Rethinking Media, Religion, and Culture 0761901701, 076190171X

Table of contents :
Cover
Contents
Acknowledgments
Part I - Analysis of Media, Religion,and Culture
Chapter 1 - Introduction:Setting the Agenda
Chapter 2 - At the Intersection of Media,Culture,and Religion: A Bibliographic Essay
Chapter 3 - Religion and Media in the Construction of Cultures
Chapter 4 - Technology and Triadic Theories of Mediation
Part II - Media, Religion, and Culture: Contemporary Society
Chapter 5 - The Re-Enchantment of the World: Religion and the Transformations of Modernity
Chapter 6 - Mass Media as a Site of Resacralization of Contemporary Cultures
Chapter 7 - Escape From Time: Ritual Dimensions of Popular Culture
Chapter 8 - The Dispersed Sacred: Anomie and the Crisis of Ritual
Chapter 9 - The Web of Collective Representations
Part III - Media, Religion, and Culture: Changing Institutions
Chapter 10 - Changes in Religion in Periods of Media Convergence
Chapter 11 - Media, Meaning, and Method in Religious Studies
Chapter 12 - Televangelism: Redressive Ritual Within a Larger Social Drama
Chapter 13 - Resistance Through Mediated Orality
Part IV - Media, Religion, and Culture: Individual Practice
Chapter 14 - Psychologized Religion in a Mediated World
Chapter 15 - A Utopian on Main Street
Chapter 16 - Making Sense of Religion in Television
Chapter 17 - Media and the Construction of the Religious Public Sphere
Chapter 18 - Summary Remarks: Mediated Religion
Index
About the Contributors

Citation preview

RET NG ME REI G N, At CUL"TU ^E

RETHINKING MEDIA, RELIGION, AND RE C

STEWART M. HOOVER KNUT LUNDBY

SAGE Publications I International Educational and Professtonal Publisher Thousand Oaks London New Delhi

C o p y r i g h t © 1997 b y S a g e Publications, Inc, All rights reserved. N o part of this b o o k m a y b e reproduced or utilized in a n y form or b y a n y m e a n s , electronic or mechanical, i n c l u d i n g p h o t o c o p y i n g , recording, or b y a n y information storage a n d retrieval s y s t e m , w i t h o u t p e r m i s s i o n in w r i t i n g from the publisher.

For information, address to: S A G E Publications, Inc. 2455 Teller Road T h o u s a n d O a k s , California 91320 E-mail: o r d e r ® s a g e p u b . c o m S A G E Publications Ltd. 6 Bonhill Street London EC2A4PU United Kingdom S A G E Publications India Pvt. Ltd, M-32 Market Greater Kailash I N e w Delhi 110 048 India Printed in the U n i t e d States of America

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data M a i n entry u n d e r title: Rethinking m e d i a , religion, a n d culture / editors, Stewart M. H o o v e r and Knut L u n d b y p. c m . "This b o o k g r o w s o u t of a conference titled Media-religion-culture w h i c h w a s h e l d at the University of U p p s a l a , S w e d e n , in M a y of 1 9 9 3 " — A c k n o w l e d g m e n t s . Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-7619-0170-1.—ISBN 0-7619-0171-X (pbk.) 1. M a s s m e d i a — R e l i g i o u s aspects. 2. M a s s m e d i a and culture. 3. R e l i g o n a n d culture. L H o o v e r , Stewart M. Π. Lundby, Knut. P94.R48 1997 302.23—dc21

96-45894

99 00 01 02 03 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 Acquiring Editor: Editorial Assistant: Production Editor: Production Assistant: Typesetter/Designer: Indexer: Cover Designer: Print Buyer:

Margaret Seawell Ren^e Piemot Astrid Virding Denise Santoyo Marion Warren L. Pilar Wyman Candice Harman Anna Chin

2

Contents

Acknowledgments

ix

A n a l y s i s of M e d i a , Religion, and Culture 1. Introduction: Setting the Agenda

3

Stewart M. H o o v e r Knut Lundby 2. At the Intersection of Media, Culture, and Religion: A Bibliographic Essay

15

Lynn Schofield Clark Stewart M . H o o v e r 3. Religion and Media in the Construction of Cultures

37

Robert A. White 4. Technology and Triadic Theories of Mediation CHfford G. Christians

65

II M e d i a , Religion, and Culture: Contemporary Society 5. The Re-Enchantment of the World: Religion and the IVansformations of Modernity

85

Graham Murdock 6. Mass Media as a Site of Resacralization of Contemporary Cultures

102

Jesus Martin-Barbero 7. Escape From Time: Ritual Dimensions of Popular Culture

117

Gregor Goethals 8. The Dispersed Sacred: Anomie and the Crisis of Ritual

133

Gabriel Bar-Haim 9. The Web of Collective Representations

146

Knut Lundby

m M e d i a , Religion, and Culture: Changing Institutions 10. Changes in Religion in Periods of Media Convergence

167

Peter G. Horsfield 11. Media, Meaning, and Method in Religious Studies

184

Chris Arthur 12. Televangelism: Redressive Ritual Within a Larger Social Drama Bobby C. Alexander

194

13. Resistance Through Mediated Orality

209

K e y a n G. Tomaselli Arnold Shepperson

IV M e d i a , Religion, and Culture: I n d i v i d u a l Practice 14. Psychologized Religion in a Mediated World

227

Janice Peck 15. A Utopian on Main Street

246

Claire H o e r t z Badaracco 16. Making Sense of Religion in Television

263

Alf L i n d e r m a n 17. Media and the Construction of the Religious Public Sphere

283

Stewart M. H o o v e r 18. Summary Remarks: Mediated Religion

298

Knut Lundby Stewart M . H o o v e r Index

310

About the Contributors

329

Acknowledgments

This b o o k g r o w s o u t of a conference titled "Media-Religion-Culture" h e l d at the University of U p p s a l a , Sweden, in M a y of 1993. A t U p p s a l a w e r e participants from France, Hungary, Italy, N o r w a y , South Africa, S w e d e n , Great Britain, a n d the U n i t e d States. This m e e t i n g led to the formation of the " U p p s a l a G r o u p , " a n i n t e m a t i o n a l n e t w o r k of academics f o u n d e d b o t h to e n c o u r a g e a n d to carry o u t research at the intersection of m e d i a studies, religious studies, a n d cultural studies. N o n e of the p a p e r s from U p p s a l a survives h e r e in its original form. Contributions w e r e a d d e d to the v o l u m e after the 1994 conferences of t h e I n t e m a t i o n a l Association for M a s s C o m m u n i c a t i o n Research (lAMCR) in Seoul, S o u t h Korea, a n d the Intemational C o m m u n i c a t i o n Association (ICA) in Sydney, Australia, w h e r e additional seminars o n this t h e m e w e r e held. Several contributions here also represent i n p u t from the i n t e m a tional public conference o n Media, Religion, a n d C u l t u r e h e l d at the University of C o l o r a d o at Boulder, United States, in J a n u a r y 1996. The foundation of all of these activities w a s a major research effort o n Media-Religion-Culture h o s t e d b y the D e p a r t m e n t of Theology, University of U p p s a l a , chaired b y Sigbert Axelson. Participating in this project w e r e H i l d e A m t s e n a n d K n u t L u n d b y from the University of Oslo, Kerstin Skog-Ostlin from the University of Stockholm, a n d O v e Gustafsson, Alf IX

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RETHINKING MEDIA, RELIGION, A N D

CULTURE

L i n d e r m a n , Thorleif Pettersson, a n d the late Jan-Arvid Hellstrom from the University of U p p s a l a . Alf L i n d e r m a n also organized the original U p p s a l a conference, w h i c h w a s directly b a s e d in this research project. A n o t h e r i m p o r t a n t e n v i r o n m e n t for these joint research efforts is the University of C o l o r a d o at Boulder, w h e r e Stewart M. H o o v e r a n d Lynn Schofield Clark shared responsibihty for the Boulder conference o n M e dia, Rehgion, a n d Culture. A s editors of this book, w e w a n t to t h a n k all of these colleagues a n d also recognize that there are others w h o h a v e contributed to this effort. We w o u l d especially like to extend o u r appreciation to Robert A. White ( w h o w i t h Michael Traber edits the C o m m u r u c a t i o n a n d H u m a n Values series) for his scholarly e n c o u r a g e m e n t t h r o u g h o u t the w o r k o n this v o l u m e . A t Sage Pubhcations w e h a v e h a d special s u p p o r t from S o p h y Craze, Renee P i e m o t , a n d Margaret Seawell. Hilde A m t s e n h e l p e d w i t h formulation a n d translation of i m p o r t a n t sections of the book. J u d y Jensen, Diane WiUian, a n d G i u h a Rossi also deserve recognition. Finally, w e w o u l d like to t h a n k o u r famihes for their s u p p o r t d u r i n g this project. —Stewart M. Hoover KnutLundby

Part

]

Analysis of Media, Religion, and Culture

Chapter

Introduction Setting the Agenda

Stewart M. Hoover KnutLundby

This b o o k intends to link theories of m e d i a , theories of religion, a n d theories of culture into a m o r e coherent whole. By such a triangulation of theories, w e w a n t to r e a d d r e s s the simpler, two-sided relationships b e t w e e n religion and media, media and culture, a n d culture and religion that u p to n o w h a v e characterized b o t h theory a n d research. The v i e w here is that m e d i a , religion, a n d culture s h o u l d b e t h o u g h t of as a n interrelated w e b within society This v o l u m e represents a first step in the direction of this m o r e complex understcinding of these p h e n o m e n a .

IM A n I n t e r r e l a t e d W e b i n F o r m a t i o n A process of rethinking m e d i a , religion, a n d culture p r o m i s e s to offer a richer analysis b y m o v i n g b e y o n d the tacit n a t u r a l i s m s of m o d e r n i t y t o w a r d the cultural d y n a n u c s that form c o n t e m p o r a r y society It m i g h t b e a r g u e d o u r intent to triangulate is too c o m p r e h e n s i v e a task, given the

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A N A L Y S I S OF M E D I A , RELIGION, A N D

CULTURE

fact that these three fields h a v e t e n d e d to b e researched separately in a k i n d of scholarly isolation. However, the defects of this isolation b e c o m e o b v i o u s w h e n w e review the current state of k n o w l e d g e a b o u t these issues. A l t h o u g h m a i n s t r e a m s t u d y of m e d i a h a s d e e m e d questions of rehgion insignificant, the theoretical a n d methodological p o i n t of d e p a r t u r e in this b o o k can b e found within m e d i a studies. We cross a few other b r i d g e s as well b y d r a w i n g on hterature in rehgion, cultural m e a n i n g , a n d ritual. These foimdations can b e found in various of the b o o k ' s four sections. T h e B i r m i n g h a m school t u m e d studies of m a s s c o m m u n i c a t i o n into critical cultural studies; however, the field of cultural studies h a s n o t seriously a d d r e s s e d rehgion in relation to culture a n d m e d i a . This is ironic, in that in o n e of its f o u n d i n g texts. The Uses of Literacy (1957), Richard H o g g a r t p r o v i d e d a glimpse into the potential of such a theoretical triangulation w h e n a d d r e s s i n g the question of religion in w o r k i n g class hfe. Stuart Hall a n d Tony Jefferson investigated the p h e n o m e n o n of Resistance Through Rituals (1976) in y o u t h subcultures in p o s t w a r Britain w i t h o u t addressing the possibihty of cultural resistance t h r o u g h rehgion. This m a y d e m o n s t r a t e a curious lack of interest w i t h m m e d i a studies in topics related to religion. G r a h a m M u r d o c k p r o v i d e s a fuller challenge to this practice of exclusion of religious elements in his contribution to this volimie. The field of sociology, e v e n as it h a s taken rehgion m o r e seriously t h a n h a s m e d i a studies, h a s t e n d e d to ignore or m i n i m i z e the hnplications of the m e d i a in this connection. Robert W u t h n o w h a s contributed to t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of the field of cultural sociology t h r o u g h studies of rehgion in m o d e m culture (1988,1992). However, the m e d i a are left in a "rather spare a n d truncated p l a c e " in his w o r k s (Hoover, 1995). A s society b e comes m o r e a n d m o r e d e p e n d e n t o n m e d i a t i o n of sociocultural relationships t h r o u g h m a s s m e d i a a n d c o m p u t e r i z e d c o m m u n i c a t i o n technology (as t o u c h e d u p o n here b y Chfford Christians) this h a s to b e taken into account in studies of rehgion a n d culture. Sociologists of rehgion h a v e focused o n rehgion in relation to the m o d e m i z a t i o n of society. T h e y h a v e t e n d e d to avoid the problematization of m e d i a as r e n d e r i n g a n y u n i q u e contribution to m o d e m i t y or p o s t m o d emity. T h e y h a v e n o t arrived at a n y general theory of h o w m e d i a fundamentally c h a n g e cultures—and religion—^in spite of the fact that m u c h

Introduction:

Setting the Agenda

5

such w o r k (cf. Beyer, 1994) is highly suggestive. Jesus Martin-Barbero, in his s h i d y of m e d i a t i o n processes in p o p u l a r culture a n d religion in Latin America (1993), as in his chapter in this v o l u m e , explores the analytic dilemmcis introduced b y this separation of m e d i a from studies of culture a n d society.

le

Trends in Contemporary Religion

Transformations in the religious cultures of the Judeo-Christian p a r t s of the w o r l d , w h e r e religious institutions h a v e b e e n said to b e in decline for m o s t of the second half of this century, p r o v i d e the setting for this theoretical project. This decline h a s taken place at a time w h e n the institutions of the m e d i a h a v e e m e r g e d as the m o s t i m p o r t a n t actors in the public sphere. The m e d i a n o w condition a n d d e t e r m i n e access t o that realm—a situation that impacts religious institutions as it d o e s all others. The decline of religious s t m c t u r e s a n d institutions is related t o a n other major trend in religion—a trend t o w a r d increased e m p h a s i s o n i n d i v i d u a l i s m a n d i n d i v i d u a l autonomy. Even in traditionally "religious" W e s t e m industrial countries, such as the U n i t e d States a n d C a n a d a , the decline of institutions h a s b e e n parallel to a rise in the a u t h o r i t y a n d a u t o n o m y of individuals over their o w n practices of faith a n d belief ( H a n u n o n d , 1993). A s a result, a n u m b e r of " p a r a c h u r c h " organizations h a v e e m e r g e d (Wuthnow, 1988) a n d a w i d e r a n g e of other activities, affinities, services, a n d p r o d u c t s h a v e b e e n charged w i t h religious significance. This marketplace of religious symbols a n d values h a s b e c o m e a major point of affinity a n d practice t o d a y a n d is itself largely a function of the cultural commodification practices of the m e d i a industries (Moore, 1994).

β

T h e Cultural D y n a m i c s of M o d e r n i t y

The intersection of m e d i a a n d religion m u s t b e s t u d i e d t h r o u g h the processes a n d p a t t e m s of culture, a n d w e begin o u r project of rethinking w i t h contrasting sketches of m e d i a a n d religion within the overall cultural context of modernity. Media, as e m b e d d e d in b r o a d e r social a n d cultural settings, can b e said to b e related to religion in a n u m b e r of w a y s . First, the m e d i a are connmonly t h o u g h t to h a v e potential as successful or

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A N A L Y S I S OF M E D I A , RELIGION, A N D

CULTURE

unsuccessful p u r v e y o r s of religious " m e s s a g e s . " This conception is obviously m o s t consistent w i t h a substantive v i e w of religion a n d a c o n c e m for its historical a n d doctrinal institutions. However, the m e d i a can also b e seen to b e p r o v i d i n g the r a w material for the i n t e n d e d or u n i n t e n d e d c o n s t m c t i o n of rehgious m e a n i n g s a m o n g p e o p l e in v a r i o u s contexts, as w o u l d b e u n d e r s t o o d from a morefunctional perspective. T h u s , the m e d i a o p e n u p to rehgion b o t h in the s y m b o h c p r o d u c t i o n processes—that is, in the s y m b o l s p r o v i d e d in m e d i a texts—and in the c o n s u m p t i o n a n d interpretation processes. Generally, the t e r m media h a s referred to the technological m e d i a , such as radio, television, a n d the printing press. In contrast, w e will here a t t e m p t to introduce a w i d e r a r g u m e n t a b o u t the process of mediation, w h e r e t h e w h o l e context of the cultural practice of commimication is implied, a l t h o u g h the focus is o n the m e d i a sphere. Studies of the interplay b e t w e e n cultiue emd the m e d i a t i o n of rehgion can t h u s b e carried o u t at a variety of levels. O n e f r a m e w o r k m i g h t suggest macro-level analysis of society as a w h o l e , meso-level analysis of institutions a n d their practices, a n d micro-level analysis of i n d i v i d u a l reception a n d negotiation of m e a n i n g . We d o n o t intend to i m p l y b y such a framework that culture is n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n a context for exchange b e t w e e n m e d i a a n d rehgion, however. These spheres are interpenetrated b y o n e another. Rehgion as a symbolic universe or universes of ultimate values a n d k n o w l e d g e , a n d m e d i a as m e d i a t o r s in communication, constitute f u n d a m e n t a l d i m e n s i o n s of culture in their o w n right. But the theoretical project here d o e s n o t e m e r g e de novo. O n the largest of the analytical levels, the societal level, a u t h o r s here link classical sociological theories of culture, religion, a n d society to these c o n t e m p o rary issues. G r a h a m M u r d o c k a n d Jesus Martin-Barbero, for example, root their analyses in the w o r k of Max Weber, b u t m o v e forward to m o r e c o n t e m p o r a r y theories of m o d e m i t y . Gabriel Bar-Haim, K n u t Lundby, Gregor Goethals, a n d Bobby Alexander, a m o n g others, look to Emile D u r k h e i m a n d further to Victor T u m e r a n d others for theoretical u n d e r standings of ritual in society. ms R a l l i e s , R i t u a l s , a n d R e s i s t a n c e The d y n a m i c s of m e d i a , rehgion, a n d culture are n o t unidirectional. Both o n a p h e n o m e n o l o g i c a l a n d o n a theoretical level, their interaction

Introduction:

Setting

the Agenda

7

can take a variety of forms a n d directions. Of these, t h e three major o n e s can b e described as rallies, rituals, a n d resistances. It is possible to g r o u n d ourselves in v a r i o u s u n d e r s t a n d i n g s or definitions of religion. A l t h o u g h w e h a v e Imked religion rather directly to culture o n the o n e h a n d , a n d to m e d i a o n t h e other, q u e s t i o n s of t h e actual definition of religion arise. The a p p r o a c h here is to a p p l y a w i d e r a n g e of i m d e r s t a n d i n g s of religion, leaving space for b o t h t h e m o r e narrow, substantive defiiutions, a n d for wider, m o r e functional definitions that a d d r e s s the religiosity of seemingly norueligious p h e n o m e n a . T h e challenge of definition is well illustrated here b y L u n d b y ' s critique of the defirution p r o p o s e d b y Clark a n d Hoover. A r u b r i c s u c h as "rallies, rituals, a n d resistance" is a w a y of recognizing the r a n g e of things "religious" within o u r overall field of interest. Rallies refers to those situations w h e r e religious activity is linked to history, doctrine, institution, or structured practice. T h e p h e n o m e n a of interest here are those that relate to the practices of the formal religions. U.S.-style televangelism is a n e x a m p l e of this category, as are the public relations practices of religious institutions t h r o u g h o u t the industrialized West. In general, the e m p h a s i s here is o n the i n s t r u m e n t a l relationship of reUgious practice to the m e d i a , w h e r e v e r that religious practice is l o d g e d in structured or institutional religious history or doctrine. The notion of rituals exposes a n entirely different a n d rich field of analysis, as implied b y Carey (1989). Media consimiption takes place in contexts that are culturally a n d socially defined, a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n cannot easily b e d i s e n g a g e d from these contexts. But C a r e y ' s invocation of the t e r m ritual can b e read as primarily metaphoric. We w o u l d a r g u e for a m o v e b e y o n d Carey t o w a r d a n e w m e t a p h o r that h a s a n o t h e r implication: M e d i a c o n s u m p t i o n is rooted in h i m i a n ontological i m a g i nation a n d practice, a n d m e d i a m a y therefore p l a y a quasi-religious role in e v e r y d a y life. The category of rituals m u s t a c k n o w l e d g e this b r o a d e r scope. We suggest that there is a substantive, ontological, a n d authentic d i m e n s i o n to m e a n i n g - m a k i n g that accompanies m e d i a behavior. In so doing, w e are n o t necessarily suggesting that the m e d i a constitute religion, as m i g h t b e superficially implied b y the category of rallies. In fact, w e w o u l d posit that s u c h debates over "essentialism" are b e s i d e t h e point. Rather, w e suggest that there are aspects of m o d e m social a n d cultural e m b e d m e n t in the m e d i a that necessarily i m b u e the m e d i a ' s p o w e r f u l symbols, icons, values, a n d functions w i t h religious significance.

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CULTURE

A category of resistance can b e b o t h theoretically a n d e m p h i c a l l y derived. T h e British cultural studies tradition a c k n o w l e d g e s that m e d i a texts present their audiences w i t h a n inescapable o p p o r t u n i t y for cultural construction. T h e very act i m p h e s audience negotiation of p o w e r in the r e a d m g of a m e d i a text. This is consistent w i t h the i m p h c a t i o n of theory in cultural analysis in sociology (cf. W u t h n o w , 1987; W u t h n o w , Hunter, Bergesen, & Kurzweil, 1984), w h i c h suggests that the p o p u l a r environm e n t acts as a k i n d of context of social d r a m a t u r g y against w h i c h indiv i d u a l a n d c o m m u n i t y consciousness is formed cmd s h a p e d . We suggest that this p h e n o m e n o n can b e rehgiously a n d ritually significant o n at least t w o levels. First, constructive processes that result in n e w conceptions of truth, value, m e a n i n g , notions of "the g o o d , " " t h e right," a n d so forth are intrinsically rehgious matters. T h e y are rooted in those centers in the h u m a n individual a n d h u m a n social n e t w o r k that give rise to the deepest a n d m o s t transcendent m e a n i n g s . Second, p r o cesses of cultural construction in the m e d i a h a v e b e e n s h o w n to b e sites of social a n d cultural struggle in their o w n right. To p u t it simply, rehgious a n d ontological elements e m b e d d e d in m e d i a texts h a v e recurrently b e e n seen to b e the b o n e of contention b e t w e e n p e o p l e a n d g r o u p s .

m

Rethinking

Rethinking does, however, h a v e to begin w i t h m o r e general reflections o n m e d i a , rehgion, a n d culture as they are e m b e d d e d in o n g o i n g changes in society. O u r task m u s t t h u s b e u n d e r s t o o d w i t h i n m o d e m i t y . Hence, the scholars included in this b o o k introduce s o m e theoretical a p p r o a c h e s t h r o u g h w h i c h to look in m o r e detail at the p r o p a g a t i n g ralhes, the c o m m o n rituals, a n d the conflicting resistance from v a r i o u s agents that together constitute m e d i a t e d rehgion in m o d e m i t y a n d against the b a c k d r o p of m o d e m i t y ' s claims a n d d e m a n d s . The w o r k s p r e s e n t e d here intend to a d d r e s s these d e v e l o p m e n t s in light of these a p p r o a c h e s a n d to d o so in a w a y that takes account of theory. It is p r e s u m p t u o u s to s u p p o s e that a n y particular theoretical perspective can ultimately accoimt for the p h e n o m e n a of c o n c e m here, a n d this v o l u m e will n o t a t t e m p t to enforce a n y such unitary framework. Instead, the editors a n d a u t h o r s of this v o l u m e a t t e m p t to raise the discourse to a n e w level b y presenting material that either illuminates or challenges the

Introduction:

Setting

the Agenda

9

received a s s u m p t i o n s a b o u t issues of religion a n d m e d i a , m e d i a a n d culture, a n d c o n t e m p o r a r y religious a n d cultural matters.

m Limitations of Previous Approaches It is n o t a simple task to account theoretically for the situation of m e d i a , religion, a n d culture a n d the interrelatedness thereof. Certain a t t e m p t s , admittedly, h a v e already b e e n m a d e to c o n t e m p l a t e across the disciplines. Often, however, these h a v e taken place along b i p o l a r lines, linking pairs, b u t n o t the overall s t m c t u r e . There are a m p l e studies of religion and culture. Recent studies of m o d e m religion (Bellah, M a d s e n , Sullivan, Swidler, & Ή p t o n , 1985; H a m m o n d , 1993; Roof, 1993; W u t h n o w , 1992) a n d p o s t m o d e m religion (Beyer, 1994; Wamer, 1993) h a v e e x t e n d e d the u n d e r s t a n d i n g of religious p r a c tice. O n the other h a n d , few of these w o r k s account for t h e m e d i a ' s contribution to these d e v e l o p m e n t s , despite the inclusion of m u c h anecdotal evidence of the significance of the m e d i a sphere. Theoretical elaborations of media and culture h a v e surfaced in recent years. M o s t sigruficantly, the field of cultural studies (cf. Grossberg, Nelson, & Treichler, 1992; Tumer, 1989) articulates u n d e r s t a n d i n g s of culture that recognize the role of m e d i a in cultural formation. A s h a s b e e n suggested elsewhere (Hoover, 1995), such u n d e r s t a n d i n g s c o u l d b e significantly elaborated t h r o u g h a conscious a p p r o a c h to religion a n d religious sensibilities. However, this h a s often b e e n lacking. Finally a n t i m b e r of studies h a v e c o n t e m p l a t e d relations b e t w e e n religion and the media. F e w of these h a v e seriously a d d r e s s e d the p r o b l e m of culture, however. Studies of religion a n d the m e d i a h a v e historically t e n d e d to fall into t w o b r o a d categories: First, there are admirustrative studies, w h i c h h a v e a s s u m e d a n instrumentalist m e d i a t h e o r y a n d w h i c h h a v e looked at the prospects, practices, a n d prerogatives of formal religious institutions. Second, there are studies that contemplate relations b e t w e e n m e d i a a n d religion in t e r m s of a n antagonistic d u a l i s m , w h e r e the m e d i a are seen as a threat to " a u t h e n t i c " religion, either in a fundamental, categorical sense or m o r e explicitiy in t e r m s of self-consciously "religious" m e d i a a n d their impact o n conventional religious institutions a n d expressions (cf. Fore, 1987; M u g g e r i d g e , 1977/1986; O l a s k y 1988).

10

A N A L Y S I S OF MEDIA, RELIGION, A N D

CULTURE

The rather extensive b o d y of texts m the area of televangelism (e.g., Bruce, 1991; Frankl, 1987; H a d d e n & S h u p e , 1988; H a d d e n & S w a n n , 1981; Horsfield, 1984; Schultze, 1991) falls into this latter category in that it addresses, to a greater or lesser extent, the capacities of m e d i a - g e n e r a t e d rehgious activities to threaten the prerogatives of " a u t h e n t i c " rehgion. These studies h a v e failed to consider possibihties that transcend the notion that religion a n d m e d i a constitute separate or equivalent a n d c o m p e t i n g social categories. They h a v e also failed to problematize culture, a n d t h u s they h a v e n o t allowed for the possibihty of convergence of rehgion a n d m e d i a w i t h i n c o n t e m p o r a r y culture. A small b u t g r o w i n g n u m b e r of w o r k s h a v e b e g u n to take this m o r e c o m p r e h e n s i v e a p p r o a c h (Alexander, 1994; Hoover, 1988; L i n d e r m a n , 1996; Peck, 1993).

β

A Cross-Disciplinary Venture

The contributions in this v o l u m e d e m o n s t r a t e the potential of this m o r e complex a p p r o a c h to m e d i a , rehgion, a n d culture a n d illustrate b o t h the necessity of its being cross-disciplinary a n d the v a l u e of its b e i n g cross-cultural in n a t u r e . They are l o d g e d at t h e intersection of cultural studies, sociology of rehgion, m e d i a studies, ritual studies, a n d rehgious studies. We seek here to estabhsh n e w theoretical t e r m s of discussion a n d debate. A s a result, this effort m a y also serve to refine issues in b r o a d e r arenas of cultural, m e d i a , a n d sociological studies. There are s o m e substantial challenges to such crossing of academic b o r d e r s . Sociologists of rehgion, for instance, v i e w rehgion as a fundam e n t a l d i m e n s i o n of culture, b u t h a v e n o theory of mediation. It s e e m s impossible to reach a complete u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the relationship b e t w e e n rehgion a n d culture t o d a y w i t h o u t incorporating a theory of m e d i a a n d conunimication. Even the classical studies of secularization m i g h t b e seen to h a v e a n imphcit theory of communication. For e x a m p l e , h o w w a s the exchange b e t w e e n t h e Protestant ethic a n d the spirit of c a p i t a h s m possible w i t h o u t accounting for the conunimication of these ideas? Today, d u e to the significant role of the technical m e d i a in the exchanges in society, the m e d i a t i o n b e t w e e n rehgion a n d culture h a s to b e m a d e explicit. This v o l u m e a t t e m p t s to estabhsh that rehgion is n o longer to b e regarded as the stepchild of m e d i a studies, a n d that the m e d i a are n o longer to b e seen as lingering at the p e r i p h e r y of religious studies. We

Introduction:

Setting

the Agenda

11

a r g u e that major contributions to o u r k n o w l e d g e of c o n t e m p o r a r y life a n d culture are to b e m a d e b y a d d r e s s i n g t h e interrelationships b e t w e e n religion a n d the media. This v o l u m e will n o t constitute t h e final a n s w e r to such a complex topic. It is nevertheless o u r h o p e that it is b u t a m o n g the first of m a n y a p p r o a c h e s to these questions.

Η

Background and Organization of T h i s V o l u m e

A nvimber of contributions in this v o l u m e w e r e initially p r e s e n t e d as p a r t of a conference o n "Media, Religion, a n d C u l t u r e " h e l d in 1993 at the University of U p p s a l a , S w e d e n . The conference b r o u g h t together scholars from E u r o p e , N o r t h America, a n d Africa. A d d i t i o n a l contributions w e r e p r e s e n t e d at s u b s e q u e n t conferences in Korea a n d Australia d u r i n g 1994, a n d in Boulder, C o l o r a d o , in early 1996. A l o n g t h e way, others w e r e challenged to reflect o n these elements as seen from their v a r i o u s geographic a n d scholarly standpoints. T h e contributions to this b o o k h a v e b e e n organized into four thematic sections. The first of these presents three efforts at n o r m a t i v e or foimdational statements of the project at h a n d . In a critical bibliographical essay, Lynn Schofield C l a r k a n d Stewart Hoover discuss the status of scholarship o n this interrelated w e b of m e d i a , religion, a n d culture. They p r o v i d e a detailed account of the position of this v o l u m e vis-^-vis other contributions to the field a n d g o o n to a consideration of the limitations of other literature that m i g h t well h a v e b e e n expected to h a v e better accounted for these questions. Robert White follows w i t h a review of the theoretical g r o u n d o n w h i c h a project such as o u r s m u s t rest. H e p r o v i d e s a helpful framework for the k i n d of analytic w o r k n e e d e d . Clifford Christians recognizes that a f u n d a m e n t a l problematic of m e d i a culture is technology, a n d h e p r o b e s w o r k s in p h i l o s o p h y a n d theory for insights into the m e a n i n g of technology. In its empirical a n d p h e n o m e n o l o g i c a l chapters, the b o o k t u m s first to the societal context. Graham Murdock begins w i t h a b r o a d a r g u m e n t for the introduction of the question of religion into the o n g o i n g discourse of cultural studies. A s w e h a v e already n o t e d , the religious h a s often b e e n left o u t of these considerations; a n d M u r d o c k c o n t e n d s that for a variety of historical, empirical, a n d theoretical reasons, this h a s b e e n unfortunate.

12

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CULTURE

J e s u s M a r t i n - B a r b e r o follows w i t h a reflection o n the issue of m e d i a t i o n a n d the linkage b e t w e e n the m e d i a t e d sphere a n d t h e i n d i v i d u a l a n d c o m m u r u t y spheres of communication. H i s is a rather direct i n d i c t m e n t of the traditional "technologization" of m e d i a a n d culture studies. G r e g o r G o e t h a l s investigates the status of visual c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h i n contemp o r a r y rehgious consciousness. She posits that to i m d e r s t a n d the rehgiosity of the m e d i a age, w e m u s t critically analyze the contributions of nonlinear m o d e s of c o m m i m i c a t i o n to rehgious consciousness. G a b r i e l B a r - H a i m presents a m o r e focused a r g u m e n t t h r o u g h a n analysis of the c o n t e m p o r a r y question of m e a n i n g a n d its ritual attributes. Bar-Haim d r a w s heavily o n foundational social theory, particularly that of D u r k heim, m d e m o n s t r a t i n g the d e p t h a n d richness of cultural analysis that is possible w h e n M u r d o c k ' s invocation of " t h e r e h g i o u s " is taken to heart. In the c o n c l u d m g c h a p t e r of this section, K n u t L u n d b y examines rehgious a n d quasi-rehgious p u b h c ritual m c o n t e m p o r a r y culture w i t h i n the theoretical f r a m e w o r k of mediation. H e presents a case s t u d y of the 1994 W m t e r O l y m p i c s m N o r w a y to p r o p o s e a g r o u n d e d perspective. T h e next section addresses institutions. Peter Horsfield t u m s to a historical examination of the role a n d status of conventional, institutional rehgion in the m e d i a age. H e considers a n u m b e r of w a y s that the prospects of c o n t e m p o r a r y rehgion are s h a p e d b y the existence of the m e d i a sphere. C h r i s A r t h u r t u m s from questions of rehgious institutional practice to questions of the s t u d y of religion, again raising the particularities of the m e d i a a g e as a key problematic. T h e next t w o chapters d e a l w i t h the p h e n o m e n o n of televangelism. B o b b y A l e x a n d e r p r e s e n t s a n account of televangelism as ritual that m o v e s b e y o n d the n o r m b y taking seriously the culture a n d history of the form, its practitioners, a n d a u d i ences. K e y a n Tomaselli a n d A m o l d S h e p p e r s o n conclude this section of the book, d r a w m g o n theories of c o m m u n i c a t i o n change, pohtical economy, a n d semiotics to present a theoreticaUy thick description of the phenomenon. The final section of the b o o k deals w i t h individual practice. Janice Peck investigates p o p u l a r culture as a site of ritual a n d rehgious m e a n i n g , using theoretical frameworks d r a w n from existentiahst p h i l o s o p h y a n d cultural theory. Claire Badaracco follows w i t h a n analysis of m e a n i n g negotiation a n d s t m g g l e in c o n t e m p o r a r y rehgious readings of p o p u l a r culture. Alf L i n d e r m a n explores issues of s y m b o l i s m a n d m e a n i n g in rehgious television. H i s contribution goes b e y o n d this particular case.

Introduction:

Setting the Agenda

13

however, to a presentation of a novel a n d compelling analytic f r a m e w o r k in cultural a n d symbolic analysis. S t e w a r t H o o v e r concludes this section w i t h a historical-theoretical perspective o n t h e construction of t h e religious public sphere. H e b r i n g s together literature from religious studies, ritual studies, a n d m e d i a studies into a n argimient for a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g of religion in t h e m e d i a a g e that goes b e y o n d conventional categories. The last chapter of t h e b o o k presents s o m e speculations a b o u t t h e potential for synthesis of t h e e m e r g i n g discourse represented b y t h e b o o k . The field of scholarly analysis represented here is just a t its beginning. There are r o u g h e d g e s to t h e various a p p r o a c h e s that m a y clash a n d grate; however, at their core is a d y n a m i c appreciation for t h e extent t o w h i c h m e d i a , religion, a n d culture are converging b o t h in t h e w o r l d of scholarship a n d in t h e w o r l d of actually existing lives a n d experience. It is o u r h o p e that this b o o k will h e l p set t h e t e r m s b y w h i c h w e m a y c o m e to a better u n d e r s t a n d i n g of these interactions in c o n t e m p o r a r y Ufe so that w e m a y m o v e scholarship a n d practice forward. References Alexander, B. (1994). Televangelism reconsidered. Atlanta: Scholar's Press.

BeUah, R. N., Madsen, R., Sullivan, W. M., Swidler, Α., & Tipton, S. N. (1985). Habits of the heart: Individualism and commitment in American life. Berkeley: Uiuversity of California

Press. Beyer, P. (1994). Religion and globalization. London: Sage. Bruce, S. (1991). Pray TV: Televangelism in Amenca. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Carey, J. (1989). Communication as culture. Boston: Unwin Hyman. Fore, W. (1987). Television and religion. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg.

Frankl, R. (1987). Televangelism. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press. Grossberg, L., Nelson, C , & Treichler, R (Eds.). (1992). Cultural studies. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Hadden, J., & Shupe, A. (1988). Teleuangelism: Power and politics on God's frontier. New York:

Henry Holt. HaddenJ., & Swann, C. (1981). Pnme-time preachers: The rising power of televangelism. Reading

MA:Addison-Wesley Hall, S., & Jefferson, Τ (Eds.). (1976). Resistance through rituals: Youth subcultures in post-war

Britain. London: HarperCollins. Hanunond, P. (1993). Religion and personal autonomy. Greenville: University of South Carolina

Press. Hoggart, R. (1957). The uses of literacy: Aspects of working-class

life with special reference to

publications and entertainments. London: Giatto & Windus. Hoover, S. M. (1988). Alass media religion. London: Sage.

Hoover, S. M. (1995, Winter). Media and moral order in post-positivist media studies. Journal of Communication,

136-145.

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CULTURE

Horsfield, P. (1984). Religious television: The Amencan experience. N e w York: Longman. Linderman, A. (19%). The reception of religious television: Social semiology applied to an empirical case study. In A. Linderman, Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, Psychologia et Sociologia Religionum 12. Stockholm: Almquist & Wiksell Intemational. Martin-Barl)eiO, J. (1993). Communication, culture and hegemony: From the media to mediations. London: Sage. Moore, L. (1994). Selling God. N e w York: Oxford University Press. Muggeridge, M. (1986). Christ and the media. London: H o d d e r and Stoughton. (Original work published 1977) Olasky, M. (1988). Prodigal press: The anti-Christian bias of the American news media. Westchester, IL: Crossway. Peck, J. (1993). The gods of televangelism. Cresskill, NJ: H a m p t o n . Roof, W. C (1993). A generation of seekers. San Francisco: H a φ e r C o l l i n s . Schultze, Q. (1991). Televangelism and American culture. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker. Tumer, G. (1989). British cultural studies: An introduction. London: U n w i n H y m a n . Wamer, R. S. (1993). Work in progress toward a n e w paradigm for the sociological study of religion in the United States. American Journal of Sociology, 98(5), 1044-1093. Wuthnow, R. (1987). Meaning and moral order: Explorations in cultural analysis. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Wuthnow, R. (1988). The restructuring of American religion. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Wuthnow, R. (1992). Vocabularies of public life: Empirical essays in symbolic structure. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Wuthnow, R., Hunter, J., Bergesen, Α., & Kurzweil, E. (1984). Cultural analysis: The work of Peter L. Berger, Mary Douglas, Michel Foucault, and Jiirgen Habermas. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

At the Intersection of Media, Culture, and Religion A Bibliographic Essay

Lynn Schofield Clark Stewart M. Hoover

Practicing journalists a n d religious a d h e r e n t s g a z e at each other across a w i d e cultural g a p of m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g . This d i v i d e m a y b e attributed to the fact that these spheres occupy the s a m e cultural turf; b o t h are invested in c o m m i m i c a t i n g mearungful narratives a n d " t r u t h s " u s i n g the cultural capital of symbols, s o u n d s , a n d subfle evocations of rational a n d e m o tional response in the audience. A l t h o u g h scholars of rehgion a n d of m e d i a h a v e in the p a s t participated in the w i d e r cultural standoff b e t w e e n the t w o fields, recognition of a n interrelation b e t w e e n the t w o h a s e m e r g e d , specifically in response to the t u m a w a y from institutional a n d t o w a r d cultural and individual (reception) studies in b o t h fields. This chapter will explore that t u m as a n interdisciplinary dialogue. O u r h o p e is that a b r o a d overview of hterature will introduce areas in w h i c h similar questions are b e i n g raised across disciplinary lines, p e r h a p s suggesting fruitful areas for n e w exploration. We a c k n o w l e d g e t h a t w e 15

16

A N A L Y S I S OF M E D I A , RELGION, A N D CULTURE

d r a w largely o n literature from the United States in this e n d e a v o r d u e to o u r b a c k g r o u n d s a n d to the significance of the N o r t h A m e r i c a n case in m e d i a a n d religion. We b e g i n b y offering a challenge to received definitions of religion, looking to a n t h r o p o l o g y for a cultural approach. This reframes the m e d i a scholar's t e n d e n c y to marginalize religion a n d the religion scholar's t e n d e n c y to focus o n institutions rather t h a n o n practices, recognizing that b o t h fields ask similar questions of m e a n i n g a n d being. We t h e n a d d r e s s the existing thread of research that explicitly examines religion a n d m e d i a , w h i c h h a s p l a y e d itself o u t in three p r i m a r y directions: in televangelism, in dualistic critiques of "secular" m e d i a , a n d in research o n n e w s coverage of religion. A l t h o u g h each of these h a s contributed to k n o w l e d g e , a review of relevant literature in cultural studies, ritual studies, a n d religious studies suggests lacimae for further consideration. We conclude w i t h eight areas of research that e m e r g e from this review.

Κ

R e l i g i o n for M e d i a Scholars

We begin w i t h the obvious question: W h y s h o u l d m e d i a scholars, as individuals c o n c e m e d w i t h the "concrete"—^with power, politics, institutions, economics, urbanization, a n d , in short, all things "secular"—^be interested in religion? This question itself reveals several a s s u m p t i o n s a b o u t religion that w e seek to challenge. C o m m o n scholarly misconceptions h a v e r e d u c e d religion to its institutionalized a n d b u r e a u c r a t i z e d forms o n the o n e h a n d , or to its privatized a n d idiosyncratic practices o n the other. Both of these aspects of religion are marginalized in the larger public sphere. Part of the p r o b l e m Ues in a tacit acceptance of the theory of secularization, w h i c h suggests that as societies a n d cultures b e c o m e m o r e rational, the social significance of reUgion will decline. Berger (1969) provides the definitive description: By secularization we mean the process by which sectors of society and culture are removed from the domination of religious institutions and symbols. . . . [A]s there is a secularization of society and culture, so is there a secularization of consciousness. Put simply, this means that the modem west has produced an increasing number of individuals who look on the world and their own lives without the benefit of religious inteφretation. (pp. 107-108)

At the Intersection:

A Bibliographic

Essay

17

M e d i a practice—^particularly in news—^has e q u a t e d its task w i t h a rational product—^information—and t h u s asstunes a n imphcit role in this secular project. C o m m i t m e n t to journalistic objectivity furthers t h e idea that a l t h o u g h rehgious sentiments m a y b e acceptable in p r i v a t e life, they m u s t b e k e p t o u t of p u b h c w o r k , especially o u t of j o u m a h s m . The theory of secularization is increasingly contested in rehgion scholarship (Wamer, 1993). It a s s u m e s rehgion once h a d social ascendance a n d h a s n o w lost it, a position that idealizes t h e p a s t a n d a s s u m e s a h o m o g e n e o u s a n d static a p p r o a c h to rehgion m society. It also d o e s httle to explain either the continuing existence of rehgion or the emergence of rehgion as a source of pohtical a n d social p o w e r ( H a d d e n & S h u p e , 1988). Yet the idea that rehgion is declining in influence in a secularized culture h o l d s sahence t h r o u g h o u t academic scholarship. We assert instead that rehgion is integrated into e v e r y d a y life, alt h o u g h n o t necessarily in the forms a s s u m e d b y conventional scholarship. For p u r p o s e s of cross-disciplinary discussion, w e posit a n anthropological definition of religion: rehgion as the site of t h e synthesis a n d s y m b o l ism of culturaUy meaningful behef systems. A l t h o u g h t h e D u r k h e i m i a n discussion of the " s a c r e d " a n d the "secular" is i m p o r t a n t a n d informs m a n y fmitful interrogatives into rehgion a n d culture, w e w i s h to shift t h e notion of rehgion a w a y from those debates a n d the institutional a s s u m p tions that s u p p o r t t h e m a n d to focus instead o n the m o r e general q u e s tions of ontology. Religion, w e p r o p o s e , is n o t limited to w h a t h a p p e n s in a " s a c r e d " realm, traditionaUy conceived, b u t is that p a r t of culture that persuasively presents a plausible m y t h of the ordering of existence. In this sense, culture a n d rehgion are inseparable; a n d w h a t is "sacred" m a y b e u n d e r stood, in L u n d b y ' s p h r a s e , "as a variable, r a n g i n g from the substantial to the functional" (see Lundby, this volume). A s it exists in the w h o l e n e s s of h u m a n t h o u g h t a n d practice, rehgion is t h u s a n i m p o r t a n t consideration in theories of culture a n d society. Peck (1993) notes the connection b e t w e e n rehgion a n d issues of m e a n i n g at b o t h i n d i v i d u a l a n d social levels:

Religion is explicitly concemed with both ontological and experiential dimensions of existence—^with being and meaning. Religion provides meaning for individual existence by grounding it in a larger, cosmic framework of sigiuficance. (p. 32)

18

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We a r g u e that the time is ripe for m e d i a scholars to begin to p r o b e questions of religion in culture m o r e directly. The g r o u n d h a s b e e n laid for s u c h inquiries b y the recent trends in m e d i a studies that h a v e foreg r o u n d e d questions of m e a n i n g a n d b e i n g a n d h a v e a d o p t e d m e t h o d o l o gies that e x a m i n e the e v e r y d a y practices a n d discourses of individuals a n d g r o u p s . We will e x a m i n e these trends after w e h a v e first e x a m i n e d the w a y s religion a n d m e d i a h a v e b e e n a d d r e s s e d in the past.

m Studies of Religion and Media We b e g i n w i t h the genre m o s t frequently s t u d i e d at the juncture of m e d i a a n d religion in A m e r i c a n scholarship: televangelism. Televangelism derives its cultural m e a n i n g from situating religion in the "secular" r e a l m of the m e d i a , t h u s inviting exploration of the role this p h e n o m e n o n h a s p l a y e d in transforming b o t h religion a n d broadcasting. In Televangelism and American Culture: The Business of Popular Religion, for e x a m p l e , Q u e n t i n Schultze (1991) argues that the gospel is secularized, " t u r n i n g Christ into a n o t h e r consvimer p r o d u c t , " while the consumerist a n d individualist v a l u e s of the culture (as expressed in the "health a n d w e a l t h g o s p e l " of the televangelists) are sacralized (p. 123). Televangelism's p o p u l a r i t y as a site of s t u d y in the U n i t e d States can b e attributed to at least four factors. First, televangelism h a s b e e n a progenitor of the rise of the Religious Right in A m e r i c a n politics primarily t h r o u g h the efforts of Pat Robertson. Robertson, w h o established the first Christian television station in 1961 a n d l a u n c h e d the first religious satellite n e t w o r k (CBN) in 1977, r a n unsuccessfully for president of the U n i t e d States in 1988 a n d h a s enjoyed increasing influence since t h e n (Hoover, 1988). A second a n d related reason for interest in televangelism is its ability to visualize a n d t h u s give public voice to the valences of the Religious Right, including authoritarianism, nativism, xenophobia, h o m o phobia, a n d , in its extreme, militarism a n d the desire for a theocracy. Televangelism is n o t orUy the place of origin of the Religious Right, b u t offers a form of its o n g o i n g public discourse (Bruce, 1990; H a d d e n & S h u p e , 1988). Third, televangelism is implicated in the restructuring of the religious sphere. A l t h o u g h the hypothesis that the collapse of the mainline religions

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could b e directly attributable to this n e w form of rehgion h a s b e e n d i s p u t e d (Hoover, 1990), televangelism serves as a r e m i n d e r of the ascend a n c y of evangehcalism to a position of greater cultural p r o m i n e n c e . F u r t h e r m o r e , televangelism serves as t h e quintessential e x a m p l e of e v a n gehcal theology's willingness to a p p r o a c h c o m m u n i c a t i o n technologies a n d m a r k e t i n g techniques mstrumentaUy in the dissemination of the gospel (Schultze, 1991), A final aspect of televangelism's a p p e a l as a subject of s t u d y rests w i t h the excessively moralistic claims of televangehsts c o u p l e d w i t h their questionable practices, particularly in the realm of fund-raising. W h e n financial a n d sexual scandals occurred in the late 1980s, t h e y s e r v e d to confirm suspicions that w e r e articulated in studies of financial indiscretions—including m i s a p p r o p r i a t i o n of funds, i m p r o p e r b u s i n e s s p r a c tices, fund-raising tactics that m a n i p u l a t e elderly v i e w e r s (Abehnan, 1990; Neuendorf, 1990), a n d the m o r a l failings of its personahties (Bruce, 1990). Televangehsm h a s also b e e n an i m p o r t a n t topic of s t u d y in other p a r t s of the w o r l d , as scholars h a v e p r o b e d the role of U.S. televangelism in countries a n d cultures outside the United States ( A m t s e n , 1993; L i n d e r m a n , 1996; Lundby, 1996; N y b o r g , 1995). Related studies h i g h h g h t the c o n c e m s of public broadcasting pohcies that d o or d o n o t restrict the distribution of this material m coimtries outside t h e U n i t e d States (Gimter & Vmey, 1994; Wolfe, 1984). Despite m a n y suggestive findings, there are t w o p r o b l e m s p r e s e n t e d to those w h o w o u l d look to this research for its a p p h c a t i o n to a larger project of u n d e r s t a n d i n g m e d i a , rehgion, a n d cultiure. First, t e l e v a n g e h s m is self-consciously "religious," a n d as such, its television content is recognizably rehgious, e m p l o y i n g forms such as w o r s h i p services a n d preaching, or, in the case of m a g a z i n e format p r o g r a m s , u s i n g rehgious l a n g u a g e a n d music. This u n d e r g i r d s a too-facile a s s u m p t i o n that rehgious p r o g r a m m i n g is recognizable primarily within t h e f r a m e w o r k of the traditional rehgions a n d their formal practices. Second, the t e l e v a n g e h s m audience comprises a rather smaU a n d confined s e g m e n t of the p o p u l a tion. A l t h o u g h televangelism's small subculture of viewers can p r o v i d e theoretical elegance, the total p o p u l a t i o n of individuals w h o claim a rehgious identity is far larger, beckoning a question n o t a d d r e s s e d in televangehsm: W h a t d o e s " r e h g i o u s " p r o g r a n u n i n g m e a n to those n o t in the televangehsm audience?

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Several writings o n televangelism also fall into a second category of writings a b o u t religion a n d media: religious media cnticism. Malcolm M u g g e r i d g e (1977) a n d Vurginia Stem O w e n s (1980) are p r o m i n e n t in this tradition, a r g u i n g that the Christian gospel is c h e a p e n e d or at least c a n n o t b e c o m m u n i c a t e d authentically t h r o u g h the m a s s m e d i a . Works in this tradition are consistent w i t h a b r o a d e r category of p o p u l a r m e dia criticism that includes the writings of Boorstin (1972), E w e n (1976), M a c D o n a l d (1962), M a n d e r (1978), a n d P o s t m a n (1985), as elaborated b y Jensen (1990). In fact, m a n y religious writers d r a w heavily o n these prior texts. A d d r e s s i n g the religious c o m m u n i t y ' s i n a d e q u a t e response to television, for e x a m p l e . Fore (1987) b o r r o w s the H u x l e y a n m e t a p h o r Postm a n i n t r o d u c e d in Amusing Ourselves to Death (1985), l a m e n t i n g television's influence o n a culture in w h i c h " w e are d o m i n a t e d n o t b y force b u t b y trivialization, b y infantile gratification, b y w h a t Kierkegaard called ' t w a d d l e ' " (p. 32). T h e m e d i a , a n d television in particular, are believed to offer c o m p e t i n g values that challenge the religious w o r l d v i e w (Melchert, 1994) a n d h a r b o r biases a n d hostilities against religion (Olasky, 1988). T h e a p p r o p r i a t e response is "innoculation" against m e d i a effects (Melchert, 1994; T h o m a n , 1993). This debate feeds into a w i d e r a r g u m e n t against m o d e r n i t y as voices in religion l a m e n t the changes that h a v e occurred since the Industrial Revolution as detrimental to values of community, locality, a n d interrelation (Jensen, 1990). A m i n o r thread in religious m e d i a criticism takes a radically different view. Rather t h a n l a m e n t i n g the m e d i a sphere, it focuses o n the i m p o r tance of entering it a n d offering religious values as a counterpoint to those p r o p o s e d b y the w i d e r culture. These writings t e n d to assimie a n instrum e n t a l a p p r o a c h that views the m e d i a as " t o o l s " that are " n e u t r a l " a n d t h u s m a y b e e m p l o y e d for good, such as w h e n they are utilized to s p r e a d the gospel (Armstrong, 1979) or to c o m m u n i c a t e narratives of faith (Benson, 1988; Boomershine, 1987). O t h e r texts in this tradition e m p h a s i z e the skills a n d k n o w l e d g e n e e d e d to gain entrance to the m e d i a sphere (Parker, I m a n , & Snyder, 1948; Poltrack, 1983; Shawchuck, Kotler, Wrenn, & Rath, 1992). Interestingly (and consistent w i t h the larger debates a r o u n d "secular" media), b o t h the critical a n d instrumental a p p r o a c h e s a s s u m e a "strong m e d i a " perspective, e m p h a s i z i n g the p o w e r of c o n u n u n i c a t i o n m e s s a g e s to s h a p e cultural values while overlooking the role of m e d i a reception

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practices of e v e r y d a y life that m i g h t s h a p e the m e a n i n g given to those messages (Baum, 1993; Fore, 1990). A s Jensen (1990) writes: It is assumed that we, the audience, somehow absorb the goodness and subtlety of worthy culture, thus becoming uplifted and refined ourselves. Similarly, we absorb the cormption or triviality of symbolic expression, becoming corrupt or trivial ourselves. Thus cultural forms are given the power to make us over in their (assumed) image, (p. 28)

A s White (1991) notes in his review of the t e l e v a n g e h s m hterature, because these studies assimtie a n (often u n a c k n o w l e d g e d ) n o r m a t i v e framework, they t e n d t o w a r d the unsatisfying a n d uncertain claims that characterize c o m m u n i c a t i o n effects research in general. It is h o n i c that voices m the religious c o m m u n i t y e m b r a c e this v i e w of m e d i a , given the c o m m o n p l a c e sensitivity to the i m p o r t a n c e of cultural context in the interpretation of religious messages (Benson, 1988; Fore, 1990). A third strand of research into rehgion a n d m e d i a h a s g a m e r e d the m o s t attention recently: examination of religion in the news. The early 1990s p r o v e d to b e a w a t e r s h e d in this area in the U n i t e d States: Three major studies o n rehgion a n d the n e w s w e r e c o m p l e t e d (Dart & Allen, 1993; Hoover, Hartley & Radelfinger, 1989; Hoover, Ventiu^lh, & Wagner, 1995); a conference w a s s p o n s o r e d b y the prestigious F r e e d o m F o r u m M e d i a Studies Center in 1993; a n d several other periodicals a n d texts d e v o t e d attention to the issue (Carter, 1993; Mattingly, 1993; Stout & B u d d e n b a u m , 1996). In addition, the fact that ABC television n e t w o r k hired the first-ever national television rehgion reporter in 1993 w a s seen as a symbolic recognition of the g r o w i n g importance of rehgion (Govier, 1994). Research h a s e x a m m e d the content of coverage, the audiences for the coverage, a n d the institutions that generate the coverage. Working in the latter tradition, b o t h the studies b y Dart a n d AUen (1993) a n d H o o v e r a n d his associates (1995) d i s p u t e the oft-cited Rothman-Lichter h y p o t h e s i s (Lichter, R o t h m a n , & Lichter, 1986), w h i c h h a s b e e n taken to c o n t e n d that m e d i a " e h t e s " are far less rehgious t h a n the general p u b h c a n d may, as a result, b e hostile t o w a r d rehgion. Dart a n d AUen (1993) attributed the lack of rehgion coverage to ignorance rather t h a n hostihty o n the p a r t of editors a n d reporters, n o t m g that reporters t e n d to a v o i d rehgion b e c a u s e they a s s u m e that such coverage carries the potential of controversy.

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H o o v e r a n d his colleagues (1995) a d d e d that a n y analysis of religion coverage m u s t b e l o d g e d in a discussion of the limits of public discourse— including, b u t n o t limited to, the topic of religion in public discourse. M e d i a coverage operates w i t h i n these limits a n d is g u i d e d b y public perceptions of b o t h religion a n d n e w s . Accounts of religion a n d the n e w s , like those of televangelism b u t in contrast to those in religious m e d i a criticism, h a v e e m e r g e d from scholars of m e d i a rather t h a n scholars of religion. Such studies h a v e included content a n d rhetorical analyses of religion coverage in the n e w s (Buddenb a i m i , 1986,1990; Hart, Tumer, & K n u p p , 1981; H y n d s , 1987). A l t h o u g h several of these h a v e d o c u m e n t e d general i m p r o v e m e n t in the a m o u n t of religion coverage, there is evidence that religion n e w s is still a p p r o a c h e d w i t h biases favoring local over national a n d i n t e m a t i o n a l stories (Hoover et a l , 1989). Each of these w o r k s contributes to a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the interesting A m e r i c a n situation in which, despite the h i g h level of religiosity a n d the democratic protections of its public expression, religion is a problematic topic in n e w s o u t p u t . A l t h o u g h this research raises interesting questions, it fails to a d d r e s s others. Religion is h e r e v i e w e d as a particular t y p e of n e w s , categorized within the prerogatives of j o u m a l i s m a n d c o m p e t i n g w i t h other categories such as sports, politics, or entertainment. Because few p e o p l e are interested in the n e w s of religion—the a r g u m e n t goes—^it b e c o m e s a specialized, a n d ( m u c h like televangelism) a marginalized area of interest. We a r g u e that it is essential to u n d e r s t a n d the relationship of religion a n d m e d i a w i t h i n the larger cultural a n d m e d i a sphere. Tools for the task of problematizing t h e site of reception as a n intersection b e t w e e n the spheres of religion a n d m e d i a are offered b y the field of cultural studies. T h u s , w e p r o b e cultural studies as a m e a n s to u n d e r s t a n d religion as b r e a k i n g o u t of its institutionalized a n d marginalized status.

«

Cultural M e d i a Studies

A l t h o u g h cultural theorists in Britain take a Marxist critique of class s t m c t u r e as a starting point, they question the degree to w h i c h the s u p e r s t m c t u r e of culture is d e t e r m i n e d b y the b a s e of economic relations, a r g u i n g that culture m u s t b e seen as conditionally a u t o n o m o u s . Gramsci's n u a n c e d description of the process b y w h i c h consent to the

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d o m i n a n t ideology is w o n , a process h e t e r m s "hegemony," h a s t h u s s h a p e d the central questions of the British cultural studies tradition, offering three questions as starting points: H o w d o institutions of p o w e r in hberal capitahstic societies succeed in w m n i n g the consent of s u b o r d i n a t e d g r o u p s to the d o m i n a n t ideology? W h y a n d h o w is it that m e d i a institutions, free of constraint, articulate content w i t h i n frameworks of the d o m i n a n t ideology? A n d h o w are cultural practices of a p p r o p r i a t i o n a n d s y m b o h c creativity u s e d subversively to counteract d o m i n a n t ideologies? (White, 1994). Gramsci's indictment of the role of the institutional church in the process of h e g e m o n y — n o t i n g that it preserves " t h e ideological imity of the entire social bloc w h i c h that ideology serves to cement a n d unify" (Gramsci, 1971, p . 328)—echoes M a r x ' s a n d h a s contributed to a b l i n d spot t o w a r d rehgion o n the p a r t of cultural studies. Rehgion h a s too facilely b e e n dismissed as a h e g e m o n i c force w h o s e only role is to frame c o m p e t i n g definitions of reahty a n d , in so d o i n g , s u p p r e s s ideas a n d confhcts. There are other reasons contributing to the theoretical truncation of rehgion in cultural studies. The culturahsts in m a s s m e d i a h a v e t e n d e d to see their w o r k , w h i c h foregrounds e v e r y d a y experience a n d its intersection w i t h p o p u l a r culture, as in d k e c t contrast to " h i g h c u l t u r e " analyses of art a n d rehgion. Mukerji a n d S c h u d s o n (1991) p o i n t o u t that the h i g h a r t / l o w art distinction w a s u n d e r s c o r e d b y the " m a s s c u l t u r e " debates of the Frankfurt school in the 1950s, yet originated in the late 19th century, w h e n the u p p e r classes s o u g h t cultural distinctions b e t w e e n themselves a n d their tastes a n d those of the classes b e n e a t h t h e m . P o p u l a r culture w a s rescued from the a r g u m e n t s over taste a n d aesthetics b e g i n n i n g in the 1960s w i t h the antiehtist intellectual m o v e m e n t s a n d the a c c o m p a n y ing British e m p h a s i s o n social c h a n g e in the w o r k i n g class. Rehgion a n d art, M u k e q i a n d S c h u d s o n imply, w e r e left to the ehtists as subjects of study, offering a social a n d pohtical explanation for the obscuring of rehgion. We m i g h t also look at the f o u n d i n g texts, R a y m o n d Wilhams, Richard H o g g a r t , a n d E. P. T h o m p s o n . Wilhams (1961) a r g u e s that values or " m e a r u n g s " cannot b e analyzed w i t h o u t reference to a particular social context, n o r can they b e v i e w e d as derivative or d e t e r m i n e d b y that context. M e d i a messages t h u s are viewed, n o t as causes of culture, b u t as rich cultural texts that p r o v i d e insight into t h e v a l u e s a n d m e a n i n g s of

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the "structure of feeling/' or social a n d historical organization, of a n era. Unfortunately for o u r p u r p o s e s , Williams d o e s n o t explicitly a d d r e s s questions of religion, a n d in this w a y truncates his description of w h e r e those shared cultural m e a n i n g s a n d values m i g h t originate, b e challenged, a n d b e reconstituted. Like Williams, H o g g a r t (1957) d o e s n o t p a y explicit attention to religion in The Uses of Literacy, His contribution, as well as T h o m p s o n ' s , lies in the presentation of the w o r k i n g class from the "inside," looking at individuals in this g r o u p n o t as passively exploited, b u t as creative in their d e v e l o p m e n t of traditions that i n c o φ o r a t e b u t are n o t s u b s u m e d b y various aspects of m a s s culture a n d modernization. (For a further exploration of H o g g a r t ' s a p p r o a c h to religion, see M u r d o c k in this volume.) T h o m p s o n (1963) explicitly recognizes a role for religion in class formation a n d conflict. H e describes M e t h o d i s m a n d Utilitarianism as the d o m i n a n t ideologies of the Industrial Revolution, assisting in the transition from rural to u r b a n life as semisubsistence p e a s a n t industries w e r e destroyed a n d replaced w i t h the capitalist e c o n o m y of the u r b a n i n d u s trial centers. T h e M e t h o d i s t a n d Utilitarian ideologies, T h o m p s o n argues, p r o v i d e d s u p p o r t for discipline a n d repression in schools, factories, a n d even leisure activities, while also p r o m o t i n g a m o r a l life a m o n g u p p e r class evangelicals w h i c h w a s to serve as a n e x a m p l e to the poor. T h o m p s o n d o e s n o t w h o l l y idealize w h a t w a s lost in the transition, n o t i n g the g r o w t h in self-respect a m o n g w o r k i n g p e r s o n s a n d the discontinuation of s u c h practices as wife-selling, a n i m a l sexuality, orgiastic d r u n k enness, a n d g a m e s of m o r t a l combat. The ideologies s u p p o r t i n g these changes, h e a r g u e d , contributed to the collective, disciplined, a n d sober efforts o n the p a r t of the w o r k i n g class to fight for their civil rights. Stuart Hall, a p r o m i n e n t scholar in the British cultural studies tradition, coedited a v o l u m e w i t h a p r o m i s i n g title for o u r current project: Resistance Through Rituals: Youth Subcultures in Post-War Britain (Hall & Jefferson, 1976). M a k i n g a n a r g u m e n t in the introductory chapter against the A m e r i c a n t e n d e n c y to speak of " y o u t h c u l t u r e " as a h o m o g e n e o u s g r o u p transcending class a n d history. Hall a n d his c o a u t h o r s n o t e the i m p o r t a n c e of t h e dialectic b e t w e e n y o u t h a n d the y o u t h m a r k e t a n d the w a y s in w h i c h g r o u p identity is reinforced t h r o u g h practices a n d c o m m o d i t y forms. Unfortunately, the "ritual" of the b o o k ' s title is defined b r o a d l y as the p a t t e r n e d practices of the e v e r y d a y that reinforce the

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b o u n d a r i e s of social identity. Overlooked are the rehgious origins of t h e t e r m a n d rehgion's potential m u l t i p l e roles in y o u t h culture. H e b d i g e (1976) p r o v i d e s the m o s t interesting discussion of the intersection of rehgion a n d y o u t h culture, tracing the roots of reggae m u s i c to the experience of slavery, its role in l a n g u a g e formation a m o n g black Jamaicans, a n d the redefinition of Christianity to serve different cultural n e e d s resulting in the d e v e l o p m e n t of the Rastafarian rehgious system. Each of these elements c o m b i n e d w i t h A m e r i c a n soul m u s i c , Pentecostal "calling" traditions, a n d African r h y t h m s , to create reggae, w h i c h H e b d i g e calls a "Rasta h y m n a l , " a m u s i c of resistance. T h e a d o p t i o n of this m u s i c in the South L o n d o n black y o u t h culture, h e argues, p r o v i d e d a n a v e n u e for resistance a n d the d e v e l o p m e n t of cultural autonomy. H e b d i g e ' s analysis serves as a n excellent m o d e l of the benefits to b e gained from the u n d e r s t a n d i n g of rehgion's role in the d e v e l o p m e n t of p o p u l a r cultural forms. A l t h o u g h other texts of the B h m i n g h a m school h a v e also failed to a d d r e s s rehgion (e.g., HaU, H o b s o n , L o w e , & WiUis, 1980; H o b s o n , 1982; M o r l e y 1980; VNTilhs, 1977,1990), as a b o d y of w o r k , they are helpful m o u r project for their theory a n d methodology. In his essay " E n c o d i n g / D e c o d ing," Hall (1980) conciurs w i t h the idea that there is a relationship b e t w e e n social situations a n d the w a y television p r o g r a m s are " r e a d , " yet h e argues t h a t television p r o g r a m s are " o p e n texts" that involve a process of negotiation b e t w e e n viewers a n d texts. Viewers m a y b e in conflict w i t h the d o m i n a n t ideology inscribed in the text. Morley (1980) c o n f k m s Hall's findings in his audience reception analysis, m a r k i n g a t u m i n g p o i n t t o w a r d greater attention to the socially contextualized practices of m e d i a use. LuU (1990), w i t h his observation of the interaction of A m e r i c a n famihes a r o u n d the television set, a n d H o b s o n (1982), w i t h h e r accounts of h o u s e w i v e s w h o w e r e a h e n a t e d b y m e d i a yet also found resources for identity reinforcement within m e d i a , w e r e particularly influential in this t u m . T h r o u g h these a n d other reception studies, w h i c h p r i m a r i l y e m p l o y e t h n o g r a p h i c approaches, allowing categories of interpretation to e m e r g e from the social a n d cultural context, a m o r e sophisticated u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the u s e of m e d i a in i n d i v i d u a l a n d g r o u p contexts h a s d e v e l o p e d . Scholars in British cultural studies h a v e also b e e n influenced b y s t m c t u r a l i s m a n d interpretivist traditions arising from cultural a n t h r o pology, a field in w h i c h rehgion is traditionally a m o r e central c o n c e m . Because h u m a n s are s y m b o l - p r o d u c i n g creatures, or " a m m a l sjmiboh-

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c u m / ' as Cassirer (1944) a r g u e d , c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d cognition are only possible w i t h i n the limited systems of symbols e m b e d d e d in culture. This is the p o i n t at w h i c h t h e British a n d A m e r i c a n culturalist traditions intersect, a l t h o u g h the A m e r i c a n school is less influenced b y Marxist a n d m o r e b y anthropological a n d liberal p r a g m a t i s t traditions. Particularly i m p o r t a n t in the A m e r i c a n school is the w o r k of anthropologist Clifford Geertz (1973), w h o e m p h a s i z e s the process of m e a n i n g - p r o d u c t i o n in culture a n d a r g u e s that culture does n o t reflect the social o r d e r b u t exists in the representation of a society to itself, allowing for reflexivity o n social order. Carey (1988) p r o v i d e s a germinal r e a d i n g of Geertz, as well as Chicago school sociologists Dewey, Park, a n d M e a d , in his a r g u m e n t s for a cultural a p p r o a c h to commimication studies. Carey offers a b r i d g e to u n d e r s t a n d i n g s of m e d i a a n d religion in his introduction of a ritual m e t a p h o r for communication, w h i c h h e a r g u e s can helpfully replace the transportation m e t a p h o r that h a s i m d e r g i r d e d positivist a n d instrumentalist a p p r o a c h e s to c o m m u n i c a t i o n research: A ritual view of communication is directed not toward the extension of messages in space but toward the maintenance of society in time; not the act of imparting information but the representation of shared beliefs. (p.l8) Carey t h u s brings u s to another b o d y of scholarship that intersects w i t h questions of m e d i a a n d religion: that of ritual studies.

mi Ritual Studies A l t h o u g h religion p e r se h a s h a d to b e satisfied w i t h a "spare a n d truncated s p a c e " (Hoover, 1995) in m e d i a studies, insights from the field of ritual studies h a v e b e e n a p p r o p r i a t e d for m e d i a analyses. W h e r e a s s o m e c o m m u n i c a t i o n theorists h a v e built o n Carey's D u r k h e i m i a n notion that ritual primarily serves to m a i n t a i n social systems a n d reinforce n o r m s , others, such as Ettema (1990) a n d D a y a n a n d Katz (1992) h a v e extended Carey's m e t a p h o r t h r o u g h exploration of the w o r k of Victor Tumer. T u m e r (1974) d e v e l o p s Geertz's concept of cultural reflexivity t h r o u g h his analyses of social d r a m a s a n d rituals. Each ritual, h e argues, consists of three stages: the initial p h a s e , w h i c h divides participants from

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their e v e r y d a y life; the liminal p h a s e , w h i c h s u s p e n d s all p r e v i o u s u n d e r s t a n d i n g s of ihe social order, allowing for b o t h reflexivity a n d consideration of d i a n g e ; a n d the final p h a s e of reintegration, in w h i c h participants are afforded a n e w status in social life. H e argues that film a n d other m e d i a forms grant individuals a liminal m o m e n t in w h i c h they are r e m o v e d from their daily h v e s a n d are o p e n to the possibihty of c h a n g e , t h u s affording ritual a creative rather t h a n conservative function in society (Tumer, 1986). BeU (1992) offers a critique of such essentialist a p p r o a c h e s to ritual studies. U n d e r s t a n d i n g s of ritual h a v e evolved o u t of a d i c h o t o m y that separates t h o u g h t from action cmd sees ritual as the action in w h i c h t h e behefs of a p e o p l e are e n c o d e d , according to BeU. She a d d r e s s e s this false d i c h o t o m y t h r o u g h the u s e of the t e r m ritualization to refer to the w a y in w h i c h certain social activities are distinguished from others: [R]itualization is a matter of setting some activities off from others, for creating and privileging a qualitative distinction between the "sacred" and the "profane," and for ascribing such distinctions to realities thought to transcend the powers of human actors, (p. 74) W u t h n o w (1987) m a k e s a shmlar a r g u m e n t , n o t i n g that aU actions that are expressive or commimicative are, to s o m e degree, rituals; a n d t h u s ritual is a p a r t of aU s o d a l activity. The cultural anthropologist M a r y Douglas (1973) also asserts the commimicative n a t u r e of ritual t h a t h i g h lights social a n d cultural b o u n d a r i e s . Both W u t h n o w a n d D o u g l a s p r o vide i m p o r t a n t bridges b e t w e e n rehgious a n d cultural studies b e c a u s e each w a n t s to separate the exploration of ritual from its formalist roots a n d e x a m i n e these activities in e v e r y d a y life. G r i m e s (1976) also explores ritual in e v e r y d a y hfe, e x a m i m n g ritual in a p u b h c , n o t exclusively rehgious, context. H e describes the w a y s in w h i c h the performances of the a n n u a l Fiesta d e Santa Fe n o t only serve to express the c o m m u n i t y ' s self-identity, b u t b e c o m e the m e a n s b y w h i c h the c o m m u n i t y m a y reflect o n its a d v a n c e s as weU as its shortcomings. H e explores the city's s y m b o l s b o t h in t h e h historical d e v e l o p m e n t a n d in their relation to o n e a n o t h e r currently, n o t i n g that s y m b o l s are at once p a r t of a timeless system a n d yet constantly r e w o r k e d in a t e m p o r a l process. Ritual t h u s points to a d y n a m i s m in rehgion, in social processes, a n d in their a t t e n d a n t s y m b o l systems.

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These trends in ritual scholarship highlight the public a n d p r o c e d u r a l aspects of religious behavior, contradicting the idea that religion is limited to the p r i v a t e sphere. This is particularly relevant as scholars in the fields of sociology of religion a n d religious studies m o v e a w a y from institutions a n d structures a n d t o w a r d studies of religion in private life. Studies in religion are n o t irrelevant to o u r project, however, in that they contribute i m p o r t a n t insights n o t only into the realities of religion in e v e r y d a y life, b u t also in the methodologies b y w h i c h questions of m e a n i n g a n d b e i n g in e v e r y d a y life (the setting w h e r e audiences interact w i t h m e d i a ) m a y b e addressed.

fm R e l i g i o u s S t u d i e s It is c o m m o n w i s d o m that institutional religion h a s b e e n in decline in E u r o p e a n d N o r t h America—a t r e n d that seems o n its surface to s u p p o r t the overall secularization hypothesis. It is significant to o u r p u r p o s e here that the majority of Americans still identify themselves as religious or spiritual (Roof, 1993). Clearly, w h a t is m e a n t b y the t e r m s religious a n d spiritual h a s changed. The authority over religious experience a n d expression is increasingly in the h a n d s of the individual; a n d t h u s s o m e scholars in religion h a v e t u r n e d t o w a r d a m o d e l of "rational choice" to explore the w a y s in w h i c h individuals create their belief systems from symbols a n d other resources that constitute the " s u p p l y " in the religious " m a r k e t p l a c e " (Firuce & lannaccone, 1993; larmaccone, 1991), constructing a k i n d of "religion a la Carte," as Bibby (1987) h a s called it. W a m e r (1993) relates this process to identity constmction: " W h a t the n e w religious v o l u n t a r i s m a m o u n t s to is a centrifugal process, sorting elemental qualities o n the basis of w h i c h identities are c o n s t m c t e d " (p. 1078). M a r t y (1993) notes that while this n e w v o l u n t a r i s m h a s i n d i v i d u a l actors creating a self-legitimated bricolage of various traditions, these practices of a p p r o p r i a t i o n d o n o t at the s a m e time u n d e r m i n e the Importance of religion itself:

While one is free to violate inherited cultural bonds and instinctive social boundaries, there is a continuing use of religion to define who one is, to what one belongs, and whom one can trust, (p. 17)

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The extent to w h i c h s y m b o h c resources of the m a s s m e d i a are d r a w n into these processes is a n essential question for o u r inquiries here. A n o t h e r area of rehgion research that connects w i t h current w o r k m m a s s m e d i a is the examination of the increasingly b l u r r e d b o u n d a r i e s b e t w e e n rehgion a n d psychology (e.g., Spilka, H o o d , & Gorsuch, 1985). The therapeutic aspects of religion a n d a n increased e m p h a s i s o n healing are foimd in quasi-rehgious organizations s u c h as 12-step p r o g r a m s (Marty, 1993), a n d such Ismguage increasingly m a k e s its w a y into the p u b h c sphere, as Albanese (1993) notes: With what many would regard as unpromising beginnings in individualistic mystical themes, their metaphor of healing as reconciliation had led them to a concem for healing relationships with others. From there, in a move that fit their mentality as nature religionists, they had tumed to a cosmological concem for healing the earth and reconciling the human community with i t — Perhaps, to the chagrin of some and the delight of others, new spirituality people were talking to the body politic and moving comfortably into its central square as the old religious and philosophical estabhshment was leaving, (p. 143) There is t h u s a connection b e t w e e n rehgion scholarship a n d m e d i a scholarship as b o t h e x a m i n e the role of tiierapeutic discourse in television. M i m i W h i t e (1992) notes that the l a n g u a g e s of psychology a n d t h e r a p y significantly frame the television viewing experience: "The idea that television functions as a therapeutic a p p a r a t u s , a n d s h o u l d b e explored in those terms, is a n integral p a r t of the e v e r y d a y discourses a n d practices of regular television v i e w e r s " (p. 27). Historical a n d p r a g m a t i c connections b e t w e e n rehgion a n d t h e r a p e u tic discourse are explored in Peck's (1993) w o r k , as she d r a w s connections b e t w e e n the centrahty of therapeutic discourse in television talk s h o w s a n d the influence of i n d i v i d u a l i s m in b o t h A m e r i c a n Protestantism a n d democratic hbered t h o u g h t . Future research m i g h t e x a m i n e the w a y s in w h i c h therapeutic discourse is " r e a d " as religious a m o n g audiences, while also exploring h o w therapeutic discourse is e m p l o y e d to describe the rehgious aspects of m a s s m e d i a interaction. Linked w i t h this t u m to the therapeutic is a rediscovery of the experiential a n d affective in rehgion, problematizing the extent to w h i c h questions of m e a n i n g a n d b e i n g h a v e b e e n limited to t h e cognitive s p h e r e u n d e r the e n h g h t e n m e n t regime. A s Albanese (1993) writes: " T h e insis-

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tence on the joys of physicality a n d sexuality the r e w a r d s of m a s s a g e a n d b o d y w o r k , the i m p o r t a n c e of touch a n d contact in relationship all tell of a past in w h i c h such t h e m e s w e r e derued or u n d e r p l a y e d " (p. 140). Roof a n d Taylor (1995) describe the "Rave in the N a v e , " a p o p u l a r religious expression that e m b o d i e s the experiential a n d affective in religious w o r s h i p for the t w e n t y - s o m e t h i n g generation. The pleasure of sensation is a n i m p o r t a n t aspect of the ritual, w h i c h Roof a n d Taylor a r g u e affords the " t r a n s p o r t " to the mystical (using William J a m e s ' term) that m i g h t b e likened to T u r n e r ' s "liminal m o m e n t . " Engaging the e m o t i o n s a n d senses is i m b u e d w i t h religious m e a n i n g . Roof a n d Taylor argue, t h u s offering a b r i d g e to a d e v e l o p m e n t of religious u n d e r s t a n d i n g s in the "pleasures of the text" described b y m a s s m e d i a scholars such as John Fiske (1987). Albanese (1993) a n d others argue that religious t h e m e s e m e r g e in public discourse. A p p r o a c h i n g a similar question from the stance of religion in p o p u l a r culture, Jindra (1994) h a s e x a m i n e d the sacralization of cultural a n d therapeutic concepts in Star Trek fandom. H e argues that the Star Trek cycle is a location for nonconventional religion a n d illustrates h o w f a n d o m shares such religious practices as the formation a n d m a i n tenance of a "canon," a "theology" that extols the virtues of technology a n d h u m a n i t y ' s ability to solve p r o b l e m s , a g r o u p identity, pilgrimages to exhibitions a n d conferences, a n d a stigma of difference. This research reflects a n i m p o r t a n t m o v e m e n t t o w a r d the examination of the interplay b e t w e e n m a s s m e d i a a n d religion in e v e r y d a y experience. W h y these t h e m e s of t h e r a p y or the "religion" of Star Trek h a v e gained salience in the public s p h e r e is a n o p e n question. Research m i g h t e x a m i n e the evolution of these symbols a n d discourses, as well as those b e i n g replaced, in the public expression of religion. A n i m p o r t a n t contribution of c o n t e m p o r a r y sociology of religion is methodological. In the m o v e t o w a r d the examination of religion in everyd a y life, a n u m b e r of scholars h a v e a d o p t e d qualitative, i n - d e p t h techniques, d e v e l o p i n g insights into h o w researchers m i g h t a p p r o a c h the elusive questions of m e a n i n g a n d being (Roof, 1993; Stacey, 1990). Μ

Conclusion

We h a v e s u g g e s t e d several studies that m i g h t b e indicative of research at the intersection of religion, culture, a n d the m e d i a . O u t of this

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review e m e r g e at least six additional areas that s e e m w o r t h y of further exploration. The first t w o of these w o u l d refine a n d extend current research: studies of religion and the news that focus on p r o d u c e r s , texts, a n d a u d i ences (Dart & AUen, 1993; Hoover, 1995; Stout & B u d d e n b a u m , 1996) a n d studies of televangelism (Bruce, 1990; Peck, 1993). Recent w o r k m each of these areas h a s c o n t i n u e d to extend the field of k n o w l e d g e a n d to p r o d u c e n e w a n d interesting ideas (see chapters in this v o l u m e b y L i n d e r m a n , TomaseUi a n d Shepperson, a n d Alexander, for example). The third area of potential research, reflected in H e b d i g e ' s (1976) w o r k o n reggae a n d Jindra's (1994) analysis of Star Trek f a n d o m , w o u l d e x a m i n e the interplay between religious thought and popular culture. W h e r e a s the former suggests the s t u d y of historical rehgious roots of particular genres a n d texts, the latter e x a n u n e s the w a y s in w h i c h rehgion e m e r g e s in e v e r y d a y life in imexpected forms m e d i a t e d b y p o p u l a r culture. A s Mukerji a n d S c h u d s o n (1991) note, there is httle research o n the interconnection b e t w e e n p o p u l a r culture a n d rehgion, a l t h o u g h this is a field of g r o w i n g interest (e.g., Clark, 1996; P a r d u n & McKee, 1994). Such research requires a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g of b o t h p o p u l a r culture a n d p o p u l a r rehgion (see chapters in this v o l u m e b y Goethals a n d H o o v e r ) . A fourth area of research is suggested b y Albanese's (1993) w o r k o n new modes of spirituality, a n d w o u l d e x a m i n e h o w rehgious s y m b o l s are contested a n d constrained in the p u b h c sphere to create a p u b h c discourse of rehgion. S o m e w o r k is a h e a d y being d o n e in this area (Hoover & Clark, 1995; Redal, 1995), a l t h o u g h m u c h remains in the analysis of t h e construction of p u b h c identity a n d the complex relations b e t w e e n rehgious institutions a n d the m e d i a (see chapters in this v o l u m e b y Limdby, Bar-Haim, a n d Badaracco). A fifth area is suggested b y M h n i White's (1992) a n d Peck's (1993) w o r k o n mediated therapeutic discourse. A s the field of rehgion explores t h e relationship b e t w e e n the psychological a n d the rehgious in b o t h the private a n d p u b h c spheres, h o w p o p u l a r culture discourse e m e r g e s as "rehgious"—in b o t h p u b h c texts a n d audience p e r c e p t i o n s ^ r e m a i n s to b e explored (see Peck's chapter m this volume). A sixth area, a n d p e r h a p s the least explored, is the m i n o r b u t sim u l t a n e o u s caU for excunination of the affective that is occurring in b o t h rehgion (cf. Roof & Taylor, 1995) a n d m e d i a (cf. Fiske, 1987) scholarship.

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U n d e r l y i n g several of these areas are three t h e m e s that are particularly relevant for the project w i t h w h i c h w e began. The first of these is the shift from modernity to postmodemity, w h i c h h a s foregrounded the roles of commodification, transnationality a n d globalization, a n d in general the flattening of time a n d space occurring simultaneously in b o t h m e d i a a n d religious practices (see chapters in this v o l u m e b y M u r d o c k , White, a n d Christians). The second, w h i c h g r o w s o u t of the conditions of the first, is identity negotiation, b o t h i n d i v i d u a l a n d collective. Bellah a n d his colleagues (1985) h a v e n o t e d that the search for mearung, often associated w i t h religion, h a s b e c o m e for m a n y a search for the self a n d its expression in A m e r i c a n individualism, t h u s foregroimding the relationship b e t w e e n religion a n d identity formation. Studies in religion a n d p e r s o n a l a u t o n o m y h a v e e m p h a s i z e d that individuals create their o w n identities, b u t within the storytelling a n d ritual traditions of the culture in w h i c h they find themselves. M e d i a present possible identifications to "try o n " in a safe way, enabling audience m e m b e r s to consider w h o they are a n d are n o t (see chapters in this v o l u m e b y Martin-Barbero, Badaracco, a n d Peck). Furthermore, t h r o u g h the collapse of the public sphere into the mediated public sphere, t h e m e d i a are also the p r i m a r y public forum for the d e b a t e over cultural identities (see chapters in this v o l u m e b y Bar-Haim a n d Hoover). The third t h e m e , w h i c h g r o w s o u t of the p r e v i o u s t w o , is the postm o d e m question of the creative reworking of the text at the site of the audience. We n e e d m u c h m o r e information a b o u t the role of religion in this process. H o w are p e o p l e u s i n g existing m e d i a texts a n d converting t h e m to stories of religious inspiration, for example? D o those stories h a v e cormections to d e e p m y t h s of the A b r a h a m i c faiths, or d o they resonate w i t h other traditions (perhaps civil religion, or other religious traditions)? H o w d o these readings w o r k themselves back into the p r o d u c t i o n of m e d i a ? (See chapters b y White, Tomaselli a n d Shepperson, a n d Alexander.) We h a v e a r g u e d for a b r o a d e r conception of religion that p r o v i d e s space for questions of m e a n i n g , identity, a n d ontology to e m e r g e in cultural studies. This is necessary for studies of b o t h religion a n d m e d i a as the t w o increasingly intersect in the practices of e v e r y d a y life. Religion u n d e r g i r d s the p r o d u c t i o n a n d r e a d i n g of m e d i a discourse; while the images, narratives, a n d symbols of the m e d i a b e c o m e resources in the ongoing c o n s t m c t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l a n d collective religious identity. T h e

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fact of m e d i a ' s religious significance s h o u l d n o t b e cause for alarm, n o r s h o u l d it b e overlooked. Clearly, w e n e e d m o r e information o n t h e w a y s in w h i c h this rehgious significance is p l a y e d o u t in p e o p l e ' s e v e r y d a y lives. References Abelman, R. (1990). The selling of salvation in the electronic church. In R A b e l m a n & S. M. H o o v e r (Eds.), Religious television: Controversies and conclusions (pp. 173-183). Norw o o d , NJ: Ablex. Albanese, C. (1993, May). Fisher kings and public places: The old n e w a g e in the 1990s. Annals of the American Academy, 527,131-143. Armstrong, B. (1979). The electric church. N a s h v i l l e / N e w York: Thomas Nelson. A m t s e n , H. (1993). The battle of the mind: Intemational media elements of the new religbus political right in Zimbabwe. Unpublished thesis. Department of Media a n d Conununication, University of Oslo, Norway. Baum, G. (1993). The church and the m a s s media. In J. Coleman & M. Tomka (Eds.), Mass media (pp. 63-69). Maryknoll, NY: Oibis. Bell, C. (1992). Ritual theory, ritual practice. N e w York: Oxford University Press. Bellah, R., Madsen, R,, SuUivan, W. M., Swidler, Α., & Tipton, S. N . (1985). Habits of the heart: Indimdualism and commitment in American life. Berkeley: University of California Press. Benson, D. (1988). The visible church. Nashville, TN: Abingdon. Berger, P. (1969). The sacred mnopy: Elements of a sociological theory of religion. Garden City, NY: Anchor. Bibby, R. (1987). Fragmented gods. Toronto: Irwin. Boomershine, T. (1987). Religious education and media change: A historical sketch. Religious Education, 82(2), 269-278. Boorstin, D. (1972). The image: A guide to pseudo-events in America. N e w York: Atheneum. Bruce, S. (1990). Pray TV: Tblevangelism in America. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Buddenbaum, J. (1986). Analysis of religion n e w s coverage in three major newspapers. Journalism (juarierly, 63,600-606. Buddenbaum, J. (1990). Religion n e w s coverage in commercial network newscasts. In R. At)elman & S. H o o v e r (Eds.), Religious television: Controversies and conclusions. Norw o o d , NJ: Ablex. Carey, J. (1988). Communication as culture. Boston: U n w i n H y m a n . Carter, S. L. (1993). The culture of disbelief: How American law and politics trivialize religious devotion. N e w York: Basic Books. Cassirer, E. (1944). An essay on man: An introduction to a philsophy of human culture. N e w H a v e n , CT: Yale University Press. Clark, L. S, (1996, January). Media, meaning, and the lifecourse: Religious imagery in the music video "One of Us'' and its interpretation by Gen Xers. Paper presented at the Media, Religion, and Culture Conference, Boulder, CO. Dart, J., & Allen, J. (1993). Bridging the gap: Religion and the news media. Published report of the Freedom Forum First A m e n d m e n t Center, Vandeibilt University, Nashville, TN. Dayan, D., & Katz, E. (1992). Media events: The live broadcasting of history. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Douglas, M. (1973). Natural symbols. N e w York: Random House.

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Ettema, J. (1990). Press rites and race relations: A study of mass-mediated ritual. Critical Studies in Mass Communication, 7(4), 309-331. Ewen, S. (1976). Captains of consciousness: Advertising and the social roots of the consumer culture. N e w York: McGraw-Hill. Finke, R., & lannaccone, L. (1993, May). Supply-side explanations for religious change. Annals of the American Academy, 527,27-39. Fiske, J. (1987). Television culture. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Fore, W. (1987). Television and religion: The shaping offaith, values, and culture. Minneapolis, M N : Augsburg. Fore, W. (1990). Mythmakers: Gospel, culture, and the media. N e w York: Friendship Press. Geertz, C. (1973). The interpretation of cultures. N e w York: Basic Books. Govier, G. (1994, May). Religion reporter at ABC. The Communicator (Radio-Television N e w s Directors Association) p p . 23-24. Gramsci, A. (1971). Selections from the prison notebooks. (Q. Hoare & G. N . Smith, Trans.). N e w York: Intemational Publishers. Grimes, R. (1976). Symbol and conquest: Public ritual and drama in Santa Fe. Albuquerque: University of N e w Mexico Press. Gunter, B., & Viney, R. (1994). Seeing is believing: Religion and television in the 1990s. London: John Libbey. H a d d e n , J., & Shupe, A. (1988). Televangelism: Power and politics on God's frontier. N e w York: Henry Holt. Hall, S. (1980). E n c o d i n g / d e c o d i n g InS. HaU, D. Hobson, A. L o w e , &R Willis (Eds.), Culture, media, language. London: Hutchison. Hall, S., & Jefferson, T. (Eds.). (1976). Resistance through rituals: Youth subcultures in post-war Britain. London: Center for Contemporary Cultural Studies. Hart, R., Tumer, K., & Knupp, R. (1981). A rhetorical profile of religious news: Tim^, 1947-1976. Journal of Communication, 31,3. Hebdige, D. (1976). Reggae, rastas and rudies. In S. Hall & T. Jefferson (Eds.), Resistance through rituals: Youth subcultures in post-zoar Britain. London: Center for Contemporary Cultural Studies. Hobson, D. (1982). "Crossroads": The drama of a soap opera. London: Methuen. Hoggart, R. (1957). The uses of literacy. London: Chatto and W m d u s . Hoover, S. M. (1988). Mass media religion: The social sources of the electronic church. N e w b u r y Park, CA: Sage. Hoover, S. M. (1990). Ten m y t h s about religious broadcasting. In R. Abelman & S. H o o v e r (Eds.), Religious television: Controversies and conclusions (pp. 23-39). N o r w o o d , NJ: Ablex. Hoover, S. M. (1995, Wmter). Media and moral order in post-positivist media studies. Journal of Communication, 136-145. Hoover, S. M., & Qark, L. (1995, October). Negotiating the boundaries between religion and the media: A case study of the re-imagining controversy. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Society for the Scientific Study of Religion, St. Louis, MO. Hoover, S. M., Hanley, B., & Radelfinger, M. (1989). RNS-Lilly study of religion repoHing and readership in the daily press. Unpublished manuscript. Temple University, Philadelphia, PA. Hoover, S. M., Venturelli, S., & Wagner, S. (1995). Religion in public disωurse: The role of the media. Unpublished manuscript. Center for Mass Media Research, University of Colorado, Boulder.

At the Intersection:

A Bibliographic

Essay

35

H y n d s , E. (1987). Large daily newspapers have improved coverage of religion. Journalism Quarterly, 64,444-448. lannaccone, L. (1991). The consequences of religious market structure. Rationality and Society, 3,156-177. Jensen, J. (1990). Redeeming modemity: Contradictions in media criticism. N e w b u r y Park, CA: Sage. Jindra, M. (1994). Star Trek fandom as a religious phenomenon. Sociology of Religion, 55(1), 27-51. Lichter, R., Rothman, S., & Lichter, L. (1986). The media elite. N e w York: Adler & Adler. Linderman, A. (19%). The reception of religious television: Social semieology applied to an empirical case s t u d y Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, Psychobgia et Sociologia Religionum 12. Stockholm: Almquist & WikseU Intemational. Lull, J. (1990). Inside family viewing: Ethnographic research on television's audiences. London and N e w York: Routledge. Lundby, K. (19%, January). Media, religion and culture in community communication: Case studies in Zimbabwe and Norway. Paper presented at the Conference o n Media, Religion and Culture, University of Colorado, Boulder, CO. MacDonald, D. (1%2). Against the Amencan grain. N e w York: R a n d o m H o u s e . Mander, J. (1978). Four arguments for the elimination of television. N e w York: William Morrow. Marty, M. (1993, May). Where the energies go. Annals of the American Academy, 527,11-26. Mattingly, T. (1993, J u l y / A u g u s t ) . Religion in the news: Are w e short-changing readers and ourselves w i t h biases that filter n e w s ? Quill, 12-13. Melchert, C. (1994). TV: A competing religion. PRISM: A Theological Forum for the UCC, p p . 88-%. Morley, D. (1980). The ''Nationwide" audience: Structure and decoding. London: British Film Institute. Muggeridge, M. (1977). Christ and the media. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Mukerji, C , & Schudson, M. (1991). Introduction: Rethirvking popular culture. In Rethinking popular culture: Contemporary perspectives in cultural studies. Berkeley: University of California Press. Neuendorf, K. (1990). The public trust versus the almighty dollar. In R. A b e l m a n & S. M. H o o v e r (Eds.), Religious television: Controversies and conclusions (pp. 71-84). N o r w o o d , NJ: Ablex. Nyborg, G. (1995). Conquest, dominance or spiritual reformation? Bolivian Quechua families watching U.S. televangelism. Unpublished doctoral dissertation. University of Bergen, Norway. Olasky, M. (1988). The prodigal press: The anti-Christian bias of the American news media. Westchester, IL: Crossway. O w e n s , V. S. (1980). The total image: Ch" selling Jesus in the modem age. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Pardun, C , & McKee, K. (1994, August). Strange bedfellows: Symbols of religion and sexuality on MTV. Paper presented to the Mass Communication and Society Division, Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Commurucation, Atlanta, GA. Parker, E., Iman, E., & Snyder, R. (1948). Religious radio: What to do ami how. N e w York: Harper and Brothers. Peck, J. (1993). The gods of televangelism: The crisis of meaning and the appeal of religious television. Cresskill, NJ: Hampton. Poltrack, D . (1983). Television marketing: Network, local, and cable. N e w York: McGraw-Hill.

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CULTURE

Postman, N . (1985). Amusing ourselves to death: Public discourse in the age of show business. N e w York: Viking. Redal, W. (1995, May). V^aging the culture war: Media strategies of the Christian right. Paper presented at the Intemational Communication Association, Albuquerque, N M . Roof, W. (1993). A generation of seekers: The spiritual journeys of the baby boom generation. San Francisco: Harper. Roof, W., & Taylor, S. M. (1995). The force of emotion: James' reorientation of religion and the contemporary rediscovery of the body. In D. Capps & J. Jacobs (Eds.), The struggle for life: A companion volume to William James' The Varieties of Religious Experience (Monograph N o . 7). West Lafayette, IN: Society for the Scientific Study of Religion. Schultze, Q. (1991). Televangelism and American culture: The business of popular religion. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker. Shawchuck, N., Kotler, P., Wrenn, B., & Rath, G. (1992). Marketing for congregations: Choosing to serve people more effectively. Nashville, TN: Abingdon. Spilka, B., H o o d , R., & Gorsuch, R. (1985). The psychology of religion. E n g l e w o o d Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Stacey, J. (1990). Brave newfamilies: Stories of domestic upheaval in late twentieth century America. N e w York: Basic Books. Stout, D., & B u d d e n b a u m , J. M. (Eds.). (19%). Religion and mass media: Audiences and adaptations. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Thoman, E. (1993). Media, technology, and culture: Re-imagining the American dream. Bulletin of Science, Teώnology, and Society, 13(1), 20-27. Thompson, E. (1963). The making of the English xvorking class. N e w York: Vintage. Tumer, V. (1974). Dramas, fields and metaphors: Symbolic action in human society. Ithaca, NY: Comell University Press. Tumer, V. (1986). The anthropology ofperformance. N e w York: Performing Arts Joumal Publications. Wamer, R. (1993). Work in progress toward a n e w paradigm for the sociological study of religion i n the United States. American Joumal of Sociology, 98(5), 1044-1093. White, M. (1992). Tele-advising: Therapeutic disωurse in American television. Chapel Hill, N C : University of North Carolina Press. White, R. (1991). Televangelism and the religious u s e s of television. Communication Research Thnds, 11(1) 2-33. White, R. (1994). A u d i e n c e "inteφretation" of media: Emerging perspectives. Communication Research Trends, 14(3), 3-40. Williams, R. (1961). The long revolution. London: Chatto & W m d u s . Willis, P. (1977). Leaming to labor: How working class kids get working class jobs. Famborough, UK: Saxon House. Willis, P. (1990). Common culture: Symbolic work at play in the everyday cultures of the young. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Wolfe, K. (1984). The churches and the British Broadcasting Corporation 1922-1956: The politics of broadcast religion. London: SCM Press. Wuthnow, R. (1987). Meaning and moral order: Explorations in cultural analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Chapter

3

Religion and Media in the Constmction of Cultures

Robert A. White

The current questions a b o u t the pohtics a n d cultural influence of the rehgious broadcasters of f u n d a m e n t a h s t leanings in v a r i o u s r e h g i o u s traditions raise m a n y of t h e classical issues r e g a r d i n g m e d i a a n d rehgion in p u b h c discourse. Is rehgion p a r t of the public cultural p a t r i m o n y or is it a m a t t e r of personal opinion that is best consigned to the p r i v a t e sphere? Does the decline of s o m e of the institutional churches confirm predictions of inevitable secularization, or d o the n e w rehgious m o v e m e n t s signal a resurgence of the sacred in the p u b h c sphere? These qucmdaries a b o u t the p u b h c role of rehgion, especially in broadcasting, reflect the erosion of old certainties in the sociology of rehgion a n d echo the caU for a p a r a d i g m c h a n g e in theories of rehgion, culture, a n d m e d i a . Pohcies regarding rehgion in p u b h c discourse h a v e followed closely o u r social theories of rehgion a n d culture. This is a n o t h e r excunple of the " d o u b l e h e r m e n e u t i c " n o t e d b y G i d d e n s (1984), in w h i c h there is a constant m o v i n g back a n d forth from the first level of interpretation of m e a n i n g in e v e r y d a y lay l a n g u a g e to a second level of interpretation 37

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d e v e l o p e d b y the m e t a l a n g u a g e of the social sciences (p. 374). The Enlightenment political-economic project r e m o v e d theological discourse as a basis of public consensus b u t continued to see religion as s o m e h o w i m p o r t a n t for t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of m o d e m industrial societies. Social theories of religion followed suit. The EHirkheimian tradition of social theory considered religious sentiment to b e a foimdation for the social integration of m o d e r n i z i n g societies. Weber interpreted religion as the motivation for the p e r s o n a l a n d social mobilization n e e d e d for industrial progress. E m s t Troeltsch v i e w e d religion as a positive ethical foundation for a n e w social order, b u t the Marxist tradition considered religion to b e a n obstacle that m u s t b e replaced w i t h a secularizing "religion" of socialist progress. In o n e w a y or another, all of these theories of religion r e d u c e d public religious discourse to a function of industrial progress in the n e w nation-state (Beckford & L u c k m a n n , 1989, p p . 1-2). A s the public sphere b e g a n to b e identified w i t h the state, the discourses of the press a n d other forms of m e d i a t e d c o n u n u n i c a t i o n w e r e also considered a volatile threat to orderly public consensus a n d , like religion, w e r e either consigned to the sphere of private opinion or w e r e allowed into the public sphere as a form of circulating the information necessary for industrial progress. Later, broadcasting w a s defined as h a v i n g a public function n e e d i n g public regulation, b u t only reluctantly, u n d e r the guise of technological orderliness. N o t surprisingly, religious studies a n d m e d i a studies d e v e l o p e d w i t h little theoretical interrelationship, especially as regards their c o n u n o n role in the public sphere. W h e n broadcasting b e g a n in the 1920s, these conceptions of the role of religion a n d m e d i a in national d e v e l o p m e n t p r o v i d e d a f r a m e w o r k for including a k i n d of n o n d e n o m i n a t i o n a l religion in the p r o g r a m m i n g . The presence of religion in the n e w m e d i u m legitimated the entry of m e d i a into the privacy of h o m e s , w h e r e "religious" religion w a s consigned, a n d m a d e broadcasting a s u p p o r t e r of the kind of civil religion that Bellah (1967) h a s described. Mainline religious leaders joined h a n d s w i t h b r o a d casters a n d political leaders to ensure that their m e s s a g e w a s recast into the n o n d e n o m i n a t i o n a l l a n g u a g e of public progress, i n s t m m e n t a l rationality, a n d n a t i o n b u i l d i n g ; c o m p e t i n g sectarian g r o u p s w e r e excluded from b r o a d c a s t i n g (Horsfield, 1984, p p . 3-8). The p o s t m o d e r n i s t m o v e m e n t s of the 1960s a n d 1970s h a v e p r o foundly u n h i n g e d the X^ctorian solution to the interrelation of religion a n d m e d i a in public discourse. The n e w ethos questions a w o r l d v i e w

Religion and Media in the Construction

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39

b a s e d exclusively o n i n s t r u m e n t a l rationality a n d claims that each s u b culture b a s e d o n ethnicity, race, language, gender, p e r s o n a l interests, region, or cult h a s its o w n epistemology a n d its o w n logic. Every subculture s h o u l d b e p r o v i d e d w i t h the m e a n s t o project its identity into t h e p u b h c forum. The n e w definition of democratization as privatization h a s s u d d e n l y s e e m e d plausible; a n d this h a s led t o pohcies of deregulation of the p u b h c sphere a n d a k i n d of consensus formation f o u n d e d o n smgleissue, polling-based pohtics. The e n s u i n g "culture w a r s " are raising fears, b u t there seems b e n o theory of the n e w p u b h c s p h e r e to explain w h a t to d o (Hunter, 1991; W u t h n o w , 1989). Rehgious studies are increasingly a w a r e of the b r e a k d o w n of 19thcentury conceptions of rehgion a n d society a n d are a t t e m p t i n g to create a n e w theoretical formulation that is b r o a d e n o u g h t o explain n o t just the n e w religious m o v e m e n t s , b u t rehgious p h e n o m e n a across t u n e a n d space. Rehgion is n o t just a factor of social integration, b u t p o i n t s b e y o n d the present organization of society a n d is just as likely to b e socially disruptive, culturaUy ecstatic, a n d pohticaUy revolutionary (Beckford, 1989, p p . 170-171). Sociologies of rehgion are m o v i n g b e y o n d a s h n p l e , linear m o d e l of rehgion a n d society that p r e s u m e s a s t e a d y m a r c h of secularization (Wamer, 1993, p . 1048). There is a theoretical a n d m e t h o d o logical capacity to see the manifestation of rehgious p h e n o m e n a in m y r iad sociopohtical contexts a n d m aU social formations. Rehgious aspirations a n d motivations are n o longer seen as located largely w i t h i n specific institutions a n d ecclesial organizations. T h e sense of t h e sacred a n d rehgious sentiments m a y b e p a r t of the revitalization of churches, cults, a n d m o v e m e n t s ; b u t e v e n here, they are seen m o r e as general, a u t o n o m o u s s y m b o l s of "ultimate m e a n i n g , infinite power, s u p r e m e indignation a n d s u b h m e p a s s i o n " (Beckford, 1989, p . 171). M e d i a studies are likewise m o v i n g a w a y from a p a r a d i g m that r e d u c e d m e d i a to the function of transporting a n d circulating the inform a t i o n n e e d e d for r a p i d industrial progress (Rowland, 1983). T h e focus is shifting to the m a n y actors w h o are creating cultural m e a n i n g in the f o r u m of t h e m e d i a a n d in the struggle of audiences to define their identities in interaction w i t h the m e d i a (Morley, 1992). The present chapter e x a m i n e s the e m e r g i n g t r e n d s of rehgious s t u d ies a n d m e d i a studies to construct a theory of rehgion a n d m e d i a in the p u b h c sphere in a p o s t m o d e r n i s t context of radical cultvual p l u r a h s m . O n the o n e h a n d , there is a n affirmation of the n e e d a n d the right to project

40

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CULTURE

diverse v a l u e identities in the public sphere, continually contesting the validity of a single h e g e m o n i c national culture, language, a n d religion. O n the other h a n d , the n e w context d e m a n d s a process of global peace a n d negotiated cultural consensus in w h i c h all p e r s o n s a n d subcultures can i m m e d i a t e l y recognize s o m e t h i n g of their identities. A central question of this chapter is h o w to allow discursive a u t o n o m y to the sacred, w i t h its implications of unity, ultimateness, a n d transcendence, in a public sphere that is increasingly pluralist, secular, h e g e m o n i c , a n d pragmatic. A central a r g u m e n t of this chapter is that the m o d e r n i s t oppositions of sacred v e r s u s secular, poetic imagination v e r s u s instrumental rationality, subjective v e r s u s objective, p e r s o n v e r s u s society, a n d p l u r a l i s m versus p e r s o n a l conviction are better expressed in t e r m s of w h a t G i d d e n s (1984) h a s characterized as dualities that are enabling conditions for each other. T h e sacred a n d the secular are t w o a u t o n o m o u s b u t i n t e r d e p e n d e n t discourses within a multiplicity of categories of m e a n i n g that interpret different m o d e s of existence Qensen, 1995, p . 31). The a u t o n o m o u s " s y m bolic realism" of the sacred, to u s e Bellah's term (1970, p p . 3-19; W u t h n o w , 1992, p . 53), affirms a n e q u a l a u t o n o m y of the secular. The imaginative, exploratory, prefiguring discourses of w h a t Klaus B r u h n Jensen (1995) h a s referred to as "time-out c u l t u r e " are n o t simply subordinate to a n d m e a s u r e d b y the "time-in c u l t u r e " of p r a g m a t i c agency (pp. 56-58). Rather, these t w o cultures are m u t u a l l y interpellating a n d c o m p l e m e n t ing each other. Instead of the m o d e r n i s t solution of m a k i n g the secular a n d i n s t r u m e n t a l efficiency the n o r m of pubUc discourse, this theory sees these as a continual m u t u a l affirmation in w h i c h the sacred evokes t h e secular a n d the secular evokes the sacred.

Μ

T h e R e l i g i o u s and M a s s M e d i a as Discourses of Reflexive Prefiguring of Culture

Religious studies a n d m e d i a studies h a v e freed themselves from the reductionist functions of social integration a n d m o d e r n i z a t i o n largely b y aligning themselves w i t h the cultural sciences; a n d they h a v e found c o m m o n g r o u n d as discourses that monitor, evaluate, a n d orient the integrated d e v e l o p m e n t of cultures (Geertz, 1973; W u t h n o w , 1992, p p . 37-58). Both religious studies a n d studies of public c o m m u n i c a t i v e dis-

Religion and Media in the Construction

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41

course start w i t h t h e a w a r e n e s s t h a t h i u n a n s create t h e conceptions of t h e h past a n d future history. Both rehgion a n d m e d i a s t a n d at the e d g e s of the construction of the islands of c o m m o n s e n s e m e a n i n g . O n t h e o n e h a n d , b o t h rehgion a n d m e d i a explore possible altemative m e a r u n g s of history outside of these islands; a n d o n the other h a n d , they continually v a h d a t e a n d m a i n t a i n the i n t e m a l coherence of the w o r l d of c o n s t m c t e d m e a n ings. Both theologians a n d rhetoricians are constantly m o n i t o r i n g p u b h c discourse to e n s u r e that the m l e s of sense a n d n o n s e n s e , t h e rational a n d the irrational, are w o r k i n g — o r if not, finding w a y s of a d a p t i n g these m l e s to n e w situations. Rehgious a n d m e d i a studies are a n instance of w h a t G i d d e n s (1984) refers to as "reflexivity" in social theory. Just as it w a s n o t possible to explain a n d predict rehgious or m e d i a b e h a v i o r as deterministically related to t h e functional prerequisites of social systems, s o also G i d d e n s seeks to avoid b o t h the imperialism of subjectivity a n d t h e imperialism of social s t m c t u r e b y defining social practices as a process of reflexive "positioning" a n d "negotiating" b e t w e e n o n e ' s p e r s o n a l existence a n d social m l e s as o n e goes a b o u t the practical affairs of Ufe. G i d d e n s describes reflexivity as the conscious, m o n i t o r e d d i m e n s i o n of social life t h a t is constantly assigning m e a n i n g to the transactions of e v e r y d a y life ( p p . 2-5). G i d d e n s p r o p o s e s three levels of consciousness: the repressed consciousness; the discursive consciousness, in w h i c h consciousness b e c o m e s verbalized in systems of m e a n i n g a n d engages in justification a n d explanation; a n d the practical consciousness, in w h i c h a w a r e n e s s is focused o n o u t c o m e s (pp. 6-8). Klaus B m h n Jensen (1995) uses G i d d e n s ' s t m c t u r a t i o n logic as the f r a m e w o r k for his theory of m a s s c o m m u n i c a t i o n , b u t suggests t h a t G i d d e n s d o e s n o t d e v e l o p sufficiently the practices of signification in the concept of discursive consciousness (pp. 39-40). Jensen a r g u e s t h a t social action is n o t simply a d h e c t duaUty of h u m a n agency a n d social s t m c tures, b u t h a s a triadic s t m c t u r e in w h i c h "social s t m c t u r e s are enacted t h r o u g h h u m a n agency w i t h c o n t i n u o u s reference to a medium, resulting in the 'social c o n s t m c t i o n of reahty' (Berger & L u c k m a n n , 1966). T h r o u g h signs, reahty b e c o m e s social a n d subject to reflexivity" (p. 39). This echoes W u t h n o w ' s (1992) insistence that the p r i m a r y focus of rehgious studies is n o t s h n p l y i n d i v i d u a l i n t e m a l behefs reacting directiy to social stmctiures such as class systems or social institutions. T h e individual-society d i c h o t o m y n e e d s to b e a m e n d e d w i t h m o r e attention to

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the role of religious discourse that "lies at the intersection of the i n d i v i d u a l a n d the community. [This d i s c o u r s e ] . . . individuates convictions . . . b u t it also reinforces a sense of collectivity at the s a m e t i m e " (p. 48). W u t h n o w p r o p o s e s that the analysis of the organization of m e a n i n g in texts, in discourse, a n d in t h e m e d i a m o v e s the s t u d y of religious culture from a " s t u d y of the m e a n i n g of religious symbolism to the s t u d y of the symboli s m of m e a n i n g " a n d b e g i n s to take seriously Bellah's a r g u m e n t in favor of a n a p p r o a c h in the sociology of religion stressing "symbolic realism" (1966; 1970, p . 53). M a n y disciplines w i t h i n the cultural sciences h a v e d o c u m e n t e d the fact that reflexivity b e c o m e s a specialized cultural practice; namely, that certain areas of cultural discourse, practice, a n d institutional organization are m o r e c o n c e m e d w i t h exploring the possible d e v e l o p m e n t s of culture b e y o n d the existing confines of the social constmction of reality, w h e r e a s other areas are m o r e c o n c e m e d w i t h sustaining the already established set of institutions, p r a g m a t i c goals, a n d safe p a t t e m s of m e a n i n g . Klaus Bruhn Jensen (1995) h a s formalized this duality of cultural practice as p a r t of his theory of m a s s c o m m u n i c a t i o n in t e r m s of w h a t h e calls "time-in c u l t u r e " a n d "time-out culture," a m e t a p h o r taken from the w o r l d of sport (pp. 55-58). Tmie-out culture "places reality o n a n explicit a g e n d a as a n object of reflexivity a n d p r o v i d e s a n occasion for contemplating oneself in a social, existential or religious perspective" (p. 57). Tune-in a n d time-out are n o t t w o cultures, b u t t w o m u t u a l l y challenging a n d s u p p o r t ing d i m e n s i o n s of culture, o n e prφguring the s h a p e of social action a n d t h e other configuring social action. The conception of culture as distinct b u t m u t u a l l y interacting a n d m u t u a l l y s u p p o r t i n g areas of prefiguring a n d configuring enables u s to see the sacred a n d the secular, imaginative representation a n d p r a g m a t i c action, aesthetic practice a n d social practice, n o t as oppositions, b u t as d i m e n s i o n s that p r e s u p p o s e a n d a d d r e s s each other. This also highlights the fact that m o v i n g back a n d forth across the " e d g e " of the social c o n s t m c t i o n of reality a n d finding a n e q u i l i b r i u m b e t w e e n these t w o d i m e n s i o n s of culture is a central p r o b l e m of cultures that religious a n d m e d i a studies are a t t e m p t i n g to address. A l t h o u g h the d e b a t e b e t w e e n substantive a n d functionalist conceptions of religion continues (O'Toole, 1984, p p . 10-42), the m o s t c o m m o n tendency in religious studies is to define the religious as a process of

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seeking a response to the ultimate, "limit" questions of m e a n i n g in life (Bellah, 1970, p . 253; Tumer, 1991). This d o e s n o t a s s u m e , as Bryan T u m e r (1991) notes, that the " ' p r o b l e m of m e a n i n g ' strikes all m e m b e r s of a society in the s a m e w a y a n d w i t h e q u a l force" (p. 246), b u t it d o e s a s s i u n e that rehgious discourse p l a y s a central role in the w a y societies represent a synthesis of the core symbols. These symbols b o t h integrate t h e culture a r o u n d w h a t Victor T u m e r (1974) h a s called "root p a r a d i g m s " a n d establish the separating b o u n d a r i e s b e t w e e n cultures. Peter Berger (1967) left a lasting influence o n rehgious studies w h e n h e defined the rehgious as a cultural activity that deals w i t h s u s t a m i n g the b o u n d a r i e s b e t w e e n the islands of m e a n i n g socially established as real, c o m m o n s e n s e , a n d rational, a n d the areas b e y o n d the b o i m d a r y that are considered d r e a m , fantasy, aberrant, a n d insane. T h e rehgious e n d o w s sociaUy c o n s t m c t e d reahty " w i t h a stabihty deriving from m o r e p o w e r f u l sources t h a n the historical efforts of humem b e i n g s " (p. 25). Rehgious discourse deals w i t h the manifestations of a n a u t o n o m o u s , fully m e a n ingful, "sacred" order, n o t c o n s t m c t e d b y h u m a n endeavor, that b o t h g u a r a n t e e s the continued meaningfulness of t h e h i u n a n l y c o n s t m c t e d reahty a n d w a r d s off t h e invasions of chaotic meaningless. M o r e i m p o r tant, rehgious mstitutions m o n i t o r the exploratory forays o u t of the imperfect a n d h n p u r e w o r l d of the secular into the m y s t e r i o u s r e a h n of the sacred sources of m e a n i n g , t m t h , being, a n d h a p p i n e s s . But the rehgious also forces the sacred to a d d r e s s a n d r e t u m to the secular. Likewise, m e d i a studies h a v e m o v e d a w a y from a preoccupation w i t h social control t h r o u g h prosocial or antisocial effects, to a focus o n the processes of exploring n e w p a r a d i g m s of m e a n i n g at the b o u n d a r i e s b e t w e e n accepted c o m m o n sense a n d the unexplainable. Silverstone (1981) h a s u s e d Levi-Strauss's conception of resolution of conflicting cultural m e a n i n g t h r o u g h m y t h i c narrative to explain h o w television n e w s a n d d r a m a take s e e m m g l y hrational, strange, a n d highly specialized esoteric information a n d w e a v e the n e w information into existing, u n d e r s t a n d a b l e discourses of c o n u n o n sense. H o o v e r (1988, p p . 101-103), Jensen (1995, p p . 56-58), N e w c o m b a n d Alley (1983, p p . 18-45), a n d m a n y other c o m m u n i c a t i o n theorists h a v e a p p h e d Victor T u m e r ' s conception of ritual process to explain the m e d i a as a liminal space of cultural freedom that audiences m o v e into to b e reinvigorated b y a quasi-rehgious experience of perfect c o m m u n i t y a n d t h e n m o v e b a c k to the p r a g m a t i c w o r l d .

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Carey (1977) h a s b e e n inspired b y Geertz's conception of culture to describe m e d i a studies as a ritual c o m m u n i o n in w h i c h all major actors involved in the m e d i a reflect o n the significance of the m e a n i n g s that are b r o u g h t before u s in the m e d i a ' s interpretation of social reality (1973, p p . 409-425). Stuart HaU (1977,1982) a n d m a n y others in the critical studies tradition a r g u e that the m e d i a discourses represent a n a u t o n o m o u s arena of social struggle, in addition to the struggle over the political-economic bases of cultural power, in the a t t e m p t to resist, subvert, a n d resignify h e g e m o n i c ideological discourse. T h u s , religious studies a n d m e d i a studies share the analysis of differe n t aspects of social reflexivity: (a) the cultural practices sustaining a n d repairing the integrated p a t t e m of m e a n i n g s in cultures; (b) the processes of defining the b o u n d a r i e s b e t w e e n the socially acceptable c o n s t m c t i o n s of m e a n i n g a n d translating w h a t is b e y o n d the b o u n d a r i e s of the "rational" into c o m m o n s e n s e terms; (c) the practices of constituting the core values as a "test" that can b e p u t o n h o l d as "sacred" a n d u n t o u c h a b l e while the society can explore n e w cultural formulations a n d carry o u t intense d e b a t e a m o n g m a n y different subcultural contenders (Gonzalez, 1994, p p . 54-182); (d) the constitution of time-in a n d time-out cultures that can challenge a n d evaluate each other; a n d (e) the continual contestation of ideological discourses.

β

The Differences and Complementarity of Religious Studies and Media Studies in the Reflexive Reproduction of Cultures

If religious studies a n d m e d i a studies share a c o m m o n g r o u n d , quite obviously the t w o disciplines h a v e very different intellectual histories a n d b r i n g quite different capacities for analyzing the reflexive prefiguring of cultures. Religious studies h a v e s h a φ e n e d the concepts of sacred a n d secular a n d h a v e d e v e l o p e d a phenomenological discourse for detecting continually n e w a n d diverse symbolic expressions of the sacred in a n i m m e n s e variety of cultural a n d social formations. Religious studies h a v e also c o m e to see the sacred a n d secular n o t simply as opposites, b u t as i n t e r d e p e n d e n t aspects of the continuing dialogue b e t w e e n the ideal that is " a l w a y s b e y o n d " a n d t h e imperfect that is " a l w a y s b e c o m i n g . " W h e r e religious studies are weakest, I w o u l d argue, is in their lack of a sense of

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the c o m m u n i c a t i v e process t h r o u g h w h i c h sacred a n d secular s y m b o l s are created a n d recreated. There is a t e n d e n c y to get stuck o n t h e dichoto m y of either attributing to rehgious s y m b o l i s m a k i n d of a u t o n o m o u s , substantive existence or r e d u c i n g religious s y m b o l i s m to the e p h e m e r a l functionahst reflection of sociopohtical processes (Beckford, 1989, p p . xi-8; O T o o l e , 1984, p p . 10-42). M e d i a studies, o n the other h a n d , b r i n g a n increasing abihty to detect the social processes of creating discourses a n d texts that articulate a m o m e n t of m e a n i n g a n d t h e n continually to challenge cmd reformulate that definition of m e a n i n g . W h a t m e d i a studies lack is the abihty to distinguish b e t w e e n m o m e n t s in w h i c h the m e d i a are "configuring" relations of social p o w e r a n d m o m e n t s in w h i c h c o n u n i t m e n t to that structure is s u s p e n d e d t o "prefigure" a different possible w o r l d . M e d i a studies are stiU stuck o n the d e b a t e b e t w e e n advocates of the p o w e r of the m e d i a a n d defenders of m d e p e n d e n t mterpretation b y audiences. N o w h e r e h a s this w e a k n e s s b e e n m o r e evident t h a n in t h e d e b a t e s a b o u t just h o w powerful the televangehsts are. Their p h e n o m e n o l o g i c a l analysis of sacred a n d secular, o n the other h a n d , greatly enriches o u r i m d e r s t a n d i n g of the m e d i a in social agency a n d imaginative representation practices. Rehgious studies b r i n g a phenomenological m e t h o d o l o g y ( W u t h n o w et a l , 1984), exemplified in Peter Berger (1967), M a r y Douglas (1966,1970) a n d D a v i d Martin (1980), for entering into the prefiguring logic of s y m b o h c m e t a p h o r s experienced m ecstasy, prophecy, d r e a m , rituals, a n d ralhes a n d for detectmg the processes of assigning sacred m e a n i n g to objects, spaces, times, a n d experiences. O n c e the codes for the sacred w o r l d are identified, this p h e n o m e n o l o g y follows t h e c o d e t h r o u g h its p a t h w a y s of t r a n s m u t a t i o n a n d classification. M o s t i m p o r t a n t is t h e m e t h o d o l o g y for revealing the m a n y logics t h r o u g h w h i c h the sacred a n d the secular are m u t u a l l y a d d r e s s i n g a n d chaUenging each other. T h e ideal city b e c o m e s the s y m b o l of perfection, absolute g o o d n e s s , the p u r e , the truly coherent integration of m e a n i n g , the all powerful, a n d the infinite. In contrast, the secular is codified as the r e a h n of the imperfect, the limited, a n d the disintegrated, the sinful a n d i m p u r e , the m i x t u r e of g o o d a n d evil, the w e a k a n d the inconsistent, a n d the e p h e m e r a l , short-term interests in life. Yet the seeds of the sacred, the perfect, a n d the w h o l e are there in the analogical logic of the via negativa a n d in the s y m b o l s of the "already b u t n o t yet" (Tracy, 1981).

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A s the sacred c o d e e x t e n d s into the area of " g o v e r n a n c e / ' there is first a d e m a n d of strict justice a n d order, b u t i m m e d i a t e l y the dialectics of mercy, r e d e m p t i o n , a n d restoration enter. The sacred affirms a realm of intolerance a n d p u n i s h m e n t of evil impurity; b u t as the sacred a d d r e s s e s the secular realm of c o m m o n sense, p r a g m a t i s m , predictable explanation, the controllable, a place w h e r e o n e m u s t m a k e c o m p r o m i s e s w i t h ideals in order to get o n w i t h the job of society, the sacred begins to d o u b l e a r o u n d , relent, a n d b e c o m e loving a n d c o m p a s s i o n a t e (Martin, 1980, p p . 69-70). T h e dialectic of love a n d r e d e m p t i o n t r a n s m u t e s into the dialectic of restoration. In religious experience, the holy is associated w i t h the foundations of reality, the d e e p - d o w n , u n s h a k a b l e structure of existence, the u n c h a n g e a b l e givens of existence, the begirmings, the natural, a n d the "really real." By contrast, the secular is associated w i t h h u m a n construction, the artificial, being severed from the d e e p e r roots, straying a w a y from the irJierent o r d e r of existence, a n d destroying the n a t u r a l sacred destiny of all existence. The secular represents the b r e a k d o w n of c o m m u nity t h r o u g h structures of social differentiation a n d power, war, disease, a n d exploitation. In response to this, the sacred is the restoration of h a r m o n y a n d justice, the rediscovery of the roots of h u m a n existence, healing, a n d ordering o n e ' s life in line w i t h the absolute justice of existence. A n d here enters the m o s t central logic of religious symbolism: the dialectic of p a r a d o x . The i m a g e of the sacred b e g a n as power, perfection, transcendence, unpredictability, a n d d a n g e r o u s mystery; b u t as it m o v e s into d i a l o g u e w i t h t h e p o w e r a n d artificiality of the h u m a n city, the logic of the sacred calls for a r e t u m to original c o m m i m i t y a n d to h u m b l e willingness to serve others. The symbols of the sacred b e c o m e simplicity, poverty, a childlike existence, the imperfect, the broken, a n d nothingness. The l a n g u a g e of the sacred is rooted in a paradoxical logic—the j u x t a p o sition of opposites (Crossan, 1988; Martin, 1980, p p . 58-70). The discourse of p a r a d o x leads, finally, to the s y m b o l i s m of religious revitalization (McLoughlin, 1978; Wallace, 1956), personal conversion (Rambo, 1993) a n d the ritual process of cultural r e n e w a l (Tumer, 1969). The sacred creates the images of perfection, b u t t h e n the i m a g e b e c o m e s a n idol; a n d it is the secular that m u s t enter to s m a s h the sacred i m a g e so that it can b e r e b o m a n d called back to its original holiness.

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T h u s , the p h e n o m e n o l o g y of rehgious studies rescues u s from a reduction of all reahty to linear, unidimensional, i n s t r u m e n t a l rationahty a n d r e n u n d s u s that ttie construction of culture is n o t a Imear progression t o w a r d Utopian community, b u t a paradoxical, continually r e v e r s m g process of " m a k i n g a n d b r e a k i n g of the h n a g e " (Martm, 1980).

β

Creating a Public Cultural Text—With the Public

M e d i a studies, freed from a n a r r o w administrative preoccupation with effects, are increasingly c o n c e m e d w i t h the relation of m e d i a to the social c o n s t m c t i o n of cultures. A s Klaus B m h n Jensen (1995) argues, I take as an initial premise, at the theoretical level of analysis, that societies come before media as generators of mearung. Meaning flows from existing social institutions and everyday contexts, via media professionals and audiences, to the mass media, not vice versa, (p. 61) The m e d i a are w o r k i n g in "sacred s p a c e " a n d are a site for the dialogue of the sacred a n d the secular in three areas: (a) the search for ultimate, consistent p a t t e m s of mythic m e a n i n g a n d the integration of the " u n e x p l a i n a b l e " into the c o n u n o n s e n s e cultural consensus; (b) the search for perfect c o m m u n i t y a n d the cor^rontation of c o m m u n i t y w i t h the p o w e r s t m c t i u ^ of social practice; a n d (c) the search for authentic p e r s o n a l identity a n d the resolution of the cor\fhcts b e t w e e n p e r s o n a l a n d social identities. M e d i a studies h a v e c o m e to realize that there is c o n u n i m i c a t i o n only if aU the major actors in the signification process see the p u b h c cultural text as s o m e h o w a reflection of their o w n identities (MartinBarbero, 1993, p . 223-228; Wdson, 1993, p p . 126-152). M e d i a shidies, p e r h a p s m o r e exphcitly t h a n rehgious studies, are c o n c e m e d w i t h the different p h a s e s or m o m e n t s of the involvement of the p u b h c in the signification of the sacred a n d in the d i a l o g u e of sacred a n d secular meaning. The first m o m e n t of sacred-secular signification h i g h h g h t s the context: the n a t u r e of m e d i a as a leisure-time activity in which, freed from the constraints of a formal workplace, audiences m a y let their imaginations a n d feehngs r o a m free. A s N e w c o m b a n d Alley (1983) suggest, t h e m e d i a invite u s to enter into a t u n e a n d space a p a r t from the o r d i n a r y w o r l d .

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w h e r e w e can consciously entertain a n o t h e r possible w o r l d that w e could create (pp. 18-45). Leisure is the time w h e n individuals a n d c o m m u n i t i e s are free to define their personal a n d cultural identities (Kelly 1983), a n d the m e d i a consciously create a n ambience of exploration. The m e d i a u s e narrative, symbolic languages, w h i c h are cast in archetypal m o d e s connotative of the m y t h i c tradition of the culture, a n d w h i c h project the m e a n i n g b e y o n d the e v e r y d a y routines of life (Silverstone, 1981). M o s t i m p o r t a n t , the m e d i a are associated w i t h festive times, w h i c h are redolent of the calendars of theological a n d civil religions. The time-out d i m e n s i o n stresses the ritual n a t u r e of theater, film, a n d television in w h i c h the p e r s o n is invited to leave the context of short-term w o r k goals a n d struggle for hierarchical p o w e r in society to c o n t e m p l a t e the timeless valu e s a n d sense of c o m m u n a l origins. The public then returns to e v e r y d a y life w i t h a k i n d of m a n d a t e to transform the e v e r y d a y (Tumer, 1982). The second m o m e n t in the m e d i a t i o n process focuses o n the capacity of media artists, professionals, and "stars'' to articulate the sense of the sacred and formulate this into dramatic symbols. N e w c o m b (1978, p . 279) b o r r o w s Marshall Sahlins' reference to creators of advertising as "cultural syna p s e s " w h o h a v e their a n t e n n a s o u t to discover the objects a n d activities in the public imagination particularly charged w i t h e m o t i o n in o r d e r to transform these objects a n d activities into s y m b o l s of d e e p streams of value that p e o p l e can identify with. Media artists d o , in fact, live ecstatically in a w o r l d b e y o n d c o m m o n sense, possessing a "gift of the m u s e " that m a k e s t h e m , relative to the established social c o n s t m c t i o n of reality, s o m e w h a t insane. M e d i a professionals are n o t only dedicated to prefigu r i n g a n d articulating, b u t are d r i v e n to seek o u t the audience in o r d e r to celebrate the m o m e n t of a p p l a u s e w h e n the artist h a s m a n a g e d to b r i n g the audience to share d e e p l y h e r or his o w n intuitive experience ( N e w c o m b & AUey 1983, p p . 31-45). The third m o m e n t is the creation of a text that m a k e s it possible to " h o l d " the c o m m u n i c a t i v e m o m e n t in a form that w e can r e t u m to repeatedly. This enables u s to contemplate the text m o r e d e e p l y to d r a w o u t the full m e a n i n g in a t y p e of lectio divina a n d preserve this m e a n i n g for future generations. T h e celebratory act b e c o m e s a formulaic genre w i t h a format, s t a n d a r d i z e d language, a n d traditional m e t a p h o r s that assures publics of a given age, sex, occupation, a n d educational backg r o u n d that this m e d i a will, indeed, b e a n "entertaining" m o m e n t for t h e m (Feuer, 1987). T h e textual genre also assures the m e d i a artists that

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their gift a n d their desire wiU find a c o m m u n i t y of interpretation. P a r t of the formula of these genres is the continual recasting in n e w cultural l a n g u a g e s of the archetypal symbols e m b e d d e d in the foimdational rehgious texts of a rehgious tradition so that the a u d i e n c e can place in dialogue these references to the p r i m e v a l sacred w i t h the p r e s e n t secularity of the culture. Recent a u d i e n c e research h a s s h o w n that a l t h o u g h m e d i a p r o d u c e r s m a y t e n d to u s e w e l l - k n o w n formulas a n d s y m b o l s so that t h e text will b e intelhgible to a m a s s audience w i t h o u t great difficulty, mterpretations v a r y a great deal because each m e m b e r of the audience is a c o m p l e x composite of cultural identities a n d can call o n v e r y diverse repertoires of mterpretative codes. M e d i a p r o d u c e r s k n o w that p a r t of the p l e a s u r e of the a u d i e n c e emerges from the sense of i n d e p e n d e n c e a n d p o w e r of negotiating the m e a n i n g placed u p o n the text (Fiske, 1987, p p . 95-99). Indeed, the affirmation of p e r s o n a l identity is arguably o n e of the sites of the sacred m c o n t e m p o r a r y society (Luckmann, 1967). T h u s , t h e fourth m o m e n t of signification is the implicit invitation to negotiate and recreate the text from the perspective of personal a n d cultural identities. The construction of cultiues, especiaUy the signification of the sacred, is a l w a y s a contested process in w h i c h s o m e g r o u p s a t t e m p t to affhm that their cultural capital is sacred, natural, a n d b e y o n d question, a n d other g r o u p s a t t e m p t to delegithnize a n d desacralize these s y m b o l s of identity. Recent d e v e l o p m e n t s in m e d i a theory h a v e identified a fifth m o m e n t , the struggle over the symbolism of media texts (Jenkins, 1992, p p . 24-49). O n e of the m o s t typical evidences of this struggle is w h e n a particular d e v o t e d p u b h c (the fans) takes a genre considered " t r a s h " b y establishment g r o u p s — n e w p o p u l a r musics, s o a p opera (Brown, 1994), sports—^and m a k e s t h e " t r a s h " the s y m b o l of t h e subculttual identity in m u c h the seune w a y that the primitive Christian c o m m u n i t y took the cross a n d inverted its m e a r u n g from h u n u h a t i o n to glory. F r o m c o n t e m p o r a r y m e d i a studies, it b e c o m e s a p p a r e n t that alt h o u g h there is a continual negotiated incorporation of s y m b o l s of the sacred into h e g e m o n i c cxiltural formations, the n e w s y m b o l s of t h e sacred are continuaUy " e s c a p i n g " from h e g e m o n y w i t h i n n e w cultural m o v e m e n t s to signify countercultural identities. A n d just as s o o n as n e w s y m bols of the sacred are formed in altemative m o v e m e n t s , the m e d i a are there articulating these into a m e d i a text, a n d the cycle begins over again.

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Μ

A N A L Y S I S OF MEDIA, RELIGION, A N D CULTURE

T h e Analysis of the Religious in Texts o f t h e P u b l i c M e d i a

H a v i n g d e v e l o p e d s o m e basic conceptions of the d i a l o g u e of sacred a n d secular a n d h o w religious studies a n d m e d i a studies enter into this dialogue, w e t u m n o w to a central question: the e m e r g i n g discourses of sacred a n d secular in the m o m e n t s of intensive reflexivity. A first p r e m i s e is that social systems d o , in fact, enter into episodes of m o r e intensive reflexivity. If the Enlightenment project located religious a n d m e d i a studies w i t h i n a n analytic framework a n d a w o r l d v i e w of unilinear progress of i n s t m m e n t a l , efficient rationality, the cultural sciences h a v e h e l p e d u s to see that there is another, d e e p e r historical current continually reasserting w h a t Geertz (1973) h a s t e r m e d " p r i m o r d i a l sentim e n t s of c o m m u n i t y " If cultures d o t e n d t o w a r d innovation, it is also necessary for cultures to continually rediscover the core symbols so that society a n d culture can r e t u m to these constitutive a n d formative symbols (Geertz, 1973, p p . 255-320; R a m b o , 1993, p . 26). Religious studies a n d m e d i a studies in combination n o t only identify the continual r e n e w a l of cultural identities a n d the resacralization of the cultural environment, b u t enable u s , in a second h e r m e n e u t i c , to b e c o m e a w a r e that o u r social analysis is p a r t of these revolutions of p r i m o r d i a l sentiments (Wallace, 1956; W u t h n o w , 1992, p p . 1-8). A second p r e m i s e is that these intense m o m e n t s of cultural revitalization a n d confrontation b e t w e e n sacred and secular m a y b e operative at o n e level—for example, within a particular d e n o m i n a t i o n — w h i l e at a m o r e general national or cultural level there is Uttle sacred-secular dialogue or it is carried o n w i t h a completely different set of discursive symbols. O n e e x a m p l e of this is the a p p a r e n t a n o m a l y of secularization at the societal level a n d , at the s a m e time, intense religious revitalization activity in certain m o v e m e n t s . Four levels are p r o p o s e d here, each w i t h quite different discursive strategies of sacred-secular symboUsm: (a) sacred-secular d i a l o g u e at the level of existential h u m a n c o n c e m s a b o v e a n y o n e n a t i o n a l / r e g i o n a l cultural tradition; (b) the level of particular cultures, usually a n a t i o n or region w i t h a c o m m o n "civil reUgion"; (c) sacred or secular revitalization within a particular d e n o m i n a t i o n a l organization; cind (d) the expression of the sacred at the level of i n d i v i d u a l s in relatively smaU b u t intense m o v e m e n t s , sects, a n d cults. Obviously, the w i d e r a n d

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m o r e diverse the p u b h c a d d r e s s e d , the m o r e abstract a n d inclusive m u s t b e the s y m b o l i s m a n d discursive strategies. A third premise is that different levels c a n b e at quite different m o m e n t s of quiescence or revitahzation, b u t if there is a n intense sacredsecular d i a l o g u e at aU levels at the s a m e time, this could i m p l y p r o f o i m d changes n o t only in global rehgious p a r a d i g m s b u t also in cultural p a r a digms. A fourth p r e m i s e is that the sacred is n o t identified w i t h exphcitly rehgious organizations or institutions a n d t h e secular w i t h other t y p e s of organizations, b u t rather that the sacred a n d secular are interrelated aspects of all institutions (Beckford, 1989, p p . 171-172). For e x a m p l e , t h e revitalization w i t h i n a church or d e n o m i n a t i o n m i g h t b e a m o v e t o w a r d a m o r e o p e n , secularized definition (as h a p p e n e d , for e x a m p l e , in t h e C a t h o h c Chiurch in the m o v e m e n t articulated in the Second Vatican Coimcil). T h e central question is n o t w h e t h e r o u r societies are b e c o m i n g m o r e or less sacred or secular, m u c h less w h e t h e r c h t u c h activity is g r o w i n g or d i n u n i s h i n g , b u t rather h o w the discourses of sacred a n d secular are a d d r e s s i n g each other at this m o m e n t . Fmally, a fifth p r e m i s e is that the m e a n i n g of the sacred is n o t the annihilation of the secular or vice versa, b u t rather to call each other into dialogue a n d reform. T h e analysis focuses o n the w a y s revitalization is generating n e w symbols of the sacred a n d the secular a n d creating n e w discourses that are p u t t i n g the sacred a n d secular into dialogue. We w a n t to identify the sites of struggle over sacred a n d secular m e a r u n g in cultural practice, especially in the genres of m a s s p o p u l a r commimication. This enables u s to see o u r o w n personal a n d coUective roles in the construction of social reahty w i t h o u t lapsing into hopeless cynicism, replacing o n e Utopian ideology w i t h anodier, or retreating into a shell of cultural fundamentalism. Theory in the cultural sciences is m o s t useful for u n d e r s t a n d i n g w h a t k i n d s of cultures w e are creating a n d for discerning w h e t h e r these are the k i n d s of culture w e w a n t . Theory is also i m p o r t a n t for explaining the historical process w e are h v i n g in a n d for critically exeunining o u r reflexive response to this history. The following analysis of the creation of n e w symbols of sacred-secular interaction at four different levels of revitalization m o v e m e n t s iUustrates h o w this m e t h o d o l o g y m i g h t b e a p p h e d at the empirical level.

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R e v i t a l i z a t i o n M o v e m e n t s at t h e Level of Transcultural, Existential H u m a n Concerns

There is b r o a d consensus in religious studies that the w o r l d w i d e countercultural m o v e m e n t s of the late 1960s a n d early 1970s m a r k e d a " n e w religious consciousness" (Clock & Bellah, 1976), the formulation of n e w s y m b o l s of the sacred (Martin, 1981), a n e w p h a s e in religious revitalization (McLoughlin, 1978, p p . 193-216), a n d n e w forms of ritual liminality (Tumer, 1969, p p . 112-113). This revitalization m o v e m e n t transcends civic religious symbols, symbols w i t h i n specific religious traditions, a n d cult symbols because it h a s b e e n global a n d because it addresses basic h i m i a n p r o b l e m s of alienation. Indeed, it h a s s p a r k e d the formulation of theories of religion a n d globalization of cultures (Beyer, 1994, p p . 97-98; Robertson, 1992, p . 81). The starting p o i n t for analyzing the interaction of the sacred a n d the secular in a revitalization m o v e m e n t is in the symbols of Utopian, transcendent c o m m u n i t y a n d the closely associated c o u n t e r s y m b o l s that a t t e m p t to delegitimize w h a t are considered to b e the sites of alienation from community. The counterculture called to reform the central symbols of the "secular" that m o d e m i t y held sacred: nationalism, the rationalistic bureaucratic organization of industrial m o d e m i z a t i o n , the mobilization of industrial capitalism, the m y t h of unilinear evolution, the epistemology of instrumental rationality (Ellul, 1967), socialization s t m c t u r e d a r o u n d g r a d e d educational systems, a n d the print media. The n e w s y m b o l s of the sacred in this m o v e m e n t are well k n o w n : the small, interacting, participatory, a n d expressive c o m m u n i t y ; the r e t u m to n a t u r e ; the s y m b o l of all h u m a n k i n d forming a multicultural family ( d r o p p i n g s u m a m e s that m a y indicate nationality, d e n o m i n a t i o n , race, language, or sex); a n d the u s e of symbols of global p o p u l a r culture to level a n d u n i t e all h u m a n k i n d . This juxtaposition of contrasting symbols a n d discourses sets u p a n a t m o sphere of reflexivity, freedom to rethink mythic frameworks, a n d distance from e v e r y d a y life. A second site for the creation of n e w symbols of the sacred is the ritual occasions for ecstatic experience of the transcendent, the creation of a liminal space a p a r t from e v e r y d a y life, a n d a space for allowing the "real self" to c o m e forth. A s \^ctor T u m e r (1982) indicates, liminal space is established largely b y creating a symbolic a t m o s p h e r e . Ritual almost

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gious studies a n d m e d i a studies, w a s the sacralization of the w a y of life built a r o u n d the democratic welfare state from a b o u t 1830 to 1970. Alt h o u g h industrialization w a s identified w i t h the secular b y the artistic Romantic m o v e m e n t , the revitalization a t t e m p t e d to discover a n d rescue the sacred in this n e w age. A l t h o u g h the s y m b o l system o w e d m u c h to the French Revolution a n d the Enlightenment, these s y m b o l s n e e d e d to b e fused w i t h a p o p u l a r rehgiosity of the " c o m m o n m a n , " the origin m y t h s of the folk, a n d t h e democratic ideal of t h e commimity—^local, regional, a n d national—to take o n sacred, transcendent d i m e n s i o n s . This sacrahzation of the n e w p o p u l i s t civil c o m m u n i t y a n d democratic sohdarity p r o v i d e d a strong basis for the D u r k h e i m i a n tradition of a "sociolo g y " of rehgion that found its best expression in Bellah's "civil rehgion"(1967; 1970). The core of the n e w system of sacred symbols w a s centered a r o u n d the p o p u h s t m o v e m e n t s that exalted the w o r k i n g class m a n — a notoriously patriarchal set of sacred s y m b o l s — a n d h i s h o n e s t w o r k t h a t m a d e the nation possible. The w i s d o m , virtue, c o m m o n sense, a n d productivity of the laboring m a n forming a c o m m u n i t y w a s h r e d u c i b l e evidence of the presence of the sacred. These symbols quickly d e v e l o p e d a set of a n t i s y m bols delegitimating aristocracy, w h i c h h a d b e e n the p a t r o n of t h e sacred, the arts, a n d the order of society for m o r e t h a n a t h o u s a n d years in W e s t e m Europe. The churches w i t h a dissident, antifeudal tradition, or the w i n g of churches identified w i t h p o p u l a r m o v e m e n t s , b e c a m e a n i m p o r t a n t force legitimizing the n e w sacrcd s y m b o l s of the c o m m o n m a n a n d p o m t i n g o u t that the hereditary aristocracies h a d lost t h e h anointing (Hofstadter, 1955, p p . 23-36). By contrast, the c o m m o n citizen is p u r e , just, w i t h o u t guile, the s o h d foundation of the virtue of the nation, capable of being a n i n s t r u m e n t of the transcendent t h r o u g h the v o t e a n d t h r o u g h education. If once G o d ' s w i s d o m w a s expressed in kingly anointing, n o w it w a s expressed in t h e voice of t h e majority. These s y m b o l s w e r e sacred precisely because they w e r e built a r o u n d p a r a d o x : the s h n p l e , workmg-class p e r s o n w a s the foundation of e d u c a tion, science, w i s e g o v e r n m e n t , a n d a just society. T h e school, centered a r o u n d children a n d y o u t h , b e c a m e a sacred s y m b o l (Dolan, 1984). A second site of the formation of sacred s y m b o l s w a s in the formation of the sacred c o m m u n i t y b y discovering t h e historical origins of t h e c o m m o n m a n in the "folk" a n d " n a t i o n " a n d t h e m y t h i c destiny of this folk to form a n egahtarian community. The m o d e m industrial n a t i o n

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In all of the s y m b o l fonnation, there is a process of interaction w i t h the public cultural expression, that is, in the m a s s media. O n e of the first public manifestations of the counterculture w a s the Berkeley Free Speech m o v e m e n t , w h i c h w a s c o n c e m e d , typically, w i t h the right to d r a m a t i z e a n d project the n e w sacred symbols into public space a n d in so d o i n g to catch the attention of the m a s s media. These symbols w e r e d e s i g n e d w i t h a n eye to their ability to catch the eye of the m a s s m e d i a a n d b e c o m e symbols of identification for millions of other y o u n g p e o p l e o n university c a m p u s e s . O n c e the m e d i a discovered the potential of the counterculture for g o o d m a s s m e d i a , v a r i o u s genres of m e d i a b e g a n to articulate this a n d to create a text: the n e w s in t e r m s of the political d r a m a t i s m (especially to exploit the d e b a t e a b o u t the Vietnam War), the innovative a p p e a r a n c e of the Beatles o n the Ed Sullivan Show, b u t especially t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of the rock m u s i c genre as a text expressing the countercultural symbols (Martin, 1981, p p . 180-183). In t u m , the y o u t h w i n g of the m o v e m e n t transformed the varieties of rock m u s i c into the s y m b o l of their subcultures to create a series of n e w texts, a process of interaction of y o u t h identity formation a n d the m a s s m e d i a that continues t o d a y From the perspective of the religious institutions identified w i t h m o d e m i z a t i o n , the countercultural m o v e m e n t w a s antireligious a n d secularizing. Indeed, from the perspective of m a n y definitions of secularization, this m o v e m e n t d i d t e n d to delegitimate the presence of the sacred symbols of "civic religion" in m a n y p a r t s of the culture. O n the other h a n d , o n e could a r g u e that at the b r o a d e r existential level, there h a s b e e n a massive sacralization of cultures evident, for example, in the peace m o v e m e n t s , in the collapse of m a n y totalitarian regimes, in the e m p h a s i s o n decentralization a n d c o m m u n i t a r i a n i s m in d e v e l o p m e n t , in e d u c a t i o n a n d especially in the priority of leisure lifestyles of t o d a y A s w e h a v e n o t e d above, this h a s e n c o u r a g e d the search for n e w p a r a d i g m s of interpretation in b o t h religious studies a n d m e d i a studies.

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T h e Civil Religion of the Populist Nation-State

A n earlier great religious revitalization m o v e m e n t , w h i c h created a higjuy d e v e l o p e d system of religious symbols a n d involved b o t h reli-

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gious studies a n d m e d i a studies, w a s the sacralization of the w a y of life built a r o u n d the democratic welfare state from a b o u t 1830 to 1970. Alt h o u g h industrialization w a s identified w i t h the secular b y the artistic Romantic m o v e m e n t , the revitalization a t t e m p t e d to discover a n d rescue the sacred in this n e w age. A l t h o u g h the s y m b o l system o w e d m u c h to the French Revolution a n d the Enlightenment, these s y m b o l s n e e d e d to b e fused w i t h a p o p u l a r rehgiosity of the " c o m m o n m a n , " the origin m y t h s of the folk, a n d t h e democratic ideal of t h e community—Glocal, regional, a n d national—to take on sacred, transcendent d i m e n s i o n s . This sacrahzation of the n e w p o p u l i s t civil c o m m i m i t y a n d democratic sohdarity p r o v i d e d a strong basis for the D u r k h e i m i a n tradition of a "sociolo g y " of rehgion that found its best expression in Bellah's "civil rehgion"(1967; 1970). The core of the n e w system of sacred symbols w a s centered a r o u n d the populist m o v e m e n t s that exalted the w o r k i n g class m a n — a notoriously patriarchal set of sacred s y m b o l s — a n d h i s h o n e s t w o r k t h a t m a d e the nation possible. The w i s d o m , v h t u e , c o m m o n sense, a n d productivity of the l a b o r m g m a n forming a c o m m u n i t y w a s irreducible evidence of the presence of the sacred. These s y m b o l s quickly d e v e l o p e d a set of a n t i s y m bols delegitimatmg aristocracy, w h i c h h a d b e e n the p a t r o n of the sacred, the arts, a n d the order of society for m o r e t h a n a t h o u s a n d years in W e s t e m Europe. The churches w i t h a dissident, antifeudal tradition, or the w i n g of churches identified w i t h p o p u l a r m o v e m e n t s , b e c a m e a n i m p o r t a n t force legitimizing the n e w sacred symbols of the c o m m o n m a n a n d p o i n t i n g o u t that the hereditary aristocracies h a d lost t h e h anointing (Hofstadter, 1955, p p . 23-36). By contrast, the c o m m o n citizen is p u r e , just, w i t h o u t guile, the s o h d foundation of the virtue of the nation, capable of b e h i g a n m s t r u m e n t of the transcendent t h r o u g h the vote a n d t h r o u g h education. If once G o d ' s w i s d o m w a s expressed in kingly anointing, n o w it w a s expressed in t h e voice of the majority. These s5mibols w e r e sacred precisely because they w e r e built a r o u n d p a r a d o x : the simple, working-class p e r s o n w a s the foundation of e d u c a tion, science, w i s e g o v e r n m e n t , a n d a just society. T h e school, centered a r o u n d children a n d y o u t h , b e c a m e a sacred s y m b o l (Dolan, 1984). A second site of the formation of sacred s y m b o l s w a s in the formation of the sacred c o m m u n i t y b y discovering t h e historical origins of the c o m m o n m a n in the "folk" a n d " n a t i o n " a n d the m y t h i c destiny of this folk to form a n egahtarian community. The m o d e m industrial n a t i o n

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could find its origins in the folk a n d the ordinary people. In the n e w i m m i g r a n t nations, this far-distant tribal origin w a s replaced b y the origins of t h e nation in t h e rural commimity. In t h e U n i t e d States, for e x a m p l e , the s y m b o l of the c o m m u n i t y of agriculturalists a n d artisans a r o i m d the church, the t o w n meetings, the school, t h e c o m m u n i t y b o o s terism, the respect for freedom of expression b a s e d o n the inherent w i s d o m of the c o m m o n m a n , a n d the acceptance of participatory decisions b e c a m e unquestionable symbols of the sacred. A s t h e rural c o m m u nity b e c a m e m o r e remote, this sense of c o m m i t m e n t to c o m m u n i t y w a s transformed into universal professionalism b a s e d o n the sacred oath of the professional to serve society a n d to serve individual clients regardless of their b a c k g r o u n d . This w a s g r o u n d e d in codes of ethics, the responsibility of the professional community, a n d the guarantees of the nation state (Bledstein, 1976). There w a s far m o r e resistance to militant labor a n d farmer c o m m u n i t a r i a n i s m , b u t this eventually found sacred legitimacy in the welfare state, largely t h r o u g h the d e v e l o p m e n t of the "social gospel" a n d t h e "social teaching" of the churches. W h a t w a s particularly i m p o r t a n t in the forming of this set of sacred symbols is that the major churches essentially joined in w i t h the seculeir project of the nation-state to legitimize its democratic pluralism; a n d insofar as the churches separated themselves from the aristocracy, they w e r e accorded a role in articulating the sacred symbols of the n e w order. Part of the price w a s that the churches h a d to b e c o m e simply different " d e n o n u n a t i o n s , " playing d o w n d o g m a t i c differences a n d u p h o l d i n g the basic civic religion of progress, democracy, free speech, free association, a n d h u m a n rights (Herberg, 1955, p p . 85-112). Indeed, the religious traditions felt that they could recover their sacredness oruy b y leaving the confines of t h e c h u r d \ e s a n d d o g m a a n d m o v i n g o u t into the secular w o r l d , b e c o m i n g m o r e secular in order to a d d r e s s the secular. A third site for the elaboration of sacred symbols w a s the rituals of local a n d national community. Every public event, from sports contests to political elections, h a d its m o m e n t of sacred reflection symbolized b y the national hyirm, b y the presence of the representatives of the major religious d e n o m i n a t i o n s , b y taking sacred oaths to serve the nation, a n d b y the ritual exaltation of the rights of the c o m m o n m a n . The mobilization for nationalistic w a r s a n d for colonialistic e x p a n s i o n — w h e t h e r overseas or across "frontiers" into " w i l d e r n e s s " territory—^were sites of sacred symbols of sacrifice, m a r t y r d o m , a n d tests of faith.

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T h e m a s s p o p u l a r m e d i a , rooted in the doctrines of freedom of expression a n d the right to information a n d education, b e c a m e a n o t h e r site for the creation of s y m b o l s of civic rehgion. T h e " m a s s m e d i a " h a d their origin in the p o p u l i s t m o v e m e n t s (Schiller, 1981). T h e genres of t h e p e n n y n e w s p a p e r — e d i t o r i a l c o m m e n t , comic strips, the p o p u l a r serial novel, the short story—were formed a r o u n d the articulation of the sacred symbols of these m o v e m e n t s : p o p u l a r protests, nationalistic w a r s , a n d so forth. O n c e the p e n n y n e w s p a p e r s defined the text of the p o p u l a r m e d i a , these w e r e carried o n b y film, radio, a n d television (Tunstall, 1977). Indeed, it b e c a m e difficult to distinguish theology, rehgious studies, social philosophy, a n d social teaching of the rehgious traditions, journalistic debate, a n d p u b h c philosophies of communication. The criteria for p u b h c t r u t h w a s n o longer metaphysics, b u t rather the objectivity g u a r a n t e e d b y the m e t h o d o l o g y of the social sciences. Again, the role of the m a s s m e d i a w a s sacrahzed b y its c o d e of p u b h c service a n d b y b r i n g i n g in t h e d e n o m i n a t i o n s willing to s u p p o r t the civic rehgion as p a r t of t h e p u b h c service of m e d i a to the nation-state. The sects a n d m o v e m e n t s u n w i l l i n g to s u p p o r t the rehgion of the hberal democracies w e r e excluded. Today, the nation-state a n d the m o d e r n i s t organization of society m a k e less sense to p e o p l e as a n a g e n d a for the construction of cultures. Likewise, the s y m b o l s of the sacred associated w i t h this a g e n d a m a k e less sense. But the d i s a p p e a r a n c e of this form of d i a l o g u e b e t w e e n the sacred a n d the secular d o e s n o t m e a n that the sacred is s h n p l y absent from o u r h v e s (Wamer, 1993). There are simultaneously other processes of sacrahzation. The social ahenation generated b y the civil rehgion b e c a m e t h e foundation for a third k i n d of c o n t e m p o r a r y rehgious revitalization.

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T h e Sectarian Revitalization of Evangelical Fundamentalism

Since the 1950s, the evangehcal tradition h a s b e e n able to mobilize o n e of the m o s t attractive sacred s y m b o l systems in t h e w o r l d ; a n d it is d e m o n s t r a t i n g striking g r o w t h n o t only w h e r e Protestantism h a s b e e n traditionaUy strong, b u t also in Latin America a n d Africa. T h e force of e v a n g e h c a h s m , however, is largely that of a "choice" for revitalization w i t h i n the Christian faith system.

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W h a t e v e r m a y b e the social origins of evangelicalism—we deliberately avoid a sociological reductionist explanation—it is a tradition that shares a c o m m o n d e v o t i o n to the sacred located in a revelation of the transcendent that is n o t affected b y the passing changes of culture. T h e m o s t typical s y m b o l s are t h e inerrancy of the revealed w o r d of G o d p r e s e r v e d in a n u n c h a n g i n g written form, a written statement of u n c h a n g i n g theological propositions, a n u n c h a n g i n g moral code, a personal asceticism that a v o i d s the vanities of p a s s i n g fads of p o p u l a r culture (Rosman, 1984), the u n c h a n g i n g oral w i s d o m of the elderly, classical conservative a n d conserving social institutions such as the patriarchal family, a n d a diffidence regarding m o d e m science a n d technology (except w h e r e it can b e considered a p u r e i n s t m m e n t n o t contaminating the u n c h a n g i n g w o r d of G o d ; M a r s d e n , 1980, 1991). For the c o n t e m p o r a r y evangelical m o v e m e n t , the symbols of the secular are the p o w e r of late m o d e m i t y (or p o s t m o d e m i t y ) to r e s t m c t u r e n a t u r e itself: e n d i n g a n d s h a p i n g h u m a n life at will, r e s t m c t u r i n g sexuality (and socially related aspects of sexuality) at will, a n d d e n y i n g in the public cultural fortmi that reality h a s a n y sacred groxmd w h a t s o e v e r that is off-limits to h u m a n transformative efforts (Hunter, 1987). T h u s , u n b o m life, family-centered heterosexuality, a n d public manifestations of religiosity h a v e b e c o m e symbols of the sacred. The Protestant evangelical tradition h a s always d i s t m s t e d a n y k i n d of cultural, socially m e d i a t e d contact w i t h the sacred a n d h a s t e n d e d to find "salvation" in the direct vertical descent of G o d ' s irrepressible m i raculous p o w e r in their Uves. T h u s , a n i m p o r t a n t symbolic indication of sacred presence is the prophetic preacher w h o h a s received a call directly from G o d (with Uttle a p p r o b a t i o n b y the institutional church) a n d w h o e x u d e s t h e p o w e r to radicaUy convert, to heal, t o h o l d t h e a u d i e n c e in a motivational trance, a n d to p u t together w i t h e n o r m o u s energy the reUgious event of the revival (Marsden, 1991, p p . 98-121; Schultze, 1991, p p . 69-96). A secondary sacred s y m b o l is the organization that s u r r o u n d s the charismatic preacher, h e l p i n g h i m to m a k e present the i m c h a n g i n g w o r d of G o d . C o m i n g in contact w i t h the powerful w o r d of G o d is e n o u g h to transform a p e r s o n (Bmce, 1990). A n o t h e r set of sacred symbols g r o w s u p a r o u n d the experience of the reUgious revival, w h e r e o n e is s w e p t a w a y b y the p o w e r of God. Just to enter the revivalist tent or haU is to d r a w n e a r to the sacred, a n d the a t m o s p h e r e itself—the singing, the sonorous preaching, the conversions.

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a n d the healings—^induces the sacred p o w e r of G o d to o p e r a t e in quasisacramental fashion. T h e experience of spiritual rebirth, going b a c k t o one's c h i l d h o o d a n d m y t h i c cultural origkis, recalls a n archetypal s y m b o l of the sacred. Evangehcalism in the U n i t e d States calls for a r e t u m t o m o r e primitive values, a n d Pentecostalism in Latin America also a p p e a l s to the desire to a r e t u m to p r e - C o l u m b i a n nativist syncretism in countries s u c h as G u a t e m a l a (Concha, 1996). Time a n d history also a s s u m e a sacredness in that the p r o p h e t feels a n irresistible call to a n n o u n c e the irresistible c o m i n g of the k i n g d o m of G o d at this particular time. There is a n urgency to p r e a c h the transforming w o r d to t h e w h o l e w o r l d a n d to caU all to r e s p o n d to the w o r d h n m e d i ately. The present evangehcal revitalization m o v e m e n t b e g a n at t h e level of interpersonal c o m m i m i c a t i o n in the n e w form of l u b a n revival, b u t r a d i o a n d television evangelists quickly picked u p the n e w s y m b o l s of a d a p t a t i o n to u r b a n society a n d created the genre of the televangelist (Hoover, 1988; Horsfield, 1984). O n c e again, the m e d i a b e c a m e a n i m p o r tant site for generating t h e n e w sacred s y m b o l s in t h e i m a g e s of Billy G r a h a m a n d Pat Robertson. A l t h o u g h technology, especially m e d i a technology, is p a r t of the secular w o r l d , once it is u s e d for a n n o i m d n g t h e gospel it b e c o m e s a site of the sacred. The m e d i a are sacred gifts of G o d given in these "last t h n e s , " a n d powerful p e r s u a s i v e rhetoric is just as m u c h a symbol of the sacred. Asking the audience to gain p o w e r b y t o u c h i n g the TV set in their h o m e s is s i m p l y a n extension of this symbolism. Pohtics b e c o m e a sacred s y m b o h c action for evangehcals b e c a u s e this is the instaUation of G o d ' s k i n g d o m , a n d all of t h e techniques of g a h u n g pohtical p o w e r are therefore sacralized. Interestingly, in facing the d i l e m m a of p o s t m o d e m i s m , evangehcalism is t e n d i n g to take the p o s t m o d e m "secularity" seriously; a n d it is t h e p o s t m o d e m " n e w rehgious consciousness" a n d radical c o m m u n i t a r i a n ism that is entering to s m a s h the idol of evangehcal identification w i t h the m o d e r n i s t i n d i v i d u a l i s m (Hunter, 1991, p p . 157-186).

β

The Postmodem Cults of Symbolic Liminality

This analysis w o u l d n o t b e complete w i t h o u t at least briefly indicating a fourth t y p e of revitalization m o v e m e n t at the level of the p e r s o n a n d

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small g r o u p s . This v a g u e form of cultural a n d religious revitalization h a s b e e n referred to as " t h e n e w m o v e m e n t s " or "the p o s t m o d e m . " A central characteristic is that the conscious creation of culture a n d s y m b o l s h a s b e c o m e a site of the sacred. A s Melucci (1989) notes in his s t u d y of the n e w m o v e m e n t s , the y o u n g especially are a w a r e that w e h a v e cut o u r m o o r i n g s to " n a t u r e " a n d that w e can m a k e the w o r l d a n y t h i n g w e w a n t to. They h a v e s t u d i e d " c o m m u n i c a t i o n " a n d k n o w that symbols are inherently c o m m i m i c a t i n g m e a n i n g . Creating a symbolic liminal state a n d then consciously inhabiting that, k n o w i n g that it is totally artificial, is a celebration of the sacredness of o u r o w n h u m a n creativity. We can verify the sacredness of this b y just as quickly destroying the edifice of symbols a n d m o v i n g o n to create another one. The secular is all that is sane, ordinary, c o m m o n s e n s e , p e r m a n e n t , a n d instrumentally rational. A s soon as s o m e t h i n g begins to b e considered rational, the " N o m a d s of the Present," to u s e Melucci's (1989) term, quickly m o v e to create a symbolic w o r l d that is quite bizarre, altemative, and—"creative"! The texts that articulate this are p e r s o n s such as Michael Jackson, w h o resist all sexual or a n y other definition. M a d o n n a quickly m o v e s b e y o n d a n y social c o n s t m c t i o n of reality a n d tells u s b y the extremely conscious use of sacred s y m b o l s that the sacred is always b e y o n d the e d g e of c o m m o n sense.

mu A n A g e n d a f o r F u r t h e r R e s e a r c h The present chapter h a s b e e n m o r e c o n c e m e d w i t h exploring a n e w set of questions for research in the area of religion a n d m e d i a t h a n w i t h m o r e definitive conclusions. A s u m m a r y of these issues for further discussion m a y b e the best w a y to synthesize this chapter. First, if the creation of sacred symbols a n d the "poetic" c o n s t m c t i o n of m e a n i n g are too i m p o r t a n t in the constmction of cultures to b e exc l u d e d from the public s p h e r e as a u t o n o m o u s discourses, t h e n h o w d o w e think of their presence in the public sphere, especially at the level of a second hermeneutic? D o practitioners of religious studies a n d m e d i a studies necessarily h a v e to b e objective, areligious, a n d u n p o e t i c p e o p l e in the act of their s t u d y ? The introduction of G i d d e n s ' concept of reflexivity a n d Jensen's discussion of time-in a n d time-out cultures m a y b e starting points, b u t w h e r e d o w e take this?

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Second, it is p r o p o s e d that there is a considerable variety of m o d e s of creating sacred symbols at sites of m e a n i n g a n d that the different m o d e s of the sacred a n d the secular are in continual dialogue. To focus o n o n e m o d e of sacrahzation to the exclusion of others m a y lead—^mistakenly, I w o u l d argue—to affirmations of inevitable secularization or inevitable sacralization. Likewise, to m a k e o n e m o d e of creating sacred s y m b o l s (e.g., the civic rehgion) t h e n o r m a t i v e m o d e negates the variety a n d shifting i m p o r t a n c e of the sacred in the construction of cultures. But h o w d o w e thirUc of a variety of m o d e s of sacralization interacting w i t h others w i t h e q u a l n o r m a t i v e vahdity? I h a v e suggested that the process in the p u b h c m e d i a of dialogue b e t w e e n m e d i a a n d audience, continually creating a n d recreating p u b h c texts, i m p h e s exchange a n d negotiation b e t w e e n m o d e s of sacralization. But will a p u b h c sphere b e sustained if there are, in fact, multiple criteria of "truth"? Third, this chapter h a s suggested that the c o m m o n focus of rehgion a n d m e d i a studies is the analysis of the e m e r g i n g s y m b o l s of the sacred a n d h o w the symbols of the sacred a n d the secular are continually a d d r e s s i n g a n d evoking each other. T h e analysis of this d i a l o g u e across the e d g e s of o u r socially constructed reahties is p a r t of the reflexive process of u n d e r s t a n d i n g w h a t k i n d of culture w e are creating a n d w h e t h e r this is the k i n d of culture w e w a n t . This sort of analysis a v o i d s the tendency to reduce the rehgious in m e d i a to issues of control a n d impact, a tendency that h a s d o n u n a t e d the study, for e x a m p l e , of the electronic church. The analysis of " i m p a c t " is from t h e " o u t s i d e " a n d h a s generated very httle s o h d theory of rehgion a n d m e d i a . D o e s this a p p r o a c h r e s p o n d to the issues of h e g e m o n y a n d ideological co-optation of the search for rehgious m e a n i n g ? I w o u l d a r g u e that research, conceived as a reflexive d o u b l e h e r m e n e u t i c , is cdso a process of continually feeding back to rehgious g r o u p s the sjmibols of the sacred they are creating in order to ask if this is the expression of the sacred that they sense in their o w n personal a n d cultural identities. The central question p o s e d at the outset of this c h a p t e r remains: H o w are w e to conceive of the presentation of the rehgious a n d the sacred in the public sphere in a n era of radical pluralism that is suspicious of civil rehgions a n d equally suspicious of d e n o m i n a t i o n a l revivals a n d other cultural revitalization m o v e m e n t s ? Part of the a n s w e r hes, I think, in the n e w self-conception of the m e d i a as a ritual space in w h i c h v a r i o u s actors are d r a m a t i z i n g their sacred symbols. Elsewhere (White, 1990), I h a v e

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described the key i m p o r t a n c e of the m e d i a as public cultural rituals a n d as a process of cultural negotiation (White, 1995). Increasingly, w e are overcoming the h i g h - c u l t u r e / l o w - c u l t u r e d i c h o t o m y a n d are willing to see the " p o p u l a r " as the c o m m o n l a n g u a g e of all. The m e d i a invite all cultural fronts to b e present in a time-out context w h e n o u r d o g m a t i c , purist identities are m o s t p e r m e a b l e a n d w e are in festive m o o d , r e a d y to discover s o m e t h i n g of o u r c o m m o n sacred archetypes in the sacred symbols of all. The m e d i a experience is a m o m e n t m o r e o p e n to the i m m e n s e variety of sacred symbols being generated, a n d audiences are less ready to dichotomize the sacred a n d the secular. T h u s , b o t h m e d i a studies a n d religious studies are c o m i n g together to create a n e w u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the m e d i a as cultural negotiation. References Beckford, J. (1989). Religion and advanced industrial society. London: U n w i n H y m a n . Beckford, J., & Luckmann, T. (Eds.). (1989). The changingface of religion. London: Sage. Bellah, R (1967). Civil reUgion in America. Daedalus, 96(1), 1-21. world. Berkeley: Bellah, R. (1970). Beyond belief: Essays on religion in a post-traditionalist University of California Press. Bellah, R. (1975). The broken covenant: Amencan civil religion in time of trial. N e w York: Seabury. Berger, P. (1967). The sacred canopy: Elements of a sociological theory of religion. Garden City, NY: Doubleday Berger, R L., & Luckman, T. (1966). The social ωnstruction of reality. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. Beyer, P. (1994). Religion and globalization. London: Sage. Bledstein, B. (1976). The culture of professionalism: The middle classes and the development of higher education in Amenca. N e w York: Norton. Brown, M. E. (1994). Soap opera and women's talk: The pleasure of resistance. Thousand Oaks, CA:Sage. Bruce, S. (1990). Pray TV: Teleuangelism in Amenca. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Carey, J. W. (1977). Mass conunurucation research and cultural studies: The American view. In J. Curran, M. Gurevitch, & J. WooUacott (Eds.), Mass ωmmunication and society (pp. 409-425). London: Edward Arnold in association w i t h O p e n Uruversity Press. Concha, ] . (19%). Los movimentos pentecostales en America Latina como parte de los procesos de la cultura popular Latinoamericana. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Gregorian University, Rome. Crossan, D. (1988). The dark interval: Toward a theology of story. Sonoma, CA: Polebridge. Dolan, J. (1984). Catholic revivalism: The American experience, 1830-1870. Notre D a m e , IN: Notre D a m e Uruversity Press. Douglas, M. (1%6). Purity and danger: An analysis of the concepts of pollution and taboo. N e w York: Pantheon. Douglas, M. (1970). Natural symbols: Explorations in cosmology. N e w York: Pantheon. Ellul, J. (1%7). The technological society. N e w York: Vintage.

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Feuer, J. (1987). Genre study and television. In R. C. Allen (Ed.), Channels of disωurse (pp. 113-133). Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Fiske, J. (1987). Television culture. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Geertz, C. (1966). Religion as a cultural system. In M. Banton (Ed.), Anthropological approaches in the study of religion (pp. 1-46). London: Tavistock. Geertz, C. (1973). Interpretation of cultures. N e w York: Basic Books. Giddens, A. (1984). The constitution of society: Outline of the theory of stmcturation. Cambridge, MA: Polity. Clock, C , & Bellah, R. (1976). The new religious consciousness. Berkeley: University of California Press. Gonzalez, J. (1994). Mas Μ cultura(s): Ensayos sobre realidades plurales. Mexico: Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes. Hall, S. (1977). Culture, the media and the "ideological effect." In J. Curran, M. Gurevitch, & J. Woollacott (Eds.), Mass communication and society (pp. 315-348). London: Edward A m o l d in association w i t h the O p e n University Press. Hall, S. (1982). The rediscovery of "ideology": R e t u m of the repressed in media studies. In M. Gurevitch, T. Bennett, J. Curran, & J. Woollacott (Eds.), Culture, society and the media (pp. 56-90). London: Routledge. Hamilton, M. (1995). The sociology of religion: Theoretical and comparative perspectives. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Heiberg, W. (1955). Protestant, Catholic, Jew. Gaixlen City, NY: D o u b l e d a y Hofstadter, R. (1955) The age of reform. N e w York: Vmtage. Hoover, S. (1988). Mass media religion: The social sources of the electronic church. N e w b u r y Park, CA: Sage. Horsfield, P. (1984). Religious television: The American experience. N e w York: Longman. Hunter, J. D . (1987). Evangelicalism: The coming generation. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Hunter, J. D. (1991). Culture wars: The struggle to define America. N e w York: Basic Books. Jenkins, H. (1992). Textual poachers: Television fans and paHidpatory culture. N e w York: Routledge. Jensen, K. B. (1995). The social semiotics of mass communication. London: Sage. Kelly, J. (1983). Leisure identities and interaction. London: Allen and U n w i n . Luckmann, T. (1%7). The invisible religion. N e w York: Macmillan. Marsden, G. (1980). Fundamentalism and American culture: The shaping of twentieth-century evangelicalism, 1870-1925. N e w York: Oxford University Press. Marsden, G. (1991). Understanding fundamentalism and evangelicalism. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Martin, B. (1981). A sociology of contemporary cultural change. Oxford, UK: Basil Blackwell. Martin, D. (1980). The breaking of the image: A sociology of Christian theory and practice. Oxford, UK: Basil Blackwell. Martin-Barbero, J. (1993). Communication, culture and hegemony: From the media to the mediations. London: Sage. McLoughlin, W. G. (1978). Revivals, awakenings, and reform. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Melucci, A. (1989). Nomads of the present: Social movements and individual needs in contemporary society (J. Keane & P. Mier, Trans.). London: Hutchison Radius. Morley, D. (1992). Television, audiences & cultural studies. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. N e w c o m b , H. (1978). Assessing the violence profile: Studies of Geibner and Gross, a humanistic critique and suggestion. Communication Research, 5(3), 264-282.

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Chapter dijl^ j .

Tec±inology and Triadic Theories of Mediation

Clifford G. Christians

Martin H e i d e g g e r ' s p h i l o s o p h y of technology best accounts for the u n precedented conditions in w h i c h rehgion as a s y m b o h c universe is m e d i ated today. Within H e i d e g g e r ' s tradition, c o n t e m p o r a r y industrial culture is a n instrumentalist order of a m o r a l m e a n s a n d technocratic efficiency, in opposition to the religious imagination. F r o m his p e r s p e c tive, the cultural t u m in oiu* u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the m e d i a a n d rehgion m u s t go t h r o u g h technology to h a v e long-term credibility. A p a r a d i g m shift a w a y from the functional a p p r o a c h to commimications a n d rehgion r e q u h e s a p h i l o s o p h y of technology that c o m e s to grips w i t h the s t m c t u r e of technology itself. For Heidegger, that m e a n s u n d e r s t a n d i n g technology in t e r m s of being, a n d o u r h u m a n habitat as technoculture.

β

Aristotle's Legacy

The traditional conception of technology as m e a n s originated w i t h Aristotle. "Technology is a h u m a n a r r a n g e m e n t of tedmics—tools, m a 65

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chines, i n s t r u m e n t s , materials, a n d science—to serve h u m a n e n d s It is n o t t h o u g h t to h a v e a n y m e a n i n g in itself. It is, as c o m m o n l y said, n e u t r a l " (Hood, 1972, p . 347). Technology is n o t a n e n d , b u t a m e a n s to s o m e t h i n g else. It is extrinsic to a p e r s o n ' s b e i n g a n d society's character. Its v a l u e derives from nontechnological goals. W h a t it p r o d u c e s is n o t necessary or innate. Rabbits or b u s h e s g r o w according to their n a t u r a l form, w h e r e a s t h r o u g h technics w e arbitrarily b u i l d a plastic stool from minerals. The m e a n i n g of technological p r o d u c t s is found in the h u m a n p u r p o s e s they serve, e v e n as, in Aristotle's terms, " t h e e n d of the medical art is health, that of shipbuilding a vessel, that of strategy victory, that of economics w e a l t h " {Nicomachean Ethics 1,1,1094a5-10). Of all possible e n d s , technology serves h u m a n life (cf. Metaphysics 1,1, 98161-35; also Politics III, 9, 1208a32). Tools are n e e d e d to m e e t necessities—shelter, clothing, food, a n d medicine. O n l y after securing freedom from organic n e e d s is technology b e y o n d h u m a n survival possible. M u sical i n s t r u m e n t s are for enjoyment, a n d scientific tools in a s t r o n o m y e x p a n d h u m a n k n o w l e d g e . But in all cases, technical activities a n d p r o d ucts receive their justification from the uses to w h i c h they are p u t . Technology is o n e of the lower h u m a n actions. T h r o u g h p h i l o s o p h y a n d politics, h u m a n s contemplate a n d reflect the intelligible order of things. Because reason, m o r e t h a n a n y t h i n g else, m a k e s the h u m a n species distinctive, politics a n d p h i l o s o p h y are to b e p u r s u e d in their o w n terms. "Technology is s u b o r d i n a t e to practical w i s d o m , to m o r a l a n d intellectual activities" t h r o u g h w h i c h h u m a n s realize their essence a n d stabilize society (Hood, 1972, p . 349; cf. Nicomachean Ethics X, 6,1177a 20-21). It is a placid, clean, a n d congenial m o d e l , giving religious sensibilities a role in articulating e n d s . In Aristotle's frcunework, religion as a symbolic universe of ultimate values is n e e d e d m o r e t h a n ever for directing sophisticated technology to a p p r o p r i a t e p u r p o s e s . Religious rituals celebrate food p r o d u c t i o n rather t h a n military e q u i p m e n t . Television technology can b e u s e d for salvation rather t h a n for political p r o p a g a n d a or c o m merce. Public transportation m o v i n g the m a s s e s to jobs is e m p h a s i z e d instead of yachts a n d sports cars for the elite. A knife in a s u r g e o n ' s h a n d s saves lives; a m o n g criminal gangs it kills. M a i n s t r e a m engineers a n d philosophers h a v e e m b r a c e d the Aristotelian tradition as well. For the inventor of cybernetics, N o r b e r t \ ^ e n e r , instrumentalism compels politicians a n d social theorists to fret over

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technology's impact, while allowing engineering efficiency in the laborat o r y For S h a n n o n a n d Weaver, it p r o v i d e s a f r a m e w o r k for m a t h e m a t i c a l m o d e l s of m e d i a transmission that inspire o u r inventions from 60,000bits p e r second m telephone wires to 100 biUion bits p e r second in hght-based fiber optics. In Buckminster Fuller's synergetics, d a t a c a n flow in c o m p l e m e n t a r y p a t t e m s foUowing the h a r m o n y of n a t u r e rather t h a n the contradictions of pohtical ideology. But e v e n if one grants the v a h d i t y of Aristotle's two-tiered m o d e l for the p r e m o d e m age, h o w defensible is it n o w ? Since t h e 1890s, technological d e v e l o p m e n t h a s m u l t i p h e d so rapidly in industrial societies that httle viable space r e m a i n s for setting limits a n d p r o p e r direction. In t h e face of technology's complexity a n d d o m i n a n c e , in the traditional view, " w e are a b a n d o n e d to a h a p h a z a r d scattering of g o o d s a n d evils, of p r o d u c t i v e a n d d e s t m c t i v e tendencies, a n d the s t m c t u r e of technology escapes u s " (Hood, 1972, p . 352). Given the intricacies of 20th-century technology, social i m p a c t can rarely b e calculated a n y m o r e . In agriculture a n d transportation, w h a t meets a basic h u m a n n e e d in o n e context is often c o u n t e r p r o d u c t i v e overaU a n d in the long term. In fact, the French sociologist, Jacques Ellul—from his fust major b o o k m 1954, The Technological Society, to his d e a t h in M a y 1994—demonstrated that the instrumentalist a p p r o a c h is n o t merely limited, b u t historicaUy a n d sociologically b a n k m p t . T h e technological enterprise is value-centered t h r o u g h o u t — i n invention, d e sign, manufacture, a n d distribution. It involves choices of energy u s e a n d resources. T m e to the character of machineness, the values of productivity, power, a n d efficiency direct the technological process. T h u s the principle of self-augmentation b e g i n s to m l e , p u s h i n g technology t o w a r d greater speed a n d larger size, marginalizing small-scale activities a n d taking o n a life of its o w n , n o longer subject to h u m a n control. Instead of the elementary v i e w that technological p r o d u c t s are a m e a n s to transtechnological e n d s , EUul identifies a process of e v e r - e x p a n d i n g m e a n s that finaUy o v e r w h e l m aU ideals w o r t h y of h u m a n allegiance. We c a n n o longer a s s u m e that technological p r o b l e m s can b e fixed b y a p p e a l i n g to a n arena o u t s i d e technique. The situation n o w is completely different. In the traditional triad, p e o p l e u s e a lever to m o v e a stone. TTie prevailing p a r a d i g m is n o longer h u m a n s u s i n g tools to cidtivate n a t u r e a n d b u i l d civilization, b u t a technological o r d e r that engulfs u s , a technocratic artifice that isolates e v e r y d a y life from the natiural realm.

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In a similar memner, Martin H e i d e g g e r (1889-1976) connects 20thc e n t u r y technological practice in the West w i t h its classical Greek origins. In his view, technology's m o d e m manifestations are a culmination of the traditional d u a l i s m of m e a n s a n d e n d s . A s w i t h Ellul, p l e a d i n g for m o r e c o n c e m a b o u t e n d s is futile. Aristotle's epistemology is w r o n g , his social p h i l o s o p h y b a n k m p t . To establish a systematic critique, a fundamentally different a p p r o a c h to technology is n e e d e d . T h e i n s t m m e n t a l i s t w o r l d v i e w m u s t b e t u m e d o n its h e a d a n d inside out. The w h o l e p h e n o m e n o n o u g h t to b e called into question, a n d n o t just s o m e of its features. By e x a m i n i n g the ontological g r o u n d of technology, H e i d e g g e r destroys the instrumentalist paradigm.^

m Heidegger's Dasdn A l o n g w i t h John D e w e y a n d L u d w i g Wittgenstein, M a r t i n H e i d e g g e r is typically cited as o n e of the m o s t influential p h i l o s o p h e r s of the 20thcentury West.^ F r o m his early classic Being and Time in 1927 t h r o u g h his last major b o o k in 1958 (What Is Philosophy), the fruitful soil a n d p r e s u p position of philosophical inquiry w a s Being. A s a s t u d e n t a n d later successor of H u s s e r l at the University of Freiburg, H e i d e g g e r p u r s u e d his existentialist a g e n d a t h r o u g h a p h e n o m e n o l o g i c a l method.^ For h i m , technology w a s the p r i m a r y m o d e of givenness for c o n t e m p o r a r y culture, a n d therefore a central arena for c o m i n g to grips intellectually w i t h h u m a n existence.^ In contrast to the traditional conception, technology for H e i d e g g e r is a n ontological issue. H u m a n s d o n o t s t a n d in e x t e m a l relation to it, b u t technology is intertwined w i t h the existential s t m c t u r e of h u m a n being. The character of technology can b e u n d e r s t o o d only b y c o m i n g to t e r m s w i t h the h u m a n species. The foundations of the technological enterprise are rooted in h u m a n life. T h e m e a n i n g of technology is k n o v m t h r o u g h the w a y it w o r k s into o u r hvmianness, along w i t h the characteristics it receives from s u c h a g r o u n d i n g . In H e i d e g g e r ' s existentialism, h u m a n beingness differs radically from objects or things, t h o u g h it can b e p r o p e r l y k n o w n only in its concreteness. H e i d e g g e r calls h u m a n b e i n g Dasein (literally m e a n i n g "therebeing") to indicate that intentional existence distinguishes p e o p l e from all other entities. T h e h u m a n species actualizes the presence of

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Being, a n d Being can s h o w itself only t h r o u g h h u m a n i t y H m n a n s alone are the beings to w h o m all the things in the w o r l d can reveal themselves as meaningful. P h e n o m e n a disclose their is-ness t h r o u g h t h e h u m a n o p e n ing. H u m a n b e i n g s are " t h e clearing of Being" (Heidegger, 1947/1962b, p . 277). H u m a n s are m the peculiar position of raising the p r o b l e m of Being t h r o u g h their u n i q u e self-consciousness. H u m a n beingness is n o t a static substance, b u t a situated existent receiving a n d e x p r e s s m g the significance of things. There is n o subject-object d i c h o t o m y ; " t h e disclosure of things a n d the o n e to w h o m they are disclosed are co-original" (Hood, 1972, p . 353). The traditional v i e w e q u a t e s technology w i t h tools or artifacts, r e d u c ing the technological enterprise to p r o d u c t s . In Heidegger, technology is n o t a n o u n , b u t a verb, a cultural process in w h i c h h i u n a n existence is estabhshed in relation to n a t u r a l reahty. Technology a n d h u m a n b e i n g s stir t h r o u g h o n e a n o t h e r h k e a giant food mixer. Technology is n o t m e r e l y the a p p h c a t i o n of science, b u t a n artistic m o d e of social construction. "Techne reveals or b r i n g s to presence s o m e t h i n g w h i c h is possible. . . . Techne b e l o n g s to b r i n g m g forth, to poiesis; it is s o m e t h m g p o e t i c " (Heidegger, 1977, p . 13). H o w is technology g r o u n d e d ontologically? According to Heidegger, o u r active relation to the w o r l d is m o t i v a t e d b y h u m a n c o n c e m (Sorge), The concept of c o n c e m is oiu* "relation to flungs insofar as this takes s u c h forms as using, h a n d l i n g , p r o d u d n g , a n d so on. . . . This c o n c e m for entities . . . is manifested in a v e r y particular w a y b y technology" ( H o o d , 1972, p . 354). The m e a n i n g of technology is n o t rooted in the satisfaction of h u m a n n e e d s , b u t m the c o n c e m of Uie h u m a n species for the Being of specific entities. Rather t h a n homo faber ( h u m a n s as tool m a k e r s to m e e t basic n e e d s s u c h as food a n d shelter), technological activity for H e i d e g g e r is o i u a t t e m p t to o v e r p o w e r death. T h e s t m g g l e for m a s t e r y " e m b o d i e s the interrelated principles of utihty a n d c o n s i u n p t i o n w h i c h h e at the heart of technological consciousness" (Taylor, 1984, p . 14). H e i d e g g e r ' s Bemg is defkied b y mortahty. "We n o w call mortals m o r t a l s — n o t b e c a u s e their earthly life c o m e s to a n e n d , b u t because they are capable of d e a t h as death Rational h v i n g b e m g s m u s t first b e c o m e m o r t a l s " (Heidegger, 1971b, p . 179). "Bemg can only presence itself t h r o u g h d e a t h " (Fry, 1993, p . 88). In H e i d e g g e r ' s framework, the ontic d i m e n s i o n a n d Being as the foundation (the ontological) are n o t to b e identified. These t w o concepts.

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the ontic a n d the ontological, are the t w o m a i n d i m e n s i o n s of Being (Heidegger, 1927/1962a, sees. 3-4). H u m a n s exist simultaneously in b o t h arenas. A l t h o u g h the ontological is structurally prior to the ontic, it is disclosed o n the ontic level.

Insofar as nuin is, exists in the ontological dimension, he is already oriented toward an ensemble of entities in the ontic dimension—that is, things of such and such a character, quantity, quality, relation, and so on. Both the background of man's ontological dimension provided by his basic orientation to Being and the horizon of his ontic dimension which emerges from his discovery of entiti^ are revealed together. (Hood, 1972, p. 353)

Being is n o t a n essence as W e s t e m philosophers h a v e traditionally a s s u m e d . In fact, only t h r o u g h the ontic or p h e n o m e n a l can the ontological b e u n d e r s t o o d . The electromagnetic s p e c t r u m w a s concealed until r a d i o a n d television imveiled it. A h o u s e reveals s o m e t h i n g of w o o d e n ness, a n d a ship discloses the character of w a t e r (Heidegger, 1977, p . 13). But the ontological d i m e n s i o n is in t u m the set of conditions that f o u n d s the ontic. Technology, as Heidegger sees it, is ontic a n d ontological in a n orgaruc w h o l e . H e locates w h a t is ontological t h r o u g h a p h e n o m e n o l o g i cal analysis of w h a t a p p e a r s as "the ready-to-hand." A praxical e n g a g e m e n t w i t h actual entities b e c o m e s p r i m a r y instead of a cogrutive s t m g g l e over e n d s or a n engineering w i z a r d r y w i t h techniques a n d materials. T h u s , technology is n o t m e r e m e a n s or a n ensemble of things, b u t " a m o d e of revealing, that is, of t m t h — [It] c o m e s to presence in the realm w h e r e revealing a n d u n c o n c e a l m e n t take place, w h e r e aletheia, t m t h , h a p p e n s " (Heidegger, 1977, p . 13). For Heidegger, technology cannot b e g r a s p e d in its ontic d i m e n s i o n alone—^that is, in the h u m a n activity of p r o d u c i n g things w i t h tools. This is the m i s t a k e n a p p r o a c h of instrumentalism, a n d imless w e overcome it, w e carmot h o p e to u n d e r s t a n d the technological order.

We are delivered over to technology in the worst possible way when we regard it as something neutral, for this conception of it, to which today we particularly like to do homage, makes us utterly blind to the essence of technology. (Heidegger, 1977, p . 4)

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To get b e y o n d the traditional conception, w e m u s t g r a s p h o w h u m a n s g r o u n d technology a n d h o w technology "takes o n its d e t e r m i n a t i o n in such a g r o u n d i n g . T h e problem, then, is to see h o w the ontological d i m e n s i o n of m a n m a k e s possible the ontic d e t e r m i n a t i o n of technology" (Hood, 1972, p . 354). H e i d e g g e r asks the philosophical question: " W h a t are the conditions w h i c h m a k e technology possible?" " M o d e m t e c h n o l o g y . . . is n o t merely h u m a n d o i n g " (Heidegger, 1977, p . 19). Technology h a s a n ontological " s t m c t u r e w h i c h . . . is the particular form of its set of possibihties w h i c h [groimd] w h a t w e take as c o n t e m p o r a r y technics. The n a m e for this s h a p e of technological t m t h , H e i d e g g e r calls GestelV (Heidegger, 1977, p p . 19-21; I h d e , 1979, p . 107). In H e i d e g g e r ' s use, Gestell is enframmg,^ a n d it is similar for h i m to Michael Polanyi's tacit k n o w l e d g e a n d R a y m o n d Williams' s t m c t u r e s of feehng. O u r revealing of technology is a l w a y s b o i m d e d b y its horizons. The h u m a n response to technology is located a n d h n u t e d . H i u n a n action is n o t self-originating, b u t g u i d e d b y a historical play of l a n g u a g e a n d concepts n o t u n d e r a n y o n e p e r s o n ' s c o n t r o l Man can indeed conceive, fashion, and carry through this or that in one way or another. But man does not have control over unconcealment itself, in which at any given time the real shows itself or withdraws. (Heidegger, 1977, p. 18) "Beings or entities t h u s a p p e a r only against, from a n d w i t h i n a b a c k g r o i m d or openkig, a framework. But the o p e n i n g or clearing w i t h i n w h i c h they take the s h a p e s they assiune, is itself s t m c t u r e d " (Ihde, 1979, p . 105). Technology is n o t a n i n d i v i d u a l invention, b u t emerges witWn t h e claims that the n a t u r a l a n d cultural w o r l d s lay o n u s . Beings as s u c h are n e v e r s h n p l y given; they c o m e to presence in a defirute w a y that d e p e n d s o n the total field of revealmg m w h i c h they are situated. Technology a p p e a r s ontically m t e r m s of civilizational givens that are taken for granted. T h e technological m o d e of t m t h h a s specific features, deriving from a n e r a ' s pretheoretical c o m m i t m e n t s , " s o m e t h i n g like d e e p l y h e l d , d3mamic b u t e n d u r i n g traditions, historical b u t n o m o r e easily t h r o w n over t h a n one's o w n deepest character or p e r s o n a h t y " (Ihde, 1979, p . 102). In the c o n t e m p o r a r y age, the disclosure of technology takes place u n d e r conditions of scientific a n d commercial p r o w e s s , rationalism, a n d secularism. A s interpretive agents, w e find ourselves in a n e w interpretive

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situation—a life-world of technological texture that stipulates for u s w h a t is true (Ihde, 1983, p . 11). In H e i d e g g e r ' s terms, the m o d e m e p o c h of Being is technological. T h u s , penetrating its "essence or s h a p e b e c o m e s a central philosophical c o n c e m if w e are to u n d e r s t a n d o u r era a n d p r e p a r e a response to it" (Ihde, 1979, p . 107). O n e of the civilizational givens in a technological w o r l d is defining the earth as s t a n d i n g reserve (Bestandy N a t u r e is u n d e r s t o o d in o n e d i m e n s i o n a l t e r m s as a field of energy or p o w e r that can b e c a p t u r e d a n d stored. " T h e earth n o w reveals itself as a coal m i n i n g district, the soil as a mineral d e p o s i t " (Heidegger, 1977, p . 14). We look at forests a n d see p a p e r p r o d u c t s . The river Rhine is a w a t e r p o w e r supplier for a h y d r o electric p l a n t (p. 16). O n l y o n the m a r g i n s are there altemative claims "which, for instance, regard the earth as m o t h e r a n d to w h i c h o n e d o e s n o t e v e n p u t a p l o w " (Ihde, 1979, p . 108). " E v e r y w h e r e everything is ordered to s t a n d by, to b e inunediately at h a n d , i n d e e d to s t a n d there just so that it m a y b e o n call for a further o r d e r i n g " (Heidegger, 1977, p . 17). Unrelenting technological d e v e l o p m e n t d e p e n d s o n o u r v i e w i n g n a t u r e as a storehouse for the engineer. The w o r l d is o n h a n d for h u m a n interaction, a n d " w h a t e v e r s t a n d s b y in the sense of s t a n d i n g reserve n o longer s t a n d s over against u s as object" (Heidegger, 1977, p . 17). " H i d d e n b e h i n d m o d e m physics is the spirit of technology, technology in its ontological sense as world-taken-as-standing-reserve. . . . N a t u r e a p p e a r s , w i t h i n enframing, as s t a n d i n g reserve" (Ihde, 1979, p p . 111-112). This selective w a y of seeing the w o r l d contains a direction or destiny. We shall call the sending that gathers, that first starts man upon a way of revealing, destining Man is endangered by destining. The destining of revealing is as such, in every one of its modes, and therefore necessarily, danger. (Heidegger, 1977, pp. 24,26) In the technological m o d e of revealing, w e m a y forget the concealing. We could mistake t h e p a r t for the whole. The w o r l d m a y a p p e a r totally or ultimately as standing-reserve. " N a t u r e b e c o m e s a gigantic gasoline station, a n o i e r g y source for m o d e m technology a n d i n d u s t r y " (Heidegger, 1966, p . 50). When destining reigns in the mode of enframing, it is the supreme danger.... As soon as what is unconcealed... concems man exclusively

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as standing reserve, then he comes to the brink of a precipitous fall, that is, he comes to the point where he himself will have to be taken as standing-reserve. (Heidegger, 1977, p. 27). The d a n g e r in revealing, t h o u g h unnoticed, is the p r e - e m p t i n g of h u m a n existence in the technological process. For s o m e t h i n g " t o b e " m e a n s it is material for the self-augmenting technological system. M e d i a technologies are especially powerful m e c h a n i s m s for reconstructing a n inauthentic h u m a n n e s s . For Ellul, this m e d i a t e d process of enculturation is sociological p r o p a g a n d a , in w h i c h c o m m o n p l a c e s a n d conformity b u b b l e u p from b e l o w to h o m o g e n i z e rather t h a n inform. \ ^ e w e r s a n d readers are cast u p as purchasers; private a n d confidential d a t a b e c o m e c o m m o d i t i e s for digital information b a n k s . In Tony Fry's (1993) application of Heidegger, The power of television in many ways stems from the synthesis of technology and culture as it is projected and thereafter fills and forms the space in which the viewing "viewer" subject is monologically made in knowledge, (p. 8) In genetic engineering, h u m a n s are r a w material, fodder for scientific experimentation. We u s e h u m a n resoxuces like a styrof o a m c u p — t h r o w ing it a w a y as soon as t h e task is finished (Dreyfus, 1995, p . 99). In the classic case of the t o m a t o picker designed b y t h e University of CaliforniaIrvine, a n e w h y b r i d t o m a t o h a d to b e d e v e l o p e d — t o m a t o e s w i t h t o u g h skins so they w o u l d n o t break, that ripened at t h e s a m e time, w i t h chemical color a d d e d as necessary, a n d that w e r e s q u a r e or o b l o n g s o they m o v e d o n feeding trays better. A d a p t i n g the t o m a t o to the m a c h i n e is a n a n a l o g u e of H e i d e g g e r ' s c o n c e m w i t h destining. Relentlessly a n d overw h e h n m g l y , the technological process p r e - e m p t s n a t u r e a n d h i u n a n existence for itself. H e i d e g g e r rejects the p r e s u m p t i o n that h u m a n freedom is i n d e p e n d e n t of technological necessity. But h e is n o t a determinist. There is h u m a n agency in H e i d e g g e r ' s m o d e l t h r o u g h poiesis a n d revealing, b u t w i t h o u t subjectivism; n a t u r e a n d i n s t r u m e n t s are n o t at o u r behest: The conung to presence of technology gives man entry into that which, of himself, he can neither invent nor in any way make. For there is no

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s u c h t h i n g as a m a n w h o , solely of himself, is only m a n . (Heidegger, 1977, p . 31)

Oruy in its essence d o e s Heidegger consider technology d a n g e r o u s . "The threat to m a n d o e s n o t c o m e in the first instance from the potentially lethal m a c h i n e s a n d a p p a r a t u s of technology. The actual threat h a s alr e a d y afflicted m a n in his essence" (Heidegger, 1977, p . 28). W h a t c o u n t s as real h a s b e e n leveled a n d reduced. The technological revolution h a s d a z z l e d u s into accepting a n d practicing "calculative thinking as t h e only w a y of t h i n k i n g " (Heidegger, 1966, p . 56). A s a result, o u r authentic humcmness is closed d o w n .

Η

Triadic C o m m u n i c a t i o n Theory

For H e i d e g g e r to b e taken seriously w h e n articulating the relation a m o n g m e d i a , religion, a n d culture, a triadic theory of c o n u m m i c a t i o n is necessary. Stimulus-response m o d e l s a n d information systems theory are n o t stitched d e e p l y e n o u g h into actual h i m i a n experience to b e relevant. H e i d e g g e r ' s radical contextualism requires the social c o n s t m c t i o n of a Berger a n d L u c k m a n n or cultural a p p r o a c h e s in w h i c h " w e first p r o d u c e the w o r l d b y symbolic w o r k a n d then take u p residence in the w o r l d w e h a v e p r o d u c e d " (Carey, 1989, p . 30). The p h e n o m e n o l o g i c a l w o r l d h u m a n s are said to p r o d u c e a n d inhabit anchors the symbolization process w i t h o u t w h i c h social relations are impossible. However, e v e n semiotic a n d sociological theories d o n o t necessarily incorporate t h e technological d i m e n s i o n of culture into their frame of reference. E m s t Cassirer's (1953-1957) p h i l o s o p h y of symbolic forms p u t s o u r various symbolic universes o n a level playing floor; scientific k n o w l e d g e as a symbolic formation is n o longer superior in principle to s u c h symbolic d o m a i n s as m u s i c a n d religion. But Cassirer's symbolic frontiers d o n o t explicitly account for technological practices. In a d y a d i c cultural theory of c o m m u n i c a t i o n such as Cassirer's, the symbolic w o r l d w i t h i n w h i c h h u m a n s are constituted accounts for the process of m e a r u n g - m a k ing, b u t w i t h o u t incorporating the physical w o r l d explicitly. A s Wayne W o o d w a r d (1995) concludes regarding the semiotic legacy of Charles Peirce (1940/1955) a n d Walker Percy (1975), l a n g u a g e intercormects the

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sociological aspects of community, b u t the "constraints of the p h y s i c a l / m a t e r i a l / t e c h n o l o g i c a l e n v i r o n m e n t are essentially o m i t t e d from consideration" ( W o o d w a r d , 1996, p . 158). Rooting o u r u n d e r s t a n d m g of rehgion a n d the m e d i a in culture is a significant a d v a n c e , b u t itself b e g s the question w h e t h e r o u r cultural a p p r o a c h e s accoimt for technology adequately. If o u r theories of m e d i a tion d o n o t reflect H e i d e g g e r ' s complexity, they actually r e p r o d u c e a n i n s t r u m e n t a l a p p r o a c h to technology rather t h a n a n ontological one. In Cornel West's critique of the cultural studies tradition rooted in p r a g m a tism, as represented in this case b y Richard Rorty, [It] only kicks the philosophical props from under liberal bourgeois capitalist societies; it requires no change in our cultural and political practices. What then are the ethical and political consequences of his neopragmatism? On the macrosocietal level, there simply are none. (West, 1989, p. 206)

Within the cultural studies tradition are dialogic constructions that are exphcitly triadic. George H e r b e r t M e a d , for e x a m p l e , "situates h u m a n s y m b o h c practices witiihi t h e structures a n d constraints of the bio-physical e n v i r o n m e n t in w h i c h these practices o c c u r ; . . . [he d o e s not] resort to separate temtinologies to analyze m u l t i p l e levels of practices a n d constraints—^mind, self, society, a n d bio-physical e n v i r o n m e n t " ( W o o d w a r d , 1996, p . 160; M e a d , 1934). h i Majid Tehranian's (1991) reconstruction of M e a d ' s field of m e a i u n g , the w o r l d a n d social reahty are symbohcally connected t h r o u g h a n "established or e m e r g h i g stock of signals (technology) a n d k n o w l e d g e (culture)" (p. 57). M e a d ' s s h a r e d s y m b o h c w o r l d directs u s a w a y from the p r o d u c t i o n of m e a n i n g solely t h r o u g h l a n g u a g e , t o w a r d " t h e physical a n d artifactual constraints within, a n d b y m e a n s of which, all c o m m u n i c a t i o n materially o c c u r s " ( W o o d w a r d , 1996, p . 160). In M a r t i n B u b e r ' s variation, o u r m o d e of existence includes b o t h T h o u a n d It in the relational m o m e n t . The m e d i u m - o r i e n t e d C a n a d i a n tradition is exphcitiy triadic also.^ Originathig w i t h H a r o l d Innis at the University of Toronto, this cultural theory of c o m m u n i c a t i o n a r g u e s that social c h a n g e results from m e d i a transformations, that changes in s y m b o h c forms alter the structure of consciousness. Instead of ignoring the material, witiihi this triadic p a r a d i g m the distinguishing properties of particular m e d i a technologies are

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considered the m o s t p r o d u c t i v e v e n u e for u n d e r s t a n d i n g cultural patt e m s a n d h u m a n perception. In d y a d i c theories of c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d culture, technology is ign o r e d or u n d e r d e v e l o p e d , a n d religious sensibilities can b e a s s u m e d to p r o s p e r in s y m b o l m a k i n g . However, triadic a p p r o a c h e s o p p o s e technocratic culture to religion, a n d contradict naive instrumentalism. T h e y strip u s clean of the a s s u m p t i o n that religious symbols are definitive or that they can b e m e d i a t e d in salvific t e r m s t h r o u g h global information technologies.

β

Prophetic Witness

W h e n religion is u n d e r s t o o d in functional t e r m s a n d technology r e d u c e d to n e u t r a l m e a n s , the sacred d o m a i n can p r e s u m e for itself a n explicit rationale. A s the harbinger a n d catalyst of ultimate values, religious rituals can b e said to participate w i t h Aristotle's p h i l o s o p h e r s a n d literateurs in vivifying social e n d s . In the functional m o d e l , the visual m e d i a are hailed as the savior of religious education. However, in concert w i t h cultural studies as a w h o l e , H e i d e g g e r ' s p h i l o s o p h y of technology destroys this instrumentalist p a r a d i g m . G i v e n his a r g u m e n t that the current e p o c h of Being is technological in character, H e i d e g g e r takes a w a y o u r p r e s u m p t i o n s that religious w o r l d v i e w s can actively participate in c o n t e m p o r a r y m e a n i n g - m a k i n g . E v e n m o r e pointedly, H e i d e g g e r contradicts d y a d i c c o m m u n i c a t i o n theories in w h i c h symbolically negotiated w o r l d s are d e v o i d of material s t m c t u r e s . H e challenges the cultural t u m to take technology seriously. But h e m a k e s n o proposals for getting "technology u n d e r control so it can serve o u r rationally chosen e n d s " (Dreyfus, 1995, p . 97). While getting u s o n the right track, a n ontological v i e w of technology m a k e s the task e v e n for culturalists i m m e a s u r a b l y m o r e difficult. There is n o technological p r o b l e m that n e e d s fixing, b u t a n ontological condition from w h i c h w e n e e d emancipation. The crisis w e face is n o t technology, b u t a technological u n d e r s t a n d i n g of Being. In H e i d e g g e r ' s view, b e c a u s e o u r beingness is situated t o d a y in technological conditions radically o p p o s e d to h i m i a n freedom, there are n o oases in w h i c h t h e m o r a l imagination can p r o s p e r u n d i s t u r b e d . The best w e can m a n a g e is

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o n g o i n g struggle w i t h o u t g u a r a n t e e s of success. Pockets of resistance m a y b e possible, t h o u g h always unstable a n d marginalized. A t least in theory, the technological process is n o t d e t e r m i n e d a n d linear, b u t a dialectical r e v e a h n g of the concealed. In fact, s h o u l d s o m e version of H e i d e g g e r ' s technoculture s e e m w a r ranted, p r o p h e t i c witness is the only strategic o p t i o n for t h e rehgious community. W h e n m e d i a t i o n is u n d e r s t o o d in triadic t e r m s — a n d technology, therefore, b e c o m e s a constituent element in cultural formation— rehgion's territory is prophetic a p p e a l s for authentic Being. In A b r a h a m Heschel's (1962/1969-1971) m o n i u n e n t a l study, the p r o p h e t is n o t a d o o m s a y e r or self-righteous moralizer. P r o p h e t s constantly p o r t r a y divine participation in the h u m a n p r e d i c a m e n t . H i s t o r y is n o t a derehct arena w h e r e a lonely species struggles o n its o w n for survival. Evil h a s n o i n d e p e n d e n t life of its o w n ; it is a parasite h v i n g off a n originaUy g o o d creation. T h u s p r o p h e t s s p e a k to the oppressiveness of technocratic culture, b u t w i t h a constructive ambience. Their p i u p o s e is e m p o w e r m e n t , n o t flagellation for its o w n sake. P r o p h e t s often react fiercely; they carry a b u r d e n o n their souls a n d are s t u n n e d at p e o p l e ' s blatant greed a n d their p l u n d e r i n g of the poor. The p r o p h e t feels compelled to c o n d e m n society's complacency a n d w a y w a r d n e s s , b u t a l w a y s w i t h the a i m of reconciling the h i u n a n species to God. J u d g m e n t is n o t absolute, b u t conditional. Disaster wiU strike only if there is n o t u m i n g back. The prophetic a h n is n o t to reject history wholesale, b u t to redirect it. P r o p h e t s s p e a k w i t h p a t h o s , w i t h a n u n quenchable c o n c e m for justice. They insist o n taking "tragic action in a n evil-ridden w o r l d " t h r o u g h critical consciousness a n d m o r a l vision (West, 1989, p . 232).^ History is n o b h n d alley; G o d offers a w a y out. Within a n ontological p a r a d i g m , Jacques Ellul is t h e m o s t distinctively prophetic. Dale B r o w n (1976) in a typical s t a t e m e n t a p p l a u d s his "Amos-like ministry to the technological society" (p. 37). EUul's Judgment of Jonah is a specific a t t e m p t to d e v e l o p the prophetic motif as a counterp o i n t to m a s s m e d i a p r o p a g a n d a . Hope in the Time of Abandonment a n d the Ethics of Freedom are inspired b y his theistic w o r l d view. However, w h i l e rejecting disiUusionment a n d refusing to b e h e v e history is b l i n d will, EUul o p p o s e s c h e a p solutions a n d middle-level bargains. H e confronts t h e industrial era w i t h o u t a h i n t of c o m p r o m i s e . H e s m a s h e s o u r m o d e m idols, exposes false clahns, insists o n d e m y t h o l o g i z i n g t o d a y ' s illusions, a n d s t a n d s u s squarely before the b l o o d y face of history.

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Ellul d o e s n o t reject technological p r o d u c t s themselves, b u t attacks o u r sacralizing of t h e m . H e witnesses against technicism as a n unacceptable w o r s h i p of a n elfin god. We i m b u e the technological enterprise w i t h a n a u r a of h o l y prestige, a n d Ellul as p r o p h e t desacralizes the g r a n d i o s e claims. P r o p h e t s in his m o d e g o after the civilizational givens—^what Ellul calls la technique; they cut t h r o u g h the idolatrous attitudes, intentions, a n d desires w h i c h are d r i v i n g technology forward. Given H e i d e g g e r ' s longstzmding interest in the p h i l o s o p h y of lang u a g e (1962b, 1971a, 1971b, for example), h e sees a g l i m m e r of h o p e in a n o t h e r direction. H e believes that t h r o u g h a basic revival of techne as art, w e can b r o a d e n a n d enrich technological revealing. This m o v e is familiar t h r o u g h o u t the H e i d e g g e r i a n e m p h a s i s o n the p r i m a l role of the poet: "Poetically m a n dwells u p o n this e a r t h " (Heidegger, 1977, p . 34). "Art is technological as techne, b u t its m o d e of revealing o p e n s n e w w a y s of 'saying Being' as H e i d e g g e r p u t s it" (Ihde, 1979, p . 115). "Art is essentially anti-reductive in its imaginative fecimdity. Its ' w o r l d s ' are effectively e n d l e s s " (p. 129). H e i d e g g e r chooses this altemative strategically against the totalizing closure of o u r h u m a n i t y A r t is techne, similar in k i n d to all praxical dealings w i t h the w o r l d . It is t h u s abready related to technology " C o n frontation w i t h [technology] m u s t h a p p e n in a realm that is, o n the o n e h a n d , akin to the essence of technology, a n d o n the other, fundamentally different from it" (Heidegger, 1977, p . 35). "Technology a n d art b e l o n g to the d a n g e r a n d possible salvation of the s a m e e p o c h of Being" (Ihde, 1979, p . 115). H e i d e g g e r takes the "Greek t e m p l e as his illustration of a n a r t w o r k working. The t e m p l e h e l d u p to the Greeks w h a t w a s i m p o r t a n t , a n d so let there b e heroes a n d slaves, victory a n d disgrace, disaster a n d blessing, a n d so o n " (Dreyfus, 1995, p . 105). If art as h a n d i w o r k a n d craftwork can o p e n a nontechnological u n d e r s t a n d i n g of being, t h e n artifacts a n d tools of s o m e sort w o u l d continue to exist, b u t they w o u l d n o longer constrain o u r h o r i z o n of i m d e r s t a n d i n g . Consistent w i t h triadic theories of c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d culture, richer technological revealing is n o t limited to m e s s a g e b u t revolutionizes the m e d i u m as well. Reordering the size, s h a p e , a n d s p e e d of technological p r o d u c t s is imperative for enabling a critical consciousness to prosper. A s a response to hyperindustrialism, Ivan Illich (1973) insists o n altemative

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technologies—on responsibly limited tools that respect t h e dignity of h u m a n w o r k , are generally accessible, a n d e m p h a s i z e p e r s o n a l satisfaction a n d creative ingenuity. Such d e m o c r a t i z e d technologies, o w n e d b y the p e o p l e themselves a n d in t h e vernacular t o n g u e , niurture c o m m u nities of resistance against t h e technological m y s t i q u e (cf. Ganley, 1992; Riano, 1994; S r e b e m y - M o h a m m a d i & M o h a n u n a d i , 1994). In local settings, they are incubators of nonviolent civic transformation. However, the task is finaUy n o t ontic b u t ontological, a n d therefore a prophetic witness is disruptive a n d extraordinarily painful. We confront d e e p resistance w h e n w e insist o n m o v i n g b e y o n d n e w m a c h i n e s a n d m e t h o d s to t h e restructuring of Bemg. Dasein's kind of b e i n g thus demands that any ontological inteφretation

w h i c h sets itself the goal of exhibiting the phenomena in their primordiality, should capture the being of the entity, in spite of this entity's own tendency to cover things up. Existential analysis, therefore, constantly

h a s the character of doing violence whether to the claims of the everyday inteφretation, o r to its complacency and its tranquilized obliviousness. (Heidegger, 1927/1962a, p. 359)

The struggle is n o t over technological devices p e r se, b u t over t h e civihzational givens that u n d e r g i r d the technological enterprise. These u n d e r l y i n g values, this i n s t r u m e n t a l worldview, m u s t b e revolutionized for o u r behigness to b e redefined in nontechnocratic t e r m s . Worldng t h e trenches h a s httle glcunor, b u t only a prophetic witness matters. Notes 1. The traditional view, in Heidegger's perspective, has a subjectivistic variant—that is, technology as a human activity. "The two definitions belong together. For to posit ends and procure and utilize the means to them is a human activity. The manufacture and utilization of equipment, tools, and machines, the manufactured and used things themselves, and the needs and ends they serve, all belong to what technology is The current conception of technology, according to which it is a means and a human activity, can therefore be called the instrumental and anthropological definitions of technology" (Heidegger, 1977, p. 5). These two definitions reflect different aspects of the subject-object dualism on which Aristotle's definition is built. 2. Heidegger's stellar reputation has been sullied by his commitment to German national socialism prior to and during World War Π (cf. Lyotard, 1990; Wolin, 1993). As Rector of the University of Freiburg in 1933-1934 and as a prominent inteUectual during the war years, he

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refused to c o n d e m n N a z i s m and offered n o apology before his death in 1976 at a g e 87. While recognizing the importance of his philosophical project for hermeneutics, postanalytical philosophy, critical theory, poststructuralism, and deconstructionism. Otto Foggier's question is unavoidable: ' Ή ο \ ν d o w e c o m e to terms w i t h the fact that perhaps the greatest philosopher of the twentieth century w a s a Fascist?" (Fry, 1993, p. 16). Since Georg Lukacs first e x p o s e d this grotesque failure, explanations that Heidegger distinguished N a z i s m as it occurred from the inner truth of national socialism h a v e not b e e n satisfactory. Rather than crass indifference, Heidegger's contempt of media-dominated publicity m a y have motivated his silence; but that rationale s e e m s simplistic e v e n to those w h o d o not w a n t h i m silenced for his silence. Rockmore (1995, p p . 128-144) at least provides a plausible account intellectually: H e i d e g g e r ' s transpersoruil conception of Being differs radically from the democratic subject and therefore tolerates within itself an anti-democratic politics. From this perspective, a Heideggerian aruilysis, if cormected to prophetic witness, will not "tolerate . . . a n antidemocratic politics." For p u φ o s e s of this chapter, Aristotle and Heidegger are both understood as intellectual forebears of distinctive philosophies of technology. Feenberg (1991, p p . 5-13) labels them the instrumentalist and substantive theories respectively Even as Aristotle's legacy extends to, and is modified by, a w i d e range of 20th-century thirucers, s o an ontological philosophy of technology is reconstructed b y Jacques Ellul, Ivan Illich, Arnold Pacey, and Jean Baudrillard. A l t h o u g h the conceptual focus that follows is H e i d e g g e r ' s for the sake of compartness, it is obviously not presented as Heideggerian existentialism per se, but as a substantive philosophy of technology rooted primarily in H e i d e g g e r ' s Question Conceming Technology. Jean Paul Sartre w a s H e i d e g g e r ' s most famous student, along w i t h Georg Gadamer and Harmah Arendt. The smaller scale controversy over his four-year affair w i t h Arendt has also complicated an assessment of his philosophical stature (cf. Ettinger, 1995). 3. The phenomenological m e t h o d for approaching technology is d e v e l o p e d in detail b y Ihde (1983); see especially chapter 8, "Phenomenology and the Later Heidegger," and chapter 3, "The Technological Embodiment of Media." 4. The major concepts w e r e introduced in Being and Time (1927/1962a). After World War n, his philosophy of technology w a s explicitly d e v e l o p e d in four lectures before the Club at Bremen (December 1949). The first t w o w e r e presented later at the Bavarian A c a d e m y of Fine Arts in the series, "The Arts in the Technological A g e . " These are published as The Question Conceming Technology, along w i t h the fourth Bremen lecture ("The Turrung," p p . 36-49). For an exposition of h o w Being and Time and The Question Conceming Technology are related, see D o n Ihde (1979, ch. 9). 5. Gestell m e a n s in ordinary German, 'frame, bookrack, or skeleton.' 6. For a historical review of Caruidian social commimications that situates Innis and his successor, Marshall McLuhan, within a trajectory from the 18th century to Michel Foucault, see Heyer (1988). 7. For elaboration against the background of West's "disenchantment w i t h intellectual life in America and . . . demoralization regarding the political and cultural state of the country" (p. 7), see his chapter 6, "Prophetic Pragmatism," p p . 211-239, and West (1988).

References Brown, D. (1976, November). Critique: New demons. Sojoumers, 5,37. Carey, J. W. (1989). Communication as culture. Wmchester, MA: U n w i n H y m a n .

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Cassirer, E. (1953-1957). The philosophy of symbolic forms (3 vols.) (R. Manheim, Trans.). N e w H a v e n , CT: Yale University Press. Dreyfus, H. L. (1995). Heidegger o n gaining a free relation to technology. In A. Feenberg & A. Hannay (Eds.), Technology and the politics of knowledge (pp. 97-107). Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Ettinger, E. (1995). Hannah Arendt/Martin Heidegger. N e w H a v e n , CT: Yale University Press. Feenberg, A. (1991). Critiωl theory of technology. N e w York: Oxford University Press. Fry, Τ (Ed.). (1993). R Ii Λ TV? Heidegger and the teleuisual. Sydney, Australia: P o w e r Publications. Ganley, G. D. (1992). The exploding political power of personal media. N o r w o o d , NJ: Ablex. Heidegger, M. C. (l%2a). Being and time [Sein und zeit] Q. Macquarrie & E. Robinson, Trans.). N e w York: Harper & Row. (Originally published in 1927). Heidegger, M. C. (1962b). Letter o n humanism. In W. Barrett & H. D. A i k e n (Eds.), Philosophy in the twentieth century (vol. 2, p p . 290-302). N e w York: R a n d o m H o u s e . (Originally published 1947) Heidegger, M. C. (1966). Discourse on thinking. N e w York: H a φ e r & Row. Heidegger, M. C. (1971a). On the way to language. (P D . Hertz, Trans.). N e w York: Harper & Row. (Origiiully published in 1959). Heidegger, M. C. (1971b). Poetry, language, thought (A. Hofstadter, Trans.). N e w York: H a φ e r &Row Heidegger, M. C. (1977). The question conceming technology and other essays (W. Lovitt, Trans.). N e w York: H a φ e r & Row. Heschel, A. J. (1%9-1971). The prophets (2 vols.). N e w York: H a φ e r Torchbooks. (OriginaUy pubUshed 1962) Heyer, P. (1988). Communications and history: Theories of media, knowledge and civilization. Westport, CT: Greenwood. H o o d , W. F. (1972). The Aristotelian versus the Heideggerian approach to the problem of technology. In C. Mitcham & R. Mackey (Eds.), Philosophy and technology: Readings in the philosophical problems ofteώnology (pp. 347-363). N e w York: Free Press. Ihde, D. (1979). H e i d e g g e r ' s philosophy of technology. In Technics and praxis (pp. 103-129). Dordrecht, The Netherlands: D. Reidel. Ihde, D. (1983). Existential technics. Albany: State University of N e w York Press. lUich, I. (1973). Tools for conviviality. N e w York: H a φ e r Colophon. Lyotard, J. Ε (1990). Heidegger and the Jews (A. Michel & M. S. Roberts, Trans.). Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Mead, G. H. (1934). Mind, self, and society. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Peirce, C. S. (1955). Philosophical umtings of Peirce. N e w York: Dover. (OriginaUy pubUshed 1940) Percy, W. (1975). The message in the bottle. N e w York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux. Riaiio, P. (Ed.). (1994). Women in grassroots communication: Furthering social change. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Rockmore, T. (1995). Heidegger o n technology and democracy. In A. Feenberg & A. Harmay (Eds.), Technology and the politics of knowledge (pp. 128-144). Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Srebemy-Mohanunadi, A . , & M o h a m m a d i , A. (1994). Small media, big revolution: Communication, culture, and the Iranian revolution. Miiuieapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Taylor, M. C. (1984). Erring: A postmodem a/theology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Tehranian, M. (1991, February). Is comparative communication theory possible/desirable? Communication Theory, 1(1), 44-59.

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West, C. (1988). Prophetic fragments. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. West, C. (1989). The American evasion of philosophy: A genealogy of pragmatism. Madison: University of VNTisconsin Press. Wolin, R. (Ed.). (1993). The Heidegger controversy: A critical reader. Cambridge, MA: ΜΓΓ Press. Woodward, W. (1996, June). Triadic communication as transactional participation. Critical Studies in hAass Communication, 13(2), 155-174.

Part

Media, Religion, and Culture: Contemporary Society

Chapter

The Re-Enchantment of the World Religion and the Transformations of Modemity

Graham

Murdock

The sea of faith Was once, too, at the full, and round earth's shore Lay like the folds of a bright girdle furVd But now I only hear Its melancholy, long, withdrawing roar —Matthew Amold, Dover Beach

The world may well have been disenchanted by the rise of science and reason, but scold as the enlightened ones may, people still yearn for re-enchantment, —Wright, 1995, p . 19

O n e n i g h t in 1867, t h e p o e t a n d critic M a t t h e w A m o l d s t o o d o n D o v e r Beach looking o u t o v e r t h e English C h a n n e l . BeWnd h i m w a s a c o u n t r y

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transformed b y industrial manufacture; beyond him, Paris, capital of the Enlightenment and the rule of reason. In the dull roar of the sea pulling away from the shingle, he heard the melancholy echo of religious faith ebbing out of people's lives, leaving them buffeted, exposed, and alone. His lament expressed a sense of loss that many people had come to feel as the century began to m o v e toward its close. By then, the future seemed clear. Spiritual authority had been undermined b y science, and materialism and religion had retreated from the centers of institutional and imaginative life. The pins manufactured in A d a m Smith's ideal factory had n o space o n their heads for angels to dance. They were objects in an orderly system of exchange created b y the hidden hand of the capitalist market, not b y the handiwork of God. Mystery had been displaced b y measurement and calculation, the infinite b y the tangible. People were struggling to come to terms with what the great German sociologist Max Weber w a s to call "the disenchantment of the world." Weber saw this process as the key to understanding the distinctiveness of a m o d e m culture that set out to subsume all natural and social events "under orderly, symmetrical, precisely articulated generalizations and explanatory models" (Gellner 1987, p. 153). A d a m Smith w a s happy to share with N e w t o n the "pleasure to see the phenomena which w e reckoned the most unaccountable all deduced from some principle." The intention w a s not simply to explain, but to manipulate and control. This totalizing project, Weber argued, created a cosmos in which there w a s no room left for "mysterious incalculable forces" (Gerth & Mills, 1974, p. 139). Its aim w a s to calibrate the messiness of the world so that "Nature could be 'tamed,' workers made more docile, books balanced, and complexity contained" (Lyon, 1994, p. 24). To this end, the champions of m o d e m i t y w a g e d an unceasing war to defend the sovereignty of reason against mystery, magic, and faith. "At stake w a s the right to initiative and authorship of action, the right to pronounce on meanings, to constme narratives. To w i n the stakes, to w i n all of them and to w i n them for good, the world had to be de'Spiritimlized" (Bauman, 1992, p. x). At first glance, the advance of disenchantment looked unstoppable. Its generals shared an unshakable conviction that the ever-widening application of scientific rationality w o u l d lead to cumulative and irreversible gains, an aspiration that found attractive expression in the idea of "progress," modernity's master narrative. People wanted to believe.

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a n d m a n y did. They s a w steady i m p r o v e m e n t in t h e physical a n d m a t e rial conditions of e v e r y d a y life—sanitation, street h g h t i n g , vaccination against disease—^and n e w opportimities for m o b i h t y a n d choice—^the railway system, m a s s education, d e p a r t m e n t stores. But as Weber recognized, the d y n a m i c s of m o d e m i t y w e r e also c o n s t m c t i n g a n "iron c a g e " of b u r e a u c r a c y a n d routine b a s e d a r o i m d " a n incessant d r i v e to elintinate die h a p h a z a r d a n d annihilate the s p o n t a n e o u s " (Bauman, 1992, p . xi). M o d e m i t y h a d m a d e a Faustian pact w i t h the future. Securing the cognitive, administrative, a n d t e d m i c a l m a s t e r y offered b y p u r p o s i v e rationahty involved giving u p a p r e m o d e m w o r l d t h a t h a d often b e e n " m e n acing a n d capricious" b u t w a s also "meaningful, h u m a n e l y suffused, h u m a n l y r e s p o n s i v e " (Gellner, 1987, p . 153). In contrast, the e m e r g i n g w o r l d of d i s e n c h a n t m e n t a p p e a r e d "icy, impersonal, abstract, technical, d e v o i d of w a r m t h a n d m a g i c " (p. 164). This sense of a n unlooked-for e n d i n g , of values s h p p m g away, w a s reinforced b y the n e w science's failure to p r o v i d e a coherent s y s t e m of m e a n i n g c o m p a r a b l e to those offered b y rehgion. Because aU scientific propositions are b y definition provisional a n d o p e n to refutation, tiiey can offer n o certainties, n o anchorage points—only a v i e w of h u m a n o r d e r as "vulnerable a n d d e v o i d of rehable f o u n d a t i o n s " (Bauman, 1992, p . xi). All " t m t h s " b e c o m e contmgent. Matters of "fact" are rigorously s e p a r a t e d from j u d g m e n t s of value, a n d the l a n g u a g e of d i s p u t e c o m e s to center o n questions of evidence. Science rebuilt o u r v i e w of the c o s m o s a r o u n d notions of n a t u r a l causahty; but, as Weber n o t e d , it could n o t " a n s w e r with certainty the question of its o w n ultimate p r e s u p p o s i t i o n s " (Gerth & Mills, 1970, p . 355). This inabihty to a d d r e s s the m e a m n g of life, as o p p o s e d to its m e c h a n i s m s , generated a g r o w i n g " d i s e n c h a n t m e n t w i t h m o d e m i t y " (Smart, 1993, p . 86). This sense of d i s a p p o i n t m e n t w a s b o u n d u p , in t u m , w i t h a n hicreasing ambivalence t o w a r d the "creative d e s t m c t i o n " b e i n g carried o u t in the n a m e of progress. Conservatives h a d a l w a y s felt t h a t m o r e w a s b e i n g lost t h a n gained a n d h a d fought d o g g e d l y in defense of tradition a n d faith. But e v e n "progressives" b e g a n to h a v e d o u b t s . Their sense of exhilaration at the o p e n i n g u p of n e w possibihties w a s increasingly suffused w i t h anxiety. The " m o d e m p u r s u i t of m a s t e r y over all t h i n g s . . . s e e m e d d e s t m e d to r e m a i n unfmished, incomplete, a n d f m s t r a t e d " (Smart, 1993, p . 87). It m a n u f a c t u r e d p e r p e t u a l disillusion. A s Weber

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(quoted in G e r t h & Mills, 1974) p u t it, " t h e i n d i v i d u a l life of civilized m a n , placed into a n infinite progress . . . catches only the m o s t m i n u t e p a r t of w h a t the life of t h e spirit b r i n g s forth ever anew, a n d as such is m e a n i n g less" (pp. 139-40). This discontent w a s reinforced b y a g r o w i n g a w a r e n e s s that the gains of " p r o g r e s s " w e r e b a l a n c e d b y costs, that the continual refinement of calculating a n d i n s t r u m e n t a l forms of rationality generated p r o b l e m s as well as i m p r o v e m e n t s . M o d e m i t y w a s b e c o m i n g increasingly "vulnerable to the recognition of 'inconvenient' facts, the identification of unfulfilled promises, a n d the continuing existence of p r o b l e m s a n d d a n g e r s , if n o t exacerbated risks a n d t h r e a t s " (Smart, 1993, p . 86). Progress w a s seen to b e d e v o u r i n g itself as " m o r e a n d m o r e , the a d v a n c e s of science a n d technology" h a d "as their principal objective t h e correction of the h a r m f u l consequences of p r e v i o u s irmovations" (Levi-Strauss, 1995, p . 17). Disenc h a n t m e n t found p o t e n t expression in p o p u l a r fiction, b e g i n n i n g w i t h M a r y Shelley's cautionary tale of Frankenstein. In the w o r l d of the gothic, it w a s n o t the sleep of reason that b r e d monsters, b u t its application. These t w o s t r a n d s in the g r o w i n g disillusionment w i t h m o d e m i t y — the confrontation w i t h the d a r k side of progress a n d the evacuation of meaning—left a g a p in p o p u l a r s t m c t u r e s of feeling t h r o u g h w h i c h religion could reenter p e o p l e ' s lives. Weber (Gerth & Mills, 1974) u n d e r stood this v e r y well a n d a r g u e d strongly that the old g o d s w e r e a b o u t to "ascend from their g r a v e s " a n d r e s u m e their s t m g g l e " t o gain p o w e r over o u r lives" (p. 149). The time w a s ripe for a re-enchantment of t h e w o r l d . But w h a t forms could it take in a w o r l d indelibly m a r k e d b y the experience of m o d e m i t y ? In m e d i e v a l E u r o p e , Catholicism h a d s p r e a d a "sacred c a n o p y " (Berger, 1969) over the w h o l e of social a n d m e n t a l life a n d d e f e n d e d its exclusive control of spiritual services w i t h a n impressive r a n g e of deterrents a n d p u n i s h m e n t s . T h e Reformation b r o k e this m o n o p o l y a n d introd u c e d competition into the religious marketplace. The Protestant "licensing of p r i v a t e j u d g m e n t led to a ransacking of tradition a n d . . . fostered a narcissism of smcdl sectarian differences" as proliferating religious g r o u p i n g s all "claimed t h e right to authoritative p r o n o u n c e m e n t in religious m a t t e r s " (Archer, 1988, p . 200). With the collapse of orthodoxy, heresy w a s t r a n s m u t e d into dissent. But in c o m m o n w i t h m o s t m a r k e t s , the t e r m s of competition in this n e w religious field varied considerably d e p e n d i n g o n the role that e m e r g -

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ing nation-states chose to play. In England, at a n early p o m t in t h e state's formation, a particular version of Protestantism, t h e C h u r c h of E n g l a n d , w a s a d o p t e d as t h e established rehgion a n d p l a y e d a central role m s u p p o r t i n g t h e m o n a r c h y a n d t h e other central institutions of secular power. A s a result, it c a m e to b e seen b y m a n y p e o p l e , particularly w i t h i n the w o r k i n g class, as belonging t o " t h e m " rather t h a n to " u s . " A s Richaud H o g g a r t (1959) r e m e m b e r e d from h i s childhood in Leeds b e t w e e n t h e Wars, p e o p l e " m i g h t still b e h e v e , i m d e m e a t h , in certain w a y s " a n d w o u l d p r o b a b l y d r a w o n "rehgious institutions at t h e i m p o r t a n t m o m e n t s of life"—-birth, m a r r i a g e , d e a t h — ( p . 88) b u t they s a w the local churches a n d chapels a s institutions apart, 'Tjroodmg presences, s t a n d h i g j u d g m e n t o n the p u b s " (p. 124). This p a t t e m of believing without belonging (Davie, 1994, p . 94) is perfectly c a u g h t in t h e r u m i n a t i o n s of o n e of D a v i d L o d g e ' s (1995) c o n t e m p o r a r y fictional characters:

I've never regarded myself as a religious p e r s o n — I have a sort of faith that w e survive after death. I respect Jesus as a n ethical thirucer... but I

wouldn't call myself a Christian. My Mvim and Dad sent me to Sunday School w h e n I w a s a rupper—don't ask m e w h y because they never went to church themselves except for weddings and funerals, (pp. 87-88) A s t h e sociologist D a v i d Martin reluctantly concluded, "We in England h v e in t h e chill rehgious v a p o r s of N o r t h e m Europe, w h e r e m o r i b i m d rehgious e s t a b h s h m e n t s l o o m over p o p u l a t i o n s that m o s t i y d o n o t enter churches for active w o r s h i p even if they entertain inchoate behefs" (quoted m Davie, 1994, p . 189). This v i e w of rehgion as a w e a k a n d warting presence in p o p u l a r experience is t h e principal reason w h y British C u l t u r a l Studies h a s p a i d it s o httle attention. In a seminal article, R a y m o n d Williams (1980) h a d n o hesitation i n including it a m o n g t h e "residues—cultiural a s well a s s o cial—of s o m e p r e v i o u s social formation" (p. 40). A n d because t h e s u p porters of the n e w field h a d n o m i n a t e d t h e s t u d y of contemporary ctdture as their defirdng project, "residual" practices h e l d few attractions. Interest focused instead o n t h e " e m e r g e n t " cultures forming a r o i m d y o u t h , gender, a n d ethiucity. But because the intention w a s to d e b i m k the c o m m o n sense labels a n d explaiuitions of these formations offered b y conservative pohticians a n d t h e p o p u l a r n e w s m e d i a , cultural studies found itself a d o p t i n g their hierarchy of c o n c e m s . This m e a n t t h a t m u c h w a s left o u t .

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There w a s a great deal of w o r k o n the subcultures that attracted publicity—the M o d s , H i p p i e s , Football Hooligans, a n d the rest—but v e r y little o n the n e w religious subcultures g r o u p e d a r o u n d the resurgence of evangelism. This selective inattention w a s shared as m u c h b y critics of cultural studies as b y its principal p r o p o n e n t s . A s Roxy H a r r i s (1996) h a s p o i n t e d out, the m o s t l y m a l e writers w h o struggled to m o v e Britain's transition from a n imperial to a postcolonial polity into the center of cultural s t u d i e s ' c o n c e m s t e n d e d to focus o n masculine street styles (Rastas, R u d e Boys, Rappers) a n d to p a s s over in silence t h e cultures of the black churches in w h i c h w o m e n , m a n y of t h e m m i d d l e - a g e d or elderly, p l a y e d a central role. A s foci of interest, such churches h a d multiple d i s a d v a n t a g e s . T h e y w e r e law-abiding rather t h a n deviant, vibrant b u t n o t spectaciilar, taken-f or-granted rather t h a n publicly visible. If religion a p p e a r e d "residual" in the inclement climate of N o r t h e m Europe, elsewhere it clearly r e m a i n e d central to b o t h p o p u l a r culture a n d e v e r y d a y life. This w a s t m e n o t just of the Catholic countries of S o u t h e m E u r o p e a n d Latin America a n d of the Islamic World, w h i c h could b e seen as still partly p r e m o d e m or incompletely m o d e r n i z e d . It w a s also t m e of the m o s t m o d e m c o u n t r y of all, the United States. T h o u g h Protestantism stood at the heart of official A m e r i c a n culture, it w a s n o t the established religion. O n the contrary, the churches w e r e disestablished, separated from the state, at a n early point in the c o u n t r y ' s history. This g u a r a n t e e d religious freedom in general, b u t g a v e n o special privileges to a n y particular faith. "For the people, there w a s freedom of w o r s h i p . For the churches it w a s sink, or s w i m " (Wamer, 1993, p . 1051). They found themselves in a n o p e n marketplace, c o m p e t i n g for p e o p l e ' s time, money, a n d allegiance. Their vigorous efforts to sell themselves p r o m o t e d a consumerist relation to religion, in w h i c h d e n o m i n a t i o n s took o n the a p p e a r a n c e of b r a n d s . The identities they offered could b e tested, tried for a time, a n d discarded. According to polls, b e t w e e n a third a n d a half of all those asked h a d c h a n g e d their religious affiliation in the course of t h e k lives (Wamer, 1993, p . 1075). M a n y c o m m e n t a t o r s (e.g., Berger, 1969) h a v e seen this as a relatively recent p h e n o m e n o n , reinforced b y the p o s t w a r rise of a m a s s c o n s u m e r society in w h i c h " c o n s u m p t i o n b e c o m e s the m a i n form of self expression a n d the chief source of identity" (Waters, 1995, p . 140). But this is overly simple. The relations b e t w e e n c o n s u m p t i o n a n d Protestantism h a v e a longer, m o r e complex, history.

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In his b e s t - k n o w n b o o k . The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, M a x Weber (1958) a r g u e d that the m o r a l h n p e r a t i v e s of P u r i t a n i s m h a d p r o v i d e d a n essential cultural s u p p o r t for t h e practices of a c c u m u l a t i o n that fueled the rise of capitahsm. But as Colin C a m p b e U (1987) h a s p o i n t e d out, this w a s only half the story. There existed, from the outset, n o t o n e b u t " t w o major s t r a n d s of t h o u g h t w i t h i n Protestantism, a n d e v e n w i t h i n that especiaUy h a r s h a n d vigorous b r a n c h of it k n o w n as P u r i t a n i s m " (p. 219). O n e evolved into the instrumental rationalism that s u p p o r t e d capitalist p r o d u c t i o n , the other d e v e l o p e d into the R o m a n t i c sensibihty that fed into the c o n s m n e r system. Consequently, " t h e cultural logic of m o d e m i t y is n o t merely t h a t of rationahty as expressed in t h e activities of calculation a n d experiment; it is also that of p a s s i o n a n d the creative d r e a m i n g b o m of l o n g m g . " Its d y n a m i s m a n d e n e r g y arise o u t of t h e p e r m a n e n t tensions " b e t w e e n d r e a m a n d reahty, pleasure a n d u t i h t y " (p. 227). The shifting relations b e t w e e n these t w o sides of Protestant culture is especiaUy m a r k e d in America, w h e r e the c o n s u m e r society a n d the rehgious marketplace are b o t h m o s t a d v a n c e d . F r o m the Second Great Awakeiung, b e t w e e n 1790 a n d 1830, to the present revival of e v a n g e h s m , A m e r i c a n Protestantism h a s s h o w n a consistent fascination w i t h b e i n g " b o m a g a i n " a n d w i t h the possibihties of personal transformation. This exaltation of " a m o r e fluid sense of self t h a n w a s avaUable u n d e r the strict Calvinist d i s p e n s a t i o n " a n d the " m y s tic d r e a m of s p o n t a n e o u s l y flowing s p h i t u a l a b u n d a n c e " t h a t a c c o m p a nies it, fitted neatiy w i t h the n e w l a n g u a g e of the marketplace (Lears, 1994, p . 47-48). The e m e r g i n g c o n s u m e r system h a d its o w n cathedrals, rites, a n d htanies. The d e p a r t m e n t stores, w i t h their a u r a of h g h t a n d a b u n dance, p r o v i d e d spaces for n e w k i n d s of c o m m u r u o n ; a n d advertising, m o d e m i t y ' s " m a g i c system," (Wilhams, 1980), w r o t e stirring h y m n s of "deprivation a n d desire" (Lears, 1994, p . 49). C o n s u m e r i s m t h r e w a n e w "sacred c a n o p y " over e v e r y d a y life, p m m i s i n g that the m i m d a n e could b e instantly transformed, e v e n transcended, b y the alchemy of possession. Those in p a i n w o u l d find rehef from their sufferings; the duU hair a n d b l e m i s h e d skin of the lonely a n d urUoved w o u l d shine a n d glow; the h u n g r y w o u l d b e fed. A s p r o d u c t i o n b e c a m e m o r e m e c h a n i z e d a n d the iron cage of b u reaucracy m o r e extensive, t h e attractions of c o n s u m p t i o n a p p e a r e d ever m o r e seductive as industrial organization m o v e d t o w a r d the atomization of H e r u y Ford's assembly h n e . Work progressively lost its abihty to

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p r o v i d e a center for identity. It w a s n o longer possible to believe w i t h Zwingli a n d his early Protestant successors that "in the things of this life, the laborer is m o s t like to G o d . " Living w a s increasingly identified w i t h "the h o u r s spent a w a y from the stool, the m a c h i n e , a n d the p l o w " a n d leisure b e c a m e t h e major arena in w h i c h to search for the " m e a n i n g a n d justification of life" (Durant, 1938, p . 18). A n d at the center of leisure stood the c o n s u m e r system, n o u r i s h e d a n d orchestrated b y a r a p i d l y e x p a n d i n g p r o m o t i o n a l culture. A s a major m e d i u m for advertising, the p o p u l a r commercial press p l a y e d a pivotal role in this e m e r g i n g culture of consimaption; b u t in the editorial p a g e s , it also p r o v i d e d spaces w h e r e the w o r l d v i e w s of tradition a n d m o d e m i t y jostled for hearts a n d n u n d s . A t first sight, n e w s w a s squarely o n t h e side of m o d e m i t y . It claimed to offer a daily d e m o n s t r a tion of the "objectivity" that i m d e r p i r m e d positivist science a n d p u r posive rationality. Reporting w a s p r e s e n t e d as a n almost mechanical process, recording a picture of c o n t e m p o r a r y events u n c o n t a m i n a t e d b y personal convictions a n d partisanship. The m o d e m joumalist aspired to b e a h u m a n camera, dealing w i t h facts n o t j u d g m e n t s , w i t h the here-andn o w n o t the hereafter. But n e w s reports w e r e also stories; a n d those p r i n t e d in the p o p u l a r press, particularly if they dealt w i t h crime, offered powerful narratives of g o o d a n d evil, loyalty a n d betrayal, saints, devils, a n d r e d e e m e d simiers. They d r e w o n older forms of p o p u l a r storytelling—chapbooks, almanacs, the t m e confessions of c o n d e n m e d criminals—^whose m a n i c h e a n m o r a l universe w a s firmly rooted in religion. Other sections of the p a p e r s w e r e e v e n m o r e strongly inflected w i t h p r e m o d e m w o r l d v i e w s . A d v i c e colimms h a d elements of the confessional. Astrology colimins w a l k e d the ' l ) o r d e r l a n d of superstition" (Harrison & M a d g e , 1986, p . 222) reaffirming ideas of fate a n d predestination. A n d , as Richard H o g g a r t (1959) r e m e m b e r e d , the conventional w o r d i n g of the in memonum notices—"gone before," "released from w o r k here b e l o w " — w e r e a daily r e m i n d e r of the possibility of a life to c o m e (p. 89). Within t h e t w o central m e d i a of m o d e m i t y , p h o t o g r a p h y a n d film, the coexistence of religious a n d realist sensibilities w a s rather m o r e problematic, however. Because they claimed to offer a n objective picture of w h a t e v e r w a s in front of the lens at the time, representations of sacred subjects that could n o t n o r m a l l y b e seen a p p e a r e d to believers as b l a s p h e m o u s , or at the very least, highly offensive. Religious lobbies h a d s o m e early success in controlling the circulation of filmed images. In the first

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British system of cinema censorship, for e x a m p l e , "materialism of Christ or the A l m i g h t y " w a s o n e of only t w o absolute g r o u n d s o n w h i c h a fihn could b e b a n n e d (Christie, 1994, p . 120). A t the s a m e time, other rehgious leaders, particularly in the U n i t e d States w i t h its o p e n m a r k e t in behefs, w e r e quick to see the proselytizing potential of the n e w m e d i i u n . In 1897, t w o years after the Lumiere brothers h a d m o u n t e d the first p u b h c cinema performance in Paris, the A m e r i c a n evangelist Colonel H e n r y H a d l e y a r g u e d that, "These m o v i n g pictures are g o m g to b e t h e best teachers a n d the best preachers in the history of the w o r l d M a r k m y w o r d s , there are t w o things coming; prohibition a n d m o v i n g p i c t u r e s " (quoted in Christie, 1994, p . 121). H e w a s correct o n b o t h counts, b u t w h e r e a s Prohibition c a m e a n d w e n t , the m o v i e s b e c a m e a major m e d i u m for p o p u l a r i z i n g bibhcal stories a n d "lessons." The contradiction b e t w e e n reahst representation a n d rehgious conviction w a s initiaUy resolved b y filming reenactments of sacred d r a m a s staged b y the faithful. T h e fust major success w a s a fihn released in 1898 claiming to b e a d o c u m e n t a r y record of the m o s t f a m o u s vernacular performance of Christ's passion: the O b e r a m m e r g a u Passion Play. T h e fact that it w a s actually m a d e o n a rooftop in N e w York City d i d littie to d e n t its popularity, a n d it irutiated a long line of bibhcal epics. I n d e e d , t h e story of Christ p l a y e d a central role in estabhshing c m e m a as a n e w k h i d of spectacle, p r o v i d i n g the subject m a t t e r for the first A m e r i c a n featurelength fihn, Kalem's From the Manger to the Cross, w h i c h lasted 80 ntinutes a n d w a s released m 1912 to great acclaim. Depictions that b r e a k w i t h received notions of idealization can still p r o v o k e violent reactions, h o w ever. Performances of Martin Scorsese's recent film. The Last Temptation of Christ, for example, h a v e b e e n d i s r u p t e d b y d e m o n s t r a t i o n s , d a m a g e to cinema screens, a n d b o m b incidents. To u n d e r s t a n d why, w e n e e d to exantine the current crisis of m o d e m i t y a n d the r a n g e of rehgious responses it h a s p r o m p t e d . O v e r the last 15 years, a n increasing n u m b e r of c o m m e n t a t o r s h a v e c o m e to v i e w the culture of m o d e m i t y as " e x h a u s t e d " (Lyon, 1994, p . 6). They point to signs that the conceptual scaffolding that s u p p o r t e d its s t m c t u r e s of m e a n i n g is cracking a n d buckling. They see c o n t e m p o r a r y institutions laid o p e n to the "inherently critical, restless, unsatisfied, insatiable ' d r i v e to inquiry' originaUy d e p l o y e d against the old o r d e r " (Bauman,1992, p . viu). T h e o p t i m i s m p r o m o t e d b y the legitimating n a r rative of " p r o g r e s s " h a s coUapsed, b u m e d to ashes m the o v e n s of the

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N a z i d e a t h c a m p s a n d the firestorms of Hiroshima, N a g a s a k i , a n d Dresden. The patient application of scientific inquiry a n d calculating rationality p r o d u c e d manufactories of slaughter b e y o n d the d a r k e s t gothic i m a g inings. Even the d i v i d e n d s of peace w e r e increasingly s o u r e d as the e n v i r o n m e n t a l a n d h u m a n costs of economic g r o w t h w e r e a d d e d u p . A n d confronted w i t h the AIDS epidemic, science could offer n o cure, n o consolation. Into this v a c u u m flowed apocalyptic visions of a n e w p l a g u e , a divine p u n i s h m e n t for " u n n a t u r a l " acts a n d sexual permissiveness. T h e limitless h o r i z o n s of " p r o g r e s s " w e r e replaced b y a n acute a w a r e n e s s of limits. T h e r u n a w a y expectations of i m p r o v e m e n t s r a n into a wall. The absence of m e a n i n g at the h e a r t of m o d e m culture, w h i c h Weber h a d identified as its fatal flaw, w a s exposed to full view. A s D a v i d H a r v e y (1989) h a s a r g u e d , "The m o r a l crisis of o u r time is a crisis of Enlightenm e n t t h o u g h t . . . . [T]he affirmation of 'self w i t h o u t G o d ' in the e n d n e g a t e d itself because reason, a m e a n s , w a s left, in the absence of G o d ' s t m t h , w i t h o u t a n y spiritual or m o r a l g o a l " (p. 41). The secular theology of c o n s u m p t i o n w a s increasingly u n a b l e to a d d r e s s this lack. C o n s u m e r i s m h a d a l w a y s p r o m i s e d " s o m e t h i n g w h i c h it can't deliver" (Bauman, 1992, p . 225). Tangible i m p r o v e m e n t s in wellbeing a n d the quality of life d e p e n d n o t only o n personal possessions, b u t o n the infrastmcture of public g o o d s , p a i d for o u t of taxation a n d equally available to all—clean air, drirucable water, libraries, p a r k s . These a m e n i ties w e r e fought for a n d w o n over the s a m e p e r i o d that s a w the rise of c o n s u m e r i s m . Consequently, the c o n s u m e r s y s t e m d i d n o t h a v e to m e e t the full r a n g e of p e o p l e ' s w a n t s a n d desires. In the last t w o decades, however, the relentless rise of neoliberal economic policies h a s radically altered the balance b e t w e e n the public a n d m a r k e t sectors in a n u m b e r of a d v a n c e d industrial societies. Public utilities h a v e b e e n sold to private investors, a n d commercial institutions h a v e b e e n u r g e d to b e c o m e m o r e market-oriented. People h a v e b e e n exhorted to b e h a v e as constuners rather t h a n citizens. They h a v e b e e n discouraged from thinking of t h e m selves as m e m b e r s of m o r a l a n d political commuruties, a n d invited instead to assert their rights to choice in the marketplace. But as the u n d e r p i r m i n g s p r o v i d e d b y public g o o d s are d i s m a n t l e d , the pleasures of possession are left to b e a r a greater a n d greater responsibility for delivering c o n t e n t m e n t a n d corifirming p e r s o n a l identity a n d self-worth. In the era of h i g h m o d e m i t y , c o n s u m p t i o n w a s inextricably b o u n d u p w i t h the pleasures of inunersion in the spectacle, diversity, a n d con-

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stant m o v e m e n t of the m o d e m city. \ ^ d o w - s h o p p i n g , b r o w s i n g , a n d b u y m g w e r e integrated into a flow of u n e x p e c t e d juxtapositions a n d chance encounters. N o w for m a n y p e o p l e the streets are sites of fear, a n d s h o p p i n g h a s m o v e d m t o the m o n i t o r e d spaces of the maU a n d the h y p e r m a r k e t . Security g u a r d s a n d v i d e o surveillance g u a r a n t e e a safe a n d predictable experience. Differences a n d eccentricities are carefuUy controlled. A n y o n e w h o d o e s n o t fit is expelled, l e a v m g a space p e o p l e d entirely b y s h o p p e r s . But as Richard Sennett (1993) h a s a r g u e d , "The essence of d e v e l o p i n g as a h u m a n b e i n g is d e v e l o p i n g the capacity for ever m o r e complex experience. If the experience of complexity is losing its v a l u e in the e n v i r o n m e n t , w e are threatened 'spiritually'" (p. 131). This process of "hoUowing o u t " c o n s u m p t i o n is reinforced b y major changes in w o r k m g life. T h e e m e r g i n g c o m p u t e r i z e d technologies of p r o d u c t i o n a n d control frequently de-skill w o r k e r s , t u m i n g t h e m into caretakers of m a c h i n e s that carry o u t the complex tasks they once p e r f o r m e d themselves. " M o r e b m t a l l y . . . large n u m b e r s of p e o p l e are set free of routine tasks only to find themselves useless or, at best, i m d e r u s e d " (Sennett, 1995, p . 13). In the caUous lexicon of efficiency a n d " d o w n s i z i n g , " they are b l a m e d for their o w n redundancy. They h a v e failed to m a k e ftemselves of value. We h a v e entered the age of the "dispensable self." C o n s i u n p t i o n could offset the b o r e d o m of the assembly line, b u t it cannot easily c o m p e n s a t e for this d e e p loss of dignity a n d self w o r t h . N o r are those in professional a n d m a n a g e r i a l jobs u n t o u c h e d b y economic r e s t m c t u r i n g . For many, the prospect of a lifelong career h a s b e e n replaced b y p e r m a n e n t insecurity. "The corporate ' d o w n s i z i n g ' of the 1980s [has] w i p e d a w a y legions of b e a n - c o u n t i n g place-keepers, s w e e p i n g t h e m into n e w jobs, u n e m p l o y m e n t or tightly m a r g i n a l i z e d 'consultancy' w o r k " (Kane, 1995, p . 39). A s material a n d job success b e c o m e m o r e difficult to g u a r a n t e e , the task of c o n s t m c t i n g a viable self b e c o m e s m o r e problematic (Pahl, 1995). These three t r e n d s — t h e loss of faith in "progress," t h e intensified sense of meaningless at the h e a r t of m o d e m i t y , a n d the c o n s u m e r s y s t e m ' s mcreasing inabihty to c o m p e n s a t e — h a v e enlarged the space t h r o u g h w h i c h rehgion can reenter the m a i n s t r e a m of private a n d p u b h c life. T h e tide of history seems to h a v e t u m e d . A s Rocco Buttighone, a C a t h o h c theologian, h a s p u t it, the present p o p e h a s n o t attacked the major secular

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philosophies of the 20th century because "they are the w a v e of the future" b u t because "their time h a s already p a s s e d " (quoted in H a r v e y 1989, p . 41). Karol Wojtyla's election as pontiff in 1978, a n d his v i g o r o u s defense of conservative theological positions, can b e seen as p a r t of a w i d e r fundamentalist current w i t h i n Christianity. F u n d a m e n t a l i s m speaks to a p o p u l a r "desire for i m p r e g n a b l e certainty" a n d simplification in the face of the social dislocations a n d m o r a l ambiguities of late m o d e m i t y (Armstrong, 1995, p . 37). It sets o u t to explain a n d coimter the confusion a n d disorder p e o p l e experience, first, b y " b r e a t h i n g fresh life into the vocabulary a n d categories of religious t h o u g h t " (Kepel, 1994, p . 191), a n d second, b y m o v i n g t h e expression of religious identity from the private sphere t o the public d o m a i n a n d the policy a g e n d a , s o m e t i m e s w i t h considerable success. In the U n i t e d States, the Christian Coalition, a n assembly of evangelical a n d fundamentalist g r o u p s that took control of the c o i m t r / s largest Protestant d e n o m i n a t i o n , the S o u t h e m Baptist Convention, a d e c a d e ago, is currently the d o m i n a n t force in the Republican Party in s o m e 18 states (Bell, 1995, p . 17). Its influence is evident in the shift to the right o n issues such as abortion, g a y rights, a n d artistic freedom. Battles over these areas h a v e b e e n fought across all the major spaces of public culture, including the m o s t central site: television. F u n d a m e n t a l i s t s d r e w o n the long A m e r i c a n tradition of aggressive proselytizing a n d mobilized the style of the tent m e e t i n g a n d the revivalist c m s a d e to laimch a w a v e of televangelism, selling salvation t h r o u g h donation. They s o u g h t to reassure congregations d r e n c h e d in c o n s u m e r ism that affluence is a sign of godliness. A s a later disgraced evangelist o n a local c h a n n e l in San Diego, p u t it, in h e r signing-off p h r a s e : "Remember, prosperity is y o u r divine right." These televized performances, w i t h their carefully orchestrated interplay b e t w e e n preacher a n d congregation, b e c k o n e d viewers to join a n e x t e n d e d c o m m u n i t y of believers. T h e continually revolving coimter in the t o p c o m e r of the screen, s h o w i n g the m o n e y b e i n g p l e d g e d over the telephone, calibrated their sincerity. T h e s a m e search for m e a n i n g , certainty, a n d b e l o n g i n g in the face of a disintegrating culture of m o d e m i t y also i m d e r p i r m e d o n e of the other major religious reactions: the proliferation of sects a n d cults. W h e r e a s televangelism mobilized virtual c o m m u n i t i e s , they s o u g h t to b u i l d m o r e d u r a b l e solidarities. S o m e , like Scientology, offered routes to

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self-improvement, p r o m i s i n g that their p r o g r a m of reorientation w o u l d enable a d h e r e n t s to reenter the m u n d a n e w o r l d better e q u i p p e d to c o p e w i t h flux a n d change. In r e t u m , they d e m a n d e d total obedience a n d loyalty, construing a n y form of dissent or criticism as heresy. O t h e r m o v e m e n t s , such as the Unification O i u r c h (popularly k n o w n as t h e Moonies), took these d e m a n d s a stage further. T h e y are total institutions that completely e n v e l o p converts, requiring " a radical curtailment of privacy a n d personal choice" in r e t u m for a clear s t m c t u r e of c o m m i m i t y a n d security, b a s e d o n absolute m l e s a n d values a n d exphcit hierarchy (Martin, 1981, p . 223). This exchange of subservience for b e l o n g i n g finds its m o s t visible a n d p o t e n t s y m b o l in the m a s s M o o n i e w e d d h \ g s staged in sports s t a d i u m s , at w h i c h couples m a r r y p a r t n e r s chosen for t h e m b y the church's leader, the Reverend Sun M y u n g M o o n . A s the father of o n e convert recounts in D o n DeliUo's (1992) novel Mao II:

They are grouped in twos, eternal boy-girl they assemble themselves so hghtly, crossing the vast outfield, that the effect is one of transformation. From a series of linked couples they become one continuous wave Karen's daddy watching from the grandstand, can't help thii\king "this is the point. They're one body now." (p. 3)

A l t h o u g h the Moonies a n d a n u m b e r of other f u n d a m e n t a h s t sects h a v e m t e m a t i o n a l followings, t h e h s u p p o r t is primarily a response to fl\e crisis of late m o d e m i t y . Institutionally, late m o d e m i t y is built a r o u n d t w o major axes: the nation-state a n d capitahst economic relations. But in m a n y countries, these formations h a v e only d e v e l o p e d relatively recentiy. Pohtical i n d e p e n d e n c e a n d full n a t i o n h o o d w e r e frequently g a h i e d only after a l o n g a n d bitter process of decolonization, b u t the full force of capitalism w a s often checked b y substantial c o n u n i t m e n t s to state plaiming, p u b h c o w n ership, a n d restrictions o n foreign investment a n d enterprise. T h e p a s t t w o decades, however, h a v e seen a gathering crisis in this s y s t e m of late-arriving m o d e m i t y . T h e terminal p r o b l e m s a n d e v e n t u a l collapse of the Soviet system a n d the introduction of " o p e n d o o r " economic pohcies in countries such as India a n d China, w h i c h h a d previously p u r s u e d strongly protectionist m e a s u r e s , h a s nuissively e x t e n d e d the reach of W e s t e m c a p i t a h s m a n d c o n s u m e r i s m . T h e c o n s t m c t i o n of a m o r e globalized culture h a s the effect of revitalizing m e a r u n g systems b y p r o m o t i n g

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n e w a n d m o r e intensive p o i n t s of c o m p a r i s o n (Waters, 1995, p p . 125-126). This m o v e m e n t , in t u m , h a s reinforced the dissatisfaction w i t h indigen o u s elites that h a s b e e n gathering m o m e n t u m for s o m e time a m o n g the generation that g r e w u p after i n d e p e n d e n c e a n d h a d n o m e m o r y of the old c o r m p t i o n s . F r o m the mid-1970s o n w a r d , this rising tide of discontent fed into a resurgence of f u n d a m e n t a l i s m " a i m e d n o longer at a d a p t i n g to secular values, b u t at recovering a sacred foundation for the organization of society" (Kepel, 1994, p . 2). It w o u l d b e a mistake, however, to see the g r o w i n g strength of fundamentalist s t r a n d s w i t h i n Islam, Judaism, a n d Christianity in areas of the w o r l d that h a v e only recently encountered the full force of capitalist m o d e m i t y as a simple assertion of religious values. It is m o r e useful to see t h e m as a response to the crisis of late-arriving m o d e m i t y that s p e a k s to a r a n g e of anxieties t h r o u g h the rhetorics a n d rituals of faith. A s the Japanese c o m m e n t a t o r Shoichi I n o u e (1994) h a s p u t it, "Religions absorb anxiety a n d feed u p o n it. In plain terms, this is a n e w magic, paradoxically b r o u g h t a b o u t b y the 'liberation from m a g i c ' " (p. 221). Within f u n d a m e n talism, the division b e t w e e n sacred a n d secular is s u p e r i m p o s e d o n a n u m b e r of other dichotorrues—pure/profane, t r a d i t i o n / m o d e r n i t y , n a t i o n a l / i m p o r t e d , indigenous/Westem—^to c o n s t m c t a comprehensive, layered, a n d self-reinforcing worldview. The links a m o n g f u n d a m e n t a l ism, nationalism, a n d anti-Americanism are particularly strong. A s a n ultra-Orthodox Jew w h o w o r k s as a kosher inspector of J e m s a l e m restaurants told a British joumalist, " W h e n a Jew, a p u r e soul, eats a n i m p u r e animal, it destroys his soul, a n d h e b e c o m e s a jungle m a n , a n evil animal. . . . It's w o r s e t h a n Hitler. M c D o n a l d ' s is c o n t a m i n a t i n g all of Israel, a n d all of the Jewish p e o p l e " (Lancaster, 1995, p . 8). T h e resurgence of fundamentalism in the three great religions of the Book a i m s to intervene in the process of capitalist m o d e m i t y a n d the existing social a n d m o r a l o r d e r "so as to b r i n g it into line w i t h the c o m m a n d s a n d v a l u e s " of the holy texts (Kepel, 1994, p . 191). This necessarily involves a protracted s t m g g l e within the major institutions of public culture, to d r i v e o u t or marginalize secular a n d " u n g o d l y " v i e w s a n d values. Because of its centrality as a focus for m o d e m identities, c o n s u m e r i s m is a particular target. A s the Catholic writer D a v i d Birch h a s observed, " O n c e powerful symbols of 'love,' 'grace,' 'charity,' 'wonder,' 'offering,' 'sacrifice,' 'light' a n d 'fellowship' are as m u c h p a r t of the a d v e r t i s e r ' s lexicon, his vocabulary, as they are of the liturgist, as such

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their m e a n i n g s in relation to the church d e g e n e r a t e " (quoted in Martin, 1981, p . 229). F u n d a m e n t a h s m sets o u t to reclaim the l a n g u a g e of d e v o tion for the faithful a n d to reduce the reach of p r o m o t i o n a l culture, often resorting to coercion a n d censorship. In J a n u a r y 1995, for e x a m p l e , the Iranian p a r h a m e n t p a s s e d a n o r d e r b a n r u n g p e o p l e from h a v i n g satelhte d i s h receivers o n their roofs. The aim, as the interior miruster A h M o h a m m e d Besharati explained, w a s to " i m m u n i z e the p e o p l e against t h e cultural m v a s i o n of the West" ("Tehran E)etunes," 1995, p . 6). Iran s t a n d s at o n e e n d of a c o n t i n u i u n of relations eunong church, state, a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , w i t h the state s p o n s o r i n g a n d d r a w k \ g its legithnacy from a particular version of Islam a n d u s i n g the national commimications system to p r o m o t e this officiaUy a p p r o v e d rehgious system. At the other e n d s t a n d s the U n i t e d States, w h e r e there is n o estabhshed church a n d w h e r e d e n o m i n a t i o n s a n d sects struggle for visibihty a n d s u p p o r t in a conunercialized c o m m u n i c a t i o n s system. HistoricaUy, m a n y of the countries of E u r o p e h a v e stood s o m e w h e r e in the m i d d l e , w i t h a n established church enjoymg certahi privUeges witWn a p u b h c service broadcasting system. In England, for e x a m p l e , in the early d a y s of BBC radio, there w a s n o secular entertainment o n S u n d a y s . The a i r w a v e s w e r e taken u p w i t h church services, s e r m o n s , a n d moraUy uplifting fare. This rigid separation b e t w e e n the rehgious a n d the m u n d a n e softened as time w e n t on, b u t the church retained its favored position, w i t h w e e k l y relays of services from a r o i m d the coimtry a n d n e w s stories of m e m b e r s of the royal fantily at w o r s h i p serving as k\sistent r e m m d e r s of the h n k s a m o n g church, state, a n d national tradition. The triangular relations b e t w e e n rehgion, the state, a n d the c o m m u nications system can t h u s b e usefuUy t h o u g h t of as organized along t w o m a m dimensions: the degree of rehgious disestablishing (as m e a s u r e d b y the relative prevalence of g o v e r n m e n t subsidy or interference in rehgion) (lannaccone, 1991, p p . 160-163), a n d the relative balance b e t w e e n p u b h c enterprise a n d commercial e n t r e p r e n e u r s h i p , a n d national a n d transnational cultural forms, w i t h i n core sectors of the c o m m u n i c a t i o n s system. This classification system offers a serviceable basic starting p o k i t for a c o m p a r a t i v e s t u d y of the shifting relations b e t w e e n rehgion a n d c o n u n u nications in the c o n t e m p o r a r y w o r l d , b u t it falls s o m e w a y short of w h a t is n e e d e d for a c o m p r e h e n s i v e analysis. M o s t research to d a t e h a s concentrated o n the established m e d i a : the press, broadcasting, cinema. There h a s b e e n comparatively httle w o r k o n

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e m e r g i n g m e d i a s u c h as video, satellite television, b r o a d b a n d n e t w o r k s , a n d virtual reality systems. A t o n e level, these innovations c o n t i n u e the process b e g i m b y established m e d i a , extending religious observance a n d participation h i r t h e r in space a n d time as w i t h t h e h u g e a u d i e n c e s a r o u n d the globe reached b y established religious figures b y satellite. But they also offer the prospect of n e w k i n d s of religious rallies a n d rituals. A d e v o u t Jew can s e n d a fax to Jerusalem a n d h a v e a p r a y e r said for h i m or h e r at the Wailing Wall. Dispersed believers m a y follow the lead p r o v i d e d b y Paternal, the World V^ide Web site established b y the disgraced C a t h o lic b i s h o p , Jacques Gaillot, a n d c o m e together over the Internet b u t n e v e r m e e t physically. Participants in virtual reality systems m a y step into a biblical story a n d " n a v i g a t e " their w a y a r o u n d it, u s i n g a variety of routes a n d p e r s o n a e . Vernacular, unofficial expressions of religious conviction a n d belief c a n b e w i d e l y r e p r o d u c e d a n d circulated o n v i d e o t a p e a n d a u d i o cassette. These d e v e l o p i n g possibilities h a v e a n uneasy, a n d as yet largely u n e x p l o r e d , relation to the institutionalized relations b e t w e e n the religious a n d m e d i a systems of i n d i v i d u a l nation-states. O n the o n e h a n d , they offer a powerful n e w e n s e m b l e of m e c h a r u s m s for e x t e n d i n g the reach of t h e major religious organizations. O n the other, a n u m b e r also p r o v i d e channels for grassroots initiatives that b y p a s s official structures. Exploring the shifting interplay b e t w e e n established a n d e m e r g i n g c o m m u n i c a t i o n systems a n d the c o n t e m p o r a r y forms of the religious life they are constructing is a major task for future research. But as I h a v e a r g u e d , it m u s t b e seen n o t as a specialized topic in m e d i a studies or the sociology of religion, b u t as p a r t of a w i d e r effort to i m d e r s t a n d the institutional a n d cultural transformations of m o d e m i t y a n d the d y n a m i c s of re-enchantment. To u n d e r s t a n d the present a n d to m a k e informed guesses a b o u t the n e a r future, w e n e e d to r e t u m to the central t h e m e s of inquiry a n d speculation that lie at the core of the h u m a n sciences' long s t m g g l e to m a k e sense of the c o n t e m p o r a r y w o r l d . References Archer, M. S. (1988). Culture and agency: The place of culture in social theory. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Armstrong, K. (1995, July 21). Spiritual Prozac. New Statesman and Society, p p . 37-38. Bauman, Z. (1992). Intimations of postmodemity. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Bell, D. (1995, June 9). The disunited states of America. Times Literary Supplement, p p . 16-17. Berger, P. (1969). The sacred canopy: Elements of a sociological theory of religion. Garden City, NY: Anchor.

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Campbell, C. (1987). The romantic ethic and the spirit of modem consumerism. Oxford, UK: Basil

BlackweU. Christie, I. (1994). The last machine: Early cinema and the birth of the modem xoorld. London:

British Film Institute. Davie, G. (1994). Religion in Britain since 1945: Belieoing without belonging. Oxford, UK: BasU

BlackweU. DeUUo, D. (1992). Mao II. London: Vintage. Durant, H. (1938). The problem of leisure. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. GeUner, E. (1987). The rubber cage: Disenchantment with disenchantment. In Culture, Identity and Politics. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Gerth, H. H., & MUls, C. W. (Eds.). (1974). From Max Weber^Essays in sociology. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. (OriginaUy pubUshed 1948) Harris, R. (19%). Opeiungs, absences and onussions: Aspects of the treatment of "race," culture and ethnicity in British cultural studies. Cultural Studies, 10(2), 334-344. Harrison, X, & Madge, C , (Eds.). (1986). Britain by mass observation. London: Cresset Library. Harvey, D. (1989). The condition of postmodemity. Oxford, UK: Basil BlackweU. Hoggart, R. (1959). The uses of literacy. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin. Hoggart, R. (1988). A local habitation: Life and times. Vol 1: 1918Ί940.

London: Chatto &

VSTmdus. larmaccone, L. R. (1991). The consequences of reUgious market structure. Ratiorudity and Society, 3,156-177. Inoue, S. (1994). ReUgions old and new. In A. Ueda (Ed.), The electric geisha: Exploring Japan's popular culture (pp. 220-228). Tokyo: Kodansha International Kane, Ρ (1995, November 10). Not by bread alone. New Statesman and Society, pp. 39-40. Kepel, G. (1994). The revenge of God: The resurgence of Islam, Christianity and Judaism in the

modem world. Oxford, UK: PoUty. Lancaster, J, (1995, August 3). Big Macs and Jacko Rock IsraeU culture. The Guardian, p. 8. Lears, J. (1994). Fables of abundance: A cultural history of advertising in America. New York: Basic

Books. L6vi-Strauss, C. (1995, September 1). Theriverof sorrows. Times Higher Education Supplement, pp. 15-17. Lodge, D. (1995). Therapy: A novel. London: QuaUty Papeibacks Direct. Lyon, D. (1994). Postmodemity. Buckingham: Open University Press. Martin, B. (1981). A sociology of contemporary cultural change. Oxford, UK: Basil BlackweU. Pahl, R. (1995). A/^er success: fin-de-siacle anxiety and identity. Oxford, UK: PoUty. Sennett, R. (1993). The conscience of the eye: The design and social life of cities. London: Faber and

Faber. Sennett, R. (1995, September 22). Something in the city: The spectre of uselessness and the search for a place in the world. Times Literary Supplement, pp. 13-15. Smart, B. (1993). Postmodemity. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Tehran detunes Westem culture. (1995, April 18). The Guardian, p. 6. Wamer, R. S. (1993). Work in progress toward a new paradigm for the sociological study of reUgion in the United States. American Journal of Sociology, 98,1044-1093. Wateis, M. (1995). Globalisation. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Weber, M. (1958). The Protestant ethic and the spirit cf capitalism. New York: Scribner. WilUams, R. (1980). Problems in materialism and culture. London: Verso. Wright, R (1995, March 3). Rooting in the greenery. The Guardian, p. 19.

Chapter

Mass Media as a Site of Resacralization of Contemporary Cultures

Jesus

Martin-Barbero

In recent years, I h a v e b e c o m e increasingly a w a r e of the profoimd changes in the w a y p e o p l e c o m e together socially a n d h o w they relate to each other w h e n they are together. I think that this constitutes, at the deepest level, the object of the s t u d y of h u m a n communication. W h a t does, in fact, b r i n g p e o p l e together socially? This is connected, I w o u l d argue, w i t h the s t u d y of the m e d i a as the locus of the constitution of identities a n d as a space for configuration of communities. The m e d i a are, a b o v e all, a factor in the differentiation of various types of commimities. This implies, of course, that the m e d i a are n o t just economic p h e n o m e n a or i n s t r u m e n t s of politics. N o r are the m e d i a interesting simply as o n e m o r e instance of r a p i d technological change. Rather, the m e d i a m u s t b e analyzed as a process of creating cultural identities a n d of b r i n g i n g individuals into coherent publics that are "subjects of action." To conceptualize the relations of m o d e m i t y , religiosity, a n d m e d i a , o n e m u s t see the m e d i a as a central factor in the constitution of social actors. 102

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The Disenchanted Modernity

I begin this chapter w i t h the affirmation that m o d e m i t y h a s n o t lived u p to m a n y of its p r o m i s e s of social, political, or cultural liberation. But there is o n e p r o m i s e that it h a s fulfilled: the d i s e n c h a n t m e n t of t h e w o r l d . M o d e m i t y h a s d r a i n e d off the sense of the sacred, in large p a r t , because it h a s rationalized the w o r l d . The reduction of v a l u e s to i n s t m m e n t a l efficiency h a s left the w o r l d w i t h o u t m a g i c a n d w i t h o u t mystery. Today o n e finds a w h o l e generation of y o u n g p e o p l e w h o are living, in their daily experience, w h a t Weber (1947,1958) h a s called t h e disenchantm e n t of the w o r l d . I t h i n k that it is almost impossible for m a n y p e o p l e to c o m p r e h e n d w h a t it m e a n s for the y o u n g to live the d i z z y p a c e of t o d a y or the ecstasy of d m g s if o n e d o e s n o t see this in relation to the p r o f o i m d loss of a w e a n d fearful reverence that p e r v a d e s c o n t e m p o r a r y cultures. Every aspect of o u r experience reflects this d i s e n c h a n t m e n t , from o u r blind faith in empirical science to insensitivity t o e n v i r o n m e n t a l pollution, b u t especially the superficiality of social relations. In virtually all of u s , especially in those w h o h a v e d r u n k in the rationality of formal education, the d i s a p p e a r a n c e of the h o l y h a s c h a n g e d the w a y w e see the w o r l d . A n d yet m o d e m i t y , for all its p o w e r of control o v e r n a t u r e , h a s left its sense of emptiness. F e w p e o p l e h a v e l e a m e d to live w i t h o u t s o m e form of e n c h a n t m e n t , mystery, m y t h i c vision, a n d s o m e ritual m o m e n t s . Strangely e n o u g h , w e continue to seek w a y s to re-enchant t h e w o r l d , b r i n g back the magic, a n d clothe o u r lives w i t h mystery. O n e of the m o s t lucid social analysts of o u r time, Daniel Bell (1994), a sociologist ready to declare the e n d of Utopian thinking, h a s a r g u e d t h a t the real p r o b l e m w i t h m o d e m i t y is a k i n d of crisis of spiritual vision. T h e old foundations of o u r culture are n o w b u r i e d a n d the n e w h a v e t u m e d o u t to b e illusory Such a n affirmation is interesting because Bell b y n o m e a n s h o l d s a brief for religious apologetic. A n d in Latin America, Beatriz Sarlo (1994) writes in o n e of h e r recent articles that in the last t w e n t y years, w h e r e once p e o p l e w e r e inspired b y socio-political m o v e m e n t s , t o d a y t h e n e w religions are a d v a n c i n g . Closely linked to this pervasive rationalization of the w o r l d are the p h e n o m e n a of fundamentalist, sectarian, a n d integralist m o v e m e n t s t h a t are once again i m p l a n t i n g themselves o n o u r p l a n e t precisely w h e n w e t h o u g h t w e h a d risen a b o v e all that. This is in p a r t a reaction against the forces of m o d e m i z a t i o n a n d in p a r t filling the void—especially at the level

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of p o p u l a r religiosity—of the sense of i m c h a n g i n g absolutes. In the n u d s t of r a p i d cultural changes, p e o p l e look for foundations b e y o n d h u m a n construction w h e r e they can anchor their personal a n d social identities. In s o m e cases, such as the case of former-Yugoslavia, these f u n d a m e n t a l isms are a m i x t u r e of rehgion a n d ethnic n a t i o n a h s m . In other cases, the fundamentalist anxiety strikes back in the form of violent, racist hatred, such as the s k i n h e a d s in G e r m a n y w h o see the h n m i g r a n t Turks as so threatening t h a t they feel t h e y h a v e t h e right to kill t h e m as " i n v a d e r s . " In virtuaUy all forms of fundamentalism, the m e d i a play a central role in this search for identity a n d in the a t t e m p t to affirm that the religious a n d the sacred can b e the basis for significant social actors in a m o d e r r u z i n g world. I w o u l d like here to explore the p h e n o m e n o n of d i s e n c h a n t m e n t primarily in the Latin A m e r i c a n context. It is n o t easy to give a n account of the relations of m o d e m i t y , rehgion, a n d m e d i a o n this continent b e cause secularization h a s s u c h a different connotation here. In cultures that h a v e experienced a n o n g o i n g confrontation b e t w e e n C a t h o h c i s m a n d the liberal E n h g h t e n m e n t , the extreme ideological polarization h a s colored the concept of secularization w i t h layers of m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g . I n d e e d , o n e can s a y that Latin Americans, c a u g h t b e t w e e n poles of integralisms, h a v e h v e d the relation b e t w e e n rehgion a n d m o d e m i t y in a quite schizophrenic manner. O n the o n e h a n d , m o d e m i t y is s y n o n y m o u s w i t h the t r i u m p h of reaison, equahty, democratic participation, a n d progress. For p e r s o n s w h o think in tins marmer, rehgion is s i m p l y a m a t t e r of t h e pastirrational o b s c u r a n t i s m a n d the r e m n a n t of a n u n e d u c a t e d p e a s a n t society. In contrast, those w i t h rehgious c o m m i t m e n t h a v e t e n d e d to identify m o d e m i t y w i t h atheism. Dating from the c o n d e m n a t i o n of " m o d e m i s m " b y Pius X, m o d e m i t y h a s b e e n associated w i t h a society a b a n d o n e d to the forces of evolution a n d to behefs in naturalistic d e t e r m i n i s m that destroy values of tradition. For those w i t h this perspective, m o d e m i t y m e a n s secular h u m a n i s m a n d a n individualism that m a k e s a c o m m u n i t a r i a n c o m m i t m e n t impossible. T h u s , in Latin America, o u r h v e d perception of secularization is characterized b y this radical s p h t of w o r l d v i e w s a n d a M a n i c h e a n polarization. O n e is s u p p o s e d to m a k e a choice b e t w e e n b e c o m i n g m o d e m or r e m a i n i n g a behever. Whereas, in countries s u c h as the U n i t e d States, m o d e m i t y n o t only is equivalent to b e i n g rehgious or h a s its foundations in rehgious behef (Bellah, M a d s e n , Sulhvan, Swidler,

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& Tipton, 1985), in Latin America w e h a v e faced a n irreducible opposition of w o r l d v i e w s . To u n d e r s t a n d this radically polarized conception of secularization, o n e m u s t g o b a c k to the explanation of secularization s u g g e s t e d b y M a x Weber (1958). First, for Weber, a secular, m o d e m w o r l d is n o t only a w o r l d w i t h o u t g o d s , b u t a w o r l d completely rationalized, a w o r l d g u i d e d b y a scientific reasoning that destroys the foundations of a magico-mysterious perception of h u m a n existence. Second, Weber i m d e r s t o o d the secular w o r l d to b e a w o r l d in w h i c h experience is w i t h o u t a n u l t i m a t e m e a n i n g . N o longer are there realities that h a v e m e a n i n g in themselves a n d that can b e a starting p o i n t " o u t s i d e o u r c o n s t m c t e d reality." W h a t g u i d e s the w o r l d , in this explanation, is a type of i n s t r u m e n t a l rationality tiiat Weber called, w i t h a very a p t metaphor, "a cage of iron." Persons n o w c o m e to live in a w o r l d ttiat is so entirely c o n s t m c t e d b y h u m a n logic that it b e c o m e s for t h e m a n inescapable cage b e c a u s e the reasoning that g u i d e s h u m a n destiny is c o n c e m e d only w i t h i n s t r u m e n t a l m e a n s , w i t h o u t reference to a n y ulterior e n d s . Finally, the secular m e a n s the breaking a p a r t of the old certainties t h a t h a v e s u p p o r t e d the c o m m u n i t a r i a n integration of the city. Because w e can n o longer a s s u m e the existence of community, w e h a v e to m a k e e n o r m o u s efforts to s o m e h o w find the kind of sociability that w e h a v e associated with community. I h a v e found GeUner's (1989) rephrasing of the position of Weber a particularly apt one: What Weber meant by disenchantment is the Faust-like acquisition of cogrutive, technological and adnuiustrative power. We have acquired diabolical capacities by trading off our world full of meaning, a meaning hunnanly experienced even if risky and threaterung, for a world that w e can manipulate. We have abandoned that insecure world for a world that is predictable and much more manageable, but a world that is coldly indifferent and insipid. This is the matrix of the concept of secularization. It is a w o r l d m l e d b y i n s t r u m e n t a l rationality—cold, p r a g m a t i c , a n d functional. To this, o n e w o u l d h a v e to a d d , from the tradition of the sociology of religion, t w o other elements. First, as H e g e l e m p h a s i z e d , a secular w o r l d is a n entirely h u m a n project, created o u t of o u r images a n d desires, a n objectivation of

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the consciousness a n d creativity of h u m a n s . Second, a secular w o r l d is a n a u t o n o m o u s w o r l d , a w o r l d m w h i c h the state, society, culture, a n d art h a v e m a d e themselves m o r e a n d m o r e i n d e p e n d e n t of rehgion a n d h a v e created their o w n bases of social power. This is a w o r l d that h a s progressively w o n its cultural, ideological, a n d cognitive freedom a n d that n o longer n e e d s justification from behefs, creeds, a n d rehgious institutions. O n c e cultures cut their ties to rehgious institutions they b e c o m e diverse a n d complex, n o longer following univocal p a t h s of evolution. C o n s e quently, this k i n d of culture d o e s n o t p r o v i d e a s u b s t r a t u m of m e a n i n g that can b e linked w i t h a n y form of rehgion or a n y form of church (Rahner, 1969).

Κ

How Secularization Has Been Lived and Thought From the Perspective of Latin America

In a v e r y schematic way, I w o u l d like to sketch o u t t w o Latin A m e r i can conceptions of secularization. T h e fust is w h a t I w o u l d caU a historicist perspective, represented, for example, in the w o r k of the Chilean, P e d r o M o r a n d e (1984), a sociologist for w h o m m o d e m i t y in Latm America is characterized b y the secular pohticization of faith. By this, M o r a n d e m e a n s that the history of these peoples, w h i c h w a s once identified w i t h rehgious institutions, h a s b e c o m e identified w i t h t h e h nation-states. In Latin America, h e w o u l d argue, the conception of history, t h r o u g h influences as diverse as textbooks a n d political rhetoric, h a s graduaUy foimd its principle of u n i t y m its sociopolitical project a n d m the d e v e l o p m e n t of the nation-state. W h a t e v e r m a y h a v e b e e n its origins, the history of the peoples h a s b e c o m e identified w i t h the history of t h e states. It h a s b e e n forgotten that there w e r e once other S3rmbols a r o u n d w h i c h c o m m u n i t y w a s formed, other cultural syntheses a n d other m e d i a t i n g institutions t h r o u g h w h i c h these peoples expressed the richness a n d the t r a g e d y of their o w n history. A m o n g these other social contexts, there w a s , a b o v e all, the church. According to P e d r o M o r a n d e , the history texts of Latin America h a v e lost the m e m o r y of the p r o f o u n d l y h n p o r t a n t role of the church as a specific space for social m e e t i n g a n d a place for cultural synthesis. M o r e concretely, the histories of Latin America h a v e forgotten w h a t w a s called barroco. The Latin A m e r i c a n b a r o q u e , o n e of the p e r i o d s of greatest creativity a n d cultural synthesis, h a s b e e n covered over to

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m a k e w a y for a political-economic u n i t y that allows u s to find o u r identities in the nation-state. The historicist conception of secularization in Latin America h a s also t e n d e d to rewrite the religious history in a w a y that p o p u l a r religiosity a n d the formal rationality of ecclesiastical institutions conflates as o n e thing. Fortunately, according to P e d r o M o r a n d e , this m i s t a k e n conception n e v e r gained m u c h i m p o r t a n c e because p o p u l a r religiosity is still, in Latin America, t h e strongest link of cultural continuity in these countries. P o p u l a r religiosity, n e v e r absorbed b y the institutional church, is precisely w h a t enables Latin A m e r i c a n culture to r e s p o n d s o differently t o the abstract universalism of m o d e m functionalist rationality. P o p u l a r culture is a form of resistance, a n d p o p u l a r religiosity is o n e of the major cultural resources that helps Latin America to resist the i n s t r u m e n t a l rationality of m o d e m i t y . A n o t h e r current of t h o u g h t a b o u t secularization in Latin America is the populist conception. The theologian Diaz-Alvarez (1978) presents a n e x a m p l e of this v i e w quite clearly w h e n h e a r g u e s that atheism, as a t y p e of secularization that derues a n y m e a n i n g to religion, is s o m e t h i n g that h a s affected only a small minority a m o n g the d o m i n a n t elites. T h e great m a s s of people, especially the p o p u l a r classes, constitute the t m e cultural m e m o r y a n d m o r a l strength of these countries. Diaz-Alvarez a r g u e s that for the majority of the people, religion h a s c o n t i n u e d to b e the source of m e a n i n g in life a n d a powerful i r ^ u e n c e for the preservation of m o r a l integrity. At the s a m e time, Diaz-Alvarez recognizes that the p o p u l a r religiosity carries strong elements of fatalism, ritualism, a n d b l i n d d e v o t i o n to saintly p a t r o n s that dilute t h e strength of the h u m a n i t y a n d m o r a l intuition inherent in this religious culture. Diaz-Alvarez also a d m i t s that m a n y i m p o r t a n t social sectors of Latin America, s u c h as intellectuals a n d educators, are b e i n g a b s o r b e d into a secularized culture. H e is c o n c e m e d a b o u t the fact, a n d I think rightiy, that the historical churches, especially the Catholic C h u r c h , h a v e n o t b e e n able to d e v e l o p a discourse that captures the interest of y o i m g p e o p l e . A s y o u n g p e o p l e b e c o m e increasingly indifferent to religious a n d m o r a l c o m m i t m e n t , w e are seeing a slow b u t i m p o r t a n t g r o w t h of secularization. It is quite significant, however, that b o t h the historicist a n d p o p u l i s t conceptions of secularization sidestep the question of the p o w e r of the

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churches over social a n d culhural instihitions. For Latin America, secularization h a s n o t b e e n a question of atheistic rationalism, b u t rather of a desire for a u t o n o m y from the church in the areas of pohtics, the state, sexuahty, a n d artistic culture. O n e still fmds coimtries w h e r e the state is strongly tied to the church, w h e r e the church feels it h a s t h e right to m a n a g e a n d m a n i p u l a t e the field of education a n d blackmail the area of culture. I think that in questions of a u t o n o m y from ecclesiastical imposition, t h e Enlightenment project of secularization is still very m u c h ahve. A s A l a n Touraine (1992) h a s p u t it, a m o d e m society is n o t indifferent to rehgion or liberated from rehgion. M o d e m society is o n e that d e f e n d s the separation of the t e m p o r a l a n d s p h i t u a l spheres, witiiout the d i s a p p e a r ance of the spiritual. With m o d e m i t y , w e h a v e found a w a y to m a i n t a i n simultaneously the affirmation of the personal subject w i t h the v a r i o u s freedoms a n d rights that this entails: the freedom of conscience, the freedom of convictions, a n d the right to resist the d e s t m c t i o n of coUective identities.

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T h e Re-Enchantment of the World

H o w is the w o r l d b e i n g re-enchanted? I w o u l d say that this leads to StiU a n o t h e r question: W h a t r e m a m s of ritual m p u b h c performance a n d entertainment? (BaudriUard, 1993). Or, better p u t . W h a t r e m a i n s of ritual in the m a s s m e d i a ? M y p r e m i s e is that the m a s s m e d i a are n o t just a p h e n o m e n o n of commercial or ideological m a n i p u l a t i o n , b u t are, rather, a cultural p h e n o m e n o n to b e u n d e r s t o o d b y a n t h r o p o l o g y a n d other cultural sciences. The m a s s m e d i a are the places w h e r e m a n y people—^indeed, a n increasm g n u m b e r of p e o p l e — c o n s t m c t the m e a r u n g of t h e h hves. T h e m e d i a offer the o p p o r t u n i t y for p e o p l e to c o m e together to u n d e r s t a n d the central questions of life, from the m e a n i n g of art to the m e a n i n g of d e a t h , of sickness, of y o u t h , of beauty, of h a p p i n e s s , a n d of pain. T h u s , I a m s u g g e s t m g that w e s h o u l d look for the processes of re-enchantment in the c o n t i n u m g experience of ritual in c o m m u n i t a r i a n celebration a n d in the other w a y s that the m e d i a b r i n g p e o p l e together. We m u s t ask w h a t remains of ritual a n d c o m m u n i t y celebration in the O l y m p i c G a m e s , the pohtical raUy, rock concerts, a n d the h u g e television contests. This wiU help u s u n d e r s t a n d the p h e n o m e n o n of the electronic church.

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The electronic church h a s its roots in the p o p u l a r religiosity of t h e U n i t e d States, b u t it h a s e x t e n d e d into Latin America t h r o u g h t h e P e n t e costal churches a n d the intensive u s e of the m a s s m e d i a ( A s s m a n n , 1988). The electronic church h a s b e e n p a r t of a veritable cultural revolution in Latin America: the conversion of millions of p e o p l e to the Protestant sects a n d , in particular, the p a s s i n g of millions of Catholics to the w o r l d of the m o s t fundamentalist churches such as the Pentecostals. This p h e n o m e n o n h a s occurred b o t h in the w o r l d of rural, i n d i g e n o u s peoples in areas such as C h i a p a s in M e x i c o — a m thinking of t h e s p l e n d i d s t u d y of Gilberto Jimenez (1989) describing the presence of flie evangelical churches in Chiapas—cmd in the m o r e u r b a n i z e d p a r t s of Latin America, such as Argentina a n d Brazil, w h e r e millions of Catholics h a v e entered t h e Protestant churches. The electronic church h a s a far m o r e p r o f o u n d m e a n i n g t h a n m o s t p e o p l e suspect. It is n o t simply that s o m e churches h a v e u s e d the m e d i a to project their s e r m o n s to a larger audience or h a v e u s e d a variety of m e d i a a n d genres to reach m a n y n e w sectors of the public. Rather, in m y opinion, the significance is that s o m e churches h a v e b e e n able to t r a n s form radio a n d television into a new, f u n d a m e n t a l " m e d i a t i o n " for the religious experience. T h a t is, the m e d i u m is n o t s i m p l y a physical a m p l i fication of the voice, b u t rather a d d s a quite n e w d i m e n s i o n to religious contact, religious celebration, a n d personal religious experience. To d e m onstrate this, I q u o t e from a n article b y a n Argentinean, Pablo S e m a n (1993), describing a Pentecostal ceremony in Buenos Aires recently:

Today we are going to create a "holy scandal," the pastor proclaims to thirty thousand people in the middle of a massive revivalist meeting that has lasted eight hours. A feminine voice is humming in the backgrotind, rising above the deep counterpart of the drums and the sound of gmtars falling away. Now the preacher, his voice swelling to a crescendo in a commanding tone, drowns out the woman as he exhorts, "You are the spouses of the Lord." While the evangelist prays and preaches, the voice-over of the television anchorman provides a plaintive counteφart of "Amen!" "Yes, Lord!" "Come now, Jesus!" in the foreground. Now the choir comes in with its part, "Raise me up. Lord! Break me up. Lord! Lord, consume me with your love!" Then the huge chorus pleads, "Oh come. Holy Spirit" with trembling body and voice. Now the sound dies away, and a kind of silence falls over the crowd. In this scene, there may be particular actors who stand out, but the conrnig of the Holy Spirit in

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a trance-like experience is the customary high point that the mass seeks and feels together as one body. This is not simply a time of worship, but a media event. From time to time, gospel rock groups take the stage, leading the people in an intense dance, some people swirling by themselves, others twisting and tuming in uruson. Some walk around with home video cameras to catch some of the action for later showing in their local assemblies. There are dozen of counselors circulating among the masses of people with walkie-talkies. A preacher dances frenetically before a huge screen that projects the words of the hymns. Nothing of this seems to be coordinated. It appears to emanate from the urban cultural experience which the cultural process of the cult seems to know how to take into account as if all were plarmed. To m e , this account s h o w s that the electronic church is s u p p l y m g the magic t h a t established rehgions h a v e intellectuahzed, m a d e cold a n d disenchanted. T h e electronic church h a s taken h o l d of the technologies of the i m a g e a n d of the sentiments to capture the messianic, apocalyptic exaltation of the feelings. This gives a face a n d a voice to the n e w tribal cults, the n e w sects, a n d the n e w c o m m i m e s . For these c o m m u n i t i e s , ritual a n d m o r a l n o r m s are far m o r e i m p o r t a n t t h a n theological doctrine. T h u s , as the C a t h o h c C h u r c h a n d s o m e historical Protestant churches g r o w rational a n d intellectuahzed, the Pentecostals, charismatics, a n d other apocalyptic g r o u p s are m a k i n g ritual a n d celebration the focal p o i n t of rehgious experience. A n d these m o v e m e n t s are carrying this experience o u t of the churches into h o m e s a n d chcles of friends t h r o u g h the m a s s m e d i a . Radio—FM, short w a v e , a n d , increasingly, local stations—is b y far the m o s t i m p o r t a n t m e d i u m at present. Television, however, is finding w a y s n o t ordy to broadcast rehgious w o r s h i p b u t to intensify a n d magnify the rehgious experience itself. T h r o u g h the u s e of m e d i a , the fundamentalist churches h a v e l e a m e d to transform the m e d i a into a m e d i a t i o n that is f u n d a m e n t a l to the n e w forms of rehgious experience; a n d these churches are n o w in t u n e w i t h the p o p u l a r sectors of Latin America. T h e Catholic C h u r c h h a s s o m e h o w lost tiie w a v e length of the masses, especially the y o u n g people, in part, I think, because this Protestant tradition h a s u n d e r s t o o d that the m e d i a are a w a y to re-enchant the world. T h e m e d i a are the w a y to transform the e v e r y d a y life of the p e o p l e into magic. For intellectuals, there r e m a i n s httle m a g i c in the w o r l d . But for t h e great majority of people, the m e d i a are mysterious, magic, exciting, a n d

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enchanting with the melodrama, the star system, the ability to create the drama of the Olympic Games, the frenzy of gigantic sports contests (more real than the actual sports contests), and the spectacle of televised religious revivals. Somehow the media have eliminated the distance between the sacred and the profane. The walls around the sacred that the religions have protected so jealously have been broken d o w n by the media. Television, especially, has introduced magic into the realm of the profane and has made secular what once w a s sacred. Without doubt, the sacred has undergone a trivialization, but at the same time, the sacred is penetrating into the recesses of everyday life. I am thinking, for example, of h o w advertising spots make enchanting even the most humble and routine tasks of daily life. Even the simple activities of washing, scrubbing, cleaning, and ironing have been transfigured, made poetic, and s o m e h o w raised to transcendence. Just think of h o w advertising makes a bottle of Coca-Cola a magic source of energy, beauty, and wisdom—the source of life and youth itself. Television is the place for the visualization of our conunon myths. I refer to myth, not in the sense of R. Barthes (1974) (a form of ideology), but in the deeper anthropological interpretation: myths as the source of cultural unity, the myths that cause and remove deep arOcieties, the myths that protect us from the terror of chaos, and the myths that save us. We find our motivating symbols in our myths, from the myths that give meaning to the life of the poor to the myths that sustain our poor life. It is television that is articulating and catalyzing the integrating myths of our societies. What are the myths of our coimtries if not our football stars, our rock groups, our champion boxers? The people live their deep identification with their idols and their stars in television. As trivial and superficial as these symbols m a y seem, television has a deep resonance with the capacity and necessity of the people to be "someone." A n d people feel themselves to be someone to the degree that they identify with Someone—someone on w h o m they can project their fears, someone capable of assuming and silencing these fears. For those of u s w h o for years n o w have been studying the cultural meaning of telenovelas, this discussion of re-enchantment leads to important reflections. Why d o drama programs occupy such a large part of Latin American television, and w h y is drama continuing to be ever more important? Is it not because drama is the basic form of ritual? Is it not because the people find in television drama a w a y to ritualize their fears.

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their joys, a n d the tasks of t h e h daily hves? Despite the limitations of the telenovelas—the b a d acting, the reactionary themes, the p o v e r t y of aesthetic expression—there is, in the dramatization, a poetic m o m e n t , a n a l m o s t frightening poetic mysteriousness, that p e r m i t s p e o p l e to b r e a k o u t of the m o n o t o n o u s cocoon of their daily routines a n d re-enchant t h e h lives. If, i n d e e d , the m e d i a a n d rehgion are c o m i n g together, t h e n p e r h a p s it is because they are f u n d a m e n t a l cultural m e d i a t i o n s of the n e e d felt b y the p e o p l e to transform t h e m into magic, into mystery, a n d into the seduction of t h e w o r l d . We w o u l d find, then, that s o m e t l u n g v e r y curious h a s h a p p e n e d . Despite all t h e p r o m i s e of m o d e m i t y to m a k e rehgion disappear, w h a t h a s really h a p p e n e d is that rehgion h a s m o d e r n i z e d itself (Gil-Calvo, 1993). Rehgion h a s s h o w n itself capable of eating m o d e m i t y a h v e a n d m a k i n g m o d e m i t y a n h n p o r t a n t ingredient for its o w n p u r poses. W h a t w e are witnessing, then, is n o t the cor\fhct of rehgion a n d m o d e m i t y , b u t the transformation of m o d e m i t y into e n c h a n t m e n t b y linking n e w c o m m u n i c a t i o n technologies to the logic of p o p u l a r religiosity.

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Three Questions About Religion, Media, and Society

The C a t h o h c C h u r c h a n d the rehgiosity of the C a t h o h c C h u r c h h a v e b e e n central factors in the d e v e l o p m e n t of Latin A m e r i c a n culture. Today, there are three contradictory questions t h a t o n e m u s t confront in u n d e r s t a n d i n g the rehgious transformations in Latin America. A s a form of conclusion, I w o u l d like to a d d r e s s these questions. 1. 7s not the religiosity of the less-favored classes—whether this he the popular religiosity of Catholicism or the new forms of Pentecostalism—a factor influencing subordination to the dominant classes? It is v e r y difficult to d e n y that there is, in rehgious behefs a n d practices, a n e l e m e n t of ahenation, of conformism, a n d of the imcritical acceptance of a n unjust order. But it w o u l d b e unjust a n d false to reduce rehgiosity to this. N o o n e will d e n y that on continents such as Latin America, rehgion h a s b e e n associated w i t h power. Indeed, p o p u l a r rehgiosity h a s often b e e n s e d u c e d into b e i n g a n accomphce of power, d o m i n a -

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tion, a n d subjugation a n d h a s lost the capacity to m a k e a n i n d e p e n d e n t criticism of power. Religion a n d the c h u r c h h a v e also b e e n a f u n d a m e n t a l element in the historical m e m o r y of the people. Religion enables m a n y t o discover the m e a n i n g of life, to create a cultural synthesis, a n d to d e v e l o p i n d i g e n o u s cultures. It is necessary to look at b o t h faces of s u c h a c o m p l e x a n d contradictory phenomenon—^both the complicity w i t h totalitarian religions a n d inquisitions, a n d the sense of cultural identity of t h e p o p u l a r classes.

2. Why have the historical churches in Latin America—especially the Catholic Church—seemingly lost their capacity to challenge and inspire the urban masses, the youth, and the popular classes? In fact, the historical churches, particularly the Catholic C h u r c h , h a v e b e e n d e e p l y involved in t h e liberation struggles of Latin America in t h e past 40 years. For the Catholic Church, the Second Vatican Council set in m o t i o n a great deal of self-criticism regarding its complicity w i t h structures of power. There h a v e b e e n powerful currents of h o n e s t examination of the m a n i p u l a t i o n of p o p u l a r credulity (for e x a m p l e , the d e v o t i o n to the saints) a n d the superficiality of the experience of religious c o m m i t m e n t . The theology of liberation w e n t far b e y o n d self-criticism a n d n o t only stimulated a questioning of complicity w i t h d o m i n a n t classes o n the p a r t of the churches b u t also released a spiritual energy to n o u r i s h revolutionary m o v e m e n t s . To see this side of the church, w e m u s t e x a m i n e the m e a n i n g of the m o v e m e n t of the b a s e c o m m u n i t i e s in Brazil a n d the role of the Catholic C h u r c h in Chile in the darkest d a y s of the p e o p l e ' s struggle w i t h t h e Pinochet dictatorship. In these a n d other contexts, t h e churches h a v e b e e n a s u p p o r t a n d a source of energy to sustain the m e m o r y a n d values of a civil society. T h e theology of liberation a w a k e n e d energies t h a t h a v e s h o w n the possibility of a religiosity that n o t oruy is n o t alienating a n d d o e s n o t n u m b revolutionary aspirations, b u t that instead h a s b e e n a n i m p o r t a n t inspiration to transform, diversify, a n d revitalize societies. It is m y view, however, that the churches still retain too m u c h social p o w e r in Latin America. If t h e church w i s h e s t o rebuild its links w i t h t h e p o p u l a r sectors a n d w i t h the y o u n g people, it m u s t renoimce a n y pretension of i m p o s i n g its cultural power. In s o m e countries, the Catholic C h u r c h still a t t e m p t s to gain a privileged position over other confessions

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a n d to retain its ability to m a n i p u l a t e political processes. A s long as the church a t t e m p t s to i m p o s e a cultural m o n o p o l y a n d sustain its position b y cooperating w i t h the m o s t reactionary p o w e r g r o u p s of these c o u n tries, church leaders will n o t u n d e r s t a n d w h a t the p o p u l a r classes are suffering a n d will n o t b e able to c o m p r e h e n d the discourse of the y o u n g e r generations.

3. What is the significance of the renaissance of shamanism, spiritualism, and other forms of traditional indigenous religion in the cities of Latin America? The paradoxical rebirth of rehgious a n d magical practices from o u r rural past in the m i d s t of o u r great Latm America cities is a n aspect of the "ruralization" of oiu: societies that can b e traced back, m m y view, to the pohtical economic pohcies of o u r tunes. In a p e r i o d of little m o r e t h a n 40 years, m a n y Latin A m e r i c a n c o u n tries h a v e c h a n g e d from b e i n g largely rural, w i t h s o m e 7 5 % of the p o p u l a t i o n in agriculture or in small villages, to b e i n g largely u r b a n , w i t h m o r e t h a n 70% in h u g e cities. But at s a m e time, w e are witnessing the i m p o v e r i s h m e n t of the lower-middle classes a n d the w o r k i n g classes d u e to the n e o h b e r a l pohcies that discourage social investment a n d favor high-technology e m p l o y m e n t . This m e a n s that the majority of the p e o p l e m the cities are l e a m i n g to survive o n the basis of a k i n d of u r b a n subsistence e c o n o m y that mixes rural sohdarity a n d traditional practices w i t h the n e w skills of the city. This affects all aspects of u r b a n life a m o n g the l o w e r - m i d d l e a n d p o p u l a r classes. For e x a m p l e , p e o p l e are once a g a m l e a m i n g to get b y w i t h a m i x t u r e of m d i g e n o u s herbal medicine a n d m o d e m medicines. This cultural a n d socioeconomic context is also affectm g the rehgious practices m that a curious mixture of u r b a n secularization, i m p o r t a t i o n of oriental cults. N e w A g e lifestyles, a n d m r a l m a g i c a n d s p i r i t u a h s m is taking shape. This n e w u r b a n rehgious culture is such a w i d e s p r e a d p h e n o m e n o n that forms of it m a y n o w b e foimd in aU social classes of the city. A m o n g y o u n g p e o p l e of the professional classes, for e x a m p l e , o n e finds the attractions of N e w A g e a n d oriental rehgions lirudng u p w i t h traditional s h a m a n i s m a n d "re-semanticizing" e v e n the traditional rehgiosity inherited m C a t h o h c famihes. We are w i t n e s s m g a k m d of n e w foundational rehgious logic g r o w i n g u p in the u r b a n areas.

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T h e Tribalization of Modern Cultures

In the b a c k g r o u n d of this re-enchantment of m o d e m cities is a p r o foimd c h a n g e in the w a y y o i m g p e o p l e c o n s t m c t their social life. The y o u t h of t o d a y are very m u c h like n o m a d i c tribes. The n e w diversity of o u r cultures is lived b y y o u n g p e o p l e as a source of wealth. A l t h o u g h adults still fear this diversity a n d pluralism, y o u n g p e o p l e love to m o v e from o n e cultural identity to another. Identification w i t h the cultures of m e d i a , especially the culture of p o p u l a r music, is strikingly i m p o r t a n t in discovering a n d experimenting w i t h n e w identities. For y o u n g people, m u s i c is n o t just entertainment, b u t a l a n g u a g e , a w a y of expressing their dissatisfactions, their anger, their confusion, a n d their search. T h e diversity of this m u s i c gives b i r t h to a m u l t i t u d e of tribes a n d communities. There is n o t just rock music, b u t plastic rock, authentic rock, rock of the 60s, rock of the 90s, a n d a n endless invention of other musical styles. In all of their searching, y o u n g p e o p l e take to this diversity w i t h a n energy a n d force that enables t h e m to r a p i d l y identify, disidentify, a n d reidentify w i t h cultures a n d t h u s escape the p r e s s u r e to a n y o n e commitment. W h y is this like n o m a d i c tribes? There is n o a t t a c h m e n t to o n e particular place. Identity d o e s n o t c o m e from a n y place, b u t rather y o u n g p e o p l e give identity to places, at least for a short, p a s s i n g m o m e n t . Their identities are temporary. This is in striking contrast to older conceptions of identity for a w h o l e life a n d attachment to a particular place t h a t is semi-sacred, n o t for religious reasons, b u t because the place h a s s u c h affective a n d symbolic i m p o r t a n c e (Herlinghams & Walter, 1994). Young p e o p l e d o n o t live in s u c h a relationship w i t h a defined territory. Rather it is the tribe, the g r o u p that in a given m o m e n t decides to convert a discotheque, the street c o m e r of a n e i g h b o r h o o d , or a village s q u a r e into " o u r " place. For this m o m e n t , the youthful tribe m a r k s the place w i t h their graffiti; they p u t u p their symbols there a n d take possession of it. N a t i o n states n o w h a v e far less p o w e r of attracting identification t h a n d o e s the terrain of the cities. People n o w live close to the l a n d m a r k s of their cities, b u t from a global, transnational perspective. People h a v e d e v e l o p e d s u c h a global vision, in large part, b e c a u s e the globe is b r o u g h t to t h e m b y t h e media. T h e y t h u s feel at h o m e in just a b o u t a n y p a r t of the globe or in a n y w o r l d , real or imagined.

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The p a t c h of soil, the native village, the consecrated church a n d t e m p l e h a v e ceased to h a v e a p o w e r of e n c h a n t m e n t . Instead, the m a s s m e d i a create symbols of the sacred; a n d ti\e youthful n o m a d i c tribes, identifying w i t h these totems, h a v e l e a m e d h o w to m a k e h o l y a n d e n c h a n t e d a n y place they decide to mhabit. References A s s m a n n , H. (1988). La iglesia electronica y su impacto en America Latina. San Jos6, Costa Rica: D.E.I. Barthes, R. (1974). Mythologies. London: Cape. Baudrillard, J. (1993). la illusion del fin. Barcelona: Anagrama. BeU, D . (1994). La Europa del siglo XXI. In Claves de razon prdctica, N o . 44. Madrid. BeUah, R., Madsen, R., SuUivan, R., Swidler, Α., & Tipton, S. (1985). Habits of the heart: Individualism and commitment in Amencan life. Berkeley: University of CaUfomia Press. Diaz-Alvarez, M. (1978). Pastoral y secularizacion en Amirica Latina. Bogota: Ediciones Paulinas. Gellner, E. (1989). La jaula d e goma: Desencanto con el desencanto. In Culture, identidad y politica. Barcelona: Gedisa. GU-Calvo, E. (1993). Rituales m o d e m o s d e salvacion. In Claves de la razon practica. N o . 38. Madrid. HerUnghanis, H., & Walter, M. (Eds.). (1994). Postmodemidad en la periferia. BerUn: Langer Verlag. Jimenez, G. (1989). N u e v a s dimensiones d e la cultura popular. Las sectas reUgosas en Mexico. In Estudios de culturas contemporaneas, N o . 7. CoUma, Mexico. Morande, P. (1984). Cultura y modemidad en Amirica Latina. Santiago, ChUe: Univ. CatoUca d e ChUe. Rahner, K. (1%9). Secularizacion y ateismo. Madrid: Ediciones Paulinas. Sarlo, B. (1994). Escenas de la vida postmodema. Buenos Aires: Ariel. Seman, P. (1993) Pentecostales: U n cristianismo inesperado. Punto de vista. N o . 47. Buenos Aires: Ariel. Touraine, A. (1992) Critique de la modemiti. Paris: Fayard. Weber, M. (1958) The Protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism. N e w York: Scribner.

Ckapter^ll

Escape From Time Ritual Dimensions of Popular Culture

Gregor Goethals

In c o n t e m p o r a r y A m e r i c a n society, religion is a personal, highly individual matter. Yet t h r o u g h o u t p o p u l a r culture, particularly in sports a n d entertainment, c o m m i m a l values a n d d r e a m s effervesce a n d form t h e m selves into public mythologies a n d rites. D u r i n g the recent baseball strike, m a n y c o m m e n t a t o r s n o t e d that s o m e t h i n g i m p o r t a n t w a s missing in the A m e r i c a n psyche. T h e r h y t h m of the "boys of s u m m e r " w a s cut short; the accustomed entry a n d exit into the ball park—^real or televised—^was n o t there for u s as a n escape from ordinariness. We could not, to u s e A. Bartlett Giamatti's (1989) p h r a s e , "take time for p a r a d i s e . " For m a n y years now, scholars h a v e u s e d ritual as a m e t a p h o r to u n d e r s t a n d t h e unifying vitality of s o m e events in p o p u l a r culture (Goethals, 1981). In this chapter, I w o u l d like to reexamine this p a r a d i g m . First, I will look at formal elements u s e d to m a k e cormections b e t w e e n ancient ceremonies cmd c o n t e m p o r a r y h a p p e r u n g s in sports a n d entertainment, focusing particularly o n traditional rituals' exterior b o u n d a ries—space a n d time. A closer look at these m a y point u p b o t h similarities 117

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a n d differences. Following this, 1 will t u m to the interior d i m e n s i o n s of traditional rehgious rites, particularly the experience of transcendence. H e r e o u r c o m p a r i s o n s m a y b e c o m e m o r e strained, causing u s to qualify o u r basic m e t a p h o r further. A reexamination of these t w o foci—the extern a l formal d i m e n s i o n a n d the i n t e m a l spiritual t r a n s f o r m a t i o n — m a y indicate h o w w e can say b o t h " y e s " a n d " n o " as w e u s e religious rituals to iUuminate aspects of p o p u l a r secular culture.

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Scholars frequently d r a w attention to the formal properties of carefuUy orchestrated actions framed in units of time a n d space. Ritual essentiaUy constitutes, in Victor T u m e r ' s (1977) w o r d s , "formal b e h a v ior," a n o r d e r e d process in time, distinct from o r d i n a r y routine. These p a t t e m e d actions in t i m e a n d space are, h e notes, generaUy oriented to "mystical b e m g s or p o w e r s . " Barbara G. Myerhoff (1977) h a s simUarly e m p h a s i z e d the i m p o r t a n c e of the morphological elements of ritual, observing that ordering is often that aspect w h i c h m o s t obviously sets ritual a p a r t from other activities. A w e d d m g , for e x a m p l e , is a special framing of time a n d space m w h i c h a m a n a n d a w o m a n m a k e m a r r i a g e v o w s . For SaUy R M o o r e a n d Barbara G. Myerhoff (1977), rihial is "a container, a vessel w h i c h h o l d s s o m e t h i n g " (p. 8). In another context, Myerhoff (1977) writes. T h e m o s t salient characteristic of ritual is its function as a frame. It is a deliberate a n d artificial d e m a r c a t i o n . In ritual, a bit of b e h a v i o r or interaction, a n aspect of social life, a m o m e n t in time is selected, s t o p p e d , r e m a r k e d u p o n . (p. 200)

This framing, she says, m a y b e secular or rehgious in nature. Previously, phUosopher Ernst Cassirer (1956) w r o t e that a m o n g the earhest c o n s t m c t e d s)mibohc forms, space w a s p a r a m o i m t . H e a n a l y z e d the basic action taken in the creation of sacred space, the e s t a b h s h m e n t of b o u n d a r i e s that set a p a r t a special place: H a l l o w i n g b e g i n s w h e n a specific z o n e is d e t a c h e d from s p a c e as w h o l e , w h e n it is d i s t i n g u i s h e d from o t h e r z o n e s a n d o n e m i g h t s a y religiously h e d g e d a r o u n d , (p. 99)

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Citing a classical scholar, Heinrich Nissen, Cassirer p o i n t e d o u t that the root of the Greek w o r d for temple m e a n s "to cut," signifying that a n area h a s b e e n spatially set a p a r t from ordinary terrain. Moreover, Cassirer m a i n t a i n e d that every mythically sigriificant content a n d each extraordin a r y experience that takes u s o u t of c o m m o n p l a c e situations h a s its o w n "ring of existence, a walled-in zone s e p a r a t e d from its s u r r o u n d i n g s b y fbced limits" (p. 103). T h r o u g h this separation, the space achieves a n individual religious form. B o u n d e d spaces could b e sheltered or o p e n . Historian Walter Burkert (1985) h a s written that for the living religious cult in Greece, t h e o u t d o o r altar w a s critical to defirung the sacred space. It w a s the altar space at t h e east that formed the sacred b o u n d a r y , n o t the interior space of ihe temple. Great religious festivals took place in the o p e n air, w h e r e p e o p l e could p a r a d e a r o u n d the temple. While the sacrifice took place at the altar, the participants, like the t e m p l e itself, looked t o w a r d t h e east. "So the p i o u s m a n s t a n d s , as it w e r e , b e n e a t h t h e eyes of t h e deity; b u t i f s n o t t h e irmer space of the t e m p l e w h i c h d r a w s h i m i n " (p. 92). Historian of religion Jonathan Z. Smith (1987) also u n d e r s c o r e d the i m p o r t a n c e of place. For h i m , ritual is fundamentally a " m o d e of p a y i n g attention" or "a process of m a r k i n g interest." A temple, h e says, functions as a "focusing lens." Within the marked-off space, o r d i n a r y objects a n d actions b e c o m e "sacred" b y being there. N o t h i n g , h e says, is inherently sacred or profane; for these are n o t substantive categories, b u t "situational ones." Sacredness is essentially a category of e m p l a c e m e n t (pp. 103-104). T h u s ritual derives its p o w e r from the fact that o r d i n a r y activities occur in a n extraordinary setting w i t h o u t w h i c h there w o u l d b e n o sense of difference b e t w e e n the " n o w " of ritual place a n d the " n o w " of e v e r y d a y experience (p. 110). Temporal b o i m d a r i e s , like spatial ones, are essential to ritual. Cassirer (1956) p o i n t e d o u t that long before h u m a n consciousness d e v e l o p e d basic defirutions of n u m b e r , time, a n d space, the simplest p e o p l e s h o w e d a subtle sensitivity to the periodicity a n d r h y t h m of existence. Their m y t h i cal-religious "sense of p h a s e s " a p p l i e d t o all the occurrences of life, especially to age a n d status transitions. Critical p o i n t s of c h a n g e w e r e m a r k e d b y special rites or ceremonies: Through these rites, the monotonous course of existence, the mere "flow" of time, undergoes a kind of religious stamp that gives it a specific

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m e a n i n g . Birth a n d d e a t h , p r e g n a n c y a n d m o t h e r h o o d , p u b e r t y a n d marriage—all are m a r k e d b y specific rites of initiation, (p. 1 0 9 )

C a s s k e r also observed that the consciousness of r h y t h m i c biological time p r e c e d e d the intuition of cosmic p a t t e m s a n d periodicity The regularity of the m o t i o n s of the h e a v e n l y b o d i e s a n d the earth's seasons w e r e u n d e r s t o o d t h r o u g h life's processes. Such perceived reciprocity enabled early p e o p l e to cormect subjective h u m a n r h y t h m s to the m o r e distant, objective forces a n d m o v e m e n t s of n a t u r e . In his s t u d y of Greek religion, Burkert (1985) also brings together the m a r k i n g off of space a n d the m e a s u r i n g of time: "[A]s the sanctuary articulates space, so the festival articulates time." Particular d a y s are set aside a n d distinguished from the e v e r y d a y m o t i o n of time:

[WJork is laid aside a n d c u s t o m a r y roles are dissolved in a general relaxation, b u t t h e festive p r o g r a m h o l d s n e w roles in readiness. G r o u p s c o m e together, setting themselves a p a r t from o t h e r s . T h e contrast w i t h n o r m a l i t y m a y b e expressed in m i r t h a n d joy, in a d o r n m e n t a n d beauty, or else in m e n a c e a n d terror, (p. 99)

Festivals w e r e occasions for d a n c i n g a n d h y m n s , m a s k i n g , b a n q u e t s , contests, a n d processions. O n e festival procession can b e seen, for e x a m ple, in t h e P a r t h e n o n frieze, w h e r e o n e sees carved i m a g e s of t h e citizens of Athens^—^^mounted h o r s e m e n , chariots, sacrificial animals—in the great Panathenaic Procession. Even in t o d a y ' s societies, w h i c h are p r e d o m i n a n t l y secular or rehgiously differentiated, s u c h as t h e U n i t e d States, traditional religions continue b u i l d i n g sanctuaries a n d m a r k i n g off hturgical times. A t the s a m e t u n e , however, the sacred calendar a n d s y m b o h c spatial forms of a n y o n e rehgion d o n o t w o r k for aU. Sociologist of rehgion Bryan Wilson (1982) h a s indicated that w i t h increasing secular a n d rehgious diversification, the latent functions of rehgion, particularly the formation of shared cultural symbols, are taken over b y secular mstitutions (p. 36). In the U n i t e d States, for e x a m p l e , the m o s t w i d e l y recognized b o u n d e d or "cut o u t " spaces a n d times are found in p o p u l a r culture. Various sports—^basketball, baseball, football—and entertairunent events p r o v i d e a series of famihar hturgical calendars a n d sacred sites. Entering the portals of the

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baseball s t a d i u m , for e x a m p l e , w e , like the ancients, enter into a different world and temporal rhythm. M o s t p e o p l e recognize the p l a n of a baseball d i a m o n d a n d u n d e r s t a n d the central i m p o r t a n c e of i n d i v i d u a l t e a m s for local c o m m u n i t i e s . Even the sport's l a n g u a g e h a s filtered into o r d i n a r y speech. We describe s o m e individuals as " o u t in left field" or "off b a s e . " O t h e r s m a y b e called " h o m e free." Great success is "hitting a h o m e r u n . " A n official layout of a playing field s h o w s carefully m e a s u r e d spaces w i t h special areas for the major actors, the b o u n d a r i e s of their play, a n d a spatial hierarchy of seats for spectators. Just as fans leave ordinary space b e h i n d as they enter t h e s t a d i u m , they begin a n e b b a n d flow of time n o t m e a s u r e d b y the clock, b u t b y the o r d e r of the g a m e itself. T h e s p a c e / t i m e of irmings is p u n c t u ated b y a personal, preferential choice of refreshment: h o t d o g s , p o p c o r n , sodas, a n d beer. There is also the r h y t h m of " s p r i n g training," followed b y the ceremorues of the o p e r u n g g a m e . Thereafter c o m e s the essence of the liturgical season, the c o n t i n u o u s flow of competitive g a m e s imtil, finally, the playoffs a n d World Series. Ritual space a n d time of all professional sports h a v e b e e n m a r k e d l y affected b y the u n p r e c e d e n t e d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s revolution. A s w e m a k e analogies b e t w e e n p o p u l a r sporting events a n d ritual, w e a c k n o w l e d g e that television h a s irrevocably modified o u r comparisons. This m e d i u m h a s stretched the b o u n d a r i e s , u s i n g technology to " t r a n s p o r t " sacred t i m e a n d space a n y w h e r e in the w o r l d at a n y time. Great p l a y s can b e r e r u n as sports c o m m e n t a t o r s highlight a n d s u m m a r i z e the g a m e . M a n y b a l l p a r k s h a v e e v e n installed h u g e TV screens. Those in attendance, a n d e v e n the players themselves, m a y take p a r t in t w o levels of time a n d space: t h e o n e that is lived a n d the other that is re-presented. Moreover, technology h a s n o w i n t r o d u c e d s o m e interactive features so that v i e w e r s m a y m a n i p u late the time a n d space of the g a m e . Eventually the representations m a y b e rendered in holographic or virtual reality forms. Yet for many, television viewing is n o substitute for being there, enclosed w i t h i n extraordinary b o u n d a r i e s of space a n d time. A l t h o u g h spatial a n d t e m p o r a l demarcations allow for s o m e analogies b e t w e e n primitive rituals a n d c o n t e m p o r a r y cultural events, p r e m o d e m mythologies of space a n d time differ radically from o u r o w n . Such differences shake u p formal comparisons. In Bφre Philosophy (1964), historian of religion H e n r i Frankfort contrasts m y t h o p o e i c a n d m o d e m concepts of space a n d time. For ancient people, spatial experience w a s

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inclusive in w a y s w e cannot possibly c o m p r e h e n d . Space, for e x a m p l e , e n c o m p a s s e d the w o r l d of d r e a m s , haUucinations, a n d the d e a d ; distinctions b e t w e e n a p p e a r a n c e a n d reahty dissolved. Frankfort n o t e s that unlike m o d e m concepts, the spatial system of archaic p e o p l e s w a s b a s e d o n values: Day and night give to east and west a correlation with life and death. Speculative thought may easily develop in connection with such regions as are outside direct experiences, for instance, the heavens or the nether world, (p. 30) In s u c h a system, sacred space is a m b i g u o u s , capable of m u l t i p l e manifestations. Frankfort cites the i m p o r t a n c e in Egypt, for e x a m p l e , of the p r i m e v a l hill from w h i c h creation began. This hill w a s traditionally located at the s u n t e m p l e at Hehopolis, a n d yet the holy of h o h e s of every t e m p l e w a s equally sacred. These multiple manifestations of a sacred site are illogical to m o d e m p e r s o n s expecting i m a m b i g u o u s locations a n d specific spatial coordinates. Frankfort h a s also a n a l y z e d archaic p e o p l e ' s radicaUy different concepts of time, i m d e r s t o o d concretely as periodicity, following the cycles of the h u m a n a n d n a t u r a l order. These successions a n d r h y t h m s , however, w e r e n o t v i e w e d as " n a t u r a l , " b u t w e r e instead related causally to s u p e r n a t u r a l b e m g s or to a confhct of forces. Distinctions b e t w e e n p a s t a n d present d i s a p p e a r : Each morning the sun defeats darkness and chaos, as he did on the day of creation and does, every year, on New Year's Day. These three moments coalesce; they are felt to be essentially the same. Each sunrise, and each New Year's Day, repeats the first sunrise on the day of creation; and for the mythopoeic mind each repetition coalesces with—is practically identical with—the original event, (p. 33) T h u s in archaic societies, the s y m b o h c action of ritual "reverses" t h n e , or in Mircea E h a d e ' s (1963) w o r d s , it "abolishes Tune a n d recovers the sacred Tune of m y t h " (p. 140). By contrast, c o n t e m p o r a r y p e r s o n s typically h v e m a n hreversible, flowing c o n t i n u u m , b r o k e n d o w n into linear, abstract, quantifiable segments. Frankfort's distinctions are a n urunistakable r e m i n d e r that o u r analogies of exterior b o u n d a r i e s m u s t a l w a y s b e modified b y each culture's

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mythologies. Yet, h o w e v e r qualified, the persistent t e m p o r a l a n d spatial demarcations of significant events in ancient a n d m o d e m societies i d e n tify the e n d u r i n g , compelling role that ritual h a s played: a n escape from ordinary, often dreary, day-to-day realities into a n e x t r a o n l i n a r y w o r l d . But h o w d o w e characterize s u c h a n "escape"? A n d d o e s o n e differ f m m another?

I » Interior Boundaries: Transcendence Exterior b o u n d a r i e s that establish the context for ritual are m o r e readily identified t h a n p a t h w a y s of the spirit. In b r e a k i n g o u t of their e v e r y d a y w o r l d a n d entering a n extraordinary t i m e a n d space, particip a n t s experience s o m e k i n d of transcendence. In reexamining o u r p a r a d i g m , w e look n o w at the interior processes of transformation or self-transcendence. Building o n A m o l d v a n G e n n e p ' s analyses, Victor T i u n e r (1982) described the p h a s e s of ritual activity—separation, transition, incorporation. Separation sets participants a p a r t in space a n d time; b u t m o r e t h a n that, it involves t h e m in symbolic behavior that detaches t h e m from their p r e v i o u s social status. In the transition or transformative stage, the s u b jects p a s s t h r o u g h a p e r i o d of ambiguity, "a sort of social l i m b o . " T h e third stage, incorporation, includes s5anbolic actions that enable participants to r e t u m , taking on a "new, relatively stable, well-defined position in the total society" (p. 24). T u m e r w a s a m o n g the first to suggest that residual traces of tribal rituals are foimd in v a r i o u s forms of entertainment, as well as in the h i g h a n d p o p u l a r arts. D r a w i n g o n his fieldwork a n d observations of c o n t e m p o r a r y culture, h e d o c u m e n t e d a n d analyzed qualities of m i n d a n d action that characterize ritual experience. H i s studies of the liminal b e h a v i o r in the second, or transitional, p h a s e of ritual are especially i m p o r t a n t for analogies b e t w e e n p o p u l a r culture a n d traditional ritual. T u m e r observed a n inversion of n o r m a l reality in the transitional stage. Participants u n d e r g o a leveling process, h e said, in w h i c h their p r e v i o u s roles or positions are destroyed. This p u t s the participants in a " t o p s y t u r v y " w o r l d , a kaleidoscopic mixing of n a t u r a l a n d s u p e m a t u r a l , grotesque a n d benign, terrifying a n d r e d e m p t i v e forces. Because this

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p h a s e is h r e d u c i b l e a n d mysterious. Turner refers to it as the essential antisecular c o m p o n e n t of ritual, w h e t h e r it b e labeled " r e h g i o u s " or " m a g i c a l " (p. 80). This essentially antisecular element of traditional rehgious ritual e s t a b h s h e d the b o u n d a r i e s of the h i u n a n a n d the holy, o p e n ing u p the experience of transcendence or the revelation of a n Other. To explore these d i m e n s i o n s , w e w o u l d n e e d to t u m to writers, ancient a n d m o d e m , w h o are c o n c e m e d w i t h the category of the holy a n d the distinctions b e t w e e n the sacred a n d profane. Tumer, however, while identifying the "antisecular" q u a h t y of ritual's liminal p h a s e , nevertheless speculated that s o m e aspects of this mysterious sacred element h a d b e c o m e disp e r s e d into secular spheres. C o n t e m p o r a r y p e r s o n s , u n a b l e to participate meaningfully in a religiously s t m c t u r e d , multi-ordered limkial state, m a y b e c o m e involved in the liminoid—di t e r m the anthropologist i n v e n t e d to describe s y m b o h c activity that resembles, b u t is n o t identical w i t h liminal T u m e r found that tribal ritual framed b o t h the serious a n d the playful, c o m b i n i n g elements frequently s p h t a s u n d e r in a n industrialized society. Today, p e o p l e d i v i d e their hves into on-the-job time a n d leisure or p l a y time, a n d the residue of liminal ritual activity, h e says, is located in o u r playing. Leisure offers a freedom to enter into, e v e n generate, n e w s y m b o h c w o r l d s in entertainment, sports, g a m e s , theater, film, the arts. M o r e tiian m tribal a n d agrarian rites a n d ceremonies, " t h e ludic a n d the e x p e r i m e n t a l " are p a r a m o u n t . T h r o u g h o u r g a m e s a n d o u r arts, w e m o m e n t a r i l y transcend social s t m c t u r e s to play w i t h ideas, fantasies, w o r d s , paint, a n d social relationships. The c o n t e m p o r a r y researcher Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi a n d his colleagues also s t u d i e d leisure activities, sport, a n d arts to better u n d e r s t a n d their "anti-secular" elements a n d self-transcendence. T h r o u g h empirical studies—^interviews a n d questionnaires—^this t e a m of scholars a t t e m p t e d to d o c u m e n t a n d identify specific instances of the "flow" experience: the "peculiar s t a t e . . . that is n o t accessible to ' e v e r y d a y l i f e ' . . . " (Csikszentmihalyi, 1975, p p . 21-23). T h e researchers b a s e d t h e h studies o n experiences they describe as autotelic, essentially defined as " a n activity in w h i c h o n e loses oneself or b e c o m e s totaUy engrossed, regardless of the e x t e m a l r e w a r d s " (pp. 21-23). Researchers c o m p i l e d concrete d a t a from athletes, performers, a n d artists, c o n s t m c t i n g a constellation of elements they called the "flow experience." These include:

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1. The merging of action and awareness. 2. A centering of attention on a limited stimulus field, leading to a merging of action and a sense of pure involvement. 3. A sense of at-oneness, described in various ways: "loss of ego," "selfforgetfulness," "loss of self-consciousness," "transcendence of individuality," "fusion with the world." 4. Control of one's actions and of the environment. Skills are adequate to meet the demand, and there is a positive concept of the self, often seen as a victory over one's limitations. 5. Artists and athletes also reported that the flow experience generally contained coherent, noncontradictory demands for action and offered clear, unambiguous feedback to them. 6. The flow experience was for some "autotelic," that is, without goals or rewards other than participation in the activity itself, (pp. 38-47) These studies of performing artists a n d athletes g a v e h i m i a n voice to s o m e of the abstract speculations of psychologists a n d anthropologists. For excimple, o n e c o m p o s e r described his state of m i n d : You yourself are in an ecstatic state to such a point that you feel as though you almost don't exist. I've experienced this time and again. My hand seems devoid of myself, and I have nothing to do with what is happening. I just sit there watching it in a state of awe and wonderment. And it just flows out by itself. (Csikszentmihalyi, 1975, pp. 42-44) Those persons interviewed h a v e described s o m e t h i n g akin to the ecstatic m o m e n t s of religious experience. To extend these c o m p a r i s o n s , w e will t u m to William J a m e s ' classic study. The Varieties of Religious Experience (1971). James called attention to " t h e h o t place in a m a n ' s consciousness, the g r o u p of ideas to w h i c h h e devotes himself . . . the habitual center of his personal energy." This m e a n s , says James, that w h e n a p e r s o n is "converted," s o m e religious ideas that w e r e previously p e r i p h eral in consciousness n o w take a central place (p. 165). In exploring these shifts of emotional center, James d r e w o n the w o r k of E. D. Starbuck, a psychologist of religion, a n d c o n s t m c t e d t w o basic types of regenerative change: o n e that is v o l u n t a r y a n d conscious, a n d another that is involuntary a n d imconscious. In a v o l u n t a r y shift of consciousness, c h a n g e is g r a d u a l , consisting of b u i l d i n g u p , "piece b y piece," a n e w set of m o r a l a n d spiritual habits. O n the other h a n d , the

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subconscious or subliminal shifts involve a k i n d of lettmg g o , a selfsurrender. Yet to James, t h e difference b e t w e e n t h e t w o is n o t radical. Even w i t h t h e m o s t volimtary t y p e of regeneration, h e says, a partial selfs u r r e n d e r is i m p o s e d . W h e n the will h a s d o n e its u t m o s t t o b r i n g a b o u t unification, "it seems that t h e very last step m u s t b e left to other forces a n d p e r f o r m e d w i t h o u t t h e h e l p of its activity" (p. 174). To illustrate this, James chose a n e x a m p l e , cited b y Starbuck, that s h o w s t h e interplay of v o l u n t a r y a n d involuntary activity experienced b y athletes a n d artists: An athlete... sometimes awakens sudderuy to an understanding of the fine points of the game and to a real enjoyment of it, just as the convert awakens to an appreciation of religion. If he keeps on engaging in the sport, there may come a day when all at once the game plays itself through him—when he loses himself in some great contest. In the same way, a musician may suddenly reach a point at which pleasure in the teciuiique of the art entirely falls away, and in some moment of inspiration he becomes the instrument through which the music flows, (pp. 173-174) James, of course, w a s interested n o t only in t h e d y n a m i c s of t h e conversion experience, b u t also in t h e transformation that follows. O n e of t h e sigruficant characteristics of t h e rehgious experience for h i m w a s the objective change t h e w o r l d itself seems to i m d e r g o : " A n a p p e a r a n c e of n e w n e s s beautifies every object." There is a sense of clean a n d beautiful n e w n e s s b o t h w i t l u n a n d w i t h o u t (p. 202). In writings of Tumer, Csikszentmihalyi, a n d James w e h a v e seen h o w play, self-surrender, a n d "flow" are associated w i t h self-transcendence. But n o w emother question emerges: A r e all experiences of self-transcendence t h e same? A r e there different levels of symbolism? In t h e conclusion of his essay, "Lhnhial to Linunoid," T u m e r (1982) raises this s a m e issue. "I h a v e left out," h e says, " b o t h from commimities a n d 'flow' a n essential feature—^the content of t h e experience. This is w h e r e t h e analysis of symbols b e g u i s Surely, the processes of c o n u n u i u t i e s a n d flow are i m b u e d w i t h m e a n i n g s of t h e symbols they either generate o r are channeled by. A r e aU 'flows' o n e a n d d o t h e symbols indicate different k i n d s a n d deptiis of flow?" (p. 59). T u m e r ' s question leads to writers w h o are c o n c e m e d w i t h t h e s y m bolism of transcendence. Sports historian Allen G u t t m a n n (1978) h a s s h o w n h i h i s b o o k . From Ritml to Record h o w Greek athletic events w e r e

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p a r t of religious festivals, h a v i n g a p u r p o s e b e y o n d themselves (p. 23). In industrialized societies, h e says, the record h a s replaced the ritual. We are c o n c e m e d w i t h " m i n u t e discriminations b e t w e e n the b a t t i n g a v e r a g e of the .308 hitter a n d the .307 hitter." We n o longer r u n to a p p e a s e the g o d s , b u t to achieve a u n i q u e l y m o d e m form of immortality, to set a record (p. 55). In his b o o k Take Time for Paradise (1989), Bartlett A. Giamatti, Renaissance scholar, former president of Yale University, a n d later C o m m i s sioner of Major League Baseball from April 1,1989, until the t i m e of his death, differed w i t h G u t t m a n n . The idea that s p o r t s ' sacred connections are radically lost in the m o d e m w o r l d , h e says, "misperceives leisure, the condition of being in w h i c h sport, or athletics, p l a y s merely a p a r t " (p. 26). Leisure offers time for autotelic activities to b e p u r s u e d for their o w n sake, p r o v i d i n g a condition for the freedom of h u m a n spirit to express itself. A n art or g a m e , Giamatti writes, "stimulates w h a t is p r o m i s e d , or p r o vided, b y religious experience—^a state of contemplation, v i g o r o u s a n d expansive, of the highest force conceivable. T h e result is to b e careless, or carefree. It is to b e h a p p y " (p. 28). T h e religious quality of the activities of o u r leisiue time, w h e t h e r in the arts or g a m e s , is manifested in the seriousness w i t h w h i c h w e follow or participate in t h e m , according to Gicmiatti. Moreover, w e invest in professional or a m a t e u r sports certain trar\scendent values. For the fan, the religious quality of sport "lies first in the intensity of d e v o t i o n b r o u g h t to the g a m e " (p. 23). O n the other h a n d , the athlete, like the painter, sculptor, poet, architect, composer, a n d actor, "is basically d r i v e n to express w h a t begins as a g n a w i n g h u n g e r a n d b e c o m e s a rage for perfection." It could b e called, h e said, a rage to "get it right" or " m a k e things fit as they n e v e r h a v e before." Like actors, musicians, singers, a n d athletes m u s t h a v e impeccable control a n d u n d e r s t a n d split-second tinung. There m u s t b e a near-absolute concentration. A s a n athlete or actor b r i n g s all skills into focus, h e or she will "achieve that state of complete inter\sity a n d complete relaxation—a total coherence b e t w e e n w h a t the performer w a n t s to d o a n d h a s to d o . This achievement transforms a n individual; a n d w e too, are recreated. Giamatti writes.

The individual's power to dominate, on stage or field—and they are versions of the same place and are only by analogy altars—invests the whole arena around U\e locus of performance with his or her power....

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Power flows in a mysterious circuit from performer to spectator... and back, and while cheers or applause are the hoped-for outcome of performing, silence or gasps are the most desired, for then the moment has occurred—then domination is complete, and as the performer triumphs, a unity rare and inspiring results, (pp. 41-42)

The p r e e n u n e n t v a l u e Giamatti finds in the perfection of athletes a n d performers is a n extraordinary spiritual freedom. Sport, like t h e arts a n d religion, represents o u r artistic a n d imaginative i m p u l s e to stretch b e y o n d ourselves a n d to achieve a n indescribable sense of liberation. T h u s the transcendent p o w e r of sport parallels that of religion a n d t h e arts in its capacity to a w a k e n in b o t h athlete a n d spectator w h a t Giamatti identifies w i t h t h e Judeo-Christian notion of a p a r a d i s e lost: "[B]etween d a y s of w o r k , sports o r g a m e s oruy repeat a n d repeat o u r effort to g o back, b a c k to a freedom w e caimot recall, save as a m o m e n t of p l a y in s o m e g a r d e n n o w lost" (p. 44). In his b o o k The Denial of Death (1973), psychologist Ernest Becker w o v e together insights of Eastern a n d W e s t e m religion as h e reflected o n transcendence. Following t h e writings of the D a n i s h theologian, Soren Kierkegaard, Becker p o i n t e d o u t h o w a w a r e n e s s of o n e ' s finitude a n d ultimate d e a t h b e c o m e s a catalyst for self-transcendence (p. 88), a t m t h h e found in Z e n B u d d h i s m as well as in a n A u g u s t i n i a n - L u t h e r a n tradition. After t h e total d e s t m c t i o n of the emotional a r m o r w i t h w h i c h w e protect ourselves, a n e w order of reality a p p e a r s . T h e self, Becker writes, m u s t b e " b r o u g h t d o w n to n o t h i n g , in o r d e r for self-transcendence to begin," t h r a s h i n g a r o u n d in its o w n finitude in o r d e r to see b e y o n d itself. "See b e y o n d to w h a t ? " Becker g a v e Kierkegaard's answer: "To infinitude, to absolute transcendence, to t h e Ultimate P o w e r of Creation w h i c h m a d e firute creatures" (p. 89). O n e ' s b e i n g is o p e n e d to t h e " h o r i z o n of u n l i m i t e d possibility, of real f r e e d o m " (p. 90). A liberating transcendence, says Becker, goes b e y o n d cultural achievement a n d m a s t e r y of e v e r y d a y things t o infinity, to t h e possibility of cosmic heroism:

He links his secret irmer self, his authentic talent, his deepest feelings of uiuqueness, his irmer yearning for absolute sigruficance, to the very ground of creation. . . . This invisible mystery at the heart of every creature now attains cosnuc significance by affirming its cormection with the invisible mystery at the heart of creation, (p. 91)

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T h u s , o u t of a n experience of d e s t m c t i o n a n d a n absolute aloneness comes a transforaaation that presents a different level of experience: " t h e a d v e n t u r e in o p e n n e s s to a m u l t i d i m e n s i o n a l r e a h t y " (p. 92). A l o n g w i t h O t t o Rank, Becker b e h e v e d the artist's gift is " a l w a y s to creation itself, to the ultimate m e a n i n g of life." A creative p e r s o n , h e said, faces a particular p r o b l e m of personal transformation: " H o w to d e v e l o p a creative w o r k w i t h t h e fuU force of one's passion, a w o r k that saves o n e ' s soul, a n d at the s a m e time, to renounce that very w o r k b e c a u s e it c a n n o t b y itself give salvation." Artistic individuals, writes Becker, h v e h i a tension, balancing the " e r o s " of self-expression w i t h a n " a g a p e " of selfs u r r e n d e r ( p p . 173-174). Becker could h a v e found in the diaries of the artist P a u l Klee (1964) t h o u g h t s similar to his o w n . O n e entry reads.

Art is like Creation: it holds good on the last day as on the first, . . . Everything Faustian is alien to me. I place myself at a remote starting point of creation, whence I state a priori formulas for men, beasts, plants, stones, and the elements, and for all the whirling forces. A thousand questions subside as if they had been solved. Neither orthodoxies nor heresies exist there. The possibilities are too endless, and the belief in them is all that lives creatively in me In my work 1 do not belong to the species but am a cosmic point of reference. My earthly eye is too far sighted and sees through and beyond the most beautiful things, (pp. 344-345)

Earher m this entry, Klee h a d written that h e s o u g h t oruy to relate himself to G o d . T h u s Klee's w o r d s seem to confirm t h e close connections Becker found b e t w e e n self-transcendence a n d creative action of t h e artist. We t u m n o w to a theologian, H u g o Rahner, w h o u s e d p l a y as a p r i m e m e t a p h o r for u n d e r s t a n d i n g G o d , creation, a n d the c o n t i n u o u s interaction b e t w e e n the h u m a n a n d the divine. In his b o o k Man at Play (1972), Rahner a c k n o w l e d g e s his indebtedness to J o h a n n H u i z i n g a , w h o s e Homo Ludens i n s p u e d m a n y scholars to e x a m k i e p l a y a s a formative e l e m e n t h\ various spheres of cultural activities—the arts, war, rehgion, philosophy. For Rahner, aU creation—^past, present, a n d future—^is c a u g h t u p in the playing of a divine g a m e . H i s mystical v i e w envisions a creator G o d w h o freely calls aU levels of b e i n g m t o tiie g a m e . Everytiung in creation proceeds from the O n e that initiates the ultimate g a m e , e x t e n d i n g from

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the " r o u n d of the stars a n d a t o m s to the gravely beautiful p l a y " of h u m a n beings (1972, p . 12). Whoever has, even for a moment, caught sight of this vast cosmic game will thenceforward at all times know that the little life of man and all the seriousness thereof is only a vanishing figure in this dance, (p. 25) O n l y w h e n w e catch a glimpse of a p l a y i n g G o d , a Deus vere ludens, R a h n e r writes, can w e truly u n d e r s t a n d ourselves as a homo ludens, a creature w h o p l a y s in a n a w e s o m e g a m e . R a h n e r ' s perspective, like Becker's, includes a n e m p h a s i s o n the tragic d i m e n s i o n of h u m a n life a n d its i m p o r t a n c e in the u l t i m a t e m e a n ing of p l a y a n d ritual. H u m a n s can only b e truly playful, h e said, w h e n "poised b e t w e e n gaiety a n d gravity, b e t w e e n m i r t h a n d tragedy." D r a w ing o n the richness of biblical a n d classical literature, as well as o n the writings of the early church fathers, Rahner p a i n t s a vivid portrait of the " g r a v e - m e r i y " p e r s o n w h o grasps the sobering b u t liberating t r u t h that life at all levels participates in a great cosmic g a m e . A g e n u i n e lightness of heart is inextricably b o u n d together w i t h a d a r k e r vision of h u m a n frailty. Existence is fundamentally joyful because it is secure in G o d , b u t o u r actions are also tragic. In o u r self-centeredness, e v e n creative actions b e c o m e destructive a n d perilous. Playing in the g a m e involves suffering, created a n d e n d u r e d . O u r g a m e time is "a m i x t u r e of joy a n d sorrow, a c o m e d y a n d a t r a g e d y " (Rahner, 1972, p . 29). There is n o play, writes Rahner, t h a t d o e s n ' t h a v e s o m e t h i n g p r o f o u n d l y serious at t h e b o t t o m of it, e v e n the p l a y of children. "They c o m e , w i t h all t h e c o m p u l s i o n of characters in a m y t h , u n d e r the spell of absolute obligation a n d u n d e r the s h a d o w of the possibility that the g a m e m a y b e lost" (p. 27). A l t h o u g h R a h n e r ' s formulation of the " g r a v e - m e r r y " player o w e s m u c h to classical philosophy, Christ's passion is critical to R a h n e r ' s theology a n d his concepts of ritual a n d play. T h e Creator G o d is also o n e w h o h a s suffered. In the divine g a m e , suffering a n d r e d e m p t i o n take their place alongside creation. T h u s h u m a n players cannot fully p l a y or u n d e r s t a n d the g a m e imless they g r a s p — h o w e v e r d i m l y — t h e m y s t e r y of b o t h creation a n d suffering. R a h n e r ' s Christian player t h u s lives in a n u n r e lieved tension of m e r r i m e n t a n d gravity, ultimately ignorant of the final o u t c o m e of the g a m e , b u t spiritually compelled to p l a y it. A n i n t e m a l c o m b u s t i o n of profoimd sorrow a n d joy s p a r k s a m y s t e r i o u s b u r s t of

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energy, e m p o w e r i n g frail creatures to d a n c e w i t h d e a t h a n d to p h o u e t t e w i t h a t o m s a n d stars. These last three writers—Giamatti, Becker, a n d R a h n e r — s u g g e s t that there m a y b e a c o n t m u u m of m e a n h i g s ascribed to self-transcendence m ritual experience, from h u m a n heroism to participation in the cosmic p l a y of a Creator-Redeemer G o d . Needless to say, o n e can well i m a g i n e criticism of the c o n t h i u u m m e t a p h o r b y b o t h the o r t h o d o x h u m a n i s t s w h o d o n o t a c k n o w l e d g e the metaphysical e n d of the s p e c t r u m a n d rehgionists w h o d r a w a s h a r p h n e b e t w e e n the sacred a n d the profane. W h a t seems clear, however, is that ritual is a s p r i n g b o a r d for self-transcending, for a n escape from t h n e that cannot b e d e n i e d to those w h o p l a y the game—^human or divine—^with passion. There is m o r e to the m e a n i n g of transcendence, however, t h a n the sohtary escape of individuals t h r o u g h sports, the arts, or rehgious h t u r gies. T u m e r ' s question " A r e all 'flows' o n e a n d d o the symbols hidicate different k i n d s of d e p t h s a n d flow?" will eventually h a v e to b e seen from a n o t h e r perspective if w e w a n t to d o it justice. To e x a m i n e further the question of levels of m e a r u n g s , w e w o u l d n e e d to look carefully at v a r i o u s c o m m u n i t i e s of individuals w h o share experiences of transcendence. W h a t are t h e h loyalties and responsibihties? H o w is the c o n u n u n i t y p e r p e t u a t e d ? Such a n inquiry w o u l d , I b e h e v e , lead to a n a w a r e n e s s that, in fact, w e take p a r t m m a n y rituals a n d t h u s identify w i t h m a n y c o m m u nities of behevers. T h r o u g h participation, w e discover in ourselves s u b stantiaUy different types of flow a n d levels of meaning—^from b e i n g a sports fan, to serious creative activity, to p l a y i n g in a n ultimately m y s t e rious cosmic g a m e w h o s e m l e s are u n k n o w n . References Becker, E. (1973). The denial of death. N e w York: Free Press. Burkert, W. (1985). Greek religion Q. Raffan, Trans.). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Cassirer, E. (1956). Mythical thought. In The philosophy of symbolic forms, Vol. 2 (R. Manheim, Trans.). N e w H a v e n , CT: Yale University Press. Csikszentmihalyi, M. (1975). Beyond boredom and anxiety: The experience of play in work and games. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. EUade, M. (1963). Myth and reality. N e w York: Harper and Row. Frankfort, H. (1964). Before philosophy: The intellectual adventure of ancient man. Baltimore, M D : Penguin. Giamatti, A. B. (1989). Take time for paradise: Americans and their games. N e w York: Sununit.

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Goethals, G. (1981). The TV ritual: Worship at the video altar Boston: Beacon. Guttman, A. (DATE?) From ritual to record. N e w York: Columbia University Press. James, W. (1971). The varieties of religious experience: A study in human nature. N e w York: Collier. Klee, R (1964). The diaries of Paul Klee, 1898-1918. (Felix Klee, Ed.). Berkeley: University of California Press. Moore, S., & Myerhoff, B. (Eds.). (1977). Secular ritual Amsterdam: Van Gorcum. Myerhoff, B. (1977). We don't w r a p herring in a printed page: Fusion, fictions and c o m m u n i t y in secular ritual. In S. Moore & B. Myerhoff (Eds.), Secular ritual. Amsterdam: Van Gorcum. Rahner, H. (1972). Man at play. N e w York: Herder and Herder. Smith, J. Z. (1987). To take place: Toward theory in ritual. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Tumer, V. (1977). Variations o n a theme of liminality In In S. Moore & B. Myerhoff (Eds.), Secular ritual (pp. 36-52). Amsterdam: Van Gorcum. Tumer, V. (1982). From ritual to theater: The human seriousness of play. N e w York: Performing Arts Joumal Publications. Wilson, B. (1982). Religion in sociological perspective. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.

The Dispersed Sacred Anomie and the Crisis of Ritual

Gabriel

Bar-Haim

Oh, who can divide dream from reality, day from night, night from dawn, memory from illusion? —Danilo Kis, The Encyclopedia of the Dead

A s EHirkheim so brilliantly d e m o n s t r a t e d , it is the g r o u p a n d the relations h i p b e t w e e n the i n d i v i d u a l a n d the g r o u p that generate sacred s y m b o l s a n d transcendental senthnents. The very fact that m o d e m W e s t e m g r o u p s h a v e increasingly failed to p r o d u c e rehgious feelings w a s central to D u r k h e i m ' s work. Since his b o o k The Division of Labor in Society w a s first p u b h s h e d in 1893, s o m e of his analyses h a v e b e c o m e crystaUized a n d h a v e e v e n s i u p a s s e d his predictions, w h e r e a s others h a v e n o t materialized. The present crisis of the ritual in p o s t m o d e m society (a t e r m chosen to distinguish b e t w e e n D u r k h e h n ' s time a n d o u r o w n c o n t e m p o r a r y one) is the result of the intensification of a n o n g o i n g problematic relationship 133

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b e t w e e n the individual a n d the g r o u p (a t e n n e m p l o y e d here generically), a trend that D u r k h e i m foresaw. The g r o w i n g difficulty faced b y W e s t e m welfare states in c o p i n g o n the o n e h a n d w i t h the m u l t i t u d e of u n p r e c e d e n t e d d e m a n d s placed o n t h e m , a n d o n the other h a n d w i t h the disintegration of geographical c o m m u n i t i e s n o longer capable of p r o v i d i n g social cohesion a n d s u p p o r t , h a s led m a n y to believe that a "civil society" seems to b e transpiring from the current impasse. A civil society, as a social organization displaying n o h e g e m o n i c ideological virtues, b u t able to restore a qualitative relationship b e t w e e n individuals a n d s t m c t u r e s a n d consequently to recover the ritual, m a y b e a solution. H o w , nonetheless, can this t y p e of n o n h e g e m o n i c society b e capable of persisting w i t h o u t forcing a c o m m o n consciousness, or p o s i n g a c o n u n o n vision? A n d furthermore, h o w are these possible w i t h o u t the s u p p o r t of certain forms of sacredness? A n y future m o d e l of social organization, b e it a civil society or s o m e t h i n g else, that a t t e m p t s to redefine a n i n d i v i d u a l - g r o u p relationship, a n d t h u s to d e t e r m i n e the n a t u r e of the sacred, will h a v e to confront the central p r o b l e m of anomie. It is this acute state of intrinsic a n d p e r m a n e n t a n o m i e that primarily characterizes the present i n d i v i d u a l - g r o u p relationship. M e r t o n ' s (1968) interpretation of D u r k h e i m ' s t e r m as the process " w h e r e b y p e o p l e prefer technically efficient over morally p r e scribed m e a n s " (p. 189) p r o v i d e d only a limited u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the m e a n i n g of a n o m i e w i t h o u t examining the significance, t h u s r e d u c i n g the concept to a m e r e lack of n o r m a t i v e guidance. By the mid-1980s, n e w theoretical research o n EHirkheim's u s a g e a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g of a n o m i e w a s suggesting novel a n d w i d e r ramifications. These interpretations centered a r o u n d the idea that D u r k h e i m basically regarded a n o m i e as a state of social w i t h d r a w a l , n o t only as a consequence of a s t m c t u r a l imbalance, b u t also as a disposition of a n individualistic consciousness, a subjectively inclined frame of m i n d . Typically, Hilbert (1986) o b s e r v e d that, " A n o m i e is the absence of o u r objective experience of reality" (p. 19). Hilbert concluded that D u r k h e i m perceived a n o m i e as a n excess of individuality. T h e objective experience of reality is n o t the result of a m e r e cognitive order, b u t is fundamentally a m o r a l one. Mestrovic (1985) t h u s correctly concluded that D u r k h e i m u s e d the concept of a n o m i e as the secular c o ι m t e φ a r t of sin, " w h i c h is to say, as a n incorrect a r r a n g e m e n t of i n d i v i d u a l a n d collective representations, as the treatment of the sacred as if it w e r e profane a n d vice v e r s a " (p. 124). H e

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w e n t o n to specify that "if the gulf b e t w e e n the sacred a n d the profane is a n u n b r i d g e a b l e abyss, a n o m i e is a n y tendency to m i n g l e the t w o o p p o sites, e v e n reverse t h e h relationship" (p. 133). D u r k h e h n ' s conception that it is the individual w h o represents the profane, w h e r e a s society represents the sacred, h a s b e c o m e b l u r r e d in p o s t m o d e m society. C o n t e m p o r a r y g r o u p s are increasingly a m o r p h o u s in t h e h composition, h a v i n g a t e m p o r a r y a n d i m c o m m i t t e d existence a n d being too w e a k to p r o v i d e solace a n d reassurance. O n l y rarely d o g r o u p s display a sui generis reahty forceful e n o u g h to mobilize a n d i m p o s e persistent p a t t e m s of behavior. In short, g r o u p s n o longer leave t h e h imprint o n i n d i v i d u a l consciousness. The once intersubjective reahty of the g r o u p h a s given w a y to interindividuahty of the functional n e t w o r k ; that is, the i n d i v i d u a l h a s b e c o m e a self-contained imit, gravitating in a space filled w i t h ever-changing n e t w o r k s that t h e i n d i v i d u a l initiates or to w h i c h h e attaches hhnself for certain p e r i o d s of time a n d for specific utihtarian or cultural p u r p o s e s . O n l y occasionally are p e r m a n e n t social contracts established w i t h i n a n e t w o r k , a n d e v e n these oruy b i n d individu a l persons. The network—a better t e r m to characterize the increasing p o s t m o d e m social organization—^is the creation of the individual, p r o v i d i n g services, m c l u d m g emotional ones, a n d facihtating contacts w i t h other m d i v i d u a l s a n d w i t h adjacent n e t w o r k s . Traditional g r o u p s h a v e centers and sacred collective representations, w h e r e a s n e t w o r k s established to fulfill indiv i d u a l goals are incapable of representing a n y t h i n g b u t i n d i v i d u a l aspirations a n d desires; t h u s , h a v i n g n o sacred collective representations, n e t w o r k s are httle preoccupied b y ritualizations. N e t w o r k s are m a d e u p of a u t o n o m o u s subjects d r a w n into certain t e m p o r a r y contacts or fragmentary relationships, a n d centered a r o i m d o n e specific individual. H a v i n g httle or n o historical m e m o r y , c o m m o n mythology, a n d opportunities for self-reflexivity, n e t w o r k s s e e m to p o s sess n o coUective consciousness cmd therefore n o n e e d for c o n u n o n m e c h a n i s m s to m a i n t a i n social sohdarity a n d to revitalize t h e society's sacred representations a n d symbols. The result is a k i n d of b l u r r e d distinction b e t w e e n i n d i v i d u a l a n d g r o u p - n e t w o r k representations; that is, a h y b r i d representation of b o t h individual a n d n e t w o r k that reflects the individualization of social relationships, a state that w e a k e n s a transcendental process. Lefebvre (1968) c o m m e n t e d o n "the profane displacmg

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b u t n o t replacing the sacred" (p. 59), as h e characterized the n a t u r e of e v e r y d a y life, neatly encapsulating the situation. D u r k h e i m (1893/1964) focused o n the m a i n issue w h e n h e asserted that "it is first affirmed that the sphere of the social g r o w s smaller a n d smaller to the great a d v a n t a g e of the i n d i v i d u a l " (p. 204). O b s e r v i n g that D u r k h e i m ' s concept of a n o m i e w a s fundamentally connected to a n excess of individuality, Mestrovic (1985) a r g u e d that " a n o m i e requires a veneration of the i n d i v i d u a l to such a n extent that it is believed that the individu a l is capable of choosing a state of m o r a l transgression" (p. 129). To g o o n e step further, it is reasonable to a s s u m e that a n o m i e exists w h e n society is p r e d o m i n a n t l y perceived as vulnerable a n d too " t r a n s p a r e n t " a n d individuals are all too a w a r e of this, w h e n the m y t h s of society are cynically r e g a r d e d b y individuals w h o s e insecurity prevents their c o m p r e h e n d i n g a total social entity b e y o n d their o w n limited p e r s o n a l experience. F u r t h e r m o r e , in such a state, w h a t e v e r falls b e y o n d the individual's experience is d o u b t e d , challenged, a n d d e b a t e d , n o t only because society is vulnerable a n d therefore little is taken for granted, b u t also because concomitant w i t h the loss of o n e type of sociality, a n intense search occurs for a n e w one. Lefebvre's (1968) observation c o n c e m i n g c o n t e m p o r a r y society is highly relevant in this case: " T h u s w e h a v e a society that is obsessed w i t h dialog, commimication, participation, integration a n d coherence, all the things it lacks, all the things it m i s s e s " (p. 185). The n o t i o n of acute a w a r e n e s s of society's vulnerability w a s also d i s c e m e d b y B a u m a n (1992), for w h o m this a l a r m i n g sign w a s followed b y the a d v e n t of m o d e m i t y : The kind of Society that, retrospectively, came to be called modem, emerged out of the discovery that human order is vubierable, contingent and devoid of reliable foundations. The discovery was shocking. The response to the shock was a dream and an effort to make order solid, obligatory and reliably founded. It prompted an incessant drive to eliminate the haphazard, (p. xi)

The discovery that h u m a n order is vulnerable p r e c e d e d b o t h m o d e r nity a n d p o s t m o d e m i t y . The only distinction is that the response of m o d e m i t y w a s a certain kind of sociality that feverishly experimented, especially w i t h rationality, w h e r e a s the response of p o s t m o d e m i t y is a

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k i n d of sustainable disorder, living in one's o w n ruins, m a k i n g a n o m i e n o t a w a r n i n g sign, b u t a p e r m a n e n t condition; e v e n trying to exploit it, as M a r t i n (1983) observed: " e m b r a c i n g a n o m i e for the sake of the exp o u n d e d creative possibihties it can offer" (p. 51). The perception of a vulnerable social order, either as a w a r n i n g sign for a n i m m i n e n t n e w order, as B a u m a n claims, or as a n e w l y p e r m a n e n t condition (Bar-Haim, 1996) u n d e r h e s the structure of c o n t e m p o r a r y culture, w h i c h perceives the sacred either as "too far a w a y " a n d therefore irrelevant unless it can b e r e d u c e d to as m a n y famihar tokens a n d identifiable icons as possible, or as a m a n - m a d e m y t h , lacking in m y s t e r y a n d for just this reason highly nostalgic as weU as rife w i t h v a r i o u s genres of mcreduhty. It is o n these g r o u n d s that the megaspectacles thrive. T h e g r a n d spectacle h a s b e c o m e the e p i t o m e of c o n t e m p o r a r y celebration. WiU\ its large-scale technical w i z a r d r y a n d stunrdng effects, logistical complexity a n d vast pubhcity, it a t t e m p t s to c o m p e n s a t e for the loss of m y t h o l o g y a n d the absence of a metaphysical presence. Spectacles, especially— a l t h o u g h n o t only—^the large ones, are p l a n n e d as events i n t e n d e d to impress a n d entertain; they are desacralized occasions that b r i n g together individuals w h o are generaUy u n a c q u a i n t e d a n d s e l d o m e n c o u n t e r o n e a n o t h e r after the spectacle or p e r h a p s only o n a few other rare occasions. These are events of passive c o n s u m p t i o n , w i t h a self-imposed discipline supervised b y the custodians of the social order. A s far as the ritual, especiaUy the ritual celebration, is c o n c e m e d , it is likely to b e c o m e a certain derivate of spectacle—a ceremonial spectacle. This is the only a p p a r e n t option w h e n w h a t is left of the sacred is exposed as a m a n - m a d e mythology. T h u s , the disintegration of traditional, small commimities, a n d w i t h t h e m the g r a d u a l d i s a p p e a r a n c e or transformation of rehgious a n d agricultural rituals, h a s left a v o i d that is graduaUy being fiUed b y mostly secular celebratior« along w i t h s o m e civic rituals. There are three prevalent categories of secular celebrations, aU of w h i c h can b e characterized as being orgaiuzed from a b o v e b y speciaUy assigned experts. Fust, there are the state rituals a n d celebrations orchestrated b y g o v e r n m e n t a l agencies, such as the Fourth of July in the U n i t e d States. Individuals participate mostly in t h e s h a p e of fantily celebrations, in addition to a central, state-organized event a r r a n g e d as a m e d i a spectacle w i t h the participation of pohticians a n d celebrities. G o v e r n m e n t ceremorties, such as o n M e m o r i a l Day, as weU as historic events, s u c h as

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the 50th anniversary of D - D a y h a v e b e c o m e special m e d i a spectacles, rather t h a n d a y s of m a s s participation. The second category is the ethnic or e t h n i c / r e g i o n a l festival, such as St. Patrick's Day, the Chinese N e w Year, M a r d i G r a s , or Oktoberfest in the U n i t e d States or Folklorama in Manitoba, C a n a d a , w h i c h are organized b y local authorities a n d regional etlmic orgaruzations. The p a r a d e s , the folk dancing, the m e r r y m a k i n g centered a r o u n d ethnic food are painstakingly organized spectacles, controlled a n d supervised b y the police, the organizers, a n d especially b y the u b i q u i t o u s TV cameras. In the third category are the cyclic conunercial entertainment festivals organized b y e n t r e p r e n e u r s w i t h s o m e assistance from the local cultural authorities. These include musical events such as rock, country, a n d jazz festivals, b u t also classical m u s i c festivals, such as Tanglewood in Massachusetts, U.S., or theater festivals, such as Stratford in Ontario, C a n a d a ; the armual theater festival in E d i n b u r g h , Scotland; the Jerusalem A r t s Festival; or the Berlin Film Festival. All of these festivals are b r o a d l y publicized e v e n t s a n d , in m o s t cases, armual m e d i a o p p o r t u n i t i e s that transform t h e m into class cultural spectacles, generally perceived as respectable middle-class events. In all three categories t h e cormection b e t w e e n the i n d i v i d u a l a n d the gathering is e p h e m e r a l , w e a k , a n d insigruficant, involving s o m e recreational catharsis a n d sociality, b u t n o t coalescing into a n y major collective sense of strength a n d togetherness, a n d consequently n o t leaving a n y imprint o n t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s consciousness. Sinularly inconsequential are m o s t current political rituals a n d rites of passage. If ritual, including celebrations, is a m e c h a n i s m that synchronizes a n d b r i d g e s b e t w e e n i n d i v i d u a l aspirations a n d collective ideals, as well as b e t w e e n selfreference a n d collective symbols, then the o n m i p r e s e n t state of a n o n u e that a s s u m e s a crisis of credibility in the collective m y t h o l o g y r e n d e r s such a m e c h a r u s m superfluous. Because i n d i v i d u a l s c a n n o longer experience t h a t p r i m o r d i a l a n d authentic state of powerful togetherness except d u r i n g such extraordin a r y times as war, r\atural disasters, or epidemics o n the o n e h a n d , a n d exceptional m o m e n t s of achievement o n the other, rituals n o w orUy evoke a n d r e n u n d collective history of former p e r i o d s of strength a n d glory, albeit mostly incongruously in regard to present p a t t e m s of social significance. H a p p y are the few for w h o m in o u r present age of disjunction a n d m p t u r e , the present is in fact a r e m e m b e r e d p a s t that h a s the capacity to

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a p p e a s e the present experience of angst w i t h the joy a n d strength of time immemorial. By overrepresenting the p a s t collective mythology, while for the m o s t p a r t n o t h a v i n g a current social referent, c o n t e m p o r a r y ritual b e c o m e s a n overbearing occasion for v a c u o u s nostalgia, d e v o i d of a n y meaningful i n s p h a t i o n for the majority w h o cannot relate to it. In general, a t e n d e n c y to overrepresent reahty m a y b e a n indication of the stress o n ritual as a cultural, a u t o n o m o u s mecheudsm w i t h n o social b a s e u n d e r l y i n g its representations. C u l t u r e h a s a propensity to overrepresent w h e n the social is w e a k , w h e r e a s the social side t e n d s to b e overrepresented w h e n the culture is less relevant. But because b o t h culture a n d the social are interconnected, culture cannot continue to overrepresent w i t h o u t the s u p p o r t of a n intense social life, n o r can the latter m a k e m u c h sense of its actioTAS w i t h o u t vrnderpirvning t h e m t h r o u g h c u l t u i a l s y m b o l s a n d c o m mentaries. D u r k h e i m (1912/1965) argues that sacredness is the representation of collective ideals generated d u r i n g times of intense social life t r a n s c e n d e d into sacred symbols (whereas rituals are, a m o n g other things, m e c h a n i s m s of evocation of these). Following D u r k h e i m ' s line of t h o u g h t , o n e can a r g u e that w h e n the social life is intense, the ritual s y m b o l s are either a p a r t of h e g e m o n i c ideology or in competition w i t h it. If co-opted b y the d o m i n a n t ideology, the ritual is meardngful oidy as a positive i n s t r u m e n t legithnizing a n d reconcihng the social o r d e r t h r o u g h metaphysical s y m bols; a n d if in competition, it is meaningful oruy if it can suggest the p a t h to a n a l t e m a t i v e vision. It is also possible that w h e n social life functions at onUnary intensity, then ritual is perfunctorily received as p a r t of the effort i n t e n d e d to m a i n t a i n the belief in collective strength. By p r o v i d i n g a compelling o p p o r t u i h t y to b r i n g p e o p l e together for a c o n u n o n p u r p o s e , ritual in itself, regardless of the symboUsm ( t h o u g h it is difficult to separate b e t w e e n the t w o facets) m i g h t contribute to the c o n t i n u e d flow of collective energy. In such a case, ritual is seen as a n accepted b u t h i d e p e n d e n t cultural practice, its symbols coexisting side b y side w i t h t h e d o n u n a n t social symbols. At other thnes, w h e n the social life d i s a p p o h i t s , ritual h o l d s t h e possibuty of b e c o m i n g b o t h the vehicle a n d the occasion to revitalize confidence in the g r o u p a n d consequently to revive social ideals. U n d e r such circtunstances, ritual is significantly u n d e r pressure to e v o k e those

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s h a r e d m p m e n t s of collective strength a n d glory; a n d b y d o i n g so, it is v i e w e d as a possible m e c h a n i s m to r e n e w belief in the p o w e r of the g r o u p . In this case, ritual is r e g a r d e d as a d r a m a t i c event, a l t h o u g h its significance a n d s y m b o l i s m m a y b e debatable a n d problematic for s o m e , while p r o v i d i n g a source of spell-binding belief for others. F u r t h e r m o r e , to revitalize confidence in the g r o u p or to e v o k e earlier a n d m o r e fortunate times of collective heritage d e m a n d s the prerequisite of a n a p p r o p r i a t e structural relationship to p r o v i d e organic conjunctions b e t w e e n the i n d i v i d u a l a n d the collective w i t h its center a n d representations. Such structural a p p r o p r i a t e n e s s p r e p a r e s p e o p l e for a c o m parison b e t w e e n the collective p a s t a n d the present, b e t w e e n "those t i m e s " a n d "these times." However, w h e n there is a loosely defined collective w i t h a n a m o r p h o u s identity, shifting centers, a n d u n a u t h o r i t a tive symbolic representations, as is characteristic of the e m e r g i n g c o n t e m p o r a r y g r o u p - n e t w o r k , t h e n the sacred b e c o m e s feeble a n d the ritual that is s u p p o s e d to serve it b e c o m e s insignificant. In other w o r d s , a certain historical social time that succeeded in p r o d u c i n g a n event of collective solidarity that further t m d e r w e n t a process of divinization a n d consequently created a sacred collective mythology, h o w e v e r a t e m p o r a l a n d imiversal, cannot b e currently e m braced w i t h o u t a meaningful a p p r o p r i a t i o n of its content; that is, n o p a s t reference can b e c o m e relevant as long as it cannot b e sustained b y the present social a r r a n g e m e n t s . F u r t h e r m o r e , the continuing acceptance of past m y t h o l o g y as a sacred symbolic system d e p e n d s o n the fundam e n t a l s u p p o s i t i o n that this sacred symbolic s y s t e m continues to reflect a collective destiny b e y o n d concrete social circumstances a n d specific individuals in a d d i t i o n to perception of a s u p e m a t u r a l metaphysical dimension. The g r o u p - n e t w o r k ' s m a i n features—such as t e m p o r a l a n d fragm e n t e d relationships, stress o n individuality a n d e v e r y d a y life, all in a general a n o m i e context that regards social o r d e r as vulnerable a n d w e a k — a r e n o t c o n d u c i v e to preserving past sacred m y t h o l o g y a n d its symbols. Hence, the crisis b e c o m e s inherent, a n d the ritual is less a n d less inspiring. H a v i n g lost the p o w e r to inspire a n d t h u s to regenerate a social energy as well as to mobilize masses, rituals b e c o m e excessively spectacle-oriented, stressing artistic performances a n d theatrical enactments. In other w o r d s , the artistic a n d aesthetic elements h a v e d e v e l o p e d from being auxiliary p r o p s to b e c o m i n g the focus of the ritual. This, in a sense.

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is coherent w i t h the increase in veneration of the i n d i v i d u a l a n d its self-expressions. The prevalent sense of a vulnerable social o r d e r c o u l d b e at least partly attributed to w h a t Baudrillard (1983a) t e r m e d " t h e crisis of social reference"; a n d that, in its t u m , can b e traced b o t h to changes in the relationship b e t w e e n the i n d i v i d u a l a n d the g r o u p (as h a s b e e n a h e a d y a r g u e d ) , a n d to historical exhaustion of ideologies a n d social

Utopias. It is n o t difficult to c o m p r e h e n d this crisis of reference in h g h t of the recent disiUusionment w i t h W e s t e m capitaUsm a n d W e s t e m sociahsm, n o t to m e n t i o n C o m m u n i s m a n d M a o i s m . There is a d i s a p p o i n t m e n t in the welfare state a n d u n i o n s , in science a n d technology w i t h t h e h associated d a n g e r s to the e n v h o n m e n t as weU as to the job market. In short, the disiUusionment h a s b r o u g h t a b o u t a p a t h y a m o n g t h e majority; a n d a m o n g a few, particularly working-class E u r o p e a n y o u t h , it h a s created a readiness to e m b r a c e neofascism. The exhaustion of W e s t e m sociopohtical ideologies, whUe the welfare state's institutions s e e m to b e o n t h e b r i n k of coUapse, is taking place m a context characterized b y relative economic affluence, especiaUy a m o n g the m i d d l e class, that is geared t o w a r d h i g h c o n s u m e r i s m o n the o n e h a n d , a n d social p r o b l e m s , such as d m g s , alcohol, a n d stress, o n the other h a n d . A p e r p e t u a l search for leadership o n b o t h sides of the Atlantic h a s yielded a n acute sense that the p r e s e n t malaise of W e s t e m society r e q u h e s the r e m e d y of altogether n e w a n d different k i n d s of leaders w h o h a v e yet to m a k e t h e h a p p e a r a n c e . In sununary, the social ideals that once defined a n d focused pohtical energies, i n s p u e d n e w chaUenges for reform, p a v e d t h e w a y to a m o r e flexible stratification, a n d g a v e legitimization to a secular m o r a h t y h a v e reached a p o i n t of ineffectiveness, incapable of mobilizing a n d fulfilling expectations. In the m e a n t i m e , n o s w e e p i n g n e w ideology or set of visionary ideals h a s replaced the old ones in defining t h e present social reahty. Moreover, the i n a d e q u a c y of the present coUective references h a s given rise to a restless search for coUective references centered a r o u n d loose social m o v e m e n t s , s o m e of w h i c h h a v e b e e n a r o i m d for s o m e time, such as the e n v h o n m e n t a h s t s , the fentinistists w i t h t h e h derivates, or such a l t e m a t i v e visions as N e w A g e , self-actualization, a n d selfi m p r o v e m e n t . C o m m o n to aU these is the u n s p o k e n a s s u m p t i o n that there is a n u r g e n t n e e d to reestablish a balance in the i n d i v i d u a l ' s life, to recreate

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the h a r m o n y destroyed b y c o n t e m p o r a r y living conditions, thereby b r i n g i n g p e o p l e b a c k to peace w i t h n a t u r e , e n c o u r a g i n g w o m e n ' s contrib u t i o n to culture, liberating the irrational mystic, and freeing subconscious fears. The i n d i v i d u a l ' s r e d e m p t i o n as a social cause h a s b r o u g h t a b o u t the ascent of social references that h a v e naturally focused o n the i n d i v i d u a l ' s c o n t e n t m e n t w i t h the social environment. Consequently, this trend h a s also focused obsessively o n " n o r m a l i t y " as a reference that asserts the precedence of the i n d i v i d u a l over e x t e m a l detrimental forces. T h e A m e r i can m e d i a , a m o n g others, reflects this context a n d dutifully supplies, a p p a r e n t l y o n the d e m a n d of its viewers a n d readers, a disproportional n u m b e r of stories centering a r o u n d borderline or problematic cases of n o r m a l i t y that also force h e a t e d public debates. This is exemplified b y such recent cases as the e p i s o d e of Anita Hill, the case of the M e n e n d e z brothers, Michael Jackson's affair, the Bobbit affair, the execution of a serial killer, t h e O.J. S i m p s o n trial, a n d others. This preoccupation w i t h n o r m a l ity p u r p o r t s to set s o m e n o r m a t i v e social b o u n d a r i e s in a w o r l d increasingly d o m i n a t e d b y p r i v a t e affairs. The e x a m p l e of n o r m a l i t y as a relatively n e w social c o n s t m c t i o n is a g o o d case in p o i n t of a public a t t e m p t to intervene in the w o r l d of individuals a n d their private lives b y forcing a transformation of few individual u n c o m m o n cases into collective m o r a l references. It d o e s this b y b r i n g i n g private affairs into public d e b a t e a n d t h u s compelling indiv i d u a l references to obey n o r m a t i v e m l e s . In short, the effort is n o t to s t o p a n o n s l a u g h t of i n d i v i d u a l references at the expense of collective ones (often b y selecting the i m u s u a l ones) b u t to a t t e m p t to m e d i a t e b e t w e e n i n d i v i d u a l references a n d the public sphere, that m e e t i n g g r o i m d of all n e t w o r k s , w i t h the p u r p o s e that s o m e k i n d of order m a y b e i m p o s e d . I n d i v i d u a l references alone, w i t h o u t being tied to a higher order of generality, m a y b e c o m e d a n g e r o u s l y incestuous, likely to i m p l o d e into a n idiosyncratic reality defined b y fantasy, a m o n g other things. The u b i q u i t o u s m a s s m e d i a in particular h a s b e c o m e the m o s t powerful intermediating system, b u t it is evidently n o t the only one. The d e m a n d for m e d i a t i o n arises mainly from b o t h the s t m c t u r e of g r o u p - n e t w o r k s a n d the n a t u r e of the relationships they incur. Because the n e t w o r k is t h e creation of a n i n d i v i d u a l a n d there are theoretically as m a n y n e t w o r k s as there are individuals, a n d because o n e k n o w s w h a t is taking place οτύγ in one's o w n n e t w o r k a n d marginally in a few others.

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o n e perennially senses a n acute n e e d for a b r o a d e r scope of k n o w l e d g e , information, a n d m o d e s of interpretation b e y o n d o n e ' s o w n n e t w o r k . F u r t h e r m o r e , a n i n d i v i d u a l is forced to seek t h r o u g h his or h e r o w n limited a n d isolated relationships necessary information a b o u t other n e t w o r k s , as well as to b e continuously alert to discover basic strategies for i m p r o v i n g his or h e r o w n n e t w o r k . Such questions as " H o w d i d they get to k n o w o n e a n o t h e r ? " " W h e r e d i d they m e e t ? " " H o w d o e s o n e find o u t a b o u t . . ?" h a v e b e c o m e c o m m o n exchanges. H e n c e , the m d i v i d u a l is compeUed to seek constantly for " w h a t is going on," to b e c o n s t a n d y t u n e d to a n y w h e r e that m i g h t possess a n d p r o v i d e information a n d interpretations a b o u t other n e t w o r k s a n d t h e h subdivisions as well as strategies a b o u t n e t w o r k i n g . D u r k h e i m ' s observation that p e o p l e d o n o t think, b u t r a t h e r particip a t e in thinking, could n e v e r h a v e b e e n m o r e ciurently correct. T h e only difference is that in c o n t e m p o r a r y society, p e o p l e participate in a c o m m o n t h h J d n g process t h r o u g h mtermediation. T h u s a cormection to m e d i a t i n g systems b e c o m e s a necessity, a n d m a s s m e d i a is the quintessential t y p e a m o n g such systems. It is the increasmg intermediation of h u m a n relations in c o n t e m p o rary society that h a s e r o d e d the collective sense of p o w e r a n d d e b i h t a t e d the potency of m o r a l transcendency a n d eventuaUy the possibihty of e m e r g i n g sacred symbols. The interposition of v a r i o u s intermediaries in the relationships b e t w e e n m d i v i d u a l s mterferes witii t h e h a w a r e n e s s of being p a r t of a n identifiable collectivity a n d therefore w e a k e n s t h e necessary strength to p r o d u c e a vital sense of c o m m o n m o r a h t y a n d s h a r e d destiny that can b e trariscended into sacred entities. A few specialized intermediary agencies s t a n d out; they h a v e b e c o m e reified w i t h a p o w e r that i m p o s e s d e p e n d e n c y a n d , like e v e r y t h i n g socially invented, h a v e s u p e r s e d e d t h e h original p u r p o s e . These agencies, w h i c h include m a n y of w h a t R. Barthes t e r m e d myth makers w i t h a life of t h e h o w n , b e c o m e so a u t o n o m o u s that they t e n d to simulate t h e life of s o m e k i n d of c o m m u n i t y a n d e v e n simulate institutional practices such as pohtics. Such is the case w i t h m a s s m e d i a , b u t also advertishig offices, U\e commercial w o r l d , c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k s , leisiue clubs, a d u l t education classes, t h e r a p y s u p p o r t g r o u p s , v o l u n t e e r pohtical organizations, i n t e m a t i o n a l exchange p r o g r a m s , m a n p o w e r offices, travel agencies, a n d others. In total, the intermediary agencies h a v e b e c o m e a s h n u l a c m m a p p a r a t u s that p r o v i d e s a false sense of fermenting social energy.

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The g r o u p - n e t w o r k that is built u p o n , a n d in its t u m generates, excessive i n d i v i d u a l representations h a r m o n i z e s w i t h the i n t e r m e d i a r y s i m u l a c r u m because the latter b e s t o w s the sense that it is capable of filling the u n b e a r a b l e a n o m i e g a p b e t w e e n the strong i n d i v i d u a l representations a n d the feeble collective ones. In a society displaying excess in i n d i v i d u a l representations, a n a n o m i e disbelief also l o o m s large; a n d in the restive quest to p u t a n e n d to such a state, a n y display of intensive signs of social activity is credited w i t h t h e quality of a center. T h e " n o i s e " simulation of m a n y specialized i n t e r m e d i a r y agencies s e e m s s o m e t i m e s deceptively to convey the character of a social center, t h o u g h m o s t of these are n o m o r e t h a n e p h e m e r a l subcultures or t e m p o r a r y c o n s u m e r g r o u p s . The multiplicity of intermediary agencies that operate t h r o u g h selfp r o m o t i o n , ostentatiousness, a n d the h i g h profile of publicity strive o p e n l y to succeed in the m a r k e t place—be it political, economic, or cultural—^while indirectly a n d often unconsciously participating in a latent s t m g g l e to define the n e w l y e m e r g i n g public sphere. In times w h e n the a n o m i e b e c o m e s incorporated into daily practices, w h e n social relations are mostly intermediated a n d t h u s only scattered a n d relatively w e a k social centers t h a t p r o d u c e l o w social energy emerge, culture, rather t h a n the social factor, h a s b e c o m e the d o m i n a n t a n d vital force in defirung the public sphere. A n a l y z i n g the p o s t m o d e m era, Gergen (1991) argues, "In the postm o d e m v i e w social outcry is n o t a m a t t e r of i n t e m a l belief, basic m o r a l ity or deep-seated feelings; it is simply another form of p e r f o r m a n c e " (p. 186). In a time of relatively r e d u c e d social effervescence—avoiding Baudrillard's (1983b) u s e of the extreme "social demise"—cultural performances, especially spectacles, v a r i o u s ceremonies, a n d m u c h of w h a t is s u b s u m e d u n d e r the t e r m secular ritmls, are often confusingly r e g a r d e d as social. The m a r g i n a l social effervescence elicited from the c o n t e m p o rary cultural m e c h a n i s m s d o e s n o t contribute m u c h to g r o u p solidarity a n d revitalization of social action. This brings u s back to the position that c o n t e m p o r a r y rituals h a v e b e c o m e a u t o n o m o u s cultural m e c h a n i s m s a n d t h u s strongly oriented t o w a r d performances, coherent in general with the stress o n spectacle as a major feature of the n e t w o r k culture. In s u m m a r y , this chapter h a s a t t e m p t e d to analyze the crisis of the ritual b y p u t t i n g forward a n interpretation of the state of a n o m i e characteristic of c o n t e m p o r a r y society O n a further level of inquiry, it h a s b e e n suggested that the g r o u p - n e t w o r k s t m c t u r a l a r r a n g e m e n t that increas-

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ingly defines t h e i n d i v i d u a l - g r o u p relationship also h o l d s t h e k e y t o t h e c u r r e n t t y p e of a n o m i e , a n d that it m a y p r o v i d e a n insight i n t o t h e relationship b e t w e e n i n d i v i d u a l v e r s u s collective references a n d t h e int e r m e d i a t i n g efforts to t r a n s f o r m t h e former i n t o t h e latter. T h e m e d i a t i o n of social relations a n d t h e e m e r g e n c e of t h e s h n u l a c r u m a p p a r a t u s is s e e n as o n e of t h e major factors in t h e crisis of t h e ritual a n d t h e t r i u m p h of t h e spectacle. References Bar-Haim, G. (19%). Media charisma and the artiHciai global culture. In S. Bramen & A. Srebemy-Muhammadi (Eds.), Globalization, communication, and transnational civil society. Paramus, NJ: Hampton. Baudrillard, J. (1983a), In the shadow of the silent majorities or the end of the social. New York: Semiotext(e). Baudrillard, J. (1983b). Simultations. New York: Semiotext(e). Bauman, Z. (1992). Intimations of postmodemity. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Durkheim, E. (1964). The division of labor in society. New York: Free Press. (Originally published in 1893) Durkheim, E. (1965). The elementaryforms of the religious life. New York: Free Press. (Originally published in 1912) Gergen, J. K. (1991). The saturated self New York: Basic Books. Hilbert, R. (1986). Anomie and the moral regulation of society. Sociological Theory, 4,1-19. Kis, D. (1990). The encyclopedia of the dead. London: Faber and Faber. Lefebvre, H. (1968). Everyday life in the modem xvorld. New York: Haφer Torchbooks. Martin, B. (1983). A sociology of contemporary cultural change. Oxford, UK: Basil Blackwell. Merton, R. (1968). Social theory and social structure. New York: Free Press. Mestrovic, S. G. (1985). Anomie and sin in Durkheim's thought. loumalfor the Scientific Study of Religion, 14(2), 119-236.

Chapter

The Web of Collective Representations

KnutLundby

In a society of e x t e n d e d individual reflexivity m e d i a , religion, a n d culture still are lirUced t h r o u g h a n interrelated w e b of collective representations. T h r o u g h his concept of collective representations, Emile EKirkheim is credited for " t h e f u n d a m e n t a l discovery of culture as a n element analytically i n d e p e n d e n t of social s y s t e m " (Bellah, 1959). H e offered a viable sociological contribution to the i m d e r s t a n d i n g of religion w i t h The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life (1912/1968). D u r k h e i m d i e d before the a d v e n t of broadcasting a n d n e v e r experienced t h e m o d e m m e d i a as such. However, because the m e d i a play w i t h c o m p e t i n g s y m b o l s a n d images, they p l a y a cmcial role in establishing, maintaining, a n d c h a n g i n g collective representations—concepts, categories, m y t h s , beliefs, s y m b o l s — a n d l a n g u a g e (Pickering, 1984, p p . 279-281; Rothenbuhler, 1993, p . 159). 146

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β

147

The Collective Interplay

C o n t e m p o r a r y sociologists such as G i d d e n s , H a b e r m a s , a n d Bourdieu (all d r a w i n g o n D u r k h e i m ) h a v e w o r k e d o u t m o r e n u a n c e d u n d e r s t a n d i n g s of the d u a l relationship b e t w e e n the i n d i v i d u a l a n d society t h r o u g h s o m e k i n d of intermediate agency. Linked to theories of social semiotics, w e n o w h a v e m u c h m o r e powerful tools to explain a n d u n d e r s t a n d the signifying a n d m e d i a t i n g processes t h a n D u r k h e i m w a s able to offer, as d e m o n s t r a t e d b y Robert White in the present v o l u m e . Collective representations m u s t b e conceived as m e d i a t e d . T h e y are s h a p e d in the o n g o i n g signification processes, in the interplay b e t w e e n actors a n d structure. W h e n m o d e m m e d i a are involved in these processes, texts c o n s t m c t e d b y p r o d u c e r s w i t h i n specific cultural a n d s t m c t u r a l settings m a y b e experienced b y users in totally different contexts. The representations will b e collective only to the extent that the a u d i e n c e s subscribe to the symbolic constmctions in the p r o d u c t i o n process, a n d to the extent that the p r o d u c e r s are able to listen in a n d adjust t o t h e i n t e φ r e t a t i o n s of the audiences. The four m o m e n t s laid o u t in W h i t e ' s chapter in this v o l u m e p r e s u p p o s e s o m e k i n d of c o m m u n i t y or collectivity b e t w e e n p r o d u c e r s a n d audiences, sharing the collective representations that b o t h parties simultaneously adjust t h r o u g h their signifying practices in p r o d u c t i o n a n d reception. This chapter contemplates the case of "global" mediations. It asks w h e t h e r there can b e w o r l d - e n c o m p a s s i n g collective representations, or w h e t h e r they retreat into m u c h m o r e limited collectivities w h e r e their symbols are shared. D u r k h e i m d i d n o t really u n d e r s t a n d how the signification or m e a n i n g constmctions b y v a r i o u s actors (which h e w o u l d subsimcie i m d e r t h e concept of i n d i v i d u a l representations) are t u m e d into collective representations. However, h e is responsible for the basic insight that collective representations m a k e u p society as m o r e t h a n the s u m of individuals a n d their practices. It is necessary to g r a s p this idea of collective s u r p l u s in analyses of m e d i a , religion, a n d culture in c o n t e m p o r a r y society b e c a u s e it is in this s u r p l u s that w e m a y find the sacred h i d d e n . The basic idea in D u r k h e i m ' s (1898/1974) theory o n representations is that w h e n p r o d u c e d , they continue to exist in themselves for s o m e time—like m e d i a p r o d u c t s . Collective representations " b e c o m e s o m e -

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thing else" besides the simple s u m of private sentiments or individual representations. "No doubt each individual contains a part/' he states, but coUective representations transform and "surpass the individual as the whole the part." CoUective representations "form the network of social life," estabhsh mutual meanings in social structure, and thus, through communication and social interaction, create and recreate coUectivity (pp. 23-26).^ The individual meets this coUectivity as integrated into a seemingly objective world, leams from it through socialization and intemahzation, and uses this as capital in his or her o w n participation or extemaUzation ("individual representations") in society. Berger and Luckmann's (1966/1971) account of this ongoing dynamic refers back to Durkheim. CoUective representations make u p a "symbohc universe" that could be a "sacred universe" (Berger, 1967). This, tiien, mtroduces "the sacred." According to Durkheim, "Every society is based on coUective representations and the sacred is not just a coUective representation, U\e sacred is the symbol of the coUective entity . . . the coUective representation par excellence" (Pickering, 1984, p. 132). This aU-encompassing understanding of the sacred might appear on its surface not to apply to today's pluralistic signifying stmggle. However, w h e n White in this voliune stresses that the "sacred" as the ultimate g o o d has to be understood in relation to the "secular" everyday life and hs imperfections, he is close to Durkheim's conception of the sacred in relation to the profane, whUe recogruzing a more diversified pattem of cultures. Durkheim did analyze the sacred in society as a coUective whole. However, as Pickering (1984) points out, the "most serious difficulty in dealing with Durkheim's notion of society is the fact that nowhere does he categoricaUy defhie it" (pp. 248-249). His theory of coUective representations might also be apphed to subcultures and transnational societies.

Jill O l y m p i c R e p r e s e n t a t i o n s Today, partly due to the existence of transnational electronic media, our notions of society stretch beyond the national. The televised Olympic Games pay tribute to global society as weU as to nations as participating

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units. The o p e n i n g a n d closing ceremonies of the O l y m p i c G a m e s are p e a k performances of collective representation w i t h global pretentions. A s cases, they are well-suited to exploration of the k i n d of macrolevel a r g u m e n t s p u t forward b y D u r k h e i m . A s a n e x a m p l e , I will relate m y discussion of m e d i a , religion, and culture to the O p e n i n g C e r e m o n y of the 1994 Winter Olympics at Lillehammer, Norway.^ S o m e point o u t a specific D u r k h e i m i a n s t r a n d in cultural studies (Alexander, 1988). D u r k h e i m ' s c o n t i n u o u s influence o n sociology of religion is b e y o n d d o u b t ; however, his theoretical i m p a c t o n c o m m i m i c a t i o n studies h a s b e e n mostly implicit (Rothenbuhler, 1993), a l t h o u g h there are m e d i a scholars, like D a y a n a n d Katz (1988), w h o a c k n o w l e d g e t h e influence of D u r k h e i m in their studies of m e d i a events. In his c h a p t e r elsew h e r e in this v o l u m e , Bar-Haim applies D u r k h e i m i a n theory to a n analysis of the complete w e b of m e d i a , religion, a n d culture. T h e ceremonies of the O l y m p i c G a m e s are p r e m i e r e x a m p l e s of the "megaspectacles" Bar-Haim discusses, w i t h their "large-scale technical w i z a r d r y " in a n a t t e m p t to " c o m p e n s a t e for the loss of m y t h o l o g y a n d the absence of a metaphysical presence." At t h e s a m e time, they are m e d i a events electrifying very large audiences into "a collective heartbeat." T h e y are not, however, a m o n g the history-changing "transformative m e d i a e v e n t s " described b y D a y a n a n d Katz (1992, p p . 5-9,147). The Lillehamm e r O p e n i n g C e r e m o n y w a s in m a n y w a y s just a m e d i a spectacle, b u t still it w a s a case of the c o n t e m p o r a r y relations b e t w e e n society, religion, a n d collective representation.^ Bar-Haim a n d D a y a n b o t h define "the sacred" according to the D u r k h e i m i a n principle that it is w h a t p e o p l e in a society "set a p a r t " to w o r s h i p or h o l d in a w e P u r k h e i m , 1912/1968, p . 47). Behind m e g a s p e c tacles, Bar-Haim discerns a w e a k a n d vulnerable social situation, a n anomie society w i t h o u t sacred centers. According to his a r g u m e n t , a widely televised O l y m p i c O p e n i n g w o u l d n o t b e able to fill the g a p a n d function as a real ritual celebration of t h e sacred. D a y a n (1995), o n the other h a n d , h o l d s that in m e d i a events like this, television seems to b e "invested w i t h a liturgic role," w h i c h m e a n s that television " p r o v i d e s a frame that signals the sacred character of a n event in progress." Those responsible for the p r o d u c t i o n of the Lillehammer O p e n i n g C e r e m o n y a p p a r e n t l y w a n t e d to create a spectacular m e d i a e v e n t for the h u g e audience in 134 countries b y playing w i t h several religious a n d

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mythical elements in v a r i o u s cultural layers. It seems they succeded. T h e O p e n i n g C e r e m o n y g a v e the 1994 V^toter G a m e s a remarkable start b y inviting the global p u b h c into a fairy-tale world^ of collective representations.

Η

Collective Representations: Complicated Constmcts

T h e televised O p e n i n g C e r e m o n y d e m o n s t r a t e d that collective r e p resentations in m o d e m m e d i a are c o n s t m c t e d b y individuals w i t h i n certam s t m c t u r a l frameworks, reveahng "the c o n s t m c t e d n e s s of reahty a n d the leaUty of constaiiction" (Peters & Rothenbuhler, 1989, p . 11). ActuaUy, as a m e d i a p r o d u c t i o n , the o p e n i n g of the Lillehanuner G a m e s w a s a quite c o m p h c a t e d s y m b o h c constmct. A s a collective representation, it d i d n o t quite b e c o m e " s o m e t h i n g else" m d e p e n d e n t of the actors a n d the s y m b o h c transformations they w e r e able to invoke. In the c o n s t m c t i o n process, this broadcast h a d to u n d e r g o s y m b o h c transformation followmg the requirements of a prescribed O l y m p i c cerem o n y to b e transferred into the format of transnational television for a w o r l d w i d e p u b h c . The d h e c t o r s of the p r o d u c t i o n h a d to w o r k witlun the constraints of detailed instmctions for this c e r e m o n y laid o u t in the O l y m p i c C h a r t e r (hitemational O l y m p i c C o m m i t t e e [IOC], 1993). T h e y then created t h e h Artistic C o n c e p t w i t h i n this formal f r a m e w o r k (Baardson & K v a m m e , 1993). O n this d u a l basis, the artistic dhector, the executive producer, the television director, a n d t h e h staffs w o r k e d o u t the P r o g r a m Description (NRK ORTO, 1994), w h i c h w a s the script offered b y the host broadcaster to the c o m m e n t a t o r s of all the television c o m p a n i e s to transmit the actual p e r f o r m e d c e r e m o n y that h a d , aU the w a y t h r o u g h , b e e n plarmed as a televised ceremony—^a m e d i a spectacle.^ T h e relationship b e t w e e n the p e r f o r m e d a n d the televised ceremonies w a s mtricate, w o r k e d o u t from the layers of texts m the O l y m p i c Charter, the Artistic Concept, a n d the P r o g r a m Description, each w i t h their v a r i o u s advocates. T h e artistic director i n s t m c t e d aU of the 35,000 spectators present in the arena to dress in w h i t e robes to p r e p a r e t h e m for the ritual a n d to set the white, snow-like contrast for the cameras (B. Baardson, p e r s o n a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n , July 3, 1994), t h u s practicing w h a t

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the creator of the m o d e m Olympics, Pierre d e Coubertin, prescribed, " t h e c r o w d h a s a p a r t to play, a p a r t of consecration" (MacAloon, 1984, p p . 245-246). W h a t could b e w a t c h e d b y the viewers all over the w o r l d w a s , at the e n d , the o u t c o m e of all the decisions taken b y the television director, responsible "for t u r n i n g [the ceremony] into superior television" (NRK ORTO, 1994) as a c o n s t m c t b a s e d o n the i n p u t from 26 c a m e r a s a n d television p h o t o g r a p h e r s all over the arena. The host broadcaster p r e sented a 2-hour television p r o g r a m consisting of three parts: first, the w e l c o m i n g section, introducing the context of these g a m e s b y a n i m a t e d flying figures transforming into real parachutists l a n d i n g in the arena, w h e r e a presentation of host culture exploded, s h o w i n g children, fiddleplayers, dancers, national costumes, ski-jumpers, horses, a n d reindeer in a p l a y i n g festival; second, the ritual elements laid o u t in the Ol5anpic Charter; a n d third, the artistic p r o g r a m , w i t h mythological beings taking over the arena.

m

The Televised Ceremony: Sacred Elements

The Lillehammer O p e n i n g C e r e m o n y m a d e visible that there are sacred representations defined into the O l y m p i c ritual a n d furthered in the m e d i a spectacle encapsulating it. The O l y m p i c Charter (IOC, 1993) laid o u t ritual elements in the O l y m p i c religion i n t e n d e d b y Coubertin, w h i c h could b e "seen as a n a n s w e r in action" to the call b y D u r k h e i m (his c o n t e m p o r a r y ) "for ' n e w feasts a n d ceremonies' t o g u i d e m a n k i n d " (MacAloon, 1981, p p . 268-270; 1984, p p . 250-251; Rothenbuhler, 1989, p p . 142-143). At Lillehcmuner, however, there w e r e s o m e d e p a r t i u e s from the prescril>ed ritual, including a risky ski j u m p w i t h the O l y m p i c torch, w h i c h replaced t h e simple prescribed p r o c e d u r e of " r u n n e r s relaying each o t h e r " into the s t a d i u m w i t h a m o r e television-friendly p e a k moment. The c e r e m o n y b e g a n in the a f t e m o o n d u r i n g daylight. W h e n the time c a m e for the artistic p a r t of the p r o g r a m , d a r k n e s s h a d fallen, inviting m y s t e r y as p l a n n e d (B. Baardson, personal commimication, July 3,1994). The a u t h o r s of the Artistic Concept decided to introduce the w o r l d to

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u n d e r w o r l d beings: the vetter of old N o r s e mythology. S o m e of the vetter hterally entered the arena from the u n d e r g r o u n d . T h e idea w a s to let dancers, acrobats, a n d skiers visualize the vetter performing t h e h o w n o p e n i n g rituals, as a n echo of the O p e n i n g of the Winter G a m e s . In c o s t u m e s m a d e in the five O l y m p i c colors, they presented themselves as five clans representing each of the continents. The vetter w e r e i n t r o d u c e d as m a fahy tale, t h u s p r e p a r m g for transformations b e t w e e n fiction a n d reahty: " O n c e u p o n a time, in the endless forests a n d the h i g h m o i m t a i n s , there lived s o m e peaceful small beings—called vetter/' the a n n o u n c e r read, d r a w i n g o n ttie capacity of s y m b o h c transformations of storytelling. The potential of the television m e d i u m for visual transformation w a s a d d e d w h e n a camera focused o n the "fairy-tale" b o o k a n d a d r a w i n g therein s h o w i n g a n i m a g i n e d vette shifting into a television i m a g e of a "real" costume-dressed vette looking exactly h k e the o n e in the book. While the a n n o u n c e r read that the vetter " w e r e invisible to h u m a n s , " b u t that "if y o u are quiet, y o u m a y h e a r t h e m , " the "real" figure b e g a n m o v i n g into the arena to s u m m o n m o r e vetter. The climax of the O p e n i n g C e r e m o n y w a s reached w h e n the vetter lifted a n i m m e n s e e g g u p from the g r o u n d . The vetter b e g a n to transform this e g g m t o the terrestrial globe, a n d to further transform the globe into a flower o p e n i n g into a h u g e d o v e of peace. Shifts in m u s i c w e r e u s e d to s u p p o r t the transformation of the m o v i n g images. The m u s i c w a s integral to the overall m e d i a spectacle, offering another k i n d of s y m b o h c transformation t h r o u g h o u t the w h o l e ceremony. The artistic director w a s d e h b e r a t e in choosing m u s i c that w o u l d h e l p m i x elements from various rehgious traditions into his o w n b l e n d . Fiddle players a n d d a n c e r s p e r f o r m e d Fanitullen (Devil's Dance). While the vetter held the arena, there w e r e sacred lamentations b a s e d o n the Gregorian C a t h o h c hturgical tradition. A s they gathered to form a hving, protective nest, a m o d e m t u n e w a s u s e d , Stoneway (also called Rite for the Expulsion of Evil Spirits). Written w i t h the assistance of a c o m p u t e r "following the fractal theories of so-called chaos research," the m u s i c represented trying to "exorcise the evil spirits of o u r m o d e m w o r l d , " according to the P r o g r a m Description. A t t h e very climax of the closing, the c e r e m o n y featured a t u n e o n m o d e m o r g a n a n d guitar. This w a s b a s e d o n the h y m n Mercy, weU-known w i t h m the N o r w e g i a n L u t h e r a n pietistic tradition.

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Rallies

W h e n drafts of the O p e n i n g C e r e m o n y b e c a m e publicly k n o w n in N o r w a y several criticaJ c o m m e n t s surfaced in t h e public debate. This created conflict w i t h certain religious g r o u p s a r o u n d several issues. These g r o u p s lined u p to rally for their causes. T h e m a i n public controversy w a s focused o n the 01)nnpic H y m n . The translation of the h y m n into N o r w e g i a n m a d e the m o r e pietistic or fundamentalist g r o u p s w i t h i n the N o r w e g i a n L u t h e r a n l a n d s c a p e a w a r e of the fact that it caUs u p o n Zeus as the Spirit of a n t i q u i t y " W h y s h o u l d w e celebrate Z e u s ? " they a r g u e d . W h y n o t p o r t r a y the N o r w e g i a n Christian heritage for the w o r l d ? Even o n e of the b i s h o p s of the C h u r c h of N o r w a y joined in this public criticism. The critics, however, represented subcultures w i t h i n the generally m o r e pluralistic N o r w e g i a n society ( L u n d b y 1988). This incident w a s quite instructive o n h o w particular religious g r o u p s rally w i t h regard to a major m e d i a event a i m e d at c o m m i m i c a t i n g w i t h p e o p l e in various religious a n d nonreligious traditions u n d e r a universalistic, symbolic umbrella. The N o r w e g i a n pietist g r o u p s acted o u t of a substantive u n d e r s t a n d i n g of religion, w h e r e a s the directors w o r k e d o n the p r e m i s e that the O p e n i n g C e r e m o n y s h o u l d function for v i e w e r s in various cultural contexts. T h e rallying pietists o p e r a t e d o n a c o r r e s p o n d ing n a r r o w a n d specific u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the functions of religion in society, w h e r e a s those responsible for the telecast b a s e d this p a r t of their p r o d u c t i o n o n a substcmtively n u x e d a n d general i m d e r s t a n d i n g of sacred symbols operating o n a level of global h u m a n i s m . The directors of the O p e n i n g C e r e m o n y resisted the rallying efforts, e v e n as they c a m e u n d e r pressure to u s e only the t u n e of the O l y m p i c A n t h e m (B. Baardson, personal c o m m u n i c a t i o n , July 3,1994). M o r e t h a n a n a t t e m p t to solve the conflict over this symbolic representation, this w a s a m a n e u v e r to resolve it, for m u s i c o p e n s to a w i d e r r a n g e of interpretations d u e to various contexts t h a n d o explicit texts. This m e c h a n i s m did, in fact, o p e r a t e to a d d r e s s the rallying pietists d u r i n g the crescendo at the e n d of ceremony. The u s e of the t u n e Mercy c a m e to offer the criticizing religious g r o u p s , w h o w e r e on the verge of b e c o m i n g alienated from the O l y m p i c O p e n i n g , a strong p o i n t of identification. O n e of "their" h y m n s w a s u s e d as the i m d e r l y i n g t u n e , t h u s Christianizing t h e closing p a r t of the ritual for this specific religious public in the h o s t culture. Importantly,

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it d i d SO w i t h o u t d e m a n d i n g this interpretation from viewers m other cultures. N o text w a s a p p h e d w i t h the h y m n . This facihtated the transcultural c o m m u n i c a t i o n . Wordless rehgious t u n e s h a v e this capacity for different interpretations according to various cultural positions. A consensual " t r u t h " w a s m a d e b y the u s e of nonrational s y m b o h s m . However, seen from t h e p o i n t of v i e w of t h e raUying rehgious g r o u p s , this w a s substantiaUy a false solution, e v e n if it d i d function partly to integrate t h e m t h r o u g h affective identification.

-m

Rituals

After t h e rallying fights, t h e w i n n i n g or d o m i n a n t representations could b e celebrated t h r o u g h ritual a n d spectacle—thus to that extent b e c o m i n g collective, inviting even t h e o p p o s i n g factions t o join in. Certainly, t h e O l y m p i c Charter defines p a r t s of t h e O p e n i n g Cerem o n y as a ritual. A s a m e d i a t e d spectacle, t h e O p e n i n g C e r e m o n y of t h e Lillehanuner G a m e s c a m e o u t w i t h sacred elements from t h e O l y m p i c ritual intact, e v e n if t h e liminal potential of rituals w a s transformed into a m e d i a t e d " l i m i n o i d " play w i t h genres.^ But other elements p l a y i n g w i t h the sacred w e r e a d d e d t h r o u g h t h e artistic p r o g r a m : T h e vetter at LiUeh a m m e r b r o u g h t liminal problematic into t h e linunoid spectacle. They offered interesting cross-overs: Stories of the vetter are taken from liminal experiences; however, in t h e Lillehanuner O p e n i n g , they w e r e p u t into a liminoid television spectacle, w h e r e in spectacular form they k e p t t h e Ihninal aspect a h v e . The vette is m e d i a t m g b e t w e e n " t h e u n d e r w o r l d " a n d this w o r l d . A vette, a c c o r d m g t o folklore, is n o t a /le or a she b u t a n it—a sign m e d i a t h i g t h r o u g h the vette as object or intermediary. To get a p r o p e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g , however, w e s h o u l d n o t focus o n t h e vetter as vehicles o r intermediaries, b u t as articulations o r m e d i a t i o n s w i t h i n a sociocultural context (MartmBarbero, 1993, p . 187). W h e n a p p h e d to p e o p l e ' s hves a n d p o p u l a r behefs in former d a y s , observing a vette w a s a n articulation of a situation o n t h e e d g e of t h e social system a n d t h e culture—a liminal situation ( H o n k o , 1962, 1971; Solhehn, 1952; Stattin, 1984). A vette m a d e h possible to m e d i a t e across t h e borderline b e t w e e n t h e w o r l d here a n d n o w a n d t h e w o r l d o u t there, a n d t h u s t o c o m m u n i c a t e o u t of the visible a n d h n m e d i ate situation.^

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The directors of the O p e n i n g C e r e m o n y at the 1994 O l y m p i c G a m e s e m p l o y e d the vetter in a similar w a y to m e d i a t e b e t w e e n the i m - m e d i a t e (!) situation of the performance in the ski j u m p arena in Lillehammer, N o r w a y , a n d the w o r l d of television v i e w e r s o u t there. T h e vetter also h a d the function of m e d i a t i n g b e t w e e n certain traditions in the host culture a n d the global variety of cultures taking p a r t in the Oljnnpic Games.

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Resistance

Collective representations in a m e d i a t e d megaspectacle involve cross-cultural c o m m u n i c a t i o n b y searching for c o m m o n d e n o m i n a t o r s in the p r o d u c t i o n process in relation to the variety of cultures in w h i c h p e o p l e are watching. These contexts of reception at the outset represent resistance, b a s e d in their o w n cultural perceptions a n d values. The symbolic construct p u t together b y the host broadcaster at Lilleh a n u n e r w a s adjusted to m i n i m i z e such resistance. T h e A m e r i c a n netw o r k CBS e v e n m a d e its o w n abbreviated version, transmitted to the N o r t h A m e r i c a n public w i t h a few h o u r s ' delay. AU b r o a d c a s t i n g c o m p a nies interfered in the final m e d i a t e d p r o d u c t b y m a k i n g their o w n c o m mentaries in their o w n languages, t h u s m a k i n g their o w n versions of the televised representations. The Winter O l y m p i c s in N o r w a y 1994 c a u g h t the attention of a large, w o r l d w i d e audience. For e x a m p l e , the v i e w i n g figures for the CBS t r a n s nussions to the U n i t e d States w e r e all-time highs.® But w e d o n o t k n o w a n y t h i n g a b o u t h o w viewers in different contexts a r o u n d the w o r l d actually interpreted the ceremony. H o w d i d they resist or reformulate the representations offered? Did this p r o g r a m correspond w i t h substantive sacred m e a n i n g s in these audiences? Did the m e d i a spectacle function in a n y religious w a y for those watching? We simply d o n o t know. H o w e v e r , pilot studies in o n e U.S. city d u r i n g the 1992 Winter O l y m p i c s s h o w e d that these v i e w e r s to a great extent a p p r o a c h e d t h e g a m e s as m e d i a e v e n t s w i t h a "potential to stimulate feelings of w o r l d - n u n d e d n e s s " (Emerson & Perse, 1995, p . 95). For the 1994 O p e n i n g Ceremony, n o specific reception analyses w e r e d o n e . T h u s w e are n o t able to d r a w final conclusions o n the extent to w h i c h there w e r e collective representations at play. However, s o m e helpful speculation is possible.

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The d h e c t o r s of the Lillehammer O p e r d n g C e r e m o n y faced the challenge of resistance in this intercultural piece of commimication. T h e Artistic C o n c e p t w a s built o n the p r e s u p p o s i t i o n that the p u b h c m front of the television screens "consist[s] of p e o p l e from m a n y nations a n d m a n y cultures. N o r w e g i a n culture a n d N o r w e g i a n values therefore m u s t b e p r e s e n t e d w i t h i n a visual frame linking u p w i t h a meaningful 'television l a n g u a g e ' " (Baardson & K v a m m e , 1993). The directors h a d to b r i d g e a m o n g the elements of the O l y m p i c tradition, the cultures or collective representations of the host c o u n t r y w i t h its variety of secular a n d religious composites, the multiphcity of cultures represented b y the athletes from 66 nations, a n d all the other countries that w e r e to receive the event t h r o u g h t h e h broadcasting systems. H o w , then, w e r e they to construct o n e single television p r o g r a m that could b e u n d e r s t o o d a n d interpreted across such a w o r l d w i d e variety of settmgs? The directors h a d to resist aU substantive defhutions of tradition a n d rehgion. The s y m b o h c representations m a d e h a d to b e built m t o a higher unity, expresshig a functional sacredness. Instead of "resistance t h r o u g h rituals," as in subcultures (HaU & Jefferson, 1976), they h a d to resist all raUying g r o u p s to m a k e t h e h over-bridging spectacle. The directors w e r e faced w i t h the necessity of constructing the televised o p e n i n g in accordance w i t h the d e m a n d s (or inferred d e m a n d s ) of aU-encompassing s y m bols to b e interpreted a n d c o m m u n i c a t e d witlun the various cultural a n d rehgious realms of t h e h w o r l d w i d e public. They contextualized the O p e n i n g C e r e m o n y t h r o u g h locally b a s e d folklore a n d t h r o u g h the p o r trayal of chUdren, folk participation, a n d flags as m the N o r w e g i a n Constitution D a y a n d national sport events. However, they h a d to trust that this could b e u n d e r s t o o d w i t h i n root p a r a d i g m s of various cultures a r o u n d Uie w o r l d . Root paradigms are "consciously recognized ( t h o u g h n o t consciously g r a s p e d ) cultural m o d e l s " held b y individuals or g r o u p s ; f u n d a m e n t a l a s s u m p t i o n s p r o v i d i n g p a t t e m s for action (Biematzki, 1991, p . 23; Tumer, 1974, p . 64), simUar to the s t m c t u r i n g dispositions of practices a n d representations that Pierre Bourdieu t e r m e d " h a b i t u s " (Biematzki, 1991, p . 25). StiU, "divergencies of interpretation buUt o n c o m m o n attention to a c o m m o n text are precisely w h a t the rehgious element in m o d e m i t y is all a b o u t " (Rothenbuhler, 1989, p . 142). The representations a p p h e d in the O p e n i n g C e r e m o n y w e r e to a large extent r e c o n s t m c t e d for this m e d i a event. The O l y m p i c Rings a n d t h e h

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colors m i g h t to a certain extent h a v e b e c o m e global s y m b o l s t h r o u g h o u t the years a n d p e o p l e ' s e x p o s u r e to former Ol5nnpic G a m e s t h r o u g h the m a s s m e d i a . This s)anbol w a s recreated b y a choir of400 children forming the O l y m p i c Rings. The presentation of the s y m b o l i s m in the giant "Tellus E g g " is e v e n m o r e telling. The P r o g r a m Description explaining this is straight from the symbolic dictionary (Biedermann, 1992): Generally speaking, the egg became the symbol of the first ever vital germ, out of which the entire world has since developed. A symbol also of uruty and wholeness, perfect within its shell, it represents the carefully plarmed creation. The white colour represents purity and flawlessness. (NRK ORTO, 1994)

The specific religious references or interpretations w e r e , however, left out. T h u s , in the presentation of the s y m b o l i s m of the egg, the specific Christian mearungs—blinked to the resurrection of Christ—^were r e m o v e d . Also left o u t w e r e specific Buddhist, H i n d u , or other defined religious u n d e r s t a n d i n g s (cf. Biedermarm, 1992, p p . 86-87; Cooper, 1993, p p . 43-44). Believers within these religious traditions m a y h a v e read the sequence w i t h the Tellus Egg according to their specific religious i m d e r s t a n d i n g s . The directors of the O l y m p i c O p e n i n g , however, w i s h e d to e m p h a s i z e w h a t is unifying across religions: "The e g g b e c o m e s the terrestrial globe. All the ' v e t t e r ' cooperate to protect their c o m m o n symbol, the e g g / g l o b e , the safeguard of their lives a n d their future" (NRK ORTO, 1994). In the closing p e a k of the O p e r u n g Ceremony, the different symbolic elements c a m e together, c o m b i n e d into a n e w a n d h i g h e r unity: T h e vetter, c o m i n g o u t of the host c o u n t r y ' s mythological traditions, t u m o u t t o b e defenders of the w h o l e Planet Earth, dressed in the O l y m p i c colors of the five continents. T h e e g g as t h e general s y m b o l of life, the o p e r u n g for the d o v e of peace, followed b y the t u n e of Mercy, all served to integrate. " T h e a t m o s p h e r e exhales justice, reconciliation a n d p e a c e " (NRK ORTO, 1994). It s h o u l d b e possible to read the symbols in s u c h a global m e d i a event in various settings all over the w o r l d , b u t h a r d l y w i t h the s a m e m e a n i n g . The A m e r i c a n s o a p o p e r a Dallas traveled well over the globe o n s o m e uruversal root p a r a d i g m s . Biematzki (1991) h a s s h o w n h o w this global success w a s at the price of the conceptual content it c o m m i m i c a t e d . T h e symbols a p p l i e d a n d their corresponding root p a r a d i g m s b e c a m e too o p e n a n d general. This is probably the case w i t h televised O l y m p i c

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ceremonies, too. Collective representations h a v e to b e actively shared to b e c o m e c o m m o n . However, the interpretation a n d i m d e r s t a n d i n g of a s y m b o l refers to a convention that m a y n o t at all b e possible to establish globaUy. Representations that aspire to imiversahty, like those a p p l i e d in the O p e r d n g Ceremony, m a y b e read a n d interpreted w i t h i n the i n n u m e r a b l e local contexts of the viewers. The i m p o r t a n c e of the c o m m e n t a t o r s from the various national broadcasting corporations e m p h a s i z e this point. They b r o u g h t the event closer to t h e h audiences t h r o u g h the u s e of local languages. Even the N o r w e g i a n c o m m e n t a t o r s h a d to explain the m e a n ing of s o m e of the symbols. W h e n symbols h a v e to b e exphcated, it is necessary to ask h o w universal they are. Collective representations are c o m m o n , n o t b y n a t u r e , b u t b y use in s h a r e d culture.

β

A Cultural Reconstruction

The creators of the Artistic Concept for the LiUehammer O p e n i n g w a n t e d to convey "tiie O l y m p i c s p h i t as weU as the N o r w e g i a n vision of the O l y m p i c G a m e s " b a s e d in ttie m e s s a g e of peace a n d h i t e m a t i o n a l sohdarity a n d in the m u l t i t u d e of N o r w e g i a n cultures a n d values anchored in folk traditions. According to the P r o g r a m Description, the vetter, these " m y s t e r i o u s beings, often called 'the u n d e r w o r l d p e o p l e ' h a v e continued to exist in p o p u l a r behefs" in N o r w a y (NRK ORTO, 1994). However, m o s t N o r w e g i a n s m i g h t h a v e b e e n surprised to m e e t this liminoid representation of figures from the fairy tales of t h e h c h i l d h o o d in the O p e n i n g Ceremony. At the s a m e time that the 1994 Winter O l y m p i c s in the smaU t o w n of Lillehammer revitahzed traditional representations for N o r w e g i a n s , the O l y m p i c G a m e s furthered N o r w a y into m o d e m i t y (Klausen, 1995a, 1995b). The O p e n i n g C e r e m o n y honically signalled this m o d e m i z i n g effect t h r o u g h the reintroduction of the vetter from old N o r s e m y t h o l ogy—barely active in root p a r a d i g m s of t o d a y ' s N o r w e g i a n s . T h r o u g h this m e d i a spectacle, the vetter reentered as collective representations in N o r w e g i a n culture. In the liminoid play of genres, they h a d the capacity to link p r e m o d e m traditions into late m o d e m i t y . This m i g h t h a v e w o r k e d for N o r w e g i a n s , b u t w h a t a b o u t other audiences?

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Root p a r a d i g m s are existential a n d f u n d a m e n t a l for those a d h e r i n g to t h e m . Root p a r a d i g m s a r e sacred in t h e IDurkheimian sense, a s basic collective representations. Representations of root p a r a d i g m s a r e sacred representations. They n e e d n o t b e substantively religious; root p a r a d i g m s can function in a religion-like w a y in their societies. T h e Artistic Concept of t h e Lillehartuner ceremorues is obviously b a s e d o n old, partly o u t d a t e d folkloristic presentations.^ T h e directors of the O l y m p i c O p e n i n g C e r e m o n y built a n e w linunoid m e d i a p r o d u c t i o n o n the basis of old folklorist mediations. The directors of the Lillehammer p r o d u c t i o n exhibited a very lax attitude a n d practice vis-cl-vis the original folklore. T h e y constructed their o w n Artistic C o n c e p t of the vetter for u s e in t h e 1994 O l y m p i c G a m e s . The representation of the vetter in the O p e n i n g C e r e m o n y at Lillehamm e r m a y well h a v e activated s o m e sleeping root p a r a d i g m s in t h e N o r w e g i a n p o p u l a t i o n . H o w e v e r , the intention of the liminoid televised ritual a n d t h e p o s t m o d e m stories of t h e vetter w a s n o t t o cater t o a n y h i d d e n N o r w e g i a n sacredness, b u t to create a n d s u p p o r t a global identification— just as C o u b e r t i n i n t e n d e d w h e n h e c o n s t m c t e d t h e story of t h e m o d e m O l y m p i c s w i t h its "rites of intensification" for t h e spectactors, as p a r t of the "festival of h u m a n unity." Coubertin "insisted repeatedly o n t h e religious character of the G a m e s . " The sacred root p a r a d i g m o r "transcendental g r o u n d " h e s o u g h t for t h e O l y m p i c ritual is just " t h e idea of h u m a n k i n d - n e s s " (MacAloon, 1984, p p . 248-253).

β

Sacred, or a Site of Symbolism?

Should t h e ritualistic a n d folkloristic representations i n a m e d i a t e d spectacle like the O p e n i n g C e r e m o n y of the Lillehanuner O l y m p i c s really b e r e g a r d e d as "sacred," o r is this televised c e r e m o n y s i m p l y t o b e conceived a s a site of symbolism? O n t h e o n e h a n d , there are defirutions of religion built a r o u n d t h e sacred-profcme dichotomy, a s in t h e w o r k of D u r k h e i m . O n t h e other h a n d , there is a defirution such a s t h e o n e p r o p o s e d b y Clark a n d H o o v e r in this v o l u m e , in w h i c h religion is r e g a r d e d a s " t h e site of t h e synthesis a n d s y m b o l i s m of culturally m e a n ingful belief systems." According to this last option, religion is n o longer "limited t o w h a t h a p p e n s in a 'sacred' realm, traditionally conceived, b u t

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is that p a r t of culture that persuasively presents a plausible m y t h of the ordering of existence." The Clark-Hoover definition conceives of religion in t e r m s of those collective representations " o r d e r i n g existence" w i t h i n the actual society. These collective representations m i g h t b e sacred. The C l a r k - H o o v e r definition fits the w e b of collective representations in m e d i a , rehgion, a n d culture. However, it m i g h t b e difficult to single o u t the m o r e specific sacred elements w i t h i n culture. We are left w i t h degrees of sacredness as p a r t of the s y m b o l i s m in " t h e culturally meaningful behef s y s t e m s . " But because all s y m b o l s are cultural constructions, they e n d u p m a n u l t h n a t e reference that m i g h t b e t e r m e d sacred or religious (Schutz, 1970, p p . 247248). A s such, all collective representations ultimately e n d u p hi a sacred reference. Rehgion is a system of such symbols, w h i c h m e a n s these representations h a v e to b e collective representations. W h a t is t h e n rejected is the idea, rooted in D u r k h e i m ' s w o r k s , that individual representations are profane, w h e r e a s collective representations m u s t b e sacred. The strict d i c h o t o m y of s a c r e d / p r o f a n e is itself problematic (Pickering, 1984, p p . 115-299), likewise the idea of o n e coherent society as the o n e sacred entity inherent in the EXirkheimian sociology (especially w h e n society is m i s r e a d as nation). Society is n o t limited to o n e single collectivity. In the ( p o s t ) m o d e m condition, p e o p l e m o v e in a n d o u t of various g r o u p s a n d b e l o n g to shifting a n d o v e r l a p p i n g collectivities, each d e v e l o p i n g t h e h sacred references. Bar-Haim m i g h t b e too pessimistic in his vision of w e a k n e t w o r k s w i t h o u t sacred centers. D a y a n , o n the other h a n d , m i g h t b e too optimistic o n behalf of the sacred. L i n u n o i d m e d i a events like the Lillehanuner O p e n i n g C e r e m o n y d o n o t h a v e a specific sacred character. W h a t is n e e d e d is a theory c a p t u r i n g the "fugitive c o n u n u n i t i e s " (Githn, 1995) of c o n t e m p o r a r y u r b a n societies. M a y b e m o s t collective representations in ( p o s t ) m o d e m m e d i a culture are to b e r e g a r d e d as fugitive. However, e v e n fugitive c o m m u n i t i e s are c o m m i m i ties b a s e d in, a n d s u p p o r t e d by, coUective representations of that c o m m u nity or collectivity. A s such, they m a k e u p potential sacred centers, e v e n if they m i g h t b e w e a k a n d changing. This k e e p s a basic msight from D u r k h e h n ' s (1912/1968) definition: Rehgion unites in a " m o r a l c o m m u n i t y " all those w h o a d h e r e to w h a t is there h e l d sacred (p. 47). Rehgion h a s to b e expressed in community. T h u s w e are r e m i n d e d that rehgion is n o t only a system of coUective representations or behefs, b u t also of practices k e e p i n g this c o m m u n i t y ahve.

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Religiosity could n e v e r b e r e d u c e d to ontology or m e a n i n g alone, for religiosity h a s " s o m e t h i n g to d o w i t h belonging a n d c o m m u n i t y , " as K o h n (1995) reports o u t of a p o s t m o d e m experience of the 1992 V ^ t e r Olympics (p. 108). Religion a l w a y s h a s a "site," to cite the Clark-Hoover definition, t h o u g h n o t necessarily a place in traditional geographical-institutional sense. This invites a n i m d e r s t a n d i n g of the sacred as a variable r a n g i n g from the substantive to the functional. Religion usually is defined either b y its substance or according to the functions it performs (Berger, 1974). T h e interplay a m o n g rallies, rituals, a n d resistance related to the sacred in a n intercultural m e d i a spectacle such as the O l y m p i c O p e r u n g d e m o n s t r a t e s that there are substantive sacred elements a n d sacred functions simultaneously operating in relation to secularized o r d i n a r y e v e r y d a y life. S o m e commimities, like traditional religious g r o u p s , stress substantive elem e n t s of religion. Other, m o r e fugitive commimities m i g h t b e m o r e functionally based.

m

A Sacralized M o m e n t

Even o n a global arena, as in a n O l y m p i c O p e n i n g C e r e m o n y s h a r e d w o r l d w i d e , there is s o m e sacredness, as in the case of the all-encompassing symbols of Lillehammer. However, as collective representations, these symbols are w e a k , temporary, a n d general. Global representations served b y transnational television, as in the O l y m p i c celebrations, can at best create feeble feelings of s o m e t h i n g sacred for that m o m e n t , c o r r e s p o n d i n g to the liminoid character of the m e d i a t e d spectacle. T h e p r o d u c e r s of the Lillehemuner O p e r u n g C e r e m o n y d i d their best to sacralize this m e d i a event in order to legitimize the G a m e s a n d share the O l y m p i c m y s t e r y to the w o r l d . However, d u e to the symbolic transformations inherent in the m e d i a t i o n process, the sacred functions of t h e O p e n i n g C e r e m o n y w e r e possibly b a s e d as m u c h in the w o r k i n g of the television m e d i u m itself as in the cultural a n d ritual elements e m p l o y e d . Symbols w e r e p u t together a n d reconstmcted for the p u r p o s e of the m e d i a event a n d b r o u g h t to the w o r l d b y the m a g i c of television. This megaspectacle d i d offer s o m e sacred locus for the w o r l d w i d e public, b u t such occasional sacred representations cannot last.

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Notes 1. It is not correct to say that Durkheim simply equates society w i t h these collective representations, or that h e separates the individual from society in his analysis (Pickering, 1984, p p . 249-250). Cf. also Lukes (1981). 2. Roel Puijk and A m e Martin Klausen provided m e w i t h material and references to their o n g o m g research o n the cultural dimension of the Olympics '94 (Klausen, 1995a, 1995b; Puijk, 1993). I w o u l d also like to thank Arvid Esperi and Bentein Baardson. 3. Discussions w i t h Gabriel Bar-Haim and Daniel D a y a n have improved this chapter, for w h i c h I thank them. The shortcomings are m y responsibility 4. Cf. c o m m e n t s b y Chief Sports Correspondent David Miller of The Times in the main N o r w e g i a n daily Aftenposten, March 1,1994. 5. MacAloon (1984) m a k e s precise distinctions b e t w e e n the concepts of spectacle Jestival, and ntual, w h i c h I try to take into account. 6. The televised O p e n i n g Ceremony of the Lillehammer Games w a s a ritual in the liminoid sense (MacAloon, 1984, p. 266). Here w e are drawing o n Durkheim through the w o r k of Victor Tlimer (Rothenbuhler, 1988). Liminoid p h e n o m e n a under m o d e m i t y tend to b e characterized b y play and experiment in a leisure setting. (Post)modem television offers plenty of examples. The liminoid phenomena provide, like tribal rituals, a "transitional framework within w h i c h everyday social and cultural experience is transformed, i.e., liminality" (Alexander, 1991, p p . 20-22; Biematzki, 1991, p p . 127-130; Turner, 1992, p p . 55-58). 7. A n n e Eriksen introduced m e to a folkloristic understanding of the vetter and g a v e valuable c o m m e n t s and suggestions for the work w i t h this chapter. 8. Of Americans, 204 million watched more or less of the 16 d a y s of the Winter Olympics, constituting 83.7% of the U.S. population or 92.5% of the households. A n average of 27.5% of the U.S. population watched the reports from Lillehammer at any time of the transmissions. The 1994 Winter Games d r e w the most TV viewers ever in the United States according to the N o r w e g i a n Aftenposten March 1,1994, and the V^ashington Post referred to in Aftenposten, March 5 , 1 9 9 4 9. The Artistic Concept refers to a "Lower Mythology," a concept from folklorists in the middle of the last century, completely outdated b y contemporary science. Even the distinction l)etween "good" and "evil" vetter is highly controversial and not easily accepted b y contemporary folklorists.

References Alexander, B. (1991). Victor Turner revisited: Ritual as social change. Atlanta: Scholars Press. Alexander, J. (Ed.). (1988). Durkheimian sociology: Cultural studies. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Baardson, B., & Kvanune, B. (1993). Artistic ωncept for the opening and closing ceremonies at the 1994 winter games. Unpublished manuscript (in Norwegian). Bellah, R. N . (1959). Durkheim and history. Amenmn Sociologiml Review, 24,447-461. Berger, P. L. (1%7). The sacred canopy: Elements of a sociological theory of religion. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. Berger, P. L (1974). S o m e second thoughts o n substantive versus functional definitions of religion. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 13,125-134.

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Berger, P. L., & Luckmann, T. (1971). The social construction of reality: A treatise in the sociology of knowledge. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin. (Originally published 1966) Biedermann, H. (1992). Symbolleksikon. Oslo: Cappelen. (Originally published as Krmus Lexikon der Symbole. Munchen: Droemersche Verlagsaitetalt, 1989). Biematzki, W. (1991). Roots of acceptance: The intercultural communication of religious meanings. Roma: Editrice Pontifida Universita Gregoriana. Cooper, J. C. (1993). Symbol-lex. Oslo: Hilt & Hansteen. (In English, An illustrated encyclopaedia of traditional symbols. London: Thames and H u d s o n , 1990). Dayan, D. (1995, January). Television rituals: Redesigning collective identities. Paper presented at the conference o n Media and the Transition of Collective Identities, Department of Media and Communication, University of Oslo, Norway. Dayan, D., & Katz, E. (1988). Articulating consensus: The ritual and rhetoric of media events. In J. Alexander (Ed.), Durkheimian sociology: Cultural studies (pp. 161-186). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Dayan, D., & Katz, E. (1992). Media events: The live broadcasting of history. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Durkheim, E. (1968). The elementary forms of the religious life (6th ed., J. W. Swain, Trans.). London: Allen & U n w i n . (Originally published 1912) Durkheim, E. (1974). Individual and collective representations. In Sociology and philosophy (pp. 1-34). (D. Ε Pocock, Trans.). N e w York: Free Press. (OriginaUy published in 1898) Emerson, M. B., & Perse, E. M. (1995). Media events and sports orientations to the 1992WTmter Olympics. Joumal of Intemational Communication, 2,80-99. Gitlin, T. (1995, January). Illusions of transparency, ambiguities of information: Notes on the globalization offugitive communities. Paper presented at the conference o n Media and the Transition of Collective Identities, Department of Media and Conununication, University of Oslo, Norway. Hall, S., & Jefferson, T. (Eds.). (1976). Resistance through rituals: Youth subcultures in post-war Britain. London: HarperCollins. H o n k o , L. (1%2). Geisterglaube in ingermanland. FF Communications N o : 185, Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia. Helsinki: Academia Scientiarum Fennica. Honko, L. (1971). Memorat och folktroforskning. In A. B. Rooth (Ed.), Folkdikt och folktro. Lund, Sweden: Gleerups. Intemational Olympic Committee. (1993). Rule 69 w i t h bye-law. In Olympic Charier. Lausanne: Intemational Olympic Committee. Klausen, A. M. (1995a). Olympic design and national identity—Between tradition and modemity. Oslo: Norsk Form. Klausen, A. M. (1995b). T)raditional and modem elements in Norwegian culture: Did the winter games change anything? Lecture for IOC-members, Lillehammer. Kohn, N . (1995). Exposed and basking: Community, spectacle and the winter Olympics. ]oumal of Intemational Communication, 2,100-119. Lillehamer Olympic Organizing Committee. (1994). Program for the opening ceremony. The XVn Olympic Winter Games. Lillehammer. Author. Lukes, S. (1981). Emile Durkheim. His life and work: A historical and critical study. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin. Lundby, K. (1988). Closed circles: A n essay o n culture and pietism in Norway. Social Compass, 35,57-66. MacAloon, J. J. (1981). This great symbol: Pierre de Coubertin and the origins of the modem Olympic Games. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

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MacAloon, J. J. (1984). Olympic Games and the theory of spectacle in m o d e m societies. In f. J. MacAloon (Ed.), Rite, drama, festival, spectacle: Rehearsals toward a theory of cultural performance (pp. 241-280). Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of H u m a n Issues. Martin-Barbero, J. (1993). Communication, culture and hegemony: From the media to the mediittions. London: Sage. NRK ORTO. (1994), Opening ceremony, host broadcaster. The XVn Olympic Winter G a m e i , Lillehammer (unpublished), Peters, J. D., & Rothenbuhler, E. W. (1989). The reality of construction. In H. W. S i m o n s (Ed.), Rhetoric in the human sciences (pp. 11-27). London: Sage. Pickering, W. S. Ε (1984). Durkheim's sociology of religion: Themes and theories. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Puijk, R. (1993). Introduction. In R. Puijk (Ed.), 01-94 ogforskningen III (pp. 1-11). Lillehanimer: ostlandsforskning. Rothenbuhler, E. W. (1988). The liminal fight: Mass strikes as ritual and interpretation. In f. Alexander (Ed.), Durkheimian sociology: Cultural studies (pp. 66-90). Cambridge, Uiu Cambridge University Press. Rothenbuhler, E. W. (1989). Values and s y m l w l s in orientations to the Olympics. Critiail Studies in Mass Communication, 6,138-157, Rothenbuhler, E, W. (1993), Argument for a Durkheimian theory of the communicative». Journal (^Communication, 43,158-163. Schutz, A. (1970). On phenomenology and social relations. Chicago: University of Chicago Presn. Solheim, S. (1952). Norsk saetertradisjon. Oslo: Aschehoug. Stattin, J. (1984). Ndcken: Spelman eller grdnsoakt? Malm6, Sweden: Liber. Tumer, V. (1992). Blazing the trail. Way marks in the explorations of symbols. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. Tumer, V. (1974). Dramas, fields, and metaphors: Symbolic action in human society. Ithaca, N'd Cornell Uiuversity Press.

Part

Media, Religion, and Culture: Changing Institutions

Chapter

Changes in Religion in Periods of Media Convergence

Peter G. Horsfield

The present period is w i d e l y recognized w i t h i n the Christian c o n u n u n i t y as one of significant change. The p e r i o d is b e i n g characterized a n d a d dressed variously in theological circles a n d debate: as p o s t - m o d e r n i s m (Bellah & B i u n h a m , 1989; Griffin, Beardslee, & H o l l a n d , 1989); as postliberalism (Lindbeck, 1984); as post-Christian ( H a u e r w a s , 1991); as a crisis in m o d e m or Enlightenment t h o u g h t ( D a v a n e y 1991; O d e n , 1990; Toulm i n , 1990); as pluralism ( B u m h a m , 1989; N e w b i g i n , 1989; Tracy 1987); or as a n e w contextualism (Bevans, 1992). H a n s K u n g a n d D a v i d Tracy (1989) suggest that the changes b e i n g faced b y religious institutions are of such a n a t u r e that the very practice or discipline of t h o u g h t that w e k n o w as theology could b e affected, such that w e could b e looking at "the emergence of a new, different p a t t e m of theology—a n e w p a r a d i g m " (p. xv). However, the i m p a c t of the changes o n religion is felt b e y o n d just the disciplines of theology. T h e formal institutions of religion in W e s t e m culture are all facing major organizational, economic, a n d authority changes, w h i c h are described at best as 167

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restructuring a n d at w o r s t as decline (Wuthnow, 1988,1993). W h a t h a v e b e e n the central a n d b i n d i n g h m c t i o n s a n d activities of these religious institutions—^worship, n u r t u r e a n d rehgious education, pastoral care, a n d mission—can all b e seen to b e in a process of reexamination a n d transition in a n effort either to find a n e w direction w i t h i n t h e p r e s e n t chaUenges or to refind a n old source of useful certainty (e.g., Bosch, 1991; Browning, 1983,1987; O d e n , 1984; Pattinson, 1993). W h e n o n e explores v a r i o u s d i m e n s i o n s of this theological a n d ecclesial debate, w h a t is significantiy absent is a recognition of the significant role that changes in m e d i a h a v e h a d o n this influential cultural ferment. But it goes d e e p e r t h a n lack of recognition. Reading t h r o u g h the major w o r k s of c o n t e m p o r a r y theological thought, o n e struggles to find e v e n a m e n t i o n to indicate that the thinkers a n d leaders of rehgious c o m m i m i t i e s h a v e a n y u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the foundational effect of changes in the p a t t e m s of social c o m m u n i c a t i o n in the cultural transformation n o w b e i n g experienced. Specific texts o n m e d i a a n d rehgion certainly can b e found, b u t serious analysis of m o d e m m e d i a w i t h i n major theological analysis a n d d e b a t e is significantly absent.^ In relation to other social institutions, such as education, health, a n d welfare, rehgious mstitutions m m o s t W e s t e m cultures h a v e n o t only b e e n actively involved as practitioners, b u t h a v e p l a y e d a n influential role in s h a p i n g social phUosophy a n d practice in those areas. Rehgious institutions' c o m m i t m e n t a n d hifluence in tiie social institution a n d practice of electronic m e d i a , however, h a s b e e n only marginal. In a n earher essay, I p r o p o s e d that m u c h of this faUure occurs at the stage w h e r e t h e frame of t h o u g h t of rehgious leaders is set—that is, in centers of theological e d u c a t i o n — a n d I suggested a n u m b e r of factors that h a v e s h a p e d this particular perspective (Horsfield, 1989). A m o r e recent s t u d y b y a U.S. N a t i o n a l CouncU of O u i r c h e s M e d i a Education C o m m i t tee s u p p o r t s this b y iUuntinatmg the extent to w h i c h m e d i a u n d e r s t a n d m g is seen as irrelevant or at best m a r g i n a l to theological education a n d rehgious leadership (BedeU, 1993). W h a t can explain this faUure of leaders of major rehgious institutions a n d senunaries to recogruze ihe foundational place of m e d i a in cultural formation and c h a n g e a n d to invest in a n d d e v e l o p a sustained theological tradition of strategic reflection a n d e n g a g e m e n t w i t h h ? I p r o p o s e that w h a t is b e i n g reflected m a y b e u n d e r s t o o d w i t h i n the f r a m e w o r k of a major p a r a d i g m shift from largely nation-based cultures in w h i c h p r i n t

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w a s the d o m i n a n t m e d i u m , to world-linked cultures in w h i c h electronicb a s e d m e a n s of c o m m u n i c a t i o n h a v e b e c o m e d o m i n a n t . In this shift, the major Christian institutions in W e s t e m culture h a v e b e e n closely identified w i t h print-based culture a n d ethos, a n d their leaderships h a v e also closely identified themselves w i t h this culture a n d ethos. A s the c o m m u n i c a t i o n p a r a d i g m h a s shifted, these institutions find themselves losing m a n y of their social privileges a n d h a v i n g to participate competitively in a situation in w h i c h their status, recognition, a n d ability to fulfill a r a n g e of social a n d cultural functions competitively is b e i n g significantly diminished. The marginaUty of m e d i a studies w i t h i n seminaries can b e partly u n d e r s t o o d as a function of the decontextualization of ideas c o m m o n to W e s t e m rationalism, partly as a result of the tradition of disciplinary segmentation c o m m o n to W e s t e m theological education, a n d partly as a defensive stance b y academic theologians w h o s e social p o w e r a n d status, b a s e d in b o o k culture, is threatened b y the shift b r o u g h t b y electronic m e d i a .

im

A Framev^ork o f U n d e r s t a n d i n g

That religion a n d culture are closely interrelated h a s long b e e n recognized a n d h a s b e e n the subject of sustained theological reflection. To sustain the perspective that religious t h o u g h t is also significantly influenced b y shifts in m e d i a , it is necessary to establish a f r a m e w o r k tiiat lifts m e d i a o u t of t h e c o m m o n religious frame of instrumentality a n d reestablishes it as a central a n d indispensable h e r m e n e u t i c d i m e n s i o n of culture. In s o m e cases, this m e a n s reaffirming s o m e tenets that h a v e l o n g b e e n elemental in m e d i a a n d cultural studies b u t h a v e n e v e r seriously b e e n considered in theological thought. C o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d culture are symbiotic in relationship a n d inseparable in practice. "Every cultural practice is a c o m m i m i c a t i v e event. Every act of c o m m i m i c a t i o n is a cultural e v e n t " (Kress, 1988, p . 10). H o w a society c o m m u n i c a t e s w i t h itself is a f u n d a m e n t a l constitutive c o m p o n e n t of culture a n d will b e reflected in the w a y s in w h i c h that society organizes, perceives, a n d thinks a b o u t itself. C o m m u r u c a t i o n activities w i t h i n a n y particular culture are c o m p l e x a n d multiform. For a long time, commimication analysis from b o t h a U.S. a n d a E u r o p e a n perspective stressed the directional, effectual, or d o m i -

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native influence of m e d i a agents a n d institutions. In recent years, research a n d theoretical w o r k h a s affirmed the p e r s o n a l a n d cultural interactiveness b y w h i c h individuals a n d cultures a p p r o p r i a t e a n d u s e m e d i a r e p resentations, rather them simply b e i n g subject to t h e m . Martin-Barbero (1993) notes this in his p r o p o s a l of reconceptualization from m e d i a to mediations: [C]ommunication l>egan to be seen more as a process of mediations than of media, a question of culture and, therefore, not just a matter of cognitions but of re-cogrution. The processes of recogrution were at the heart of a new methodological approach which enabled us to perceive communication from a quite different perspective, from its "other" side, namely, reception. This revealed to us the resistances and the varied ways people appropriate media content according to manner of use This enabled us to break out of the circle of false logic which made it appear that capitalistic homogenisation is the oruy mearung of our contemporary modemity. For, in Latin America, cultural differences... [imply] a dense variety of strong, living popular cultures which provide a space for profound conflict and unstoppable cultural dynamism, (p. 2)

Despite affirmation of tiiis cultural d y n a m i s m , the organization, interactions, a n d t h o u g h t of a n y particular culture wiU b e distinctively conditioned b y the technological, social, ideological, a n d p o w e r characteristics of t h e m e d i a of c o m m u n i c a t i o n that are sociaUy, economicaUy, or pohticaUy d o m i n a n t or that h o l d superior status. Correlatively, changes in the d o m i n a n t m e d i a of commimication wiU also h a v e a p r o f o u n d effect o n the culture's self-perception, organization, m e a r u n g , a n d v a l u e systems. These changes m a y occur t h r o u g h influences that m a y b e i n t e m a l or e x t e m a l to the culture, a n d m a y b e evolutionary or cataclysmic in n a t u r e . C h a n g e s in c o m m u n i c a t i o n p a t t e m s wiU also b e m e d i a t e d in each culture t h r o u g h t h e complex a n d dynarruc s t m c t u r e s of existing cultural o r d e r a n d processes. Substantial w o r k h a s n o w b e e n d o n e o n the relationship b e t w e e n conunimication a n d cultural form. O n g ' s (1982) anthropological w o r k o n the psychodynsunics of p r i m a r y oral a n d Uterate cultures is well k n o w n . A n u m b e r of aspects of O n g ' s analysis h a v e particular relevance for u n d e r s t a n d i n g i m p a c t s o n rehgious t h o u g h t a n d practice. O n e is his e m p h a s i s o n the place of m e m o r y m culture a n d the i m p a c t of changes m k n o w l e d g e storage a n d retrieval devices. A second is his discussion of t h e

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relationship b e t w e e n textual space a n d m e a n i n g , their i m p a c t o n the d e v e l o p m e n t of k n o w l e d g e , a n d the s h a p i n g effect that textual space a n d m e a n i n g h a v e h a d o n the,"mentality" of the W e s t e m w o r l d (pp. 123-135). Boomershine (1987) p r o v i d e s a similar correlation from the frcmiew o r k of N e w Testament hermeneutics. D r a w i n g o n O n g ' s framework, Boomershine proposes "a demonstrable correlation between media change a n d the emergence of p a r a d i g m shifts in the history of biblical interpretation" (p. 156). Boomershine identifies five major p e r i o d s in biblical hermeneutics according to the d o m i n a n t form of c o m m u n i c a t i o n — o r a l , m a n u s c r i p t , print, silent print, a n d electronic—and p r o v i d e s a s c h e m a for identifying the characteristics of the biblical p a r a d i g m in each era according to elements of the hermeneutical system (p. 157). Martin-Barbero's affirmation of the strength of p o p u l a r culture in m e d i a t i n g m a s s messages serves as a useful r e m i n d e r that m e d i a changes a n d their impact o n culture carmot b e seen w i t h o u t recognizing that n e w m e d i a a n d m e d i a changes are themselves cultural creations. H o w t h e n can w e affirm a causal relationship b e t w e e n m e d i a changes a n d cultural changes, while at the s a m e time a c k n o w l e d g i n g the cultural genesis of n e w m e d i a a n d the symbiotic relationship that exists b e t w e e n m e d i a a n d culture? Several images present themselves. O n e is that of culture as a m u l t i form organism. It is precisely because it is multiform that changes m a y b e generated within a particular s e g m e n t of the culture that e x p i m d b e y o n d that s e g m e n t to effect changes a n d give n e w s h a p e to existing relationships w i t h i n the w h o l e or b e y o n d the w h o l e . Such w a s t h e case w i t h the d e v e l o p m e n t of printing, w h i c h originated w i t h i n the culture of craft g r o u p s , extending b e y o n d those craft g r o u p s to give a n e w s h a p e to a r a n g e of other cultural practices a n d exchanges (Eiser\stein, 1979, p . xv). A second i m a g e sees c o m m u n i c a t i o n functioriing as the w e b of the culture—^the complex, multiform, cmd multilevel p a t t e m of personal, s t m c t u r a l , a n d object cormections that enables the d y n a m i s m of coherence a n d incoherent creativity to coexist. W h e n a particular m e d i i m i of c o m mimication b e c o m e s d o m i n a n t , it d o e s n o t obviate all other forms or p a t t e m s of c o m m u n i c a t i o n , b u t it changes the complex character a n d functioning of the w e b , variously displacing s o m e connections, c h a n g i n g the direction a n d i m p o r t a n c e of others, refiguring others b y discormection a n d reconnection, a n d changing the valency of recogruzed legitimacies a n d illegitimacies.

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INSTITUTIONS

A third h n a g e sees the emergence a n d influence of a n e w m e d i u m w i t h i n a culture in catalytic terms. A n e w m e d i u m arises from w i t h i n a culture, b u t h a v i n g arisen, begins to act as a catalyst for cultural refocus a n d m o r e extensive cultural change. O n e could speculate that the ferment of cultural factors that g a v e rise to the n e w m e d i i u n in the fhst place is the v e r y cultural ferment that allows the n e w m e d i u m to h a v e such a catalytic effect. T h e case can b e p u t , therefore, that there is a close connection b e t w e e n changes in d o m i n a n t m e d i a a n d major changes in cultural perceptions a n d functions such as t h n e , space, mstitutional life, autiiority structures, c o m m u n i t y formation, a n d so forth—arguing at the s a m e time that it is too simphstic s i m p l y to p r o p o s e a singular correspondence b e t w e e n t h e e m e r g e n c e of each major n e w m e d i u m of c o n u n u n i c a t i o n a n d the transformation of a prior cultural period into a major n e w one. Major n e w m e d i a that h a v e e m e r g e d d o so, n o t o u t of the b l u e , b u t from w i t h i n a process of cultural ferment or transformation. The e m e r gence a n d influence of c h a n g e s m m e d i a , therefore, are better u n d e r s t o o d if seen n o t m isolation, b u t m association w i t h a convergence of cultural d e v e l o p m e n t s that b o t h serve a n d are served b y the e m e r g i n g m e d i a . C h a n g e p r o d u c e d b y changes in m e d i a , however, is greater t h a n c h a n g e in other single cultural factors because m e d i a changes alter the w e b that m e d i a t e s the culture to itself. A central element of culture that is affected b y changes in m e a n s of c o m m u n i c a t i o n is the aspect of power. C o m m u n i c a t i o n u n d e r h e s a n d s h a p e s the recognition a n d exercise of sociocultural power. Access to information, the status a n d resources to construct m e a n m g ; a n d the abihty to identify, muster, a n d construct resources—all essential characteristics of conununication—^locate a n d sustain o n e w i t h i n social p o w e r structures. The v a r i o u s m e d i a of social conunimication function competitively, in t e r m s b o t h of t h e h association w i t h recogrhzed exercisers of p o w e r a n d of t h e h abihty to fulfill desired social functions. T h e y coexist t h r o u g h a competitive process of o r d e r i n g a n d b y c a r v m g o u t a competitive place a n d function w i t h i n a social or economic sphere. W h e n a n e w m e d i u m of c o n u n u n i c a t i o n enters a social or economic marketplace, a p o w e r struggle occurs, a n d a process of reordering a n d readjustment of p o w e r relations takes place. Uncompetitive m e a n s of commimication—those that are u n a b l e to m a i n t a i n a competitive place in fulfilling social functions—tend to b e displaced a n d to atrophy.

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ui

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Religious Issues in the Shift to Electronic Culture

M t h i n this framework, it w a s p r o p o s e d a b o v e that w e are in the m i d d l e of another major cultural p a r a d i g m shift, m i d w i f e d b y t h e e m e r gence of electronic m e d i a , w h i c h is p r o v o k i n g a convergence of cultural c h a n g e a n d ferment. The i m p a c t of the technologies a n d institutions of electronic c o m m u nication n e e d to b e u n d e r s t o o d in relation to their i n t e r t w i n e m e n t w i t h t w o other major cultural m o v e m e n t s , each of w h i c h is d e p e n d e n t on, a n d integral to, the other. O n e is the vast e x p a n s e of technological a n d scientific d e v e l o p m e n t s p u r r e d b y the Enlightenment ideology of progress, reason, a n d control a n d resulting in the p r o d u c t i o n of eimazing m a c h i n e r y for controlling, changing, a n d creating physical processes a n d p r o d u c t s . A l t h o u g h the o p t i m i s m of t h e b o i m d l e s s frontiers of time a n d space that h a v e sustained this m o m e n t u m of progress h a s b e e n significantly d i m i n ished in this century, this h a s n o t necessarily dimirushed its p r o d u c t i o n s . T h e second b r o a d e r cultural m o v e m e n t is that of c o r ^ i m i e r capitalism, the intricate socioeconomic system that t a p s the h i m i a n drives of i n d i v i d u a l gain a n d greed, selectively r e w a r d i n g incentive a n d e n c o u r a g ing participation in the capitalist system b y the prospect of increased c o n s u m p t i o n of pleasurable g o o d s or services a n d access to otherwise restricted promises of satisfaction. The d e v e l o p m e n t of each of these w o u l d n o t h a v e b e e n possible w i t h o u t the infrastructure, s u p p o r t i n g p h i l o s o p h y a n d processes of the other. Analyses of similar p e r i o d s of communication-cultural convergence indicate that in each p e r i o d existing religious institutions, along w i t h other social institutions, h a v e found that this convergence of factors, m e d i a t e d b y the n e w c o m m u n i c a t i o n , presents challenges o n a r a n g e of fronts—ideological, institutional, a n d practical. T h e m o v e m e n t of the early Christian church o u t of its p a r e n t Jewish culture into Greek culture, for e x a m p l e , w a s n o t just a simple process of organizational expansion, b u t w a s a m o v e m e n t from a largely oral context into a m a n u s c r i p t context. The d y n a m i c process of adjustment that foll o w e d took centuries, resulting in the redefirution of faith from a particular into a imiversal context, the shift of authority from a n apostolic to a hierarchical episcopal base, the establishment of a w r i t t e n canon, a n d the stabilizing of o r t h o d o x y t h r o u g h ecumenical creeds. A central functionary

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in this process w a s the apostle Paul. Scholarship that considers the role of Paul in b o t h e m b o d y i n g a n d enabling the transition b e t w e e n Jewish a n d Greek culture can easily b e e x p a n d e d to elucidate the i m p a c t m a d e b y different u s e s of writing in ttiose cultures (e.g., Boomershine, 1991; Gerhardsson, 1977; Watson, 1994). A d j u s t m e n t s to the technology of writing a n d the integration of w r i t h i g into the c o n u n u n i c a t i o n practices of the Christian c o m m u n i t i e s w a s complex. O n e of the significant Christian apologists of the second century, C l e m e n t of Alexandria, found the prejudice against w r i t i n g in the second c e n t u r y c h u r c h s u c h a barrier to effective cultural transition m t o the hellenistic context that h e specifically a d d r e s s e d it at the b e g h u u n g of o n e of his writings, t h e Stromateis. O s b o m (1959) n o t e s t h e specific n a t u r e of the resistance to writing challenged b y Clement: The living voice was the best medium for the communication of Christian truth. Writings were public and it was wrong to cast pearls before swine. To write implied that one was inspired by the Holy Spirit and this was a presumptuous claim. If one must write, it were better that one should write badly. The heretics had shown that a clever style could mislead and cormpt. (p. 335) Likewise, the major a d a p t a t i o n of rehgious t h o u g h t to p r i n t d u r i n g the p e r i o d of the Reformation d i d m o r e them p r o v i d e a n i n s t r u m e n t a l m e a n s for the sharing of different ideas. It redefmed privileges of inform a t i o n a n d debate, authority, faith, a n d order in rehgious practice, as E d w a r d s (1994) p o m t s out: [T]he printing press played far more than just an assisting role in this many-sided contest over authority. It broadcast the subversive messages with a rapidity that had been impossible before its invention. More than that, it allowed the central ideological leader, Martin Luther, to reach the "opinion leaders" of the movement quickly, kept them all in touch with each other and with each others' experience and ideas, and allowed them to "broadcast" their (relatively coordinated) program to a much larger and more geographically diverse audience than has ever been possible before. Yet, paradoxically, printing also undermined central authority because it encouraged the recipients of the printed message to think for themselves about the issues in dispute, and it provided the mear\s— printed Bibles especially—by which each person could become his or her own theologian, (p. 7)

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W h e n o n e a d d s to that Touhnin's (1990) a r g u m e n t that W e s t e m rationalism arose in the 17th century as a necessary a t t e m p t to find a nonsectarian basis for social stability in response to the religious w a r s s p a r k e d b y the E u r o p e a n Reformation, it m a k e s the i m p a c t of p r i n t i n g a significant cultural o n e indeed. The n a t u r e a n d direction of the cultural convergence b e i n g m e d i a t e d b y d e v e l o p m e n t s in electronic m e d i a are still extremely fluid. T h e challenge it is p o s i n g to established religious institutions a n d the r e s t m c t u r i n g it is causing w i t h i n religious institutions—both b e t w e e n different religious institutions a n d b e t w e e n religious institutions a n d their cultural location—^is profoimd. I m e n t i o n a few of those p r o f o u n d challenges to illustrate the thesis that the religious issues b e i n g dealt w i t h are n o t a d e q u a t e l y u n d e r s t o o d w i t h o u t taking seriously the changes that are occurring in the m e d i a of social communication.

\m The Expansion and Commercialization of Mediated Communication Within the b r o a d e r framework of c o n s u m e r capitalism a n d technologies t h a t allows for the instant dissemination of information a n d entert a i n m e n t p r o d u c t s w o r l d w i d e , the potential of information a n d entertainm e n t to b e gathered, p r o d u c e d , protected, a n d distributed for commercial profit h a s lead to a shift in u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e n a t u r e a n d function of social c o m m u n i c a t i o n . This d o e s n o t mean that social c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d the d e v e l o p m e n t of social a n d religious t h o u g h t in p r e v i o u s eras w a s free of commercial influence. E d w a r d s (1994), in particular, is informative o n the extent to w h i c h the religious ideas of Martin Luther, in contrast to m o s t of his Catholic o p p o n e n t s , w e r e actively e n c o u r a g e d a n d p r o m o t e d b y c o m m e r cial printers t h r o u g h o u t E u r o p e because they w e r e so profitable as p u b lications. Rather, d e v e l o p m e n t s in electronic m e d i a , linked w i t h increasing w o r l d w i d e affluence a n d t h e b r e a k i n g d o w n of national b o u n d a r i e s in t r a d i n g a r r a n g e m e n t s a n d cultural p r o d u c t dissemination h a s t e n d e d to m o v e social c o m m u n i c a t i o n s a w a y from a n overarching concept of c o m m u n i t y g o o d t o w a r d a relative concept of c o m m u n i t y g o o d m e d i a t e d t h r o u g h the b r o a d e r desirability of commercial i n s t r u m e n t a l i t y

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F u r t h e r m o r e , the commercial process, again facihtated a n d necessitated b y shifts in the character a n d i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of c o n u n u n i c a t i o n technologies a n d mtegration, h a s lead to the mcreased subdivision of p e o p l e into identifiable " m a r k e t s " w i t h i n w h i c h they are t h e n cultivated, affinned, a n d carefuUy sohcited. These m a r k e t s are identified or constructed b y processes of m a r k e t research a n d are s u b s e q u e n t l y legitim i z e d b y p r o m o t i o n t h r o u g h the m e d i a a n d rehiforced b y s e r v m g as loci in the provision a n d distribution of p r o d u c t s . T h e b r o a d cultural effect is that p e o p l e are sociologicaUy relocated, as it w e r e , a w a y from m e m b e r s h i p a n d identity w i t h i n a n integrated a n d general n u r t u r i n g c o m m u n i t y a n d t o w a r d identification w i t h , a n d m e m b e r s h i p in, a variety of different a n d specific m a r k e t s . This shift h a s dramaticaUy affected the structure of the social b a s e o n w h i c h rehgious institutions h a v e framed t h e h organization, leading t o the restructuring of r e h g i o u s organizations (as identified b y W u t h n o w , 1988). This shift h a s favored particular types of rehgious organizations, whUe d i s a d v a n t a g i n g others. Brasher (1994) postulates that those rehgious organizations tiiat a d d r e s s themselves to particular fragments—or m a r kets—of the society a n d h a v e d e v e l o p e d expertise in d o i n g so, s u c h as fundamentalist or p a r a c h u r c h speciahst organizations, are d o i n g well. Those m o s t d i s d v a n t a g e d b y tiiis process of cultural s e g m e n t a t i o n are those m o d e r a t e rehgious g r o u p s w h o preferred institutional forms a n d habitual practices that connect t h e m

w i t h a diverse cross section of people whose values vary. In a time of cultural cohesion, sufficient shared values exist to congeal these groups in spite of the presence of significant differences; but, in t h e m o d e m / p o s t - m o d e m mpture, it is this center of shared values that disappears. Moderate iristitutions, w i t h ties to diverse constituencies d u e to their modernist commitments to unity, have discovered that d u r i n g t o d a y ' s cultural ruptiu-e their lauded trar\svalue connections a n c h o r

t h e m to constituencies so conflicted that they tear the g r o u p s apart, (pp. 4-5) This v i e w is s u p p o r t e d b y research o n A u s t r a h a n churches ( H u g h e s , 1993). H o o v e r ' s s t u d y o n t e l e v a n g e h s m suggests that o n e of the major achievements of the evangehcal broadcasters in the 1970s a n d 1980s w a s in p r o v i d i n g a powerful p u b h c rallying p o i n t a n d face of coherence to these diverse a n d o t h e r w i s e scattered rehgious m a r k e t g r o u p s (Hoover, 1988).

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O n e could speculate that the print-enculturated ethos of unity, coherence, a n d universalism that h a s characterized the theological t h o u g h t a n d quest of m a i n s t r e a m eciunenically oriented religious g r o u p s h a s d i m i n ished their capacity to conceptualize the convergence n o w taking place a n d to formulate a response that requires a competitive a p p r o a c h in a redefined c o m m u n i c a t i o n marketplace.

β

T h e C h a n g i n g Nature of M e d i a as Institution

The d o m i n a n t theory until recently h a s b e e n o n e in w h i c h the m e d i a h a v e b e e n seen primarily as o n e social institution a m o n g others. In this view, it h a s b e e n a s s u m e d that there is a separate a n d coherent social n o r m or reality, w i t h the m e d i a serving primarily as tools for c o m m u n i c a t i n g this reality. The d o m i n a n t a p p r o a c h h a s therefore b e e n to s t u d y the "effects" the m e d i a h a v e o n people. In this view, institutions s u c h as the church h a v e t e n d e d to look at the m e d i a instrumentally; that is, h o w they can u s e the m e d i a best to convey " o u r reality." In recent years, as discussed above, there h a v e b e e n several crucial shifts in thinking a b o u t media. O n e c h a n g e h a s b e e n a w a y from seeing the m e d i a as just o n e aspect of culture. Rather, the m e d i a form, as it w e r e , the " w e b " of the culture, the matrix w h e r e m o s t p e o p l e n o w get m o s t of their insight, ir\fluence, values, a n d mearung. In the p o w e r shift that h a s taken place, other social institutions t e n d n o t to u s e t h e m e d i a t o c o n u n i m i c a t e their reality, b u t r a t h e r are placed b y the m e d i a o n the w e b of culture in different positions a n d for different p u r p o s e s . The second major c h a n g e h a s b e e n in shifting the center of focus a n d attention in thinking a b o u t m e d i a a w a y from t h e i n t e n d e d effects of m e d i a m e s s a g e s a n d t o w a r d the active role audiences p l a y in selection a n d u s e of their o w n m e d i a - m i x for meaning-seeking a n d m e a n i n g satisfying p u r p o s e s . O n a b r o a d scale, p e o p l e increasingly t e n d n o t to see the m e d i a t h r o u g h lenses d e v e l o p e d t h r o u g h their enculturation in other social collectives. M e d i a , individually a n d as a n institution, are n o w so pervasive a n d such a n inextricable p a r t of p e o p l e ' s lives a n d culture that w e n o w see all other social collectives (including religious faith) t h r o u g h the lens of o u r enculturation in m e d i a .

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The c h a n g e m t h m k m g a b o u t p e o p l e ' s a n d culture's relationship to m e d i a is in this crucial d h n e n s i o n as H o o v e r (1993b) points out: This relationship b e t w e e n p e o p l e a n d m e d i a is entirely a volitional o n e . . . . P e o p l e live o n t h e m e d i a " m a p " b e c a u s e t h e y w a n t to, a n d m o r e importantly, b e c a u s e that m a p is a n a u t h e n t i c o n e for t h e m . (p. 89)

That is, p e o p l e are n o t passive recipients of m e d i a messages generated b y commercial m e d i a organizations. People n o w participate in the m e d i a w e b of culture, n o t because they are coerced or d u p e d into d o i n g so, b u t because they choose to d o so. They get enjoyment o u t of it, a n d it is meaningful a n d authentic for them. The s a m e a p p h e s to rehgious institutions. The m e d i a as the agents of convergence present a sigruficant altemative source of rehgious mformation, sentiment, ethical guidance, ritual, a n d community, n o t only for the b r o a d e r p o p u l a t i o n , b u t also for those w h o are m e m b e r s of religious mstitutions. Rehgious organizations m a y n o longer b e the m a h i source of rehgious information, t m t h , or practice, e v e n for their o w n m e m b e r s .

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Changes in Churches' Visibility in the Public Realm

A s a result of the competitiveness in c o m m u n i c a t i o n fostered w i t h i n the electronic era, churches h a v e b e e n significantly displaced from the p u b h c realm. Previously the church, along w i t h the state, w a s a major, direct participant a n d i r ^ u e n c e in the p u b h c arena, w i t h substantial control o v e r h o w it w a s represented. Today, however, " a n i n d e p e n d e n t institution of p u b h c i t y cmd p u b h c a t i o n — t h e media—^predominates, a n d the C h u r c h a n d the State m u s t s u b m i t themselves to this ' m e d i a s p h e r e ' " (Hoover, 1993a, p . 186). Retaining the d e s h e to b e players in the p u b h c arena, b u t losing t h e h p o w e r to control h o w t h e h symbols are u s e d a n d h o w they are represented pubhcly, h a s created confusion in m o s t churches a b o u t h o w to participate p u b h c l y w i t h o u t privilege. Confusion a b o u t their p u b h c role h a s further dintinished church institutions' relevance a n d visibility in p u b h c d e b a t e a n d issues. Because b o t h p e o p l e m society a n d p e o p l e in churches h v e in the p u b h c realm, a n d because existence in the public

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realm validates authority a n d relevance, the absence of c h u r c h presence in the public r e a h n of the m e d i a dimirushes p e o p l e ' s perception of t h e relevance of faith to their e v e r y d a y existence—^their "real" life. A challenge b e i n g faced b y churches, therefore, is to rethiruc the public relevance a n d applicability of their ideology in a situation in w h i c h a l m o s t every function that the church u s e d to serve is n o w alternatively available as a n often m o r e attractive c o n s u m e r commodity, in w h i c h they can n o longer control h o w they are represented or h o w their s y m b o l s are u s e d . In short, h o w are they going to exercise influence as a dimirushing minority in a utilitarian culture?

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T h e Impact of C o m m o d i t i z a t i o n

. This competitive n a t u r e of the marketplace applies particularly in the d y n a m i c of constuner commoditization, that commercial process w h e r e b y n o n c o m m e r c i a l h u m a n activities a n d services are a p p r o p r i a t e d , re-formed, p a c k a g e d , a n d t h e n sold as commercial p r o d u c t s or services. Religious institutions, w h o s e ideology w a s previously p r o m o t e d a n d sustained w i t h i n a p a c k a g e of other functions a n d services, their m o n o p oly in s o m e cases often protected b y their privileged social position or e v e n b y legislation, n o w find that m a n y of these functions a n d services h a v e b e e n a p p r o p r i a t e d , repackaged, a n d sold b y commercial interests, often in a m u c h m o r e attractive w a y t h a n t h e churches w e r e doing. This century, for e x a m p l e , h a s seen the pastoral a n d c o m m u r u t y functions of religious institutions in p r e v i o u s c e n t i m e s commercialized as a major i n d u s t r y in the form of the secular therapies. In recent decades, the p e r s o n a l motivation a n d esteem d i m e n s i o n s of the Christian faith, w h i c h previously b r o u g h t m a n y p e o p l e to church, h a v e b e e n r e p a c k a g e d (witho u t the Christian ideology) as motivational seminars a n d sold to p e o p l e for a n y t h i n g from $50 to $1,000 a serrunar. This competitiveness in the marketplace, e v e n in the marketplace of social c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , m e a n s that to survive, c o m m u n i c a t i o n institutions m u s t b e c o m e aggressive, imperialist organizations. It is instructive to n o t e h o w significant h a s b e e n the influence of consimierism as a philosophy, e v e n as a hermeneutical lens t h r o u g h w h i c h Christian faith is u n d e r s t o o d a n d interpreted. O n e can n o t e , for e x a m p l e , the influence of conunoditization o n the advertising a n d p r o m o t i o n of faith " p r o d u c t s "

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a n d religious "services/' the significant a p p e a l of the m a r k e t i n g a p p r o a c h of the c h i u c h g r o w t h m o v e m e n t , a n d the w i d e s p r e a d d e b a t e a b o u t the reconfiguring of faith to give consideration to " w h a t ' s in it" for the participant. A d a p t i n g to this n e w situation a p p e a r s to b e easier for those rehgious organizations w h o s e ideology e q u i p s t h e m for competitiveness t h a n for those w h o s e ideology seeks to foster cooperation a n d consensus.

I B The Reformation of Moral Structures A further major consequence of the n e w w e b of electronic c o n u n u n i cation h a s been the reformation of m o r a l s t m c t u r e s . W h e t h e r it is a b r e a k - u p of m o r a l s t m c t u r e s t o w a r d a condition of social a m o r a h t y or relativism, a reformation into a n e t w o r k of interrelated centers of m o r a l discourse, or a process of reformation of cohering c o m m o n values rem a i n s to b e seen. Several reasons are given for this reformation: (a) a logical extension of the E n h g h t e n m e n t separation of m o r a h t y from a n u n c o n d i t i o n e d imperative; (b) a n e m p h a s i s on, d e s h e for, a n d c o n s u m p t i o n of information for information's sake; (c) the lack of practical differentiation b e t w e e n different types a n d values of different information; (d) the lack of practical o p p o r t u n i t y a n d mcentive to h v e o u t a c o m m i t m e n t to o n e b o d y of m o r a l information over another; (e) the constant influx a n d renewal of information that m a k e s the d e v e l o p m e n t of durability a n d relevance in m o r a l s t m c t u r e problematic; (f) lack of skill in the i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of space a n d silence, w h i c h m a k e s discernment of m o r a l o r d e r a n d v a l u e difficult. Babm (1991) h n k s this ferment m m o r a l s t m c t u r e d h e c t l y to m e d i a change: T h e process of d e - s t m c t u r i n g takes place irresistibly, just as w a t e r d r i p p i n g o n a rock . . . w e hear, read, a n d see countless things that m e a n n o t h i n g to u s , either at t h e level of usefulness o r at t h e spiritual l e v e l — W h a t c o u n t s is n o t t h e rational structure of a g o o d basic traiiung, b u t b e i n g in t h e flow of information, (p. 41)

Rehgious institutions, because of the joint m e m b e r s h i p of their constituency in b o t h the institution a n d the b r o a d e r society, m u s t of necessity define t h e h o w n m o r a l frameworks within the b r o a d e r f r a m e w o r k of

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social morality, w h e t h e r the definition l>e o n e of congruence, incongruence, or various intermediate positions. W h e n the m o r a l structures of the b r o a d e r culture change, this h a s ramifications for the defined positions of religious institutions w i t h i n that culture. The d o m i n a n t social structures of morality in m o s t W e s t e m cultures h a v e b e e n traditionally strongly linked to, a n d s u p p o r t i v e of, OKristian faith to s u c h a n extent, in m a n y cases, that churches h a v e b e e n seen as the m o r a l e d u c a t o r s a n d g u i d e s for the society. The shift in m o r a l s t m c t u r e that is p a r t of the social convergence of electronic m e d i a h a s i m p o r t a n t implications for b o t h h o w religious institutions conceive their relationships to their host cultures a n d h o w they n u r t u r e ethical b e h a v i o r w i t h i n their a d h e r e n t s w h o also participate fully as m e m b e r s of the culture.

Note

1. Two exceptions m a y b e noted. Martin Marty (1989), in his contribution to Paradigm Change in Theology, notes the close link b e t w e e n theologians, theology, and books and the changes being brought in theology because of the changing nature of the book (p. 186-187). In setting u p a framework for analysis of p o s t m o d e m visions, Joe Holland (1989) in Varieties of Post-Modem Thωlogy proposes a theory of the journey of h u m a n culture through four stages. At each transition, Holland identifies the place of media change as a m i d w i f e for the subsequent cultural changes (pp. 98-111). These examples, however, are notable because of their exceptionality.

References Babin, P. (1991). The new era in religious communication. Minneapolis, M N : Fortress. Bedell, K. (1993). Seminary study conductedfor the National Council of Churches Media Education Committee—Summary of findings. Unpublished document. Bellah, R. N., & B u m h a m , F. M. (1989). Postmodem theology. San Francisco: H a φ e r and Row. Bevans, S. B. (1992). Models of contextual theology. Maryknoll, NY: Oibis. Boomershine, T. E. (1987). Biblical megatrends: Toward a paradigm for the inteφretation of the Bible in electronic media. In K. H, Richards (Ed.), Society of biblical literature seminar papers (pp. 144-157). Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press. Boomershine, T. E. (1991). D o i n g theology in the electronic age: The meeting of orality and electricity. ]oumal of Theology, 95,4-14. Bosch, D. (1991). Thinsforming mission: Paradigm shifts in theology of mission. Maryknoll, NY: Oibis. Brasher, B. (1994). Life in multiple worlds: An archaeology of a UCC congregation alive and well in the modem/postmodern rupture. Paper presented to the annual meeting of the Society for the Scientific Study of Religion, Albuquerque, N M . B r o w n i n g D. (1983). Religious ethics and pastoral care. Philadelphia: Fortress.

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Browning, D. (1987). Religioi4s thought and the modem psychologies: A critical conversation in the theology of culture. Philadelphia: Fortress. B u m h a m , F. B. (Ed.). (1989). Postmodem theology: Christian faith in a pluralist world. San Francisco: Harper and Row. Davaney, S. (Ed.). (1991). Theology at the end of modemity. Philadelphia: Trinity. Edwards, M. (1994). Printing, propaganda, andMariin Luther. Berkeley: University of California Press. Eisenstein, E. (1979). The printing press as an agent of change: Communications and cultural transformations in early modem Europe (Vols. 1 & 2). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Gerhardsson, B. (1977). The origins of the gospel traditions. London: SCM Press. Griffin, D., Beardslee, W., & HoUand, J. (1989). Varieties of postmodem theology. Albany: State University of N e w York Press. Hauerwas, S. (1991). After Christendom? Sydney: Lancer. Holland, J. (1989) The p o s t m o d e m paradigm and contemporary Catholicism. In D. Griffin, W. Beardslee, & J. Holland (Eds.), Varieties of postmodem theology (pp. 9-27). Albany: State University of N e w York Press. Hoover, S. (1993a). Mass media and religious pluralism. In P. Lee (Ed.), The democratisation of communimtion. Cardiff: University of Wales Press. Hoover, S. (1993b, Spring). What d o w e d o about the media? Conrad Grebel Review, p p . 97-107. Hoover, S. (1988). AAass media religion: The social sources of the electronic church. N e w b u r y Park, CA: Sage. Horsfield, P. (1989, October). Teaching theology in a n e w cultural environment. Media Development, p p . 6-9. H u g h e s , P. (1993). Faith alive: An Australian picture. M e l b o u m e : Christian Research Association. Kress, G. (Ed.). (1988). Communication and culture. Kensington: University of N e w South Wales Press. Kiing, H., & Tracy, D. (Eds.). (1989). Paradigm change in theology: A symposium for the future. N e w York: Crossroad. Lindt>eck, G. A. (1984). The nature of doctrine: Religion and theology in a postliberal age. London: SPCK. Martin-Barbero, J. (1993). Communication, culture and hegemony: From the media to mediations. London: Sage. Marty, M. (1989). The social context of the m o d e m paradigm in theology: Achurch historian's view. In H. Kiing & D. Tracy (Eds.), Paradigm change in theology: A symposium for the future (pp. 174-201). N e w York: Crossroad. N e w b i g i n , L. (1989). The gospel in a pluralist society. London: SPCK. O d e n , T. (1984). Care of souls in the classic tradition. Philadelphia: Fortress. Oden, T. (1990). Agenda for theology: After modemity... what? Grand Rapids, MI: Academie. Ong, W. (1%7). The presence of the word: Some prologemenafor cultural and religious history. N e w H a v e n , CT: Yale University Press. Ong, W. (1982). Orality and literacy: The technologising of the word. London: Methuen. O s b o m , E. (1959). Teaching and writing in the first chapter of the Stromateis of Clement of Alexandria. Journal ofTheologiml Studies, 10,335-343. Pattinson, S. (1993). A critique of pastoral care (2nd ed.). London: SCM Press. Regan, H., & Torrance, A. (Eds.). (1993). Christ and context: The confrontation between gospel and culture. Edinburgh: Τ & Τ Clark. Toulmin, S. (1990). Cosmopolis: The hidden agenda of modemity. N e w York: Free Press.

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Tracy, D. (1987). Pluralih/ and ambiguity. San Francisco: H a φ e r and Row. Watson, N . (1994). "The philosopher should bathe and brush his teeth"—Congruence between w o r d and d e e d in Graeco-Roman philosophy and Paul's letter to the Corinthians. Australian Biblical Review, 42,1-16. Wuthnow, R. (1988). The restructuHng of American religion: Society and faith since World War U. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Wuthnow, R. (1993). Christianity in the 21st century: Reflections on the challenges ahead. N e w York: Oxford University Press.

Media, Meaning, and Method in Religious Studies

Chris Arthur

In his s h i d y of the Ituri Pygmies, Colin TumbuU (1961) describes the key role p l a y e d in their religious life b y the molinto, or sacred t r u m p e t . It is u s e d b y the tribe's elders to " w a k e n the forest" o n w h o s e complex w e b s of life t h e P y g m i e s are utterly d e p e n d e n t . Eventually, h a v i n g g a i n e d their trust, T u m b u l l is s h o w n the molimo, w h i c h is treated w i t h great reverence a n d secrecy. To his surprise, the P y g m i e s ' m o s t sacred object t u m s o u t to b e a length of m e t a l d r a i n p i p e (pp. 72-73). A similar e x a m p l e of h o w a n unlikely object m a y b e invested w i t h religious m e a n i n g w a s r e p o r t e d recently from San Francisco. A traffic bollard, d u m p e d s o m e years a g o in that city's G o l d e n G a t e Park, h a s c o m e to b e r e g a r d e d b y m a n y as a sacred object. H u n d r e d s of w o r s h i p p e r s , s o m e from as far a w a y as India, h a v e traveled to San Francisco to pray, meditate, a n d m a k e offerings of flowers a n d incense in front of this latter-day lingam (Reeves, 1993). Such instances powerfully u n d e r l i n e Mircea Eliade's (1958) thesis that " w e cann o t b e sure t h a t tiiere is a n y t h i n g that h a s n o t at s o m e time in h u m a n 184

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history b e e n transformed m t o a h i e r o p h a n y " (p. 11). E h a d e gives this generic n a m e to the diverse w a y s in w h i d i rehgion finds expression (rituals, m y t h s , cosmogonies, symbols, sacred places, scriptures, ceremonial costumes, s h a m a n i c dances, etc.). Hierophanies are the r a w material of rehgious studies. Given that h i u n a n rehgiousness expresses itself over s u c h a staggering r a n g e of forms—everything from traffic bollards to the Summa Theologiae—it is h n p o r t a n t for rehgious studies to try to cultivate a sensitivity to the variety of m e d i a t h r o u g h w h i c h its subject m a t t e r finds voice; otherwise w e m a y e n d u p uncritically a s s u n h n g that rehgion a d m i t s of neater definition a n d m o r e clear-cut b o u n d a r i e s t h a n is in fact the case. Yet there is a t e n d e n c y in the discipline t o w a r d media-blindness. Such b l i n d n e s s ignores w h a t Len M a s t e r m a n (1985) sees as the fhst principle of m e d i a studies, n a m e l y that " m e d i a are s y m b o h c systems w h i c h n e e d to b e actively read, a n d n o t unproblematic, self-explanatory reflections of reality" (p. 20). M a s t e r m a n offers a simple illustration of the w a y in w h i c h this principle t e n d s to b e ignored. A n art teacher h o l d s u p a p a i n t i n g of a horse in front of a class a n d asks w h a t it is. The invariable reply is: "it's a horse." The teacher shakes his h e a d a n d asks again. Eventually t h e distinction b e t w e e n a h o r s e a n d its representation o n canvas is established. The s a m e p o i n t is m a d e in Rene Magritte's famous p a i n t i n g of a p i p e across w h i c h is written, "ceci n'est pas une pipe." P e r h a p s b o o k s a b o u t rehgion s h o u l d b e a r similar disclaimers o n t h e h covers to r e m i n d u s of the w a y m w h i c h o u r w o r l d s of m e a n i n g are constructed from m e d i a representations.

in

Significant Breakthroughs?

A t u m m g point, according to Ursula King, editor of TUming Points in Religious Studies (1990), " i m p h e s a significant b r e a k t h r o u g h " (p. 15). W h e t h e r or n o t the contributors to this v o l u m e h a v e b e e n successful in identifying such b r e a k t h r o u g h s is debatable. The final section, w i t h c h a p ters b y John Hinnells, King herself, a n d K i m Knott, d o e s s e e m to p i n point—in the arts, gender, a n d information technology—three v e r y significant currents that h a v e the potential to alter in quite f u n d a m e n t a l w a y s the course the discipline foUows. That t w o of these n e w l y e m e r g e n t

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t u r n i n g p o i n t s (or p a r a d i g m shifts) are principally c o n c e m e d w i t h m e d i a issues, is indicative of the w a y in w h i c h the relationship b e t w e e n religion a n d m e d i a is likely to b e increasingly seen as a cmcially i m p o r t a n t area of study^ In his essay o n religion a n d the arts, John Hinnells (1990) begins b y n o t i n g that m a s s literacy is "a relatively recent a n d still m a i n l y ' w e s t e m ' p h e n o m e n o n , " a claim h o m e o u t b y c o m p a r a t i v e s u r v e y s of national a d u l t literacy rates. It foUows, therefore, that " o v e r the millennia t h e majority of the w o r l d ' s religious p e o p l e h a v e b e e n illiterate." A s such, w h e n the s t u d y of religion focuses o n textual sources, it risks " p l u g g i n g in to a level of religion w h i c h m o s t of the practitioners are not, or h a v e n o t b e e n e n g a g e d in." To counteract the risk of such a partial view, Hinnells a r g u e s that in addition to looking at w r i t t e n sources, the subject m u s t recognize in the arts a second significant form of religious expression. T h e arts, h e says, d o n o t just constitute the earliest m e a n s of religious c o m m u n i c a t i o n , " b u t represent a major form of religious expression in m o d e m times as w e l l " (p. 257). Marginalizing the a r t s — a n d Hinnells sees this as a c o m m o n failing in religious studies—^means "excluding the possibility of a n a d e q u a t e appreciation of w h a t it is that m a k e s religion a living experience for the practitioner" (p. 271). G i v e n the e n o r m o u s diversity of hierophanies that constitute the r a w material of o u r study, s a m p l i n g those that manifest themselves in w r i t i n g is, n a t u r a l l y i m p o r t a n t . But it o u g h t to b e only p a r t of a m u c h m o r e w i d e - r a n g i n g investigation. Gregory Schopen's methodologically i m p o r t a n t paper, "Archaeolo g y a n d Protestant Presuppositions in the S t u d y of I n d i a n B u d d h i s m " (1991), substantiates Hinnells' w a r n i n g s b y pointing to specific e x a m p l e s in w h i c h media-bias leads to the misrepresentation of religion. Schopen is c o n c e m e d w i t h exposing a d o u b l e peculiarity. The w a y in w h i c h the history of I n d i a n B u d d h i s m h a s b e e n studied b y m o d e m scholars is, h e says, "decidedly peculiar." But w h a t is e v e n m o r e peculiar "is that it h a s rarely b e e n seen to b e so." The roots of these t w i n peculiarities lie in precisely the k i n d of media-blindness that M a s t e r m a n (1985) identifies, a n d the lesson Schopen offers is a n a l o g o u s to the art teacher's efforts to get his class to recognize the difference b e t w e e n a h o r s e a n d its representation in a painting. H i s p a p e r r e m i n d s u s that there are a variety of m o d e s of religious expression to b e considered, that different i m a g e s of B u d d h i s m can b e c o n s t m c t e d from different m e d i a sources.

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W h y is the s t u d y of h i d i a n B u d d h i s m " p e c u h a r " ? Because, says Schopen (1991), it operates a "curious a n d u n a r g u e d preference for a certain k i n d of source m a t e r i a l " (p. 1). There are t w o basic s t r a n d s of m e d i a that cast h g h t o n this area. O n the o n e h a n d , there is archaeological material; o n the other, there are textual sources. Schopen identifies a clear scholarly preference for hterary rather t h a n archaeological material. Ind e e d , such is the strength of this preference that "textuaUty overrides a c t u a h t y " (p. 11). Real B u d d h i s m comes to b e e q u a t e d w i t h textual B u d d h i s m . A n d yet the hterary material consists of heavily edited texts that are i n t e n d e d " t o inculcate a n ideal," that record " w h a t a small atypical p a r t of the B u d d h i s t c o n u n u n i t y w a n t e d that c o m m u r u t y to b e h e v e or practice" (p. 3), w h e r e a s the archaeological material "records or reflects at least a p a r t of w h a t B u d d h i s t s actually practiced a n d b e h e v e d " (p. 2). H a v i n g n o t e d the pecuharity of simply allowing hterary sources to a s s u m e primacy, a media-bias that h e also detects in the s t u d y of early Christianity, Schopen a t t e m p t s to account for it. T h e idea t h a t rehgion is located in written sources is, h e suggests, "a decidedly n o n - n e u t r a l a n d n a r r o w l y limited Protestant a s s u m p t i o n " (p. 19). In other w o r d s , o u r picture of I n d i a n B u d d h i s m m a y reflect W e s t e m theological v a l u e s as m u c h as it reflects the history a n d values of I n d i a n B u d d h i s m . By focusing too m u c h o n written sources, w e m a y e n d u p w i t h a picture of B u d d h i s m that i n a d e q u a t e l y reflects t h e variety of p h e n o m e n a that m a k e u p this complex a n d diverse tradition. h \ The Meaning of Religion, W. Brede Kristensen (1960) a r g u e d tiiat if w e try to i m d e r s t a n d rehgious d a t a from a different v i e w p o i n t from tiiat of the behevers, w e " n e g a t e the rehgious r e a h t y " (p. 13). Both Hinnells a n d Schopen are c o n c e m e d that precisely s u c h a negation m a y routinely h a p p e n because of a b l i n d n e s s to t h e significance of m e d i a , w h i c h in t u m leads to a n uncritical preference for written sources. A n a s s u m p t i o n a b o u t w h a t rehgion is, w h e t h e r expressed exphcitiy in a definition, or imphcitly as a media-bias that leads u s only to consider o n e t y p e of material, can h a v e the effect of d h e c t i n g o u r i n q u h i e s a w a y from the actual rehgiousness of those w h o constitute the h v i n g reahty of a faith a n d t o w a r d abstract formulations w h o s e claim to b e representative of such faiths is o p e n to question, t h u s C a n t w e l l Smith's (1978) objection to tiie very concepts " r e h g i o n " a n d " t h e rehgi o n s " (p. 153). A s Margaret Miles (1985) h a s s h o w n , w h a t imtil recentiy

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w a s r e g a r d e d as b e i n g universal h u m a n history is, in fact, largely the history of a n atypical, privileged minority, n a m e l y of those w h o read a n d write. If w e w a n t to democratize religious studies a n d e n s u r e that o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of religions is fairly representative of the actual p h e n o m e n a that m a k e u p the different faiths, t h e n it is i m p o r t a n t n o t to a d o p t a single m e d i i m i a p p r o a c h . There are, for example, m a n y " w h o s e sense of self a n d relationship w a s informed b y i m a g e s rather t h a n w o r d s " (p. 152).

! • Media and the Understanding of Religious Expression The w o r k of scholars like Hinnells a n d Schopen alerts u s to the existence of different m e d i a of religious expression a n d s h o w s h o w o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of religion m a y b e s k e w e d if w e over-emphasize o n e type. Walter Q n g a n d Jack G o o d y are m o r e c o n c e m e d w i t h the extent to w h i c h different m e d i a can actually s h a p e o u r religiousness in the first place. To try to s u m m a r i z e the w o r k of such prolific scholars here w o u l d b e misplaced; I w a n t simply to t o u c h o n s o m e of their ideas that serve to further strengthen the case for saying that the field of religious studies n e e d s to a d o p t a m o r e media-conscious methodology. It is perilously easy to s u p p o s e that "after a theology is t h o u g h t o u t or p u t together, m e d i a simply circulate it" (Ong, 1969, p . 462). Walter O n g ' s w o r k challenges this k i n d of (still pervasive) naivete b y highlighting the cogrutive consequences of introducing a n e w m e d i u m . According to O n g (1982), " m o r e t h a n a n y other invention writing h a s transformed h u m a n consciousness" (p. 78). WTithout writing, the literate m i n d " s i m p l y could n o t thirJc as it d o e s . " N o t only d o e s a m e d i u m like writing influence the individual, it also affects societies. "Oral c o m m u n i c a t i o n unites p e o ple in g r o u p s . Writing a n d reading are solitary activities that t h r o w the psyche back o n itself" (p. 69). Looking at differences b e t w e e n oral a n d literate cultures, O n g highlights the extent to w h i c h a m e d i u m facilitates a n d m o l d s thinking, rather t h a n just neutrally carrying its ideas. For instance, oral societies m u s t invest m u c h time a n d energy in repetition, saying things over a n d over again to avoid forgetting. "This n e e d establishes a highly traditionalist or conservative set of m i n d that inhibits intellectual e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n " (p. 41).

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In contrast, the text frees u s from such conservative m e m o r y tasks, t h u s enabling the m i n d " t o t u m itself to n e w speculation." I n d e e d for O n g , writing "separates the k n o w e r from the k n o w n a n d t h u s sets u p conditions for Objectivity' in the sense of p e r s o n a l d i s e n g a g e m e n t or distancing" (p. 46). T h a t this will h a v e p r o f o u n d rehgious i m p h c a t i o n s is clear. S o m e of these imphcations are spelled o u t b y Jack Goody. H e suggests that in oral cultures a w o r d like God " m a y h a r d l y b e conceived of as a separate entity, divorced from b o t h the rest of the sentence a n d its social context. But, once given t h e physical reahty of w r i t h t g it can take o n a life of its o w n " (Goody & Watt, 1968, p . 53). By objectifying w o r d s a n d b y " m a k i n g t h e h m e a n i n g avidlable for m u c h m o r e p r o l o n g e d a n d intensive s c m t i n y them is possible orally," writing "encourages private t h o u g h t " (p. 62). G o o d y sees rehgion as b e m g p r o f o u n d l y influenced b y writing. Literacy facihtates the d e v e l o p m e n t of w o r l d , rather t h a n m o r e local, rehgions. It also gives rise to s o m e of t h e characteristics of such w o r l d rehgions—universahty, l o w tolerance of change, a n d so on—just as the absence of hteracy h e l p s to s h a p e less e n c o m p a s s i n g traditions (Goody, 1986, p p . 3-5,9-10,20,22).

m

T h e M e d i a D i m e n s i o n of Religion

In a review article in Nutnen, the j o u m a l of the I n t e m a t i o n a l Association for the History of Rehgion, H a n s K i p p e n b e r g (1992) identified w h a t h e t e r m s "a n e w area for d e v e l o p m e n t in the s t u d y of rehgions," in w h i c h "the hterary forms u s e d b y the great r e h g i o n s " w o u l d b e e x a m i n e d (p. 107). A l t h o u g h it is g o o d to see a n article a p p e a r i n g in w h i c h the significance of Jack G o o d y ' s w o r k is a c k n o w l e d g e d , it w o u l d b e a s h a m e to confine this n e w area of d e v e l o p m e n t to hterary forms alone. We n e e d , rather, to a t t e n d to all the varieties of m e d i a u s e d to express rehgiousness. Indeed, in m u c h the s a m e w a y ti\at dentists u s e disclosmg fluid to reveal the extent of placque, so s o m e methodological equivalent is n e e d e d in rehgious studies so that the i m p o r t a n t m e d i a - d i m e n s i o n involved h\ this subject d o e s n o t go urmoticed. Such disclosiue is i m p o r t a n t , n o t so w e can r e m o v e s o m e t h i n g u n w a n t e d , as in the d e n t a l m o d e l , b u t s i m p l y so w e m a y b e a w a r e of its action a n d influence, b o t h o n the discipline emd o n its subject matter. In particular, w e n e e d to e n s u r e that a m u l t i - rather t h a n a

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m o n o - m e d i a a p p r o a c h is a d o p t e d ; that a r a n g e of m e d i a , a p p r o p r i a t e to the r a n g e of hierophanies, are consulted. A t least five a r g u m e n t s c o u l d b e d e v e l o p e d in favor of s u c h a strategy. First, as Hinnells, Schopen, a n d others h a v e suggested, a media-bias in favor of w r i t i n g can act to shift o u r focus from actual lived religiousness to abstract statements of ideals. But as N i n i a n Smart (1988) r e m i n d s u s , "Ultimately the m o s t i m p o r t a n t s y m b o l s c o m m u n i c a t i n g the essence of religion are the p e o p l e i n v o l v e d " (p. 443). We risk losing sight of p e o p l e as the m o s t i m p o r t a n t m e d i u m of all, if w e fail to take account of tihe full r a n g e of w a y s in w h i c h they express their religiousness—drain pipes, traffic bollards, cave paintings, dance, architecture, and writing. Second, if, as O n g , Goody, a n d others h a v e suggested, m e d i a are p a r t a n d parcel of religious thirudng, n o t simply inert m e a n s of conveying it, then if w e w a n t to access the full s p e c t r u m of s u c h t h o u g h t , w e m u s t n o t confine o u r attention to a n y single m e d i u m . If major religious d e v e l o p m e n t s are related to the evolution a n d availability of different m e d i a , t h e n to u n d e r s t a n d the history of religion, w e n e e d a media-sensitive a p proach. Third, if, as is often claimed, religious experience is in s o m e sense b e y o n d w o r d s , then it w o u l d b e u n w i s e to b e over-reliant o n verbal sources. Likewise, if w e allow that inexpressibility in general t e n d s to b e a n i m p o r t a n t feature of virtually all forms of religious expression, t h e n in light of the a p p a r e n t c o m m u n i c a t i v e failure u n d e r l y i n g every hierophany, it w o u l d s e e m m o r e a p p r o p r i a t e to consider the full r a n g e of expressive a t t e m p t s , rather t h a n limiting ourselves to a n y o n e variety. I.T. R a m s e y (1964) h a s suggested a n elegant theory, b a s e d o n the media-consequences of religion's ineffable, m y s t e r i o u s core, that h e l p s to explain the seemingly endless diversity of expression foimd in this realm of h i m i a n experience. Religious l a n g u a g e , R a m s e y argues, is p e p p e r e d w i t h "qualifiers," t e r m s such as "infiiute," " e t e m a l , " "perfect," "all powerful," a n d such like, that h a v e a two-fold function: first, to r e m i n d u s of the ineffable a n d mysterio u s generative aspect of religion that s p a w n e d t h e m ; a n d second, to indicate that n o expression can fully describe, e n c o m p a s s , or e x h a u s t that aspect. Qualifiers serve to " m u l t i p l y m o d e l s w i t h o u t e n d " (p. 60). A s such, it w o u l d b e i n a p p r o p r i a t e for religious studies to treat a n y o n e m o d e l or t y p e of m o d e l as definitive. Fourth, m a n y of O n g ' s a n d G o o d y ' s insights h a v e b e e n stimulated b y experiencing the m o v e from literate to televisual culture. Such a c h a n g e

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in the d o m i n a n t social m e d i m n acts to sensitize u s to t h e existence a n d impact of m e d i a in o u r hves. F r o m a rehgious p o i n t of view, T h o m a s Boomershhie (1987) h a s suggested that s u c h c h a n g e s are revolutionary in that they can transform the character of a c o m m u n i t y ' s experience of the sacred (p. 275). The w a y in w h i c h TV effects such a transformation, the recasting of rehgion that it d e m a n d s , o u g h t surely to b e a m a t t e r of urgent, current, a n d substantial interest to rehgious studies. Fifth, given the fact that television is v i e w e d b y s o m e c o m m e n t a t o r s as a rehgious or quasi-rehgious p h e n o m e n o n itself (e.g., Babin, 1991; Fore, 1987; Goethals, 1990; Warren, 1992), aspects of m o d e m m a s s m e d i a m a y b e of quite direct interest to rehgious studies. If w e locate rehgion in a n y o n e particular m e d i u m , w e m a y prejudice o u r chances of seeing s u c h novel marufestations of rehgiousness. Again, w e n e e d to a v o i d the blinkering of vision that can so easily result from the a s s u m e d definitions of uncritical media-bias. This is to suggest, very briefly, s o m e of the w a y s in w h i c h m e d i a influence rehgious m e a r u n g a n d s o m e of the w a y s in w h i c h rehgious studies n e e d s to reformulate its m e t h o d o l o g y to take account of this i m p o r t a n t fact. In e x p a n d i n g the a r g u m e n t , w e m i g h t w a n t to a d d to the w o r k of Hinnells a n d Schopen a t h h d e x a m p l e of a media-sensitive approach, in the form of Wilham G r a h a m ' s s u p e r b s t u d y of the oral d h n e n s i o n of scripture. Beyond the Written Word (1987). Attention m i g h t also b e given to the w a y in w h i c h Rudolf Otto's (1923) picture of rehgion as a w a r p a n d woof of rational a n d non-rational elements, l e n d s itself to s u p p o r t i n g a n a p p r o a c h that d o e s not rely only o n verbal sources.^ A n d s o m e attention m i g h t also b e given to the w a y in w h i c h the disciphne itself m i g h t inculcate a n o p e n n e s s to n e w forms of m e d i a in expressing the results of its work.^ However, the m e d i u m of a short c h a p t e r in a b o o k i m p o s e s its o w n constraints, so the further exploration of these m a t t e r s m u s t b e located elsewhere.

Notes 1. The present v o l u m e itself is, of course, expressive of this tendency. Further indication of the extent to w h i c h media-related issues have c o m e to t)e regarded as highly significant for religion is voiced b y m a n y of the contributors to Arthur (1993). (See also m y essay review of books in this area, in Religious Studies Review, 21(2), 98-104 [1995]). A s the editors of Concilium 1 9 9 3 / 6 put it, in an issue d e v o t e d to the mass media, media quite simply "shape

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our perceptions of reality" and their significance o u g h t to be assessed accordingly (Coleman & T o m k a , 1 9 9 3 , p. vii). 2. For s o m e interesting ideas about h o w Rudolf Otto's famous account of the relationship b e t w e e n rational and nonrational elements in religion can b e linked to different media of religious expression, see Babin, 1991. (This aspect of Babin's w o r k is highlighted in m y review of his book in Media Deuelopment, 38(4), 44 (1991]). 3. For s o m e ideas about possible n e w forms of media for academic communication, see the "calls for papers" section in the joumal Common Knowledge, 1(1) (1992), p p . 4-11. The points m a d e by Greil Marcus (p. 8) and Paul Feyerabend (pp. 8-10) are of particular interest.

References Arthur, C. (Ed.). (1993). Religion and the media, an introductory reader. Cardiff: University of Wales Press. Babin, P. (1991). The new era in religious communimtion (D. Smith, Trans.). Minneapolis, M N : Augsburg. Boomershine, T. (1987). Religious education and media change. Religious Education, 82(2), 269-278. Coleman, J., & Tomka, M. (Eds.). (1993). Mass media. Concilium, 6. Eliade, M. (1958). Pattems in comparative religion. London: Sheed and Ward. Fore, W. (1987). Television and religion: The shaping of faith, values, and culture. Minneapolis, M N : Augsburg. Goethals, G. (1990). The electronic golden calf: Images, religion, and the making of meaning. Cambridge, MA: Cowley. Goody, J. (1986). The logic of vniting and the organization of society. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Goody, J., & Watt, I. (1%8). The consequences of literacy. In J. G o o d y (Ed.), Literacy in traditional societies (pp. 27-68). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Graham, W. A. (1987). Beyond the written word: Oral aspects of scripture in the history of religion. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Hinnells, J. (1990). Religion and the arts. In U. King (Ed.), Turning points in religious studies (pp. 257-274). Edinburgh: Τ and Τ Clark. K i n g U. (Ed.). (1990). TUming points in religious studies. Edinburgh: T. and T. Clark. Kippenberg, H. G. (1992). The problem of literacy in the history of religions. [Review Article] Numen, 39(1), 102-107. Kristensen, W. B. (1960). The meaning of religion: Lectures in the phenomenology of religion. Q. B. Carman, Trans.). The H a g u e , The Netherlands: Mouton. Masterman, L. (1985). Teaching the media. London: Comedia. Miles, M. (1985). Image as insight: Visual understanding in westem Christianity and secular culture. Boston: Beacon. O n g W. (1969). Communications media and the state of theology. Cross Currents, 19,462-480. O n g W. (1982). Orality and literacy: The technologizing of the word. London: Methuen. Otto, R. (1923). The idea of the holy: An inquiry into the non-rational factor in the idea of the divine and its relation to the rational Q. W. Harvey, Trans.). Oxford, UK- Oxford University Press. Ramsey, I. T. (1964). Models and mystery. London: Oxford University Press. Reeves, Ρ (1993, October 31). Lo and behold, a bollard. Independent on Sunday, p. 1.

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Schopen, G. (1991). Archaeology and Protestant presuppositions in the study of Indian Buddhism. History of Religions, 31(1), 1-23. Smart, N, (1988). Communication. In E. B a m o u w (Ed.) Intemational encyclopedia of communication (vol. 3, p p . 443-446). N e w York: Oxford University Press. Smith, W. C. (1978). The meaning and end of religion. London: SPCK. Turnbull, C. (1961). Theforest people. London: Jonathan Cape. Warren, M. (1992). Communication and cultural analysis: A religious view. Westport, CT: Bergin and Garvey

Chapter

-^ψ^^

Televangelism Redressive Ritual Within a Larger Social Drama

Bobby C. Alexander

This chapter calls attention to televangehsm's role as redressive ritual within a larger social d r a m a or social confhct in w h i c h t e l e v a n g e h s m ' s conservative O u i s t i a n viewers are players. A s w e will see, as ritual, televangelism h a s the capacity a n d potential to contribute to the efforts of viewers to o v e r t u r n t h e h marginalized or p e r i p h e r a l social s t a n d i n g w i t h i n A m e r i c a n society. The analysis of televangehsm as ritual presented here is offered as a reconsideration of the attraction t e l e v a n g e h s m h o l d s for its viewers. Broadly defined. Html is a performance that m a k e s a transition a w a y from the e v e r y d a y w o r l d to a n altemative context w i t h i n w h i c h the e v e r y d a y is transformed. The transformations that ritual b r i n g s a b o u t are m o r e t h a n s y m b o h c . T h e y carry over into the e v e r y d a y w o r l d , influencing p e o p l e to v i e w the w o r l d a n d to act in it in n e w w a y s . Ritual transforms the experiential b a s e o u t of w h i c h p e o p l e h v e t h e h e v e r y d a y hves (Geertz, 1973; Tumer, 1974, 1985). Ritual is essentially "a showing of a doing" 194

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(Schec±iner, 1977/1987). A s d e m o n s t r a t i v e performance, ritual displays the fact that participants are e n g a g e d in actions b y w h i c h they constitute themselves. By m e a n s of ritual, participants b e c o m e their performing a n d perform their b e c o m i n g (Driver, 1991). We will see h o w viewers discover, in televangelism's capacity to serve as ritual legitimation, the potential to transform their status as a social g r o u p in A m e r i c a n society from that of a marginalized g r o u p into a significant g r o u p , at least in their o w n eyes. We will also see h o w v i e w e r s discover, in televangeUsm's capacity as ritual to a d a p t t h e m to s o m e of the v i e w s a n d lifestyles of m a i n s t r e a m A m e r i c a n society, the potential to transform their social status. A c c o n u n o d a t i o n to the social mainstreeun h a s the potential to w i n for viewers greater acceptance b y it, a n d h e n c e greater inclusion a n d status w i t h i n it. H o w the television m e d i u m a n d the public n a t u r e of its m e s s a g e lend themselves, at a m o r e general level, to efforts of televangeUsm's marginalized constituency to construct a m o r e m a i n s t r e a m identity is explored in the chapter b y White in this v o l u m e . The holy w a r w a g e d b y televangeUsm's viewers against c o n t e m p o rary A m e r i c a n society is obvious, as is their battle to gain greater poUtical p o w e r a n d influence w i t h i n the w i d e r society as reUgious conservatives. Viewers are also e n g a g e d in a battle that is less obvious: gaining greater recognition a n d inclusion within m a i n s t r e a m A m e r i c a n society. TelevangeUsm's viewers are a " m a r g i n a l i z e d " social g r o u p (Bruce, 1990; W u t h n o w , 1989). Their c o m n u t m e n t to their n a r r o w l y conservative reUgious beUef a n d moraUty a n d their n a r r o w l y conservative position o n social a n d poUtical issues lead m a i n s t r e a m society to p u s h televangelism viewers to its margins. T h e social m a i n s t r e a m is highly secularized, pluraUstic in m a k e u p , a n d c o n u n i t t e d to a democratic w a y of life in the b r o a d e s t sense. The A m e r i c a n m a i n s t r e a m is itself reUgious (as s h o w n b y t h e recent s t u d y m a d e b y the G r a d u a t e Center of the City University of N e w York, 1991). ReUgion h a s long p l a y e d a role in s h a p i n g A m e r i c a n society, a n d Americans continue to look to reUgion to h e l p s h a p e pubUc values. But m a i n s t r e a m society d o e s n o t p e r m i t a n y single reUgion to b e the sole supervisor, legitimizer, or arbiter of pubUc values a n d pubUc life (Bruce, 1988). A l t h o u g h A m e r i c a n society a n d the Christian a n d Jewish reUgions are intermeshed, they are n o t s y n o n y m o u s . M a i n s t r e a m society considers the j u d g m e n t a l a n d exclusive reUgion of televangeUsm's conservative Christian viewers incompatible w i t h the

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democratic w a y of life. A l t h o u g h viewers e m b r a c e democracy—freedom of rehgious expression m a k e s a h i n g the rehgious telecasts possible—they are n o t as tolerant of other v i e w s a n d w o u l d restrict the freedom of those n o t practicing conservative Christian morahty. M a i n s t r e a m society considers as outright hostile the pohtical a g e n d a of the Rehgious Right for w h i c h televangelism is a platform. Conservative Christian politics is v i e w e d as a n a t t e m p t to i m p o s e a n a r r o w rehgious m o r a h t y o n others b y r e d h e c t i n g legislation a n d court decisions. The A m e r i c a n m a i n s t r e a m actively o p p o s e s these efforts, from denunciations b y the n e w s m e d i a , to p u n i t i v e court decisions, restrictive legislation, chaUenges at the p a r t y precinct level, a n d the Uke. To b e sure, t e l e v a n g e h s m ' s conservative Christian viewers particip a t e in secular society. T h e y vote, e n g a g e in the entertainments, a n d so forth (Bruce, 1988,1990; Hunter, 1983,1987). But viewers are only partly secularized (Bruce, 1990). T h e h theological behefs a n d m o r a h t y h a v e n o t c h a n g e d significantly from t h e rehgion of viewers of televangelism m its infancy m the d e c a d e of the 1950s (Gerbner et al., 1984). Viewers b e h e v e the Bible is UteraUy true, because, it is b e h e v e d , it h a s b e e n revealed b y G o d himself. T h e y h o l d fast to bibhcal morahty, a n d they subscribe to the millenarian a n d antisecular v i e w of scripture. These definmg features of v i e w e r s ' rehgion—^most are fundamentalists a n d Pentecostals (Gerbner et a l , 1984)—distmguish t h e m from m e m b e r s of m a m s t r e a m society. A l t h o u g h the social m a i n s t r e a m is rehgious m the m a i n , t h e h religion h a s long a c c o m m o d a t e d the secular w o r l d v i e w a n d lifestyle. The behefs of t e l e v a n g e h s m ' s v i e w e r s lead t h e m to o p p o s e secular society. Televangehsm viewers b e h e v e secular society is aUied w i t h Satan in a n effort to defeat G o d a n d G o d ' s p u r p o s e s for the w o r l d . The m i h t a n c y of viewers in p r o m o t i n g bibhcal m o r a h t y is m o t i v a t e d b y the v i e w that the m o r a l regeneration of the secular w o r l d is critical to the defeat of Satan a n d to G o d ' s r e d e m p t i o n of creation. Viewers b e h e v e that they are G o d ' s agents in the w o r l d a n d that their efforts are vital to the defeat of Satan. Their m i h t a n c y is also m o t i v a t e d b y the behef that the cosmic battle b e t w e e n G o d a n d Satan for eternal d o m i n i o n over the Earth is c o m i n g to a h e a d , for Satan h a s s t e p p e d u p his battle a g a m s t G o d in these last d a y s . Viewers b e h e v e they will h a v e a share in G o d ' s p e r p e t u a l rule as a r e w a r d for r e m a i n i n g faithful to G o d a n d to G o d ' s p u r p o s e s . Conservative Christian behef is n o t m o n o h t h i c . There are significant theological a n d ecclesiastical differences a m o n g the viewers of the v a r i o u s

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p r o g r a m s . Fimdamentalists, for e x a m p l e , reject s p e a k i n g in t o n g u e s , t h e h a l l m a r k of Pentecostalism, a n d t h e belief that t h e spiritual gifts are necessary for full salvation. Pentecostals criticize fundamentalists' e m phasis o n church order. M o s t viewers, however, share a "fundamentalistic" beUef (Gerbner et al., 1984).^ The relatively small n u m b e r of viewers of televangelism accentuates their m a r g i n a l status in A m e r i c a n society. O n l y a r o u n d 13.3 million people—^5% of t h e A m e r i c a n population—regularly w a t c h s o m e form of religious television, including conservative p r o g r a m m i n g . Of these, oruy 5 5 % report h a v i n g h a d a " b o m - a g a i n " experience, the chief indicator of fundamentalistic Christianity. A n d those w h o w a t c h religious telecasts are b y a n d large already conunitted to their religion a n d are already c h u r c h e d (Gerbner et al., 1984). T h e small p o p u l a t i o n of v i e w e r s is i m d e r scored b y the relatively small n u m b e r of conservative Christians. They m a k e u p only 16% of t h e American p o p u l a t i o n (McKinney & Roof, 1987). T h e n u m b e r of conservative Christians w h o w a t c h televangelism is even s m a l l e r T h e size of t h e Religious Right is also relatively small, as u n d e r s c o r e d b y the failure of this g r o u p to effect t h e hoped-for s w e e p i n g political changes at the national level d u r i n g the 1980s. O t h e r indicators of the relatively small size of this g r o u p are t h e defeat suffered b y P a t Robertson in his b i d for t h e Republican p a r t y ' s presidential n o m i n a tion a n d Jerry Falwell's closing d o w n the M o r a l Majority d u e to i n a d e q u a t e financial s u p p o r t (Bruce, 1988,1990).^ T h e small n u m b e r of v i e w e r s also calls attention t o t h e m a r g i n a l religious beliefs a n d morality of viewers. U n d e r threat a n d u n d e r fire b y m a i n s t r e a m A m e r i c a n society, v i e w e r s discover in t h e ritual b a s e a n d features of televangelism o p p o r t u n i t i e s to legitimate or establish in their o w n eyes the credibility a n d significance of their religion a n d morality as well as of their religious g r o u p . Selflegitimation is critical to t h e efforts of televangeUsm's v i e w e r s a n d p r o m o t e r s to mobiUze poUticaUy a n d to p r o m o t e their social a g e n d a . A t t h e s a m e time, mobilization serves their interest in defending their reUgion a n d reUgious g r o u p , as weU as their effort to p r o m o t e themselves as a sigruficant social g r o u p a n d to p u s h for greater inclusion w i t h i n m a i n stream society. Viewers also discover in televangeUsm's ritual b a s e a n d features m e a n s of a d a p t i n g or a c c o m m o d a t i n g themselves to t h e secularized outlook a n d Ufestyle of the very society w h o s e secularity a n d pluraUstic

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m a k e u p are o p p o s e d b y their rehgion. Televangehsm h e l p s v i e w e r s l e a m m o r e a b o u t social a n d pohtical issues w i t h i n the w i d e r secular society. It gives t h e m a n o p p o r t u n i t y to experiment w i t h s o m e of the sensibihties of secular society a n d w i t h the secular lifestyle. Becoming m o r e h k e those " o u t t h e r e " in the secular w o r l d m a k e s viewers less suspect. Incentive for a d a p t i n g g r o w s o u t of the recognition that the social m a i n s t r e a m p r o m ises greater inclusion to those w h o b e c o m e m o r e secularized, w h o e m brace a w a y of life that is in keeping w i t h the b r o a d e r democratic a n d plurahstic o u t l o o k of the social mainstream. \ ^ e w e r s are n o t just flhting w i t h the secular lifestyle b e c a u s e they fmd it enticmg. Experimentation w i t h secular sensibihties is a n a d a p t i v e strategy, i m d e r t a k e n to w i n the acceptance of m a i n s t r e a m society. Self-legitimation of v i e w e r s ' rehgion a n d a d a p t a t i o n or a c c o m m o d a tion to s o m e of the d e m a n d s of secular society are contradictory ritual roles. The contradiction expresses the cross-pressiues of c o m p e t i n g rehgious a n d social mterests pulling viewers in opposite dhections. The confhct over televangelism's role as ritual also gives expression to v i e w e r s ' ambivalence t o w a r d secular society—^it challenges their rehgious behefs—and t o w a r d t h e h religion—^it p r e v e n t s t h e m from gaining the acceptance of the social m a i n s t r e a m .

β

\ ^ e w e r s ' Ritual Participation in the Telecasts

Televangelism's effectiveness as ritual in legitimating a n d a d a p t i n g viewers is e n h a n c e d b y v i e w e r s ' active participation in the television performances. (I a m modifying the conventional u n d e r s t a n d i n g of ritual as face-to-face interaction to include h o m e viewers as participants in the telecast performances.) Viewers p u t themselves in a position t o e n g a g e in the telecast perform a n c e s b y first ritualizing t h e h viewing. They w a t c h w i t h regularity, a n d they also estabhsh ritual routines that p r e p a r e t h e m to participate actively in the telecasts. Of the viewers w h o w a t c h Robertson, Falwell, a n d S w a g gart, a n d w h o w a t c h e d the Bakkers, 4 3 % p r a y before they t u m o n the p r o g r a m s , a n d 7 7 % p r a y after they t u m off t h e p r o g r a m . Before they t u m o n the p r o g r a m , 4 0 % read the Bible; a n d 29% d o so after they t u m off the p r o g r a m . (Of these, 2 3 % p u r c h a s e d the Bible they u s e from the TV

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ministry airing the p r o g r a m they watch. In fact, 6 3 % p u r c h a s e s t u d y materials or m e m e n t o s from the television ministry.)^ Viewers' ritualized p r e p a r a t i o n serves as a r u n w a y leading u p to participating in the activities u n d e r t a k e n in the telecasts. Of the v i e w e r s w h o took p a r t in m y s u r v e y 82% indicated that they participate in the w o r s h i p format of the p r o g r a m ( 5 1 % d o so frequently); 8 2 % p r a y along with the telecast; a n d 3 7 % read the Bible along w i t h the p r o g r a m . Ritually e n g a g i n g in the telecasts enables viewers to t a p t h e transform a t i v e p o w e r of ritual a n d to participate fully in the reconstructions of the e v e r y d a y w o r l d a n d of v i e w e r s ' identity a n d status in it t h a t are b r o u g h t a b o u t b y the telecast performamces. These transformations are m a d e possible as the telecast performances h e l p viewers m a k e a transition a w a y from the e v e r y d a y w o r l d to a n altemative context w i t h i n w h i c h the secular w o r l d is r e c o n s t m c t e d along the lines of v i e w e r s ' millenarian vision, or within w h i c h viewers experiment w i t h m a i n s t r e a m v i e w s a n d styles of life. The transition is b e g i m as viewers ritually p r e p a r e to participate in the p r o g r a m s a n d is continued b y the o p e n i n g s of the p r o g r a m s . The telecasts begin w i t h a routine greeting e x t e n d e d b y hosts or b y a n announcer. These are a c c o m p a n i e d b y the t h e m e m u s i c for the v a r i o u s p r o g r a m s or b y congregational singing. In the case of Falwell's The Old-Time Gospel Hour, the greeting segues into a w o r s h i p service in p r o gress. Logos identified w i t h the various p r o g r a m s a n d other visual s y m bols also h e l p viewers m a k e a transition to the telecast performances. Frequent m e n t i o n of the religious or m o r a l t h e m e for a particular p r o g r a m also h e l p s viewers shift their attention a w a y from the secular, e v e r y d a y w o r l d a n d t o w a r d the w o r l d as reconstmcted b y the telecasts. In a d d i t i o n to the religious interests viewers b r i n g w i t h t h e m to the telecasts—they share the b>eliefs a n d morality expressed b y t h e v a r i o u s p r o g r a m s a n d are therefore involved along w i t h the telecasts in the p r o d u c t i o n of religious m e a n i n g — t h e y also b r i n g their interest in redressing their marginalized social status, a l t h o u g h they are n o t fully a w a r e that they d o so. Viewers consciously identify themselves as citizens of h e a v e n first. But as creatures of flesh a n d blood, they also b r i n g to their v i e w i n g their social n e e d s a n d interests. Viewers find in the special, divine status generated b y the telecasts in their role as ritual self-legitimation—that of a people w h o are special in the eyes of God—^the a d d e d status of b e i n g a significant social g r o u p because they are sigruficant to G o d . A n d v i e w e r s

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create for themselves the identity of citizens w h o are at h o m e in the w i d e r w o r l d a n d accepted b y it as they experiment w i t h a m o r e secularized identity a n d lifestyle/

β

Ritual Legitimation

Televangehsm p r o v i d e s a n i m p o r t a n t v e n u e w i t h i n w h i c h to c o m m u nicate the m e s s a g e of conservative Christianity a n d to present a n intellectual a r g u m e n t that rehiforces it. Televangelism m a k e s the case that the conservative Christian rehgion, its morahty, a n d its v i e w of the w o r l d are t m e because they are b a s e d o n G o d ' s o w n t m t h s , w h i c h are found m the Bible v i e w e r s h v e by. T h u s conservative Christianity is m a d e c o n g m e n t w i t h a cosmic or d i v m e order. Televangelism p r o v i d e s another i m p o r t a n t reinforcement. A s ritual performance, it evokes certain emotional experiences that p r o v i d e h n m e d i a t e , fhsthand, experiential evidence of the authority of conservative Christianity's accounting of the w o r l d as weU as the conservative Christian lifestyle as a n effective m e a n s of negotiating a t h r e a t e n m g w o r l d (Geertz, 1973, p p . 87-125). Televangehsm h a s p l a y e d a n obvious role m communicating t h e millenarian m e s s a g e of conservative Christianity. N o t as o b v i o u s is televang e h s m ' s role in legitimating the message. In the millenarian rehgion that lies at the h e a r t of the telecasts, viewers find s u p p o r t for their efforts t o w a r d self-vahdation. But it is the legitunation of v i e w e r s ' behefs b y emotional experiences that ring t m e to t h e h rehgious v i e w of the w o r l d that m a k e s t h e h rehgion m o r e convincing a n d compelling. The telecasts arouse arudety a n d e v e n iear as they d r a m a t i z e Satan's presence in the w o r l d , especially in the "persecution" of, or opposition to, conservative Christians b y the secular courts, legislative bodies, press, or civil Uberties g r o u p s . T h e e m o t i o n s reinforce the v i e w that secular society is o n the side of Satan, that persecution is m a s t e r m m d e d b y Satan himself as p a r t of his effort to defeat G o d ' s p u r p o s e s in the w o r l d b y defeathig G o d ' s people. Anxiety a n d fear also d r i v e h o m e the point that conservative Christians m u s t n o t let d o w n t h e h g u a r d , b u t m u s t step u p their m o r a l battle against secular society d u r i n g these last d a y s . These attacks o n secular society w e r e illustrated in a v i d e o c h p aired o n a p r o g r a m of Robertson's 700 Club, w h i c h s h o w e d Atlanta p o h c e d r a g g i n g to w a i t i n g p o h c e v a n s m e m b e r s of " O p e r a t i o n Rescue" w h o h a d

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blocked the entrance to a n abortion clinic. It s h o w e d t h e "pro-life" d e m onstrators later incarcerated b e h i n d a high, chain-link fence. T h e clip w a s s h o w n in conjunction w i t h a report o n the pro-abortion p l a n k a d o p t e d b y the 1988 Democratic National C o n v e n t i o n , t h e n m e e t i n g in Atlanta. The effect w a s to u n d e r s c o r e the threat to pro-family, biblical morality a n d its conservative Christian s u p p o r t e r s n o w represented b y o n e of the n a t i o n ' s political parties. Relief a n d exultation are aroused as the telecasts d r a m a t i z e G o d ' s p r o n u s e to protect a n d deliver the faithful, a n d as they d r a m a t i z e the inevitable a n d i m m i n e n t defeat of Satan a n d p u n i s h m e n t of his secular allies, as well as the vindication of conservative Christians w h e n G o d includes t h e m in his rule over a transformed w o r l d . Exultation is also elicited b y the r e m i n d e r that conservative Christiar« s t a n d in t h e long line of the n a t i o n ' s "Christian f o u n d e r s " a n d that they will b e blessed b y h o l d i n g the nation to its "Christian heritage" a n d divinely a p p o i n t e d role as the vehicle t h r o u g h w h i c h G o d will accomplish his p u r p o s e s in the w o r l d . The spiritual h i g h often takes o n a triumphalist, self-congratulatory tone. These e m o t i o n s m a k e G o d ' s presence equally real, reinforcing the belief that " G o d is w h o h e says h e is," a n d that G o d will protect a n d bless conservative Christians in r e t u m for their faithfulness a n d c o m m i t m e n t to d o m o r a l battle against Satan a n d the secular w o r l d . In the process of legitimating religious belief, the conservative religious lifestyle a n d morality are also authenticated. The telecast perform a n c e s p o r t r a y the conservative Christian lifestyle as intellectually defensible because it is in accord w i t h the w a y their religious beliefs say the w o r l d is p u t together. The conservative lifestyle is p r e s e n t e d as a reasonable strategy for negotiating the w o r l d as described b y t h e religious worldview. The w o r l d v i e w is in t u m reinforced w h e n the w o r l d is s h o w n to b e a r r a n g e d in such a w a y as to accormnodate a particular style of life. Worldview a n d lifestyle are m a d e to g o h a n d in hemd (Geertz, 1973). O n c e w o r l d v i e w a n d lifestyle are legitimated or authenticated as ideal m o d e l s o / t h e w o r l d , they b e c o m e m o d e l s for v i e w i n g a n d living in the w o r l d . The ritual performances t h u s h e l p viewers s h a p e the e v e r y d a y w o r l d , b r i n g i n g it in line w i t h their religious vision for it as viewers p u t into action conservative Christian religion a n d morality, w h o s e credibility a n d authority h a v e b e e n reinforced (Geertz, 1973). A l t h o u g h the religious m e s s a g e of the television p r o g r a m s plays a n i m p o r t a n t role in televan-

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gelism's p o w e r to m o v e viewers, the ritual experiences created b y the telecasts e n h a n c e the p o w e r of the rehgious message. The r e n e w e d experience of t h e h rehgion as a powerful vision or explanation of the w o r l d a n d a n effective strategy for h v i n g in it is critical to the mobilization of conservative O u i s t i a n s to d o battle w i t h the secular w o r l d o n the pohtical front, a n d thereby to e n h a n c e t h e h p o w e r a n d s t a n d i n g in A m e r i c a n society.

K

Ritual Adaptation

Televangelism's ritual n a t u r e also gives it the capacity to b r o a d e n v i e w e r s ' horizons. A s ritual transition to a n altemative context, the telecasts p r o v i d e viewers a n o p p o r t u n i t y to relax their conservative behefs a n d lifestyle a n d to e x p e r i m e n t w i t h a b r o a d e r rehgious orientation as well as a m o r e secular outlook a n d lifestyle. A s Stewart H o o v e r (1988) h a s observed, television p r o g r a m s h k e Robertson's 700 Club h a v e h e l p e d transform the consciousness of televang e h s m ' s viewers. T h e p r o g r a m s h a v e m o v e d viewers a w a y from the "insularity" a n d "particulars" of traditional or sectarian roots of conservative Quistiaruty. C o m i n g from " o u t s i d e t h e h local frames of reference," the telecasts p r o m o t e a "translocalism," transcending v i e w e r s ' local b e liefs, experiences, a n d culture. The p r o g r a m s introduce a r a n g e of perspectives o n Christian doctrine, represented b y hosts a n d guests, often presented o n the s a m e p r o g r a m . The p r o g r a m s m o v e viewers t o w a r d a rehgion that is m o r e o p e n to the universe of the Christian rehgion, m o r e a w a r e a n d accepting of the diversity of religious behef a n d doctrine w i t h i n Christianity, a n d m o r e a w a r e of the parochial character of traditional doctrine a n d its limited v i e w of the w o r l d . A n d the p r o g r a m s m a k e viewers m o r e a w a r e of a n d o p e n to the w i d e r w o r l d . "Rehgious b r o a d casting h a s b e e n at the center of reformulation of the fundamentalist w o r l d v i e w " (Hoover, 1988, p p . 229-230). H o o v e r ' s is the fhst s t u d y to recognize the ritual n a t u r e of televang e h s m a n d to recognize that its capacity to b r o a d e n viewers g r o w s o u t of t e l e v a n g e h s m ' s ritual base. D r a w i n g from Victor Tumer, H o o v e r observes that as ritual, televangehsm enables viewers to m a k e a transition a w a y from s t a n d a r d behefs a n d c o m m i t m e n t s a n d to e x p e r i m e n t w i t h a l t e m a tives. H o o v e r h a s other interests, however, a n d d o e s n o t p u r s u e the

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discussion of televangelism as ritual or h o w the telecast performances w o r k as ritual adaptation. The conventional u n d e r s t a n d i n g of ritual is that it k e e p s things in place. The s t a n d a r d v i e w h o l d s that ritual assigns traditional roles a n d statuses o n w h i c h the social-structural status q u o d e p e n d s . T u m e r (1974, 1969/1987, 1982/1993) argues that ritual's essential role is social. Its capacity to p r o m o t e c h a n g e g r o w s o u t of its "liminal" n a t u r e . Ritual transition to a n altemative context s u s p e n d s the existing social s t m c t u r e as well as c o m m i t m e n t to it. P u t t i n g the e v e r y d a y social-stmctural w o r l d in limbo m a k e s possible assigning or innovating n e w roles a n d identities. Ritual relaxes, if it n e v e r completely armihilates, the seemingly fixed identities, statuses, a n d duties that regulate routine, e v e r y d a y life. In the process, ritual p e r m i t s a n d invites participants to conceive of their identity a n d relations to o n e a n o t h e r in n e w w a y s , including w a y s that c o m p e t e w i t h the n o r m s a n d routines in place w i t h i n the e v e r y d a y w o r l d , a n d to e x p e r i m e n t w i t h these. A s ritual, televangelism offers viewers a nonthreaterung context within w h i c h to o p e n themselves to the w i d e r w o r l d a n d to explore w a y s of looking at the w o r l d a n d of living in it that are m o r e in k e e p i n g w i t h the secularized views a n d lifestyle of a c h a n g i n g A m e r i c a n society A s ritual, televangelism p r o v i d e s viewers a n o p p o r t u r u t y to relax ti\eir grip o n their conservative religion. Even as viewers t u m to televangelism to legitimate their conservative religion, they discover in its liminal features the o p p o r t u n i t y to let g o w i t h the other h a n d a n d to experiment—if tentatively—with certain features of the the secularized v i e w a n d style of life. Televangelism h a s introduced viewers to, or h a s m a d e t h e m m o r e familiar with, secular politics a n d h a s e n c o u r a g e d t h e m to b e c o m e m o r e politically involved. It h a s i n t r o d u c e d t h e m to v i e w s o n social a n d political issues that c o m p e t e w i t h their o w n . Televangelism h a s also i n t r o d u c e d viewers to, or it h a s m a d e t h e m m o r e familiar with, attitudes, dress, language, music, a n d other sensibilities of the secular w o r l d that fundam e n t a l i s m a n d Pentecostalism h a v e traditionally o p p o s e d . Televangelism routinely reports o n a n d discusses n e w s events a n d social issues within the w i d e r w o r l d . A l t h o u g h analysis is offered from the conservative Christian perspective, the c o m m e n t a r y a n d n e w s segm e n t s nonetheless expose viewers to the w i d e r w o r l d , or further acquaint viewers w h o are m o r e a w a r e w i t h the secular w o r l d . Televangelism acquaints v i e w e r s w i t h points of v i e w o n social a n d political issues that

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c o m p e t e w i t h the conservative Christian view. It acquaints v i e w e r s w i t h the reasoning b e h i n d the o p p o s i n g v i e w s a n d w i t h the various parties involved. A d d i t i o n a l e x p o s u r e to the w i d e r w o r l d comes w i t h reports a n d discussions of challenges from the secular w o r l d to conservative Christian behef a n d lifestyle. There is discussion of chaUenges to m a r r i a g e , rearing chUdren w h o face the p r e s s i u e to experiment w i t h d r u g s a n d alcohol, a n d so forth. Robertson's p r o g r a m takes the lead, offering m o r e straightforw a r d opportimities to l e a m a b o u t the w i d e r w o r l d t h r o u g h discussions o n h o w to invest or h o w to r u n a business. T h r o u g h m u s i c a n d visuals, these television progrcuns also exp o s e viewers to s o m e of the aesthetic sensibihties of the secular w o r l d — especiaUy p r o g r a m s such as the 700 Club a n d the Bakkers' PTL Club that h a v e m i m i c k e d commercial television. These sensibihties loosen u p the staid attitudes of m o r e conservative viewers. The p r o g r a m s also adjust the attitudes of m o r e conservative viewers t o w a r d entertainment, enjoyment, leisure, pleasure, a n d creature comfort. A n d the telecasts introduce m o r e conservative viewers to the dress, h a h s t y l e s , m a k e u p , current lingo, a n d attitudes of tt\e secular w o r l d . These are i n t r o d u c e d b y h o s t s a n d guests, m a n y of w h o m are personahties in the e n t e r t a i n m e n t w o r l d , sports heroes, a n d successful business entrepreneurs (as weU as the occasional poUtician) or Christian a u t h o r s , musicians, a n d entertainers. Seeing hosts a n d guests display these secular sensibihties gives v i e w e r s the impression that they can d o the s a m e a n d encourages t h e m to e m u l a t e the television personahties. The n e w identity of citizen of the w i d e r w o r l d s t a n d s in tension w i t h that of conservative Christian, however.

mm C o n c l u s i o n Televangehsm is also attractive to viewers b e c a u s e it h a s the potential as ritual to create a m o n g tiiemselves t h e c o m m u n i t y they seek b u t d o n o t find in t h e h relations w i t h m a i n s t r e a m A m e r i c a n society. T u m e r (1974) argues that ritual's essential role is to create a m o r e c o m m u n i t a r i a n society. H e observes that the relaxation of n o r m a t i v e social roles a n d statuses a n d obUgation to t h e m in ritual liminahty aUows participants to e n c o u n t e r o n e another in m o r e direct a n d egahtarian w a y s . Ritual p e r m i t s a n d creates the experience of communitas, or h u m a n c o m -

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munity. Ritual liminality invites participants to e x p e r i m e n t w i t h c o m m u nitarian relations as alternatives to their e v e r y d a y exchanges, w h i c h are principally m e d i a t e d b y the n a r r o w roles a n d statuses they currently h o l d within society The experience of c o m m u n i t y invites participants to create altemative, c o m m u n i t a r i a n a r r a n g e m e n t s , or to infuse the traditional roles a b o u t to b e assigned w i t h c o m m u n i t a r i a n p u r p o s e . Ritual's fundam e n t a l role is to p u t social s t m c t u r e into the service of community. T u m e r a r g u e s that a l t h o u g h social s t m c t u r e is necessary to organize society in the interest of m o r e effectively m e e t i n g its material n e e d s , it also w o r k s against h i m i a n community. By n a t u r e , social s t m c t u r e is divisive, alienating, a n d exploititive; a n d t h u s it cannot m e e t the n e e d for c o m m u nity, a n e q u a l social n e e d . T u m e r ' s theory of ritual " a n t i - s t m c t u r e " goes against the v i e w best articulated b y Clifford Geertz, that ritual's essential role is to legitimate the existing social order. Instead, T u m e r (1993) a r g u e s that w h e n ritual serves the existing order, its anti-stmctural core h a s b e e n " c i r c u m s c r i b e d , . . . pressed into the service of" the status q u o (p. 85). The potential of televangelism to p r o m o t e c o m m u n i t y a m o n g v i e w ers is also explored in the chapter in this v o l u m e b y K e y a n Tomaselli a n d A m o l d Shepperson. They s h o w h o w c o m m u n i c a t i n g the cosmology or religious w o r l d v i e w of viewers, particularly w i t h reference t o the life crises a n d r a p i d social changes confronting t h e m , e n c o u r a g e s c o m munity. T h e efforts of televangeUsm's viewers to create c o m m u n i t y cmiong themselves are u n d e r c u t , however, b y the television m e d i u m itself, w h i c h does n o t p e r m i t direct interaction a m o n g t h e m . H e r e c o m m u n i t y is n o t direct or i m m e d i a t e a n d s p o n t a n e o u s , as in the case of the u s u a l , face-toface forms of ritual that e m b o d y c o m m u n i t y The authoritarian, center-outward s t m c t u r e a n d interests of the television ministers a n d ministries a n d the m a n i p u l a t i o n of audiences to m e e t these interests (which p r o m o t e poUtical a n d economic interests) also limit the possibiUties of commimity. The contradiction b e t w e e n c o m m u n i t y a n d televangeUsm's hierarchical a r r a n g e m e n t of authority, w h i c h is invested in the televangeUsts, is also observed a n d e m p h a s i z e d b y TomaselU a n d Shepperson. They also n o t e the restrictions placed o n c o m m u n i t y b y a certain lack of accoimtabiUty of televangeUsts a n d television ministries to viewers. This h a s b e e n corrected s o m e w h a t b y n e w requirements of the National ReUgious Broadcasters. They also observe that the o n e - w a y m e s s a g e of televangelism contradicts community.

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The e m p h a s i s m televangelism's role as ritual h a s shifted a w a y from legitimation a n d a d a p t a t i o n t o w a r d encouraging c o m m u n i t y a m o n g viewers. A l t h o u g h televangelism continues to serve as legitimation a n d a d a p t a t i o n , the p r o g r a m s h a v e increasingly focused o n the n e e d to b u i l d a n u r t u r i n g c o m m u n i t y a m o n g viewers following the defeat a n d h u m i h ation, e v e n ridicule, suffered b y televangehsm: the defeat of Robertson's presidential candidacy a n d Falwell's Moral Majority, the e x p o s u r e of Bakker a n d S w a g g a r t for sexual indiscretion, a n d the e x p o s u r e of Bakk e r ' s questionable business practices. Robertson r e t u r n e d from the c a m p a i g n trail, a n d Falwell from leading his pohtical lobby, to pastoring, counseling, a n d g u i d i a g t h e h faithful followers, w h i c h each a n n o u n c e d to b e his n e w priority. Swaggart a n d Bakker received forgiveness from t h e h flocks (or for Bakker, from a smaU r e m n a n t of the faithful). T h e y w e r e then rehabihtated a n d set a b o u t to restore h a r m o n y a n d s u p p o r t a m o n g foUowers. Ritual legitimation a n d ritual a d a p t a t i o n are b o t h strategies for gaining a m o r e significant place a n d role w i t h i n m a i n s t r e a m society—the fhst b y force, a n d the other b y a c c o m m o d a t i o n , in a n a t t e m p t to w i n the a p p r o v a l of m a i n s t r e a m society along w i t h greater inclusion within it. Legitimation a n d a d a p t a t i o n are t h u s fhp sides of the s a m e coin. Televangehsm's roles as legitimation a n d a d a p t a t i o n are at cross-purposes, however. The contradiction cross-wires televangehsm, crippling the conservative Christians' efforts to gain greater inclusion in m a i n strecun A m e r i c a n society as rehgious conservatives. In its role as a d a p t a tion, televangelism is a secularizing force o n conservative Christianity. Ritual a d a p t a t i o n u n d e r c u t s v i e w e r s ' effort to legitimate their conservative rehgion as weU as t h e h effort to mobilize themselves as conservative Christians a n d p u s h for t h e h rehgious interests. The o n g o i n g effort to legithnate v i e w e r s ' conservative rehgion is a countervailmg force that w o r k s against fuU a c c o m m o d a t i o n to m a i n s t r e a m society a n d greater inclusion in it. Legitimation for viewers of a rehgion that is suspicious a n d c o n d e m n i n g of the w i d e r society, a n d legitimation in the eyes of v i e w e r s of t h e h conservative Christian c o m m u n i t y as a c o m m u n i t y of the saved, p u t s in place "we-versus-they" distinctions that close off viewers from the social m a i n s t r e a m rather t h a n encourage m o r e o p e n encounters. Reinvigoration of conservative Christianity only encourages the social m a i n s t r e a m to k e e p viewers at a distance a n d e v e n to o p p o s e t h e m . In addition, the n e w focus o n c o m m u n i t y a m o n g viewers t u m s t h e h atten-

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tion i n w a r d , rather t h a n t o w a r d creating greater c o m m u n i t y w i t h m a i n stream society A s ritual, televangelism nonetheless affords viewers a n o p p o r t i m i t y to r e s p o n d to their social marginalization rather t h a n to r e m a i n entirely subject to the forces of secularization a n d social change or completely at the m e r c y of the m a i n s t r e a m society A s ritual, televangelism p u t s v i e w e r s in the position to b e c o m e active agents w h o can adjust to their social circumstances rather t h a n b e allowed to b e d e t e r m i n e d b y t h e m . It offers viewers vehicles b y w h i c h to a d d r e s s a n d a t t e m p t to w o r k o u t the larger social struggle in w h i c h they are c a u g h t u p . TelevangeUsm's ritual capacities a n d roles h e l p viewers concretize their struggle. To b e sure, televangeUsm gives viewers a platform from w h i c h to protest against their exclusion from m a i n s t r e a m society. Ritual legitimation of viewers as a significant reUgious a n d social g r o u p concretizes their protest. A n d ritual legitimation mobUizes viewers to g o o n the offensive. Ritual a d a p t a t i o n is a n inverted form of protest. Ritual accomm o d a t i o n concretizes v i e w e r s ' interest in being included in m a i n s t r e a m society b y actuaUy m o v i n g t h e m closer to acceptance. Ritual a d a p t a t i o n transforms t h e m into citizens of the w i d e r w o r l d , if only b y inches, a n d if only as ambivalent citizens. TelevangeUsm's attractive p o w e r includes the o p p o r t u n i t y it presents conservative Christian viewers to b e c o m e active subjects of their o w n Uves as they e m b o d y their struggle for e m p o w e r m e n t w i t h i n the w i d e r A m e r i c a n society. Notes 1. For discussion of similarities and differences a m o n g fundamentalists and Pentacostals see B m c e (1990) and W u t h n o w (1989). 2. O n televangelism's role in promoting the interests of the Religious Right, see B m c e (1988,1990) and H a d d e n and S w a n n (1981). 3. See Alexander (1994) for additional findings of a national survey of these viewers, along w i t h an elaboration of the analysis of televangelism as ritual offered here. 4. O n the production of meaning relevant to the w i d e r social context b y television viewers, see Fiske (1987); for discussion of the production of mearung relevant to the w i d e r social context b y participants in ritual, s e e Geertz (1973) and Tumer (1974).

References Alexander, B. C. (1994). Televangelism reconsidered: Ritual in the search for human Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press.

ωmmunity.

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Bruce, S. (1988). The rise and fall of the new Christian right: Conservative Protestant politics in America 1978-1988. N e w York: Clarendon/Oxford University Press. Bruce, S. (1990). Pray TV: Televangelism in America. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Driver, T. F. (1991). The magic of ritual: Our need for liberating rites that transform ourselves and our communities. San Francisco: H a φ e r SanFrancisco. Fiske, J. (1987). Television culture. London: Methuen. Geertz, C. (1973). The interpretation of cultures. N e w York: Basic Books. Geibner, G., Gross, L., Hoover, S., Morgan, M., Signorielli, N . , Cotugno, H., & Wuthnow, R. (1984), Religion and television. Philadelphia: Annenl)erg School of Communications, University of Pennsylvania, and the Gallup Organization, Inc. Graduate Center, City University of N e w York. (1991). Survey of religion in America 1990. N e w York: Author. H a d d e n , J., & Swann, C. E. (1981). Prime-time preachers: The rising power of televangelism. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley Hoover, S. M. (1988). Mass media religion: The social sources of the electronic church. N e w b u r y Park, CA: Sage. Hunter, J. D. (1983). American evangelicalism: Conservative religion and the quandary of modemity. N e w Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Hunter, J. D. (1987). Evangelicalism: The ωming generation. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. McKinney, W , & Roof, W. C. (1987). American mainline religion: Its changing shape and future. N e w Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Schechner, R. (1987). Essays in performance theory: 1970-1976. N e w York: Drama Book SpeciaUsts. (Originally published 1977) Tumer, V. (1974). Dramas, fields, and metaphors: Symbolic action in human society. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Tumer, V. (1985). On the edge of the bush: Anthropology as experience (E. L. B. Tumer, Ed.). Tucson: Uruversity of Arizona Press. Tumer, V. (1987). The ritual process: Structure and antistructure. Ithaca, NY: ComeU University Press. (Originally published 1969) Tumer, V. (1993). From ritual to theater: The human seriousness of play. N e w York: Performance Art Journal Publications. (Originally published 1982) Wuthnow, R. (1989). The struggle for America's soul: Evangelicals, liberals, and secularism. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.

Chapter

Resistance Through Mediated Orality

Keyan G. Tomaselli Arnold Shepperson

Televangelism is defined here as the broadcast of a theology of expressive Calvinism. Televangelists are p a r t of a n evangelical-fundamentalist m o v e m e n t organized t h r o u g h local church infrastructures. T h e y u s e highly personalized c o m m u n i c a t i o n within geographically h o m o g e n e o u s congregations to finance their m u l t i m e d i a n e t w o r k s b y a p p e a l s to their viewers. Teleministries refers to the institutional business o p e r a t i o n s a n d administrative structures r u n b y televangelists. These t w o t e r m s — televangelism a n d teleministries—are often referred to in the research literature as the electronic church. The electronic church is located at the confluence of a variety of processes, each of w h i c h influences its operations a n d a p p e a l in quite u n i q u e w a y s . This chapter examines (a) the political e c o n o m y of the electronic church in the era of information capitalism; (b) the electronic c h u r c h ' s a s s u m p t i o n s a b o u t w h a t constitutes commimication; a n d (c) the electronic church's p r i m a r y use, in a visual m e d i u m , of oral codes t h a t revive 209

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the rituals a n d l a n g u a g e s t m c t u r e s of prehterate forms of expression. We will analyze the relationship b e t w e e n televangehstic oratory (which u s e s p r i m a r y orality) a n d secondary electronic oraUty (codes of r a d i o a n d TV) w i t h a v i e w to u n d e r s t a n d i n g teleministries in industrial a n d p o s t i n d u s trial societies. This relates to issues of commimity, cosmology, a n d the recovery of the rehgious imagination in the m o d e m secular w o r l d .

β

Political E c o n o m y of M e d i a Technologies:

Homo Mechanicus Historically, discussion of h o w m e d i a affect audiences h a s b e e n g r o u n d e d in t w o o p p o s i n g pohtical economies, o n e n o m o t h e t i c {homo mechanicus) a n d the other teleonomic (homo sapiens-volens). The mecharucal m e t a p h o r e m p h a s i z e s h u m a n k i n d ' s " n a t u r a l " propensity for m a n i p u lation. The teleonomic conception m o d e l s h u m a n s in t e r m s of rational democracy in the Information Age. In this chapter, w e p r o p o s e a n e w approach, that of homo sapiens communicate. This condition locates p e o p l e as active agents w i t h i n discursive contexts. It p e r m i t s m d i v i d u a l agency in the context of inherited, b u t rapidly shifting, b r o a d e r social, economic, a n d historical s t m c t u r e s . O n e of the m o r e plausible theoretical o u t c o m e s of Descartes' epistem o l o g y h a s b e e n the philosophical a n t h r o p o l o g y that proceeds from the a s s u m p t i o n that the h u m a n organism is s o m e k i n d of m a c h m e . In short, the m o d e l places a mechanical o r g a n i s m at the center of h u m a n beings. Following theories of early mechanics, this organism is essentially p a s sive; it will exhibit a n effect (in the form of m o v e m e n t , for example) if a n d only if it h a s b e e n caused to d o so b y s o m e e x t e m a l stimulus. SchematicaUy, this is the basis for w h a t w e will label the Stimulus-Organism-Effect (S-O-E) p a r a d i g m , the status of paradigm indicating that there is a family of theories that can b e identified w i t h the m o d e l . In followmg this stimulus-response type of logic, the homo mechanicus p a r a d i g m affirms a certain kind of instrumental rationahty. By d o i n g this, it h a s b e c o m e a favorite b o g e y m a n of the conservative tradition. For t h e m , the dhect-effects m e t a p h o r justifies the idea that audiences, like machines, will m i s b e h a v e w h e n confronted w i t h error (or evil) or socially dysfunctional messages. Classes or social strata that w i s h to preserve the status q u o ante wiU therefore follow this p a r a d i g m m f r a m m g m e s s a g e s that

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deflect b r o a d e r c o n c e m s a b o u t the reasons w h y conditions s h o u l d change. To the extent that evangelists constitute a w e a l t h y bloc, it lies in their capacity to mobilize a sizable b o d y of t h e electorate. A s Jeffrey H a d d e n (1980) asserts, "They d o n ' t h a v e to e x p e n d the great a m o u n t s of e n e r g y that other m o v e m e n t s h a v e h a d to d o , over a long p e r i o d of time, to gain m e d i a attention. All they h a v e to d o is to t u m o n their c a m e r a s a n d transmitters a n d they h a v e access to very substantial a n d s y m p a t h e t i c a u d i e n c e s " (p. 16). We n o w try to m a k e sense of o n e of the w a y s in w h i c h this "very substantial a n d sympathetic a u d i e n c e " m i g h t b e u n d e r s t o o d .

m

Orality and Homo

Mechantcus:

The Televangelistic Signifier The inventions of writing a n d printing h a v e contributed to thinking of w o r d s as objects—objectifying speech—rather t h a n as h a p p e n i n g s a n d as parts of processes (Ong in Bartz, 1988, p . 25; Goody, 1968, p . 1). This shift h a s fundamentally influenced h o w industrialized societies m a k e sense of their w o r l d s in c o m p a r i s o n to those g o v e m e d b y orality, a n d it explains w h y conflicts h a v e arisen b e t w e e n oral a n d literary w a y s of u n d e r s t a n d i n g . Part of the industrial w o r l d ' s constmction of the O t h e r is t h u s d u e to differences in oral a n d literate l a n g u a g e e n v i r o n m e n t s (Ong, 1982). Each context generates quite different cosmologies: ideas of w h a t the w o r l d is, h o w it w o r k s , a n d h o w individuals a n d g r o u p s relate to it. People w o r k i n g within signifying grids of industrial positivism, secular h u m a n i s m , a n d their successors h a v e b e c o m e victims of their literacy. Their object-centered Cartesian consciousness is u n a b l e to really c o m p r e h e n d the d e p t h , fundamentalism, a n d a p p a r e n t irrationality a n d s u p e r stition of oral cultures. Because literacy t e n d s to separate individuals from their cosmological contexts, evangelism a n d televangelism as p r i m a r y a n d s e c o n d a r y oral codes are able to p e n e t r a t e the Cartesian consciousness of individuals in industrial societies. By recovering oral residues e m b e d d e d in their collective memory, the w o r d (of G o d ) is n o t objectified b y these readers/listeners. Their encoimter w i t h "the w o r d " occurs in t e r m s of a n emotional b o n d w i t h fields of spiritual forces concretely linked t o t h e materiality of e v e r y d a y life.

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Televangelists u s e the expressive techniques of orahty to recuperate the s u p p r e s s e d or c o m p a r t m e n t a h z e d rehgious sense of m e a n i n g a n d life into a n all-embracing cosmology that reconnects Subject a n d Object— e v e n w i t h i n a Cartesian consciousness. T h e socially a t o m i z e d i n d i v i d u a l as participant in the electronic church is t h u s organically reconnected into a spiritual center of authority that s t a n d s a b o v e the ahenation of e v e r y d a y life—^but n o t necessarily material life. This "reconnection" primarily occurs at the level of the local. O r a l culture can only b e conceived in local terms. In the w o r l d of e s t a b h s h e d m o d e m i t y , however, individuals are generally n o t expected to r e m a i n in o n e locality aU their hves. Certainly in the U n i t e d States a n d in E u r o p e , institutions a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s are s t m c t u r e d for mobile individuals. However, in m o r e settled sections of m o d e m society, c o m m u n i t i e s consisting of m o r e t h a n o n e generation develop. The h m p t i o n of events or conditions that tiueaten the encountered stabihty of the generations present in such a c o m m i m i t y chaUenge the accepted local " c o s m o s " within w h i c h those present h a v e h v e d together. Such crises of experience cannot readily b e explained as p a r t of s o m e intellectuaUy coherent social process, like the economy, post-industrial production, the forces of s u p p l y a n d d e m a n d , a n d so on. These are forces b e y o n d local experience, a n d the c o m m u n i t y or i n d i v i d u a l crises of experience (joblessness, a collapse h\ c o m m o d i t y prices, a n d so on) are usuaUy described as insignificant in relation to these forces and processes. Televangelism, w i t h its oral presence o n the screens of TV w a t c h e r s experiencing these crises, p r o v i d e s a n s w e r s to these questions in a familiar voice a n d style. The oral m a n n e r i s m s , or codes, of the s t u d i o preacher are those of village green rhetoric, w i t h messages related b o t h to the causes of t h e crisis of experience a n d to its solutions. Both tiie content a n d style of the m e s s a g e d r a w o n a comprehensible source, the w o r d of G o d , to offer explanations for p e o p l e ' s feelings a n d fmstrations. For televangelists, g o v e m a n c e is defined t h r o u g h t h e h interpretation of G o d ' s will alone, m e d i a t e d b y c o m m u n i c a t i o n s technologies (e.g.. Fore, 1987; Frankl, 1987). T h e y fight fhe (flie m a s s m e d i a ) witii fhe (telentinistries), a t t e m p t i n g to protect t h e h cultural/religious spaces (cosmologies). The a p p e a l of televangehsm, therefore, also w o r k s t h r o u g h the reconnection of experience a n d inteUigibility to those w h o s e w o r l d s h a v e n o t b e e n forged o n a n e e d for expert mteUectual literacy. A c c o m m o d a t i n g this disconnection of reahty a n d c o m m o n sense, a n d clarifying the contradic-

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tions of televangelism, then, require a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the w a y s in w h i c h p e o p l e in a local, p r e d o m i n a n t l y oral context find significance in their w o r l d s .

m Local Knowledge, Orality, and Significance The individual subject begins to encounter the w o r l d in a n oral e n v i r o n m e n t , a n d o n e ' s consciousness retains residues of this p r i m a r y orality. The n a t u r e of the encounters b e t w e e n different t h o u g h t systems, m a r k e d b y literacy o n t h e o n e h a n d a n d orality o n t h e other, requires a n explanation a n d periodization of the homo that is different from those offered above. A starting point for this explanation lies in the nondualistic c o s m o s of Charles Sanders Peirce. A l t h o u g h the w h o l e b o d y of his w o r k is too vast a n d full of changes of direction to s u m m a r i z e here, there is a n aspect of his theory of signification that m a k e s the a p p e a l of televangelism concrete in terms of n o n a c a d e m i c p e o p l e ' s experience. Peirce's p h i l o s o p h y w a s d e v e l o p e d in conscious opposition to Descartes' mental-material cosmological dualism. Peirce's cosmos is triadic a n d b o t h contains a n d is the condition for signifying organisms. H i s p h i l o s o p h y ' s three cosmological categories are (a) Firstness, w h i c h w e call the Encounter: the concrete being-there in the cosmos of a signifying organism; (b) Secondness, w h i c h w e call Experience: t h e signifying o r g a n ism's active or conscious directedness t o w a r d the local a n d particular; a n d (c) Thirdness, or Intelligibility: the realm in w h i c h o r g a n i s m a n d c o s m o s are fed back, so to speak, into the other categories so that n e w significant encounters a n d experiences b e c o m e possible. Peirce m a i n t a i n e d this triple categorization t h r o u g h o u t his theory of signification (semiotics). His elucidation of the relation b e t w e e n signs a n d the signifying o r g a n i s m is relevant here. Signs act in the signifying s u b ject as interpretants. There are m a n y different k i n d s of interpretants (Fitzgerald, 1966), b u t the triad of d y n a m i c a l interpretants is i m p o r t a n t here. These are:

1. The emotional interpretant. This has as its effect the feeling of recognition that accompanies a sign. Because they are s o general, e m o t i o n a l interpretants "can range from the first feeling of c o m p r e h e n s i o n of

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linguistic s i g n s to t h e feeling t h a t is g e n e r a t e d by listenir\g to a m u s i c a l

composition" (Fitzgerald, 1966, p. 79). 2. The energetic interpretant, which is present when more complex signification is intended. The energetic interpretant develops o u t of t h e emotional and involves some form of mental labor; there is always some kind of work done at this level of interpretation (Peirce, 1965, vol. 5, p. 475). Consequently, it involves the time-bound activity of recognizing this sign as opposed to all others. 3. The logical or ultimate interpretant. Peirce recognized that any given sign can become rationally applicable across different situations because the activity of signification leads to a logical interpretant that is in itself a sign. These interpretants relate to the sign as law, intelligibility, or potentiality and contain the possibility of future interpretations of the sign (Peirce, 1966, vol. 8, p. 184). At t h e local level, signs attain meaning as they are realized in the form of habits and habit change (Peirce, 1965, vol. 5, p . 476). There are t w o key w a y s in w h i c h televangelism acts t h r o u g h interpretants so that commtmities m a k e sense of their conditions: 1. Emotional and energetic interpretants are experienced under conditions brought about by the Cartesian collapse of the bodily into the material uruverse. Emotions and habits, being essentially bodily in nature, are made subject to explanation in terms of the natural or life sciences. 2. Voluntary aspects of action and other mental or logical-discursive spheres of h u m a n existence have been ideahzed. As such, they became subject to other (psychological) kinds of explanation. These conditions are n o t necessarily o b v i o u s for those n o t p r i v y to the arcane analysis a n d convoluted jargon of intellectual professions. E v e r y d a y p e o p l e get o n w i t h life as they e n c o u n t e r it, d r a w o n t h e h experience as a basis for getting along, a n d m a k e it all intelhgible b y virtue of the fact that w h a t they d o w o r k s for t h e m (Shepperson, 1995, p . 70). In situations b r o u g h t o n b y mfluences b e y o n d o r d i n a r y p e o p l e ' s control, famihar things can b e g i n to w o r k differently. To u s e Peircean terms, conditions elicit a different k i n d of emotional interpretemt for habitual energetic a n d logical mterpretants. Thhigs b e c o m e unfamihar; consequences follow differently from the w a y they d i d before. In cultural terms, traditional activity a n d responses fail. T h e lure of t e l e v a n g e h s m .

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then, can b e seen in the w a y its practitioners offer to reconnect a c o m m u nity w i t h its vision of w h a t h a s always w o r k e d .

Teleministries and Communication Televangelists connect w i t h their audiences b y offering s o m e k i n d of intelligibility to p e o p l e for w h o m the familiar w a y s of going-on h a v e b e g u n to b r e a k d o w n . The form a n d content of these offerings are, as w e will e x p a n d below, contradictory; however, the oral style a n d local organization of the electronic churches assist in m a k i n g p e o p l e ' s h a b i t u a l activities consonant w i t h experience once m o r e . This restoration b y televangelists is characterized b y their steady colonization of coimtry stations a n d use of local c o m m u n i c a t i o n s (telephones, faxes) b o t h to elicit a n d to follow u p o n responses to their broadcasts. At the national level, intelligibility is r e p r o d u c e d b y the figureheads of the evangelical-fundamentalist m o v e m e n t such as Pat Robertson, J i m m y Swaggert, Oral Roberts, a n d Jerry Falwell. These p e o p l e offer h o p e for those sectors of society feeling threatened b y the results of m o d e m ization, secularization, a n d rationalist culture. Their messages focus o n w a y s in w h i c h the secular state a n d multinational economics h a v e disconnected p e o p l e from b o t h their iriherited e v e r y d a y going-on a n d the m o s t powerful authority that h a d previously i m d e r p i r m e d that life: G o d ' s Law. T h e y confirm that p e o p l e ' s local habits ("family values") w e r e always just fine; their p r o b l e m lies in the habits of others w h o ignore G o d ' s L a w s (the p r e s i d e n t ' s wife, the c a n d i d a t e for surgeon-general, a n d so on). The contradiction, however, is that a l t h o u g h resistance to i n s t r u m e n talist rationality is o n e of the principles driving televangelism, their m e t h o d s of c o n u m m i c a t i o n often derive from the homo mechantcus p a r a d i g m . Televangelists offer t h r o u g h S-O-E the populist p r o m i s e of a restoration of a "center of a u t h o r i t y " vested in G o d . They t e n d to follow the homo mechantcus p a r a d i g m b y treating b r o a d e r p o p u l a r c o n c e m s (such as w o m e n ' s rights) as b e i n g socially dysfunctional. W h e r e a s popular describes " b o t t o m - u p " relationships, populist d e scribes " t o p - d o w n " leadership. Populist teleministries u s e the electronic m e d i a ' s S-O-E discourse to identify a n d cormect d i s p a r a t e i n d i v i d u a l s a n d g r o u p s w h o h a v e b e c o m e disaffected w i t h the conventional c h u r c h into a meaningful, m e d i a t e d , t w o - w a y relationships w i t h charismatic

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televangelists (Hoover, 1988). The electronic church's discursive n e t w o r k s a n d context t h u s partiaUy recover the individual's place in the (tele)community. Unlike Vatican II theology a n d similar a p p r o a c h e s that facilitate dialogical c o m m u n i c a t i o n m e t h o d s , national televangehsts a p p e a r disinterested in their audience's local ambience or Sitz im Leben, Rather t h a n d e b a t i n g concepts w i t h t h e h congregations, televangehsts g o a h e a d as if p e o p l e simply b e h e v e t h e m anyway. Theirs is a n authoritarian e m p h a s i s o n the mechanics a n d technicalities of t h e m e d i u m a n d t h e codes of orahty, m t e n d e d to e h c h specific responses from receivers/participants. For this reason, televangelists tend to b e intolerant of other perspectives. Dialogue, w h e r e it is e n c o u r a g e d , takes place o n the m e s s a g e m a k e r ' s terms; recipients are simultaneously discouraged from questioning the message's perspective. Neither is the accoimtabihty a n d structure of the teleministries a p o i n t of discussion (Fore, 1987; Frankl, 1987; Hoover, 1988). Televangehstic messages empasize: 1. Experiential/emotional theologies. The commonsense collapse of emotional and energetic interpretants in congregations' lives is reproduced. 2. Charismatic personality cults of the broadcasters. Emotional and logical interpretants are collapsed into a media simulacrum of community that reproduces previously unquestioned relations of authority. 3. Business values in broadcasting control. The energetic interpretant of what the televangelist is doing there reproduces associations with conditions that previously signaled the successful achievement of "traditional" activities. 4. Faith in mass media ordained by God. The final interpretant, as a form of habit change, is deferred to an ultimate authority, the power of which is unquestionably greater than those who ordained the conditions leading to the local crisis of experience. 5. Conventional, high-budget, and slick media formats and programming. The congregation's encounter and experience with televangelism takes place in a context of familiar and assured forms of authoritative presence. 6. Spin-off ministries and fund-raising during broadcasts (Frankl, 1987; Schultz, 1990, p. 113). Personal contact is obtained through telephones and computers (Fore, 1987, p. 85). The community that is initially established through scheduled viewing slots is extended by personal

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contacts outside the media, reinforcing emotional and energetic interpretants through the intelligibility of concrete community situations.

s

Bottom-Up Dialogical Communication:

Homo Sapiens Communicare Sections of the established churches h a v e successfully h a m e s s e d the n e w m e d i a t o w a r d recovering the c o m m u n i t y of persons. A variety of channels r a n g i n g from " g r o u p m e d i a " to " c o m m i m i t y - b a s e d print m e d i a " h a v e b e e n established. Reception of Vatican Π theology o p e n e d a n extraordinary d e v e l o p m e n t in p o p u l a r commimication theory a n d p r a c tice in Latin America a n d Africa (Lowe, 1983, p p . 73-84; see also t h e w o r k published in the j o u m a l s Media Development a n d Group Media Joumal). Conventional churches found that m a k i n g a n d transmitting m a g a zine p r o g r a m s a n d d o c u m e n t a r i e s elicited greater c o m m u r u t y a n d dialogical commimication t h a n d i d the " t u b - t h u m p i n g m a s s a p p r o a c h of the electronic c h u r c h " (Lowe, 1983, p . 44). Viewers will t u n e in to p r o g r a m s about their o w n communities, especially if they h a v e participated in their production. This is a n e m p o w e r i n g a n d c o m m u n a l experience that enhances commimicative potential. " C o n u n u n i c a t i o n , " "access," "participation," a n d " c o m m u n i t y " are p a r t s of a unified d e v e l o p m e n t process, connecting the c o n c e m s of local public spheres to questions of national c o n c e m (Nair & White, 1987). This institutionalization of 'l3ottom-up" media forms the b a c k g r o u n d for the idea of homo sapiens communicare. In this m o d e l , h u m a n k i n d is functionally "literate" in a n electronic m e d i a envirorunent that is n o t controlled as a n a r m of g o v e m a n c e . As indicated, this k i n d of literacy is best u n d e r s t o o d in t e r m s of orality. H e r e the order of k n o w l e d g e begins with a different vision of m e d i a organization a n d a n associated shift in theories of signification a n d m e a n i n g . M e d i a policies that incorporate grassroots sentiment raise questions of theological significance (Traber, 1984; WACC, 1984, p . 18): T h e w o r d communication comes from the Latin communis " c o m m o n " a n d communicare "to establish a conununity, to share." Theologically, c o m m u n i c a t i o n begins a n d e n d s w i t h that d i m e n s i o n of dialogue. T h e opposite of c o m mimication, argues Michael Traber (1989), is n o t "silence b u t sinfulness— the refusal to c o m m u n i c a t e a n d to be in c o m m u n i o n " (p. 61). Traber's

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conclusion can b e seen to derive from a n even d e e p e r root to the communicare p a r a d i g m : the O l d Latin w o r d munus ( p u b h c d u t y ) is the root of communicare a n d its cognates. This places the Latin origins of the m e a n i n g in the realm of p u b h c duty, a n d the "smfuhiess" of w h i c h Traber s p e a k s can therefore b e related to a connection b e t w e e n c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d the rules a n d n o r m s u n d e r w h i c h c o n u n u n i t y is constituted. To the extent that c o m m u n i c a t i o n involves b o t h c o m m u n i t i e s a n d individuals, w e a p p r o a c h the idea of homo sapiens communicare from t w o interpretations of h o w such a p e r s o n is possible. O n the o n e h a n d , p e r s o n s are contingent. This results from the historical constitution of the m o d e m w o r l d as a consequence of m o d e m institutions. Individuals encounter the w o r l d in a place a n d time n o t of t h e h o w n choosing a n d c o m e to act m a n d m a k e sense of it in the w a y s they encounter there a n d then. Acting a n d m a k i n g sense in accordance w i t h traditional w a y s e n c o u n t e r e d from birth is n o t necessarily w r o n g ; w h a t is decisive is h o w p e o p l e mobilize these acts a n d justifications in relation to otiiers. In this m o d e m w o r l d , tradition, i n v o k e d in s u p p o r t of actions that are i m p o s e d o n others mdividuaUy a n d collectively, reflects a n instrumental a n d n o t a rehgious attitude. O n the other h a n d , p e o p l e are necessarily b o u n d b y m l e s a n d n o r m s . We h a v e already n o t e d that this condition is inherent in the ideas of c o m m u n i t y a n d communication. In other w o r d s , the h i u n a n activity of c o m m u n i c a t i o n h a s a k i n d of ethics. This n o m o t h e t i c d i m e n s i o n of c o m m u n i c a t i o n is, in line w i t h o u r P e h c e a n a p p r o a c h , a threefold one: 1. There are rules (or maxims) of moral action. These are encountered in the realm of nurture and generation (Williams, 1963, pp. 131-137) and are associated with people's emotional interpretants in relation to ideas like goodness and beauty. Moral significance can be contested in the light of life experience (Shepperson, 1995, pp. 47-50). 2. Ethical norms and rules govern social and political relations between communities and thus have a relationship with justice (Heller, 1987, pp. 14-17). They are part of experience and therefore relativized to the contexts within which interpretations of sociopolitical ideas need to be be negotiated. 3. Philosophical value ideas are the issues arising out of people's reflected experience in the plurality of their encounters with the world (Heller, 1985, p. 120; Shepperson, 1995, p. 54).

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For u s , the e n v i r o n m e n t of homo sapiens communicare is essentially that of democratic action. T h e ethics of encoxmters b e t w e e n p e o p l e a n d social g r o u p s are therefore chosen o n the g r o u n d s of democratic social existence. In a pluralistic sociopolitical w o r l d , democratic social existence c a n b e realized in t w o simple value ideas of justice: freedom a n d life. Freedom is n o t a transcendental state or condition, b u t a concrete d e m a n d of p e o p l e in the h e r e a n d now. Life relates to the right of p e o p l e to d e v e l o p their e n d o w m e n t s into talents that express freedom b u t d o n o t i i ^ i n g e o n others. We follow A g n e s Heller (1987) in positing the condition of freedom in the m a x i m that p e o p l e m u s t always b e treated as ends-in-themselves a n d n o t as m e a n s (pp. 101,248). A further cultural consideration arises from the activity of d e v e l o p i n g people's e n d o w m e n t s into talents. The Latin root of the w o r d culture is colere, cultum, w h i c h m e a n s , a m o n g other things, " t o tend, to n u r t u r e , a n d to inhabit." People can only b e c o m e capable of choosing to b e democratic conunurucators after they h a v e g o n e t h r o u g h a greater or lesser cultural experience in the presence of other generations w h o h a v e carried o n t h e business of raising their successor generation (Shepperson, 1995, p p . 68-70). We n o w c o m e to the issue of an altemative to televangelism, w h i c h d r a w s o n the dialogical n a t u r e of democratic communication. Televangelists proceed from the position that individuals are subjected to the necessities of specific logics of p u n i s h m e n t (eschatology) or salvation (soteriology), a n d that these necessities are realized in confessional organization. In this view, p e o p l e are caused to b e etemally saved or p u n i s h e d b y virtue of m l e s a n d n o r m s that are p e r h a p s of their o w n choosing, b u t are n o t subject to interpretation or discussion; the rules a n d n o r m s are given b y authority. Such subjection to authority is indistinguishable from subjection to l a w s of n a t u r e ; the homo mechantcus p a r a d i g m w o r k s as well in this context as it does w i t h its applications in conunercial conunimications practices. In fitting m e d i a a n d information technologies to the idea of homo sapiens communicare, w e t u m to Michael Traber's principles for religious public broadcasting (1984, p p . 68-70). We suggest that his guidelines, along w i t h altemative m e d i a strategies a n d the communicare m o d e l , h a v e the potential to democratize religious c o m m u r u c a t i o n o n b o t h the local a n d the national scale.

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1. Investment in communication: Any failure to invest is a limitation on the life chances of people in general. Withholding access to communication both limits the ways in which people's endowments can be raised into talents and Hmits their ultimate ability to participate in value discussion. 2. Emphasis on equality and egality: An intersection between "top" and "bottom" demands that neither participant (individual or collective) be treated as a means to someone else's ends. In this way, communication policies must be designed to be equitable, enhancing the world of those least well-off in a situation, while not using others as means in so doing (Heller, 1987; Honderich, 1989). 3. Replacing communications hierarchies with a covenant relationship: This guideline speaks for itself because in a democratic environment, it translates into the right to recognition on the grounds of people's being human in the here and now. Hierarchically structured communication can also be recognized imder these conditions, but the means-ends rule pennits us to distinguish between relations of genuine dependence on the one hand, and of tutelage on the other. 4. Provision of affirmative access: Individuals carmot become skilled at democratic communication in the absence of democratically open media. To deny equitable and affirmative access in this case is contrary to both values of justice anyway. 5. Finally, Traber's suggestion that media language be overhauled accords with both our approach through the semiotic nature of communication and our focus on homo sapiens communicare as a person who has chosen the best possible democratic sociopolitical world as the means whereby people might become ends in themselves. Homo sapiens communicare is a n o r m a t i v e idea, but only one w a y a m o n g m a n y in w h i c h p e o p l e can reahze the m a n y choices they face as a result of theh contingency. U n d e r a n y set of conditions in the w o r l d of here and now, w e recogruze that s o m e people, if not many, m a y seek to create s o m e k i n d of nomenklatura w i t h w h i c h to control c o n u n u n i c a tions infrastructures a n d thereby place others m relations of tutelage. The point is that if democratic values of justice, w h i c h w e e q u a t e w i t h the values h e l d d e a r b y p e r s o n s w i t h a rehgious attitude, are to b e c o m e p a r t of a global c o m m u n i c a t i o n s practice, t h e n those w h o seek to use m e d i a to keep others in tutelage m u s t d o so o p e n l y so that they can be resisted.

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Conclusion

C o m m u n i c a t i o n is central to b o t h democratic a n d religious experiences; however, the institutions of commimication t e n d t o w a r d t o p - d o w n organization of c o m m u n i c a t i o n flows. They t h u s seek control n o t only of m e d i a channels, b u t also of the messages transmitted, a n d often of the b e h a v i o r elicited. This is a fundamental betrayal of the relations h i p b e t w e e n commimication a n d community, a n d it u s u a l l y results in the elites w h o o w n a n d control c o m m u n i c a t i o n technologies b e c o m i n g distanced from the real n e e d s of their constituencies. T h e resulting p o w e r relationship entrenches the elites a n d d i s e m p o w e r s o r d i n a r y p e o ple, t h o u g h resistance often results. Ecumenical m e d i a n e e d to b e come p a r t of the solutions of the future, n o t rooted a n d forgotten in t h e past. Dialogical or p o p u l a r c o m m u n i c a t i o n facilitates a b o t t o m - u p e m p o w e r i n g of the community. Ironically, d u r i n g the 1970s a n d 1980s, because of m a n a g e m e n t a n d p r o d u c t i o n n e e d s for r a p i d w o r l d w i d e interactive c o m m u n i c a t i o n , multinational capital p r o d u c e d electronic c o m m u n i c a t i o n s technologies able to facilitate global interaction (satellites, electronic mail a n d c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k i n g , teleconferencing, interactive telecommunications s u c h as video-text, h y p e r m e d i a , a n d so on). T h e public service broadcasting system a n d the the idea of a public sphere are paradoxical in the Information Age. O n the o n e h a n d , there are extraordinary electronic technological d e v e l o p m e n t s that n o t only p e r mit, b u t also e n c o u r a g e interaction b e t w e e n c o m m u n i t i e s of interest from the local to the intemational. This k i n d of c o m m u n i c a t i o n e l u d e s space a n d time, culture a n d location. O n the other h a n d , these m e a n s of c o m munication are b o t h controlled a n d served b y a n u n h o l y alliance of transnational corporations a n d g o v e r n m e n t s ( G a m h a m , 1986, p . 38). This situation simultaneously r e m o v e s access from the public t h r o u g h price as well as t h r o u g h regulatory a n d licensing m e c h a n i s m s . We a r g u e t h a t this tendency can b e resisted b y encouraging technology organization t h r o u g h w h i c h homo sapiens communicare can reconnect ihe religious aspects of signification w i t h the fight for social justice. We h a v e also a r g u e d that televangelists s e e m to h a v e a w a y of recovering compelling aspects of preliterate oral consciousness, thereby restoring the p o w e r of d y n a n u c relations of cosmological force to n a m e s

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a n d labels that are lost to Cartesian hterate consciousness t h r o u g h the objectification of m e a n h i g s attached to w o r d s . Televangehsts h a v e b e e n able to reconnect, in a very particular k i n d of way, the Subject a n d Object t h r o u g h integration of verbal, pictorial, a n d hterate discourses that m a k e sense to p e o p l e otherwise located within Cartesian subjectivities. This e n o r m o u s p o w e r h a s b e e n harnessed, as w e h a v e a r g u e d above, to the d e m a n d s of the pohtical e c o n o m y of the electronic church. O i u conclusion is that the recovery of oral consciousness in homo sapiens communicare can reconnect the democratic a n d rehgious attitudes in the p u b h c spheres m a d e possible b y interactive information a n d m e d i a technologies. Note 1. This chapter is d e v e l o p e d from K. G. Tomaselli and Fr. N . Nkosi, "Political Economy of Televangelism: Ecumenical Broadcasting Vs. Teleministries/' Communicare, 1995. We are indebted to Robert White, Fr. Nhlanhla Nkosi, Stewart M. Hoover, Ruth Teer-Tomaselli, and Eric L o u w for their helpful critiques and advice o n aspects of this s t u d y Travel funding facilitating the s t u d y w a s provided b y the Department of Theology, University of Uppsala, S w e d e n , the World Association for Christian Conununication, London, and the Natal University Res