Restoring women's history through historic preservation 9780801870521

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Acknowledgments (page ix)
CHAPTER 1 Restoring Women's History through Historic Preservation: Recent Developments in Scholarship and Public Historical Practice (Gail Lee Dubrow, page 1)
PART I Documenting the History of Women in Preservation
CHAPTER 2 Women in the Nineteenth‒Century Preservation Movement (Barbara J. Howe, page 17)
CHAPTER 3 Special Places Saved: The Role of Women in Preserving the American Landscape (Shaun Eyring, page 37)
CHAPTER 4 Four African American Women on the National Landscape (Fath Davis Ruffins, page 58)
PART II Revisiting Women's Lives at Historic Houses and Museums
CHAPTER 5 Uncovering and Interpreting Women's History at Historic House Museums (Patricia West, page 83)
CHAPTER 6 Domestic Work Portrayed: Philadelphia's Restored Bishop William White House‒A Case Study (Karie Diethorn with John Bacon, page 96)
CHAPTER 7 Putting Women in Their Place: Methods and Sources for Including Women's History in Museums and Historic Sites (Edith Mayo, page 111)
PART III Claiming New Space for Women in the Built Environment and Cultural Landscape
CHAPTER 8 Rooms of Their Own: The Nurses' Residences at Montreal's Royal Victoria Hospital (Annmarie Adams, page 131)
CHAPTER 9 On the Inside: Preserving Women's History in American Libraries (Abigail A. Van Slyck, page 145)
CHAPTER 10 Women in the Southern West Virginia Coalfields (Susan M. Pierce, page 161)
CHAPTER 11 "A Night with Venus, a Moon with Mercury": The Archaeology of Prostitution in Historic Los Angeles (Julia G. Costello, page 177)
PART IV Exemplary Projects
CHAPTER 12 The Power of Place: Project Claiming Women's History in the Urban Landscape (Dolores Hayden, page 199)
CHAPTER 13 Best Practices for Saving Women's Heritage Sites: Nonprofit Case Studies (Jennifer B. Goodman, page 214)
CHAPTER 14 "It's a Wide Community Indeed": Alliances and Issues in Creating Women's Rights National Historical Park, Seneca Falls, New York (Judith Wellman, page 230)
CHAPTER 15 "Raising Our Sites": A Pilot Project for Integrating Women's History into Museums (Kim Moon, page 248)
CHAPTER 16 Finding Her Place: Integrating Women's History into Historic Preservation in Georgia (Leslie N. Sharp, page 263)
CHAPTER 17 Blazing Trails with Pink Triangles and Rainbow Flags: Improving the Preservation and Interpretation of Gay and Lesbian Heritage (Gail Lee Dubrow, page 281)
PART V Toward an Inclusive Agenda for Preservation Policy and Practice
CHAPTER 18 Searching for Women in the National Register of Historic Places (Carol D. Shull, page 303)
CHAPTER 19 Reflections on Federal Policy and Its Impact on Understanding Women's Past at Historic Sites (Page Putnam Miller, page 318)
CHAPTER 20 Parks Canada and Women's History (Alan B. McCullough, page 337)
AFTERWORD Proceeding from Here (Heather A. Huyck, page 355)
Appendix A: Participants in the Pilot of "Raising our Sites: Women's History in Pennsylvania" (page 365)
Appendix B: Women, Women's Organizations, and Buildings Related to Women Which Have Been Commemorated by the Canadian Minister Responsible for National Historic Sites (page 367)
Notes (page 371)
List of Contributors (page 429)
Index (page 435)

Citation preview

Restoring Women's History through Historic Preservation

CENTER BOOKS ON CONTEMPORARY LANDSCAPE DESIGN Frederick R. Steiner CONSULTING EDITOR

George F. Thompson SERIES FOUNDER AND DIRECTOR

Published in cooperation with the Center for American Places Santa Fe, New Mexico, and Harrisonburg, Virginia

Restoring Women s History through Historic Preservation EDITED BY GAIL LEE DUBROW & JENNIFER B. GOODMAN

The Johns Hopkins University Press BALTIMORE AND LONDON

© 2003 The Johns Hopkins University Press All rights reserved. Published 2003 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper

246897531

The Johns Hopkins University Press 2715 North Charles Street Baltimore, Maryland 21218-4363 www.press.jhu.edu Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Restoring women’s history through historic preservation / Gail Lee Dubrow and Jennifer B. Goodman, editors. p. cm. — (Center books on contemporary landscape design) This essay collection draws upon work presented at three national conferences on women and historic preservation: the first held at Bryn Mawr College in 1994, the second held at Arizona State University in 1997, and the third held at Mount Vernon College in Washington, D.C. in 2000. Includes bibliographical references (p. _) and index. ISBN 0-8018-7052-6 (alk. paper) 1. Women—United States—History. 2. Historic preservation—United States. 3. Historic sites—United States. 4. Landscape architecture—Conservation and restoration—United States. 5. Women historians—United States. 6. Women conservationists—United States. 7. Women museum curators—United States. I. Dubrow, Gail Lee. IJ. Goodman, Jennifer, 1964— __ III. Series. HQ1410 .R47 2002 305.4'0973—dce2] 2001007988

A catalog record for this book is available from the British Library.

Contents Acknowledgments _ ix CHAPTER 1

Restoring Women’s History through Historic Preservation: Recent Developments in Scholarship and Public Historical Practice Gail Lee Dubrow 1 PARTI

Documenting the History of Women in Preservation CHAPTER 2

Women in the Nineteenth-Century Preservation Movement

Barbara J. Howe 17 CHAPTER 3

Special Places Saved: The Role of Women in Preserving the American Landscape

Shaun Eyring 37 CHAPTER 4

Four African American Women on the National Landscape

Fath Davis Ruffins 58 PART I

Revisiting Women's Lives at Historic Houses and Museums CHAPTER 5

Uncovering and Interpreting Women’s History at Historic House Museums

Patricia West 83

CONTENTS

CHAPTER 6 | Domestic Work Portrayed: Philadelphia's Restored Bishop William White House—A Case Study Karie Diethorn with John Bacon 96 CHAPTER 7

Putting Women in Their Place: Methods and Sources for Including Women’s History in Museums and Historic Sites

Edith Mayo 111

| PART Il Claiming New Space for Women in the Built Environment and Cultural Landscape CHAPTER 8

Rooms of Their Own: The Nurses’ Residences

at Montreal's Royal Victoria Hospital

, Annmarie Adams 131 CHAPTER 9

| On the Inside: Preserving Women’s History in American Libraries

Abigail A. Van Slyck 145 | CHAPTER 10

Women in the Southern West Virginia Coalfields

Susan M. Pierce 161 CHAPTER 11

“A Night with Venus, a Moon with Mercury’: The Archaeology of Prostitution in Historic Los Angeles

Julia G. Costello 177 PART IV

Exemplary Projects |

, CHAPTER 12

i|

The Power of Place Project: Claiming Women’s History in the Urban Landscape

Dolores Hayden 199 |

CONTENTS CHAPTER 13

Best Practices for Saving Women’s Heritage Sites: Nonprofit Case Studies

Jennifer B. Goodman 214 CHAPTER 14

“It's a Wide Community Indeed”: Alliances and Issues in Creating Women’s Rights National Historical Park, Seneca Falls, New York

Judith Wellman 230 CHAPTER 15

“Raising Our Sites”: A Pilot Project for Integrating Women’s History into Museums

Kim Moon 248 CHAPTER 16

Finding Her Place: Integrating Women’s History into Historic Preservation in Georgia

Leslie N. Sharp 263 CHAPTER 17

Blazing Trails with Pink Triangles and Rainbow Flags: Improving the Preservation and Interpretation of Gay and Lesbian Heritage

Gail Lee Dubrow 281 PART V

Toward an Inclusive Agenda for Preservation Policy and Practice CHAPTER 18

Searching for Women in the National Register of Historic Places

Carol D. Shull 303 CHAPTER 19

Reflections on Federal Policy and Its Impact on Understanding Women’s Past at Historic Sites

Page Putnam Miller 318

Vil

CONTENTS CHAPTER 20

Parks Canada and Women’s History Alan B. McCullough 337 AFTERWORD

Proceeding from Here Heather A. Huyck 355 Appendix A: Participants in the Pilot of —

“Raising Our Sites: Women’s History in Pennsylvania” 365 Appendix B: Women, Women’s Organizations, and Buildings Related to Women Which Have Been Commemorated by the Canadian Minister Responsible for National Historic Sites 367

Notes 371 List of Contributors 429

Index 435

Acknowledgments This book grew out of papers presented at the first National Conference on Women and Historic Preservation, which began in 1994 with the leadership of Philadelphia-area preservationists Deborah Filipi, Ellen Freedman Schultz, Gail Greenberg, Jennifer Goodman, Dorothy Guzzo, Donna Ann Harris, Audrey Johnson-Thornton, Deborah Kelly, Howard Kittell, Cindy Little, Gayle Samuels, and many others. Their vision of bringing together scholars, practitioners, and activists to discuss better approaches to identifying, interpreting, and saving women’s heritage sites seeded not just this publication but also new collaborations and strategies and what has now become a traditional gathering. The original conference committee, chaired by Barbara Irvine of the Alice Paul Centennial Foundation, generously invested proceeds from the conference in this book project, for which we are indebted, and enlisted us as coeditors, which has been a gratifying experience.

Page Putnam Miller's expert counsel and her leadership of the National Women’s History Landmark Project has helped to make the Women and Historic Preservation conferences into a showplace for the best new work in the field. Heather Huyck provided both intellectual and political leadership in securing resources to bring attention to this issue within the National Park Service. Marie Rust, Director of the Northeast Regional Office of the National Park Service, stands out as an early and steadfast supporter of the National Conference. Her willingness to make a long-term commitment to this issue has ensured continuity for nearly a decade.

Mary Logan Rothschild, Jannelle Warren-Findley, Vivien Rose, and Gail Dubrow carried the spirit of the National Conference forward while steering it westward as the organizers of the 1997 meeting in Tempe, Arizona. Gail Dubrow and Edith Mayo hosted the 2000 meeting in WashIX

| ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ington, D.C., with support from Vivien Rose, Neile Graham, Connie Walker, Richard Longstreth, and many colleagues. The conference benefited from the participation of additional partners, such as George Washington University, the Smithsonian Institution, and the National Trust for Historic Preservation. The conference program drew out some of the best work in progress on the subject of women and historic preservation. The editors wish to express their appreciation to the authors with whom we worked and to acknowledge the existence of many more experts whose work we were unable to include on account of space limitations. Because published work on the subject of women and historic preservation is dispersed over a relatively wide range of fields—from archaeology, art history, women’s history, and cultural resources management to travel guides and interpretive programs—our hope was that bringing the best work together under one cover would make it more widely accessible. The editors wish to convey their gratitude to the crew at the Center for American Places for seeing the value of bringing this collection into print and express appreciation to Norman Johnston and Jane Hastings for establishing a Publication Support Fund at the College of Architecture and Urban Planning at the University of Washington, which ensured that

the book was amply illustrated. | |

Coll-Peter Thrush provided significant research assistance, for which we are grateful. Lisa Raflo coordinated revisions to the manuscript and whipped it into shape for submittal to the Johns Hopkins University Press. She brought to the project considerable expertise in historic preservation as well as enormous reserves of tact and patience. Elizabeth Gratch’s ed-

itorial suggestions vastly improved the manuscript. | We dedicate this book to our young daughters, Rachel and Kathryn, in the hope that their generation will be able to take for granted accurate depictions of both men’s and women’s lives at the places they eventually

come to think of as historically significant. |

xX

Restoring Women’s History through Historic Preservation

BLANK PAGE

CHAPTER 1

Restoring Womens History through Historic Preservation Recent Developments in Scholarship and Public Historical Practice Gail Lee Dubrow

On the eve of the American bicentennial the cartographic company Rand McNally published a guide to the nation’s landmarks titled Discover Historic America. Overlaying the company’s popular highway maps with nearly three thousand places of historic interest, the guidebook furnished travelers and armchair tourists alike with a road map to the nation’s tangible past in the form of historic houses, canals, iron furnaces, and logging

museums. As the nation approached its two hundredth birthday, there was a growing appreciation of what the guidebook termed “the rich mixture of ethnic groups that makes up our heritage”; hence, Spanish forts, French trading posts, Indian pueblos, Scandinavian farms, and Russian churches were among the many landmarks it featured.’ Core sites associated with military and political history, particularly battlefields and the homes of presidents, were joined by a handful of places devoted to slavery and its abolition and the homes of woman’s rights activists, reflecting the growing influence of the civil rights and feminist movements in contemporary politics as well as the cultural sphere. But this version of Rand McNally’s guidebook was not yet available during the late 1960s and early 1970s when my family took most of our trips to historic sites on the eastern seaboard, so we relied on its immediate and more conservative predecessor. Crossing out of New York City in our faux wood—paneled station wagon, my parents, younger brother, and I headed north to Hancock Shaker Village in Pittsfield, Massachu-

setts, and the recreated country town of Old Sturbridge Village; west to Gettysburg, Pennsylvania; and south to Mount Vernon and Colonial 1

RESTORING WOMEN’S HISTORY THROUGH HISTORIC PRESERVATION

Williamsburg, Virginia, on trips intended to animate the history lessons contained in our schoolbooks. Having been a history major in college, my mother genuinely enjoyed these trips. Never one to relish touring, my father perked up only at the battlefields, our tour of FBI headquarters, or the occasional military museum, which resonated with his branch of historical knowledge and his experience of military service. As for my brother and I, we were rather _ poor students of public history in those days. Mostly, we fought over elbow room in the car, debated who would get the blue or gray cap at Gettysburg, and stood united on the question of stopping for ice cream. If the truth be told, I found our family visits to historic sites significantly less exciting than my grandfather’s ideal outing, which consisted of a visit to the bizarre and fascinating collection of objects in Ripley's Believe It or Not Museum and other forbidden pleasures such as Bette Davis’s most grotesque movie, What Ever Happened to Baby Jane? Clearly, his taste for the sensational and the macabre engaged my preteen sensibilities at a more visceral level than the average historical exhibit of the period did. If Gettysburg at the time was an exclusively white male military landscape neatly divided into shades of blue and gray, at least places such as Sturbridge and Williamsburg included women in their historical reenactments. Although I thought spinning yarn and dipping candles were mildly interesting demonstrations, they left me with a hazy picture of women’s part in history. Some landmarks of women’s history were accessible to the public even during our station wagon years, the homes of Emily Dickinson, Susan B. Anthony, and Harriet Beecher Stowe prominent among them. But we never visited them. The historic places we toured so closely fit our shared belief that men were the agents of historical change that the

absence of women’s history totally escaped notice. | By the time of the bicentennial I was off to college and learning with others of my generation that women and other overlooked groups had a considerably more complex and interesting history than grade school texts and visits to historic sites had led us to believe. I had the good fortune of attending college at a time when many scholars had begun to make the case for recovering the history of women (echoing historian

Mary Ritter Beard, who had begun the project a generation earlier). Since then, untold numbers of women’s historians have worked to make 2

RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN SCHOLARSHIP AND PRACTICE

sense of female experience in particular times and places while theorizing about broader patterns in the social relations of the sexes. This body

of work has provided a base for those dedicated to increasing public awareness of women’s history through museum exhibitions, films, oral history projects, archival collections, and historic sites and buildings. The collection of essays in this volume represents the fruits of more than two decades of individual and collective efforts to restore women’s history through historic preservation. Visited by millions of people each year, historic sites and buildings play a major role in educating the public about the nation’s past. Yet, taken together, these places present an incomplete picture of women’s contributions to American history. Relatively few properties significant in women’s history are listed on the National Register of Historic Places, or its state and local equivalents, and women’s history has yet to be represented in an accurate and complete way at the vast majority of designated landmarks.

The critiques of women’s status at historic sites and buildings, along with ambitious new initiatives to identify, interpret, and protect places significant in the history of women, have arisen wherever women are present in the field of preservation: as interpreters at historic house museums, preservation activists in nonprofit organizations, staff within state historic preservation offices and the National Park Service, as well as from within the academy. Together, in recent years, the individuals involved in these historic preservation efforts have developed a body of work which is potentially useful for those interested in improving the coverage of women’s history at historic places, including several model projects,

books, and articles scattered in the periodical literature. This volume draws upon work presented at three national conferences on women and historic preservation: the first held at Bryn Mawr College in 1994, the second at Arizona State University in 1997, and the third at Mount Vernon College in Washington, D.C., in 2000.* These gatherings were landmarks in themselves, because they provided opportunities for those dedicated to improving the status of women within historic preservation to meet one another. The relationships forged at these conferences have cross-fertilized and nurtured many of the projects discussed in this collection. As the organization of the book suggests, work on women and historic 3

RESTORING WOMEN’S HISTORY THROUGH HISTORIC PRESERVATION

preservation is divided among several themes, including efforts to: (1) rewrite the history of the preservation movement to account fully for women’s participation; (2) improve the interpretation of women’s history at historic houses as well as in museum settings, the places where the public is most likely to encounter presentations and displays that address _ female historical experience; (3) widen the variety of building types and landscapes associated with women’s history which are listed on landmark registers and open to the public; (4) develop strategies for improving the identification, interpretation, and protection of women’s landmarks; and (5) remove barriers to the protection of women’s history landmarks in existing preservation policies and practices. My hope is that this overview and assessment will entice readers to take on projects in areas that beg for attention, which will expand the base of knowledge and raise the level of discussion and debate in this field.

Part 1 reassesses women’s contributions to the historic preservation movement. Although standard histories, such as Charles Hosmer’s Presence of the Past,’ superficially acknowledge women’s contributions to the rise of the preservation movement, it is only in recent years that scholars have begun a detailed exploration of the gender dimensions of the subject. In chapter 2, Barbara J. Howe traces women in historic preservation into the middle of the nineteenth century, when female activists, shaped by the “cult of domesticity,” began taking leadership roles in commemorating the past at historic places. Working through the Mount Vernon Ladies’ Association of the Union, the Daughters of the American Republic, and other patriotic and genealogical organizations, women led the campaigns to save some of the nation’s most treasured landmarks. Howe describes the values

that defined these middle-class white organizations then contrasts them with African American women’s preservation efforts and the work of women in the Southwest to preserve sites associated with Native Americans.

An appreciation of women’s contributions finally has entered broader histories of the preservation movement, most notably James Lindgren’s Preserving the Old Dominion and Preserving Historic New England. The challenge ahead is continuing to move the literature in this field beyond the “contributions” model of women’s history to address more complex questions such as, what motivated women to engage in preservation, and to what ends did they use history? Given the rather elite and reflex4

RECENT DEVELOPMENTS LN SCHOLARSHIP AND PRACTICE

ively patriotic origins of the historic preservation movement, what sources, roots, and traditions might sustain preservationists whose work is guided by a more democratic and inclusive vision? Shaun Eyring (chap. 3) augments this story by chronicling women’s contributions to the preservation of historic landscapes from the midnineteenth century onward. She reexamines Mount Vernon as an early example of a unified approach to preserving both the built environment and historic landscape. It served as a model for later groups dedicated to saving historic houses, gardens, and the grounds in which they were set and protecting the scenic views associated with them. Eyring locates

women’s organizations such as the Garden Club of America in the broader context of women’s contributions to the historic preservation movement. She credits women’s clubs with playing an instrumental role in the rise of federal and state parklands preservation initiatives. Finally, she documents women’s leading role in fighting visual blight in the form of outdoor advertising. Eyring’s contribution marks the beginning of a broader history of women’s contributions to landscape preservation. In the final contribution to this section (chap. 4), Fath Davis Ruffins

looks at historic sites associated with Mary McLeod Bethune, Harriet Tubman, Madam C. J. Walker, and Maggie Lena Walker. Ruffins examines the churches, homes, and other places associated with these four notable African American women to explore the conditions that have allowed some notable black women to be remembered at historic places, while others have been the focus of more ephemeral forms of commemoration.

This chapter, taken together with Ruffins’ other published work on African American public history and memory,” provide a welcome corrective to the elite white focus of past histories of the preservation movement. Outside of Fath Ruffins’ efforts, little work published to date fully mines the subjects of race, class, and ethnicity in the history of preservation. Yet these social relations are central to the project of explaining why particular groups of women organized to save particular remnants of the past. And they are key to understanding the process by which the cultural heritage of a few (and versions of others’ history appropriated by an elite) became equated with the nation’s history. More inclusive histories of women and preservation are needed. Doing so requires preservation to be reframed in broader ways, particularly to include women’s historic role in maintaining 5

RESTORING WOMEN’S HISTORY THROUGH HISTORIC PRESERVATION |

and transforming cultural traditions, only some of which include historic landscapes and buildings. In the process it is essential to address the subject of real property and to account for sharp differences in various groups of women’s relationship to it historically. Only then will it become possible for us to write histories of women and preservation which have broader explanatory power than for a propertied class of white women. In part 2 the authors take a closer look at the place of women’s history at existing landmarks, particularly historic houses and museums. One of the founding mothers of the field, Heather A. Huyck, first brought atten- _ tion to the problem of interpreting women’s history in national parks in

her 1988 essay “Beyond John Wayne.”° The recognition that historic houses have been the predominant type of site where women’s history is presented to the public has prompted debate over how interpretive programs can be improved in these settings as well as a movement to diversify the property types that mark women’s accomplishments and activities. Patricia West’s early work on the Martin Van Buren National Historic Site, in Kinderhook, New York, showed that the historical experiences of _ female domestic servants can be woven into the interpretive programs at

| the homes of “wealthy, white, male, political figure|s],” even American presidents.’ In chapter 5 she identifies the rules of interpretation which effectively marginalize women’s history in the public programs of historic house museums.” She has pointed to the directive that fosters the development of a primary interpretive theme at historic house museums, which tends to push women’s interests to the periphery. West shows how combined attention to the history of women and domestic labor has reinvigo-

rated historical interpretation at Lindenwald. Including Irish domestic

| servants in the interpretive plan there has enriched the public’s understanding of Van Buren’s political career, the social context of mid-nineteenth-century America, and the spatial arrangements of Lindenwald. West suggests that it is not necessary to “turn our backs on the patriarchs” to tell the history of women; instead, the two can complement each other. Thanks to the persistence, ingenuity, and creativity of the staff at some historic houses, we have begun to realize the untapped potential for interpreting women’s lives through a detailed reexamination of domestic

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f the Tubman PHOME, AVE.H.

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L and after the estat 2 W e During the 1920s 5 o ° ‘Hoc h man,aomerh Obyee. . did aneguisn Some °

hich Tubman lea isl

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t sold orlost, destro 2h ‘r he of historic significance were ; yi h nh Was n sen. me ae es. A

Cdl W d cad Ss. Att Professional cura asc |c ;rick anda SOCldal JUSTIC H reiict status j iti ned to CO ove e€€I ds of Afro-American rwrea mM mmunities hur cnes in € | SOULrCEeS O | U d these ears Afro-American however, during y5 wom | reservation oO [In partic | € en s { t S t clurtunately, he estate p iCula 2 W OO supv\ ort orKe the Ome,; Counci D rivate B OUSE owners from anditsreturne Pp W d ha to th lar er Tu : °

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as the econom

th Depression

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ry e urchase the bric

Cc b Home estate around 1930. Dur ng Wor

| Liba rty8Ip N name C man. NW In 19% Was

h Yr Afro-American org aniZations War II, NCNW, along with othe WY 5

rniet Lu °

DOCUMENTING THE HISTORY OF WOMEN IN PRESERVATION

instrumental in having Harriet Tubman named as the first in a series of

Black Heritage stamps. | The recognition by the First Lady Hillary Clinton’s Millennium Project garnered a $10,000 contribution to the Brick House by the Washington, D.C.-based Folger Foundation. It is important to realize, however, that this donation represents the first financial support from outside the world of black churches and women’s clubs since those unsolicited

donations by Tubman’s white comrades a century ago. _ The link between the Tubman home and the NCNW is especially in-

triguing because Mary McLeod Bethune (1875-1955) founded the National Council for Negro Women in 1935. Today Bethune is the Black woman most commemorated through historic preservation (fig. 4.3). She

is marked at four sites in three locations. The NCNW headquarters is known today as the Council House. In 1982 it was declared a National Historic Site and was acquired by the National Park Service in 1994. It is located at 1318 Vermont Avenue in the Logan Circle neighborhood of Washington, D.C. (fig. 4.4). Bethune’s amazing life is too complex to give more than a summary here. While Tubman was born into slavery and was emblematic of the last

- generation of enslaved Americans, Bethune was a member of the first postslavery generation. Born in 1875 in Mayesville (Sumter County), South

Carolina, Mary McLeod was the fifteenth of seventeen children; both of her parents had been born enslaved. She studied at the local Presbyterian church schools and wanted to become a missionary. She applied to the Presbyterian Board in about 1895 but found that they took no Negroes.

Although temporarily stymied, by 1904, Bethune had founded the Daytona Educational and Industrial Institute for Colored Girls, supported by the wealthy and white Ladies Advisory Group. Two significant patrons were Thomas H. White of the White Sewing Machine Company

and James Gamble of Procter and Gamble, who both left relatively large trust funds to continue the expansion of the school. By 1922 the institute had grown to three hundred girls and twenty-five staff members. Bethune and her female staff all voted in elections after 1920,

despite the Ku Klux Klan’s threats of violence.’* In 1923 Bethune’s school joined with the Cookman Institute for Boys, creating a coeducational school, and in 1941 Bethune-Cookman became a four-year liberal arts college.'” 66

FOUR AFRICAN AMERICAN WOMEN ON THE NATIONAL LANDSCAPE

A he ee ee ee ae i a

, ff a Sf — Fig. 4.3. Washington, D.C. Mary McLeod Bethune. Photo courtesy of the Council House, National Park Service.

Bethune became deeply involved in the Progressive women’s clubs movements of the 1890s and beyond. In 1920 she became head of the Southeastern Association of Colored Women (SACW). As chair of the as-

sociation for five years, she participated in the Southeastern Interracial Committee, which became the Colored Contingent at the Women’s General Committee of the Atlanta-based Commission on Interracial Cooperation. From 1924 to 1928 she served as the president of the National

Association of Colored Women (NACW). She sought to transform this 67

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V ad V uli0Cal ConcemM : : : Cu on more hs.anional national inter al :| fte ; CiFi ne t 'Cel|onc\ AV p p S th x W hin th NA . COMDIE OWE! ru WI Pp. In °

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°

FOUR AERICAN AMERICAN WOMEN ON THE NATIONAL LANDSCAPE

December 1935 she founded the National Council of Negro Women (NCNW) and served as its president until 1949 (fig. 4.5). Bethune knew Eleanor Roosevelt through clubwomen’s groups work-

ing on social tolerance, community uplift, and other educational programs. After Franklin Roosevelt’s election in 1932, Bethune used her Roosevelt connections to help organize the Federal Council on Negro Affairs (known unofficially as the “Black Cabinet”) and sponsored, along

with others, national labor conferences from 1937 through 1939. In 1939 she was named director of Negro Affairs for the National Youth Administration. At least some of the NCNW’s success had to do with Bethune’s insider status in the long-lived Roosevelt Administrations.'* Bethune began to suffer health problems in the 1950s and died of a heart attack in 1955. She was buried in Daytona Beach, Florida, on the campus of Bethune-Cookman College (fig. 4.6).’° Bethune’s professional life re-

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a / ak : MK! “se. “So Fig. 4.5. Washington, D.C. President Harry S. Truman with Mary McLeod Bethune. Photo courtesy of the Council House, National Park Service. 69

| | DOCUMENTING THE HISTORY OF WOMEN IN PRESERVATION

ER ae ne ee eae oe oe ee oO ae

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Bethune-Cookman College, Office of Public Relations. - oe | | flected not only her membership in the “up from slavery” generation but also her effectiveness in linking religious, institutional, and financial arrangements for the purpose of racial uplift, equal justice, and social

tolerance.!© - Oe Be Oo

Today Bethune would be described as an “activist,” yet she alsohadapro-

a found interest in cultural preservation. She was involved in nearly every im- | portant effort to preserve individual Afro-American historic sites, chairing committees and organizations devoted to preservation. She established an. archive on Afro-American women’s history. Through the NCNW Bethune

provided financial support to the Tubman and Douglass homes and to key | organizers and founders of Afro-American libraries and museums, espe~ cially Dorothy Porter, librarian of the Moorland-Spingarn Research Center

at Howard University and Sue Bailey Thurman, later the founder of the | Museum of Afro-American History in Boston. Thurman was also the ~ founding editor of NCNW’s AfraAmerican Journal and essentially the co— 70

FOUR AFRICAN AMERICAN WOMEN ON THE NATIONAL LANDSCAPE

founder of the Black Women’s Research Archives, housed then and today in the carriage house of the Council House in Washington, D.C."” In explaining her extensive representation on the landscape, one critical factor is that she was the founder of two ongoing organizations that sustain her memory as a part of their basic work.’* While not well known to the general public today, Bethune has four important sites, both public and private, in Washington, D.C., Florida, and South Carolina. Recently, an annual arts festival began in Mayesville, South Carolina, where Bethune’s birthplace is located, which is now listed on the South Carolina register of historic buildings. The presence of these buildings reflects the deep taproots of BethuneCookman College and the NCNW in an era of self-organized Colored uplift and Progressive-era white philanthropy. Yet their continuance in the present involves the growth of funding mechanisms such as the private,

nonprofit United Negro College Fund, legislative mandates to support “historically Black colleges and universities,” preservation initiatives focused on the tangible resources associated with them, and state and federal grants to plan social service programs that have been awarded to

NCNW in increasing amounts since Bethune’s death. Bethune was clearly prescient in understanding how important the role of the federal government was to the future of Afro-Americans. Madam C. J. Walker of Indianapolis and New York and Maggie Lena Walker of Richmond were both members of the same postslavery generation as Bethune. Their lives, however, reflect a different spirit within that generation. Although both Walkers joined a large number of religious, civic, and benevolent societies, their primary impetus for “uplift” was through business, that is, through the accumulation of wealth. While Madam C. J. Walker ultimately became wealthier than any other Afro-

American of her era, both Walkers were quite successful, prominent enough to leave private homes that have entered the national preservation landscape. Madam Walker left a thirty-five-room mansion and estate in Irvington-on-Hudson, Villa Lewaro (1917). In addition, she is remembered through the Madame Walker Theater Center in Indianapolis. This vibrant performing arts space and arts education facility is located in the second factory building of the Walker company, which was built in 1927 on the land of the original plant (1913). What’s more, in January 1998 the 71

DOCUMENTING THE HISTORY OF WOMEN IN PRESERVATION

National Postal Service released a Black Heritage stamp commemorating Madam C. J. Walker, twenty years after the release of the first such stamp which honored Harriet Tubman. Maggie Lena Walker left her residence and twenty-four thousand related objects in Richmond, Virginia, which is now open to the public as a National Historic Site owned by the National Park Service. These two women are quite well represented on the ground.

Both of these women’s homes and memories are preserved today, though in different ways. Madam C. J. Walker’s Harlem brownstone has long since been demolished, though many of the organizations she sup-

ported survive today. Villa Lewaro is privately owned by an African American investment banker, Harold Doley, and his family.’’ It is not open to the public, but it is listed as a National Historic Landmark. Villa Lewaro is unusual because it was designed by an Afro-American archi-

tect, Vertner Tandy, who has few buildings still extant. | Maggie Lena Walker bought her 1883 house in 1904 and lived in this mansion with her children and grandchildren until her death in 1934. She expanded it dramatically in 1922 to accommodate her sons’ families. Her family owned it until 1979, when it was purchased by the NPS. In 1996 the residence opened to the public as a National Historic Site. Through the accumulation of private wealth and the foresight to buy and build impressive homes, the two Walkers have been preserved on the landscape in a far more traditional way: as the architecturally significant homes of wealthy Americans judged by later generations to be deserving of historical designation. Born Sarah Breedlove on a Louisiana plantation in 1867, Madam C. J. Walker became quite wealthy before her sudden death in 1919. Madam

Walker wrote: “I am a woman who came from the cotton fields of the South. From there I was promoted to the washtub. From there I was promoted to the cook kitchen. And from there I promoted myself to the business of manufacturing hair goods and preparations. . . . I have built my own factory on my own ground.” She spoke these words in 1912 to a convention of the National Negro Business League. These words also appear at the beginning of a website devoted to her memory maintained by her great-great-granddaughter and biographer, A’Lelia P. Bundles.” Being the first person in her family to be born free, Sarah Breedlove led an improbable and astonishing life. Orphaned during a yellow fever 72

FOUR AFRICAN AMERICAN WOMEN ON THE NATIONAL LANDSCAPE

epidemic in 1874, she and some surviving family members moved to Vicksburg, Mississippi. As was not uncommon in the rural South in these years, at fourteen she married Moses McWilliams, a laborer. She became a laundress, which was backbreaking work. She gave birth to a daughter

in 1885 whom she and her husband named Lelia. In 1887, however, Moses McWilliams was killed in a construction accident. Left a widow and single mother and seeing greener pastures elsewhere, she left for St. Louis, Missouri, in 1888. There she married again and became part of a

much larger Afro-American community. She listened to the Colored leaders who came and lectured during the 1904 St. Louis World’s Fair. She met women in the NACW who sponsored an address by Margaret

Murray Washington, wife of Booker T. Washington, the founder of Tuskegee Institute. She was impressed by the good grooming, bearing, and style of these leaders and their wives. In St. Louis she also came into contact with the locally based Poro Company, which was the first large-scale Colored hair care company. Colored women in this era had enormous difficulty with their hair. Many of the fashionable styles of the late nineteenth century required huge bunches of hair. White women could supplement their natural hair with wigs and falls designed to create the effect of volume, but Colored women did not have much access to appropriate hairpieces. A number of products were on the market, but McWilliams had used them with little success. Her biographer, A’Lelia Bundles, wrote: “In early 1905, McWilliams informed friends that, with divine help, she had learned how to make the mixture she wanted. God, she later told a reporter, ‘answered my prayer, for one night I had a dream, and in that dream a big black man appeared to me and told me what to mix up for my hair. Some of the remedy was grown in Africa, but I sent for it, mixed it, and put it on my scalp, and in a few weeks my hair was coming in faster than it had ever fallen out. I tried it on my friends; it helped them. I made up my mind I would begin to sell it.”’*' Perhaps in order to find a more fertile selling territory, Mrs. McWilliams decided to leave St. Louis. She divorced her second husband

and married Charles Joseph Walker, a sales agent for the local AfroAmerican newspaper. Together they headed for Denver, Colorado.

In 1905 Afro-Americans in Colorado numbered no more than ten thousand, and the whole state had just a few more people than the city of 73

DOCUMENTING THE HISTORY OF WOMEN IN PRESERVATION

St. Louis. Mrs. Walker, however, turned out to be a natural marketer: she pictured herself on the box of her products, assuming that Colored people would be more likely to buy something if the person on the box looked like them. She began using the term Madam to refer to herself, both as a reflection of her married station and because this invoked an association with French sophistication and elegance. By 1906 she was out on the road doing direct sales, which developed into a mail-order catalog business.” Due to segregation, she was housed in the railway car closest to the coal

and had to use church connections to make arrangements to stay in the homes of local people rather than hotels. In 1908 she moved to Pittsburgh and established Lelia College, where she trained scores of hair culturists. By 1910 she was scouting new loca-

| tions for the construction of a permanent national headquarters, settling on Indianapolis, the “Crossroads of America,” at the center of a major transportation network, which was a great asset for a mail-order business. The city also had a thriving Negro business community, including a wellknown newspaper, the Freeman. Her business grew by leaps and bounds. By about 1913 her factory was completed. Meanwhile, her daughter, A’Lelia Walker Robinson, developed their territory in New York City. Madam Walker decided that they needed a New York base of operations. In 1913 she acquired a house on 136th Street near Lenox Avenue in Harlem, which became a beauty salon and their home. Since joining St. Paul’s A.M.E. Church in St. Louis, Madam Walker had been an active “race woman,” working assiduously in benevolent associations, church organizations, women’s clubs, and education programs and helping to endow the Colored YMCA in Indianapolis in 1913. Not satisfied with founding Lelia College, she decided to create a national organization.

In 1917 more than two hundred delegates met at Philadelphia’s Union Baptist Church for the first national meeting of the Madam C. J. Walker Hair Culturists Union of America.”° While increasing her business and becoming involved on a national political level advocating equal rights for Afro-Americans, Walker was also able to begin building her dream home.

In 1916 Walker purchased an estate in Irvington-on-Hudson, about nineteen miles from Manhattan with panoramic views of the river and the New Jersey Palisades. After an initial local furor created by white fears, she and her family moved in June 1918. Soon after, they entertained the 74

FOUR AFRICAN AMERICAN WOMEN ON THE NATIONAL LANDSCAPE

era’s most celebrated opera tenor, Enrico Caruso. Her home reminded him of great estates in Italy, and he suggested that they call it a villa and use the first two letters of A’Lelia Walker Robinson’s name: hence, Villa Lewaro. Madam Walker was proud of the villa “that only Negro money had bought.”** Both her New York City townhouse and Villa Lewaro were designed by Negro architect Vertner W. Tandy.”? The Walkers began to entertain a wide set of American and European literati and diplomats from Liberia and began to host events for the boards of orga-

nizations such as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). Walker was also directly involved in historic preservation. For example,

she gave five hundred dollars to the fund for the preservation of the Frederick Douglass Home, the single largest contribution. She spoke at annual conferences and was involved in numerous projects with Carter G. Woodson’s Association for the Study of Negro Life and History (ASNLH).

A magnificent and wealthy woman, who pushed herself until her body gave out, Walker died in 1919 at the age of fifty-one. She left bequests to dozens of organizations and individuals, including an orphan home in St. Louis, an old-age home in Pittsburgh, the NAACP, and the Tuskegee Institute in Alabama. After Madam’s death, A’Lelia went on to become an important patron and figure within the Harlem Renaissance. Her Harlem townhouse became a salon for an integrated group of American and European intellectuals, artists, musicians, writers, and social activists. Unfortunately, A’Lelia also suffered from the high blood pressure that ran in the family, and a stroke led to her premature death in 1931 at the age of forty-six. Although Madam was an arts supporter, it was A’Lelia who became an arts patron. The only Negro in the Harlem Renaissance to be able to purchase and own artworks, her memory is most clearly visible in the Walker Theater Center in her mother’s

former company headquarters.*° Indeed, the preservation of both Villa Lewaro and the spirit of the Walker Theater in Indianapolis celebrate the lives, tastes, and priorities of both Madam C. J. and A’Lelia Walker.

Maggie Lena Walker’s life bears important similarities to that of Madam C. J. Walker (no relation). As the first American woman to found a bank, Maggie Lena Walker entered into finance through her work in a beneficial burial society, the Independent Order of St. Luke. The burial 75

DOCUMENTING THE HISTORY OF WOMEN IN PRESERVATION

and benevolent society was a traditional form of mutual self-support in Afro-American (and other working and poor) communities which went back to the eighteenth century in the American colonies. Born in 1867 in Richmond, Virginia, the former capital of the Confederacy, Maggie Lena Mitchell was the child of Elizabeth Draper, a young former slave and assistant cook in the home of Elizabeth Van Lew, a Civil War spy. Maggie’s father was a white northern newspaperman, but Draper married William Mitchell, a former butler who became a waiter. He was found dead in 1876, probably murdered, and Elizabeth Mitchell was left “a penniless widow with two small children.”2’ Mrs. Mitchell also became a laundress. Maggie Lena’s job was laundry pickup and delivery, yet she managed to graduate from high school, a remarkable accomplishment for the child of a former slave. As with Bethune, Maggie Lena saw her education as the key to her future. Her first job was teaching first grade in 1883.

She taught for three years then married Armstead Walker Jr. in 1886. Long before her marriage, she had joined the local Richmond council of the Independent Order of St. Luke. This fraternal burial society had been founded in Baltimore in 1867, pointing to the continuing linkage of Afro-American communities in the Chesapeake region which had been divided by the Civil War. Walker served in greater ways in the society until she was named the right worthy grand secretary in 1899 and kept the position until her death in 1934. Walker wrote: “Through sound fiscal policies, a genius for public relations and enormous energy, she took a dying organization, gave it life, and helped it thrive.””* St. Luke’s eventu-

ally opened both an insurance agency and a clothing store for its members. By 1927 St. Luke had more than one hundred thousand members in several states and a staff of two hundred in its Richmond headquarters. In 1902 Maggie Lena Walker founded a newspaper, the St. Luke Herald, to communicate better with the membership. Two years later, in 1903, she founded the St. Luke Penny Savings Bank. Perhaps Walker’s most famous statement was: “Let us put our money together. . . . The interest paid to depositors would ‘turn nickels into dollars.”” She became the first woman bank president in the United States. When children came to the bank, she gave them cardboard play banks to be filled with pennies.

When filled, they were returned to the bank for safe depositing. When the bank later merged with two others to become the Consolidated Bank 76

FOUR AFRICAN AMERICAN WOMEN ON THE NATIONAL LANDSCAPE

and Trust Company, she became chairman of the board. Lasting through the entire Depression, this bank exists today and remains the oldest continually operating African American bank in the country. In a similar fashion to Madam Walker, Maggie Walker established a successful business that exists today and a prominent family whose members were wealthy enough decades later to aid in the creation of the Maggie Lena Walker National Historic Site. Mary McLeod Bethune, Madam C. J. Walker, and Maggie Lena Walker were “firsts.” Being extraordinary individuals, they were acknowledged in their lifetimes as leaders: the first Negro woman to found a college; the first in a government post; for many years Walker was believed to be the first self-made millionaire; the first woman to found a bank. After World War II formal acknowledgment of Afro-American firsts became an important trope in Black newspapers and magazines.” In the era of deseg-

regation it became especially important to acknowledge and celebrate the individual achievements of particular Black Americans. Many felt that these individuals’ lives demonstrated that Black people were equal to

other Americans and therefore should have equal citizenship rights. Within the larger context of the history of preservation, their concerns were expressed by the saving of buildings associated with singular individuals. The four women discussed here met that criterion. Not only were they high achievers; they had led morally exemplary lives. Legally married (although not always happily), mothers all, religious women devoted

to their churches and their race, these four women were the sort of woman deemed worthy of individual celebration.

Other people, especially women, who had led much more irregular lives were not seen as exemplary. For example, blues queens such as Ma Rainey were associated with many lovers and a rural backwater back-

ground. A writer and folklorist such as Zora Neale Hurston had descended into poverty and problematic political opinions in later life. These sorts of women had not accumulated wealth, did not leave architecturally significant buildings, and had not allied themselves with organizations devoted to preserving their memory. It was not until the feminist, or “womanist,” awakening of the 1970s that such women’s stories became more widely known. Novelist Alice Walker, for example, was crucial in the rediscovery of Zora Neale Hurston’s life.” 77

DOCUMENTING THE HISTORY OF WOMEN IN PRESERVATION

In the 1990s more preservation emphasis has come to be put on saving community settings and whole districts. In Kansas City, Kansas, for example, the “18th and Vine” section of town associated with Black businesses and the development of jazz has been named a historic district in which numerous buildings are being preserved and a newly erected Black museum has been built. In Atlanta, Georgia, and in Birmingham, Alabama, © similar historic districts have been set aside for preservation. Anchored by newly constructed museums, these historic districts represent an effort to

preserve and memorialize a way of life, not just a single individual. But the preservation efforts associated with the four women discussed here are very much part of that earlier era of preservation activity in which un-

usual individual achievement was highlighted. 7 Of these four women, Tubman’s life is quite different from the other three. Her struggles and triumphs aided the sacred cause of freedom in its most critical hour. But, once the slavocracy was dead, new and com-_

plex issues arose for the children of the first postslavery generation. Bethune and the two Walkers were members of that generation. Like - Tubman before them, these three were sui generis, they imagined a future for themselves and their people quite different from the enslaved past of their parents’ time and before. They invented themselves and in so doing helped bring about that future they had once imagined. All this they share. What is different among these three women is how they de-

cided to go about creating that new future. Bethune chose to concentrate on religious training and formal education as a strategy for community uplift. She aligned herself with the high moral fervor and energy that at its best characterized the Progressive Era in American politics. She mobilized traditional sources of white philanthropy in the service of educational goals by establishing Bethune-Cookman College. She tirelessly organized women’s clubs to tackle not only the problem of educating children but also the formal preservation of Afro-American history in buildings and in collections. She successfully used the platform of the New Deal to garner government support for the

work of the NCNW, which continues to exist today. Although they were religious, churchgoing women, Madam Walker and Maggie Walker did not view the church as the primary site of their work toward individual and community uplift. Both women were sup-

, 78

FOUR AFRICAN AMERICAN WOMEN ON THE NATIONAL LANDSCAPE

portive of formal preservation efforts and contributed to various Negro history lectures and events, yet they saw their work as being in the arena of business. These two women saw the crucial role of accumulating capital as a source of upward mobility for their families, as a vehicle for community improvement, and as a way of exerting greater control over the future. Both women were justifiably proud of the wealth built by “Negro

money. Within the context of business both women appear to have been concerned with wide community interests. Madam Walker wanted to encourage her route of self-reliance and hard work, and thus she sponsored the first national organization of Afro-American hairdressers. She contributed heavily to the NAACP and early on put her wealth behind the legal struggle against discrimination. Although she had been born in the South, Madam Walker’s business was largely in the North. She is undoubtedly the wealthiest of all the Negro rural-to-urban migrants of that era. Maggie Walker’s business success took place in Richmond, a city that bore all the scars of the northern victory. Perhaps that explains why she saw the older organizational model of the benevolent society as a way of building wealth in her community. Perhaps she simply never had a spe-

cific product-oriented dream such as the one that inspired Madam Walker. Much more biographical work needs to be done on Maggie Walker before we can understand exactly why she took the route that she did. We know, however, that she used the Order of St. Luke to establish a bank. This kind of financial work has most frequently been described by historians in European ethnic communities in New York, Chicago, and

throughout the country’s major urban areas of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, but not for African Americans. For complex reasons both Madam and Maggie Walker saw the road to uplift as one paved by financial success. Both left enough wealth and prominence on the ground so that their buildings were available for later generations to preserve. The history of the private and public preservation of the two Walker

homes is far more similar to the preservation histories of homes and buildings left by wealthy non-Black Americans than the stories of Bethune’s

and Tubman’s preservation. In that sense the two Walkers may well have

anticipated the economic surge of the Black middle class, which has 79

DOCUMENTING THE HISTORY OF WOMEN IN PRESERVATION

grown dramatically since the early 1970s.°*' In sum, the histories of all

four women point toward two distinct roads to historic preservation. Tubman and Bethune chose the levers of religion and community organization. The two Walkers chose the strategy of business success. Their lives provide a lesson for our present. These two roads remain the most viable tactics for individuals who want be stewards of their own history: either they can found an organization with sufficient resources, or they can create enough personal wealth to own the ground themselves.

80

PART Il

Revisiting Womens Lives at Historic Houses and Museums

BLANK PAGE

CHAPTER 5

Uncovering and Interpreting Women's History at Historic House Museums Patricia West

It is paradoxical that the historic house museum, largely initiated by women’s voluntary associations and embodying the domestic life of the past, should need active revision in order to represent women’s history. Yet widespread revision is necessary, for these museums have a long history of memorializing the economic and political activity of wealthy white men. The task of revision requires nothing less than shifting the institution’s field of vision in order to identify and dissolve existing barriers to meaningful interpretation of women’s history in house museums.

The first such barrier is the perception that the call for revision is merely a manifestation of “political correctness,” an attempt to politicize an institution that has previously been neutral or apolitical. In fact, the political agenda of house museums has merely been submerged because traditional interpretations focusing on the public achievements of patriarchs have become so familiar as to seem politically neutral. Presenting the “main,” usually male, historical occupant of a house as having been

disconnected from a wider social world—from women, servants, or slaves; from the poor side of town—is a highly political yet utterly familiar approach.” The shift in focus necessary to incorporate women’s history recognizes that historic houses existed in a diverse social context and that portraying such past diversity enriches the site’s potential for interpreting history in general.

Another barrier to the interpretation of women at historic sites can arise from the interpretive planning process itself, which frequently generates narrowly defined interpretive “themes.” In the past half-century 83

REVISITING WOMEN’S LIVES AT HISTORIC HOUSES AND MUSEUMS

the need to advance the state of house museum interpretation generally has produced how-to books and interpretive primers such as Alderson and Low’s Interpretation of Historic Sites, originally published by the American Association for State and Local History (AASLH) in the mid1970s, during the boom years of academic women’s history. While the emphasis on the “clearly defined interpretive objective” may have had a salubrious effect overall, the problem for women’s history is revealed by Alderson and Low’s stern warning that “secondary themes” are “legitimate only as fringe benefits.” Unfortunately, this prescription can easily be used to bolster arguments against substantive interpretation of female historical occupants as diversions from the “primary objective.”” The conservative history and orientation of house museums, together with overzealous attempts to eliminate secondary themes, have combined to eradicate much of women’s history, in particular the history of the domestic servant, from the typical house museum. House museum visitors are generally treated as guests, brought in through front halls to_ view formal areas. This presentation is often reinforced by the architecture itself, which conspires to keep workspaces and maintenance functions from visitors’ eyes.* The narrow back halls and impassable stairways

and the fascinating servants’ rooms where museum statf so often find their offices or storage spaces located were the heart of the working house. When these spaces are unavailable to the public, it becomes difficult to interpret the house as anything but a static entity, and the opportunity is missed to represent it as the context for domestic life, a dynamic, functioning space that could reveal the daily lives of past women, particularly as they engaged in myriad forms of household labor. If these areas are inaccessible because of fire codes or file cabinets, then the museum can draw visitors’ attention to its replication of the way the “primary” historic occupants wished their home to be viewed by guests. This approach can provide insight, for example, into the symbolic function of the house in the historic period. In the case of Victorian houses, we can note that,

as American class structure solidified across the nineteenth century, upper- and middle-class homes increasingly reflected a kind of material code of propriety, the desire to display taste in consumer items on a scale

previously unimaginable. An accent on the display function of the

84.

Victorian house highlights such areas of women’s history as the role of

WOMEN’S HISTORY AT HISTORIC HOUSE MUSEUMS

social class in the ideology of the “cult of domesticity.” While “ladies” were encouraged to cultivate a public and private “delicacy,” ethnic and African American women were assigned the backbreaking labor of maintaining stylish parlors and wardrobes, the props upon which the iconography of the refined home (and the house museum) were constructed.° In part the house museum’s disposition toward the interpretation of parlor furniture over parlor maids arose from the connoisseurship tradition of collecting. Exceptionally well-crafted, rare, old, or beautiful objects were quite appropriately analyzed and collected, but common, unaesthetic, or utilitarian objects, if they didn’t wear out and get discarded, were far less frequently collected and even less frequently displayed.° Historically, house museums were often conceived of as repositories and exhibit venues for high-style or quaint objects, limiting the extent to which a broad social network could be evoked by period rooms arranged deploying such collections. When women’s history is interpreted in the house museum’s beautifully appointed period rooms, it is often romanticized, and the enormous amount of housework necessary to maintain elite lifestyles is downplayed or misrepresented. The ubiquitous gingerbreadbaking program conjures up a beguiling though inaccurate image of women’s past domestic labor. Likewise, spinning demonstrations, which, if underinterpreted, convert a dull and backbreaking chore to an entertaining experience. A nostalgic vision of past forms of domesticity serves not ~ only to undermine the historical value of such attempts at women’s history; it also fosters the elimination or distortion of servant labor. Similarly, another traditional interpretation of women’s history in museums features elite women as tranquil and charming wives to the “great man” of the house in a kind of historic “feminine mystique.” Particularly if the historic couple is detached by omission from the wider community of servants, slaves, and workers, elite homes converted into house museums often appear to be the equivalent of single-family suburban homes.

Again, this phenomenon can be traced to an effort to maintain an interpretive focus on that part of the past which is considered more historically significant, that is, on “the great white male,” to paraphrase Melville. The pull to diminish these women to a sort of 1950s wifely stereotype can be

counteracted by thoughtful critiques catalyzed into vigilance and a heightened commitment to research. 85

REVISITING WOMEN’S LIVES AT HISTORIC HOUSES AND MUSEUMS

oo @& &=«©§©©T—rt—idr—“S—sSEM el le Le

Fig. 5.1. Kinderhook, N.Y. Lindenwald, Martin Van Buren National Historic Site. Photo by Michael Fredericks. Courtesy of National Park Service, Martin Van Buren National Historic Site.

Considering the range and long history of the barriers to recognizing and interpreting evidence of women’s lives—in particular, the fact that house museum history has not generally drawn upon the innovations of social history, the notion that women’s history is somehow a “secondary theme,” the limitations of the museum collection as a source of evidence, and the tendency to suppress the history of housework and to romanticize the domestic life of the past—it may be tempting to some administrations to postpone the interpretation of women at historic houses indefinitely. Yet, as the following case study of the domestic service at Martin Van Buren National Historic Site in Kinderhook, New York, demonstrates, these barriers are not as formidable as they appear (fig. ae eed Domestic service—in terms of the history of class, ethnicity, race, and gender—is an excellent subject for inclusion in the interpretive programs of high-style, nineteenth-century houses, although the received notion is that it is a difficult topic about which there is too little evidence to be a viable interpretive focus. It is true that domestic service has been a prob86

WOMEN’S HISTORY AT HISTORIC HOUSE MUSEUMS

lem for historians, not only because of the lack of a broadly representative body of material culture but also because the preponderance of documentary evidence about servants was written from the perspective of Anglo-American employers. Yet this very problem signals the topic’s richness in understanding the complexities of the domestic and public world of the nineteenth century. Domestic service was an uncomfortable subject to nineteenth-century Anglo-Americans. Political ideology celebrated republican equality and independence; “servitude” and “slavery” were metaphors for the worst political perils. And domestic ideology glorified the home as an insular “haven in a heartless world,” safe from the discord of public life.° Yet these ideals clashed with their wish for household servants, which introduced large numbers of Irish Catholic immigrant women into northern homes, blurring the supposedly separate public and private “spheres” and causing that bane of nineteenth-century “true womanhood,” the “servant problem.” As Faye Dudden explains, domestic service introduced into the private sphere the ethnic and class conflict that had rocked the political world. The transition from the traditional employment of “help,” the familiar neighbor girls of essentially the same cultural background as their employers, to the hiring of Irish Catholic “domestics” was the equivalent of the change in the public male workplace. Dudden points out that “the home” of Victorian prescriptive literature was in reality highly permeable to the infusion of such values as “time discipline” from the public world of men.” Nevertheless, as both the trades of men and the textile production of women gradually left the home to be taken over by factories, the home took on greater symbolic power as the culture’s moral center, locus of women’s special responsibility to offset the turmoil of the morally corrosive, highly competitive male world of business and politics. Middle-class women, now ensconced in “woman’s sphere,” were less engaged in productive labor and more engaged in the symbolic labor of elaborate calling and dining rituals that are so deeply associated with Victorian life. Dudden suggests that the paid labor of poor women freed middle-class employers from the drudgery of housework to pursue education and participation in reform as well as making the “cult of domesticity” so well represented by house museums possible." Of course, because men could vote and women could not, the mod87

REVISITING WOMEN’S LIVES AT HISTORIC HOUSES AND MUSEUMS —

ernization of the male workplace translated into the unmuffled political excitement of the Jacksonian Era. It was this climate of political experi-

mentation which nurtured the rise of the brilliant and opportunistic Martin Van Buren (1782-1862), dubbed by detractors and boosters alike the “Little Magician” and the “Red Fox of Kinderhook.” Historians have linked the decline in republican values in the workplace to the political ferment that spawned the second American party system, that is, to the rise of the Whigs in opposition to the Democrats, the latter the vehicle of Van Buren’s ascent to power and the former the agent of his downfall." The contours of the Jacksonian period have been the subject of a legion of books and articles and the source of rich debate. In summary the era

was characterized by increasing urbanization, growth in business and banking, westward expansion, technological advances (in particular in paper production and printing), and the “transportation revolution.” Mass immigration and the expansion of the electorate provided the immediate catalyst for the development of the second two-party system, the amplification of egalitarian political rhetoric, and the dubious invention of the mass media political campaign.!2 Van Buren’s rise from obscurity to lead the New York political machine and to initiate the establishment of a two-

party system that he hoped would reorder politics and transcend the looming North-South split was a classic example of the possibilities and limitations of the Jacksonian moment.’” The problem of domestic service, of the so-called stranger in the gates, resonated with conflicts that matched the mercurial nature of antebellum politics. Thus, Martin Van Buren’s political career was inextricably linked to the social changes well symbolized by his Irish domestic servants. The mass immigration of the Irish, beginning in the 1820s and 1830s and reaching colossal proportions by the 1840s, was both a major source of political innovation and at the root of the domestic transformation described by Dudden. In general, the Irish came to the United States because of limited economic opportunity in Ireland. By the famine years,

| from 1845 to 1849, they were pushed from their homeland by sheer unmitigated poverty.’ Meanwhile, in the world of American politics, Martin Van Buren’s ca-

88 |

reer had waxed and waned. Having steadily advanced from New York politics to the Senate, the vice presidency, and finally the presidency in

WOMEN’S HISTORY AT HISTORIC HOUSE MUSEUMS

1837, Van Buren was resoundingly defeated in his bid for a second term in 1840. His avoidance of controversial issues (such as the extension of slavery) in hopes of maintaining the Union, his Jeffersonian minimalism in response to both the economic Panic of 1837, and the boisterous campaign tactics of the Whigs cost him reelection.’” As his stormy presidency ended, Van Buren came to terms with his move from the White House to Kinderhook, wearily vowing: “I will mature my plan for that life of quiet contentment for which I have so long looked in vain and the opportunity to enjoy that which has been so suddenly, and I cannot think but fortunately, thrust upon me.”*° Some years before, President Van Buren had purchased a plain but commodious Federal-style, brick house he renamed “Lindenwald.” Urged on by his fashion-conscious son, Smith Thompson Van Buren, the former president hired sought-after architect Richard Upjohn to renovate the house in 1849. An amazing metamorphosis resulted: the formerly stolid house now sported a rather imposing Italianate tower, copious Gothic Revival details, and a puzzle of a floor plan featuring numerous additional rooms and halls. This was the workplace the Lindenwald house servants knew, a federal house in eclectic Victorian garb. It was the perfect analogy to the aging Van Buren, the Jeffersonian cum Jacksonian whose political career had risen and fallen in accordance with the vast cultural changes that swept the first half of the nation’s nineteenth century. At Lindenwald, Van Buren entered a new phase of life as elder statesman and gentleman farmer. The home of the gregarious Van Buren, a widower with four sons, was regularly filled with visiting family and friends. Yet doc-

uments describing his formal parlors and lavish dinners also imply the other side of the coin of Victorian life: that of the domestic servant. The museum’s recognition of the lives of house servants has the potential to

historicize the romantic image of antebellum culture and politics to which house museums have so often subscribed. The mission of Martin Van Buren National Historic Site, founded in 1974, emphasizes two major historical themes set forth by its early interpretive planners: first, Martin Van Buren’s political career; and, second,

his life at Lindenwald.'’ Given these established interpretive themes, the initial task was to find a way to make women’s history central to the museum’s interpretive orientation, in this case to demonstrate exactly 89

REVISITING WOMEN’S LIVES AT HISTORIC HOUSES AND MUSEUMS

why the house servants were germane to both of the primary objectives

that had been identified.

Consider the “main” interpretive theme, “Martin Van Buren, presi- | dent and statesman.”*® A useful definition of Van Buren’s political life links politics with social change, making it easy, if not essential, to find an interpretive niche for the Irish domestic servants. Examining how house servants lived is an ideal way of demonstrating some of the important changes in American political culture across Van Buren’s lifetime, most significantly mass immigration, a feature of American history which has shaped its politics as well as its social structure in fundamental ways. Lindenwald’s floor plan and layout of decorative detail suggests a social _ stratification within the household which reflects that occurring in society at large (figs. 5.2 and 5.3). Van Buren’s activity as leader of an early polit_ ical machine, his support of the ten-hour day, and his role in the elimina-

| tion of imprisonment for debt take on richer meaning when there are real _ people to work with in reflecting on these issues. Comparing the use of = waged servants in Van Buren’s home and the use of slaves in southern -homes—both kinds of labor crucial to the support of extravagant lifestyles

such as the ones we often see in museums—provides a dramatic perspective from which to understand the regional differences that plagued Van Buren’s goal of forming a national political party. | The second major interpretive theme, “Martin Van Buren’s life at Lindenwald,” lends itself even more easily to the interpretation of house servants, because this lifestyle was utterly dependent on the availability of inexpensive domestic servants. For example, Lindenwald’s formal “Best

_ Bedroom,” with its upholstered furniture and ingrain carpet, bespeaks a | way of life supported by an enormous amount of housework (fig. 5.4). This period room simply could not have existed in that form without the

| availability of inexpensive servants. If we look closely at the details of Van _ Buren’s public and private life, we see that the hallmark is not isolation

from other social groups but, rather, interdependence. Material culture proved to be a critical source of evidence as objects were reexamined for clues about the work lives of the servants. For ex- -

90 |

ample, when the curatorial staff discovered an object previously cata-. loged as a “pen holder,” it was obvious that something was amiss because _this was a singularly ugly pen holder and Van Buren liked elegant things.

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WOMEN’S HISTORY AT HISTORIC HOUSE MUSEUMS

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Fig. 5.2. Kinderhook, N.Y. Martin Van Buren’s armoire. Photo by Michael Fredericks. Courtesy y of National Park Service, Martin Van Buren National Historic Site.

A study y of period household guidebooks identified it as, in fact, a ruffle iron, along, slender upright shaft into which a heated cylinder was placed so that a ruffle could be drawn across it (fig. 5.5). With the perspective that not all the museum’s objects were display oriented and used by the great man, interpreters now could call upon an artifact through which to discuss the idea that Van Buren’s notoriety as a dandy (which played a role in campaign rhetoric, contributing to his loss of a second term) depended completely upon the labor of servants. A narrow view of the associational meaning of artifacts can disguise the rich social context in which historic objects existed. Because much of the household labor performed by women was hid-

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WOMEN’S HISTORY AT HISTORIC HOUSE MUSEUMS

The case of the Lindenwald domestics reveals the impossibility of sifting politics from “the home,” the private from the public, men’s history from women’s history. Uncritical readings of biased material culture and documentary evidence has led to serious underestimations of the historical significance of the lives of domestics. We need to uncover these sto-

ries and demystify the ideology of the home, our inheritance from the nineteenth century and beyond. There are important reasons why conventional house museum interpretation ought to be expanded to include more kinds of people, not the least of which is simple accuracy. Although in many cases the houses have been preserved as the sole reminder of another time and survive without much context, the historical reality is that they were once enmeshed in complex social networks. Historians have a

responsibility to reconstruct the contexts that give rich meaning to historic places, if not literally through preservation, then through the vehicle of interpretation. This critical interpretation challenges the old-fashioned, antiquarian approach that implies that women, the poor, slaves, and Irish domestics were invisible or in some way peripheral to the history of the house or, for that matter, to the history of the United States. Because there are so few historic sites dedicated explicitly to women, it is imperative that we find a permanent, broadly based territory for women’s

history in house museum interpretations. And, reassuringly to those attached to conventional house museum interpretation, it is not necessary to turn our backs on the ever-popular American patriarchs. It is at the house museum that an established public audience could come to grasp one of the truisms of women’s history: that men’s lives, public and private,

cannot be fully understood without reference to women, be they mothers, wives, sisters, daughters, servants, or slaves.

95

CHAPTER 6

~ Domestic Work Portrayed | Philadelphia's Restored

Bishop William White House—A Case Study Karie Diethorn with John Bacon - |

Traditionally, America’s historic house museums have celebrated the great personalities and mammoth events of the past in a view characterized by traditional definitions of political, economic, and social achievement. The individuals recognized for these achievements are predominantly white adult males of British or Western European heritage. Other populations—women, children, and racial and ethnic minorities—have been included in the drama as supporting cast members, but usually they play their parts offstage, incidental to the main action.’ This characterization of history’s less visible denizens is reflected in the restoration and interpretation of house museums, which rely upon surviving documentary and material evidence associated with the time and

place in question. Traditional sources such as tax and census records, newspapers, decorative and fine arts, diaries, and letters generally reflect the lives of those propertied and literate groups who dominated the historic scene. Other people appear occasionally in these sources, usually when they take some action in defiance of societal norms. Generally, and especially for those eras that predate the Industrial Revolution, evidence for the lives of society’s rank and file has been particularly difficult to ob-

tain and thus to interpret.

' During the last two decades, however, the study of America’s past has broadened to include a greater range of peoples, places, and cultures.

. 96 :

Reinterpreting traditional forms of evidence through new means of study and recognizing new information sources have fostered an expanded view of history and its occupants. This development has touched the historic

DOMESTIC WORK PORTRAYED

house museum community, occasionally resulting in new programming and in the preservation of previously overlooked sites. This evolutionary process brings with it new challenges in terms of integrating expectations of familiar and unfamiliar pasts.’ At Independence National Historical Park in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania,

the familiar past is one populated by universally recognized figures (George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin) and events (the signing of the Declaration of Independence, the drafting and implementation of the United States Constitution) which unfolded in hallowed

spaces (Independence Hall, Congress Hall). These restored sites are both public and private, the latter being a group of residential structures restored to reflect the lives of those occupying them during the last two decades of the eighteenth and the beginning decades of the nineteenth centuries. The house museum sites at Independence National Historical Park provide a complex resource for exploring the lives of past Philadelphians. The house at 309 Walnut Street was finished in 1787 for the family of William White, Pennsylvania’s first Episcopal bishop, the rector of Christ Church, and a chaplain to the Continental Congress and United States Senate. For forty-nine years, until his death in 1836, Bishop White occupied the house with his wife, children, grandchildren, houseguests, and staff (fig. 6.1). In the late 1950s the National Park Service included this residence in its restoration program because of the high degree to which the building's historic fabric had survived and because of the range of William White’s involvement in the important events of the post—-Revolutionary War era. Park Service historians also considered White’s home to be a good representation of patrician Federal Philadelphia and proceeded to research and refurnish the house accordingly in the 1960s. The original interpretive program at the house focused on a guided tour of the building’s firstand second-floor rooms showing how the White family entertained and where the bishop conducted his ecclesiastical aftairs. Before Mrs. White’s death late in 1797, she and her husband had eight children. Later, three of these children would return with their own children to live with the bishop in a large, extended family household.° Beginning in the mid-1980s, a reassessment of the interpretive program manifest in the Bishop White House’s furnished rooms began. At 97

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ter.

- CLAIMING NEW SPACE FOR WOMEN

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Fig, 11.3. Los Angeles, Calif. A prostitute in the window of a crib, in or near the project area, in 1898. Photo courtesy of Department of Special Collections, Charles E. Young Research Library, University of Southern California.

housed their employees. Madams retained a large percentage of the clients’ fees, which ranged from one dollar to five dollars, and all profits from sales of liquor. At the lower end brothels resembled cheap boardinghouses, while more expensive brothels attempted to simulate upperclass Victorian parlors and are sometimes differentiated as “parlor houses.” Cribs were the lowest-ranking establishments: complexes of single rooms

simply furnished with a bed, washstand, and chair. Crib workers rented

| these rooms for about seventy-five dollars per shift per month; they lived elsewhere in town. The client was usually charged fifty cents and typically _

did not even remove his boots.” | oe

182 |

“A NIGHT WITH VENUS, A MOON WITH MERCURY”

Once prostitution was established, it became a big industry. Local landlords charged prostitutes higher rentals, and merchants inflated the prices of everything from liquor to lamps. Madams passed the exorbitant prices back to the customer. Such lucrative investment attracted big speculators

such as Chris Buckley, crib owner and Democratic Party boss of San Francisco. Closed out of San Francisco in the 1890s by a reform mayor, Buckley teamed up with local developer Bartolo Ballerino, eventually controlling most of the crib district bordering Alameda Street and the Plaza area. Old L.A. families were also involved in red-light real estate. Lines of nearly seventy cribs (10 x 24 ft. each) were erected on Matthew Keller's old vineyard land by his sons-in-law George and Frank Shafer."® The once stately Keller home was turned over to location agents Blanche and Jean Rappet, who also managed the Shafers’ Horseshoe Saloon, located at the entrance to crib-lined Easy Jeanette Street (the intuitive association of this street name with prostitution could not be confirmed).

The Progressive movement, which gained momentum in the early twentieth century, was to end these halcyon days of L.A.’s prostitution. The first to go were the cribs, targeted not only for their degraded status but also for being controlled by well-known underworld financiers. In December 1903 the citizenry waged war on the district: “Surging up and down and in and out among the alleys and narrow passages of the district of the scarlet women, yesterday afternoon, the hosts of righteousness and the hosts of hell met, and as one of the leading workers in the socialpurity crusade expressed it, ‘The Battle of Armageddon had begun.””"* Responding to the changing social climate, the Shafers razed their cribs the following month, constructing warehouses and industrial facilities in their place (during this renovation the cribs’ privy was filled and paved over). Buckley and Ballerino fought back, however, looking for a loophole. Equipping their cribs with shelves and token merchandise, the prostitutes posed as retailers, displaying new signs proclaiming sales of cigars, tobacco, and chewing gum, or advertised expertise in fancywork, corset work, gents’ neckwear, or curling feathers.” Yet the tide of social reform could not be denied, and all L.A. cribs were closed within the year. The brothels and parlor houses were abolished several years later. At the time of the crib campaign, no action was taken against the women who relocated nearby into different types of establishments. By 1906, 183

CLAIMING NEW SPACE FOR WOMEN :

seven of the eight Aliso Street buildings in the project area contained brothels, four of which were owned by former crib manager Jean Rappet (fig. 11.4). The brothel at 327 Aliso Street appears to have been renovated about 1901. Its discarded domestic furnishings were thrown down the _ obsolete privy holes, which were replaced by modern toilets hooked up

to the Aliso Street sewer line. , ,

L.A.’s crusade against prostitution eventually prevailed, and by the end of 1907 the red-light district was eftectively closed. From one end of the neighborhood to the other there were no signs of the “infamous traffic,” and property owners were notified that they would be prosecuted if they

leased their buildings for immoral purposes ever again. The Daily Star

reported that the “red lights, curtains, music, and other signs of the _ Tenderloin were no more.”"’ In 1909 the people of Los Angeles reaffirmed their disapproval of vice by electing a reform administration. A much subdued prostitution industry dispersed and went underground.

S | N , := Corral i ne 26 ' || ALISO | hl LOE peeST.iUT =| Mkchesssa LI eh ,

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Fig. 11.4. Los Angeles, Calif. The project area in 1903-6, showing the concentrations of brothels and cribs.

| 184

“A NIGHT WITH VENUS, A MOON WITH MERCURY”

Chinatown, long established on the northern edge of the red-light dis-

trict, filled the void by extending southward over former crib locales. Chinese vegetable sellers built warehouses in which rural produce was sorted and distributed around the city. By 1915 land encompassing the project area and several adjacent blocks was consolidated by speculators into a holding company, awaiting construction of Union Station. This facility was completed in 1937, burying its past under five to twenty feet of fill.

The Archaeology of Prostitution The rich life of the 1890s parlor house at No. 327 Aliso Street is archaeologically well documented. Over 10,000 artifacts representing 1,845 individual items were recovered (fig. 11.5). Finds related to the rows of cribs, in use between roughly 1895 and 1903, are less distinct. Having few amenities, these latter enterprises had little to leave behind. The contrast between brothel activities and crib life is highlighted by the differences in their archaeological remains. PARLOR HOUSE ARTIFACTS

It is difficult to discuss the “uniqueness” of something without a baseline of “normalcy.” Fortunately, the collection from the brothel privies can be compared to the six collections recovered from blue-collar neighbors on Aliso Street. Being contemporaries in time, location, and ethnic affiliations, these family residences provide a rare archaeological control group. Substantial differences in artifact occurrences between the parlor house and the six dwellings can be attributed to household function: commercial brothel versus domestic residence. Noteworthy contrasts are found in artifacts related to alcohol consumption, disease and its prevention, and beauty maintenance.

Eating Meals. Types of ceramic tableware are often used to distinguish social and economic differences between households: the proportion of porcelain wares (expensive and fragile) is compared to improved white wares (sturdy and affordable “Ironstone” types) and earthenware (inexpensive but fragile). Almost two-thirds of the tableware (plates, saucers, and cups) recovered from the brothel privy were of porcelain, this in com-

parison with the contemporary neighborhood residences, where porcelain accounted for less than one-third of all tableware. In contrast to the expen185

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“A NIGHT WITH VENUS, A MOON WITH MERCURY”

Table 11.1. Health Aids and Remedies

Types Number of Items

Medicine bottles 89 Homeopathic vials 35

Pharmaceutical bottles 27 C. F. Heinzeman Pharmacist, Los Angeles 14 Fr. Aockerblum Druggist, Los Angeles 4

Off and Vaughn Pharmacists, Los Angeles 2

Godfrey and Moore Druggists, Los Angeles 2 | C. A. McDonell Druggist, Los Angeles 1 Viole and Lopizich, Los Angeles 1

Shaw’s Pharmacy 1 (Incomplete), Los Angeles 1

Unknown 1 Cures 22 Darby’s Prophylactic Fluid, Philadelphia 9

Saxlehner Hunyadi Janos, Hungary ) Dr. J. Hostetter’s Stomach Bitters 1

F. Brown’s Essence of Jamaica Ginger, Philadelphia ]

Shiloh’s Consumption Cure, New York 1

Fellow and Co. Chemists, New Brunswick, N.]J. ]

Kola-Cardinette, Yonkers, N.Y. 1 Ayers Compound Extract Sarsaparilla, Lowell, Mass. 1

California Fig Syrup, San Francisco 1

Trask’s Magnetic Ointment, Buffalo, NY. 1

Vaseline, Cheseborough, N.Y. 13

Breast pump 1 Mineral water 5 Syringe (glass) 2 Douche syringe and bulb 5

Ointment jars 9

Total 209

Poison, P. D. and Co., Detroit 1

189

CLAIMING NEW SPACE FOR WOMEN

boric acid. A similar concoction was used by Parisian prostitutes, who favored “a bottle of oil to facilitate intercourse and a solution of caustic soda

to guard against disease and prevent conception.”’® Thirteen jars of Vaseline were thrown in the privy at 327 Aliso Street. Although this ointment had many other health uses, its unique abundance at the brothel

suggests its primary use as a prophylactic. oe Mercury was the most relevant antisyphilitic remedy since the sixteenth century. A popular adage of the day, “A night with Venus, a moon with mercury,” warning men of the perils of frequenting brothels, was well understood by the populace. Mercury came in several forms, refer-

red to as “life balsams” or “blood purifiers”: blue mass (mercury and chalk), calomel (mercurous chloride), and corrosive sublimate (bichloride of mercury).’” Mercury was injected, eaten, inhaled, smoked, and put on the skin in poultices. The remedy was often worse than the disease.

Sarsaparilla was used in Europe in the sixteenth century to combat syphilis, fell out of favor, and then was revived in the nineteenth century. Ayres Sarsaparilla was the brand chosen at 327 Aliso Street. The only values in its ingredients might be found in the cathartic action of senna and the tonic of iron, the potent potassium iodide, and the soothing qualities

of its high alcohol content (26 percent). | | Patent Medicines. Inesses other than venereal diseases plagued the working women at 327 Aliso Street. It was popularly believed that all illness came from related imbalances, and therefore a cure for one symptom was a cure for many. From the late 1800s through the 1920s proprietary (patent) medicines rode a flood tide of popularity: by 1900 there were over a million patents on the market. In addition to liquid tonics, remedies came in the form of pills, pastilles, globules, powders, herbs, and ointments. Succeeding partly because of the infancy of modern medicine, the rage for cures ebbed as the increasingly scientific medical profession publicized their dark by-products: drug addiction, alcoholism, — and unnecessary death.”°

Opium-laden tonics such as laudanum and the stronger derivative morphine were the Victorian woman’s “silent friends.” Easily obtained from pharmacies and usually initiated by a doctor’s prescription, they were taken orally, as a salve, and by hypodermic needle, enema, or suppository. The population of opium and morphine addicts was almost ex-

190 |

“A NIGHT WITH VENUS, A MOON WITH MERCURY”

clusively composed of fashionable middle-class housewives (for whom alcohol was unseemly) and prostitutes." The Aliso Street prostitutes partook of the lavishly advertised Shiloh’s Consumption Cure composed of morphine, alcohol, muriatic acids, extract of henbane, wild cherry and ginger, essence of peppermint, syrup of tar, and water. In addition to unhealthy doses of chloroform and prussic acid, it also contained hydrocyanic acid—a colorless, volatile liquid with

a peach blossom odor which was a deadly poison.” Chronic opium use produces constipation, and companion laxatives at 327 Aliso Street were California Fig Syrup and the popular Hungarian product Hunyadi Janos. F. Brown’s Essence of Jamaica Ginger, also found in the brothel privies, was advertised as curing cholera, dyspepsia, colic, and cramps. Consisting

of over 90 percent alcohol with burnt sugar and ginger flavoring, it was ironically touted as being “especially good for the inebriate to help resist temptation.””’ As it was considerably less expensive than whiskey, it was drunk for a cheap high. Additional payment was extracted, however, in side effects: chronic users would develop “Jake leg,” a type of paralysis in one

or both extremities. More temperate users drank it as a toddy, reduced with water and sweetened with sugar to relieve cramps and colds. In addition to specific named cures, many of the 141 medicine bottles and vials recovered from the brothel privies would have had opium, mor-

phine, and alcohol as major ingredients. They were purchased at local pharmacies, and 27 are embossed with the proprietors name and address. Half of these pharmaceutical bottles were from C. F. Heinzeman’s pharmacy at 122 North Main Street, only a few blocks from the Aliso Street brothel. The other druggists were also located nearby. Pregnancies were usually viewed as personal and professional liabilities. Measures used to prevent conception were generally the same used to prevent venereal disease. In the prostitute’s favor, opium addiction and chronic gonorrhea tended to produce sterility. The presence of a breast pump in the Aliso Street privy, however, attests to there having been at least one nursing mother on the premises. Cosmetics. Like most women of their day, the prostitutes at 327 Aliso indulged in the luxuries of creams and scents (table 11.2; fig. 11.7). The appearance of youth and beauty were tools of the trade, and investments in cosmetics were likely viewed as prudent. Nine percent of the parlor house 191

: Types | Number of Items | Table 11.2. Cosmetics and Grooming Aids

Cream jars and pots So | 18 , Prof. Huberts Malvina Cream, Toledo, Ohio 5

, S and K Italian Cream, London _ 3S ! , Wakelee’s Camelline, San Francisco 3 |

Pond’s Extract, New York 1 |. SO Dr. Funk’s Cream of Roses, Los Angeles =. 1 , Creme Simon, Paris SO lL

, ~. Gouraud’s Oriental Cream, New York , ee

| Perfume > 7 oe . LT _Ed Pinaud, Paris Oo 7 4A ,

~ Unnamed (cream jars and lids) 3 Ss

~ X._Bazin, Lubin, Paris | , , i) Perfumer, Philadelphia , 2

,| -Maison Atkinson, London a ee Dorin 27, Paris =” , lo ,

Unnamed | SO er Cologne > So , 9 , Colgate’s Violet Water, New York. _ , 6 , | Florida water a , 44 , Murray and Lanman, New York 14 | Ricksecker’s Perfumer, New York 1 -

__E. W. Hoyt’s German Cologne, Lowell, Mass. 3 |

Toothbrushes | 6 Toothpaste , OS 17 Calder’s ALC Dentine, R.I. di

Van Buskirk’s Sozodont, New York , , 2 |

Razor — lL. Hairbrushes , ,83 Combs © ; _Pitcher. Soap dish set oe , | | oe , 1 | ~ Hood’s Tooth Powder, Lowell, Mass. | @Q

Cherry Toothpaste, London . — Q

Slop jar | _ a 1. , ~Powder-puff Chamber handle pots 7, || 1ee

Total a192, |, OS 109

Unidentified jars and lids oe , 10 - |

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CLAIMING NEW SPACEFOR WOMEN

Fig, 11.8. Los Angeles, Calif. Unusual attention to oral hygiene was docu- — | __ mented at the parlor house with recovery of numerous toothbrushes andtooth-

paste jars: the five Vaseline jars represent numerous uses for this product.

Photo by Alice Olmstead. re

impressive (fig. 11.8), for this was a time when oral hygiene was not well

developed. In homes and boardinghouses there was often acommon , toothbrush in the washroom for anyone who cared to use it. The most pop___-- ylar tooth powder at the parlor house was Calder’s Saponaceous Dentine, oe made in Providence, Rhode Island. Van Buskirk’s Fragrant Sozodont for ___. the Teeth and Breath and Hood’s Tooth Powderwerealsopresent.Cherry =

_ Toothpaste from London advertised that it was “patronized bythe Queen” and featured a portrait of Queen Victoria on its lid. One wonders if = the company knew it was being patronized by a parlor house in Los Angeles. —

re THE CRIB PRIVY oo ee

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_ ‘The crib privy was located behind a line of about twenty cribs that bordered the north side of Easy Jeanette Street from 1895 to 1903 (see fig. _——- 4.4). Although the privy backed onto Chinatown, it is very unlikely that =

these neighbors would have been permitted to use the facility. Excavations of the feature revealed more details about the outhouse itself than |

“A NIGHT WITH VENUS, A MOON WITH MERCURY”

the women it served. A two-holer, it featured an enormous 6 x 6 foot privy

pit, which was 6.5-feet-deep and lined with redwood boards. This hole was covered by a two-room frame outhouse fitted with two porcelain toilets. These fixtures, although mimicking modern facilities that were common in better neighborhoods, were not hooked up to the sewer; the privy

: pit, cut into sandy soils, functioned like a small sump. When the Shafers closed their cribs in 1903, their rapid renovation of the neighborhood is reflected in the material that was used to fill the gaping privy hole. At the bottom were the privy toilets, pushed in as the outhouse was leveled. On top of the toilets was a layer of large granite boulders, over a dozen of them in excess of two hundred pounds. Above this layer was a palm tree stump that measured two feet in diameter. Soils had been packed into the hole and the new Napier Street laid on top. As the privy hole settled over the years, fill was added to the depression to keep the street level. The soils of the privy fill contained 500 items (3,667 artifacts), very few of which can be attributed to the cribs. Chinese ceramics dominate the collection, and artifacts such as cooking pots, serving bowls, an opium

pipe, and horse tack are clearly related to the adjacent Chinese residences. Many artifacts could have been used by either Chinese residents or prostitutes, as similar examples were found in the other Chinese features and in the 327 Aliso Street brothel collection. The ambiguous items

include medicine bottles, liquor bottles, European ceramics, pieces of clothing, and even cologne. Given the spartan setting associated with cribs, it is likely that only a small percentage of items in this collection came from the prostitutes’ rooms. The discarded iron bed frame and springs may be one of these items, representing the largest and most important piece of furnishing in each crib. This association is strengthened by discovery of the bed frame near the bottom of the fill, indicating that it was one of the first items thrown in. It is also the only bed found in any of the project area privies.

Conclusion How can a collection of broken dishes, bottles, and household goods from a brothel transform our understanding of prostitution? The work of historians, sociologists, reformers, and social workers has illuminated many 195

a | CLAIMING NEW SPACE FOR WOMEN | dark corners in the lives of these working women. Archaeologists, how-

| ever, can supply the vantage of the material record, the very things that _ were bought, used, and discarded by the prostitutes and their customers.. If we can read these collections of artifacts, we can add new stories to

those contained in written documents. } a | Some readings have been attempted in this brief chapter. Parlor house drinking simulated upper-class fashions, and off-duty prostitutes ate meals

- around the kitchen table similar to neighboring families. Evidence places _

a nursing mother at the brothel, locates the prostitutes’ favorite pharmacy, and identifies these women’s preferences in perfumes and colognes. Artifacts also have shown how brothel activities are shaped by _. market forces. Balancing rapid customer turnover with maximum profits _ from alcohol sales selected for the pint whiskey flask and bottled beer.

: _ The women’s concern over maintaining their commercial appeal is ex___ pressed in extraordinary expenditures on creams and scents. Procedures | are regularly employed to help prevent both conception and venereal dis- _

ease, while illness and addiction are constant companions. _ | _ The collection of fancy items from 327 Aliso Street also adds substance

, to the justification given by Maimie Pinzer, in her eloquent letters, for returning to her life in the demimonde in 1911: “As I began to see that I was | _ still attractive to men, I began to use what charms I might possess to make

| it possible to have a few of the luxuries which had become necessities.”22 _ Also, as historic preservationists know, there is nothing like tangible things _ from the past to make a personal and emotional connection. Reaching | _ through time to the present, artifacts allow us to see, touch, and feel the | actual objects that were used by the working women of Aliso Street and

their clients. Although we know prostitutes took medicines and drank | __ whiskey, we now know which patent cures they preferred and can see the |

_ decorative floral patterns etched on their glass tumblers. We know the . names of their skin creams and that their perfumes came from Paris.Our | view into the past is made personal by these pinpoints of reality. _

196 | |

PART IV

Exemplary Projects

BLANK PAGE

CHAPTER 12

The Power of Place Project Claiming Women's History in the Urban Landscape Dolores Hayden

Layered with the traces of previous generations’ struggles to make a liv-

ing, raise children, and participate in community life, the vernacular urban landscape, as John Brinckerhoff Jackson has written, “is the image _ of our common humanity—hard work, stubborn hope, and mutual forbearance striving to be love,”' a definition that carries cultural geography and architecture straight toward urban social history. At the intersection

of these fields lies the history of urban space and its public meanings. How do urban landscapes hold public memory? And why should feminists and scholars of women’s history struggle to create projects honoring and preserving women’s history as part of public culture?” Every American city and town contains traces of historic landscapes intertwined with its current spatial configuration. These parts of older land-

scapes can be preserved and interpreted to strengthen people’s understanding of how a city has developed over time. But often what happens is something else. Cycles of development and redevelopment occur. Care is not taken to preserve the spatial history of ordinary working people and their everyday lives. Instead, funds are often lavished on the preservation of a few architectural monuments along with the celebration of a few men as “city fathers.” In New York City, for example, many buildings designed by the architects McKim, Mead and White at the turn of the century are closely identified with an Anglo-Saxon, Protestant, male elite who commissioned the private men’s clubs, mansions, banks, and other structures, from which other New Yorkers were often excluded. In contrast, modest urban buildings that represent the social and economic struggles of the 199

| EXEMPLARY PROJECTS majority of ordinary citizens, especially women and members of diverse — ethnic communities, have often been overlooked as possible resources for historic preservation. The power of place to nurture social memory—to ~ encompass shared time in the form of shared territory—remains largely _ untapped for most working people’s neighborhoods in most American | cities and for most ethnic history and most women’s history. If we hear little of city mothers, the sense of civic identity which shared women’s history can convey is lost. And even bitter experiences and fights women have lost need to be remembered, so as not to diminish theirimportance. __

To reverse the neglect of physical resources that are important to _ women’s history is not a simple process, especially if preservationists are to frame these issues as part of a broader social history encompassing gender, race, and class. First, it involves claiming the entire urban landscape as an important part of American history, not just its architectural monuments. Second, it means identifying the building types—such as tenement, market, factory, packing shed, union hall—which have housed women’s work and everyday lives. Third, it involves finding creative ways to interpret these modest buildings as part of the flow of contemporary city life. This means finding a politically conscious approach to urban preservation, com-

plementary to architectural preservation, which emphasizes public processes to nurture shared memories and meanings. In addition, there may be sites of historic importance where architectural remains are limited—such as the Wesleyan Chapel in Seneca Falls, New York—or nonex-

istent. Then architects, landscape architects, and artists have important | roles to play in interpreting women’s history through new construction.

Karly in the 1980s, when I was teaching at the Graduate School of Architecture and Urban Planning at the University of California, Los _ Angeles (UCLA), I founded The Power of Place as a small, experimental nonprofit corporation, to explore ways to present the public history of

workers, women, and people of color in Los Angeles. It began as an un- | paid effort with a few student as interns—I also had a full-time teaching | _ job. Los Angeles is an ethnically diverse city. It always has been, since the

day when a group of colonists of mixed Spanish, African, and Native _ American heritage arrived to found the pueblo in 1781 next to Yang-Na.

200 ,

It has remained so through the transfer of Los Angeles from Mexican to , U.S. rule in the mid-nineteenth century and on into the late twentieth.

THE POWER OF PLACE PROJECT

Residents—more than one-third Latino, one-eighth African American, one-eighth Asian American, one-half women—could not find their heritage adequately represented by existing cultural historic landmarks. (In 1985, 97.5 percent of all official city landmarks commemorated Anglo history, and only 2.5 percent represented people of color; 96 percent dealt with men and only 4 percent with women, including Anglo women. ) No one has yet written a definitive social history of Los Angeles. By the

early 1980s, however, older works by Carey McWilliams and Robert

Fogelson were being complemented by new narratives about ghettos, bar- , rios, and ethnic enclaves, as Albert Camarillo, Mario Garcia, Vicki Ruiz, Richard Griswold del Castillo, Ricardo Romo, Rodolfo Acuna, Lonnie

Bunch, Don and Nadine Hata, Mike Murase, Noritaka Yagasaki, and many others were creating accounts of Latinos, African Americans, Chinese Americans, and Japanese Americans in L.A.° The new work suggested the outline that the urban history of Los Angeles must one day fill. As a feminist scholar concerned with the history of the urban landscape, transplanted from New England to Los Angeles, I was tremendously ex-

cited by the new, ethnic urban history and its potential to broaden my teaching in a professional school whose students were concerned with the physical design of the city, in areas such as preservation, physical planning, public art, and urban design. (I was looking for ways to enable students to take something back to their own communities.) One of the first projects of The Power of Place in 1984-85 was a published, self-guided walking tour of downtown Los Angeles (coauthored with then UCLA graduate students Gail Lee Dubrow and Carolyn Flynn).*

Organized around the economic development of the city, the itinerary looked at some of the working landscapes various industries had shaped over the previous two centuries (fig. 12.1). It highlighted the city’s history

of production, defining its core and emphasizing the skill and energy workers have expended to feed, clothe, and house the population. These workers included women, men, and sometimes children of every ethnic group employed in citrus groves, flower fields, flower markets, produce markets, oil fields, and prefabricated housing factories as well as garment workers, midwives, nurses, and firefighters. The State of California’s ongoing research on ethnic landmarks, eventually published as Five Views, was then available in draft form. The Power of Place ran some public hu201

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places in downtown Los Angeles. Courtesy of The Power of Place. |

202

THE POWER OF PLACE PROJECT

manities workshops on topics such as Japanese Americans in the flower industry and African American firefighters. The published walking tour pamphlet, distributed through a small press distribution company to local bookstores as well as in teachers’ workshops and public history settings, finally identified an itinerary of nine major downtown places (and twenty-

seven minor ones): some were buildings eligible for landmark status because of their significant social history, some were buildings with archi-

tectural landmark status needing reinterpretation to emphasize their importance to social history, and a few were vacant historic sites where no

structures remained but where new public art or open-space designs might be possible to commemorate the site’s importance. In 1986 The Power of Place launched into work of a much more ex-

perimental kind, combining public history and public art to commemorate an African American midwife’s homestead with no historic structure remaining. The site was one of downtown’s endless parking lots. At that time the Los Angeles Community Redevelopment Agency (CRA) was developing a plan for a ten-story commercial and garage building at 333 Spring Street. Because the material in the walking tour had been listed in the agency’s computer, the address popped out as Biddy Mason’s historic homestead. The Power of Place was invited to propose a component for this new project involving both public history and public art. I served as project director and historian and raised money from arts and humanities foundations. The team included public art curator Donna Graves and artists Susan E. King, Betye Saar, and Sheila Levrant de Bretteville. The first public event was a workshop in 1987 (fig. 12.2), cosponsored by the African-American studies program at UCLA and assisted by the California Afro-American Museum and the First African Methodist Episcopal Church

(FAME). The team came together with community members to discuss the importance of the history of the African American community in Los Angeles and women’s history within it. Using Biddy Mason’s biography as the basis of the project was the key to finding a broad audience (figs. 12.3 and 12.4). One pioneer’s life cannot tell the whole story of building a city. Yet the record of a single citizen’s struggle to raise a family, earn a living, and contribute to professional, social, and religious activities can suggest how a city develops over time. This is especially true for Biddy Mason. Her experiences as a citi203

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EXEMPLARY PROJECTS

some citizens were worried about attracting “bra-burners” to the streets _ of Seneca Falls, everyone recognized the economic potential of tourism. Fora community that had lost much of its industrial base, a new national park would be a major economic asset. That potential quickly became more real when two tourists, Ralph Peters and Marjorie Smith, both from Seattle, visited the Stanton house. Shocked to discover its condition, — Peters reported the story to the National Organization for Women, and NOW supporters began sending donations to help preserve the house.’ __

| Meanwhile, the National Park Service began to survey potential sites relating to women and people of color. As part of this study, two Park Service representatives, Judy Hart and Shary Berg, visited Seneca Falls

in December 1978. They were overwhelmed by their enthusiastic recep- | tion. Local people “came out of the woodwork,” noted Judy Hart, and “just piled onto the car.” With interest from the NPS and with support from NOW, what had seemed a few months before to be merely a local , concern, with little prospect of success, suddenly assumed larger signifi-

cance ® oe

In 1979 three developments outside Seneca Falls further energized local support. First, the NPS recommended that Congress create a new national park in Seneca Falls, devoted to the theme of women’s rights. Second, Ralph Peters purchased the Stanton house, to hold it until the Stanton Foundation could raise money to buy it (fig. 14.3). And, third, the Regional Conference of Historical Agencies, a network of museums and

| historic sites in central New York, held a conference in Seneca Falls on women’s history. Although they expected only one hundred people, an audience of four hundred attended. There could be no doubt now about

| public interest in women’s history and popular support for Seneca Falls. Suddenly, the real prospect of acquiring the Stanton house and establishing a new national historical park seemed much more real. Nothing was certain. No one was quite sure where to begin. Everyone, however,

recognized that local citizens could make a difference. Under the leadership of the first two presidents—Lucille Povero, a saleswoman at a local car dealership, and Corinne Guntzel, an economics professor at a local ~_ college—the ECSF worked creatively and aggressively to generate local,

state, and national support for the proposed park. oo

236 | -

“IT’S A WIDE COMMUNITY INDEED”

To generate national support, the Foundation developed an honorary board, made up of well-known feminist politicians, activists, and academics. Among the most influential were actor Alan Alda, Redbook publisher

Sey Chessler, and special liaison from the lieutenant governor's office, Nancy Dubner. Support from Stanton’s great-grandchildren, Rhoda Barney

Jenkins and John Barney, and from Rhoda Barney Jenkins’s daughter, Colline Jenkins-Sahline, brought extra energy to the cause. One fall day they arrived in Seneca Falls with a load of books and furniture that had once belonged to Stanton. “It’s time they came home,” declared Jenkins.” Locally and nationally, renewed scholarly interest about Stanton and

the early women’s rights movement also contributed to the sense that

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.ONal arenat ok OW ? men gl l aCctlvity ctanetmen >s Landmark Proj the NPS r national signithe men>s Froyect ove and : mM” rge when we wardr consideratio fo sigmiicance eme rungirl a girl’ | I nnecticut s school th: ’ ore erate in a much more

confine e n had a nation ] . OCal and re | For example, dibetween pact. th rent views P ?lire

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where Crandall had randall House in Co

Ameri rst in19.3 the admit ; was the incount ; an anAfrican student (fig. ry to , ion to say tha Sregio first nincan : is sch ce. was Yet at the ti s olOc had onsig. ree time this thi nal erenatio no ablished., i > in the 1 Ww was ntestablish anizations. Women w eet orm canchange ofte o areonl denied tional platf S. men 4. n effect a nandirectly influ y small scale ae nces later at in t ,ger national devel Me ion} isted a Casenation foral the nts. We significance ofper the 1n P Mae action to this nominatio . 19.3). The Park Service’s fi es

]In1opme Ona . u aving to to } jump th h ing

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en Connecticut Historical Commission. — ee 7 time-consuming, however, and meant that we couldn’t be working on — other properties. Furthermore, we sometimes were unsuccessful in mak-

_hhistoryscholarship, re Some properties became stalled in the process because the NPS _ ing a case for national significance despite support from recent women’s _

_._- wished to avoid what it perceived as controversial nominations. The Mary

(or Molly, as she was known) Dewson residence in New York Cityisa prime example (fig. 19.4) The Greenwich Village apartment building | where Dewson lived was constructed in 1922. For thirty years Molly => --- Dewson, a social worker and friend of Eleanor Roosevelt, who became a key member of Franklin Roosevelt’s political team, lived in this coopera-___

tive apartment building with her partner, Polly Porter. In her biography _ _. of Dewson, Susan Ware describes the apartment, and Blanche Cook mentions this building in her biography of Eleanor Roosevelt.” Most of =~

, 326 Oo , ,

7 the twenty-four units in the building were inhabited by other unmarried professional women. Nancy Cook and Marion Dickerman, two women |

| SS the hall from Ww e man of the omen’ hi h

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TOWARD AN INCLUSIVE AGENDA

enthusiastic about the site. The first draft of the nomination form for this

building came back from the History Division of the NPS with “Lesbian?” written in large letters across the front page. We were unsuccessful in our efforts to gain NPS support for this building, but it is important to note that the exchange took place in 1989 and that the staffer

who wrote this comment no longer works for the National Historic Landmark Program (furthermore, that staffer’s supervisor and the supervisor’s superior have both since retired from the NPS). The official reason given by the NPS for not supporting the nomination was that it was an apartment building and the nomination was based on its association with only one unit of the building. We engaged in a lively challenge of this

position but lost. ee : :

Concern in the first Bush Administration over possible controversy postponed until 1993 the designation of the Margaret Sanger Clinic as a National Historic Landmark (fig. 19.5). The fear on the part of some administration officials was that Sanger, a pioneer in the birth control move-

ment, would be associated in some way with the abortion movement. Although the Advisory Committee of the National Park Service recommended the designation of the New York City house that had served as the birth control clinic of Margaret Sanger, the nomination languished for several years, unsigned on the desk of the secretary of interior. Only after President Bill Clinton’s election did Secretary of Interior Bruce Babbitt sign the forms designating the Sanger Clinic as an NHL. A number of properties failed to be designated because the owners did not choose to endorse the nomination to NHL status. One of the buildings that fell into this category was the Hollywood Studio Club (NR), a

, residential facility for women in the Hollywood who worked in the motion picture industry (fig. 19.6). The YWCA, the sponsor of this boarding home, asked architect Julia Morgan to design the club building. Over the years more than ten thousand women associated with the movie industry

lived in this building. Several of them became famous—Kim Novak, Dorothy Malone, Donna Reed, Marilyn Monroe, and others. The Hollywood Studio Club primarily provided shelter for single women, who by accepted social standards at that time were not supposed to be living alone, but it also served as an informal extension of the studio casting of-

328 ,

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