Revitalizing Liberal Values in a Globalizing World 9781442623255

Table of contents :
Contents
Preface
Introductory Remarks
The Third Annual Senator Keith Davey Lecture
Biographical Notes
The Senator Keith Davey Lectures

Citation preview

Revitalizing Liberal Values in a Globalizing World

Ruud Lubbers

Revitalizing Liberal Values in a Globalizing World RUUD LUBBERS

Published in association with Victoria University by University of Toronto Press

© University of Toronto Press 1999 Toronto Buffalo London Printed in Canada ISBN 0-8020-8367-6 Printed on acid-free paper The Senator Keith Davey Lecture Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data Lubbers, R.F.M. Revitalizing liberal values in a globalizing world (The Senator Keith Davey lecture series) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-8020-8367-6 i. Liberalism. I. Title. JC574.L82 1999

320.51

II. Series. 099-932818-2

University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial assistance to its publishing program of the Canada Council for the Arts and the Ontario Arts Council. University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial support for its publishing activities of the Government of Canada through the Book Publishing Industry Development Program (BPIDP). CanadS

Contents

Preface ROSEANN RUNTE, President, Victoria University vii

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS Introduction KNOWLTON NASH

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THE THIRD ANNUAL SENATOR KEITH DAVEY LECTURE Revitalizing Liberal Values in a Globalizing World RUUD LUBBERS, Former Prime Minister of the Netherlands 9

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Contents

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES Ruud Lubbers 39 Senator Keith Davey 43 The Senator Keith Davey Lectures

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Preface

Victoria University had scheduled its third annual Senator Keith Davey Lecture in Politics for 14 January 1999. A former prime minister of the Netherlands, Ruud Lubbers, had agreed to give the lecture, and he arrived in Toronto on the evening of 13 January. Shortly afterwards, it began snowing very heavily and without respite. By the next day, the University of Toronto had closed its facilities and the mayor of the city had declared the storm an emergency and requested people to stay off the roads. This was without doubt the worst storm to affect Toronto in decades. Although a few hearty souls trudged in to

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MacMillan Hall in the Edward Johnson Building despite the inclement weather, the closing of the roads and of the university buildings forced cancellation of the event. Before leaving with a special police escort for the airport where he would wait for six hours in a plane before it took off, Dr Lubbers graciously left us his text so that the series, which has been published so generously and handsomely by the University of Toronto Press, can continue. This third lecture holds the (we hope rare) distinction of being undelivered. In fact, it is certainly the best speech that was never given in any series! On the occasion of the Inaugural Davey Lecture, given by Professor John Kenneth Galbraith, there was also a tremendous snowstorm, which brought to participants' minds Senator Davey's affectionate nickname, 'The Rainmaker/ Obviously he was in his element! This year, despite a change in date, the snow fell again! To all those who wanted to hear this lecture, especially those who traipsed through the snow for this privilege, we dedicate this text. Much gratitude goes to Knowlton Nash, who attempted to fly to Toronto from Florida

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that day. He offered to return to the land of snow, giving up a day of his holiday, in tribute to Keith Davey. He went to the airport at 5:00 a.m. and spent much of the day attempting to make the flight. The text of his introduction, which he faxed us from the airport when it appeared truly impossible for him to make the trip, appears in this volume. We also thank President J. Robert S. Prichard of the University of Toronto, who had agreed to say a few words of welcome on behalf of the university. Her Honour Madame Justice Rosalie Abella had agreed to thank the speaker and was prepared to snowshoe to the lecture! Her enthusiasm and knowledge of the topic were truly illuminating, and we truly regret having lost the opportunity to hear her speak on this special occasion. However, all of this proves that Senator Davey has many friends, and none of them of the strictly fair-weather sort! Once again, Victoria University wishes to express its gratitude to all of those who contributed, and particularly to Senator Jerry Grafstein, who, on the occasion of Keith Davey's retirement from the Senate of Canada, set up this lecture. This year, we particularly thank the consul general of the Netherlands for

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his generous support and invaluable assistance. The members of the lecture committee are Dr William Callahan, Ms Stephanie Connolly, Mr Larry Davies, Ms Martha Drake, Dr Paul Fox, Dr Roger Hutchinson, Dr Brian Merrilees, Dr Roseann Runte, Mr Corey Saleh, and Dr Rob Vipond. Victoria University holds this event each year as a tribute to Keith Davey whose contribution to Canadian politics over the last fifty years has been extraordinary. Roseann Runte President Victoria University

Introductory Remarks

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Introduction KNOWLTON NASH

I am especially honoured to be introducing Dr Ruud Lubbers. It is most appropriate that the third annual Keith Davey Lecturer is another highly successful political leader, a man who, like Keith himself, is well known for his charm, his wisdom, and his contribution to intelligent, compassionate politics ... something that has been in rather short supply in some areas lately. Dr Ruud Lubbers was minister of economic affairs in the Netherlands from 1973 to 1977 and in that role brought about a more equitable distribution of wealth and guaran-

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teed minimum wage levels for all adult workers. He was chosen as prime minister three times and served in that position from 1982 to 1994. When he became prime minister, he faced a $10.5-billion deficit and a 15 per cent rate of unemployment. He introduced an austerity program to meet the challenge, and his country has now eliminated the deficit while also maintaining social programs that are considered the best in Europe. This sounds like a page out of the 'Red Book'! Dr Lubbers is an honorary minister of state for the Kingdom of the Netherlands and is chair of its Advisory Council on International Affairs. In fact, he is chair of more than half a dozen different institutes, councils, and commissions, concerned with everything from technology to mining. He serves on the executive of the Club of Rome and on the boards of even more committees and bodies than Keith Davey! In addition to all this, he lectures on globalization and its impact on the economy, society, and politics. His course on 'governance in an era of globalization' at the University of Tilburg in the Netherlands and at the John

Introduction

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F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University is extremely well attended. Dr Lubbers is the quintessential Dutch citizen. Diplomatic, peaceful, adaptable, and friendly, he likes skating on the frozen canals ... sounds like the way we Canadians like to think of ourselves! It is a pleasure to introduce to you the third annual Keith Davey Lecturer, Dr Ruud Lubbers.

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The Third Annual Senator Keith Davey Lecture

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Revitalizing Liberal Values in a Globalizing World RUUD LUBBERS Former Prime Minister of the Netherlands n December 1998 we all watched CNN i reporting the Anglo-American cruise mis-

siles and aircraft strikes on Iraq. It was called a war, with Bill Clinton as commander in chief. War reporting used to be a dangerous profession, but not this time. We saw reporters talking to us from Baghdad. Despite a dark sky, filled with thunder and lightning, the reporters did not seem afraid at all. They obviously had immense confidence in modern technology. Cruise missiles launched 1,000 miles away were programmed to destroy specific targets. And so they did. I did not hear of a single American casualty.

lo Ruud Lubbers I did not hear even of any American or British soldiers having to look into the face of one Iraqi soldier. This time there were no battlefields. Those of us who have a feeling for history can compare the battlefields of the First World War with these precise missile strikes by Anglo-American forces. The objective this time was not territory, but the denial of weapons of mass destruction to Saddam Hussein. High technology - the ultimate information and communication technology - was pressed into service to prevent weapons of mass destruction from being available outside our world - outside our so-called civilized world. By the way, I found it surrealistic to hear President Clinton saying that the strike had to take place just before the holy month of Ramadan in order not to insult the world of Islam. I saw no logic here; and I do think that Muslims did not appreciate the gesture and pretence of respect for Islam. In any case, the United Nations lost face, the Pax Americana showed its muscle, and the world saw a triumph of information and communication technology, or ICT. This essay is not, however, about weapons of mass destruction, nor about ICT-based

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modern technology. This story was just one illustration of 'modernity/ just one of the indications that the history of humankind as global citizens is in only its very early days. Rather, I want to consider whether liberal values are still relevant in an era of globalization. To this end, I look at, first, how globalization happened, and second, how technology and ideology changed in the process. Third, I outline the moral sentiments that have inspired liberals during the last two centuries. Fourth, I examine their potential role as the nature of governance itself changes while national governments on both sides of the former 'Iron Curtain' decline and civil society becomes stronger. Finally, I propose a new symbiosis to ensure a just, sustainable, and participatory democracy. I

Some twenty years ago Alvin Toiler wrote The Third Wave. His thesis was that satellite, computer, and electronic technology would transform society. Why did he call this stage of history the 'third wave'? The first wave - agricultural technology -

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permitted nomads and hunters to settle. The second - the industrial revolution - intensified the division of labour and gave room and space to a capitalistic society. Parallel to the industrial revolution there emerged the nation-state, then colonialism, and later nation-building all over the world. Now humanity is facing the third wave - an explosion in mobility and communication affecting societies and pushing people into a new world. This third wave began with technology; but it developed into a world economy characterized by the triumph of the market. Globalization and economization became synonymous. We live in a world of deregulation, and the imperative to be competitive is creating what Ricardo Petrella terms ca race to the bottom/ In other words, the wish of nation-states to be competitive often induces them to go for the lowest common denominator. Economics - that is, business and government - may be lean in terms of ambition, but it is often mean in its consequence, its societal consequences. Theoretically the enlargement of the social space as a consequence of larger and larger markets, leading all the way to a

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world economy, should forge a world with more solidarity, with more social inclusiveness. Practice is, however, different. We once again face the clash between the optimistic views of Adam Smith, expressed in his Wealth of Nations, rooted in 'A Treatise on Moral Sentiments/ and the pessimistic scenario of Karl Marx in Das Kapital, rooted in a cynical analysis of religion as an opiate for the people and of moral values as irrelevant in a world concerned with and based on materialism and capital. For Marx democracy was a joke, a farce. He was wrong. It has been proven that he was wrong. Although it took two world wars and a great depression, eventually the 'open society,' the market-plus-democracy concept, produced more creativity and more equity. The 'evil' empire - Communism - came to an end, as did the Cold War. Already, in the mid-1980s Deng Xiaoping had told me about his plan to 'open up China' to the world economy, transforming it into a market economy. This was about the same time as Mikhail Gorbachev was trying to become a humanist by seeking a communism with a human face through glasnost'-style transparency and perestroïka.

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When it all came together - the modern technology of less weight and more signs, with all its consequences for communication and mobility; the borderless economy, especially the global financial market; and finally the worldwide choice for 'market plus democracy' - the word 'globalization' came into use. This word, 'globalization/ has not become popular. On the contrary. People around the world see too frequently its ugly face. For those who are concerned with values, it is too much about economization. While it might produce efficiency, it certainly does not promote equity. For politicians concerned with their power bases and ambitions in the context of the nation-state, it creates frustration. For political scientists it is irritating, as it challenges their profession, which is based on nation-states and diplomacy. The word 'globalization' is also confusing because of localization, which is a reaction to it. Counter-movements include 'going back to your roots,' the wish to emphasize the emotional and spiritual aspects of life, the desire to stress the local and to go beyond efficiency. All of these counter-movements seem to be as

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important as economy, technology, and individualization - the three prime movers of globalization. Nevertheless we face that reality of 'the third wave.' If, as I mentioned above, our world is one with too much motivation towards efficiency and not enough for equity, for fairness, for justice, we in Canada and the Netherlands must not forget our abiding strengths. The Canadians and the Dutch have a long tradition of basing their ideals on freedom, on a free society, but at the same time of practising social equity and seeking a high quality of life as a community. The Dutch conquered their land on the sea; which was, by the way, also the very beginning of their democracy; the king, their lord, was far away in Spain. Canadians have a special relationship with nature. Immigrants settled this wonderful country, which is blessed with rich natural resources. And the newcomers, whether rich or poor, lived in awe of nature, which attitude became an abiding element in the Canadian ethos. This is a precious heritage: it balances the 'efficiency of modern life' not only against the need for equity - the equity

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summed up in the words 'we the people/ as the U.S. constitution so aptly phrases it - and also keeps alive a feeling for nature and spiritual values beyond the rules of efficiency. Our peoples, the Canadians and the Dutch, have much in common. For good reasons we are called like-minded. We are also complementary to each other. Canada is a half-continent in itself; the Netherlands, a very small, densely populated country. The Canadians and the Dutch take pride in their past, but now we have to face a new world. II

The strange experience with the strike against Saddam Hussein and his weapons of mass destruction is just one example of this new world towards which we are embarking. In many walks of life and politics, ICT has lead to fundamental changes, such as globalization by and of technology and globalization by and of political ideology. Half a millennium ago, the findings of Copernicus and Galileo began the decoupling of religion and science. They created the conditions necessary for cThe Conquest/ for 'going global' in those days. We

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cannot understand what later became called the Enlightenment unless we realize the impact of the technology of 'printing/ The innovation of Gutenberg resembled that of the computer in this century. It represented knowledge, or, more precisely, the instrument with which to spread humanism and individualization. Western civilization evolved its characteristic mixture of humanism and Christianity, and in doing so it found the strength of the market economy. Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations became a sacred text for that civilization. Globalization by and of the economy shapes our lives. The economization of life and the volatility of the economy have led to major changes in society. George Soros, the champion in cashing in on market fluctuations, is now leading the way in expressing concern about the instability of currency and stock values. Here, with my Canadian friends, I take the liberty of mentioning three central Europeans - Sir Karl Popper, the philosopher and prophet of the Open Society; Vaclav Havel, the authorpresident and herald of 'Truth and Dignity'; and George Soros, the wealthiest of the wealthy, who is holding up a mirror to a world that is becoming mad about money. If we talk

i8 Ruud Lubbers about Western civilization and globalization, we had better realize that there are insights beyond the Anglo-Saxon heritage, beyond the Atlantic Alliance. There are the realities of globalization by and of technology, globalization by and of the economy, and globalization by and of political ideology. Globalization by and of political ideology took form in the context of the political history of the second half of this century. After the Second World War it was not merely a matter of the Cold War; there was also the maturing of the so-called Third World, the development of former colonies, and the linking of nonaligned countries in the Group of 77. The world was divided into the First, the Second, and the Third worlds. In those days Jan Tinbergen, the Dutch economist and Nobel laureate in economics, wrote his convergence theory about combining the best qualities of capitalism and of socialism. But in reality, at the end of the Cold War, we witnessed only the triumph of the First World. The concept of 'market plus democracy' became the global model. That concept, backed by U.S. military power, became the driving force of 'globalization by and of politics/ Francis Fukiyama wrote The End of History to mark this triumph.

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Democracy and the Open Society were intertwined. The Trias Política - the Dutch term for Montesquien's separation of the three branches of government - had matured over the centuries, and it was time now to globalize it. The founding of the United Nations marked the end of colonization and a desire to foster democracy in nation-states all over the globe. It was less than a decade ago that George Bush declared the 'New World Order/ based on 'market plus democracy/ The alleged maturing of technology, economy, and democracy, based on a firm belief in market systems and an open society, brought us the word 'globalization/ Globalization became a fact of life, a prophecy, and a curse. We might ask if it is not indeed all three at the same time. In any case humankind is having now its first experiences with globalization. The history of humanity as world history has only just begun. By this I mean the world history of people globally connected to each other, one way or another. Ill

It is time to reflect on moral sentiments and on liberal values that claim to be the consequence

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of the moral sentiments, the legacy of humanism and Christianity in our open society. How can we realize those values? How can we achieve and promote them in an era of globalization? To achieve values requires more than merely writing them on the wall. It is important to focus on them by giving them a name. Let me clarify this point. I make a plea for ca just, sustainable, and participatory society.' Of course, I realize that we have the Ten Commandments, the Bible, and the Holy Books of a diversity of religions. We have cla liberté, l'égalité, and la fraternité.' We have 'justicia y paz.' Since 1948 we have the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Of course 'a just, sustainable, and participatory society' has to be understood in line with that document. Most recently the concepts of transparency, accountability, and integrity have been much invoked. Why then do we not have democratic nationstates all over the world, and why are universal human rights not practised in and by all nation-states? Because of globalization, we are living in a world with fewer and weaker borders. We have entered a new era with different conditions

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that we must take into account before we can achieve these values. This new world requires a reformed understanding of justice - of justice and fairness, of peace and equity. In a globalized world, people learn almost instantly about violence and atrocities all over the world. They are informed about conflicts, violence, ethnic cleansing within boundaries of nation-states. In such a world a UN Security Council and a system to keep peace between nation-states do not suffice. To prevent violence and to wind it down when it occurs in a society constitute the first priority of politics and politicians. This is also the case in a globalized world. But a culture of peace requires more than the absence of war between nation-states. Justice, in its meaning of equity, has to be understood as global equity. Each economy, each market, has its own corresponding social 'space/ And when economies grow into a world economy, the world becomes that social space. To realize security and equity in a globalizing world, to give shape and substance to a just economy of the peoples of the world, are lofty goals, but our ambition cannot be less. We need a just, sustainable, and participatory soci-

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ety. 'Sustainable' became part of our vocabulary in the 19705 and 1980$. It reflects solidarity with generations to come. We read the term first in Limits to Growth, the wellknown report of the Club of Rome, and saw it repeated in every report on 'Environment and Development' by the United Nations and its organizations. We need to declare our solidarity with generations to come and our respect for nature. We can go back seven centuries in Western civilization to Francis of Assisi's 'Canticle of the Sun/ which testifies to the wholeness of creation. However, we must also learn to understand the fragility and the interconnectedness of all of Mother Earth. During the Enlightenment, economy and technology proved to be successful twins. Now, however, ecology is back in the family. While economy is about efficiency in the short term, ecology is about caution and the long term. Ecology reminds us of the need for the precautionary principle. Sustainability gives guidance to technology and sets limits to it. It once again connects technology with ethical imperatives. In this sense it is different from the ideals of the Enlightenment, which separated science and moral sentiments. Now the

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concept of sustainability reconnects the two. One example comes from Michel Serrer, a scientist and member of the Académie Française, who points out that the ancient Hippocratic Oath became necessary when medicine made so much progress that its practitioners needed a governing instrument to guide them in serving people and life. And maybe, according to Serrer, scientists today need a new oath to take at the beginning of their professional lives to promise to serve humankind. A globalizing world must be participatory. 'Each single human being has to count.' This goal is about respect and 'empowerment'; it is the ambition to fight against exclusion. We simply cannot allow people to be excluded, to be marginalized. We need to ensure that the individual, the human being, is at the centre of our concerns. We need thus to work for the eradication of poverty and, beyond that, on improving social conditions for all. Human beings should be perceived not as objects of care, but as individuals, each one of them important in his or her own right. We need to build a society in which everybody counts, beyond the rules of productivity. We need to consider at the same time free-

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dom and individuality, as well as the connectedness of all people and generations. A 'just, sustainable, and participatory society' could function as a unifying ambition for people and peoples living in an era of globalization. Such a society is about liberal values and about making connections with moral sentiments rooted in religions and civilizations.

IV A just, sustainable, and participatory society has two necessary conditions - deep conviction, based on moral strength, and effective governance - both essential to a liberal society and both problematic in a globalizing world. Abiding conviction based on moral strength can flourish only when there is room for contemplation and spirituality, which celebrate and tell the story of humankind time and again - history as narrative, if you like. It emphasizes connections with ancestors but also renewal of pledges for the future, for our children and their grandchildren. If humanity loses this capacity to cherish and practise spirituality, it loses all. The second condition for a just, sustainable,

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and participatory society is good governance. People and societies cannot function without it, but what is it? The word 'governance' is very much related to government, the capacity to govern. It is related to democracy, the nation-state, the Trias Política. In politics, in the 1970$ and 1980$, we spoke of a lack of 'good governance,' but principally in the stillimmature or non-democracies. The absence of democratic traditions was generally considered to be the reason for poor governance. In the 1990$, the first decade of globalization, the word came more and more to stand for the shortcomings of political systems all over the globe. There was a cry for strong leadership, which should not give in to the pressures of the constant electoral cycle, and so on and so forth. However, there is good reason to avoid the easy criticism of politicians. There are profound structural reasons for ineffective governments. What do I mean? Globalization in itself makes governments less effective. Democracy and democracy-based governments are by definition territory-based, a territorial concept. For good reasons Guéhenno labelled globalization 'la fin de la démocratie.' Therefore

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globalization creates deficits - a social deficit, an ecological deficit, a deficit in preventing violence, and even a democratic deficit. And these deficits give rise to new systems of civil (self-)governance - corporate or co-operative, often transcending national boundaries. Deficits in terms of equity and the environment are often referred to as the 'race to the bottom,' which is also thought to be a consequence of tax competition and jurisdictions' need to be competitive in general and their resulting tendency to reduce public spending, to the detriment of education and health and social services. The democratic deficit manifests itself in areas where national parliaments oppose the decisions of cabinet ministers of various nations meeting in New York, Washington, or Brussels, where the sovereignty of the people is not really present. The people simply say: 'Democracy is not there, it is here.' There is no such thing as global democracy - governments and ministers are less effective and less democratic. It does not help to criticize governments for their failure to offer governance. It is inevitable. Nation-states are crushed between borderless global devel-

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opment and the local, with the local also being stronger because the reaction against globalization galvanizes local identities. Therefore we confront not only less effective and less convincing territorial-based governments, but also the use of the word 'governance' in contexts where it was not heard until recently. An example is 'corporate governance.' This is all about rules and behaviour that serve the shareholder, but rules not based on law, not based on the written laws of a democracy. Corporate governance proves to be largely effective without laws - it is mostly selfdisciplining and does not need legislative enforcement. There is probably a relationship between the failure of government by legislation, with all the resulting deficits that I listed, and the rising tide of non-law-based governance. Corporate governance is but one, not so significant example. The deficits caused by globalization have inspired as well creation of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and new social movements. To understand globalization it is essential to note the reaction to globalization, in terms of both attitudes and institutions. Attitudes become perceptible when we hear about

28 Ruud Lubbers people emphasizing their identity, 'looking for their own roots/ 'focusing on the local/ searching for emotional and spritual values. In turn, these approaches have led to such institutional developments as NGOs and civil movements. In central and eastern Europe, the 1990$ brought the re-emergence of civil society, long discouraged or forbidden by the old regimes. However, these approaches have also produced the rise of religious movements and even fundamentalism (and sects and cults). Thus we see a wide array of reactions, of responses to globalization, in both attitudes and institutions. If governance is about achieving steering capacity, it proves to be based not only on law and its enforcement, but also on the capacity to motivate people to obey rules c dos and don'ts' - based on their wish to be a member of that institution, of that civil movement, of that NGO. This kind of governance is becoming more and more important. Why? Part of the story of course stems from the deficits of the political system. But there is more to it. First, the information technology that serves NGOs and civil movements has the capacity to connect and to inform members all around the globe. Greenpeace and Amnesty

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International are now dependent on e-mail. And when they want to mobilize the public at large, they find CNN and all the other globalizing media at their service. Second, something is happening with transnational companies (TNCs). In the past they did business based on the principle of seeking profit and respecting the law in and of each country, each nation-state, in which they were active. Today they are beginning to understand that this does not suffice. They have started to internalize societal values, in their mission statements and in their codes of conduct. They do so beyond the obligations of the paper law of the nation-states; they are inspired not by moral sentiments or, if you like, liberal values, but rather by self-interest - long-term selfinterest, but self-interest none the less. They simply want to make themselves sustainable. Why? Let us consider the reasons. Companies need their staff members to be motivated. But if employees see their own firm being accused of bad behaviour vis-à-vis the environment or child labour, they feel scandalized - the 'shame factor/ If NGOs are capable of mobilizing customers on such issues, this is a real threat for companies. If TNCs start to

jo Rund Lubbers experience negative verdicts of judges based on 'soft' law - for example, the precautionary principle - they will not run the risk. They will change their attitudes even when their legal advisers tell them that they, as companies, do not have to worry so long as the declarations of NGOs and public, political statements have not taken on legal force. Companies tend to react swiftly, given the increasing strength of soft law. They learn from each other that internalizing societal values can produce 'eco-efficiency,' for a win-win situation. As soon as they start to realize this, they change. In this way, globalization's deficits, its 'race to the bottom,' strengthen the influence of NGOs and new social movements. And this leads to a change in governance - a new symbiosis among governments, the profit sector, and the non-profit sector. In order to achieve liberal values - and, if you like, liberating values - in a globalizing world, we have to combine two ways of governance: one based on nation-states and their cooperation and one based on the strength of civil society and the moral convictions in each country and worldwide. These efforts have to be com-

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plementary. Together they have to counterbalance the economization of life. Together they have to give shape and substance to a new perspective and hope, as evidenced in initiatives such as the volunteer social effort in the Netherlands called Das Projekt Hoffnung. These efforts must be coordinated and focused on a new vision - that of the just, sustainable, and participatory society. This task will not be easy. Both tracks - governance by democracies and governance by civil society - face serious handicaps. The economization of the media and politics weakens governance by democracy. The media, so valuable in publicizing abuses and in opening the eyes and the ears of the public at large, have become part of the economy. In the media, one needs money to succeed; in politics, one needs good standing with the media. The 'Bermuda Triangle' of democracy seems to be media governed by money, politics determined by the electoral cycle, and society becoming more and more cynical about politics. When it comes to NGOs, new social movements, and civil society writ large, they too leave much to be desired. Transparency, accountability, and integrity (no corruption,

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no 'strings') are essential to a well-functioning democracy. And the same applies to business. But civil society, NGOs, and social movements must also accept the same rules; only then will they be truly credible. To avoid the economization of politics and the media and to promote a civil society that acts according to the rules of transparency, accountability, and integrity constitute major challenges.

V How can we reach a just, sustainable, and participatory society? We can achieve it through a new symbiosis of government, business, and civil society. On our way to a new symbiosis among the three realms, we face a serious risk that the economization of life will degrade the quality of life too greatly before this new symbiosis becomes sufficiently productive. The main problem lies within the nationstates themselves, particularly in the mature economies. There, downsizing of government spending has become so popular that there is a real risk in terms of education and health. The motives are well known. The desire for a balanced budget, the wish to be competitive,

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and the hope of trimming the welfare state form familiar leitmotifs. In a context of budget deficits that are too large and welfare states that are overly mature, it is understandable for governments to reassess spending, but now there is a real risk that we may be going too far. That danger is all the more real when developments in technology and the economy in themselves increase exclusivity. Programs to counterbalance the effects of exclusion (poverty) require funds, as do the problems that they are designed to solve. Therefore we require appropriate systems to support and fund social necessities such as housing, health care, and education. The problem of exclusion is even more intense in many countries because of immigration and the challenge of integration. To suggest transferring responsibility for social programs to civil society as the solution for all problems is also dangerous for another reason. It might lead to the neglect of other essential ingredients of governance needed to face globalization. More specifically, given the enlargement of the market economy, we need funds to realize equity globally. Although development assistance may play only a partial

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role, we cannot do without it. The same applies to the internationalization of law. Human rights and sound labour conditions should be universal. Everywhere we must accept a 'bottom line' of paper-law obligations. This is the bare minimum. And we must understand those basic requirements in a dynamic way. There has to be an 'upward harmonization' in the world of law. The world of law beyond civil society's efforts must also be more effective and credible so that it can contain violence. The International War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague, currently chaired by the Canadian Louise Arbour, represents a vital step forward - and this is only one, highly visible example. In short, the challenge is to globalize and to improve the world of law and at the same time to strengthen civil society, new forms of governance, and the global dialogue on values. Despite enormous differences in stages of development, in political priority, and in cultural background around the world, we have to succeed. We must achieve the sovereignty of people and peoples in an era of globalization. After having asserted in the American and French revolutions the sovereignty of the peo-

Revitalizing Liberal Vaines 35 pie, after having worked for democracy in nation-states based on constitutions and the Trias Política, after having achieved decolonization and started the process of creating a truly United Nations, we are now heading towards the sovereignty of the peoples, cherishing cultural diversity through a dialogue of convictions, civilizations, and religions. Once again, but now globally, we have to foster freedom, of both the group and the individual. And we have to live in dignity, which means being socially responsible. But now the challenge is a global one. History is a narrative about the increasing awareness of people. Good and bad will stay with us in the generations to come, but the context has changed, developed into a global society. At the same time we must know and be aware that society starts near home. To be a global citizen means accepting neighbours as fellow citizens. The process starts at home and requires living in dignity with fellow citizens around the globe and with generations to come. The challenge for all of us is to understand modernity. For democrats, social democrats, it is about finding a third way of overcoming the threat of the free market and the bureaucracy.

j6 Ruud Lubbers For republicans, it is about overcoming the hubris of the market and translating values into new solidarity. For nationalists, it is about building on national pride while understanding the globe as our common heritage. For liberals, it is about respecting roots, and I salute here one of the great liberal leaders, Senator Keith Davey. For conservatives, it is about cherishing liberties. We cannot afford to blame others. We have simply to better ourselves and to unite. As St Augustine said: 'We are the times'; we cannot hide away, blaming 'the conditions/ We have to shape the future, and the more modest we are and the more we listen to each other, the better we will shape it.

Biographical Notes

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Ruud Lubbers

A native of Rotterdam, Rudolphus (Ruud) Franciscus Marie Lubbers was born on 7 May 1939. Educated at Canisius College in Nijmegen and the Netherlands School of Economics (precursor of the University of Rotterdam), he specialized in economics and wrote a thesis entitled 'The Influence of Differing Productivity Trends in Various Countries on the Current Account of the Balance of Payments/ He then left his university career to manage his family's business, Lubbers' Construction Workshops and Machinefabrief Hollandia B.V. In 1964 he became chairman of the Young Christian Employers Association, and he later

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Biographical Notes

took the chair of the Catholic Association of Metalwork Employers and served as a member of the board of the Netherlands Christian Employers' Federation. In 1973 he joined the Den Uyl government as minister for economic affairs. He was a member of the Catholic People's Party. He continued in Parliament as senior deputy leader, and later parliamentary leader, of the Christian Democratic Alliance during the Van Agt government, and in November 1982 he was elected prime minister. He led three successive governments through to August 1994, when he decided to retire from politics and pursue the academic career he had initially intended. Professor Lubbers currently teaches globalization studies at the University of Tilburg in the Netherlands and at the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University in the United States. Among his recent publications are the report Globalization and Human Values^ which he wrote for Uniapac's loth World Congress in Rome in 1998; Machí en deugd (Power and Virtue; The Hague, 1998); the Machiavelli Lecture; and a series of articles including 'Our Ocean ... Our Future/ 'Globalization, Economists and the Real World'

Rund Lubbers 41 (1998), and 'Questions on Migration against the Background of Globalization' (Amsterdam, 1998). In addition to his teaching responsibilities, Ruud Lubbers holds a number of positions, including honorary minister of state of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. He chairs the Advisory Council on International Affairs for the Netherlands; TNO Delft (Applied Technology Research Institute); Clingendael, the Dutch Institute for International Relations; the Mining Council; the Scientific Institute of the political party CDA (Christian Democratic Appeal); the Social Council of the Tinbergen Institute; and the Advisory Council of the Nexus Institute of Tilberg University. He is vice-chair of the Independent World Commission on the Oceans. He is a member of the executive committee of the Club of Rome, the Earth Council, the Earth Charter Commission, the board of the Institute for East-West Studies in New York City, and of the boards of directors of Air Products and Chemicals, Inc., of Content Beheer B.V., and of Mercon. Most recently he has been named chair of the World Wildlife Federation. It has been said that God created the Earth

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Biographical Notes

and that the Dutch created the Netherlands. When one looks at Ruud Lubbers's stellar career and his fine accomplishments, his nationality is easily deduced! One of the outstanding statesmen of our time, he has unsurpassed knowledge of European and world affairs. In Toronto, despite the brevity of his stay and the inclement weather, he none the less had the time to give two national interviews on CBC radio and television and to speak informally to a small group over dinner about his lecture topic.

Senator Keith Davey

Born in Toronto on 21 April 1926, the same day as Princess (now Queen) Elizabeth in Britain, Keith Davey was the son of Charles 'Scotty' Minto Davey and Grace Viola Curtis. He attended North Toronto Collegiate Institute, graduating in 1946 and going on to Victoria University, where he received a BA in 1949. He was an excellent student and president of the student council to boot, although in his typically self-deprecating fashion he recalls that at one point his grades were so poor that he had to surrender the Senior Stick. His humility prevented him from noting that the prized honour was awarded to the student

Senator Keith Dave)

Senator Keith Davey 45 with the highest grades who also participated actively in campus life. Following his graduation from university and a brief stint at the Faculty of Law, Keith Davey went to work for Foster Hewitt and CKFH radio station in sales, rapidly becoming sales manager, a position he would hold for eleven years. In 1960 Keith Davey ventured into Canadian politics as campaign organizer for his home riding of Eglinton in Toronto. Having already served as president of Toronto and York's Young Liberal Association, he became national organizer of the Liberal Party in 1961. From 1962 to 1984 he was chair or co-chair of eight national Liberal election campaigns. Globe and Mail columnist Scott Young dubbed him cThe Rainmaker' in honour of his ability to precipitate votes for his favourite candidates. Senator Davey would later use this title for his political memoir, The Rainmaker: A Passion for Politics, which was published in 1986. In 1966, Keith Davey was appointed to the Senate by Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson. His various contributions there include chairing the important Senate Committee on Mass

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Biographical Notes

Media. He worked closely with Prime Ministers Pearson and Trudeau, offering political advice and sharing warm and loyal friendships. On his retirement from the upper house in 1996, his colleagues, under the leadership of Senator Jerry Grafstein, raised funds to honour his contribution to Canada and to political life in this country by establishing a lecture series in his honour at Victoria University. Though Keith Davey retired from the Senate before the required age, he has not left public life and is still active in politics and in his commitment as a family man and avid sports fan. He is married to Dorothy Elizabeth Speare, and they have three children, Catherine, Douglas, and Ian; eight grandchildren; and countless friends.

The Senator Keith Davey Lectures John Kenneth Galbraith The Socially Concerned Today (University of Toronto Press, 1997) Michael Ignatieff 'The Liberal Imagination: A Defence' January 1998 Ruud Lubbers Revitalizing Liberal Vaines in a Globalizing World (University of Toronto Press, 1999) Lord Jenkins January 2000