page 194 (Hand W I)
Manuscript Descriptions
7. Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 878, page 220 (Hand W I; cf. Bischoff, Tafel IIb)
Manuscript Descriptions
8. Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 878, page 13 (Hands WII, A, WII)
Manuscript Descriptions
9. Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 878, page 24 (Hand W II; cf. Bischoff, Tafel IIa)
Manuscript Descriptions
10. Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 878, page 335 (Hand W IIIb, W IVa, W IVb; cf. Bischoff, Tafel IIIa)
Manuscript Descriptions
11. Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 878, page 243 (Hands J, W IVb)
Manuscript Descriptions
12. Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 878, page 274 (Hand K)
Manuscript Descriptions
13. Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 878, page 340 (Hand L)
Manuscript Descriptions
14. Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 878, page 344 (Hands L, Ma)
Manuscript Descriptions
15. Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 878, page 346 (Hands Mb, W IIIa)
Manuscript Descriptions
16. Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 878, page 241 (Hand W IVa; cf. Bischoff, Tafel IIIb)
Manuscript Descriptions
17. Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 878, page 278 (Hand W IVb)
Manuscript Descriptions
18. Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 878, page 302 (Hand W IVb)
Manuscript Descriptions
19. Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 878, page 306 (Hand W IVc)
APPENDIX F Argumenta Concordantia
I3 I7 I8 I9 II 1 II 2 II 3 II 4
II 5 II 7A
6) 7) 8) 9) 10) 11) 12) 13)
14) 15)
1) 2) 3) 4) 5)
Compilatio DCCCXII II 16 II 17 III 5 III 14 IIII 33a
278-3 284 284–5 286–90 291 291 291 291 Sn 291-2 292
Sn pages 344 344 344–6 346 346–7
----26 26 26 26 Mb2 26v 26v
Mb2 folios 29v 29v 33v–4 39v 52-2v
171-2v 173–3v 174 -148v 151 152 152 Pt3 152 --
*** --- *** --- ***
Pt3 folios 152v–3 153 166v–7v 151v 178v–9
141-4 ---79 -79 79 Sk1 79 80
Sk1 pages 70 70 ----
-37-8 38–8v 39–41 43 43 43 43v Vy2 43v 43v
Vy2 folios 45v 45v–6 49–50v 55v --
32v-3v 36v–7 37v-8 38-9 41v 41v 41v 41v Mt3 41v 42–3v
Mt3 folios 44v 44v–5 47–8 ---
59-60v 63v–4v 64v-5 65–6v 69v 69v 69v 69v Vp 69v 70
Vp folios 73v 73v 77-7v 80v 89v–90v
Argumenta Concordantia
16) 17) 18) 19) 20) 21) 22) 23) 24) 25) 26) 27) 28) 29) 30)
Compilatio DCCCXII II 6 II 8 II 9 II 10 II 11 II 12 III 6 III 8 III 7 IIII 8 IIII 9 IIII 10 IIII 11 IIII 12 IIII 20
Sn pages 292 292 292 292–3 293 293 293–4 294 294 294-5 295-6 297 297–8 298–0 300-1
Mb2 folios 26v 26v 26v 26v–7 27 27 35v–6 36 36 41v 41v–2 42v 42v-3 43–4 46–6v
Pt3 folios 152 ------------168v 169v
Sk1 pages 81 80 80 80 80 81 101–2 109 102-3 --109 ----
Vy2 folios 43v-4 43v-4 44 44 44 44-4v 50v–1 51–2v 51 -------
Mt3 folios 41v 42 42 42 42 42 48 48v 48-8v 51v-2 52–2v 52v 52v-3 53-3v 55v
Vp folios 69v 70 70 70 70 70 77v-8 78 78 82v 82v-3 83 83-3v 83v-4 86–6v
Argumenta Concordantia
APPENDIX G Sources of Computus
Sources of Computus
During the eighth and ninth centuries, there were a variety of possible sources for the diverse materials of these thirty items. Several large collections of computistical formulae are known to have circulated in Carolingian schools during the first half of the ninth century. In the analysis which follows, it will be useful to identify these early works of computus available within Walahfrid’s lifetime: Dionysii Exigui Argumenta paschalia I – IX, ed. J.W. Jan, Historia Cycli Dionysiani (1718), 79 – 87, rpr (Halle 1769), 171 – 180; rpr PL LXVII (1848) 497 – 502. ed. B. Krusch, (1938), 75 – 77: cited below as Studien II. Argumenta X – XVI pseudo-Dionysii, ed. Jan, (1718), 87 – 94, rpr (1769) 180 – 188, rpr PL LXVII (1848) 503 – 508; ed. Krusch, (1938), 77 – 81. [N.B. Argumentum X is similar to IX and has often been grouped with the first nine. Its redundancy however makes it unlikely to have been written by Dionysius himself.] Bedae DTR = De temporibus ratione liber, Praefatio, I – LXV, ed. Jones, (1943), 175 – 291; (1977), 263 – 460. Bedae Epistola ad Helmwald, ed. J.A. Giles, (1851), 1 – 6. Bedae De cursu solis per menses et signa: Qualiter bissextilem diem quarto suo compleat anno, ed. Jones (1980), 649 – 653. [N.B. This item was probably composed by Beda.] Argumentum ad inveniendum locum XIIII lunae paschalis per XVIIII annos, ed. Heervagius, (1563), rpr PL XC (1850) 499 – 500; ed. C.W. Jones, ibid. (1980), 677. [N.B. Composed about A.D.720 but not by Beda himself.] De ratione computi liber (779), ed. Heervagen (1563), rpr PL XC (1850) 579 – 600. [N.B. This Dialogus includes an argumentum for annus praesens DCC LXXI (771), another for DCC LXXVIIII (779), and was not written by Beda. The latter date provides
Sources of Computus
a possible terminum post quem non. Its earliest manuscripts are in scripts of Mainz (s.IX in) and Trier (ca.A.D.810), and it was known to Hrabani De computo liber (819 – 820). It was attributed to Beda however by the editor because it nearly duplicates 19 chapters of Bedae DTR in dialogue form.] Annalis libellus (793), ed. Springsfeld, (2002), 330 – 376; ed. Borst, Schriften, (2006), 676 – 772: Libellus annalis, ‘Das Veroneser Jahrbuchlein von 793.’ Lectiones computi (792), ed. Borst, Schriften (2006), 544 – 659. [N.B. In these Lectiones there are argumenta for years 757, 760, and 792, of which the earlier dates are from sources for its separate parts, rather than for coherent versions, pace Borst. The latest date is taken as annus praesens for composition.] Computus Graecorum sive Latinorum (827), ed. Muratori, (1713), 111 – 209: ‘Liber de Computo,’ from ms Milano B.Ambrosiana H 150 inferior, f.24 – 154 (A.D.808/10); repr PL CXXIX (1853) 1273 – 1338. [N.B. Due to a formula equivalent with annus praesens DCCC XXVII (827) in the ms Milano from which the text is drawn, earlier proposed dates are not reliable. Although this collection occasionally quotes Irish, English, and other sources with diverse dates, its provenance is probably NE Francia. In the ms Milano f.55 et seq., a twelve-month calendar and additional historic and other computistical texts were accumulated but printed by Muratori without distinction.]
Some of these collections are similar in their general contents, if not often in their texts.1 Although any one of Walahfrid’s items may appear A later computus was published by Heervagen (1563), repr PL XC (1850) 701 – 724: De argumentis lunae ps-Bedae. The name of Beda was given this collection by the editor improperly and should not be associated with this text. Although some items are present which are similar to those found in earlier computi, it uses annus praesens XC XXX (930) or later. Thus, they will not be relevant for tracing Walahfrid’s studies or for determining his sources. 1
Sources of Computus
scattered amongst these computi, none contain them all. On the other hand, all are found in Compilatio astronomia et computistica, the most likely source.
INDICES
INDEX OF MANUSCRIPTS
The following manuscripts have been cited in the text of this book and in Appendix E. Not included are their appearances with argumenta in Appendices C and D. Bamberg, Staatliche Bibliothek Classicus 46 [M.V.14] (West German s.IX med)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 35 Bamberg, Staatl. Bibl. Class. 55 [HJ.IV.22] (France ante 900)������������������������������ 333 Bamberg, Staatl. Bibl. Lit.I [A.II.52], f.3v – 12 (Fulda post 993)���������������� 96, 180 Basel, Universitätsbibliothek Fragment II.31 (Fulda s.X med)������������������� 96, 180 Berlin, Deutsche Staatsbibliothek Phillipps 1831 [Cat.128] f.106 – 125v (Verona? ca.800)�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 164 f.126 – 128 (Verona? 800 – 819)���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 312 f.128v - 137 (Metz ca.882)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 163, 171 f.138 – 142 (Metz ca.882 et seq.)�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 292 Bern, Burgerbibliothek 250, f.1v – 11 (Seligenstadt A.D.836)��������������������������������� 11 Besançon, Bibliothèque municipale 186 (Lotharingia s.IX 3/4)������������������������� 162 Beuron, Stiftsbibliothek Fragment 17 (Orléans s.IX¹)�������������������������������������������������� 70 Bruxelles, Bibliothèque royale 18723 [462] (Xanten s.X/XI)��������������������������������� 35 Bruxelles, Bibl. royale II.2572 (Murbach post 800)����������������������������������������������������� 300 Firenze, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana pl. XXIX.32 (Murbach s.IX 1/3) 300 Frankfurt-am-Main, Stadt- und Universitätsbibliothek Barth. 32 (Fulda ante 856) f.1 – 3: Calendar with glosses (s.IX²)���������������������������������������� 95 Fulda, Hessische Landesbibliothek Aa 96, I (Fulda s.XV, ante 1496)������������� 137 Geneva, Bibliothèque publique et universitaire Lat.50, f.1 – 23v (Provenance unknown ca.805)���������������������������������������������������������� 162, 300 f.24 – 155 (Massay? 825 – 836 or s.IX med)��������������������������������������������������� 162, 317 f.155 – 170 (Massay? 825 – 836, probably 827)���� 161, 306, 317, 321, 324, 333 Gotha, Landesbibliothek Mbr. I.85 (Weiβenburg s.VIII/IX): fragment����� 300 Göttingen, Universitätsbibliothek Theol.231 (s.X2) f.251 – 256v��������������� 96, 180 Karlsruhe, Generallandesbibliothek Aug. perg. 229, f.70 – 222 (A.D.829)� 122 Kassel, Gesamthochschulbibliothek 2°astron.2 (Fulda s.IX in)��������������������������� 330
Index of Manuscripts
Købnhavn, Kongelige Bibliotek Gl. kgl. S 444 2º (s.IX¼)����������������������������������������� 71 Köln, Dombibliothek 83 II (Köln 798, ca.805)������������������������������������������������������� 16, 316 Köln, Dombibl. CIII [103] (Köln? s.VIII/IX)����������������������������������������������������������������� 317 Leiden, Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit Lipsius 7 (Murbach? s.IX¼)��������� 300 Leiden, Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit Voss.Lat.Q.79 f.11 – 45v (Hofkreis, 830 – 840)��������������������������������������������������������� 84, 150, 166, 299 London, British Library Chester Beatty Collection 5 (Nonantola s.VIII/IX)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 49 London, BL Cotton Caligula A XV, f.73 – 119 (NE Francia s.VIII2)�������������� 317 London, BL “Pap.Lond. 878” (Greek trans. from Latin, no date)��������������������� 176 London, BL Additional 43460 (Nonantola s.VIII/IX)���������������������������������������������� 49 Madrid, Biblioteca National L.95 [cat. 3307] f.7 – 71 (Murbach 814 – 820)����������������������������������������������������� 150, 151, 287 – 301, 353 – 354 f.5 – 6, 73, 79 – 80 = Mb1�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 287, 299 f.7 – 20, 26 – 71 = Mb2������������������������������������������������ 150, 151, 287 – 291, 293 – 298 f.21 – 25 = Mb3, Mb4��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 287, 291 – 292 f.72 – 78 = Mb5��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 287, 298 – 299 Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum Ludwig XII.3 (s.IX ex): see Trier 2500��������� 316 Manchester, John Rylands University Library 116 (Trier? s.IX²/₃)������������������������� 6 Melk, Klosterbibliothek G 32 (Auxerre post 836)��������������������������������������������������������� 156 Milano, Biblioteca Ambrosiana H 150 inf. (A.D.808/10)������������������� 307, 316, 357 Montecassino, Archivio dell’Abbazia 3 (Montecassino 874 – 892?)����������������� 162 Montpellier, Faculté de médecine 334 (Loire Valley ca. 850)��������������������������������� 333 Monza, Biblioteca Capitolare 6B-117 [f 9/176] (Lower Rhein)������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 168, 327 – 330, 353 – 354 f.1 – 7 (s.IX/X) + 8 – 9 (s.IX ex) = Mt1���������������������������������������������������������������������� 327 f.9v – 48, 49 – 71 (Lower Rhein 840 – 850) = Mt2��������������������������������� 327 – 330 f.72 – 94 (s.IX med) = Mt³����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 327, 330 München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek CLM 210��������������������� 129 – 130, 299, 320 (NW Austria, Mondsee? 812 – 821) München, Staatsbibl. CLM 14456, f.8 – 46 (A.D.823) = Mc������������������������������� 105 München, Staatsbibl. CLM 14523 (St. Emmeram s.X1) f.1 – 1v��������������������������� 96 München, Staatsbibl. CLM 14569 (s.XI)���������������������������������������������������������������������� 96, 97 München, Staatsbibl. CLM 14641, f.32 – 47 (Fulda s.IX²/₄)��������������������������������� 150 München, Staatsbibl. CLM 14689 (s.XI ex)����������������������������������������������������������������������� 23 München, Staatsbibl. CLM 14725 (N Francia s.IX in)����������������������������������������������� 86 München, Staatsbibl. CLM 14743 (s.IX med) f.117 – 184���������������������������������������� 98 Oxford, Bodleian Library Bodley 309 (s.XI2)������������������������������������������������������������������ 317 Oxford, BL Canonici miscellaneous 353 (Fulda ante 829)����������������������������������������������������������������������� 28, 54, 75, 79, 92 – 93, 316 Oxford, BL Digby 63 (A.D.864, 862 – 892)��������������������������������������������������������������������� 307 Oxford, BL Laud Lat.126 (Fulda s.VIII/IX) f.1������������������������������������������������������������������ 3 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France Latin 2796 (N Francia ca.815)������� 307
Index of Manuscripts
Paris, BN Lat.4762 (Laubach s.IX¾)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 158 Paris, BN Lat.4860 (Reichenau s.IX¾)�������������������������������������������������� 96, 163, 180, 316 Paris, BN Lat.5543 (probably Fleury 847) f.4 – 144������������������������������������������ 161, 316 Paris, BN Lat.7412 (s.XI)����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 22 Paris, BN Lat.7383 (Orléans? s.IX1)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 70 Paris, BN Lat.9388 (Metz s.IX¹)���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 299 Paris, BN Lat.13955 (A.D.830 – 840)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 54 Paris, BN N.a.lat.456 [Libri 44] (Auch post 978)����������������������������������������������� 168, 311 Paris, BN N.a.lat.1615,���������������������������������������������������������������������� 20, 302 – 318, 353 – 354 f.1 – 2 (s.XIV)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 302 f.3 – 18 (Fleury ca.830) = Pt¹��������������������������������������������������������������������� 302 – 304, 318 f.19 – 126v (Fleury ca.830) = Pt²���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 304, 318 f.128 – 181v (E Francia ca.812 – 820) = Pt³�������������������������������������� 304 – 313, 318 f.181v -183 (E Francia s.IX2) = Pt⁴��������������������������������������������������������������������� 313 – 316 f.184 – 190 (E Francia s.IX2) = Pt���������������������������������������������������������������������� 316 – 318 f.190v – 193 (s.XI) = Pt⁶��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 318 Paris, BN N.a.lat.13955 (s.IX med)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 316 Princeton, University Library Scheide Fragment (Nonantola s.VIII/IX)������ 49 Roma, Biblioteca Vallicelliana E 26 (Lyons 814 – 816) f.1 – 83, 139 – 162���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 161, 318 Roma, Biblioteca Casanatense 641, f.1 – 46v (Montecassino, ca.811 – 812) 161 St. Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 68 (Fulda s.IX1)����������������������������������������������������������������������� 70 St. Gallen, Stiftsbibl. 250 (s.IX/X)����������������������������������������������������������������������� 22, 162, 311 St. Gallen, Stiftsbibl. 251 (St. Gallen ante 840)���������������������������������������������������� 156, 317 St. Gallen, Stiftsbibl. 283 (St. Gallen s.IX2)������������������������������������������������������������������������� 69 St. Gallen, Stiftsbibl. 397,�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 286 p.53 – 148 (Grimalt 820 – 830) = Sk¹������������������������������������� 319 – 320, 353 – 354 p.1 – 52 (Grimalt s.IX 2/4 – IX 3/4) = Sk²��������������������������������������������������������������� 319 St. Gallen, Stiftsbibl. 450 (ante 900)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 162 St.Gallen, Stiftsbibl. 459 (St. Gallen ante 900)�������������������������������������������������������� 97, 333 St. Gallen, Stiftsbibl. 622 (s.IX 2/4)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 70 St. Gallen, Stiftsbibl. 831, p.1 – 182 (Alsace s.IX¹)������������������������������������������������������� 300 St. Gallen, Stiftsbibl. 869 (St. Gallen s.IX²)�������������������������������������������������������������� 97, 131 St. Gallen, Stiftsbibl. 876 (St. Gallen s.VIII²)��������������������������������������������� 37, 353 – 354 p.208 – 257���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 37 p.324 – 327: facsimiles 1 – 4��������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 180 – 212 p.344 – 347 (A.D.829)���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 228 – 238 p.277 – 300 (A.D.833 – 834)������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 240 – 284 Facsimiles 5 – 19������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 335 – 349 St.Gallen, Stiftsbibl. 915�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 97 St. Paul in Carinthia (Lavanttal, Austria), Stiftsbibliothek (Reichenau s.IX²/₄) f.81������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 15 Trier, Stadtbibliothek 22 (s.IX¹)����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 6
Index of Manuscripts
Trier, Stadtbibl. 2500, f.1 – 2 (s.IX ex)���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 316 Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana Fondo Latino 645, f.12 – 92 (NE Francia ca.845)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 299, 322 f.1 – 11 (s.XI) = Vy1������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 322, 326 f.12 – 55 (NE Francia ca.845) = Vy2������ 157 – 158, 299, 322 – 326, 353 – 354 f.56 – 92 (s.X/XI) = Vy3������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 325 – 326 f.93 – 103 (s.XI) = Vy4������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 326 Vat., BAV Fondo Palatino latino 245 (Murbach or Weißenburg s.VIII/IX)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 300 Vat., BAV Pal.lat.493, f.100 – 106 (Murbach or Weißenburg s.VIII/IX)���� 300 Vat., BAV Pal.lat.574 (Murbach or Weißenburg s.VIII/IX)��������������������������������� 300 Vat., BAV Pal.lat.834 (W. Germany 836?): lost����������������������������������������������������������������� 84 Vat., BAV Pal.lat.1447, f.3 – 24/5 (Mainz 798 – 813)��������������������������������������� 126, 159 f.11v mg (s.X/XI) Vat., BAV Pal.lat.1448, f.1 – 44 (Trier 810) = Vl¹�������������������������������������������� 161 – 162 Vat., BAV Pal.lat.1448, f.45 – 59, 70 – 122 (Mainz s.IX in) = Vl²������������������������������� 126, 161 – 163, 171 f.60 – 69v (Lorsch, Aachen? ante 850?)������������������������������������������������������������������������ 162 Vat., BAV Pal.lat.1449 (Lorsch s.IX1) f.12������������������������������������������������������������������������� 126 Vat., BAV Pal.lat.1928 (Fulda s.XVI)�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 65 Vat., BAV Reginense latino 39 (s.IX)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 317 Vat., BAV Regin.lat.309������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 331 f.1 – 3, 3v – 4, 16 – 16v (s.XI) = Vp1������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 331 f.4 – 15, 17 – 29, 59 – 70 (St.-Denis 858 – 860) = Vp2������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 158 – 159, 331, 333, 353 – 354 f.30 – 58 = Vp3������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 331 f.70v – 119 (St.-Denis 860 – 885) = Vp4������������������������������������������������������������ 331, 332 f.120 – 156 (St.-Denis 860 – 885) = Vp5������������������������������������������������������������ 331, 332 Vat., BAV Regin.lat.438 (Reichenau? s.IX ex): lost�������������������������������������������������������� 84 Vat., BAV Regin.lat.1703 (Weißenburg ca.825 – 829) = R������������� 65, 71, 101 – 102 Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare LXII (s.XI)������������������������������������������������������������������������ 182 Wien, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Lat.387 (Salzburg 816 – 818)������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 129 – 130, 299, 320 Wien, ÖNB Cod.Lat.515 (Gorze s.VIII/IX)���������������������������������������������������������� 15, 300 Wien, ÖNB Cod.Lat.2223 (Würzburg s.IX in)�������������������������������������������������������������� 86 Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August-Bibliothek Weißenburg 84 (Fulda 840 – 842)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 66, 153 Wolfenbüttel, H.-A. Bibl. Weißenburg 92 (Fulda 840 – 842)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 66, 153 Wolfenbüttel, H.-A. Bibl. Weiβenburg 86 (Tours s.VIII ex)����������������������������������� 91 Zürich, Zentralbibliothek Rh.hist.27, pt.I (Reichenau ca.825)���������������������� 69, 71 Zürich, Zentralbibl. Rh.hist.73 (s.IX 2/4)���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 69
INDEX OF SUBJECTS
Aachener Enzyklopädie, Aachener computus,��������������������������������������������������������������� 128 vide Compilatio DCCC XII aera Incarnationis���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 127, 129, 167 vide Dionysius Exiguus Alphabets, Greek, Hebrew, Latin������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 45, 79, 86 Rune���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 45, 86 Annus Domini�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 129 vide Dionysius Exiguus Annus magnus,������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 105, 106, 107, 159 vide annus mundanus Annus maximus,���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 106 vide annus mundanus Annus mundanus, cosmic year������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 105, 106-108 Argumenta paschalia���������������� 103-105, 109, 126, 128, 130, 132, 140-143, 155, 156, 158, 161, 162, 164, 168, 174, 176 Argumenta astronomia���������������������������������������������������������������� 103, 104, 105-108, 174, 176 Arian heresy�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 131 Arithmetica������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 2, 14, 19 et passim addition����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 10 calculus���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 10, 18 division������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 10 errors, corrections������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 160, 174, 177 fractions���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 10 multiplication���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 10 ounces��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 10 subtraction���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 10 vide Calculation Arithmology and numerology, Pythagorean���������������������������������������������������������������������� 12
Index of Subjects
mathematici������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 109 prodigium���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 109 assembly,���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 118 vide conventum generalem Astrology (s.XI), fragments���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 330 animals������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 297, 330 horoscope,��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 109 vide Arithmology/mathematici plants������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 297, 311, 330 weather������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 297, 311, 330 Astrolabium, Latin������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 22 Astronomia��������������������������������������������� 18, 19, et passim, 82, 97, 103, 105-109, 125,128, 130, 163, 166, 295 et passim, 309 axis, vide Orbits of planets circulus, vide Orbits of planets clima, a band latitude�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 296 constellation, a figure of stars��������� 21, 26, 29, 33, 39, 82-84, 96-97, 106, 128,
287, 294, 299, 310, 313, 325, 327, 329
cursus, a band of latitude���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 97 Eclipse,�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 106, 107 – 108, 296 – 297 eclipsin solis������������������������������������������������������������ 106, 108, 288, 291, 296, 297, 330 eclipsin lunae���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 106, 108, 296, 297 ecliptic, band of Sun in Zodiac�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 21 epicycle: Venus, Mercurius������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 21 equator (East-West)���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 97, 296 equinox������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 22-23, 108 vernal (luna XIIII)����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 172 autumnal (luna XIIII) horologium, day���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 108, 288 horologium nocturnum, night��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 22, 82 illustrations�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 22, 84, 128 lunar cycle����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 16-18 sidereal time (27 dies, 8 horae)������������������������������������������������������������������������� 109, 171 synodical time (alternating 29/30 dies)�������������������������������� 108-109, 170, 171 noctium horarum computatrix: Polaris��������������������������������������������������������������������������� 21 polus, pole geometric����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 21 stellar�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 21 space, void���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 11, 21. solstice���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 22, 108, 109 zodiac, scale of mundus��������� 22, 83- 84, 97, 105, 108, 109, 171, 287, 294, 297 as, dodrans������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 109 diagramme�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 84 latitude, width������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 21
Index of Subjects
longitude, length������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 21 puncti lunaris (5 per signum)������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 21, 109 puncti solaris (4 per signum)�������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 21, 109 partes signorum (10, 15, 30 per signum)������������������������������������������������������� 21, 109 signa, partes, puncti��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 21, 109 signa, vide constellations Authority Apostles��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 131 Roman bishop, curia������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 16 sancti patres, Church Fathers,����������������������������������������������������������������� 70, 131-132, 316 vide Dionysius Baptism��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 115, 123, 133 Battle of Fontenoy near Auxerre (25 July 841)����������������������������������������������������������������� 154 Capitula, capitulatio, Table of Contents��������������� 160-161, 227, 302, 326, 331, 332 Calculation, Numeral forms,���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 57, 170-171 Arabic���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 290 Gubar���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 289 Roman����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 10, 57, 289 Hindu-Arabic���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 10, 289-290 with fingers��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 11-12 problems, puzzles, exercises������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 12-14, 93 numerals�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 106, 108, 177, 180, 226 Number: concept, theory������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 12, 14 Pythagorean��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 12, 14 Euclidean��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 12, 14 vide Scripts, numerals calculator scrupulosus, vide Victurius of Aquitaine Calendar����������������������� 74, 81, 83, 84, 93-94, 108, 290, 292, 299, 302, 322, 326, 328 Bedan calendar������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 83, 97, 127, 174, 308 Compilatio DCCC XII, section I 3���������������������������������������� 287-288, 326, 328 Fulda Calendar��������������������������������������������� 33, 81, 95, 96-97, 174; Appendix A Gregorian Calendar (1581)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 23 Julian Calendar���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 94, 129 Roman Calendar (?)�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 33, 93-94 annus, beginning������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 129 common year (365 days)����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 169 lunar year, embolismic (354 days)��������������������������������������������������������������������������� 169 solar year (365/366 days)����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 169 mensis, month�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 94, 180-181 Kalendae���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 96, 103, 180 et passim Nones���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 96, 180 et passim Ides���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 96, 180 et passim
Index of Subjects
Ianuarius, Februarius etc. (12 Roman months)������������ 184, 186 et passim Nisan, Jewish month, vide Computus����������������������������������������������������������������� 171 Sidereal, synodical, vide Astronomia feria, weekdays I, II, III, et seq.������������� 29, 94-95, 96, 181, 291, 292, 298, 303,
309, 312, 317, 322, 325, 327
septem dies, a week��������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 94, 96, 161, 166-167 Campaign, military������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 111, 119 Campus mentitus, campus mendacii, The Field of Lies, vide Rotfeld Cancellarius, chancellor�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 99 Capellae regis��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 99, 114 Capellanus, chaplain����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 74, 99, 112, 119 Cancellarius, chancellor,����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 121 vide Ingelheim, organisation Church Fathers, vide Authority Compilatio DCCC VIIII (808/9/10): Three-book������ 19, 128-130, 162, 165, 167, 170, 292, 320, 333 Compilatio DCCC XII (812 – 818): Seven-book�������������� 19, 76, 82, 108, 128-130, 138-144, 155, 162, 163, 164, 166, 167, 169 vide Ealhwine/Liber De Albino Magistro������� 138, 167, 174; Appendix C, D Computista, scholar��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 169 Computus, calendar reckoning�������������������������������� 8, 15, 17, 18, 19, 26, 103, 125, 167, 170-171, 177; Appendix G aera Incarnationis��������������������������������������������������������������������� 16, 127-129, 167, 168, 169 annus Domini������������������������������������ 15, 16, 158, 159, 168, 169, 177, 290 et passim annus embolismus (95 years)�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 18 annus mundi������������������������������������������������������������������������� 15, 83, 129, 157, 167-168, 177 Nostrates������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 167, 312, 324 Hieronimus������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 167, 312, 324 Graeci������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 167, 312, 324 annus Passionis,������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 15 vide Victurius annus praesens����������������������������������������������������� 129, 158, 159, 162, 227, 329, 331, 333 ascensio lunae����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 108-109 bis sextus, bissextus,������������������������������������� 94-95, 166, 167, 171, 291, 303, 311, 322 vide dies bissextile concurrentes septimanae dies��������������������������� 16, 28, 159, 161, 176-177, 291, 303,
311, 324, 327
descensio lunae��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 108-109 dies bissextile������������������������������������������������������������������� 17, 28, 94-95, 161, 168, 169, 320 vide bis sextus Easter terms������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 171 Easter full moon, luna XIIII������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 171-178
Index of Subjects
Ebdomada (7 days, one week)�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 169 epactae lunae��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 16, 159 epactae solis��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 79-80 horae,��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 83, 109, 159, 166 ostenta������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 109, 159 momenta���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 109 minuta�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 166 indictiones (15)�������������������������������������������������������������� 157, 158, 168, 169, 290, 303, 304 luna dominica (Kalendarum Ianuarii)����������������������������������������������������������������������� 292 luna prima, appearance of New Moon������������������������������������������������������������������������ 109 luna XIIII������������������������������������������������������������� 303, 304, 311, 312, 317, 322, 323, 327 Victurius���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 312 Dionysius����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 311, 312 Beda�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 323 Luni-solar cycle (19 years)������������������������������������������� 16, 97, 127, 166, 168, 169, 170 Munich Computus��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 105 regulares lunae���������������������������������������������������������������������� 16, 103, 104, 157-159, 169 regulares solaris������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 16 regulares feriae���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 16, 104 saltus lunae������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 127, 166, 170-171 solar cycle, orbit (1 year, or 28 years),�������������������������������� 16, 17, 21, 107, 169, 170 vide annus/solar year Tabula paschalis (1),����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 290 Tituli (columns) Anni Domini Nostri Iesu Christi�������������������������������������������������������������������� 290 Bissexti����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 289 Indictiones���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 290 Epacta Lunae��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 290 Concurrentes����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 290 Cycli Lunae�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 290, 328 XIIII Luna Paschae������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 290 Dies Domini Festivatis��������������������������������������������������������������������� 290, 328, 329 Luna Ipsius Diei���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 290, 329 ogdoas (8-year cycle)�������������������������������� 289, 302, 303, 322, 328, 329, 331 endecas (11-year cycle)�������������������������������������� 289, 303, 322, 328. 329, 331 Tabula paschalis (2),��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 16, 292 Tituli (columns) Epacta������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 292 Anni (Domini)����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 292 Cicli Lunaris���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 292 Terminus LXX����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 292 Terminus Paschalis��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 292 Regulares������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 292
Index of Subjects
Tabula paschalis (D CCC)����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 16 Tabula paschalis Alexandrina,�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 16-17 vide Dionysius, Victurius Codex manuscriptus, book, notebook��� 6, 27, 35, 37, 39, 61, 69, 91, 157, 159, 162 bifolium��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 34, 44, 68, 102, 161 binding����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 160, 287, 291, 298, 326, 331 columns per page�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 27, 33, 81, 156 erasure���������������������������� 37, 65, 83, 85, 88, 102, 126, 127, 159, 198 et passim, 331 exemplar��������������������� 37, 38, 42, 49, 52, 54, 55, 58, 59, 64, 65, 75, 102, 155, 160, 161, 163, 174, 176 folio, leaf��������������������������������������������� 25, 26 et passim, 57, 71, 79, 102, 156, 157, 161 lines per page�������������������������������� 26, 27, 32 et passim, 56, 82, 85, 87, 88, 102, 104 pages���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 25, 27 et passim, 102, 104, 180–181 parchment, vellum����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5, 25, 26, 181 quire, gathering������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 26 et passim, 79, 157 quire marks��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 28 ruling of lines and writing space per page������������� 48, 57-58, 61, 62, 64, 67, 71 text omission��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 160 text repetition�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 161 Consular list, Roman�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 36 vide Index of Texts; Chronographus Conventum generalem, assembly����������������������������������������������������� 118, 122, 123-124, 132 (Worms, August 829) Engineering skills, vide Geometrica Epiphany, vide Worship Feudalism������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 111 Familia���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 122, 124, 132, 138 Fidelis, fideles����������������������������������������� 2, 8, 112, 114, 122, 123, 124, 137, 138, 144, 177 Fiscus, royal treasury�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 114 Formulae for argumenta paschalia���������������������� 92-96, 128, 130, 132, 138-142, 155, 158, 159, 164, 168, 169, 174, 286, 293, Formulae for astronomia��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 286 Fossa Carolina, das Karlsgrab�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 15 Game board������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 76, 122 domus������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 32, 76. labyrinth�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 32, 76, 122 Nine Men’s Morse��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 122 Geometrica������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 14 axioms�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 14 construction������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 14 definitions: point, line, curve, angle, circle����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 10, 14 enunciations:
Index of Subjects
triangles, diameters, tangents, perpendiculars������������������������������������������������� 14 plane geometry������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 14 postulates������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 14 proofs���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 14 propositions�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 14 questions and answers, dialogue����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 14 rhomboid�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 14 shadow length, vide horologium spatium, dimensions������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 330 Surveying, engineering������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 14-15 Gnomon, vide horologium��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 94 GRECI, vide annus mundi Grammatica Latina�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 4 ellipse�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 295 grammar������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 3, 4, 5, 27, 59, 73, 91, 174 metrics���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 73, 174 orthography����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 4 prosody������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 73 pronunciation������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 4 rhetoric������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 74, 91, 174 syntax��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 4, 6, 59, 73 vocabulary�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 4 Greeks, Alexandrian��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 16 Gromatici, vide Geometrica Heavens, vide Kosmos, Mundus, Orbis, Globus.......................................19, 21, 22 Hemisphere, semisphere������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 22 Holy Week, vide Worship Homines��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 122 Honour��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 117, 123, 124, 177 Horizon������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 109, 170 Hunting, hunting lodge, royal���������������������������������������������������������������������� 114-115, 119, 121 Health, Hirmengarda���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 111, 122 Ludwig der Fromme Walahfrid, vide medicina������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 87-89 Illiteratus�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5 Ingelheim Pfalz,������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 114-117 palatium, domus regia, palace����������������������������������������������������������������������� 114, 116, 122 organisation����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 7 Apocrisarius, chief chef��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 119 Cancellarius, chancellor��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 119, 133 Camerarius, chamberlain��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 119 Cellarius, butler������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 119
Index of Subjects
Capellanus, chaplain������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 99, 114, 116 Procurator, dispensator, steward�������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 119 Seneschal������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 119-120 Count of the Palace���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 119 Constable��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 119 Keeper of the Seal, vide Cancellarius scola palatii����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 122 scribes and notaries����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 119 bibliotheca, library������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 83, 116 homines palatini������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 113, 122 homines missi�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 113 Instrument, astronomical ambitus, circuitus, compass����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 81 Gnomon, vide horologium Horologium (with sunlight)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 81-82, 288 horologium nocturnum (with stars)��������������������������������������������������������������������������� 21, 82 regular, ruler, straight-edge���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 81-82 tube and disk, vide Pacificus�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 21 zodiac, vide astronomia Karlsgrab, vide Fossa Carolina Kosmos, Cosmos (heavens), vide globus, mundus, orbis��������������������������������������������� 97 Labyrinth, vide game board Language, Latin, Roman����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 3–5, 74, et passim Latin, medieval���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5 Old High German, Althochdeutsch����������������������������������������������� 3, 5, 9, 33, 70, 87 Swabian��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 98 Old Saxon������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 9 Greek�������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 11, 21, 25, 26, 85, 105 Hebrew�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5, 6, 11 Romance������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 5 Slavic�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5 bilingual�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5, 9 vernacular����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5, 7, 8, 9 verses���������������������������������������� 26, 36, 43, 44, 65, 73-74, 76, 81, 85, 96-98, 101-103,
115-116, 126-127, 131-132, 174; Appendix B
Latitude, bands of mundus������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 21, 97 bands of terra����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 21 cursus, vide Plagae������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 97 Library, librarian������������������������������������������������������������������ 4, 6, 8, 10, 61, 65, 68, 69, 87, 116 Aachen��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 3, 7, 8, 116, 138 Fulda������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 4, 65, 93, 98.
Index of Subjects
Ingelheim, vide Ingelheim Pfalz Judith regina���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 8, 83, 116 Ludwig der Deutsche�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 8 Ludwig der Fromme���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 8 Karl der Große, transient������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 3, 5, et passim Karl der Kahle������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 3, 8 Lorsch, vide Gerward Prüm���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 132 Regensburg, vide Grimalt St. Denis������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 137-138, 174, 175 York Cathedral���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 4 Litteratus, literati����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 4-5, 116 Mensores, vide Geometrica Meridian (North-South)���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 82, 97 meridianal band�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 296 Mundus (heavens), vide Kosmos Musica������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5, 76, 132 cantus�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 3, 5 chant��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 6 choirs, voices��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5 entertainments���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5 funerals��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5 harmonics��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5 instruments��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5, 115, 132 tympana, drum, tambourine�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 132 lute����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 132 harp��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 132 pecten = plectrum for lute���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 132 liturgy�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5, 6, 32, 34, 76, 115 vide Worship/psalms melody����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5 neuma���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5, 76 numeric/alphabetic notation��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5 organum, tones in parallel��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5 polyphonics������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5-6 processions�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5 planctus, laments��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 10 rhythm���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 6 tones���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5 Nicaea, Council of (325)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 171-172, 316 vide Dionysius Exiguus NOSTRATES, vide annus mundi��������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 324
Index of Subjects
Notae, stenography, Roman����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 9, 54, 66, 80, 86 corrections������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 61, 64, 67 question marks����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 57, 58, 60, 64, 67 Oaths of Strasburg (14 February 842)����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 136 Opus Dei������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1 Orbis, vide Globus Orbis quadratus���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 97; Appendix B vide Astronomia/rota mundi, rota terrae Orbits of planets:��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 19, 83, 105-106, 130 apsides (near: perigee; far: apogee)������������������������������������������������������������������� 20, 294-299 axis���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 19 circle������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 19 diagrammes����������������������������������������������������������� 105, 294-299, 309-310, 325, 329-330 rota mundi������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 296 rota planetarum���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 326, 329-330 rota terrae T-rota: asia, africa, europa������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 312 rota ventorum, winds��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 317-318 luna: increase, decrease�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 103, 108-109 rising and setting��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 108 orbits, concentric���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 294, 300, 313, 325 orbits, eccentric�������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 294, 300, 325, 329, 330 orbits, interacting, vide Eudoxos orbits, tonal: tonos������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 20, 294, 309 orbits, retrograde (zig-zag)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 294 sol: rising, setting��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 103, 104, 108 Paintings, art, mosaics, frescoes���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 115-116 Passion of Christ, vide Worship Penance, public�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 112-113, 135-136 Pius, pietas��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 112-113 Plagae, regions of lands or stars����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 97, 296 Planets, vide orbits�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 29 Planispheria������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 84, 105, 166 Prayer����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 112 Pueri aegyptiaci������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 127 Rebellion, revolt������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 132-137, 144, 151, 153 Regula monastica�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 6 Resurrection of Christ, vide Worship Runes, Anglo-Saxon������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 87 Nordic�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 87 Sacra Scriptura, The Holy Bible���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 4, 6, 86 Salzburger Enzyklopädie, vide Compilatio DCCC VIIII Salzburger computus, vide Compilatio DCCC VIIII
Index of Subjects
Sancti patres,������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 316 vide Dionysius Exiguus scolae, schools,�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1-3, 75, 120, 121, 122, 163 aegyptica schola in palatio������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 127, 168 cathedral��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 2-3, 125 civitates, Italia������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 3 discipulus, student, novice, oblate��������������� 1, 4, 7, 47, 52, 57, 59, 61, 73, 74, 80, 91, 93-94, 95, 96, 98, 99, 103 instructio psalmos, notas, cantus, compotum, grammaticum����������������������������������������������� 3. Vide arithmetica, astronomica, geometrica, grammatica magister, master, teacher, professor���������� 2, 3, 4, 57, 59, 61, 62, 73, 74, 75, 79, 91, 92, 94, 103, 104, 125, 171 monastery��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 2, 3 external, lay��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 2, 3 internal, oblates������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 2, 52, 57, 74 palace������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 122 parish, clerical������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 2-3 tuition������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 3 Script, region or place�������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 6, 8, 27, 31 et passim Alemannic����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 287, 289, 300 Alsatian�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 300 Chelles���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 6 Fulda����������������������������� 31, 34, 38, 45, 47, 49, 53, 54, 55, 61-62, 64-66, 68, 70, 71, 75-78, 92, 104, 174-175, 316 Greek����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 57 Ingelheim����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 116 Reichenau, Mittelzell��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 78, 88 Roma, curia���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 85, 102 Soissons�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 6 Tours����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 91 Scriptoria, Writing instruments:����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 91 griffel�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 79 ink������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 28, 37, 48, 77, 87 black��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 56, 22, 30, 61, 65, 78 brown���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 61 light red-brown������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 78 dark brown����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 57, 78, 180 Fulda Braun, very dark������������������������������������������������������������������ 62, 64, 91, 182 red-ochre���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 48, 58, 61, 64, 180 pale red�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 58, 296 darker red (lead oxide?)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 181
Index of Subjects
parchment���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5, 87 quill, pen����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5, 75, 77 wax tablet�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5 Script, calligraphy��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 6, 9, 47 et passim cursivus, minuscule,������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 9, 49, 50, 69, 71 Carolingian������������������������������������������������� 29, 30, 31, 181, 228, 315, 318, 331 Reichenau������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 48 et passim; 69 Capitalis quadrata������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 9, 56, 61, 64, 71 Capitalis rustica����������������������������������������������������������� 57, 61-62, 63-64, 69, 71, 138, 325 Uncialis����������������������������������������������������� 9, 35, 43, 49, 57, 58, 62, 64, 65, 66, 67, 71 Semi-uncial���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 43, 57, 58, 91 littera notabilior�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 9 Script, Roman stenography annotations, marginal����������������������������������������������������������������������� 91, 93, 290, 297, 322, 325, 329 interlinear���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 91 asterisk, antissima, apostrophe��������������������������������������������������������������������������� 80 paragraph�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 57, 61, 64, 226 scratches, marginal������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 79-80 signes de renvoi������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 80 et passim notae communes������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 9, 86 notae, Tironian��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 9, 77, 8o-81, 93 notae, marginal������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 77, 80-81, 91, 93 interrogandum est��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 9 distinctum est��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 93 q – notae, quaere��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 78-79, 93 requisitum est��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 93 notae, Lorsch plagiarism������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 9 secret writing����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 86 tachygraphy��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 80 vide Roman stenography Script, usages abbreviations������������������������������������������������������������������������� 58-59 et passim, 83, 180, 181 autograph����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 33, 38, 47, 69, 71 accent��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 33, 34, 43, 44, 53, 60, 66 consonants������������������������������������������������������ 49, 51, 54, 60, 63, 73, 81, 82, 87, 91, 104 correction, error, fault manual������������������������������������������������� 28, 30, 38, 75, 79, 81, 92, 96, 102, 176-177 verbal�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 60 gloss�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 33, 42, 43, 83 hand��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 157, 159, 162, 165 hierarchy of scripts��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 61, 62
Index of Subjects
initials, first letters�������������������������������������� 29, 49, 50, 56-58, 60-61, 62, 64, 66, 75,
76, 84, 85, 157, 182
minuscule enlarged, or uncial: Hand J�������������������������������������������������� 64, 27, 30 stencils������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 64, 21, 27 ornate, coloured���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 75, 325 insular forms, usages����������������������������������������������������������������� 52, 53, 66, 75, 78, 81, 182 of Fulda����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 19, 26, 30 ligatures�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 58, 60 et passim, 75 margin���������������������������������������� 33, 34, 36, 37, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 81, 88. 91, 93, 96,
102, 126, 156, 157
mistakes, vide correction����������������������������������������������������������������� 52, 53, 58, 59, 75, 77 nomina sacra���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 55, 66 numeracy, vide Calculation���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 2, 11 numerals,��������������������������������� 28, 29, 40, 53, 57, 64, 108, 128, 177, 180, 181, 302,
325, 329, 330, 331, 332
abacus, ἄβαχ, counting board��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 11 apices, roundels����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 11 calculi, pebbles������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 11 enumeration of pages, sections, chapters������������������������������� 57, 155, 156, 157, 160-161, 226, 324 enumeration of hands�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 47 enumeration of quires������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 28 Greek���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 11, 85, 86 Hebrew������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 11, 86 Roman������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 11-12, 290, 302 lists, series of numerals��������������������������������������������������������������������� 325, 329, 331-332 mensa, counting boards, flat surface������������������������������������������������������������������������ 11 nulla, nul, o, empty space������������������������������������������������������������������������ 168, 289-292 place-value��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 11 par et impar������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 12 Roman signum 0, vide nulla���������������������������������������������������������� 11, 168, 289-292 zephira (Venice, post 1200)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 11 zero (post 1300)���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 11 punctuation��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 57, 60 et passim, 104 space, spacing����������������������������������������������������������� 11, 21, 27, 33, 45, 48, 49, 51, 55, 56, vide Astronomia: space; numeral: nulla��������� 61-62, 64, 75, 77, 84, 86-87 space left blank for titulus�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 64 suspensions������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 52, 54-56, 58-59, 64, 75, 182 titulus, tituli, headings�������� 28, 29 et passim, 55-56, 61-62, 64, 65, 66, 76, 83,
84, 85, 96, 126, 128, 160, 180, 181, 213, 226, 289, 291, 305, 306
colour����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 325 rubric������������������������������������������������������������������������ 28, 34, 45, 61, 180, 186 et passim
Index of Subjects
vowels�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 48-49, 50 et passim word separation������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 16, 104 Sculptures, statues������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 116, 131 servitium regis, vide Ludwig der Fromme, Notitia�������������������������������������������������������� 120 Sidereal month, vide Lunar cycle Sphere, semisphere, hemisphere������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 20, 22 Sundial, vide horologium������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 82 Surveying, vide Geometrica Synodical month, vide Lunar cycle Terminus ante quem non�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 157, 158, 307 Terminus post quem non��������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 197, 297, 304, 326 Terrae motus, earthquake������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 42, 88- 89 Time series,����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 168, 169 epacts (30)�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 16 et passim concurrents (7)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 16, 28 et passim indictions (15)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 169 Roman emperors������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 169 Luni-solar cycle (19)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 16, 97 et passim vide annus, Calendar, Dionysius, Beda Torah����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 132 Treaty of Verdun (August 843)�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 136 Vertens annus, vide annus mandanus������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 106 Via Francigena, route������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 125 Worship,��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 3 altars������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 96 celebrations, annual��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 16 Epiphany������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 16 Holy Week�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 16 Passion of Christ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 16 Resurrection, Easter celebration��������������������������� 16, 107, 114, 118, 133, 137, 144, 147, 172. Saints’ Days, names��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 12, 181 vide Calendar/Fulda creed���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 9 hymns������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 9 liturgy��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5, 6, 32, 34, 76, 92, 95, 115 prayers, personal������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 4, 5, 6, 10 psalms������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 5 scripture readings����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5-6 sermon����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5 terms: baptizma���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 173 chrisma�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 173
Index of Subjects
deacon����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 3, 4, 121 ecclesia��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 173 eucharist, mass���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 115, 173 kyriaca, Kirche, church building���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 173 sacerdos, presbyter, priest, pastor����������������������������������������������������� 3, 4, 6, 92, 121 history of worship, vide Walahfrid, Libellus de exordiis���������������������������������� 173 Zodiac, vide Astronomia Zodiologion���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 84
NAMES OF PERSONS AND THEIR TEXTS CITED
Abbo of Fleury (945 – 1004)�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 8, 126 Ada, sister of Karl der Große������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 6 Adalgis, relative of Wetti���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 26, 74 Adalhard (735 – 826),��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 18, 171 first cousin of Karl der Große, Abbot of Corbie in Picardie (821 – 826) Lectio (lost)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 128 Adalhard (d.865), seneschal at Ingelheim,�������������������������������������������������������������������������� 119 Count of Tours and Trier Adamnan Liber de locis sanctis��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 69 Adelheid, daughter of Hugo,������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 120 sister-in-law of Judith regina Ado of Wien��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 99 Aelberht, Bishop of York (767 – 778)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 125 Agilbert laicus�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 4 Agius of Corvey (865 – 888)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 98. Agnard, vide Einhard, Einhart������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 9 Agnellus of Ravenna�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 131 Puplius Albinus, vide Ealhwine/Alcuin���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 2. Alcoinus, vide Ealhwine/Alcuin���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 2 Alcuin, vide Ealhwine/Alcuin��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 2 Aldrich, praeceptor palatinus, Abbot of Ferrières-en-Gâtenais (821 – 827),�������������������������������������������������� 121, 122 Chancellor of Pippin, king of Aquitaine, Bishop of Sens (829 – 836) Altwin, student at Fulda������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 99 Amalarius of Metz (s.VIII ex – ca.850),������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 173 Bishop of Trier and Lyon
Names of Persons and their Texts cited
Ambrosius (ca.339 – 397), Bishop of Milano (374 – 397),�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 163 In pascha domini liber, Hexaemeron Hymns���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 9 Quotations�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 311 Anatolios, Anatolius,���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 108. Magister of Alexandria (260s), Bishop of Laodicea (269 – 280) Andreas, apostolus������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 180 Angilbert laicus����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 3 Anthimos, Antimus (480 – 520?), Epistola ad Theodericam de observatione ciborum������������������������������������������� 40, 88 Antonini, Roman emperors�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 290 Apollonios of Rodos (ca.262 – 190 B.C.)������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 19 Greek philosopher, astronomer Aratos de Soloi (ca.315 – 240 B.C.), Phenomena (Latin trans. Cicero),������������������������������������������������������������������� 7, 107, 155, Aratea Latina,������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 166 Aratus Latinus cum scholiis,������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 294 Recensio interpolate, Revised Aratus Latinus: The Saxl Project,������������������������������������������������������ 294. vide planispheria Aristoteles of Stagira (384 – 322 BC),������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 19 Greek philosopher Arno (ca.750 – 821),���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 128, 130 monk of Weihenstephan, Freising, Abbot of Elno, St.Amand-les-Eaux, Bishop of Salzburg (785 – 821) Arnulf laicus (ca.582 – 640?),������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 15, father of Pippin II of Heristal, Bishop of Metz Astronomus, the Astronomer,������������������������������������ 112, 113, 123, 127, 133, 134, 137, Vita Hludowici����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 147, 148, 150, 151, 166 Augustinus, Aurelius (354 – 430),������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 7, Rhetor of Theodosius I (384 – 386), Bishop of Hippo Regius (391 – 430), Sermones,����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 7 De musica���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 293 De nuptiis et concupiscentia,������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 7 Contra Julianum,����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 7 Confessiones������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 7 Aujac, Germaine (1923 – 2002?),������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 21
Names of Persons and their Texts cited
ed. Germinos, Introduction aux phénomènes Barnabas, apostolus���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 180 Barthomeius, apostolus������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 180 Basil (ca.330 – 379), Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia (370 – 379),����������������������������������������������������� 163 Quotations�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 311 Baturich, Abbot of Regensburg (817 – 847)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 99 Bayless, Martha,������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 25 Collectanea pseudo-Bedae Beda venerabilis (685 – 735),������������������������������������������������������� 4, 8, 11, 12, 16, 18, 21, 73, scholar of Jarrow, Wearmouth,��������������������������������������������������������� 162, 163, 166, 168 De orthographica liber,�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 4 De cursu solis per menses et signa,�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 356 De natura rerum liber,������������������������������������������ 31 – 32, 62, 66, 81, 297, 304, 313, De temporibus liber,��������������������������������� 8, 31-32, 76, 81, 107, 159, 163, 166, 167 De temporum ratione liber,���������������������� 8, 28, 32, 81, 98, 106 – 109, 156, 163,
166, 289 et passim, 333, 356
De arte metrica liber,������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 37 – 38, De schematibus et tropicis liber,�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 38 De paschae celebratione liber, Epistola ad Wichthedum,����������������������� 126, 162 Epistola ad Helmwaldum,����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 356 Historia ecclesiastica,������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 8, 307, 323 Chronica, vide DT, DTR, Bedan reckonings,������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 19 horologium nocturnum������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 21, 82 Benedict of Aniane (ca.747 – 821)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 4 ‘Benjamin,’ vide Carolus iunior, Karl der Kahle Beornrad, monk of Echternach (d.796)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 2 Berggren, John Lennart,������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 21 trans. Geminos’ Introduction to the Phenomena Bernard (797 – 818),�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 112 King of Italy (810 – 818) Bernardus camerarius, vide Bernhard Bernhard (d.844), count of Barcelona (82