Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education [1 ed.] 9781608767106, 9781606922927

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Copyright © 2009. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved. Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

Copyright © 2009. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved. Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

RESEARCHING POSSIBILITIES IN MATHEMATICS, SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY EDUCATION

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No part of this digital document may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means. The publisher has taken reasonable care in the preparation of this digital document, but makes no expressed or implied warranty of any kind and assumes no responsibility for any errors or omissions. No liability is assumed for incidental or consequential damages in connection with or arising out of information contained herein. This digital document is sold with the clear understanding that the publisher is not engaged in rendering legal, medical or any other professional services.

Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

Copyright © 2009. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved. Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

Copyright © 2009. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

RESEARCHING POSSIBILITIES IN MATHEMATICS, SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY EDUCATION

KGETI SETATI, RENUKA VITHAL, CLIFF MALCOLM AND

RUBBY DHUNPATH EDITORS Nova Science Publishers, Inc. New York

Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

Copyright © 2009 by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means: electronic, electrostatic, magnetic, tape, mechanical photocopying, recording or otherwise without the written permission of the Publisher. For permission to use material from this book please contact us: Telephone 631-231-7269; Fax 631-231-8175 Web Site: http://www.novapublishers.com NOTICE TO THE READER The Publisher has taken reasonable care in the preparation of this book, but makes no expressed or implied warranty of any kind and assumes no responsibility for any errors or omissions. No liability is assumed for incidental or consequential damages in connection with or arising out of information contained in this book. The Publisher shall not be liable for any special, consequential, or exemplary damages resulting, in whole or in part, from the readers’ use of, or reliance upon, this material. Any parts of this book based on government reports are so indicated and copyright is claimed for those parts to the extent applicable to compilations of such works. Independent verification should be sought for any data, advice or recommendations contained in this book. In addition, no responsibility is assumed by the publisher for any injury and/or damage to persons or property arising from any methods, products, instructions, ideas or otherwise contained in this publication. This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information with regard to the subject matter covered herein. It is sold with the clear understanding that the Publisher is not engaged in rendering legal or any other professional services. If legal or any other expert assistance is required, the services of a competent person should be sought. FROM A DECLARATION OF PARTICIPANTS JOINTLY ADOPTED BY A COMMITTEE OF THE AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION AND A COMMITTEE OF PUBLISHERS.

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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA Researching possibilities in mathematics, science & technology education / Kgethi Setati ... [et al.]. p. cm. Includes index. ISBN 978-1-60876-710-6 (E-Book) 1. Science--Study and teaching--Research. 2. Science--Study and teaching--International cooperation. 3. Education and globalization. I. Setati, Kgethi, 1966Q181.R486 2009 507.1--dc22 2008047490

Published by Nova Science Publishers, Inc.    New York

Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

Dedicated to the memory of Cliff Malcolm who passed away in Australia

Copyright © 2009. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

on 24th March 2008

Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

Copyright © 2009. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved. Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

CONTENTS Preface

ix

Part A: Paradigm Possibilities in Contexts of Inequality

1

Chapter 1

Globalization, Ideology and Research in Mathematics Education Paul Ernest

3

Chapter 2

Ethnomathematics Research in a Postmodern Time Gelsa Knijnik

Chapter 3

Rewording the World: Poststructuralism, Deconstruction and the ‘Real’ in Environmental/Science Education Research Noel Gough and Leigh Price

Chapter 4

Action Research for Contexts of Change and Inequality Bill Atweh and Derek Bland

Part B: Theoretical and Methodological Possibilities

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Chapter 5

Methodological Challenges in Doing Ethnomathematical Research Mogege Mosimege

Chapter 6

Researching Possibilities Ole Skovsmose

Chapter 7

Critical Language Awareness: Listening to Silence in the Mathematics Classroom David Wagner

Chapter 8

Chapter 9

Grappling with Methodologies in Educational Research: Science and Engineering Educators Finding Their Way Jeff Jawitz, Jennifer Case and Delia Marshall Methodology in Policy-Related Research Anitha Ramsuran

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55 71 89 91 105

121

139 153

viii

Contents

Part C: Ethical Challenges and Possibilities

171

Chapter 10

‘Negotiating Access’: The Initial Research Process Angela James and Linda van Laren

173

Chapter 11

Transformative Action Research: Issues and Dilemmas in Working with Two Rural South African Communities Cliff Malcolm, Nirmala Gopal, Moyra Keane and William C. Kyle, Jr.

193

213

Index

215

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About the Editors

Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

PREFACE This book arises from needs in the mathematics and science education research community in Southern Africa and other developing world contexts for a book on methodology that is responsive to rapidly changing educational environments; and to the challenges and possibilities of research in contexts characterised by inequality, diversity, poverty, violence, the particular history within which research takes place, and the consequent ethical and socio-political considerations involved. From the initial ‘call for chapters’, the brief is summarised in the following extracts: …Although the methodological framework of [published] studies is stated as clearly as possible [in the published papers], few reflections, criticism and actual discussion are devoted to methodological issues and the difficulties emerging from them in particular contexts, for instance, the ethical and socio-political circumstances, the history and the material conditions within which the research process has taken place. … A prevailing position in [classroom] research is to focus on a socio-cognitive approach where classrooms are analysed as independent micro-cultures and seeing mathematical content narrowly, unrelated to broader contextual and societal aspects.

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… The socio-political nature of school-based research is evident in issues of power and justice entailed in the process of negotiation of access to schools, the relationship between the researcher and participants, ownership of the research project and how the research is reported…

Thus, the book focuses especially on research methodology in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, in contexts such as the Southern African one. Authors interested in contributing to the book were invited to a conference in South Africa, which generated rich and inspiring debate on a range of philosophical, ideological, theoretical and practical issues, which became the basis of the book. The result is eleven chapters authored by academics from around the world engaged in research into science, mathematics and technology education. Each of these authors is an accomplished scholar reputed for innovative research methodologies in rapidly changing educational environments. Mathematics, Science and Technology Education (MSTE) emerged as a research discipline in the 1960s, and continues to reflect the distinctive flavour and character of its roots in Western societies, and science. In this mode, often based on positivist frameworks,

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Kgeti Setati, Renuka Vithal, Cliff Malcolm et al.

research environments are characterised by idealized environments, sanitised research conditions, depoliticized neutralized data and contested analyses. The book shifts the focus to curriculum and teaching in developing countries, raising questions about such things as the nature of scientific knowledge and knowledge production; how scientific knowledge can be accessed and represented; what counts as legitimate science knowledge in contexts of colonization, liberation, inequity and African belief systems. The book extends debate on “African Science”, and offers ways of talking and writing about science that reframe it, acknowledging problematics and pluralism, offering ways of bringing Western and African thought together. As well, the book acknowledges and works with the practical and political realities of education and schooling in much of South Africa, where schools are often poorly resourced and communication with them is often difficult, and where research methodologies and ethics have to take account of the complexities of school operations and school-community relationships. In this shift of focus, the book has a number of fairly recent research approaches from which to draw, from within MSTE, and education more widely. These include ethnomathematics, culture studies in science education, place-based education, communitybased education, environmental education, socially critical theory, and education for social and economic development. The book aims to build on this base, as well as the achievements of more mainstream MSTE, building in particular on South African experience and needs. Mathematics, Science and Technology Education is a priority area in developed and developing countries, as part of social, cultural, environmental and economic development. The shortage of skills, the inadequacy of current curricula, inappropriate policies and outmoded teaching methodologies has forced these issues to the top of institutional research and policy agendas. However, they take a shape in developing countries different from their shape in developed countries. For example, South Africa faces threats and possibilities of globalisation, internationalisation, diversity and inequity remarkably different from those in Europe, and has its particular dreams of an African Renaissance and African scholarship. On both counts – the universality of interest in MSTE, and the particular interests of developing countries such as South Africa – the subject area in the book is of high priority, widely taught and widely researched. As an example, the emergence of ethnomathematics as a field of research has been rapid, becoming mainstream. As well as published articles and books, there have been conferences and study groups, such as the International Study Group on Ethnomathematics (ISGEm) established in 1985, and regional groups such as the North American Chapter of ISGEm, the South African Chapter of the Ethnomathematics Study Group (since 1995), and the Southern African Interest Group on Ethnomathematics (since 2004) which has membership from eight Southern African Development Community countries. International conferences include the International Conference on Ethnomathematics (ICEM 1) in Granada, Spain (1998) and ICEM 2 in Ouro Preto, Brazil (2002), and ICEM 3 in New Zealand (2006). Curriculum developers and curriculum policies in many countries, including South Africa, have integrated ethnomathematical work into curriculum revisions. Similar histories can be written for the other movements listed earlier: cultural studies in science education, place-based education, community-based education, and so on. The book does not aim to position itself as a counterpoint to ‘more conventional’ research methodologies. Instead it seeks to elevate and widen the debates, raise methodological issues, and offer innovative possibilities and pedagogies. To this end, the chapters present

Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

Preface

xi

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theoretical, meta-level reflections on issues in research design in the fields of mathematics, science and technology education. The book is organised into three thematic categories, each advancing the recurring theme of research possibilities. The chapters are preceded by a general introduction/foreword written by the four editors.

Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

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PART A: PARADIGM POSSIBILITIES IN CONTEXTS OF INEQUALITY In the 45 years since Thomas Kuhn’s book, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, his ideas of ‘research paradigms’ and ‘paradigm shifts’ have been carried into many domains beyond the natural sciences – including social sciences and education, policy as well as research. A research paradigm has come to mean a set of beliefs, values and assumptions that a particular community of researchers has about the world and about the nature and conduct of research. Of particular interest to Kuhn, and more widely since, are shifts from paradigms that are ‘standard’ to ones that are greatly different, irreconcilable with the earlier ones. Given this book’s interest in research methodologies that are suited to ‘developing’ countries and countries ‘in transition’, such as many in Africa, choices of research paradigm are vital: education research activity has been far greater in ‘developed’ countries, undertaken within Western cultural frameworks, so research paradigms that widely used are likely to be more suited to developed countries than developing ones. New possibilities have to be explored. Paul Ernest leads the discussion, with his chapter “Globalisation, Ideology and Research in Mathematics Education”. He approaches questions of paradigm not so much from ontological and epistemological perspectives as he does from socio-political ones, especially the ways in which ideologies from developed countries covertly and overtly shape the research agenda, values and practices in developing countries. In the current context of globalization, this arises from asymmetries between developed and developing countries in the export of theoretical knowledge versus data, the movements of ‘experts’ and teachers versus students, and the production, control, status and costs of elite journals and conferences. He argues that objectification and abstraction of knowledge underpinning the Western universalist tradition has suited it to trading, transfer and managerialism, but not to the cultures and needs of developing countries. Post-modern approaches, he argues, do not overcome these criticisms, insofar as they are also commodified. He draws attention to Western assumptions of individualism, progressivism and ‘academic standards’ and ways in which they perpetuate the dominance of Western research. The way forward, he suggests, lies in relationships and discussion, based on sensitivity, cognizance of the developing country involved, and partnerships that seek to benefit, not exploit, the developing country. Gelsa Knijnik, in “Ethnomathematics Research in a Postmodern Time”, starts from disenchantment that the Modernity project has failed to deliver justice and sustainability in

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the world. She turns instead to early critical theorists and activists, such as Friere and D’Ambrosio in Brazil, and conceptions of Ethnomathematics from a postmodern perspective. From this perspective, culture is the central idea: culture as a human creation, conflictive, unstable and tense, divers across and within nations. So different mathematics also exist, unequal because of power relations, yet able to draw from each other. Ethnomathematics in this view aims to re-present a culture, rather than uncover it. Knijnik sets her arguments into a case example, where she, a teacher, an agronomist, and a class of Year 7 students worked with a group of settlers growing lettuce as part of the Landless Movement. Through the case, she demonstrates the ways in which traditional separations of researcher-researched, outsiderinsider, academic-everyday, school-community, theory-action were broken down, yet all brought to bear on understanding and problem-solving. In this, social practices and on-going negotiation became central to the curriculum and the research. In “Rewording the World: Poststructuralism, Deconstruction and the ‘Real’ in Environmental/Science Education”, Noel Gough and Leigh Price take issue with the dichotomizing that often arises in discussions of reality and constructivism, urging instead that mental constructions and reality are ‘mutually constitutive’. So too, they point out that ‘deconstruction’ is not an opposite of ‘construction’ nor of ‘reality’. This interest in the meanings and uses of words opens discussion on the theoretical and representational value of metaphor, hinting that metaphor is at once more and less powerful than ‘theory’. Science and literature work together. Gough and Price illustrate their points with the concept of bioregion, as reality and construct, and an instance where researchers move creatively between the natural/biophysical and human/ societal as metaphors for each other. Turning to research methodology, Gough and Price point to the pervasiveness of the metaphor of the tree (of knowledge), with its branching logic, categories and vertical hierarchies, all firmly rooted in the earth, and commend an alternative – the rhizome, spreading horizontally through the ground, extending its entanglements and sending out multiple shoots and roots. Words and metaphors do more than ‘represent’, and metaphors can open up new possibilities in thinking about research. Bill Atweh & Derek Bland, in their comprehensive chapter, “Action Research for Contexts of Change and Inequality”, advocate Action Research as a methodology for mathematics education research in developing countries, because it is able to bridge gaps between theory and practice, research and development, local and global, objective and subjective, individual and social, fragmentated and homogenized. In particular, it can transcend such polarities as these, by placing the poles into dialectic relationship, and allowing them to support one another. Atweh and Bland point out that Action Research is well established, but with many forms. They recommend especially Action Research that is participative, operates in an overall framework of social/community transformation, and brings together local (internal) and academic (external) knowledge. They point out that Action Research, constructed in these ways, constitutes a new epistemology, challenging traditional purposes, categories, methodologies, and approaches to validation.

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Chapter 1

GLOBALIZATION, IDEOLOGY AND RESEARCH IN MATHEMATICS EDUCATION Paul Ernest University of Exeter, UK University of Oslo, Norway; Trondheim College, Norway Wits University, Johannesburg, Republic of South Africa

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In this chapter I tell two tales. One is a tale of the role of ideology in the globalization of mathematics, science and technology education research, and its social and political implications. The other thinner tale is the story of my personal situatedness within the intellectual and material worlds I inhabit. To critique the globalization of educational research in these domains without acknowledging my situatedness and the boundaries of my complicity would be only half of the story, and would lack reflexivity and the necessary acknowledgement of the complexity of the issues involved. Postmodernity has adopted Bacon’s (1597/1997) insight that knowledge is power and exploited it in the knowledge economy. My aim is to partly subvert this order and through providing a lens that reveals some of the ideologies at work in educational research to offer knowledge workers a tool for carrying their endeavours forward and resisting or harnessing some of the forces at play in globalization.

GLOBALIZATION AND THE KNOWLEDGE ECONOMY One of the defining characteristics of postmodernity is the dramatic emergence of globalization across the domains of industry, commerce, technology (including information and communication technologies), culture and education. Globalization is the social change brought about by increased connectivity among societies and their elements, including the merging and convergence of cultures. The principal means is the dramatic enhancement of transport and communication technologies used to facilitate international cultural and economic exchange. This has led to the formation of a ‘global village’ (McLuhan 1964), with closer contact between different parts of the world, providing increasing possibilities of

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Paul Ernest

personal exchange, mutual understanding and friendship among ‘world citizens’, which is especially notable and important in the worlds of education and research.1 However, the principal driver is economic globalization. This consists of the opening up of international markets and the freedom to trade in them, and the multinational location of corporations controlling workers in several countries and marketing products and services in many, possibly other, countries (Hobsbawm 1994). The outcome is the corresponding erosion of national sovereignty in the economic sphere as profit-making multinational or transnational corporations circumvent the bounds of local laws and standards through moving their operations from country to country. Reinforcing this principal driver is the promotion of the culture-ideology of consumerism. In this the world media acts as purveyors of the “relatively undifferentiated mass of news, information, ideas, entertainment and popular culture to a rapidly expanding public, ultimately the whole world” (Sklair 2004: 74). This is at one and the same time one of the major products for sale on international markets, and also the principal component of the culture-ideology of consumerism that creates and expands the markets. Thus globalization is often seen as global Westernization (Sen 2004). A central dimension of globalization is the new role of knowledge, and in particular its commodification and exploitation in the global knowledge economy (Peters 2002). The knowledge economy differs from the traditional economy in that it is knowledge, rather than products or services, that is treated as the primary saleable and exploitable commodity. In addition to knowledge-products, human capital in the form of human knowledge and competencies are the key component of value in a knowledge economy and knowledge-based organizations. Through the focus on knowledge, the use of appropriate technologies is able to diminish the effect of geographical location (Skyrme 2004). Both governments and corporations have become aware of the tremendous power and profitability of knowledge and information. Knowledge is not only power, as Francis Bacon (1597/1997) said, but is also money. Hence the capitalist principles of ownership, investment, production, marketing and profit maximization have been utilized in the domain of knowledge. The consequent application of business models and policies in this area results in the increasingly tight control and hierarchical management of knowledge. As capitalism colonizes the knowledge domain, and applies the ‘science of production’ to it, there has been a policy transfer into education. “At international level there has emerged a coherent set of policy themes and processes through which policy makers (at national, international and trans-national) levels are reshaping education systems” (Ozga 2005: 118). The traditional humanistic values of education policy have been “replaced by a totalizing and unreflective business-orientated ideology expressed through a discourse based on markets, targets, audits, ‘quality performance’ and human resource management” (Avis et al. 1996: 20). The commodification of knowledge has led to performativity and managerialism in schools, universities and throughout education and its policy drivers and management. From this new perspective, the success of education is measured in terms of the achievement of numerical targets. The value of teachers and academics is defined in terms of performance measures. Educational institutions and structures are managed as systems with resource inputs and performance outputs. According to this system, the underlying values are those of 1

Globalization shares a number of characteristics with internationalization and the terms are sometimes used interchangeably, although I prefer to use ‘globalization’ to emphasize the erosion of the nation state or national boundaries, which is especially important in the growing emergence of a global educational research community.

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Globalization, Ideology and Research in Mathematics Education

5

efficiency, ‘value-for money’ and productivity, underpinned by the profit motive and its analogue, the maximization of outputs. Teaching and research are viewed as mechanical processes, a means to the end of producing knowledge and human capital. From an ethical standpoint the transfer of the values of the corporate world into education is deeply problematic. Bakan (2004) has described the behavior of the corporation as psychopathic. “As a psychopathic creature, the corporation can neither recognise nor act upon moral reasons to refrain from harming others. Nothing in its legal makeup limits what it can do to others in pursuit of its selfish ends, and it is compelled to cause harm when the benefits of doing so outweigh the costs.” (Newton 2004: 52). Thus to apply the values and ethics of the corporation to social and human undertakings, such as education and research, not to mention governance, medicine and other professions whose ultimate focus is human well being, is a travesty of their underlying purposes. While economics plays a part as a means of improving human well being, happiness, social justice, etc., it should never become an end in itself as it is in the corporate world. By applying the values of corporations and institutions to human beings the incongruity and inappropriate nature of these values for the world of human-centred concerns is highlighted. At first glance the attribution of human psychological characteristics like psychopathy to social and political entities seems far-fetched, even though in law the corporation (named after its analogue, the body) is treated in many ways like a person, with rights and responsibilities. However this analogy goes back a long way. “By art is created that great Leviathan called a commonwealth, or state, in Latin Civitas, which is but an artificial man” (Hobbes 1651/1962: 59). Hobbes goes on to develop in some detail the analogy between the powers and functions of the state and the human body. More recently critical theorists of the Frankfurt school applied Freudian and other concepts from depth psychology to modern society. Adorno et al. (1950) studied the origins of fascism in the psychology of the authoritarian personality. Miller (1983) locates it in the psychological damage resulting from abusive child-rearing practices. Others, such as Marcuse (1964) continued to explore the psychological roots of social organizations and ideologies, including some of the pathologies of modern society, similar to the characterization of the corporation as psychopathic. Anthropologists have also utilized the correspondence between the psychological and the social. Douglas (1966) offers a bold theoretical analogy between purity, ritual cleansing and concern with individual’s body boundaries and orifices, on the one hand, and social group membership, structures and group actions, on the other. In each case these and other theorists (e.g., Vygotsky 1978, Lasch 1984) argue for the existence of a strong relationship between characteristics on the psychological plane and the social or group plane. There is controversy over in which direction, if either, the causal links flow, although my own view is that social and psychological characteristics are linked in an endless mutually constitutive cycle. However, in the present context, the key point is the dramatic juxtaposition of, and contrast between, the values of corporations and social groups on the macro-level and the widely accepted personal values of caring and connection on the micro-level, as they apply to personal behaviour and inter-personal relationships (Noddings 1984, Gilligan 1982). Foregrounding this contrast serves to emphasize the inappropriateness of applying a businessorientated ideology with its knowledge-commodification, performativity and managerialist values to education. The potential damage is greater than simply the degradation of the employment conditions and lives of educators, researchers and knowledge workers, as bad as this might be. By degrading the contexts and conditions of learning there is also the risk of

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damage to the nurture and growth of children. Throughout their years of education learners are vulnerable, but especially so in the early years of schooling. At this stage much of the child’s basic social and moral growth is taking place, as well as the foundations for their intellectual development. Threats to the health of these areas could have serious unanticpated negative consequences for society as well as for the individuals involved. But to the corporate and materialist mentality this is an irrelevant ‘externality’, Milton Friedman’s term for the external effects of a transaction or activity on a third party or any other who is not involved in the transaction (Newton 2004). Unlike the military term ‘collateral damage’, horrific as it might be, the term ‘externality’ does not even acknowledge the negativity of such incidental impacts or by-products.

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THE KNOWLEDGE ECONOMY AND MATHEMATICS EDUCATION In this chapter my aim is to explore the relevance and impact of globalization and the knowledge economy for research in mathematics education, taking particular cognizance of the ‘developing’ country perspective.2 Mathematics education is both a set of practices, encompassing mathematics teaching, teacher education, curriculum development, researching and research training, as well as a field of knowledge with its own terms, concepts, problems, theories, subspecialisms, papers, journals and books. Likewise, educational research is both a process and a product. Looking at these fields as processes and practices, since they are geographically located and embodied in organised social activities, is more immediately revealing of the role they play in the knowledge economy than starting with the objectivized products of research, although the latter will rapidly figure in my account too. My primary expertise lies in the area of mathematics education, but there are several aspects of the following account that extend more widely to incorporate science and technology education as well, and sometimes further afield, so I shall broaden my claims where this seems appropriate. There are a number of ways in which the effects of the global knowledge economy impacts on mathematics, science and technology education. I have identified four main dimensions or areas of impact as follows, although there may well be more. First of all, there is the export of university education from Western countries to Eastern and ‘developing’ countries. Students are recruited internationally to engage in educational study and research both through international franchising and distance learning courses in their home countries, and through study at universities in the exporting countries. This is supported by scholarships financed by the students’ countries of origin, by self-funding for those from wealthy backgrounds, or less often, by grants from ‘developed’ countries such as Commonwealth Scholarships. The result is a net inflow of funds to ‘developed’ countries (the asymmetric economic effect) and an inflow of knowledge and expertise to ‘developing’ countries. However, there are two subsidiary effects, which I shall term the ideological and recruitment effects. The ideological effect is the ideological orientation or saturation that accompanies the flow of knowledge and expertise to ‘developing’ countries. For the intentional importation of the knowledge, skills, expertise and research methodologies is always accompanied by a set 2

Below, in discussing the concept of progress I shall problematize the terms ‘developing’ and ‘developed’ countries. However, for the moment I shall simply use these problematic terms to avoid cumbersome circumlocutions, but put them in ‘scare quotes’ to show that the terms are used with reservations.

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of implicit values, together with epistemological and ideological orientations. These may replace or co-exist with the recipient student's own orientation, but cannot be wholly rejected if the recipient is to be successful in acquiring and applying the knowledge and expertise. The recruitment effect concerns the recruitment of the most able personnel of ‘developing’ countries to work for knowledge organizations (academic or commercial) based in the ‘developed’ countries, including what is traditionally known as the ‘brain drain’. Second, there is the recruitment and mobility of educational researchers and academics for employment, consultancy and research projects internationally. This includes the importation of expertise from the West or ‘developed’ countries in the form of permanent or fixed term contracted staff, including researchers and project staff, as well as bought-in consultants for the faculty of higher education institutions, acting as external examiners, staff trainers, and so on. One outcome of this inflow of expertise and knowledge to ‘developing’ countries is the ideological effect noted above, because overseas trained experts must, inescapably, bring their ideological orientations with them. The movement of personnel also includes visits by academic research staff funded from ‘developed’ countries to conduct research in ‘developing’ countries. Such projects may be focused on specific features of the local culture such as the gathering of ethnomathematical field data, typical of research in the interpretative paradigm (e.g., Saxe 1991, Lave and Wenger 1991). They can also be focused on applying some predetermined framework as in international assessment and comparative studies (e.g., SIMS, TIMSS, PISA) typical of scientific paradigm research. In both of these types of research there is what I shall term the appropriation effect. In this, locally gathered knowledge from ‘developing’ countries is appropriated for academic and other uses in ‘developed’ countries.3. Third, there is the international regulation (and promotion and marketing) of the products of educational research via international bodies, conferences and associated publications, discussed further below. In mathematics education there are international coordinating bodies such as the International Commission on Mathematical Instruction (2001) organising conferences and study projects, including the ICME, PME, HPM, IOWME organizations and conferences, and independent series of conferences (e.g., PDME, MES, ALM, CERME) bringing together researchers from many countries.4 These often make concerted attempts to include representation of researchers from ‘developing’ countries and hold conferences in such locations as well. However, due to the underlying economic inequalities and the high costs of international travel (as well as the institutional biases) the representation from ‘developing’ countries is limited. The number of international conferences held in 3

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This is well known in pharmacology where, for example, teams of ethnobotanists and pharmacognosists visit the Amazon basin, interview indigenous people about pharmacologically active plants and take samples of the plants. They then return to their ‘developed’ countries of origin where the active substances are extracted, manufactured, marketed and sometimes even patented, by ‘Big Pharma’ (multinational pharmacology corporations). The abbreviations used here and elsewhere stand for: International Study Group on the Relations between the History and Pedagogy of Mathematics (HPM), the International Group for the Psychology of Mathematics Education (PME), the International Organization of Women and Mathematics Education (IOWME), International Congress of Mathematical Education (ICME), Political Dimensions of Mathematics Education (PDME), Mathematics, Education and Society (MES), Adults Learning Mathematics (ALM), Congress of the European Society for Research in Mathematics Education (CERME), Second International Mathematics Study (SIMS), Third International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS), Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), Southern African Association for Research in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education (SAARMSTE).

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‘developing’ countries is also very limited (ICME 11 in Mexico in 2008 will be the first in this series, and only 10% of the approximately thirty PME conferences to date have been held in ‘developing’ countries (Mexico, Brazil and South Africa). The locations are primarily chosen to suit the convenience of mathematics education researchers in ‘developed’ countries, who make up the largest attendance group. Because of this location bias an outcome is another instance of the asymmetric economic effect, the net inflow of funds to ‘developed’ countries. There also is an increasing number of regional international conferences such as in South East Asia, the Caribbean and Latin America, and Southern Africa (SAARMSTE), organised and run primarily for regional participants and benefits. However, these are internationally perceived to be of second rank in importance, value and prestige.5 This is due to what might be termed the dominance effect. Research and researchers from the Northern and ‘developed’ countries who communicate and publish in English dominate the international research community in mathematics, science and technology education, in terms of both power and prestige. Second in order of dominance come Northern and ‘developed’ country researchers who communicate and publish in other European languages, e.g., French and Spanish. Last come the researchers in ‘developing’ countries communicating and publishing in local, i.e., non-European, languages. Fourth, there is the primary source of the dominance effect, the international journals and other research publications in mathematics, science and technology education. This research literature, which incorporates the full range of academic publications including journals, texts, handbooks, monographs, and web sources is largely based in Northern and ‘developed’ countries, and is largely Anglophone at the high prestige end. Although journals, publishers and conference committees reach out to many countries for their editorial panels and members the locus of control remains firmly Eurocentric. This leads to the intensification of the ideological effect, as does the Eurocentricity of international research organizations and conferences mentioned above. In addition, the research literature is marketed internationally adding to the asymmetric economic effect, an inflow of funds to ‘developed’ countries. The high prestige end of the research literature market is in many cases matched by high prices, although prices are even higher for other scientific and medical publications. Some of the literature originating in not-for-profit organizations, such as the Journal for Research in Mathematics Education (USA) and For the Learning of Mathematics (Canada), is sold at moderate prices by Western standards. Nevertheless, it remains expensive for ‘developing’ countries when the costs of foreign currency conversion and international postage are included. These four dimensions of the knowledge economy in mathematics, science and technology education combine to give an asymmetric set of flows. The primary activity is that of the sale of knowledge and expertise by ‘developed’ to ‘developing’ countries. This leads to the asymmetric economic effect, the inflow of money from ‘developing’ countries to ‘developed’ countries. This is no surprise as the knowledge economy is all about the commodification and sale of knowledge. The role of ‘developed’ countries as the source of knowledge and expertise also leads to the dominance effect, in which Western and 5

Researchers from ‘developed’ countries do make guest appearances at such regional conferences. However, in addition to the individual’s benefits in having more international papers and publications for their CVs, there is also a growing tourism effect. Like with tourism, travel to exotic locations for professional reasons is a consumer good in itself.

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‘developed’ countries dominate the production and warranting of high value knowledge through control of the high prestige publications and conferences and impose Eurocentric epistemologies, methodologies and standards on it in their gatekeeper roles. It also leads to the ideological effect, whereby researchers in ‘developing’ countries are subject to and internalize the ideological and epistemological presuppositions and values of this dominant research culture. For to fail to do so is to be excluded from the high prestige channels for knowledge publication and dissemination. A further outcome of the ideological effect whereby researchers subscribe to Eurocentric research standards and values, is the recruitment effect. This is the ‘brain drain’, the migration of some of the most skilled researchers and knowledge workers from ‘developing’ to ‘developed’ countries. The acceptance of and admiration for Western academic standards makes the temptation of improved personal economic standing (and improved conditions of work) almost irresistible. One final asymmetry arises from the appropriation effect. This is where ‘developed’ country researchers capture local knowledge and make representations of local practices and take this knowledge home with them. There it is reconfigured in a high prestige way such that it has significant value in the ‘academic market’. The career value of such data in fields such as anthropology has long been a feature of the academic scene, and this effect has also emerged in mathematics and science education in the last two decades or so, with growing attention to ethnomathematics and ethnoscience. International assessment and comparative data in education is similarly imported, possibly after collection with local help, and is a marketable and prestigious academic product in ‘developed’ countries, where it features in many leading research publications. It also has extra value because it feeds into the managerialist mechanisms of education policy and control. Governments and other agencies take international comparison data as a key measure of performance and use it to evaluate and judge educational systems (analogous to the role of economic indicators). As an indicator of success in education it is a source of national pride (or shame) and it is also selectively used in the media to influence political and popular opinion.

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MAKING SPACE FOR THE PERSONAL In the above account I have used the voice of an impersonal structural analyst to describe the role of the knowledge economy in the managerialization of education, and its role in the globalization and internationalization of mathematics, science and technology education. Conducting an analysis from this perspective reveals important imbalances and dimensions of exploitation, but it obscures two features. The first is the agency, and at times the resistance and countervailing intentions of the actors in play. Second it is an outward gaze that hides the identity of the commenting observer. My structural analysis of the knowledge economy in education and educational research is painted in broad brush strokes that fail to show in fine detail the varied roles, motivations and expressions of agency among the individuals directly involved, as well as those on the sidelines. Ideological orientations are by no mean monolithic in any research culture, whether in ‘developing’ or ‘developed’ countries. Educational practice and research are primarily vocational undertakings which are usually motivated as ends in themselves, dedicated to the improvement of education and the enhancement of understanding, rather than driven by ulterior motives. While most individuals combine the goals of contributing to education and

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research with expectations of their own personal material enhancement, it does not seem inappropriate that individuals should be rewarded and recognised for their contributions, if they are not profiting unduly or at others’ expense. Likewise, individuals involved in the frontline of the knowledge economy, marketing higher education and research to ‘developing’ countries, or cooperating at the receiving end, are entitled to feel they are performing a useful and valuable function for all of the parties concerned, provided, in my view, that this service is non-exploitative. This raises the issue of how to characterize exploitation, and I suggest that some of the criteria that might be used to distinguish useful from exploitative aspects of the knowledge economy are as follows:

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1. The service provided should be beneficial for the individuals involved, such as learners, students, and local researchers. 2. The education and research activities should be undertaken in a way that is cognizant of the local context of the recipient country and should be suited or tailored to local needs and local perceptions of needs. 3. The provision should enhance self-reliance and economic and educational development in the recipient country. 4. The underlying economic arrangements should not be an excessive drain on the resources of the recipient country.6 Of course the decision as to whether any particular knowledge provision activity meets these conditions depends on the perceptions and values of whoever is making the judgement. So no such justifications can be absolute or even persuasive to everyone involved. Likewise, educational researchers visiting ‘developed’ countries and collecting and taking local knowledge home with them need not be seen as primarily exploitative. What I have described as the appropriation effect can be motivated by the wish to seek recognition and prestige for culturally embedded knowledge and practices for the benefit of both ‘developing’ and ‘developed’ countries. The conceptualization and recognition of ethnomathematics, for example, contributes both to a positive revaluing of culturally embedded modes of thinking and the reconceptualization of mathematics as a less Eurocentric field of knowledge. It also provides a set of multicultural resources for the teaching of mathematics to diverse groups as a global resource. The inclusion of a more representative set of researchers in the organisation and management of international research associations, conferences and editorial boards, as well as among the contributors to conferences and publications, need not be viewed merely as tokenism. It is beneficial because it enables the voices and concerns of researchers from ‘developing’ countries to be heard and for them to contribute to academic decision-making within the international community of researchers. This can broaden the research agenda and also make research more accountable to the social concerns of a broader range of constituents and stakeholders. In addition, it can have an impact, albeit small in the first instance, in reducing the domination effect described above via the reduction of the knowledge and

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My basis for these criteria is a combination of the principle of the respect for the value of different cultures (Ernest 1991) and Marx’s idea, expressed by Rawls (1972) in his theory of justice, that where persons receive less than the value of their contributions they are being exploited.

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expertise imbalance and the shifting or broadening of the underpinning ideological orientations. Countries whose participation in educational research is recent or on a relatively small scale can gain and probably have already benefited from the traditions and activities in ‘developed’ countries, especially in mathematics, science and technology. For many would regard educational research as currently being in a healthy state worldwide. There are strong links between theory and practice, and space is made for constructive dialogue and critique. A wide variety of research methods and methodologies are disseminated and legitimated worldwide. A broad range of issues including social issues have been problematized as suitable topics and questions for research. Furthermore, ‘developed’ countries no longer control and impose their research agendas and practices on ‘developing’ countries as they once did in the immediate post-colonial eras. Thus researchers in mathematics, science and technology education in ‘developing’ countries are more epistemologically empowered, and increasingly set their own research agendas, as the present volume illustrates. They have more space for resistance and critique, for intellectual self-determination and autonomy, and increasingly have access to the necessary concepts and tools for conducting high quality research. Some of this is home-grown, but much of the knowledge, expertise and epistemological self-confidence originates through knowledge links with ‘developed’ countries on a personal, institutional or national scale.7. The second aspect of the personal I want to treat is my own identity as a mathematics education researcher. This text does not issue from some objective logical space or an idealized rational being. It is voiced by an embodied and culturally situated human being. I, the author, am an academic permanently employed in a university in Great Britain, a ‘developed’ country and an ex-colonial power.8 My direct experience of ‘developing’ countries is limited, comprising short visits to most continents for academic work or leisure purposes, as well as a two year stint as a locally employed academic in the Caribbean region (Jamaica) in the early 1980s. Thus my intellectual outlook on the issues of globalization and education, my ‘gaze’, is that of a ‘developed’ country intellectual. This position gives me the autonomy and the intellectual and material freedom to consider, critique and theorize. But it also means that I do not have the direct experience of oppression and the anger it kindles as resources to sublimate into my intellectual work.9 My academic identity is a result of enculturation into the practices, modes of thinking and presuppositions of my Anglocentric cultural milieu. Presumably my gaze, voice, and academic output of talks and writings are emanations and productions of my academic identity and underlying presuppositions. But, as we have learned from post-structuralism, individuals have multiple identities which are produced and elicited in different contexts (Henriques et al. 1984). So the question of authenticity arises: to what extent am I able to comment authentically on issues concerning 7

I am stressing the positive features that emerge from the knowledge economy to provide a balanced view, bearing in mind the critique of the domination and ideological effects that follows below. 8 Contrary to the impression it gives, etymologically the country’s name does not derive from a hubristic reference to former imperial greatness, but resulted from the amalgamation of separate monarchies and countries (England, Scotland, Wales) into an enlarged, i.e., ‘greater’ Britain in 1603. However, as the first impression shows, the name is culturally double-coded with residual connotations of colonialisation and imperialism. 9 As a white, heterosexual, middle class origin male I have not experienced the pain of having to overcome stereotyped expectations imposed on me, or the oppression of classism, sexism, racism and homophobia in society. However, as somebody who did not arrive in the UK until 1951 at the age of 7 with non-British parents (Swedish and Jewish-American) I did experience the feeling of being an outsider for many years, especially in the very conformist Britain of the 1950s.

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‘developing’ countries? There is also an ethical question: to what extent is it morally legitimate for me, given my positioning, to comment on issues concerning oppression, social justice, the problems of ‘developing’ countries, and those of minorities or oppressed groups defined by sex, race, class, or disability? On the one hand, I can feel, in a miniature and fleeting way, through the pan-human faculty of empathy, the pain of excluded and oppressed peoples. I believe that all human morality is founded on the principle that you and I are the same, and that but for luck your pain and suffering could just as easily be mine. So I should help you overcome what I would not like to experience myself. But on the other hand, is my academic work on social issues part of the appropriation effect described above? Am I intellectually colonizing the problems and issues that belong to others for my own academic benefit and enhanced cultural capital? I reject these (self-directed) charges put in such stark terms. For my view is that the problems of any oppressed group do not belong solely to that group but are problems of humankind. Therefore the ethical issue is not one of the ownership of social problems but that of their exploitation. If academics like myself use social problems and issues in academic writing for personal benefit without contributing in some direct or indirect way to the clarification or solution of the problems, or to consciousness raising about their existence, then this risks being exploitative. This discussion raises again the interesting philosophical question of the extent to which any individual’s epistemological and ideological outlook is a function of their personal psychology, their upbringing, and their experience of the surrounding socio-cultural milieu. From the perspective of social constructivism and other perspectives including constructivism, depth psychology, and anthropology, it is clear that an individual’s worldview is in some sense a function or product of their experiences, both private (psychological) and public (socio-cultural). Thus, one can sometimes see links between an individual’s experiences and their worldviews, and sometimes also see the link between specific events and changes in their outlooks. Actually the word ‘see’ is a misleading metaphor here, because often it will be biographical or autobiographical narratives that tell us about these changes and their imputed causes. Valerie Walkerdine (Walkerdine and Lucey 1989) has written about how being a woman of working class origins in the context of her family background expectations meant that her academic advancement and success was perceived as a greedy, hubristic overreaching of herself, epitomized in the critical dictum “much wants more” frequently thrown at her. She makes the point that her persistent internal anger at this negation of her aspirations, and her related identity conflicts, help to fire her critical academic work. However, it is also clear that the ‘functionality’ described is not mechanically causal. Individual humans construct their own identities in complex, unpredictable and ultimately not fully knowable ways, and their course of (self) development may include qualitative changes in both consciousness and outlook triggered internally by relatively small experiences. Womack (1983) illustrates this when he describes how an interest in pursing a single mathematics problem while a student in school led to success, teacher encouragement and the growth of a fascination with mathematics which resulted ultimately in his choice of a career in mathematics education. But others might well have responded differently, for there is no simple causal link between experiences and personal outlook and identity. Furthermore, as noted above, individuals do not end up, at any given moment, with a single essential identity but construct multiple identities which are produced and elicited in different contexts

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(Henriques et al. 1984). The central issue is that the key intervening processes between the social context, background, and experiences and the personal identity and worldview of an individual are the idiosyncratic meaning and interpretation functions of that individual (Schütz 1972). Identity formation is a recursive process, whereby personal development at any given time depends on preceding personal development. This provides an interpretative ‘lens’ through which all experiences are refracted and made sense of, which holistically leads to further personal development and growth, including growth and development of the interpretive lens itself. With all these caveats, it remains possible to see (read) individuals whose outlooks, worldviews and intellectual productions reflect their origins and personal experiences, as well as others who transcend their origins. These two descriptors can even apply to the same individual. In the present era of globalized educational outcomes comprising marks and grades it is easy to forget that one of the traditional aims of education is to facilitate and enable people to transcend and overcome their origins. The German concept of Bildung refers to the process of education as spiritual, intellectual and character formation that is the growth, development, enhancement and fulfillment of an individual’s human potential through the experience of education. From this perspective the main goal of education is to enable the student to transcend the limited outlooks of their childhood and social origins. Dewey argues that a key purpose of education is to take “the child out of his familiar physical environment, hardly more than a square mile or so in area, into the wide world - yes, and even to the bounds of the solar system. His little span of personal memory and tradition is overlaid with the long centuries of the history of all peoples." (Golby et al. 1975: 151). Dewey uses geography and history as metaphors for the boundedness of the child’s experience and understanding, limits imposed by their origins, something that education should enable the child to transcend. Another metaphor from my own childhood and adolescence spent immersed in reading is that it allows one to see the world through a thousand pairs of eyes. Books open up the life narratives of many others to the reader, and good fictional narratives contain the lived truth of human experience, as the interpretative research paradigm acknowledges (Ernest 1994). In this respect I feel that literacy can potentially play a larger part in Bildung than numeracy, although this latter undoubtedly has an important part to play in the development of critical citizenship (Ernest 1991, 2000, Frankenstein 1983). As a knowledge worker, I am not simply a researcher and writer. A key dimension of my academic role, one that brings funds in more directly to my employer, is that of teacher. I no longer teach children or train/educate beginning teachers, which I did for more than 20 years. My role now is to teach and supervise mid-career teachers and other education professionals on masters and doctoral programmes, both Doctor of Education (EdD) and Doctor of Philosophy (PhD). Since 1994 most of this teaching and supervision has been distance learning based, both for British and overseas students. A large part of this involves participation in the global export of education, with my masters and doctoral students spread across the world, including North and South America, the Caribbean, the Bahamas and Bermuda, mainland Europe, Africa, and the Middle and Far East. Costs rarely permit the students travel to me, or me to travel to them, so communication is by post, telephone and currently mostly by electronic means such as e-mail. I sit like a spider at the centre of a web disseminating knowledge of mathematics education and research methodologies and methods. Initially, this takes the form of handbooks on selected central themes in mathematics

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education.10 However, the transactional style I employ is to elicit from the students a choice of research topics related to their own professional context and then help them to refine, shape and make feasible their own chosen areas of investigation. Then pairwise we engage in an extended ‘conversation’ as they conduct their research and write up their reports. Both masters and taught doctorate (EdD) students have to work through smaller assignments, each self-selected and conducted in this way, before extending their reach to a final larger study for the dissertation or thesis. In addition, a part of the students’ developing research skills is to identify an appropriate literature base themselves as is needed for their specialist, self-chosen investigations. In terms of content, students are exposed to an overview of themes in mathematics education selected by me (with peer approval in the original accreditation processes), as indicated above. However they explore self-selected topics relevant to their own professional contexts and interests in depth for their assignments, both empirically and in terms of the literature. Thus they apply the theory they meet on the courses and in the literature to their own professional practice. In terms of pedagogy, there is a combination of exposition via the handbooks, and a negotiated self-directed investigational style, as they pursue their own assignment topics. In terms of assessment, students’ work in progress is formatively assessed and then their completed research reports summatively assessed. The whole assessment load is on the project reports which combine a learning and research exercise with an assessment exercise. In terms of the global knowledge economy, my teaching activities in mathematics education contribute to a number of the dimensions identified above. First of all, through recruiting international students I am exporting university education to both ‘developed’ and ‘developing’ countries from the UK, contributing to the asymmetric economic effect. Secondly, there is an accompanying ideological effect. For as I have argued, the communication of knowledge, skills, expertise and research methodologies is accompanied by epistemological and ideological presuppositions and values. This also reinforces the dominance effect, because my language of instruction is English, and the vast preponderance of papers, books and researchers I cite are from the Europe and North America. This communicates a Eurocentric view of mathematics education research, which is further reinforced by the assessment standards and procedures I apply. Here, of course, there are institutional checks and balances at work, so that even if I tried to apply ‘rogue’ antiEurocentric assessment standards, whatever these might be, they would be challenged and reformatted in the accepted mode. It is possible to partially justify these practices, even if they sustain the ideological and dominance effects, by an argument that can be applied analogously to the goals of schooling. In school teaching it is necessary to address society’s assessment targets to provide the basis for learner progress, both in terms of certification and applicable knowledge. Likewise, education courses (in mathematics, science and technology education) need to provide both 10

The handbook titles for the modules of these courses are: 1) The Psychology of Mathematics Education, 2) The Mathematics Curriculum, 3) Mathematics and Gender, 4) Mathematics and Special Educational Needs, and 5) Research Methodology in Mathematics Education. These handbooks also treat assessment (in 2), philosophy of mathematics (in 3) and language in mathematics education (in 4). As the students are mid-career education professionals two main themes were deliberately omitted (mathematical content areas, and pedagogy and teaching resources such as ICT) although they do figure incidentally and in some student initiated assignments. Details are posted on the web at URL .

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the accepted forms of certification (higher degrees) and the high prestige knowledge and skills for expert professional functioning and career progression. This argument provides necessary but not sufficient conditions for the selection of content for the programmes I teach. In addition to the brief justification provided above with regard to the content, I would strongly defend the importance of the skills targeted for development, including the central one of criticality. Briefly, this is the ability to engage in the careful formulation, analysis and evaluation of claims so that they are linked to an evidential basis and a carefully reasoned argument or narrative. Wielded knowledgeably, this skill enables students to make social and philosophical critiques and fosters their autonomy and independence of thought. Indeed, it is a central element of critical citizenship (Ernest 1991, 2000, Frankenstein 1983). This, together with other skills involved in research, is central to those elements of Western academic values that I would wish to defend. However, there are further covert values and epistemological assumptions making up the ideological effect, which I analyze more closely and critique in the next section. However, before moving on to this I feel I ought to account for my own critical ‘gaze’ and research methodology. I have argued that as a situated ‘developed’ world academic I have been enculturated into one of the dominant research ideologies, which in my case is critical academic liberalism. This is reflected in my choice of teaching topics and emphasis on guided autonomy and criticality as aims and values in my teaching. But this does not reveal the sources of my research methodology and methods. For this I need to give a brief account of my intellectual development. I was trained in mathematics, logic and philosophy, especially the philosophy of mathematics. However, to make a living I became an untrained secondary school teacher and then teacher trainer in the area of mathematics. Through these practices I became enculturated into the worlds of mathematics teaching and later mathematics education. Initially my research as a mathematics educator was on pedagogical issues, the primary problematic issues for teaching and teacher education. However, it was not very long before I realized that my intellectual resources as a philosopher of mathematics were applicable to mathematics education. At first I strove to find direct links between the philosophy of mathematics and mathematics teaching (Ernest 1985). But in pursuing these ideas more deeply I was led into considering the implicit philosophies of teachers (their beliefs and belief systems) and those underpinning mathematics curricula (their covert ideologies and epistemologies) (Ernest 1991). The research methods I used were to look beneath the surface of teachers’ actions and utterances for deeper meanings, and likewise to analyze curriculum texts for indicators of their covert values, ideologies and epistemologies. This has led to my characteristic research methods and methodology, namely to analyze texts of different kinds for covert meanings, somewhat in the style of literary criticism. This is the method that underpins my claims to discern covert ideologies and values in varying domains of mathematics education, such as in this chapter. Of course this research methodology is risky. It depends in part on my personal intuition and discernment, and is hard to validate empirically. But my research does not rely solely on my powers of discernment. Through acquaintance with a broad range of literatures across the sciences, social sciences, humanities and arts I am able to apply a variety of concepts and methods of analysis that are novel or less frequently used in mathematics education research. To strengthen my claims I utilize this literature to cite supporting insights, theories and

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analyses. Beyond this I rely on the critical judgement of colleagues and referees to help me distinguish between analyses worth pursuing and those that are commonplace or unconvincing.

IDEOLOGY AND EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH In this section I want to explore some of the main ideological components of educational research, primarily in mathematics education (but also in science and technology education), that are at play in the ideological and dominance effects discussed above. There are four main components I shall discuss. These are the commodification of knowledge and managerialism, the idea of progress and progressivism, individualism, and the myth of universal academic standards in educational research.

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The Commodification and Fetishization of Knowledge In order to analyze its role in the knowledge economy it is necessary to look more closely at the concept of knowledge. To philosophers, knowledge is justified true belief, although further subtleties and caveats are required for a definition that would satisfy them. Beliefs are held by people but philosophy mostly concerns itself with propositional knowledge, that is, knowledge that can be represented sententially as a sequence of propositions. From this disembodied perspective, knowledge consists of justified claims. To social scientists and educational researchers, beliefs are more than claims. It is not just that beliefs are located in individuals or groups, as opposed to being impersonalised expressions of claims. Rather it is that to hold beliefs is to be committed, to a greater or lesser extent, to their contents. Beliefs are representations of information in the form of assertions or claims to which persons have some commitment or ownership. This brings in the basic ‘stuff’ of knowledge, namely information. Information consists of signs or semiotic expressions, some of which are in the form of representations or models of elements of external or experienced reality, thus having a modeling function. However, some information, although still representational, consists of signs at play in a semiotic field.11 This includes all of the various media used for communication and entertainment. Thus there is a hierarchy of forms of ‘knowledge’. At the bottom level is plain information, which is the raw product of the knowledge economy. At the next level are beliefs which are more than information because there is commitment or ownership. At the top level is knowledge in the strict sense, comprising justified beliefs or claims. The ascent of these levels typically adds value or represents added value in the knowledge economy, for information is used to build beliefs (e.g., through advertising), and complex and expensive research procedures are used to validate claims (e.g., in medical research).

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All semiotic expressions or signs have a basic representational function whether from a neo-Saussurian or Peircean perspective. In the former case there is the signifier-signified pairing in the sign, in which an expression designates a content. Peirce’s theory is similar but introduces a third component (the interpretant) which carries some of the meaning. Some signs purport to model some aspect of reality, which I have termed the modeling function, whereas other only refer to other signs and sign-systems.

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There is one further form of knowledge, embodied or tacit knowledge that is held by persons individually or situated in social practices. This includes all the various forms of professional expertise and skill that persons develop through their practices. Evidently, skilled personnel with this type of knowledge are an important part of the resources involved in the knowledge economy. Such humanly embodied knowledge, or better knowledge production or knowing capacities, are very important in the social use and functions of knowledge, even if backgrounded and neglected in traditional epistemology. In any discussion of knowledge it must be acknowledged that there are opposed and competing epistemologies at play, which I shall characterize as modernist and postmodernist. Modernist philosophical perspectives see knowledge as objective, abstract, depersonalized, value-neutral and unproblematically transferable between persons and groups. Such perspectives are central to much of modern epistemology and since the time of Descartes, and can be traced back to Plato. This epistemology serves the knowledge economy well in one central respect, for it supports the view that knowledge can be disembedded from its contexts of production and is readily transferable and marketable as a commodity. It also supports the notion that the research methodologies and standards employed in mathematics, science and technology education are universal and applicable across the world, irrespective of their origins. This helps to support the domination effect discussed above. The objectification and commodification of knowledge that follows from the modernist epistemology and is necessitated by the knowledge economy that exploits it, reflects a set of values. These valorize the measurable outputs of knowing over those that are less easily measured. They prioritize knowledge products over knowing processes, the cognitive domain over the affective domain, and value knowledge and the intellect over feeling and being. From the point of view of the knowledge economy, this is perceived to be necessary. But from the perspective of education, this is much more problematic. Both perspectives see knowledge as a means to an end, but these ends are very different. The knowledge economy aims at profit, whereas education aims at social and personal growth and development, and objectivized indicators of this should not overpower, dominate or replace what they are meant to stand for.12

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Although I am an academic with a lifelong commitment to research and publications I must acknowledge that knowledge is not an end in itself but just a means to a greater end, namely that of human happiness. Of course the full achievement of this end necessitates banishing the global causes of unhappiness, such as hunger, poverty, disease, oppression, injustice, etc., which are political problems and issues (to which globalization is contributing). The pursuit of knowledge, which is one of the privileges of the academic life, is for those involved, like myself, a source of happiness. But it must be acknowledged that the pursuit of knowledge (and the happiness it brings) is only possible when its material conditions are supported. In terms of Maslow’s (1954) hierarchy of needs, only when our physiological needs, safety and security, and social needs are satisfied, can we seek to develop the self-esteem, prestige and self-fulfillment that come from the pursuit of knowledge and the most beneficial forms that the academic life can take (but which managerialism and performativity are eroding). But this satisfaction in turn presupposes forms of social organisation that produce surpluses to support the lifestyles of academics. Our social critiques depend on the division of labour and the privileging of some classes (including intellectuals) which are their targets. Part of the ingenuity of the global capitalist system that produces such surpluses is that it is able to exploit, incorporate and hence subvert anger, protest and rebellion. Thus the Punk youth movement of 1976, despite its anger and rejection of the bourgeois forms of life, music and fashion ultimately served to inject new blood into the development and marketing of music and fashion. Likewise academic critiques, such as this paper are both something to be marketed as part of the global knowledge economy, as well as performing a safety-valve function for dissent. They allow writers and readers to channel their outrage in ways that do not destabilize the system, and hence serve to sustain it. Just as mathematics has been able to incorporate and ‘tame’ the study of uncertainty and chaos throughout its history, so too global

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Where do these values come from? During modernity, the scientific worldview has come to dominate the shared conceptions widely held in society and by the individual. This worldview prioritizes what are perceived as objective, tangible, real and factual over the subjective, imaginary or experienced reality, and over values, beliefs and feelings. This perspective rests on a Newtonian-realist worldview, etched deep into the public consciousness as an underpinning ‘root metaphor’ (Pepper 1948), even though the modern science of relativity and quantum theory shows it to be scientifically untenable. In postmodernity this viewpoint has developed further, and a new ‘root metaphor’ has come to dominate, namely that of the accountant’s balance-sheet. From this perspective the ultimate reality is the world of finance, i.e., money, and other related measurable quantities. In particular, knowledge is commodified and fetishised as a quantifiable and marketable entity. It is no longer seen as indissolubly tied in with human knowing. Thus in education and research it is the hard measurable outputs that are valued, not the softer processes and human dimensions of knowing. Elements of this critique of the values of modernity are well anticipated in the work of Marcuse (1964), Young (1979), Skovsmose (1994) and Restivo et al. (1993). The way the balance-sheet model and its associated mechanisms work is as follows. Much of the working of modern society is regulated by deeply embedded complex mathematized systems, including taxation, welfare benefits, industrial, agricultural and educational financing, the stock markets, banking, etc. Such systems are automated and carry out complex tasks of information capture, policy implementation and resource allocation. Niss (1983) named this the ‘formatting power’ of mathematics and Skovsmose (1994) terms such socially embedded systems ‘realised abstractions’. The point is that complex mathematics is used to regulate many aspects of our lives, with very little human scrutiny and intervention, once the systems are in place. Although mathematics provides the language for these systems, the overt role of academic mathematics in this state of affairs, i.e., that which we recognise as mathematics per se, is minimal. It is management science, information technology applications, accountancy, actuarial studies, economics, and so forth, which are the sources for and inform this massive mathematization on the social scale. Underpinning this, at both the societal and individual levels, is the balance-sheet metaphor, for economic or market value is the common unit in which virtually all of the activities and products of contemporary life are measured and regulated. There are two overall effects. First, most of contemporary industrialized society is regulated and subject to surveillance by embedded and part-hidden complex mathematicalbased systems (‘black boxes’). These are automated through the penetration of computers and information technology into all levels of industry, commerce, bureaucracy, institutional regulation, and more generally, society. The computer penetration of society is only possible because the politicians’, bureaucrats’ and business managers’ systems of exchange, government, control and surveillance were already quantified and in place before the information technology revolution. Knowledge already had a central use in controlling society and the population (Foucault 1976).

capitalism is able to appropriate and market critiques and dissenting voices, from posters of Ché Guevara to the records of Bob Dylan and the films of Michael Moore (Klein 2000).

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Second, individuals’ conceptualisations of their lives and the world about them employs a highly quantified framework. The requirement for efficient workers and employees to regulate material production profitably has necessitated the structuring and control of space and time, and for workers’ self-identities to be constructed and constituted through this structured space-time-economics frame (Foucault 1970, 1976). We understand our lives through the conceptual meshes of the clock, calendar, work timetables, travel plans, finance and currencies, insurance, pensions, tax, measurements, graphical and geometric representations, etc. This conceptual framework positions individuals as regulated subjects and workers in an information controlling society/state, as consumers in post-modern consumerist society, and as beings in a quantified universe. Knowledge frameworks are now inscribed into our very beings, rewriting our subjectivities and our existential selves. What we have seen in the past 25 years is the growth and tightening of these nets to encompass professionals, first teachers and civil servants, then doctors, lawyers and academics. The commodification and fetishization of knowledge, and performativity and managerialism throughout education and employment in general, are just some of the products of these ideological shifts. They also have profound implications for the nature and processes of education. For the commodified view of knowledge entails that it can be disembedded from its cultural context and conveyed without loss of meaning. But to assume that signs and knowledge tokens carry their own full meanings with them has damaging consequences for education, where transmission models of teaching presume that knowledge can be ‘handed over’ or ‘delivered’ to learners (Seeger and Steinbring 1992). The power of constructivist learning theories in education is that they acknowledge that individuals must recreate meanings afresh, based on their idiosyncratic pre-existing meaning structures and experiences (Steffe and Gale 1995). Postmodernist epistemologies extend these insights and embrace the multiplicity of coexisting meanings, perspectives and systems. Knowledge is viewed as socially and culturally embedded, value-laden, and not transferable across contexts without significant transformations and shifts in meaning. Explicitly represented knowledge is understood semiotically in terms of signs and texts that draw upon the meanings historically formed and owned by groups and individuals. As signs travel there will often be shared or preserved elements of meaning, depending on the proximity and interactions of the donor and recipient cultures, but there will also always be differences and nuances of interpretation. To create readings or interpretations of signs requires persons to invoke and marshal their own meanings, understandings and interpreted experiences. Just as postmodernist epistemologies see the meaning of information as located in cultures, so too is the commitment to and ownership of beliefs; and the validation of knowledge claims depending on communities of knowers and researchers. Likewise, the value of experts and knowledge workers will depend on their role and positions within knowledge-orientated institutions and projects. Gibbons et al. (1994) describe the production of knowledge in postmodernity as falling into two modes. Mode 1 knowledge production comes from a disciplinary community and its outcomes are those intellectual products produced and consumed inside traditional research-oriented universities. The legitimacy of such knowledge is determined by the university, the academics working within the knowledge area, and the academic journals that disseminate the knowledge. Typically academic research in mathematics, science and technology education would fall in this category.

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In contrast, Mode 2 knowledge is the identification and solution of practical problems in the day-to-day life of its practitioners and organizations, rather than centering on the academic interests of a discipline or community. Mode 2 knowledge is characterized by a set of attributes concerned with problem-solving around a particular application and context.

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1. The different knowledge and skills of the practitioners are drawn together solely for the purpose of solving a socially (including industrial, commercial and technological) motivated problem, and hence are integrated and transdisciplinary rather than restricted to single academic discipline or area of study. 2. The trajectory follows the problem-solving activity, and the context, conditions and even the research team may change over time according to the course of the project. 3. Knowledge production is carried out in an extensive range of formal and informal organizations including but extending well beyond universities. 4. The focus on socially motivated problems means there is social accountability and reflexivity built in from the outset of the project. The key point made by Gibbons et al. (1994) is that the ‘know how’ generated by Mode 2 practices is neither superior to nor inferior to Mode 1 university-based knowledge, it is simply different. As well as different projects, there are different sets of intellectual and social practices required by Mode 2 participation compared with those likely to emerge in Mode 1 knowledge production. Mode 2 knowledge production may be newly recognised in postmodernity, although it has antecedents stretching as least as far back as Aristotle’s (1953) recognition of Techne (applied or technological knowledge). Its recognition is a central part of postmodern epistemology (Lyotard 1984, Rorty 1979). However, it is also a central part of the new knowledge economy where knowledge and experts are classified in terms of their functionality and marketability, rather than their foundational basis and disciplinary categorization. In this sense the global knowledge economy is postmodern. For in the knowledge economy one feature stands out: the marketability of knowledge is the prime factor, and this marketability does not discriminate between different forms of knowledge except in terms of value, price and ease of sale. From this perspective there is no discrimination between the qualitative results of interpretative paradigm research and the hard quantitative results of scientific paradigm research except insofar as it affects price and marketability. For example, since the 1990s politicians have utilized the qualitative results of focus group research to evaluate the impact of policies, just as they have used the quantitative results of survey research for a much longer period. The market is neutral to qualities such as these except according to how it impacts on economics. But having said this, as is indicated above, marketability has a profound impact on what types of knowledge are valued. Thus ironically, postmodern epistemology does not provide a conceptualization of knowledge that leads it way from the knowledge economy. Instead it delivers it directly to the marketplace. However, there are ways of using the reconceptualization of knowledge to offer a more democratic and socially responsive approach to research in education. For example, the mode 2 knowledge production category provides a useful way of describing ‘bottom up’ projects initiated by teachers, activists and or concerned citizens. Examples can include environmental or anti-globalization activities (e.g., Klein 2000), peoples’ education

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movements (e.g., School of Barbiana 1970, Freire 1972) and the development of ethnomathematical and multicultural materials for teachers (e.g., Mathematical Association 1988, Wiltshire Education Authority 1987). Such projects can follow from what Habermas (1971) characterizes as the critical interest, namely, the desire to change society for the better.13 This provides the basis for the critical-theoretic paradigm in educational research, the central feature of which is the desire not just to understand or to find out, but to engage in social critique and to improve or reform aspects of social life. Thus it involves critical action research on social institutions, and interventions aimed at social reform and increasing social justice. In particular it aims at the emancipation, empowerment and the development of critical consciousness among the participants and the others targeted. What distinguishes this type of research is that social and institutional change is primary and knowledge is secondary. It is thus mode 2 type knowledge production because it does not seek primarily to satisfy academic standards, but to solve real problems. The critical-theoretic paradigm is often associated with action research among the ‘teacher-as-researcher’ movement, with teachers working to change their teaching or school situations to improve classroom learning (Carr and Kemmis 1986). However, in my view such action research balks too often at addressing social justice and oppression in society to fit comfortably under the critical-theoretic paradigm. In contrast, activism by environmentalist, anti-globalization, human rights, and gay rights organizations may be a better fit. One of the most successful strategies of such groups is to construct mode 2 knowledge and deliver it to the media with sufficient impact to sway public and political opinion, and thus to help initiate social change.14 In education, mode 2 knowledge production is typically involved in development projects that prioritize social change and empowerment over publishable research. What characterizes such projects is the deep commitment of the researchers and activists involved, who measure their successes in terms of social changes and not in terms of knowledge capture or production. Such approaches either reject the commodification and fetishization of knowledge by the knowledge economy or subvert it in order to pursue their own ends.

Progressivism and the Idea of Progress

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Modernism originated with the philosophers of the 17th and 18th century Enlightenment who believed in the ultimate power of reason to reveal truth, and through rationality to 13

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This is the third of three types of interest that drive research. The other two types of interest distinguished by Habermas are the desire to predict and control (technical, scientific interest), the desire to understand (practical, interpretative interest). These form the basis of the scientific and interpretative research paradigms in education, respectively (Bassey 1990-91, Ernest 1994, Schubert 1986). However, these last two paradigms firmly locate the educational research process as types of mode 1 knowledge production. I am also quite clear that I as a researcher also work exclusively in mode 1, writing materials that are aimed at publication, rather than committing my time and energies to mode 2 knowledge production for social reform projects driven by the critical interest. Not surprisingly it is not only social justice and environmentalist groups that use these strategies. There are also right wing think-tanks and commercial pressure groups funded by industry and commercial interests, and even by covert government agencies, which seek to change public opinion and policy. In Ernest (1991) I documented the powerful impact of New Right think-tanks such as the Centre for Policy Studies on British educational and social policy in the 1980s (Gordon 1989, Himmelfarb 1987, Lawlor 1988). Recently it is claimed that American neo-conservatives have similarly manipulated popular opinion to justify the ‘War on Terror’ and the invasion of Iraq (British Broadcasting Corporation 2005).

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advance society towards the ‘good life’. This movement subscribed to the values that prioritize the cognitive and intellectual over feeling and being discussed above. But it also led to a further ideology, namely progressivism with its fetishization of the idea of progress. Rational thought, it was believed, would solve all the problems of life and lead to enlightened living and happiness for all. Reason and knowledge especially in the areas of science and technology would provide the means for this continued and continuous improvement.15 In the 19th and 20th centuries many of the key theories that underpinned modern thought were based on the idea and assumption of continual progress. However another notion became entangled with this, namely that progress was automatic, and stemmed from the natural order of things as well as from the application of conscious thought. Hegel and Marx’s theories of history both assumed the inevitability of social progress, without the application of reason. Darwin’s theory of evolution is underpinned by the idea of biological progress, i.e., the survival of the more ‘fit’, through the elimination of the least ‘fit’. The Eugenics movement of the late the 19th and early 20th century believed in the perfectibility of the human race through selective breeding.16 Educational and psychological theorists including Herbart, Spencer and Piaget assumed that ontogenesis and phylogenesis unfold in a sequence of stages, and that later phases are in some measure more complete than or superior to earlier phases of this development. The problem with the idea of progress is that what is perceived in some rational, scientific or technological way to be more developed is also seen as superior to, or more complete than, the less developed. Thus rural or tribal societies are deemed to be inferior to industrialized, technological or urban societies. Such perceptions provided justifications for the conquest and colonialisation of many countries, for they were being enlightened; being given knowledge to deliver them from their ignorance, their ‘undeveloped state’. These perceptions continue to provide a justification for the exploitation of ‘developing’ countries. These ideas also underpin racism, which saw and continues to see the yellow or brown skinned peoples of countries in the East or South as less ‘developed’ and hence as inferior.17 Such conceptions persist in many overt and covert ways. The very terms I have used, ‘developing’ countries versus ‘developed’ countries have the unintended connotation that ‘developing’ countries are inferior and ‘developed’ countries superior.18 After all, ‘developed’ includes in its meanings: to be further down the road of progress, and nearer to fulfillment

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There were dissenting voices such as Vico (1744/1961). His cyclical theory of historical development does not support the incrementalist features of progressivism that view historical progress as secured, ratchet like, against against forced retreat. Herder also rejects the idea that human history is a linear progression (Sundaram 1998). This rational position was of course the basis for the monstrous 20th century doctrines of ‘racial purity’ and ‘ethnic cleansing’. I am not inverting the received values to claim that tribal knowledge, including ethnomathematics or ethnoscience, is superior to or even comparable to scientific knowledge. Instead I would argue that all such knowledge and belief systems should be viewed in the context of their own cultural spheres. Knowledge and belief systems are much more than rational instruments for achieving material ends. They are the cultural ‘glue’ that binds peoples into communities and helps to shape identities. However, the commodification of knowledge coupled with rationalism and the ideology of progressivism denies these vital non-instrumental functions of knowledge and belief systems. My plea is instead for mutual understanding and respect between alternative worldviews. Even without the negative connotations of the terms ‘developing’ or ‘underdeveloped’, ‘development’ itself, in terms of what it means and how it is measured, is problematic. Standard measures such as gross national product, equate ‘development’ with growth in production and consumption of goods and services. Such growth is not automatically good as is assumed by many in ‘developed’ countries, or those who aspire to ‘development’ (UNESCO 2002).

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and perfection. Several of the effects I have identified above, such as the domination and ideological effects serve to reinforce this fetishization of progress and the implicit devaluation of ‘developing’ countries in the East and south. Some philosophers and social theorists have gone so far as to announce ‘the end of history’ and ‘the end of ideology’, a teleological notion that human and social development were somehow destined to reach the ‘final’ state that we are reaching after the fall of communism, dominated by global capitalism and Western ideology (Fukuyama 1992). But this ‘final state’ with its fetishization of progress is far from perfect (nor is it inevitable). The progress of rationality applied in society, technology and industry has led to a disregard for and despoliation of the environment. The underlying Western model of the good life is that of consumerism, where progress is measured in terms of the consumption and acquisition of more material goods. Furthermore, consumerism depends on “the myth of consumer inadequacy” according to which relief from this state of inadequacy can only be obtained by purchases and further consumption, and even this relief is only temporary (Collis 1999). Even in education we see constant innovation, with bigger and better electronic resources (calculators, computers, data projectors, electronic whiteboards, etc.) and the associated software, viewed as necessary but year-on-year absorbing disproportionate financial resources.19 These tools have undoubted benefits, but how often do we see a reasoned analysis of their costs and benefits set against the possibility of more and better paid teachers, books, broader forms of inservice training, and other education resources? Overall, one of the by products of progressivism and the fetishization of the idea of progress is to over-valorize the products, position and power of the industrialized Western ‘developed’ countries. This ideology views the ‘developing’ countries of the South and East as primitive and inferior. This leads to a continuation and justification of the historically unequal relations between the countries on the economic, cultural and intellectual domains. It leads to hubristic over-valuation of the educational and research traditions of the anglophone West and supports the ideological and dominance effects identified above.

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Individualism One of developments of postmodernity has been a ‘social turn’ in the way many leading edge researchers conceptualize learning in mathematics, science and technology education (Lerman 2000, Atweh et al. 2001). However for all of this utilization of social concepts in educational theories, the dominant ideology of research in the ‘developed’ countries of the North remains firmly individualistic. Educational researchers typically choose their own personal research specialism and style, and work individually, on projects of personal preference. They may form temporary alliances or research groupings, but these usually have their own stratified hierarchy from principal researcher to research assistant, with their own incipient individualism. In addition, educational researchers’ careers are generally concerned with competing and being rewarded individually on high status written output, not on any 19

Not surprisingly technological companies like Casio and Texas Instruments are the biggest sponsors of international conferences in mathematics education where researchers enthused with the latest electronic innovations and the ideals of technological progress act as unpaid marketers and promoters of these goods.

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social impacts or other measures that might be valued more highly outside of the academic world. Most educational researchers are positioned somewhere along a scale that encompasses teachers researching for a higher degree, teacher educators conducting research, and university researchers teaching and supervising others’ research. In each case the person’s main function is as a teacher or supervisor, so that pursuing their own individual research interests is a subsidiary rather than their main breadwinning activity, even if they are evaluated on their research performance. Alongside this majority activity there also exists a parallel career course for contract researchers who work on funded projects full time. However, this second string of research workers is a much smaller group, and most of the researchers involved work on projects initiated by government or other agencies, or in a minority of cases, projects initiated by the principal researchers themselves, but constrained by the requirements of the funding agencies. Thus in education research agendas are primarily set by researchers themselves, albeit with some accountability to their employers. But this is usually for the quantity and quality of their research output, and not for its content. Thus the dominant aim of researchers in mathematics, science and technology education in countries of the North is to satisfy themselves and their peers. This is a manifestation of individualism, in which individuals pursue their own agendas semi-autonomously, competing for rewards and esteem. I should make it clear that I am both a willing participant in, and a beneficiary of, this system. I am able to pursue whatever writing and research projects take my fancy, and provided that my output is held in esteem by local and international peers, I am rewarded by my employing university for my efforts. Furthermore, I have and would strongly resist any attempts to control or direct my research efforts, because of my strong desire to pursue my own interests, preferences and research agendas. Thus in my own professional life I am a product and supporter of an individualistic work pattern. I like to think that the research directions I pursue, mostly philosophical and theoretical, are the best deployment of my skills and talents. Nevertheless, I feel no compulsion to address what some might see to be the most compelling problems or useful issues that concern the teaching and learning of mathematics in my region or country. I make no claim to be exempt from the ideology of individualism, indeed it is deeply inscribed in my personal and professional being. Despite the so-called ‘social turn’ in some researchers’ conceptualisation of learning, constructivism remains the leading theory of learning among education professionals. This sees students as knowing subjects who are individual sense-makers; who understand the classroom and contexts independently; who have isolated and independent inner lives of thought, which emerge into the outer public arena as speech or actions. This view of the knowing subject is an expression of the both of the ideologies of individualism and educational progressivism (Ernest 1991). But there are major weaknesses in this position. First of all, there is the sentimentalisation of the knower. Knowing is not always the sweet sense making of untrammeled reason and intelligence that modernism and progressivism would like to portray. Knowing is also about fighting for psychic survival in the face of emotional and other forms of threat, it is about interpreting hidden coercive meanings underlying the literal spoken word of a teacher or another. Knowing is about deviant scheming to compensate for personally sensed deprivations or inadequacies. Knowing is about the desire for forbidden objects of gratification approached covertly under a patina of

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acceptable behaviour and discourse. Knowing is in the mind of the eagle as it sights and takes its prey. Knowing and the knowing subject should not be sentimentalized. A second area of weaknesses concerns the politics of education. A focus on the activities and immediate surrounding context of the knowing subject ignores structural inequalities in terms of class, gender, race, etc. It ignores the dominant ideologies of schooling. Ultimately it also ignores the fact that the main obstacle to individual sense-making and self-realization is the active opposition to the political empowerment of the learner as a democratic citizen by most forms of institutionalized education. Thirdly, there are theoretical weaknesses with an individualistic form of constructivism, as well as with other philosophies that prioritize the individual over the social. The Western ideology of individualism that characterizes modernity backgrounds the essentially social and communitarian nature of humanity. But knowledge and indeed all forms of everyday life and functioning could not exist without that quintessentially social construction of humanity, language. While it may be possible to give a plausible if superficial account of the knowing subject in individualistic terms, this is not possible to do so to any depth for the feeling subject. For our feelings are inescapably tied in with our inter-personal relations starting with our parental/caregiver experiences. Our biological beginnings are within the body of another, and our development into persons can only be fulfilled through mutual loving relations with others. We are not isolated and self-contained individuals but social beings that are part of communities and indeed are formed through our very sociality. Both the emphasis on individual choice for researchers and the individual as the essential unit for the conceptualization of education, are expressions of the ideology of individualism. This has long dominated Western thought, and is emerging most sharply in the ‘free market’ or ‘market-place’ metaphors of recent social policy. The dominant ideology of individualism is based on a model of the individual as an isolated rational being with an independent perception of reality, and which acts on the basis of its own rational analysis and thought. This model emerged in the 17th and 18th century enlightenment and is epitomized most starkly in Leibniz’s Monadology, a philosophy of independent and unrelated coexisting entities. In addition, the values of liberty and freedom have been much vaunted from the days preceding the French Revolution to the current temporary world domination by one superpower, the United States of America. These forground and valorize not only the meaning of freedom as liberation from oppression, but also the meaning of freedom as being free from social constraints and responsibilities. Admittedly this latter freedom of individual action has limits in the relevant legal framework. However, freedom in this sense, expressed in the actions of corporations on the global scale, is able to circumvent and manipulate many of the laws and limits to actions experienced by individuals nationally. Individualism combined with the workings of the ‘free market’ provides the basis for the ideology of consumerism. This sees human beings as agents in the material world working, accumulating and expending wealth, and owning and consuming material products and ‘experiences’. Although a small minority of concerned and principled citizens in western industrialized countries try not to participate in this globalizing universe of consumption, most, like myself, have consumerism inscribed deeply within our subjectivity.20 We enjoy the 20

I like to believe that I can maintain a critical disengagement from the ideology of the Western society which I inhabit. But I must also acknowledge that this, in the form of consumerism, in turn inhabits and shapes me. I may have internalized academic research ideals and a critical intellectual stance which enables me to distance my ideal self, if not my actual self, from consumerism. But this leaves open the question of the extent to which my

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benefits of modern industrialized society including almost unlimited access to power, heat, water, housing, transportation, material possessions, electronic appliances, media products, shopping, food, and other luxury goods and experiences. In the postmodern era, Descartes’ cogito, ‘I think therefore I am’, the dictum which helped initiate the modernist era of individualism, has been replaced by ‘I shop therefore I am’, as the artist Barbara Kruger vividly expresses it (Baudrillard 1988). “One's body, clothes, speech, leisure pastimes, eating and drinking preferences, home, car, choice of holidays, etc. are to be regarded as indicators of individuality of taste and sense of style of the owner/consumer.” (Featherstone 1991: 83). However, the ethos of consumerism and many of the products involved embody values that conflict with those of a range of cultures and creeds located in countries around the globe. For example, the increasing sexualization of popular music, fashions in clothing, visual media and indeed childhood, is unacceptable to many cultures valuing modesty, including some sub-cultures in the Western world. The social construction of persons as consumers through such influences is also problematized by non-traditional critical perspectives as well, which see their impact on subjectivity and personal identity as negative. Furthermore, consumerism is not sustainable, for not all world citizens can consume resources as wastefully as Western consumerism requires, which is already a major cause of the current environmental and ecological problems. McBride (1994) has offered a powerful critique of how individualism is the hidden ideology of much of modern school mathematics. She argues how the emphasis on individual choice, and on mathematics as underpinning rational choice, permeates school mathematics texts, and represents a perspective whose strategy is to deny or conceal the historical, social, cultural, political nexus in which all knowledge making and practices take place. Thus even school mathematics is complicit in promoting and sustaining the ideologies of individualism and consumerism. From the perspective of research, there are alternate ways of conceptualizing the issues. In a country with severe social problems, or a serious lack of resources, or both, in short, a ‘developing’ country, it can be argued that solving social problems is far more urgent than satisfying individualistic researchers. One answer to the problem of how to evolve a new style of researching in mathematics, science and technology education in a ‘developing’ country, is to work in coordinated research teams on shared problems of social significance. Rather than let an individualistic ideology drive research and education, resources can be directed at teams working on socially relevant research projects. This should take research projects closer to the critical research paradigm. For the critical research has the virtue of being concerned to improve some aspects of the social context, situation or institutions. Although most educational research is concerned to improve schooling indirectly, critical paradigm research has the advantage of specifying this goal up-front, and not being concerned to try to leave the situation being investigated undisturbed. The disadvantage is that there are often hidden institutional sources of resistance to change, such as teacher and pupil ideologies, institutional structures, and so on, which may prevent the desired progress. If there is no progress, and there is little of the validated knowledge that research in the other two dominant educational paradigms seek to find, then judgement is subverted and compromised, and the extent to which my critical stance is a way of dealing with the conflict between my lifestyle and ideals. It also raises the question of whether my academic stance is part of the appropriation effect, i.e., appropriating and making cultural capital out of a critique of the system which in practice I uphold and which sustains my privileges.

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there may be no worthwhile outcome for the energy and time invested. However, if social change and improvement is the overwhelming goal, then this is a gamble worth taking. Despite the widespread ideology of individualism, the ‘social turn’ in research in mathematics, science and technology education (Lerman 2000, Atweh et al. 2001) has done more than focus on social theories of the teaching and learning. It has also foregrounded ethical, cultural and political dimensions of educational research in a way unheard of two decades ago. In mathematics education, conference series on the Political Dimensions of Mathematics Education and Mathematics, Education and Society, and on Ethnomathematics are regular features of the international research scene. These have legitimated the prioritization of social justice issues and research and education for social change, and provided vehicles for the politicization of a generation of younger researchers. Thus revealing ideological dimensions of research in mathematics, science and technology education does not serve to validate individualism but to problematize it and other hidden assumptions and values.

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THE MYTH OF UNIVERSAL ACADEMIC STANDARDS IN EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH In postmodernity, one of the main currents of thought is “incredulity towards metanarratives”, a critique of universalist explanatory frameworks or epistemologies (Lyotard 1984). A suitable case for treatment in this respect is the myth of universal academic standards in educational research, especially in mathematics education. In this area the received view is that there are universal, reliable and consistent academic research standards applied at the highest levels, and that all of the leading refereed international journals and international conferences in education subscribe to and apply the same standards of rigour in the evaluation of submitted papers. I shall challenge this and label it a myth. It is a myth which helps foster unity and integration in the international research community, but it also sustains the domination and ideological effects discussed above. There are, of course, dissenting voices. Most notable among these are researchers who label themselves as postmodernist, such as Patti Lather: Postmodernity “is a time of the confrontation of the lust for absolutes, [to] produce an awareness of the complexity, historical contingency, and fragility of the practices we invent to discover the truth about ourselves." (Lather 1992: 88). “Positivism is not dead. What is dead, however, is its theoretic dominance and its ‘one best way’ claims over empirical work in the human sciences.” (Lather 1992: 90). Gergen (1999) and Denzin (1997) have referred to the ‘legitimation crisis’ following the rejection the absolute authority of science whose standards and epistemological modus operandi other disciplines have to aspire to and emulate. Donmoyer (1996: 19) writes about the problems of taking over the editorship of an international educational research journal and observes: “There is little consensus in the field about what research is and what scholarly discourse should look like”. It is worth noting that a similar received universalist view also prevails among researchers in mathematics, although a growing minority of mathematicians, philosophers and social researchers reject this as a myth. Those supporting the view that there are universal academic standards in mathematics often argue that mathematical papers present new

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mathematical truths and their warrants, usually in the form of proofs. Since mathematical truths are absolute and universal, they claim, so too are the standards for truth. Those arguing against this universalist view point to the historically shifting and incomplete standards of proof and truth in mathematics. Some also argue that mathematical truths, like the concepts of mathematics, are social constructions (Ernest 1998, Hersh 1999, Tymoczko 1986). Without reiterating the complex arguments for and against these positions, the point I wish to make is that even in mathematics, where claims to truth and objective standards for the validity of knowledge are perhaps the strongest in all fields of enquiry, there is fierce controversy over their universality. Hence the claims for the universality of standards in mathematics education must be that much weaker. In order to question their claimed universality it is helpful to ask what academic standards in educational research might be, and which aspects of research reports they foreground and evaluate. To this end I shall distinguish three features of academic papers relevant to acceptance: their content, knowledge production strategies, and textual features. In addition, the social and organizational features of the refereeing process are also likely to impact on the judgements made. Further features could be distinguished but these enable some of the most salient points to be discussed. A wide range of criteria are used for judging research papers. For example, a typical detailed scheme includes the following ten evaluation criteria: 1. Significance of themes, 2. Relevance of themes, 3. Clarity of thematic focus, 4. Relationship to literature, 5. Research design and data, 6. Data analysis and use of data, 7. Use of theory, 8. Critical qualities, 9. Clarity of conclusions, 10. Quality of communication (Learning Conference 2005). Using specific criteria shapes the evaluation of papers but it cannot eliminate the subjective, situated element in the judgements. Such a practice merely provides a structure, distributing the application of subjectivity over a range of pre-specified categories. All evaluative judgements applied to creative knowledge productions depend on the experience and expertise of the referee, acquired in the social practices of evaluation, but exercised through the application of individual agency. Even then “your colleagues are there too, looking over your shoulder, as it were, representing for you your sense of accountability to the professional standards of your community” (Wenger 1998: 57). Final judgements as to the acceptability of a paper are made by editors or committees, who coordinate several such reports and apply further procedures in cases of disagreement. Thus ultimately the rulings are intersubjective and socially constructed, building on the subjective judgements of experts but also transcending them through social agreement. 1. The content of a paper includes the particular theme or topic area treated and the subdomains of enquiry explored or interrogated by the research questions and objectives. It also includes the theories used, the link to base disciplines and the interdisciplinarity of the inquiry. All academic disciplines and fields of study, including research in mathematics education, can be expected to shift their boundaries and contents to some extent over time. This will naturally impact on judgements of appropriateness and relevance of submissions, and thus will affect the standards applied as well as which research community is called on to make such judgements.

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For example, the International PME Group organizes annually what is widely recognised as the leading international research conference in mathematics education.21 Each year an international committee including local organisers is constituted to select papers for presentation at the international venue chosen for that year. In 1989 the Paris conference committee rejected all papers on teacher beliefs as not being relevant to the field of psychology of mathematics education. This led to disquiet among the delegate membership because this topic area was an emerging subfield which now is a major strand of research in the domain. From 1990 (and before 1989) such papers have been accepted, provided they passed the same ‘quality threshold’ procedures as other papers. This demonstrates graphically that judgements of relevance to the subfield are variable. A rejoinder might be that quality judgements need not be affected by the relevance issue. However, in my view such judgements cannot be separated completely from issues of quality, since acceptability can only be based on the knowledge and experience of the gatekeepers. As Kuhn (1970) has argued for the physical sciences, knowledge of a field depends on familiarity with a range of paradigmatic examples, such as papers, arguments, applications of methods and problem solutions. So referees making judgements about new examples beyond their range of familiarity might well be influenced by their willingness to accept novelty. They are required to make a creative act of evaluation which may vary from person to person. Referees deeply entrenched in different external base disciplines (e.g., psychology, mathematics, philosophy, sociology) might make different judgement calls from each other, based on their experiences of these fields, as well as from referees whose discipline is mathematics education. As Wenger (1998: 254) points out: “At boundaries things can fall through the cracks—overlooked or devalued because they are not part of any established regime of accountability”. Lerman (2003) analysed changes within the field of mathematics education by looking at the papers accepted for PME conferences, and papers published in two of the leading research journals in mathematics education JRME (Journal for Research in Mathematics Education) and ESM (Educational Studies in Mathematics) over the past 15 years. Lerman et al. (2002) found a shift in underlying theories and methodological bases over the period in ESM research papers, with many more drawing on social theories (social constructivism, Vygotsky, social interactionism, etc). The percentage of papers employing social theories rose from 9% in the early years of the period to 34% in the later years. Lerman (2003) also notes that since 1990 there has been a marked drop from 24% to 6% in the proportion of purely ‘empirical’ papers for PME that do not explicitly use theoretical frameworks. Those that draw on the traditional areas of mathematics and psychology have also diminished (by about 12% for papers in both PME and ESM). Thus there are shifts in the subject area, as well as in the knowledge demands on referees in making judgements. 2. The knowledge production strategies in a paper include the research methodology and methods employed. In broad terms, three overall ‘families’ of knowledge production strategies might be distinguished, although finer distinctions would also be revealing. Papers from within the interpretative research tradition are typically exploratory, constructing an interpretation of the inferred meanings of the research subjects, as represented in qualitative 21

Traditionally most research in mathematics education drew on psychology as the underlying discipline, and this is reflected in the title of PME. However, over the past two decades research from a broader range of perspectives has been reported at this annual conference, and there have been moves to change the constitution and the focus of the group to reflect this broadening disciplinary base.

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data. Papers from a scientific research perspective typically are hypothetico-deductive, testing generalizations against data that is quantitative or classified according to a preconceived framework, although they may do this more or less formally. There are also theoretical, conceptual, philosophical or critical papers which clarify concepts or reflect on theories, policies and practices without presenting new empirical data. These represent three subtraditions in social science research (Habermas 1971) and there are different criteria for judging the quality of papers in each of them. Furthermore, different referees will have different levels of experience and expertise in these different families and are likely to differ in their judgement calls too. There have also been shifts in journal recognition and acceptance of these three types too, and it is noted that over the past 15 years JRME “moves from an initial emphasis on quantitative to qualitative … achieving a more balanced use of methods” (Lerman 2003: 6). It might be claimed that the same criteria are employed in making judgements about research papers following all three paradigms. Gage (1989) claims that the struggle for supremacy between their proponents, the ‘Paradigm Wars’, are over. However, many authors argue that what is presented as consensus is in fact the domination of the field by proponents of the modernist myth of the universality of research criteria (Denzin 1997, Gergen 1999, Lather 1991, 1992). Donmoyer (1996) questions whether a consensus over research evaluation criteria exists. Anderson and Herr (1999: 15) assert that the ‘New Paradigm Wars’ are still being waged and complain that “we can’t use current validity criteria to evaluate practitioner research”. So differences in knowledge production methodologies and research paradigms seem to provide a strong argument for rejecting the myth of the universality of research evaluation criteria. 3. Textual features of the papers encompass the rhetorical dimension including forms of argument and persuasiveness of the discourse and the rigour of the reasoning, as well as the organisation and presentation of the text. The structure and organisation of texts is the area that is most susceptible to explicit prescription, and there are very detailed standard guides available (American Psychological Association 2001, University of Chicago Press Staff 2003). However, judgements concerning the rhetorical dimension depends on how persuasive the reasoning is perceived to be by referees, and the same arguments about the background and expertise of referees rehearsed above apply here. 4. The social and organizational features of the refereeing process play a constitutive role in the social construction of acceptance decisions, as is also discussed above. For example, from the early 1990s PME conferences required that full papers be submitted in January for the following Summer’s conference. This was a shift from previous practice in which only a one page abstract was required. Clearly different standards are at work in scrutinizing a finished paper from accepting a one page summary. The rigour of the process is increased, since it is not enough for authors to promise some contents in an abstract. Instead the final paper must be submitted and be judged academically worthy in terms of all of the criteria discussed here. Overall, I am arguing for the relative and changing nature of research quality criteria in the field of mathematics education. I believe the same holds true within all disciplines and fields of study, as I suggested in the case of mathematics, but I will not pursue this generalization here. My claim is that every learned journal and international conference has different (i.e., non-identical) enacted standards for the acceptance of submissions, which share only a ‘family resemblance’ (Wittgenstein 1953). Although there are shared features, to

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a greater or lesser extent, standards differ and are a function of the different communities of scholars serving as gatekeepers with their own situated practices and expertise. In the preceding discussion I have illustrated how the experiences, expertise and disciplinary background of individual referees impacts upon and helps to shape their judgements, creating divergences and differences as well as shared features and resemblances. In particular, their membership of a range of different communities of practice, including experiencing the roles of student, teacher, researcher, author, referee, editorial board member, etc., will shape their evaluation practices. In these social situations working consensuses over acceptability are achieved, although sometimes conflicts over standards occur, and these will normally lead to new resolutions and occasionally even to shifts in standards. The myth of the universality of research standards in mathematics education may serve a useful function, in helping to sustain the notion that there is a unique field of study called mathematics education. As such it helps to create the illusion of the existence of a unique international mathematics education research community, when what actually exists is a complex set of interlocking and interacting but different and distinct practices and communities located and dispersed globally. The myth also helps to encourage the mathematics education research community to strive towards greater consistency and reliability in its research standards and practices. In other words it expresses an aspiration which may be unachievable, rather than an actual attainment. However, if research quality standards are function of the differing practices and needs of different research communities, contexts and countries, there is the issue of whose interests they serve. Since the standards and values are a function of their geographical and historical location, namely, the early 21st century Anglophone West, they serve the interests of this dominant research culture. Thus they are a part of the ideological effect and support the dominance effect discussed earlier. This raises a further question. Should not different criteria for judging research quality be applied as is appropriate for different contexts? Just as in education, where assessment standards vary as a function of the aims and objectives of the curriculum they assess, so too standards for research papers should reflect the aims and social purposes underlying the research and its context? While this does not mean that research standards for conferences or publications in, say, countries of the South should be set at a lower level (whatever that might mean), it might be the case that more emphasis is placed on community orientated research. Research is required to be ethical in all research traditions, and it might be that a broadened concept of ethics including community responsibility should be applied. Such a dialogue is already taking place outside of research in mathematics education. In discussing the evaluation of educational research, Kincheloe and McLaren (1994) reject the criteria of validity, reliability and objectivity as they are understood and applied in scientific paradigm research. Instead they propose the notion of ‘catalytic validity’ introduced by Lather (1986) as more appropriate term for describing the criteria for establishing rigour in the study of the social world which is characterized by extreme complexity and unpredictability. This description of the contextual features resonates with the call to reconceptualize research in “mathematics, science and technology education in contexts of rapid change, conflict, poverty and violence” that underlies this volume (Vithal et al. 2004: 3). Lather defines catalytic validity as “the degree to which the research process re-orients, focuses and energizes participants toward knowing reality in order to transform it” (Lather 1991: 68). This, it is claimed, is a more rigorous test of validity, because it not only seeks to

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understand the world, but it also seeks to move those it studies to understand the world and the way it is shaped in order for them to transform it. Thus there more at stake in the challenge to the “ ‘one best way’ approach to the generation and legitimation of knowledge about the world” (Lather 1992: 87) than merely the issue of research criteria. It also concerns the problem of how to mobilise knowledge production, educational research in particular, so as to have a major impact on society and social structures of power and domination.

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CONCLUSION In this chapter I have explored some of the ways in which the globalisation and the global knowledge economy impacts on mathematics, science and technology education research. In particular, I have explored some of the imbalances between ‘developing’ and ‘developed’ countries created and sustained by the global knowledge economy. The major effect is economic, the inflow of funds to ‘developed’ countries in return for the export of knowledge and expertise. There is also a recruitment effect, i.e., the ‘brain drain’, of many of the most skilled personnel from ‘developing’ countries. I also described the appropriation effect in which knowledge gathered locally in ‘developing’ countries is appropriated for gain. I have also tried to show that none of these effects are simple and purely exploitative; that there are complex eddies and countercurrents as well as the main flows of globalization. By considering the subjectivities and agencies at play, I have tried to reveal some of the complexities involved. I have illustrated this with reflections on my own role as an agent of the knowledge economy located in the dominant research culture. However, my main focus has been on critiquing the dominance and ideological effects. The dominance effect is enacted through the way that research institutions, organizations and publications from Northern and ‘developed’ countries, typically anglophone, dominate the international research community in mathematics, science and technology education, both in terms of power and prestige. This helps to sustain the ideological effect, whereby all researchers including those in ‘developing’ countries are subject to and internalize the ideological and epistemological presuppositions and values of this dominant research culture. I have identified four components of the ideological effect. First, there is the reconceptualization of knowledge and the impact of the ethos of managerialism in the commodification and fetishization of knowledge. This is probably the most important ideological dimension that characterizes the postmodern knowledge economy, with clear and direct impacts in education and research. Second, there is the ideology of progressivism with its fetishization of the idea of progress. This helps sustain imbalanced and racist views of the value of different nations and the worth of different peoples and races. Third, there is the further component of individualism which in addition to promoting the cult of the individual at the expense of the community, also helps to sustain the ideology of consumerism. Fourth is the myth of the universal standards in mathematics education research, which can delegitimate research strategies that forground ethics or community action more than is considered ‘seemly’ in traditional research terms. This is the final capstone of the system that keeps the dominance effect in place. In the words of Bacon (1597/1997), ‘knowledge is power’, and my aim in providing this critique of ideology in mathematics, science and technology education research and its globalization is to provide researchers with a means of gaining power and control over some

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of the hidden dimensions of social and educational research and its methodology. An awareness of the roles of the commodification of knowledge, managerialism, progressivism and individualism in the culture of educational research enables them to be revealed, scrutinized from an ethical perspective, and countered. Awareness of the lack of universal standards is also empowering in enabling researchers to develop and rely more on their own critical judgements, and to select their avenues of publication pragmatically. Thus, far from showing that educational research for social change and betterment is hopeless, I believe that revealing some of the countervailing ideological currents offers a basis for wiser and more informed action.

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Learning Conference (2005) Sample Referee Report Form for 12th International Conference on Learning, University of Granada, July 2005, and International Journal of Learning. Accessed via at 0714 on 15 July 2005. Lerman, S. (2000). The Social Turn in Mathematics Education Research, in J. Boaler, Ed., Multiple perspectives on mathematics teaching and learning, Westport, Connecticut: Ablex Publishing, 2000: 19-44. Lerman, S. (2003) The Production and Use of Theories of Teaching and Learning Mathematics (ESRC End of Award Report), Swindon: Economic and Social Research Council. Lerman, S. Xu, G. and Tsatsaroni, A. (2002) Developing Theories of Mathematics Education Research: The ESM Story, Educational Studies in Mathematics 51(1), 2002: 23-40. Lyotard, J. F. (1984). The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Marcuse, H. (1964) One Dimensional Man, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Maslow A. H. (1954) Motivation and Personality, New York: Harper Mathematical Association (1988) Mathematics in a Multicultural Society, Leicester: Mathematical Association. McBride, M. (1994) The Theme of Individualism in Mathematics Education, For the Learning of Mathematics, 14(3) 36-42. McLuhan, M. (1964) Understanding Media, New York: Mcgraw Hill. Miller, A. (1983) For Your Own Good: Hidden cruelty in Child-Rearing and the Roots of Violence, New York: Farrar Straus Giroux. Newton, D. (2004) Evil Inc, The Guardian Weekend, 2 October 2004: 52-53. Niss, M. (1983) Mathematics Education for the ‘Automatical Society’, R. Schaper, Ed., Hochschuldidaktik der Mathematik (Proceedings of a conference held at Kassel 4-6 October 1983), Alsbach-Bergstrasse, Germany: Leuchtturm-Verlag, 1983: 43-61. Noddings, N. (1984) Caring: A Feminine Approach to Ethics and Moral Education, Berkeley: University of California Press. Ozga, J. (2005) ‘Travelling and Embedded Policy: the case of post-devolution Scotland within the UK’ in Coulby, D. and Zambeta, E., Eds., Globalisation and Nationalism in Education (The World Yearbook of Education 2005), London: Routledge Falmer, 2005. Pepper, S. C. (1948) World Hypotheses: A Study in Evidence, Berkeley, California: University of California Press. Peters, M. (2002) Education Policy Research and the Global Knowledge Economy, Educational Philosophy and Theory, Vol. 34, No. 1, 2002: 91-102. Rawls, J. (1972) A Theory of Justice, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Restivo, S., Van Bendegem, J. P. and Fischer, R. Eds (1993) Math Worlds: Philosophical and Social Studies of Mathematics and Mathematics Education, Albany, New York: SUNY Press. Rorty, R. (1979) Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Saxe, G. B. (1991) Culture and Cognitive Development: Studies in Mathematical Understanding. Hillsdale New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. School of Barbiana (1970) Letter to a Teacher, Harmondsworth: Penguin Books.

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Schubert, W. H. (1986) Curriculum: Perspective, Paradigm, and Possibility, New York: Macmillan. Schütz, A. (1972) The Phenomenology of the Social World, London: Heinemann. Seeger, F. and Steinbring, H., Eds. (1992) The Dialogue between Theory and Practice in Mathematics Education: Overcoming the Broadcast Metaphor, Bielefeld, Germany: I. D. M., University of Bielefeld. Sen, A. (2004) How to judge globalism, in F. J. Lechner and J. Boli, The Globalization Reader (Second edition), Oxford: Blackwell, 2004: 17-21. Sklair, L. (2004) Sociology of the Global System, in F. J. Lechner and J. Boli, The Globalization Reader (Second edition), Oxford: Blackwell, 2004: 70-76. Skovsmose, O. (1994) Towards a Philosophy of Critical Mathematics Education, Dordrecht: Kluwer. Skyrme, D. (2004) The Global Knowledge Economy, consulted via URL , accessed at 1437 on 26 April 2004. Steffe, L. P. and Gale, J., Eds., (1995) Constructivism in Education, Hillsdale, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Sundaram, K. (1999) Herder, Gadamer, and 21st Century Humanities, Paper from Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy, Boston 1998. Consulted via URL , accessed at 1006 on 16 July 2005. UNESCO (2002) Teaching and Learning for a Sustainable Future, (multimedia teacher education programme), Paris: UNESCO. Consulted via URL , accessed at 1150 on 6 July 2005. University of Chicago Press Staff, Eds., (2003) The Chicago Manual of Style, 15th Edition, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Vithal, R., Setati, M and Malcolm, C. (2004) Call for papers for a new volume on: Methodologies for researching mathematics, science and technological education in societies in transition, A UNESCO-SAARMSTE Book Project, South Africa: University of KwaZulu-Natal. Vygotsky, L. S. (1978). Mind in Society, Cambridge. Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. Walkerdine, V. and Lucey, H. (1989) Democracy In The Kitchen, London: Virago. Wenger, E. (1998) Communities of Practice: Learning, Meaning and Identity, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Wiltshire Education Authority (1987) Mathematics For All, Salisbury, Wiltshire Education Authority Wittgenstein, L. (1953). Philosophical Investigations, Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Womack, D. (1983) Seeing the Light, Times Educational Supplement, 8 April 1983. Young, R. M. (1979) Why are figures so significant? The role and the critique of quantification, in J. Irvine, I. Miles, I. and J. Evans, Eds., (1979) Demystifying Social Statistics, London: Pluto Press, 63-74.

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In: Researching Possibilities in Mathematics … Editor: K. Setati, R.Vithal, C. Malcolm et al.

ISBN: 978-1-60692-292-7 ©2009 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 2

ETHNOMATHEMATICS RESEARCH IN A POSTMODERN TIME Gelsa Knijnik Graduate Program on Education, Universidade Do Vale Do Rio Dos Sinos (Unisinos), São Leopoldo, Brazil

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1. INTRODUCTION This chapter analyzes questions and challenges related to the methodological dimensions of research in the field of ethnomathematics in our postmodern time, a time at which it seems that the aims of Enlightenment thinkers have failed. In fact, as pointed out by twentiethcentury authors like Sarup (1996:94), the ideas of linear progress, absolute truths, the rational planning of ideal social orders and the standardisations of knowledge and production embraced by Modernity, the extraordinary intellectual effort produced by its project in developing “objective science, universal morality and autonomous art” and its beliefs “in justice and possibility of happiness of human being have been cruelly shattered”. More than ever, most of the world’s population is living in subhuman conditions, wars are being waged everywhere and nature is being destroyed all over the planet. Even so, or precisely because of this, our hopes of a more just and equalitarian world still remain. The “old” project of Modernity is gone but new ones are being built, and Education has a special role in their implementation. It is in this scene that I would like to look at the Ethnomathematics field. One of the sources of this field of knowledge can be found in the “People Education” developed in Latin America beginning in the 1960s. The influence of the ideas of Paulo Freire in Brazil and in other “peripheral” countries, indicating the politicity of Education, its non-neutrality, and its role in constructing a more just and egalitarian society, was also felt in the sphere of Mathematics Education (Powell & Frankenstein, 1997; D’Ambrosio, 1997). Ubiratan D’Ambrosio – the Brazilian educator who has been internationally acknowledged as the one who coined the term Ethnomathematics − had as one of his intellectual influences Freire’s ideas on Education (Higginson, 1997). Furthermore, he was greatly influenced in his professional trajectory by his experience in an educational project of UNESCO, which was

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developed in Mali during the 1970s (D’Ambrosio, 1997a, 1997b,; Chassot & Knijnik, 1997). Today, three decades after it appeared, Ethnomathematics covers a vast, heterogeneous set of approaches, many of which are closely connected to the Education developed in social movements in Brazil (Knijnik (1999, 2002b), Lucas de Oliveira (1997), Monteiro (1998)) and other “peripheral” countries (Gerdes, 1985, 1986, 1988, 1991) as well as in “central”1 ones (Frankenstein & Powell, 1997). Even considering its heterogeneity, there are key issues that mark the Ethnomathematics field. One of them is the centrality of culture. In the postmodern perspective that I am adopting, culture is not understood as something consolidated, a finished, homogeneous product. On the contrary, culture is seen as a human production, which is not fixed, determined, closed in its meanings for once and for all. This way of conceptualizing culture implies considering it a conflictive, unstable and tense terrain, undermined by a permanent dispute to impose meanings through power relations.2 To operate with a concept of culture permeated by power relations implies considering the cultural practices that are the subject of the ethnomathematics’ research not as a body of “traditional” knowledges which do not update their meanings over time, an inert set of knowledges that is transmitted from generation to generation, as though it were cultural “baggage”. Moreover, from the Ethnomathematics perspective, the concept of culture moves away also from a conservative view that expresses culture as “a heritage of humankind”. Considering that this cultural heritage is a social production resulting from all our efforts, the expression thus supports the argument that humanity as a whole has the right to access and use knowledge created by humans. Nevertheless, the expression cultural heritage of humankind is very often identified only with academic mathematics. It is precisely this identification that masks power relations that, in turn, legitimise a very specific way of producing meaning – the Western, white, male urban and heterosexual one – as the cultural heritage of humankind. By providing visibility to other Mathematics besides the academic one, Ethnomathematics discusses precisely this apparent “consensus” as what counts as cultural heritage of humankind. It is, in fact, a part of a broad, heterogeneous production, precisely the part produced by hegemonic groups. (Knijnik, 2002a) One of the main concerns of Ethnomathematics is precisely) to highlight those mathematical ways of giving meaning to life different from the hegemonic one, the one which is called “the” mathematics. Here Ethnomathematics shows its convergence with postmodernism. In fact, as pointed out by Sarup (1996: 95), “there are some key features that are usually associated with postmodernism. First, there is an acceptance of ephemerality, fragmentation, discontinuity. (…) There is an intense distrust of all global or “totalizing” discourses, a rejection of metanarratives, of large-scale theoretical interpretations, of universal application”. It is well known that one of the main metanarratives of modernity was (academic) mathematics. Nevertheless, in problematizing this particular “totalizing” discourse as well as the dichotomy between “high” culture and “low” culture, in particular, “high” mathematics − understood as the academic one − and “low” mathematics − those produced in everyday life by different social groups, the “other” ethnomathematics − as far as I 1

The use of “peripheral” and “central” with inverted commas emphasizes the partiality and political implication of this classification like others. 2 It also implies understanding the social groups and their cultural practices as heterogeneous and non-uniform. Thus, from this perspective, it would be most appropriate to speak of cultures in the plural, to cover the different ways of signifying the world produced inside each social group. The interactions of these different ways are marked by power relations.

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understood, it must be taken into account that these different kinds of mathematics are equal from the anthropological point of view, but unequal if they are considered sociologically, precisely because of the power relations which are involved in social legitimization processes. What meanings do the issues pointed out above produce for ethnomathematics research? A partial answer to this question will be outlined in the next section of this paper.

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2. ETHNOMATHEMATICS RESEARCH IN A POSTMODERN TIME In the postmodern time in which we live, to perform research from an ethnomathematics perspective suggests the importance of analysing specific methodological issues some of which I examine in this chapter. The first refers to the ties between Ethnomathematics and the field of Anthropology. In fact, most of the ethnomathematics research involves carrying out fieldwork in which ethnographic techniques − such as participant observation, audio recording, field diary and interview − are used. Even considering that ethnomathematics research is not ethnography in the strictest sense of the word, when using some of its elements it is necessary to take into account questions and challenges which have been asked contemporarily by Anthropology − an area strongly marked by its links with the colonial area, with the description of the “Other”. Like many contemporary scholars − such as Lather (1992, 2003) and Clifford & Marcus (1986) − Henrietta Lidchi (1997: 200) paid attention to this point. She argues that in our decolonized era, anthropologists “have had to question how a discipline which has a growing awareness of its own complicity with colonial forces, whose primary research method − fieldwork − was dependent on colonial support, can ring the changes in the wake of decolonization, globalization and cultural revivalism among indigenous people”. In fact, in our time more than ever educators and, in particular, ethnomathematics researchers, are interested in multicultural issues. More than ever peoples, objects and cultures travel around the world. These travels make our classrooms plural, which requires placing cultural differences as a central theme for educational research, understanding them in two interconnected aspects: they produce social group identities, but not only this. The postmodern subject her/himself is produced by difference: her/his own identity is not a unique and homogeneous one. It is a fragmented and heterogeneous entity, which is constituted − as the social groups − by processes of differentiation. What is at stake here is the assumption that identity (of an individual as well as of a social group) is no longer seen as fixed, it is considered unstable. This implies to problematize those analyses which gives predominance to the socio-economic class issues all over other differences (like gender, sexuality or ethnicity) and also to challenge those arguments based on the essentialism of identity and its fixity as ‘natural’ (Woodward, 2000). All these issues bring new perspectives to Anthropology and related fields. One of them is pointed out by Lidchi (ibidem). She argues that “in recent years the assertion that anthropological knowledge is by its very nature ‘partial’ (like all forms of knowledge, scientific and otherwise) has taken hold”. And she clarifies the meaning given to ‘partial’: “By ‘partial’ one should understand two things: (1) that what it aims to construct and produce through ethnographic texts can only ever comprise part of the whole; and (2) ‘partial’ in the sense of subjective”. Maybe to abandon the myth of knowing all about the groups we study,

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of it being possible to draw a ‘real’ and complete picture of them, can put us in a more “comfortable” position as intellectuals: now the story we tell about those groups is considered just “one” among others, one that is marked by our subjectivity, by everybody’s inevitably partial gaze. We can see ourselves just “like everybody”… (not forgetting, of course, the privileges of the scientific field which give our voice not just “any” value!). To assume this is an interesting exercise to be practiced in order to diminish the intellectual’s arrogance in having the “final” word, the “truth” about the researched and, as a consequence, to destroy our beliefs (if we still had them) about that privileged place which would allow us to define how the world must be. Nevertheless, taking this more modest position cannot reduce our ethical commitment to representing the “Other”. Using Lidchi’s arguments about ethnographic texts, one can say that to understand the ethnomathematics discourse about the “others” as a representation process and not “as accurate descriptions made of one culture by another but by the writing of one culture by another would, today, be a starting point in an analysis of ethnographic work, rather than a radical statement” (Lidchi, 1997: 200). Thus, in the description of social practices and mathematical concepts of a cultural group, it is relevant not to delude ourselves that we are “discovering” what “is there”. The act of writing of one culture by another implies in fact “constructing one culture for another. What is being produced therefore is not a reflection of the ‘truth’ of other cultures but a representation of them” (Ibiden: 200). This process of representation is strongly marked by power relations. During the fieldwork, when performing the interviews, it is the researcher who asks the questions, it is she/he who will use, at the time of writing, as she/he finds convenient, what was said by the interviewees. On choosing parts of the interviews and organizing them in episodes, once again the unequal relationship that is established between researched and researcher is in action, an unequal relationship from which it is almost impossible to escape. But this unequal relationship is not fixed, determined. Throughout all these years of fieldwork, I began to realize that when performing it, an interchanging power struggle takes place: on the one hand, it is I who ask the questions, who perform the academic work, the one who is “in charge” of the process and who later publishes articles and participates in conferences at which I tell “my” version about what I observed and understood about their lives, their culture, which includes their ways of dealing mathematically with life. But, in fact, these power relations are not fixed: I am not always the one who is in a privileged position. When I am in the field, it is the “researched” who has the knowledge I seek to learn, it is she/he who knows what I do not know, and this makes power go back and forth between the subjects involved in the investigation. There is no way to get out of this interchanging power struggle, these power relations are permanently ongoing in a research in which ethnographic procedures are used. From my point of view, what remains to us, as researchers, is to pay as much attention to this as possible, highlighting its problematization in our texts. Willian Pinar et al. (1996), when discussing theoretical issues in ethnographic research refer to the arguments presented above, emphasizing the “political questions regarding the relationships among the ethnographer and those she or he studies”. Even considering that the ethnomathematicians are not ethnographers, what is said by the authors can be taught for the ethnomathematics field, as I indicated before. Moreover, taking into account these arguments implies to enlarge the understanding about the ethical and political role of ethnomathematicians.

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3. OPERATING WITH AN ETHNOMATHEMATICS PERSPECTIVE In this section I briefly present one of the 4-year project phases carried out by a research group under my supervision. In presenting it here my purpose is to produce an empirical support for my attempt to go further with the analysis of those methodological points discussed previously. The project was developed in the Landless Movement settlement “Itapuí”, in the south of Brazil a few years ago and involved the mathematics teacher and the seventh-grade students of the public school located at that settlement, their families and the agronomist who performed the technical follow up of local farming. Specifically this phase of the project emphasized the pedagogical work connected to one of the productive activities of that group of peasants: planting lettuce.3 From the methodological point of view the investigation used ethnographical procedures such as direct and participative observation, field diary and interviews, taking into account those issues discussed earlier. From the theoretical point of view the research was supported by theorizations which come from People Education, as conceived in Latin America, and Ethnomathematics, as outlined in this chapter. The settlement Itapuí is located 34 km from the southernmost state capital in Brazil. It began at the end of 1987, when the first 15 families from the “Fazenda Anoni” camp – a national landmark in the development of the Landless Movement – were settled there. In the following six months, another 53 families that had initially also been at “Fazenda Anoni”, settled in the region, seeking inspiration in learning about how to live in the black plastic tents to produce and continue the struggle for land reform. Initially, the settlers organized the farming activities in a collective form. However internal relationship problems made it impossible to work cooperatively, leading to an individualized family production structure. What at the time appeared to indicate for most of the group, a way that would make more effective production possible, later proved ineffectual. On the one hand it became increasingly difficult to acquire machinery and agricultural implements individually, and to have access to the new agricultural technologies. On the other hand, the farmers began to encounter difficulties in finding a market to sell their crops, which greatly increased each family’s financial debts. Thus, in a next stage, the group began to organize themselves as a ‘machinery association’, working jointly on specific projects. When the research project began this was the way the settlement economic activities were organized. At the time, melon production was the main activity of the community. The second phase of the investigation focused on discussing the profile of the debt and planning the production of the different groups of peasants, involving only the 7th grade students. Beginning with this analysis, the research project was oriented to rice, farmed by one of the groups of settlers, and later to the production of vegetables especially emphasizing lettuce crops. The material presented in this section directly concerns this last phase of research.. When we started the project we realized that after many failed attempts at producing melons, several groups of settlers decided to focus their farming activities on vegetables, especially greenhouse lettuce. Thus, using plastic covers, they would be safer from the 3

The pedagogical experience of what was called by the community, simply, “Zatti’s greenhouses”, was built up over 18 months.

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interference of weather conditions, at the same time as they would have ensured the sale of their products to distribution centres in the region, especially medium-sized and large markets, selling the fruit of their labour at profitable prices. As said Darci Zatti, a settler who in this phase of the project was farming lettuce in greenhouses: “one can’t work anymore just to let the devil have the last laugh”. The seventh-grade students at the school participated in the discussions that led to new definitions of production at the settlement, presenting the results of their studies on the profile of the debt of each group of settlers. The involvement of the young people in the process had repercussions strictly from the perspective of school, introducing study contents from the field of Mathematics that are not traditionally included in the curriculum, related to accounting and bank loan contracts. However, possibly the greatest lesson was learned in other dimensions of the world experienced by those young people, something which they had not known until then. This was one of the objectives of the project, built in a joint action by the school community and the technician who at the time was working in the settlement. The more effective involvement of the youths in planning and following up the productive activities of the settlement had as one of its foundations the need to avoid the rural exodus which lay on the horizon for many of them, especially after the construction of a rolling mill began in the main town in the county. As one of the settlers said (when discussing the appropriateness of the school project): “This is a challenge for these kids who are around here. We oldsters are already banana-trees past bearing fruit. (…) Now these kids who are coming along, they are our greatest challenge.…If they don’t stay in farming, what will they have to eat? They are going to eat the iron that the Gerdau4 rolling mill will be manufacturing here.…” Actually, the need to encourage agricultural production, a source of food for people in the country and in the city – which is not always an issue considered in public agricultural policies – was an issue that was heard repeatedly during discussions at school and with the settlement community. The meeting to analyze the data on the debt profile involved both mathematics and the discussion of broader social and political issues. For the young seventh graders, not all of whom were settlers’ children, this direct contact with the different aspects of the MST struggle was relevant to neutralize the effects of the media, which usually only highlights the occupations of large landholdings and public buildings. For the settlers the meetings had another repercussion. As they justified on more than one occasion, the presence of their “children, the teachers and the research team at the meetings led them to explain in further detail what they were producing, how they did it and how they made their decisions. In this process, some of them realized that they did not have a detailed follow-up of the production process, which caused them to have a rather limited knowledge of it. This was the case of Zatti, a settler who planted lettuce in greenhouses. Zatti’s life history is very similar to those of the other settlement members. His grandparents came from Italy and, according to him, “they found a place to live around Sarandi, near Constantina, in that region” (which lies in the northwest of the state of Rio Grande do Sul). The first generation of the Zattis born in Brazil owned enough land to support them. As land was split by inheritance, his father “ended up with 25 hectares and 12 children”. According to Zatti, when his brothers began to divide the land “nothing was left for me”, and he should migrate to Argentine. He farmed there for a while and returned to Brazil, and went to live in Passo Fundo (close to Sarandi). He tells: 4

Gerdau is the largest Brazilian steel mill.

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“And then, in ’84 I got involved with the MST in that country and in ’85 I camped at Fazenda Anoni.”. During the period that goes from their arrival in Itapuí to the time of the research, Zatti’s family, like so many others in the settlement, built a comfortable brick house, purchased a pickup truck, a telephone, a refrigerator, a freezer, a TV and other consumer goods. According to him, nowadays his brothers are working “as employees” and he is “in the best situation” because his “boss is the land. Yes, it does not sign my work card, but, one way or another, it is my boss”. However, his life trajectory was not an easy path. As Zatti explains: In the beginning, we did extensive farming, maize and beans. Yeah, but all of a sudden that was no good any more It was not enough to keep us..(…). Because we came from a different region, so what we knew was how to produce maize, what we actually knew was how to plant it, not how to produce it. Because there is a difference between planting and producing. (…) Well, then I started planting melon... This was in ’90...’92. Well, then I had a crop of melon and one of cucumbers, strawberries and tomato.(…) Then there was a good harvest, I really manage to pick a lot, I didn’t have a large area planted, it was not big, but I had a really good harvest. So with this money I managed to recover a bit (…) That year I managed to make progress, there was a good harvest. So with this money I managed to build my house. (..). Then I continued planting melons again. I worked for two years alone planting melon, right (…). And so every month my production diminished. According to Zatti, there were two reasons why he diminished the production: the land used for planting was worn out, and his family labour was reduced when his wife began to teach and participate during the vacation time in a MST Teacher Training Course. As Zatti explained: “So I decided to change to another type of farming, with the support of EMATER5. (...) So I managed to build a greenhouse, I sold two or three head of cattle I had, I bought lumber and built a greenhouse.” As he told the project participants about his life trajectory (which led him to have five working greenhouses with lettuce since the previous year), Zatti was at the same time satisfied with what he had achieved, and questioning about the continuity of his work. According to him, it was necessary “to write down what I am earning with the lettuce”. During one of our meetings he asked the students: Is it worthwhile for me to invest more or only keep up what I have? (...) If the numbers prove the contrary I do not have any reason to invest more either, isn’t it so? It is not worthwhile exchanging 6 for half a dozen, as I said before. Now, if we conclude differently....” Coming to a conclusion was what the farmer proposed to all of us. As its coordinator, I immediately realized that the idea of transforming a productive activity into school subjects— without any simplifications—presented a challenge for the research team: we did not really know what should be problematized and analyzed. Only a few of the students, the farmer and the agronomist who was working in the settlement knew it, and even then it was a superficial knowledge, which, as Zatti explained, was not “based on the numbers”. We does had a concrete possibility of building a pedagogical experience which, thanks to their empirical specificities could contribute to the productive development of that settlement, and possibly of others where vegetables were produced in greenhouses.

5

EMATER is a governmental agency to provide technical support to farmers.

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The pedagogical experience concerning what, in a simplified manner began to be called “Zatti’s greenhouses”, was built up during the school year, at fortnightly meetings, having as referential the theorizations of the field of Ethnomathematics. Specifically, it was guided by an ethnomathematics perspective characterized by the investigation of traditions, practices and mathematical concepts of a subordinate social group (as to volume and composition of social, cultural and economic capital) and the pedagogical work that is developed so that the group can interpret and decode their knowledge, acquire the knowledge produced by academic Mathematics, establish comparisons between their knowledge and academic knowledge, analyzing the power relations involved in the use of these two knowledges (Knijnik, 1999). Indeed, during the project, the group’s own ways of dealing with lettuce farming were recovered, and at the same time connections were established between the popular and academic knowledges that would allow a more precise follow-up of the production process. The first activity was a meeting of the students, their mathematics teacher and the research team at the greenhouse site, when the settler made a detailed report on the lettuce farming process, from the purchase of seedlings to the sale. This testimony was audio-taped, transcribed and then shown to Zatti for checking. Since we had the purpose of using in classroom at least part of the settler’s discourse we made every effort in order to stick as closely as possible to what he said in that meeting: his own linguistic expressions, the data he selected for presentation and the way he organized its sequence in the report. All these elements were carefully taken into account, since they were a central part of what we were interested in researching: What would be observed and analyzed from an exercise of dealing mathematically with a “raw” text, which involved more complexity than the usual school mathematics problems and also a non usual (dis)order provoked by the presence of data that, although a significant part of the situation, were not always necessary to perform the calculations? How the students would deal with this new kind of “mathematical problem” which was part of their everyday life outside school but had never before come into it? How would the teacher herself manage the pedagogical situation? And what could the project’s repercussions for that landless community be? These questions were at the centre of this part of the project. When the “raw text” corresponding to an excerpt of Zatti’s narrative was ready, the mathematics teacher presented it to the students and proposed that they work on it. We observed that the group immediately recognized that it was part of what the settler had said in that meeting. Edila, one of the students, pointed out that Zatti was really worried about the future of his greenhouses and he would like to have their help in planning his future. Her argument deeply touched the group and the students at once began to analyse the “raw text” in small groups, becoming highly involved in the activity. However, after a first reading, many of them became “immobilized”. In the small groups, remarks such as “I can’t do this”, “This is too difficult” were made. It seemed that there was a sort of strangeness in relation to that written text. The teacher, for her part, did not say anything to encourage them to overcome that immobilization. At this point I decided to interfere in the process, trying to stimulate the group to follow the work. My first attempt did not produce any positive result. Only when I reminded them of Edila’s words about what moved us to the analysis of that text, Zatti’s discourse began to be discussed.

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The observation of the students’ work showed that for all of them, the gross return per greenhouse, a total of 390 reais6 was a consensus. Zatti had said: “On average, I get 65 boxes per greenhouse at a single planting, an average of R$6.00 per box.” This kind of information, very similar to the mathematics exercises usually found in schoolbooks, presents all data required − nothing else − to perform the calculations. Therefore, it was not surprising that it was performed at once. However, the rest of the text did not fit into these more traditional characteristics. In many of the working groups, the students “simply” added up sequentially all of the values in reais that appeared in the text, without paying attention to the meaning of each of them in the context. For instance, Zatti described the costs of pesticide as follows: “Pesticide is used because people eat with their eyes, that‘s it in practice. I use Orthene. I use 85 grams at one time for 4 greenhouses, half a kilo of pesticide costs R$21,13. One also uses urea, I use 1 kg every time I plant, a 50-kilo bag costs R$12.00.” In a first approach to this cost survey phase, most students observed in the activity limited themselves to adding up the values of R$21.13 and R$12.00. And so they continued to deal with the rest of the data. A few students skipped some numerical information, but could not explain why they proceeded in this way. It seemed to the research team that what moved them was simply to get the task over and done with. The teacher, in turn, listening to the presentation of the students, with different and impossible-sounding results, limited herself to remarking that possibly some of the reckoning would have to be done all over again. Everything was done as though there had only been some “mistakes in reckoning”. At the time, not even the repercussions of the use of pesticides or other topics that did not concern strictly numerical data were brought by the students into the classroom for discussion. Thus, one might say that the students reduced Zatti’s narrative to a sequence of values to be added up. This classroom episode recalls what Ives Chevallard (1988:17) considered “two logics”, the sacred and the profane. The former would be associated to the school ritual, to the didactic contract that is established between teachers and students. The profane logic, on the other hand, the one connected to the subject’s experiences in the broader social world, is left at the classroom door”. According to the author no form of solidarity of coupling is constructed joining the two logics, even when, intentionally or not, the didactic contract has a tendency to break down. However, in a second phase of the discussion of that “raw text”, there was a trend to joining together the two ‘logics’ mentioned by Chevallard. Toni, one of the students, addressing the whole group, raised a question relating to the cost of transporting the vegetables: “45 cents per kilometre is expensive. His car does at least 7 km per litre!” Toni’s “profane” argument not only favoured the analysis of elements that were important from the mathematical standpoint, as for instance the process which resulted in the final value of R$0.45 per km driven. It also introduced the discussion on the topic of car depreciation, which allowed one of the central issues in planning productive activities in the settlement to be analyzed as a school subject. In other words, the need to consider asset depreciation in accounting for the full costs of production, so that they can be permanently replaced was taken as a lesson to be learned. Once Toni intervened, the treatment given to that “raw text” changed. In almost all working groups the rest of the data were analyzed taking into account 6

Reais is the plural of Real, the Brazilian currency, which in August, 2004 was equivalent to 30 cents of the US dollar. The symbol of real is R$.

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the meaning they acquired in the specific cultural context to which they were attached. The complexity of the data presented by Zatti’s narrative was not set aside, nor were his statements discussed only concerning their numerical aspects. At the time issues such as the use of pesticides and ecological fertilizers − one of the key themes of the Brazilian Landless Movement struggle − were included in the discussion. The activities using that first “raw text” ended with the presentation and discussion of costs of planting in a greenhouse made by the students to Zatti and other settlers who were interested in the theme. At the end of the meeting, the farmer asked to speak, showing enthusiasm for the work performed at school. He insisted that “it is one thing to include everything in your reckoning, and another is for you just to think, to think that it will work. It changes a lot.” This “reckoning everything” that Zatti was speaking about, however, had to be carried out more effectively. Throughout the discussions regarding the cost of planting, it became clear that the settler had invested in the greenhouse structure, as well as in a nursery, for the initial development of the seedlings to be transplanted later. His expenses for this infrastructure would have to be necessarily included in the accounts. This constituted the next phase of the project. As had been done for production costs, Zatti − sometimes asking the agronomist’s help − told us, in detail, about the costs of building a greenhouse, and what he had spent to put in a pump at the pond. His taped testimony, after being transcribed and returned to Zatti so that he could check it, was used as before as “raw text” in the classroom. At this time, the students were more connected to the situations they were analysing: they questioned ideas which they believed were less than clear, and also problematized values that appeared not to make sense to them. Very frequently, the settler returned to the classroom, because even the agronomist who was participating in the project did not have the information needed to carry on the work. Thus, the pedagogical situation led to a broadening of the school space that began to include other subjects, besides the teacher and the students. This produced changes also in the sphere of what began to be considered curricular subject. Eugene Maier (1980), in an article written decades ago in discussing what he calls “Popular Mathematics”, refers to this question. For the author, while Popular Mathematics − the one practiced by the “people” − deals with complex problems in which information must constantly be sought and where the key-question is to determine “what the problem is”, school Mathematics is limited to presenting pre-formulated problems, taking as a keyquestion: solving the problem (Ibidem: 22).7

7

After almost 30 years, Maier’s ideas still cause an impact, even though the ethnomathematics theorizations have problematized some of his arguments appropriately, especially the one that stresses the importance of connecting the “real life” Mathematics to school Mathematics, so that the students will achieve better results in Mathematics at school. For Ethnomathematics, as I see it, this is not the most relevant question: It is not a matter of establishing ties between school Mathematics and that practiced by social groups primarily in order to promote better learning of Mathematics at school. In Meyer’s opinion, above all, it is the school Mathematics that is at the core of the curriculum, with its Eurocentric features of a heterosexual, urban white male (Walkerdine, 1988, Knijnik,1997). From my ethnomathematics perspective, what is at stake is the relevance of incorporating the social practices of the groups with which we work in the school curriculum. Because I consider that rendering invisible the ways in which the groups produce meanings in their social life is a significant part of the exclusion processes of which School Mathematics is only one of the facets. Therefore, in this approach, improved rates of good school results would be a mere – although not irrelevant, obviously – consequence of a curricular project which would pay attention to the political and cultural repercussions of Mathematics Education in its many dimensions.

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During the pedagogical process organized as part of the research project problems about the lettuce crop were formulated both by the students and by the settler himself, so that based on what was being built, new questions arose. Thus a break began to be produced with the most traditional positions of mathematics education, characterized by the separation of the school world from the world of labour. Mary Harris (1997:198) says: “At school, examples are imported, selected, edited, reviewed or invented, to illustrate some specific mathematics to be learned; at work, the need for Mathematics is generated by the context.” This phase of the project ended with a meeting in which the 7th grade presented the results achieved up to that point. The school community – teachers, students and the settler’s families – participated in it. There were disagreements coming from other settlers as regards some data presented by Zatti, such as indirect costs and structure depreciation. Even the time spent from planting to selling that had been assessed with one average for summer and another for winter, resulting in 9 harvests per greenhouse/year, was questioned. As Zatti explained: “What we did was on the “more or less” basis, reckoning the average for everything.” This statement led the group to propose the continuity of the project, developed over the following 9 months. In fact, if all calculations had been made based on ‘more or less’, it was now necessary to look in detail at all the stages of production, in all greenhouses, for a year, so that the experience of lettuce farming could be evaluated more precisely. This follow up was started in August. During the school vacations, Zatti had written down, in his way, all his expenditures on the new greenhouse that he had started to build a short while before. The first meeting of the new semester began by discussing these notes, and Zatti reported the process he had used to follow up the cultivation in each of the lettuce greenhouses. He told that up to August 10, for the greenhouses as a whole he would be using 500 ml of phosphoric acid, 100ml at a time. He had bought the 4kg gallon for R$8.00. The situation implied dealing with the relationship between mass and litter. The group discussed the issue, concluding that it would be necessary to “weigh” 100 ml of phosphoric acid. Before any decision could be made, Moises, one of the students, questioned Zatti’s information, saying that they had already dealt with the cost of the acid, and that in the text was written: “One litter of phosphoric acid costs 8 reais”. When we looked again at the raw text, worked on months before, we found that in fact what the boy was saying was right. Even having checked the transcribed material with a farmer, before presenting it for discussion in the classroom, there was a mistake in the information. This episode showed clearly what Valerie Walkderdine — inspired by Foucault and Lacan — points out as one of the relevant issues to be problematized in Mathematics Education: the difference “between problems of practical and material needs versus problems of “symbolic control”. Paraphrasing Walkerdine (2004), it can be said that the group of students was examining lettuce production “as though their life depended on it”, performing calculations that constituted “a material need for survival”, and not a relatively theoretical exercise, a mere problem of ‘symbolic control”. Munir Fasheh, using another theoretical background also emphasizes this issue. In one of his internationally best known writings (Fasheh, 1982), when comparing “his” Mathematics – learned during his academic training at Harvard – with the Mathematics practiced by his dressmaker mother who still lived in the occupied territories of Palestine, he showed that the mistakes in the mathematics practiced by her had repercussions on the concrete world, different from what happened with his formal mathematics. As occurred with the dressmaker’s work, the 7th graders realized the need to remain attentive to avoid mistakes that could have a negative repercussion on the productive activity in the settlement. The

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mistake presented by Moises also showed that each stage of the project was really articulated with its whole, not only in its formal conception. When the group faced the situation, a discussion on the need to evaluate the mass of 100 ml of acid was established. Zatti offered to perform this task, done that very morning when he interrupted his activities in the fields (where he had not worked much, since he had been part of that day with us in the classroom) to go to the market near the school, where there was an electronic balance. Once again the project subverted the curriculum order, which does not allow any “outside” knowledge to be part of the school. Based on the first notes made by Zatti in following one of his greenhouses, at a joint meeting held by the farmer, the technician, the mathematics teacher and the research team, the form of the spreadsheet that would be used for data collection was decided. Divided into 5 groups, each of them in charge of dealing with one of the greenhouses, the students collected the spreadsheets weekly, and analysed them in the classroom. Whenever necessary, Zatti and the agronomist participated in those activities. Periodical visits to the greenhouses were also performed. The last meeting of the school year was to take place on December 14, when we would discuss with the farmer the follow up that he would be making alone again during the school vacation period. Zatti, however, brought up a new situation for discussion: during that summer he would have to make a decision about the possibility of leasing out some of his greenhouses, or even increasing their number. Therefore, he argued, even before the vacation, he would have to make a “balance” of the closed greenhouses that had completed the planting-selling cycle. The farmer’s need required that we all go back to the school when the school year had already ended. On that occasion, at a meeting of the settlement community, the balance suggested by Zatti was presented and discussed. The presence of the settlement families, the board and other teachers who work at the school did not intimidate the students in their presentation. Together with Zatti, they recovered the history of the project and showed the partial results that had been obtained so far. This was an occasion for some settlers, such as Seu Danir, to ask many questions about the costs of planting lettuce in greenhouses, especially as depreciation of their structure. Seu Danir compared his production with that of Zatti, stressing to the group how much more the latter had gained by investing in greenhouses instead of producing ‘in the field”’. During that meeting sometimes the voices of the students – and of the work we were doing – once again were marked by the out-of-context, formal tone of traditional school mathematics in dealing with the problems of the broader social world. This “coming back” to the school mathematics routine was disturbed by some voices from the audience. There were settlers who demanded further explanations about numerical results, saying that “like this we couldn’t understand the accounts”. Bringing to scene their concrete life-situations they helped the research group to understand and problematize that displacement towards asepsis, formalism, apparent neutrality that produced the return to positions that the pedagogical work precisely sought to avoid. In enabling this polyphony of voices in the school curriculum, the project produced important elements for the discussion of the connections between People Education and the Ethnomathematics field, especially as regards the problematization of “non-school–confined” pedagogical processes. One final methodological issue connected to this project must be presented. It concerns the role the researcher can assume in an ethnomathematics study in which she/he is not only

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the observer, but she/he is directly involved in the process that is the object of analysis. As described in this section, it was I who conducted the pedagogical process and in this sense, the analysis of the data required that I examine also my own practice. In doing so, I faced the challenge of breaking up the dichotomy between researcher and researched, since it was also my own pedagogical practice that was placed under scrutiny. This research perspective, in a more conservative view, could be criticised as lacking neutrality and objectivity. Currently, nevertheless as we live in a time when these myths have been undone, such a perspective can produce other meanings for the act of research, enabling a crossing of borders and a breaking of the dichotomies between “insider” and “outsider”. But, of course, this crossing of borders, which was previously outlined with such accuracy, requires a permanent vigilance over the act of researching.

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Some Closing Words about a Methodological Ethnomathematics Discussion This chapter ends with some words about the issues I attempted to discuss. They are not more than provisional, ephemeral, or unmarked by hopes for certainty, in the sense given by Stronach and Maclure (1997) in the introduction of their book Educational Research Undone. The authors argued that it “could be located within an emerging body of educational, feminist, postcolonial and anthropological research which recognizes and tries to work within, the necessary failure of methodology’s hope for certainty, and its dream of finding an innocent language in which to represent, without exploiting or distorting, the voices and ways of knowing of its subaltern ‘subjects’” (ibid.: 4). The ideas I brought to this chapter are inspired by this perspective, even considering that I was more influenced by the last two emerging educational research studies they mentioned. In fact, the ethnomathematics perspective that provided theoretical support to the project presented in the previous section avoided an exacerbated relativism, a naïve view of the potential of the popular knowledges in the pedagogical process, which could lead to their glorification with the consequent ghettoization of the subordinated groups (Grignon, 1992). On the contrary, in the educational process, the relationships between popular and academic knowledges were qualified, enabling adults and youth students to concurrently understand their own culture in greater depth, and also to have access to contemporary scientific and technological production. These are also the pedagogical positions that can be deduced for the literature that discusses the educational principles of MST (Caldart, 1998; Knijnik, 1997). Each of the stages of the follow up and discussion about lettuce production was performed based on the social practices present there, which were not taken as a “point of departure” of the pedagogical work in the classroom.8 On the contrary, those practices were the kernel of the curriculum activity, in a process that sought to include, problematize and move between popular and academic knowledge. Thus, an attempt was made to build a pedagogical process centred on “cultural negotiation” – conceptualized by Raul Mejia (1998:29) as “the creation of nexuses between the forms of formalized knowledge and those of common knowledge, and the performances derived from them”. This negotiation involved conflicts and tensions, as had already been clearly shown by Paulo Freire (1977) when he worked with the IDAC team in Guinea Bissau during the 1970s (Freire, 1977; Torres, 1996). 8

For further discussion on “beginning with reality”, see Knijnik (1999) and Mejia (1998).

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His African experience in that case was one of the privileged moments of reflection on the Education of the rural poor. 9 Using the language of his time, Freire showed the importance “of taking an area of cultivation as a Circle of Culture in itself ” (Freire, 1977:161). He said: The analysis of the production practice opens up the possibility for serious study, which should be gradually furthered, of a rich, plural set of themes. This plural and rich set of themes covers all the way from agricultural techniques – sowing, harvesting, tilling, fighting pests, erosion, to the understanding of the act of producing itself. As Freire argued, in the Itapuí settlement the study of lettuce farming in greenhouses was not limited to following up the accountancy of gains and losses of the production process, in an operation that would render trivial the ethnomathematics perspective that this study sought to build and problematize. When analyzing the project, its participants indicated some of its repercussions. The Mathematics classes (at least partly) lost their close connection to schoolbooks. As Debora, one of the students, said: “Before we used to go only by the book (...) I was hardheaded in Mathematics, I hated it. And now I like it.” This constructed taste for Mathematics was the factor that possibly led one of the settlement students, who at the beginning of the project was not much involved in schoolwork, to become enthusiastic about what she was learning. She said: “Zatti’s work is the same as ours, and so I am telling my father about what I learned. What I have learned is being well used.” It would be well used if a larger number of people from the settlement had participated in the project and become involved in the discussions. The organization of the settlement in the form of individual work became a limitation to the project, because it did not enable more farmers to be affected by the work. Through the agronomist, who works in other settlements in the region, the results were gradually disseminated. However, as Zatti said, referring to the agronomist’s work: “He gives us the ready fried fish. That is how the Emater people talk.. Its up to you now man, you are not square”. The farmer considered that, before we began the project, the “fish was given ready fried.” The agronomist himself agrees with Zatti’s explanations, because as he sees it. What he meant is that he did not know the whole process. I did it, and gave it to him ready. Now, with this work, he can understand it, seeing it step by step. He can follow it and analyze it. He can see how to get to the end point that I gave him.(…) I wish that I could do this work with the whole settlement. Then I would dominate this whole [production] chain. Not only the agronomist, but all of us who are part of the research project, in building this pedagogical experience learn “to dominate all of this chain”, seeking to contribute to the politicization of mathematics education that is taking place in the Landless Movement. Specifically as regards my position as a researcher, a few issues should be highlighted. As in the project presented earlier, throughout my trajectory as a researcher I have always tried to mobilize all of my efforts in order to never forget to problematize my own discourse, since it is necessarily marked by my ‘privileged’ voice as an intellectual working with “subaltern ‘subjects’” like the Brazilian landless people. In my attempts I have been favoured 9

The experience of the IDAC team in Guinea Bissau, at the same time as it provided an important contribution to the thinking on popular education, was the target of criticism (including from Freire himself), ranging all the way from issues more directly connected to teaching literacy in Portuguese for adults whose mother tongues were African dialects—“Freire is accused of imposing a Western view on a different scene, such as that of Guinea Bissau” (Torres, 1996:139)—as well as the results achieved in literacy campaigns (Coben, 1998; Torres, 1996; Harasin, 1983). It is not within the scope of this essay to discuss those aspects of Freire’s work.

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by this social movement, which is very much aware of the risk of exposing themselves to academic research and of being narrated by “the others”, of being represented by us. They chose to take this risk not only because of my “good intentions” of being vigilant about my role in the work I have been developing with them for more than a decade. They decided for it also because they identified education as one of the key issues of their struggle and consider − at least at this point of their trajectory as a social movement − the importance of having academics contributing to the construction of new alternatives of their educational project. Hence, in researching these “subaltern ‘subjects’” in projects like the one I briefly presented in the last section, power relations are not fixed for once and forever in one of the poles of the researcher-researched interaction. Both poles exercise them, in a dynamic which as much as possible must be introduced in academic analysis. To take this interaction from such a perspective converges with Stronach and Maclure’s positions (ibid.: 111). In problematizing the “notion of negotiation or of dialogue between researcher and researched”, they said that they are “interested in trying to make such interactions less asymmetrical in terms of power relations, to encourage a more active and discrepant engagement of the research in the research process. (…) [They] sought, therefore, to relocate evaluation’s notion of ‘negotiation’ more firmly within the business of the production of knowledge rather than in its consumption by others − that is to say, to shift the focus of negotiation from the beginning or end of the research process to its formative centre” (ibid.: 111). The study developed in that Landless People settlement was an attempt to operate with these ideas.

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REFERENCES Chassot, A.& Knijnik, G. (1997) “Conversando com Ubiratan D’Ambrosio.” In: Episteme: filosofia e história das ciências em revista. ILEA/UFRGS, Porto Alegre, v. 2 n. 4 Chevallard, Ives (1988): “Sur l’analyse didactique: deux études sur le notions de contrat et de situation”, en Publications de l’IREM d’Aix-Marseille, Marseille. Clifford, J. and Marcus, G. (1986). Writing culture: the poetics and politics of ethnography. Berkeley: University of California Press. Coben, Diana. Radical Heroes: Gramsci, Freire and the Politics of Adult Education. London: Garland Publishing Inc., 1998. D’ambrosio, U. (1997a) “Where Does Ethnomathematics Stand Nowadays?” For the Learning of Mathematics, v.17, n. 1 June, 1997. pp. 13-17. D’ambrosio, U. (1997b). “Remembering Paulo Freire.” For the Learning of Mathematics, v.17, n. 3 November, 1997. pp. 5-6. Fasheh, M. (1982) “Mathematics, culture and authority.” For the Learning of Mathematics, Vancouver, v.3, n.2, pp. 2-8 Frankenstein, M.; Powell, A. (1997) Ethnomathematics: Challenging Eurocentrism in Mathematics Education. New York: SUNY Press. Freire, P. (1977). Cartas à Guiné Bissau: registros de uma experiência em processo. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra.

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Gerdes, P. (1985) “Conditions and strategies for emancipatory mathematics education in underdeveloped countries.” For the Learning of Mathematics, Vancouver, v.5, n.1, pp. 15-20. Gerdes, P. (1986) “How to recognize hidden geometrical thinking: a contribution to the development of anthropological mathematics.” For the Learning of Mathematics, Vacouver, v. 6, n.2. Gerdes, P. (1988) On possible uses of traditional angolan sand drawings in the mathematics classroom. Educational Studies in Mathematics, Dordrecht, v.19, n.1, pp. 3-21. Gerdes, P. (1991) Etnomatemática: cultura, matemática, educação. Maputo: Instituto Superior Pedagógico. Grignon, C. (1992). A escola e as culturas populares: pedagogias legitimistas e pedagogias relativistas. Teoria & Educação, Porto Alegre, n.5, pp. 50-54. Harisim. L. (1983) Literacy and national Reconstruction in Guinea-Bissau: a critique of the Freirean literacy campaign. Phd Dissertation, OISE, University of Toronto. Harris, M. (1997). Common Threads: Women, Mathematics and work. Oakhile: Trentham Books Limited. Higginson, W.C. (1997) “Freire, D’Ambrosio, Oppression, Empowement and Mathematics: Background Notes to an Interview.” For the Learning of Mathematics, v.17, n. 3 November, 1997. pp. 3-4. Knijnik, G. (1997). Popular Knowledge and academic knowledge in the Brasilian peasants' struggle for land. Educational Action Research Journal, v. 5, n. 3. 1997 Knijnik, G. (1999) “Ethnomathematics and the Brazilian Landless People Education.” Zentralblatt für Didaktik der Mathematik n. 31, v. 3. Knijnik, G (2002a). “Ethnomathematics, culture and politics of knowledge in Mathematics Education.” For the Learning of Mathematics, Ontario, v. 22, n. 1, pp. 11-15. Knijnik, G. (2002b) “Curriculum, Culture and Ethnomathematics: the practices of cubagem of wood in the Brazilian Landless Movement.” Journal of Intercultural Studies, Austrália, v. 23, n. 2, pp. 149-165. Knijnik, G. (1997) “Popular Knowledge and academic knowledge in the Brasilian peasants' struggle for land.” Educational Action Research Journal, v. 5, n. 3. Lather, P. (1992). Post-Critical pedagogies; a feminist reading. In: Luke, C. and Gore, J. Feminisms and critical pedagogy. London: Routledge. Lather, P. (2003). This IS your father’s paradigm: government intrusion and the case of qualitative research in education. Paper presented to the Annual Meeting of the American Educational Research Association. Chicago, USA. Lidchi, H. (1997) The poetics and the politics of exhibiting other cultures. In: HALL, S. (ed.) Representation: cultural representation and signifying practice. London: Sage. Lucas De Oliveira, H.D. (1997). Educação Rural e Etnomatemática. Monografia de Curso de Especialização. UFRGS. (unpublished). Maier, E. (1980) Folk mathematics. In Mathematics Teaching, pp. 21-23. Mejia, R. M. (unpublished). Paulo Freire na mudança do século: um chamamento para reconstruir a práxis impugnadora. Apresentado no Congresso Internacional de Educação Paulo Freire: Ética, Utopia e Educação. UNISINOS, 08-10 de Junho, 1998. Monteiro, A. (1998) Etnomatemática: as possibilidades pedagógicas num curso de alfabetização para trabalhadores rurais assentados. Ph.D Dissertation. Faculdade de Educação/UNICAMP.

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Pinar, W. et al. (1996). Understanding curriculum. New York: Peter Lang. Sarup, M. (1996) Identity, culture and the postmodern world. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Stronach, I., Maclure, M. (1997) Educational research undone: the postmodern embrace. Philadelphia: Open University Press. Torres, C. A. in: GADOTTI, Moacir et al. Paulo Freire: uma biobibliografia. São Paulo: Cortez/Intituto Paulo Freire/UNESCO, 1996. Walkerdine, V. (1988) The mastery of reason. London: Routledge. Walkerdine, V. (2004) Diferença, Cognição E Educação Matemática. In: Knijnik, Wanderer, Oliveira (ed.) (2004). Etnomatemática, currículo e formação de professores. EDUNISC Press, Santa Cruz do Sul. Woodward, K. (2000) Identidade E Diferença: Uma Introdução Teórica E Conceitual. In: Silva, Tomaz Tadeu. Identidade e diferença. Vozes Press. Petrópolis, p. 7-7

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In: Researching Possibilities in Mathematics … Editor: K. Setati, R.Vithal, C. Malcolm et al.

ISBN: 978-1-60692-292-7 ©2009 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 3

REWORDING THE WORLD: POSTSTRUCTURALISM, DECONSTRUCTION AND THE ‘REAL’ IN ENVIRONMENTAL/SCIENCE EDUCATION RESEARCH Noel Gough and Leigh Price La Trobe University, Victoria, Australia Rhodes University, Grahamstown, South Africa

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INTRODUCTION In this chapter, we question the desirability of the near-schism between (on one hand) environmental/science education philosophers and researchers who appear to be antagonistic to, and/or dismissive of, poststructuralism and deconstruction, and (on the other hand) those who find these philosophies and methodologies generative in their inquiries. We use the compound term ‘environmental/science education’ not to conflate environmental education and science education, but rather to emphasise that our focus is on those interests, issues and concerns that educators across both of these disciplines have in common. As Annette Gough’s (1997, 2002) historical studies demonstrate, the immediate antecedents of contemporary environmental education were the concerns about environmental degradation and decreasing quality of life expressed by scientists such as Rachel Carson (1962) and Paul Ehrlich (1968) in the 1960s. In the wake of publicity and political action attending these concerns, environmental education initially entered school curricula in the early 1970s through science education.1 In regions such as Southern Africa, where threats to human well-being are inextricably bound up with environmental qualities and developments in science and technology (especially the health sciences), both science and environmental education are expected to focus on ‘real’ issues affecting human survival, and this may create suspicion of approaches to environmental/science teaching and research that appear to foreground abstract 1

More recently, UNESCO has emphasised the link between environmental education and science education by changing the subtitle of its publication Connect from the ‘UNESCO-UNEP environmental education newsletter’ (as it was from 1976 to 1996) to the ‘UNESCO international science, technology and environmental education newsletter’ (since 1997).

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arguments (such as questions about the relationship between ‘reality’ and representation). We examine the claims of writers who assert that poststructuralism and deconstruction are antirealist positions and argue that refusing the insights afforded by poststructuralism and deconstruction is detrimental to the overall aims of environmental/science education research, particularly in the current African context of societies in transition.

POSTSTRUCTURALISM, DECONSTRUCTION AND THE ‘REAL’ Many environmental/science education philosophers and researchers are openly antagonistic to, and/or dismissive of, poststructuralism and deconstruction (or anything they associate with postmodernism). Some are downright vicious, including Ariel Salleh (1997), who sees postmodernism as a ‘castrated academic philosophy’ (p. xi), whereas others, like Carolyn Merchant (2003), are more politely suspicious: ‘Although deconstruction is an important analytical tool, I argue that realism…is an important counter, or other, to deconstruction’s focus on language’ (p. 201). Somewhere between these positions, Charlene Spretnak (1999) offers the following caricature of ‘post’ scholarship:

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The critical orientation known as ‘deconstructive postmodernism,’ ‘constructionism,’ or ‘constructivism’ asserts that there is nothing but ‘social construction’ (of concepts such as language, knowledge systems, and culture) in human experience. …The philosophical core of deconstructive postmodernism is the rejection of any sense of the ‘Real’ (pp. 64-5).

Spretnak (1999) discusses ‘postmodern developments’ in academia during the 1980s and contrasts what she calls ‘the deconstructionist variety (also called “constructionism,” “constructivism,” and “poststructuralism”)’ with another perspective that (she asserts) ‘lacks a widely accepted umbrella term, but is sometimes called “constructive,” “reconstructive,” or “restructive” postmodernism’ (p. 223). In these passages, Spretnak uses at least four rhetorical strategies that distort the views of those she discredits. Firstly, by asserting that the ‘deconstructionist’ position is ‘also called’ ‘constructionism’, ‘constructivism’ and ‘poststructuralism’, she infers that these three terms are synonymous with each other and with ‘deconstruction’. But we are unable to find any scholars who both identify themselves with these positions and agree that they could be conflated to this extent. The positions that these terms signify have very clear affinities with one another but they are not coterminous.2 Secondly, she compounds the problem of equating these different positions 2

For readers new to these concepts, we offer a very brief introduction to them here. As Christopher Norris (1996) notes, in linguistics structuralism initially referred to the claim that ‘truth and reality were constructed entirely in and through language, or by way of those signifying codes and conventions that language imposed upon the raw data of experience’ (p. 130). Linguistic structuralists such as Ferdinand de Saussure made such methodological decisions strictly as a matter of intradisciplinary technique, but theorists in other fields – notably literary criticism – also adopted their ideas. For example, according to Norris (1996), Roland Barthes equated the ‘arbitrary’ nature of the sign (a structuralist concept) with an open-ended textual free play: ‘So it was that the structuralist dream of method gave way to a heady post-structuralist ethos in which systematic “theory” lost its erstwhile appeal’ (p. 130). Deconstruction is a term coined by Jacques Derrida (1972) to name a process of laying bare the structure of a discourse – of showing how a discursive system works and what it includes and excludes. Deconstructing a text may mean looking for evidence that reveals more than what the author purposely wanted to share (sometimes referred to as ‘surplus meaning’), or revealing a difference between the ‘obvious’ function of the text and a potentially different function (which often sheds light on the socio-historical positioning of the author). Postmodernist perspectives in social inquiry are not a uniform set of shared assumptions but, rather, a

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with one another by applying a single homogenising label to them all. But in our experience the critical orientation that she calls ‘deconstructive postmodernism’ is not widely ‘known’ by this name among a majority of scholars who identify themselves with poststructuralism and/or deconstruction. Thirdly, by setting up ‘constructive’ and ‘reconstructive’ postmodernism in opposition to poststructuralism and deconstruction she implies that the latter positions are not ‘constructive’. The invented term ‘restructive’ clearly is intended to suggest that deconstruction is destructive. Fourthly, her insinuation that poststructuralism and deconstruction rejects any sense of the ‘Real’ distorts the positions of many philosophers – structuralists and poststructuralists, constructionists and deconstructionists – who share the view that the objects and meanings that constitute our existential ‘reality’ are social constructions. We do not interpret these philosophers to be questioning belief in the real but confidence in its representation. As Richard Rorty (1979) puts it, ‘to deny the power to “describe” reality is not to deny reality’ (p. 375) and ‘the world is out there, but descriptions of the world are not’ (Rorty, 1989, p. 5). Representations of the world are products, artefacts or effects of particular sets of historical and linguistic practices. Some of the antagonism these authors display towards poststructuralism is perhaps understandable given that certain extreme interpretations of poststructuralism are indeed irrealist, despite the originators’ constant insistence on the ontology of their positions (see, for example, Norris, 1996; Sayer, 2000). Our concern is not so much that well-intentioned environmental/science philosophers have ‘got it wrong’ when it comes to poststructuralism and deconstruction, although we believe that many of them misrepresent and/or oversimplify these approaches. Rather, we worry that an effect of these rhetorical positions will be to refuse the benefits of poststructuralism and deconstruction. We also worry that interminable arguments about the absence and/or presence of the ‘real’ in poststructuralism and deconstruction distract environmental/science educators from more important concerns.

loose collection of ways of thinking about how to go beyond modernist perspectives without producing alternative metanarratives. Postmodernist philosophers throw a number of Enlightenment beliefs into radical doubt, including the transparency of language and that claims to authority grounded in reason can overcome conflicts between ‘truth’, knowledge and power. This skepticism is variously imputed to postmodernism or poststructuralism, which may be conflated with each other and sometimes conflated with deconstruction. Patti Lather (1991) offers a way of distinguishing between postmodernism and poststructuralism that resists ‘fixing’ the meanings of either concept: postmodernism is ‘the code name for the crisis of confidence in western conceptual systems… borne out of our sense of the limits of Enlightenment rationality’, whereas poststructuralism is ‘the working out of academic theory within the culture of postmodernism’ (p. 4), although she also admits to using these terms interchangeably (see also Cheek & Gough, 2005). The word ‘constructivism’ is used in a variety of ways, including the assumption that mathematical concepts are ‘real’ only if a mathematical proof can be given (see Flew, 1984) and the view, relevant to education, that learning is an active process of constructing rather than acquiring knowledge (see Piaget, 1977). The latter view has expanded to include the idea that people do not construct knowledge in a vacuum but, rather, that construction of meaning is a socio-cultural process (see, for example, Vygotsky, 1978). Social constructionism, a concept credited to Peter Berger and Thomas Luckman (1966), was an attempt to move beyond a sociological version of the chicken-andegg question: does society construct humans, or do humans construct society? Social constructionism tries to resolve this conundrum by suggesting that society and humans are just different moments of the same thing, and that they constantly create each other in a continuing ‘dialectic’.

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RISKS OF OVER-SIMPLIFIED RHETORICAL POSITIONS If we merely ‘counter’ anti-realism with realism, as Merchant (2003) suggests, then we risk becoming participants in dubious dialectics between naïve realism and equally naïve constructionism/constructivism. We see traces of such dialectics in Merchant’s (2003) assertion that: ‘The real physical world and the constructed mental world…exist in dialectical relation to each other. Reality and narrative…interact with each other’ (p. 201). The word ‘interact’ infers that different components act on/with each other, like billiard balls. We prefer to imagine that reality and narrative are mutually constitutive (a concept to which we return below), because constitution (as both noun and verb) does not necessarily deny the singularity of constituents.3 Merchant’s (2003) desire to ‘counter’ deconstruction with reality tacitly assumes that deconstruction is non-realist. We argue that the majority of ‘post’ scholars have never denied the existence of a reality ‘out there’. Debating this point might have hindered progress on more significant issues, such as how these authors’ theorising of the real/constructed interrelationship as dialectical may have been underdeveloped. Like Merchant, these authors agree that there is a material reality but, also like Merchant, they merely add it back to constructed (or deconstructed) representations. As Lois McNay (2000) writes of Foucault’s work: The lack of detail in Foucault’s consideration of how the dialectic of freedom and constraint is realized in subject formation results, ultimately, in his thought vacillating between the moments of determinism and voluntarism… While Foucault’s work does not foreclose an account of agency in so stark a manner as the Lacanian reification of the phallocentric order, it is seriously limited by its conceptual underdevelopment (p. 9). McNay is talking about a similar dialectic to Merchant. However, in talking about freedom and constraint, she takes a step further in the argument (related to Salleh’s assertion that postmodernism is castrated). Specifically she refers to the way that naïve constructivism prevents agency by implying an antirealist voluntarism,4 and the way that naïve realism also prevents (individual) agency by implying determinism.5 To avoid oscillating between determinism and voluntarism, we need to ask how material reality conceptually fits into our theorising – a question to which we will return. Finally, Merchant’s suggestion that we ‘counter’ deconstruction with reality implies an acceptance of what Roy Bhaskar (1993) calls a ‘performance contradiction’: when we are being realist, we are being unfaithful to deconstruction; when we are being deconstructionists (her anti-realist version), we are being unfaithful to realism. This performance contradiction can lead to a questionable pragmatics. For example, it might suit us to be naively ‘real women’ if we are fighting for gender-targeted rights such as long, paid maternity leave, but if we are arguing against social practices that discriminate on the basis of gender it might suit us better to change tactics and claim that distinctions between men and women are ‘socially constructed’ rather than ‘real’. We will argue for the defensibility of one position or the other 3

On the concept of singularity see Derrida (1987). Voluntarism is the belief that the ‘true’ nature of reality is will, in this case effected through narrative. Voluntarism refuses agency because it assumes that we simply need to change our way of speaking about the world to change the world; there is no need for material action. 5 Determinism is the idea that subjectivity and human actions are determined by socio-cultural surroundings; everything we think or do is predetermined by society. Thus, autonomous agency is impossible.

4

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depending on what is ‘good for society’ or ‘good for the cause’6 (Denise Riley, quoted in Lather, 1991, pp 29-30). Sandra Harding’s call for ‘politically adequate research and scholarship’ (quoted in Haack, 1998, p. 97) exemplifies this pragmatic approach to epistemology (what is true is what is good for society), but the difficulty remains: who decides what is good for society? Replacing the absolute of positivism with the fideistic absolute of ‘what is good for society’ seems dubious to us, not least because we recognise this replacement in the philosophies of some of the world’s most notorious dictators. For example, Adolf Hitler asserted: ‘There is no such thing as truth. Science is a social phenomenon and like every other social phenomenon is limited by the benefit or injury it confers on the community’ (quoted in Sayer, 2000, p. 47). Merchant deploys her interpretation of a reality/narrative dialectic to argue for social practices that we agree might improve environmental/science education research, such as pursuing a partnership ethic and ‘listening’ to non-humans. However, in different hands, this dialectic could be used in a sinister, Machiavellian way.7

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CONCEPTUALISING A NARRATIVE/REALITY INTERFACE Figure 1 summarises three different approaches to conceiving and representing a narrative/ reality dichotomy (adapted from Bhaskar, 1989, p. 77). The relationships depicted in Figure 1 have what Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari (1987) might call an arborescent logic. That is, Western knowledge is often represented as treelike (as in Linnaean taxonomies), with hierarchically articulated branches of a central stem or trunk rooted in firm foundations. Thus, in Figure 1, we could replace the arrow under naïve realism with a tree in which human narratives are rooted in ‘reality’. Naïve constructivism could be represented as a tree in which nature and society are rooted in human narratives. Merchant’s dialectic would thus be an orchard or grove of trees of both types, growing together in a mutualistic (or commensal) relationship. We could extend this metaphor by noting that naïve realism and naïve constructivism cannot ‘survive’ by themselves, because they are so easily understood as untenable. However, as mutuals or commensals they thrive because they apparently make up for their shortfalls by the addition of the other. As an alternative to Merchant’s ‘dialectic’, we suggest that it might be more defensible to understand reality (whether social reality or non-human, natural reality) and narrative as mutually constitutive (see Figure 2). To do this we abandon labels and arrows and treelike structures and imagine a multiplicity of realities and narratives mutually constituting themselves like a tangle of rhizomes. A mutually constitutive approach assumes that reality is ‘stratified’ (Susan Leigh Star, 1991, p. 65). This means that ‘things’ exist in a real sense but are neither the same as each other nor are they strongly separate, rather they are ‘mutually’ constituted, distinguishable but not strongly dichotomised. Despite its ontological realism, this approach also assumes epistemological relativism; how we come to know reality is fallible, always in process and dependent on who is looking and the spatio-temporal context (Bhaskar, 1989, 1993). Our 6

7

An alternative way of seeing men and women is that at any point the category ‘woman’ has both real and constructed components; it is neither naturally given, nor entirely made up. See Price (2004) for an exploration of how this illicit dialectic has been used by Zimbabwe’s government, with devastating effect.

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stratified, realist ontology assumes a relational account of ontology: relations precede ontology (see also Bhaskar 1989, 1993; Sayer, 2000; Haraway, 1991, 1997; Bourdieu, 1998). Naïve realism Narrative (human-individuals)

Reality (nature/society) Reification (determinism)

Naïve constructivism Narrativ(human individuals)

Reality (nature/society) Voluntarism(methodological individualism)

Foucault’s(and Merchant’s)dialectic Narrative (human individuals)

Reality (nature/society) Oscillation between reification and voluntarism

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Figure 1. Three approaches to representing a narrative/reality dichotomy (after Bhaskar, 1989, p. 77)

Figure 2. Reality and narrative mutually constituted in a tangle of rhizomes (drawing © Warren Sellers; 8 used with permission)

8

Sellers’s image is an aliteral representation, which reflects André Colombat’s (1991) observation that Deleuze and Guattari’s rhizome ‘cannot be considered as a pure metaphor… [it] does not correspond exactly to its botanical definition’ (p. 15).

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A mutually constitutive approach discards the commonly held assumption that the social sciences require different methodologies from the natural sciences. The social sciences have tended to be associated with anti-realist methodologies9 because it makes sense to say that narratives construct what we mean by ‘society’ (i.e., there is no social reality beyond narrative), but it might be more difficult to see how narratives can construct all that we mean by ‘nature’ (a rock will still be there whether we call it a rock or not). Instead, we suggest the same basic methodology for both the social and natural sciences; society and humans mutually transform/reproduce each other, just as nature and humans mutually transform/ reproduce each other. Nevertheless, we acknowledge that how they mutually constitute each other might be different, as might the techniques we choose to study them (see also Bhaskar, 1989, pp. 82-88).

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DO ENVIRONMENTAL/SCIENCE EDUCATORS ‘NEED’ DECONSTRUCTION? Bruno Latour (2004) suggests that a critical analyst should be ‘one for whom, if something is constructed, then it means it is fragile and thus in great need of care and caution’ (p. 246). Caution implies deliberation, an avoidance of rashness and precipitancy, of not judging things by first appearances, and of being alert to possible implications and alternatives. This caution is evident in the work that Jacques Derrida (1972) calls ‘deconstruction’, which he insists should not be understood in a negative sense: Here and there I have used the word deconstruction, which has nothing to do with destruction. That is to say, it is simply a question of (and this is a necessity of criticism in the classical sense of the word) being alert to the implications, to the historical sedimentation of the language we use – and that is not destruction (p. 231, our emphasis). Deconstruction invites us to be suspicious of stipulative definitions and of attempts to claim that words and concepts have essential meanings. A deconstructive reader attends to suppressed tensions or conflicts within a text, and treats all ‘natural’ categories, essentialist oppositions and representational claims with suspicion. Environmental/science educators and researchers certainly need to be suspicious of ‘natural’ categories. Since the Earth Summit in Rio in 1991, the language of ‘sustainable development’ has become a language of power, global capitalism and government, and nature’s ‘laws’ are often invoked as a basis for social and economic policy. Our post-World War 2 generations of environmental/science educators tend to take a relatively benign view of ecopolitics and associate it with left leaning, socially critical thought and action. But during the century that preceded the rise of contemporary (Western) environmentalism in the 1960s and ’70s, much ecopolitical activism was distinctly right-wing, with many fascist groups and organisations exhorting the merits of nature conservation, small scale living, energy efficiency, regulation of industry, and so on. For example, Anna Bramwell (1985, 1989) examines the relationship of green ideology to the Third Reich and to reactionary back-to-nature movements in Germany, Britain and North 9

One exception is particle physics, in which anti-realist philosophies abound, although mainstream physicists, taking the cue of Niels Bohr, tend to be agnostic with regard to the reality/construction debate. Significantly, Merchant (2003) draws inspiration from David Bohm, who takes a stand towards realism, despite this being unpopular with mainstream physicists. Einstein preferred to see particle physics as still incomplete rather than accept its anti-realist tendencies.

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America, and finds that very similar arguments from ‘natural’ science were used to support doctrines of nutritional purity and racial purity. The appeal to nature’s ‘laws’ is particularly obvious among advocates of bioregionalism (see, for example, Kirkpatrick Sale, 1985), an ideology that is championed by a number of environmental/science educators (e.g., Bowers, 1993, 1995, 2002; Orr, 1992). Spretnak (1999) sees bioregions as viable alternatives to the modern nation-state: The land masses of Earth are organized into bioregions delineated by watersheds (drainage areas) of the river systems or other natural demarcations. Everyone lives in a bioregion and in the Earth’s commons. Pollution and ecological degradation or breakdown occur in a bioregion or in the Earth’s larger systems, not some vaguely theorized realm of ‘externalities.’ Nations inhabit, and evolve with, one or more bioregions… A new global system of coordination could begin with the realities of the Earth: Nation-states would be encouraged to redraw their internal regions to match the contours of their watersheds, as New Zealand has done, in order to help us recover from the modern error of thinking that we live on top of nature (pp. 104, 105)10. Although we see no categorical reason for excluding the invocation of nature as a ground for judgment, we remain deeply suspicious of arguments from the natural sciences being used to support social policies and practices. Descriptions of the physical world are not prescriptions for social life. As Andrew Ross (1994) writes, ‘ideas that draw upon the authority of nature nearly always have their origin in ideas about society’ (p. 15). Indeed, an extreme ‘love’ of that which is taken to be ‘natural’ may be dependent on an (unspoken but implied) opposition to that which is taken to be ‘artifice’ and, as Luc Ferry (1995) puts it, ‘the hatred of artifice… is also a hatred of humans as such. For man [sic] is the anti-natural being par excellence’ (p. xxviii). Watersheds and landmasses do not delineate and organise themselves into bioregions; we do. Bioregionalism, in its current formulation, suggests that local ‘laws’ of nature should determine the social life of autonomous communities geared to a bounded biophysical economy. But there are no ‘laws’ in nature; humans make ‘laws’. We fear that bioregionalism might be another variant of biological determinism, and that the autonomous communities envisaged by bioregionalists might repeat the repressive histories of other such fundamentalist communities, with their parochialism, hostility to outsiders, and persecution of minorities within them – indeed, the persecution of anyone who does not conform to their idea of what is ‘natural’. Deconstruction encourages us to ask questions about how our words, among other things,11 transform and reproduce our realities in ways that we might not perceive at a first reading. Deconstructing Spretnak’s text, and finding the shadows of fascist ideology in her words, has helped us to decide how to respond to her suggestions. We have little doubt that Spretnak did no intend to reproduce a neo-fascist ideology. As we word and reword our 10

Spretnak oversimplifies the relationship between New Zealand’s internal regions and watersheds. We assume that she is referring to New Zealand’s Regional Authorities, which evolved in the 1980/90s from the former Water or Catchment Boards that were formed in the late 19th century to manage flood and erosion control. These Regions are controlled by Regional Councils and are concerned mainly with macroenvironmental and transportation matters. They are thus distinct from City/District Councils, which are concerned with wider ranging local area matters. Bioregions, boards, catchments and councils are all human inventions. We thank a New Zealand colleague, Warren Sellers, for drawing our attention to Spretnak’s oversimplification. 11 The addition of ‘among other things’ is important as it avoids voluntarism: it is not just our words that reproduce and transform reality.

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worlds, deconstruction is indispensable to our project, not only in helping us think about the words of others, but also in helping us to self-reflexively assess our own words.

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AN ALTERNATIVE TO BIOREGIONALISM: MUTUALLY CONSTITUTIVE BIOREGIONS AND HUMANS Being non-naïve realists means accepting that the referent to which we attach the term ‘bioregion’ has some sort of existence beyond humanity, but it also means troubling the naturalness of our words about that referent. As in Merchant’s (2003) ‘partnership ethic’, we agree that we need to ‘listen’ to the information we might be given by these bioregions (remembering that we call them bioregions; they don’t). But we suggest that ‘listening’ can be interpreted as the collection of evidence of the functioning relationship between ourselves and bioregions in order to produce an always-incomplete explanation of it, never forgetting that it is humans who are wording/rewording this evidence. In this way we will give bioregions a social countenance; as Latour (1999) suggests, we will have mobilised knowledge about them, in order for that knowledge to be useful to us and to allow us to act. Giving bioregions a social countenance is not necessarily an act of anthropomorphism, but acknowledges that when we describe them, they become equivalents to Donna Haraway’s (1991, 1997) cyborgs and thus carry with them both our humanness and their materiality. As Ferry (1995) explains: The ambiguity of the enigmatic nature of certain (non-human) beings cannot leave those of us who care about the ideas they incarnate indifferent. The word ambiguity is apt here: these mixed beings, syntheses of raw material and cultivated ideas, participate equally in nature and in humanity (p. 141). Giving bioregions a social countenance means acknowledging that bioregions and humans have been, and will continue to be, mutually constitutive. Human settlements have been partially constituted by bioregions. For example, the shape of Zimbabwe is constituted in part by the Zambezi River, which demarks a section of the nation’s border. The hydroelectric dam, Lake Kariba, was deliberately situated according to the structural features of the Zambezi River. Both pre- and postcolonial settlements were positioned to have access to water from the Zambezi River Basin. We argue that it might have been wise for the colonisers to listen more carefully to these bioregions before they imposed their borders. As a result of their poor listening skills, eight Southern African countries now share the Zambezi River Basin; it thus requires a complicated joint management agreement culminating in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) protocol on Shared Watercourse Systems (Communicating the Environment Programme, 1995, 2002). But bioregions have not only constituted our nations, our settlements and ourselves; we also have modified (i.e., partially constituted) bioregions through our activities, not least because of the ways we have chosen to describe them. For example, city planners use models of bioregions that were produced according to the geographical conventions of a particular time. In Southern Africa, Lake Kariba, one of the largest human-made lakes in the world, is a testament to the ways in which humans have transformed or ‘constructed’ bioregions, a

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construction that can only be understood within the discourses of the time, which privileged linear development and (white)man’s12 control over nature. Nevertheless, the ways we choose to describe/construct bioregions are not without limit and the bioregions themselves provide that limit. As Umberto Eco (2000) writes: ‘being places limits on the discourse through which we establish ourselves in its horizon’ (p. 51). The way we ‘word’ bioregions into existence transforms them in ways that allow them to take their place in the social world, which also has implications for how we transform them (as they simultaneously transform us) in the material world. However, our models and words are imperfectable representations, and we cannot assume that because we are attempting to mirror ‘nature’ – assuming that nature is our safe measure of what is absolutely right – then we too are absolutely right. This idea, that what is natural is what is right, is traceable to positivism’s originator Auguste Compte (2000/1896). Compte was clear that one of his objectives for positivism was to bring a homogenous doctrine to bear upon the organisation of society, and thus to ‘reestablish order through-out society’ (p. 40). These words are chillingly reminiscent of the language of fascist dictators. In Africa, where globalisation means that societies are in transition, the objective of environmental/science educators is to contribute to the development of just, fair societies. We assume in this chapter that to achieve this is to avoid impositions of homogeneity, and its implied opposition to plurality and diversity, based on that which is ‘natural’ and therefore supposedly normal. What is normal in a Western context may not be normal in Africa. However, there is perhaps a danger that we could fall into a relativist bind in which ‘anything goes’ and unjust structures will be perpetuated in societies in transition because of the absence of a way to think about right and wrong. This is where environmental/science education researchers can make vital contributions to society. As scientists construct their language in presenting their research, we could say that they are indeed listening to the real world. Scientists are an important voice of those beings that are silent (sometimes purposefully silenced), whether these beings are marginal people or non-human beings or objects, such as species threatened with extinction or polluted watercourses. Earlier, we emphasised the importance of ‘listening’. When scientists immerse themselves into the world of their research, they become listening and speaking parts of the rhizomatic network that constitutes themselves and their research ‘beings’ (things, objects). However, whether human or non-human, these ‘beings’ impose limitations upon what scientists can say about them – it is not just ‘anything goes’. Poststructuralism teaches us how listening, speaking scientists can more honestly package the world of beings for active service, since it makes the hidden functions of discourse transparent and accountable. Based on this sensitive, careful listening and speaking, it is possible to choose between better or worse truth and it is possible to move from understanding to agency. For example, we understand ‘climate change’ to be a type of cyborg – a complex assemblage of socio-technical relations, embedded in and performed by a range of different human, technical, ‘natural’ and textual materials. The cyborg ‘climate change’ is brought into social being by words, and is much contested, with scientific research bolstering both sides of the moral combat zone. On one side, science supposedly demonstrates that climate change is unprovable and, if it is happening at all, then it is part of a natural cycle of climate change in which human activities are not causative. To act in this context is to maintain the status quo. 12

Our use of non-inclusive terms here is deliberate.

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On the other side, science is used to prove that climate change is happening at an unprecedented rate, with proponents on this side urging us to act to reduce human impact on climate. A poststructuralist analysis of the different scientific packages of climate change shows us that the ‘climate change’ cyborg of conservatives, such as Iain Murray (2006) is quite different from that of those more to the political left, such as Al Gore (2006) and exposes them both as kinds of political manoeuvring based on seemingly objective science. Proponents on both sides might feel nervous about admitting the constructedness of their positions. However, by acknowledging the constructedness of these two cyborgs, we do not lose truth; rather, we gain truthfulness about how and why the constructions have their particular forms. Another way to insist on truthfulness is to ask of the different versions of the ‘climate change’ cyborg which is better at listening and which is more sensitive to the limitations imposed by the being itself? However, although ‘climate change’ might be able to tell us something about itself if we listen carefully enough with the right expertise and equipment, it cannot tell us how to act, or what we must do. We cannot abdicate this responsibility, of deciding how to act, and delegate our decisions to ‘climate change’, which is what happens when we assume that what is natural is what is right. Thus, for some, ‘climate change’ is a natural cycle and therefore it is natural/right to let it be. For others, climate change is humanmade, threatens humanity, and therefore it is natural/right to curb it. Both sides have a tendency to cloak their agendas in scientific objectivity; the agenda of the former is that they do not want to have to change current (arguably unequitable) economic patterns of production and consumption whereas the agenda of the latter is that they want to avoid the suffering that will follow environmental degradation due to climate change. By troubling the naturalness of ‘natural’ equals ‘right’, and by giving us the tools to interpret the interpretations, realistic poststructuralism allows us to make informed decisions and therefore, contrary to some critics, enables agency. Instead of acting because ‘nature told us to’ (like soldiers shooting non-combatants on orders from their superiors), we act in a way that makes us accountable for our actions. We must choose between competing cyborgs to find one that best suits our aim of an equitable and just society. Political writers who use science in the business of cyborg construction do not need to fear making their agendas visible if their intentions are genuinely for the betterment of humanity. Political writers whose agendas deny equality, and who retain their allegiance to scientistic, naïve realism, will find that their epistemological vanishing act is increasingly unlikely to achieve its aims of hiding their intentions as readers become more skilled in deconstruction. Their cry of ‘nature made me do it!’ is becoming less and less convincing. Therefore, although we know that our words are not the absolute truth, we must continue to reword the world in order to gain the confidence to carry out our unavoidable responsibility to act. Our measure of truthfulness is not so much how perfectly our words mirror reality, but how well we abide by the limits to discourse insisted upon by reality. Within these limits, plurality and diversity can proliferate, guided as well by the way we need the truth to work for us. For example, the way we package the truth about global warming for high school students will be different from the way we might package it for policy makers, different again from the way we might package it for a community radio program, yet all of these packages must be accountable to the limits that global warming itself places on what we can say. Is an awareness-raising poster that merely states the evidence that global warming is happening less true than an in-depth book examining the complexity and uncertainties of our knowledge

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about global warming? Not necessarily, we would argue, because both are active constructions, with different functions and we need both to help us make a better world. Acknowledging the constructedness of our realities may reduce our certainty about them, but, as Latour (1999) puts it: ‘why burden this solitary mind with the impossible task of finding absolute certainty instead of plugging into the connections that would provide it with all the relative certainties it needed to know and act?’ (p. 122).

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MAKING RHIZOMES: BECOMING NOMADIC TEXTWORKERS Latour (1999) asks us to plug ‘into the connections’ (p. 12) and Pierre Bourdieu (1998) asserts that ‘the real is relational’ (p. 3); Merchant (2003) privileges ‘partnerships’ and Haraway (1994) argues that we should imagine our work as playing ‘a game of cat’s cradle’. All of these authors (and many others) evoke methodologies of relationships and connections, of ways of rewording a world in which humans and non-humans are intimately connected in a ‘real’ without firm foundations or fixity, a ‘reality’ that is in constant movement, stratified but not polarised. We find it increasingly useful to imagine (and perform to the best of our abilities) modes of educational inquiry informed by Deleuze and Guattari’s (1987) figurations of rhizomatics and nomadology (see, for example, Gough, 2004a, 2004b, 2006, 2007a, 2007b). Rhizomatic inquiry destabilises arborescent conceptions of science education as hierarchically articulated branches of knowledge rooted in firm foundations and questions the monocultural understandings of knowledge reproduced by the education systems of most Western industrialised nations. Arborescent thinking and writing begins from a fixed or grounded position from which the inquirer/author produces and expresses ideas in orderly directions. Abandoning arborescent thinking means becoming nomadic, allowing thoughts to wander beyond familiar territories and to produce new texts/terrains. Although it is beyond the scope of this essay to explain how Deleuzean nomadology and rhizomatics offer transformative possibilities for environmental/science education research, we can provide an example of how they invite us to do things differently. In earlier work, one of us (Gough, 1993) argued that science educators should adapt to the natural sciences a proposal that Rorty (1979) makes in respect of the social sciences: ‘If we get rid of traditional notions of “objectivity” and “scientific method” we shall be able to see the social sciences as continuous with literature – as interpreting other people to us, and thus enlarging and deepening our sense of community’ (p. 203). Seeing the natural sciences also as ‘continuous with literature’ means, to paraphrase Rorty, seeing both science and literature as interpreting the earth to us and thus ‘enlarging and deepening our sense of community’ with the earth. Thus, Gough (1993) argued that: The consequences for science teaching and environmental education are perhaps best understood in terms of storytelling: we must abandon the conceit of trying to tell ‘one true story’ and, instead, deliberately treat our stories as metafictions – self-conscious artefacts which invite deconstruction and scepticism (p. 622). Gough drew support for this argument from scholars who work at the intersections of literary criticism and science studies. For example, David Porush (1991) argues persuasively that in the world of complex systems revealed to us by postmodernist science – protein folding in cell nuclei, task switching in ant colonies, the nonlinear dynamics of the earth’s

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atmosphere, far-from-equilibrium chemical reactions and ecological perturbations – we must accept that ‘reality exists at a level of human experience that literary tools are best, and historically most practiced, at describing…by science’s own terms, literary discourse must be understood as a superior form of describing what we know’ (p. 77). Although we agree that literary and artistic modes of representation might be more defensible for many purposes in environmental/science education than the supposedly more ‘objective’ accounts of professional scientists and textbook authors, we would now prefer to go beyond debating the merits and demerits of competing representationalist philosophies. Gough (1993) might have moved away from the fixity and centeredness of a conventional scientist’s (or mainstream literary scholar’s) point of view, but he could still be read as working within the limits of a grounded position, albeit moving (in Rorty’s terms) along a continuum between literature and science. Becoming nomadic means stepping away from such well-trodden paths, encouraging random, proliferating and decentered connections to produce rhizomatic ‘lines of flight’ that mesh, transform and overlay one another. Becoming nomadic in environmental/science education research means liberating our thinking from fixed points of view and judgmental positions on the ‘real physical world’ and the ‘constructed mental world’ or any other nodal points of science education discourse. As Pat O’Riley (2003) writes: Rhizomes affirm what is excluded from western thought and reintroduce reality as dynamic, heterogeneous, and nondichotomous; they implicate rather than replicate; they propagate, displace, join, circle back, fold. Emphasizing the materiality of desire, rhizomes like crabgrass, ants, wolf packs, and children, de- and reterritorialize space (p. 27). We hope that in this chapter we have planted a little crabgrass in the manicured lawns of philosophical realism, encouraged a few trails of ants to invade the polite picnic of dialectical reasoning, and set some wolves to prey on naïve bioregionalism. We will encourage our children to play in the abstract debates about realism versus representation and delight in their incredulous laughter.

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REFERENCES Berger, Peter, & Luckmann, Thomas. (1966). The Social Construction of Reality. New York: Doubleday. Bhaskar, Roy. (1989). Reclaiming Reality: A Critical Introduction to Contemporary Philosophy. London: Verso. Bhaskar, Roy. (1993). Dialectic: The Pulse of Freedom. London: Verso. Bourdieu, Pierre. (1998). Practical Reason. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Bowers, C.A. (1993). Education, Cultural Myths, and the Ecological Crisis: Toward Deep Changes. Albany NY: State University of New York Press. Bowers, C.A. (1995). Educating for an Ecologically Sustainable Culture: Rethinking Moral Education, Creativity, Intelligence, and Other Modern Orthodoxies. Albany NY: State University of New York Press. Bowers, C.A. (2002). Toward a cultural and ecological understanding of curriculum. In William E. Doll & Noel Gough (Eds.), Curriculum Visions (pp. 75-85). New York: Peter Lang.

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Bramwell, Anna. (1985). Blood and Soil: R. Walter Darre and Hitler’s ‘Green Party’. Bourne End, Bucks.: Kensal Press. Bramwell, Anna. (1989). Ecology in the 20th Century: A History. New Haven: Yale University Press. Carson, Rachel. (1962). Silent Spring. New York: Houghton Mifflin. Cheek, Julianne, & Gough, Noel. (2005). Postmodernist perspectives. In Bridget Somekh & Cathy Lewin (Eds.), Research Methods in the Social Sciences (pp. 302-309). London: Sage Publications. Colombat, André Pierre. (1991). A thousand trails to work with Deleuze. SubStance, 20(3), 10-23. Communicating the Environment Programme. (1995). Southern African Environmental Issues: Environmental Conventions (No. 14). Harare: Southern African Research and Documentation Centre. Communicating the Environment Programme. (2002). Zambezi River Basin Series (No. 14). Harare: Southern African Research and Documentation Centre. Compte, Auguste. (2000/1896). The Positive Philosophy of Auguste Compte (Harriette Martineau, Trans.). Kitchener: Batoche Books. Deleuze, Gilles, & Guattari, Félix. (1987). A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia (Brian Massumi, Trans.). Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Derrida, Jacques. (1972). Discussion: structure, sign and play in the discourse of the human sciences. In Richard Macksey & Eugenio Donato (Eds.), The Structuralist Controversy: The Languages Of Criticism and the Sciences of Man (pp. 230-241). Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Derrida, Jacques. (1987). The laws of reflection: Nelson Mandela, in admiration (Isabelle Lorenz Mary Ann Caws, Trans.). In Jacques Derrida & Mutapha Tlili (Eds.), For Nelson Mandela (pp. 13-42). New York: Henry Holt. Eco, Umberto. (2000). Kant and the Platypus. London: Secker & Warburg. Ehrlich, Paul. (1968). The Population Bomb. New York: Ballantyne. Ferry, Luc. (1995). The New Ecological Order (Carol Volk, Trans.). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Flew, Antony (Ed.). (1984). A Dictionary of Philosophy. London: Pan Books. Gore, Al. (2006, 6 October). Speech delivered by Mr. Al Gore at the Global Reporting Initiative Conference on Sustainability and Reporting, Amsterdam [Electronic Version]. Retrieved 16 January 2007 from http://www.grig3.org/media/presentations/Plenary_ 6Oct_Closing/Speech%20Al%20Gore%20-%20Plenary%206%20October.pdf. Gough, Annette. (1997). Education and the Environment: Policy, Trends and the Problems of Marginalisation. Melbourne: Australian Council for Educational Research. Gough, Annette. (2002). Mutualism: a different agenda for environmental and science education. International Journal of Science Education, 24(11), 1201-1215. Gough, Noel. (1993). Environmental education, narrative complexity and postmodern science/fiction. International Journal of Science Education, 15(5), 607-625. Gough, Noel. (2004a). Read intertextually, write an essay, make a rhizome: performing narrative experiments in educational inquiry. In Heather Piper & Ian Stronach (Eds.), Educational Research: Difference and Diversity (pp. 155-176). Aldershot: Ashgate. Gough, Noel. (2004b). RhizomANTically becoming-cyborg: performing posthuman pedagogies. Educational Philosophy and Theory, 36(3), 253-265.

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Gough, Noel. (2006). Shaking the tree, making a rhizome: towards a nomadic geophilosophy of science education. Educational Philosophy and Theory, 38(5), 625-645. Gough, Noel. (2007a). Changing planes: rhizosemiotic play in transnational curriculum inquiry. Studies in Philosophy and Education, 26(3), 279-294. Gough, Noel. (2007b). Geophilosophy, rhizomes and mosquitoes: becoming nomadic in global science education research. In Bill Atweh, Marcelo Borba, Angela Calabrese Barton, Noel Gough, Christine Keitel, Catherine Vistro-Yu & Renuka Vithal (Eds.), Internationalisation and Globalisation in Mathematics and Science Education (pp. 5777). Dordrecht: Springer. Haack, Susan. (1998). Manifesto of a Passionate Moderate: Unfashionable Essays. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Haraway, Donna J. (1991). Simians, Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature. New York: Routledge. Haraway, Donna J. (1994). A game of cat’s cradle: science studies, feminist theory, cultural studies. Configurations: A Journal of Literature, Science, and Technology, 2(1), 59-71. Haraway, Donna J. (1997). Modest_Witness@Second_Millennium.FemaleMan©_Meets_ OncoMouse™: Feminism and Technoscience. New York and London: Routledge. Lather, Patti. (1991). Getting Smart: Feminist Research and Pedagogy with/in the Postmodern. New York: Routledge. Latour, Bruno. (1999). Pandora’s Hope: Essays on the Reality of Science Studies (Catherine Porter, Trans.). Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. Latour, Bruno. (2004). Why has critique run out of steam? From matters of fact to matters of concern. Critical Inquiry, 30(2), 225-248. McNay, Lois. (2000). Gender and Agency: Reconfiguring the Subject in Feminist and Social Theory. Cambridge MA: Polity Press. Merchant, Carolyn. (2003). Reinventing Eden: The Fate of Nature in Western Culture. New York: Routledge. Murray, Iain. (2006, 22 June). Gorey truths: 25 inconvenient truths for Al Gore [Electronic Version]. National Review Online. Retrieved 16 January 2007 from http://www. heartland.org/pdf/19237.pdf. Norris, Christopher. (1996). Reclaiming Truth: Contribution to a Critique of Cultural Relativism. London: Lawrence and Wishart. O’Riley, Patricia A. (2003). Technology, Culture, and Socioeconomics: A Rhizoanalysis of Educational Discourses. New York: Peter Lang. Orr, David W. (1992). Ecological Literacy: Education and the Transition to a Postmodern World. Albany NY: State University of New York Press. Piaget, Jean. (1977). The Development of Thought: Equilibration of Cognitive Structures. New York: Viking Press. Porush, David. (1991). Literature as dissipative structure: Prigogine’s theory and postmodernism’s roadshow. In N. Katherine Hayles (Ed.), Chaos and Order: Complex Dynamics in Literature and Science (pp. 54-84). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Price, Leigh. (2004). Applied methodological lessons from A.S. Byatt's book The Biographer's Tale. Environmental Education Research, 10(3), 429-442. Rorty, Richard. (1979). Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press.

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Rorty, Richard. (1989). Contingency, Irony, and Solidarity. Cambridge MA: Cambridge University Press. Ross, Andrew. (1994). The Chicago Gangster Theory of Life: Nature’s Debt to Society. London and New York: Verso. Sale, Kirkpatrick. (1985). Dwellers in the Land: The Bioregional Vision. San Francisco: Sierra Club Books. Salleh, Ariel. (1997). Ecofeminism as Politics: Nature, Marx and the Postmodern. London and New York: Zed Books. Sayer, Andrew. (2000). Realism and Social Science. Thousand Oaks CA: Sage Publications. Spretnak, Charlene. (1999). The Resurgence of the Real: Body, Nature, and Place in a Hypermodern World. New York: Routledge. Star, Susan Leigh. (1991). Power, technology and the phenomenology of conventions: on being allergic top onions. In John Law (Ed.), A Sociology of Monsters? Essays on Power, Technology and Domination (pp. 65-96). London: Routledge. Vygotsky, Lev Semenovich. (1978). Mind in Society (Gertrude Vakar Eugenia Hanhmann, Trans.). Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press.

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Chapter 4

ACTION RESEARCH FOR CONTEXTS ∗ OF CHANGE AND INEQUALITY Bill Atweh and Derek Bland

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Curtin University of Technology, Perth, Australia Queensland University of Technology, Brisbane, Australia Undoubtedly, the past half-century has witnessed an escalation of changes in the social, political, economic and educational structures in many societies around the world. Some have seen change as a challenge and hope while, for many others, it is a source of concern and worry. Some have adopted change with gusto, while for many it is something to be resisted. Some say we live in a world and times with an increasing awareness that “times are changing”, while for some “the more things change, the more they stay the same”. Interestingly, both sets of views are defensible. Often, attempts to introduce rapid changes into a particular society or practice fail to take into account resistance by participants to the proposed change, whether based on proven successful practices of the past or on contradictory values that the change represents. Hopkins and Levin (2000) warned against jumping on the bandwagon of the rising “industry specialising in telling us how dramatically different the future will be” (pp. 15-16). Rapid change has often proven to be a fad that no sooner had it been promoted and adopted, it as quickly disappeared. In an educational planning and priority setting, discernment in differentiating between fads and sustainable changes is a virtue. The authors went on to argue that slow, long trends are often more worthy of attention than some more rapid changes. For us here, perhaps the most significant aspect of change is that it is not equally experienced, participated in, and profited from by all people and all nations. Many people have benefited from the rapid changes, while many others were left behind. Similarly, the disparity between rich and poor nations is increasing at an alarming rate. One of the major protagonists for global change, the World Bank (2000), acknowledged that the gap between the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of the world’s twenty richest and twenty poorest countries ∗

A version of this chapter is also published in B. Atweh, M. Balagtas, A. Bernardo, M., & I. Macpherson (eds.), (2007) Ripples of change: A Journey of Preservice Teacher Education Reform in the Philippines. Manila: The Commission on Higher Education.

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has doubled over the past forty years. Many of the poorest countries are being completely excluded from the benefits of globalised trade, while absolute poverty is increasing. A primary feature of the world is the extent of poverty and inequality. Consider the following facts about the world today. ¾ Half the world—nearly three billion people—live on less than two dollars a day. ¾ Nearly a billion people entered the 21st century unable to read a book or sign their name. ¾ The GDP (Gross Domestic Product) of the poorest 48 nations (i.e., a quarter of the world’s countries) is less than the wealth of the world’s three richest people combined. ¾ The wealthiest nation on Earth has the widest gap between rich and poor of any industrialized nation. ¾ Twenty percent of the population in developed nations consumes 86% of the world’s goods.

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(Poverty Facts and Stats: http://www.globalissues.org/)

The first purpose of this chapter is to discuss research in mathematics education within the international context of change and inequality. In an earlier chapter, Atweh and Arias (2001) discussed action research in mathematics education both as an appropriate research methodology and as a means of professional development of teachers. Similarly, Atweh (2004) posited action research as a methodology consistent with sociocultural approaches in mathematics education. That chapter discussed arguments for the use of action research in the discipline and outlined some of its characteristics. The discussion presented in those chapters, however, did not contextualise their arguments within the international context of countries experiencing rapid changes, nor with regard to countries where poverty and lack of resources are major hindrances for developing research programs in the field. This contextualisation is the second purpose of this current chapter. The next section of this chapter identifies three major current trends in global society and education that impact on the work of researchers in the field. The following section discusses the role of action research within the trends identified in the first section. Through this theoretical overview, then, participatory action research can be perceived as not only a tool to support grass-roots international collaborations, but as a methodology than in itself has developed through a global-local dialectic. Our aim, then, is to contextualise the development of participatory action research, particularly as it relates to mathematics education. Other writers provide deep analysis of examples of such developments (see, for example, Malcolm, Gopal, Keane & Kyle in this volume).

SOME LONG TERM TRENDS IN THE CONTEXT OF RESEARCH IN MATHEMATICS EDUCATION Any effective reflection on mathematics education research must necessarily locate it within changes in the wider contexts of society which give rise to it as well as those of the school which it aims to serve. Here, we will discuss some challenges that the phenomenon of globalisation raises for mathematics education researchers, the patterns of widening gaps between countries that raise questions as to the participation of many countries in the research

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process, and the role of mathematics education in school reform that many countries around the world are experiencing.

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CONTRADICTORY PATTERNS OF GLOBALISATION The conclusion of World War II and the de-colonisation of Africa and Asia by the middle of the last century presented new threats for the “victorious” nations and saw the rise of the United States as a super power. Intensive aid programs, such as the Marshall Plan, were aimed at rebuilding the defeated countries and financing the industrialisation of many countries around the world as a way to avert threats of further conflicts and the fall of newly developed states under the communist umbrella. Social scientists of the day developed social theories to study these nations and the desired process of modernisation (Shackman, Liu, & Wang, 2001). Such theories posited social change as unidirectional – where each culture moves, albeit at different rates and along different paths, from “primitive” societies to “modern” ones. Further, such progress is always seen as desirable, irresistible, and is best accomplished as a process of “evolution” rather than “revolution”. Moreover, in order to be successful, modernisation should be seen as a “transformative” activity in that not only structures and practices need to change to accommodate it, but people should reject traditional ways of thinking and adopt modern ways. Perhaps inevitably, since Western Europe and the United States were seen as the ultimate “modernised” societies, not only were finances and expertise provided to aid the modernisation of others, but they also provided the models of social structures and practices for others to follow, leading to an increase in the homogenisation of cultures. It is worth stressing in this context that, even though social and political modernisations were targeted, at the heart of this project was economic development. Reflecting on such theories, Latham (2000) demonstrated that, like all human theories, they have their roots in specific cultural and social practices, i.e., of Anglo-European societies, rather than in international, objective laws and models that can/should apply universally. Arguably, such international interactions, accompanied by later stages of capitalist economics, have contributed to the rise of what we call today globalisation. However, in previous publications (Atweh & Clarkson, 2001; Atweh, Clarkson & Nebres, 2003), the first author and his colleagues have argued that globalisation is not a unitary construct. Often, the debate about globalisation stems from the multiplicity of its discourses as well as alternative values placed on the different phenomena it covers. In particular, we have used the differentiation made by Falk (1993 in Taylor, Rizvi, Lingard & Henry, 1997) between “globalisation from above” and “globalisation from below” to argue that globalisation often leads to contradictory patterns and value judgements. There we have argued that the protagonists at World Trade meetings in Seattle, Geneva, and Melbourne were not anti- and pro-globalisation but protagonists of different forms of globalisation. Likewise, we have posited how globalisation leads to new relationships between simple dichotomies such as homogenisation and fragmentation, and the local and the global. Nash (2000) suggested that “a global culture is inevitably fragmented and pluralist since it is not a world culture” (p. 71). The author argued that if we perceive “global culture as postmodern” there will be “a greater openness and ‘responsibility toward Otherness’ as cultural differences are seen as valid rather than suppressed or destroyed” (p. 71). Similarly, environmental threats and the spread of AIDS have given local actions global significance. At the same time, local destruction of the

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environment cannot be fully explained without resorting to consideration of the global structures of power and privilege that impact on local practices. Perhaps the dictum of Green politics to “act locally and think globally” reflects a similar sentiment to the coining of the term “glocal” consisting of the combination of the two terms “global” and “local”. These alternative discourses of globalisations are reflected in the fields of mathematics education and research in mathematics education. Globalisation from above can be illustrated in the ways that recent curriculum reforms in mathematics education around the world are influenced by reforms based on outcomes and assessment commencing in the United States and the United Kingdom (Hargreaves & Evans, 1997). International organisations such as the World Bank, as well as a proliferation of international professional organisations and publications, have contributed to the popularisation of certain discourses over others. At the same time, globalisation from below can be evidenced by the wide spread of alternative discourses of ethnomathematics and critical mathematics into global movements with contributions to their theory and research by education practitioners from around the world. Similarly, the convergence of research questions and methodologies used by mathematics education researchers around the world and the lack of ability to characterise the research within a particular nation (Bishop, 1992) can be given as examples of homogenisation in the discipline. Yet, as an example of fragmentation and diversity, mathematics education research has a greater variety of research methodologies and perspectives reflected in the literature than ever before (Atweh, Forgaz & Nebres, 2001; Kelly & Lesh 2000). Finally, traditional dichotomies do not help us understand the complex interactions between the global and local. Globally inspired innovations have often failed to achieve their purposes in particular cultures because they may not have been well attuned to local concerns which should always dominate the way a concept is transmitted from one location to another. A mathematics educator colleague from a developed nation tells of an incident when, trying to explain his experiences regarding constructivist teaching with a group of teachers from a less industrialised country, he was caught unaware when asked how these teaching methods would apply to classes with seventy students. Needless to say, he did not have a ready answer. However, local solutions to problems can very well have global implications. Fals Borda and Mora-Osejo (2003) have demonstrated how externally imported theories from the social and natural sciences were not useful in understanding problems experienced by Colombian society. However, they go on to add that knowledge developed from the South can contribute to “convergent systems” (p. 36) that can be of wider benefit to all. This is parallel to the distinction between “generalisation” and “transferability” often made by qualitative researchers (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000).

PROBLEMATICS OF POVERTY AND INEQUALITY During the past five decades, there has been a significant shift towards democracy and political participation in many countries around the world (Giddens, 1999). Naturally, the concept of democracy is a contested construct. In current political debates, it might imply a limited view of a political system based on free elections and freedom of speech and affiliation. It may not imply an ability of individuals and groups to control aspects of their lives. Likewise, democratic participation does not imply majority rule - in a pluralistic

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society, democracy has to take into considerations the rights of minorities, and alternative views and lifestyles. In this context, we are interested in the issue of equal participation, or lack of it, by people from different cultural groups both within a particular nation state and between states. Participation in the civic, cultural, and economic world remains in many countries dependent on gender, social class, race, and sexuality. Similarly, participation in international activities remains dependent on the level of their development based on access to scientific knowledge and technology and political power often associated with military might. Arguably, in both cases the greatest limitation to such participation is economic. Poverty around the world is regional. According to a special feature on poverty conducted by the British Broadcasting Service (BBC, 2001) after the global protests at the G8 summit in Genoa, South Asia has half of the poor of the world whilst Africa has the highest proportion of poor people. Inequality distribution within a country is also high in Latin America, with the largest gap in Brazil (UNESCO, 2001). Patterns of poverty are changing around the world: while China’s open economy has resulted in lowering the percentage of the poor, it has been rising in Africa, South Asia and in Eastern Europe where poverty has skyrocketed after the collapse of the communist regimes. On education, the report says “[i]nvestment in education is seen as the key to improving human capital and building the capacity for future economic development. But in many poor countries, only half of the children of secondary school age are enrolled in education, and many have functional illiteracy rates of nearly one-third” (BBC, 2001). Questions on how poverty is defined and whether poverty and inequality are decreasing or increasing in the context of globalisation remain contested. Shackman, Liu and Wang (2001) pointed out that several researchers had come up with contradictory conclusions in counting world poverty and inequality numbers, rates and trends. These differences were due to measurement issues of how poverty is defined and the use of absolute versus relative measures of poverty. Defining poverty in absolute terms (e.g., the same purchasing power in all countries) results in finding larger declines in world poverty; defining inequality in absolute terms (absolute differences in levels of living, compared to relative differences) results in finding larger increases in inequality. The impact of increasing “poverty in the midst of plenty” (World Bank, 2000, p. 9) extends much further than a decrease in living standards as measured by access to material goods. Suicide rates, for instance, are reportedly on the increase among the dispossessed workers of India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka; there is an escalating trend in human kidney sales; and millions of children are being driven out of school (New Internationalist, 2004). Further, the diaspora of workers from poor countries is depriving the neediest people of their most skilled workers, such as nurses and teachers. “Nurse poaching” (Nelson, 2004), for example, follows a pecking order leading to the poorest nations being least able to find new help. Not only are their entire health care systems compromised, but families are torn apart as absent parents attempt to earn sufficient money in the West whilst their children skip school and console themselves with substance abuse (Seabrook, 2004). Similarly, the “brain drain” of the most experienced mathematics teachers has led to a shortage of qualified teachers, such as in the Philippines, exacerbating problems arising from the lack of resources and large class sizes. The lack of democratic participation is not only due to an economic gap but also a knowledge gap (Crossley & Holmes, 2001) which, rather than being reduced by the

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technological revolution, may actually be exacerbated by it (Persaud, 2001). This problem is the “digital divide” (World Bank, 2000) in which many of us have come to rely on the tools of globalisation such as the Internet and email, whilst, on the other hand, about 50% of people have never made even one phone call and Internet use is currently limited to a mere 2.4% of the world’s population.

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FRAGMENTATION OF NEXUS BETWEEN POLICY, PRACTICE AND RESEARCH Reforms in education and in mathematics education in particular, have also experienced a significant escalation in the second half of the last century. Movements such as the New Math, commenced in the United States in the 1950s, soon spread to most countries around the world. More recent reform movements, based on outcomes and assessment (Hargreaves & Evans, 1997) and modelled on the National Curriculum in the UK and the National Council of Teachers of Mathematics’ Standards in the USA, also spread to many countries by the middle 1990s (Jacobsen, 1996). A few observations can be made on these reforms. First, their focus was the curriculum itself (Sheller, 2001) and often only paid lip service to professional development of teachers or the specific concerns of classroom practices themselves. This led to the “Predictable Failure of School Reform” as the title of a book by Sarason (1990) proclaimed. These largescale reforms are often contrasted with more recent theories of reform that target the whole school organisation as their focus for change. The complexity of school change has led to functional models to study change and the use of cross-functional teams (Fullan, 1998) and learning communities. These changes focused the attention on personnel in the schools who ultimately are responsible for leading and implementing change. In particular, the focus on school as a learning organisation both for teachers and students brought to the forefront again the role of the teacher (Hargreaves, 1994). However, these new agendas should be treated critically. Seddon (2001) noted that these concepts have been developed within the (system) functionalist traditions and neo-liberal agendas. The author commended the fact that these agendas have brought to the forefront the importance of learning for change. However, the marketisation of education and the focus on outcomes is not always consistent with agendas of social justice and equity. Seddon demonstrated how teachers in the schools are committed to change and the principles of service to their students. Faced with these conflicting concerns, teachers reveal contradictory stances of resistance and compliance as they re-define their own new roles and practices. What is the role of research in these reforms? In many countries around the world there is what Crossley and Holmes (2001) described as a “crisis of confidence” (p. 395) in the faith that traditional educational research could contribute to the solution to many educational problems and inform policy. Several researchers have identified a gap between research concerns and the concerns of teachers (Atweh, 2004; Hargreaves & Evans, 1997; Sprinthall, Reiman & Thies-Sprinthall, 1996). In Australia, in two consecutive years, the keynote presentations at the regional conference of the Mathematics Education Research Group of Australasia have addressed the gap between “theory” and “practice” in mathematics education. Malone (2000) argued that this gap has its roots in the technical rationality or the

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positive epistemology that dominated early research in mathematics education. Malone went on to critique the demarcation between theory generation and theory application and called for a new research paradigm involving the teachers themselves. On the other hand, Sowder (2001), maintaining the traditional paradigms, called for changes in research in mathematics education, to make it more effective. First, she argued that research has to be more authoritative and persuasive. She also argued for research that is relevant to practice and communicated in a manner accessible to teachers. The reasons for this failure of research to inform and change practice and policy are varied. At times, some government policy, which might be guided by economic constraints, is at times contradictory to research knowledge (Hopkins & Levin, 2000). Similarly, Hargreaves (1994) argued that the failure of many school reform endeavours is the lack of consideration of power relationships in the school and society. He offered the challenge “that restructuring efforts do seriously try to disestablish the traditional structures of schooling; and do re-define relationships between teachers, students, principals and parents in fundamental ways” (p. 243). Elsewhere, the first author argued (Atweh, 2004) that there is an increasing separation between knowledge generation and knowledge application in mathematics education. This separation is in time—generate knowledge now and apply it later; in personnel involved— academics vs. practising teachers; and in language utilised—theoretical vs. applied. Research in mathematics education is mainly conducted by academic staff at universities and is published in journals mainly read by other researchers. This separation often leads to a break in communication and work on similar agendas between the teachers and the academic researchers.

CONTRIBUTION OF ACTION RESEARCH IN THE CONTEXT OF CHANGE AND POVERTY In the previous section we have identified three major contextual factors that impact upon the work of educational researchers in mathematics education. In this section we will discuss issues in action research that relate to these factors.

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ACTION RESEARCH IN THE CONTEXT OF GLOBALISATION It is safe to say that action research is a global movement with alternative constructions and foci evolving in different countries and in different areas of professional and social practice. Wadsworth (2002) identified up to forty different traditions and models of action research and Selener (1997) identified several areas of application such as community development, organisational development, education, the medical profession and agriculture. As with most global movements, there are probably different constructions of its history. McTaggart (1991) provided one such detailed history of the development of action research in its different schools of thought and applications. Traditionally, the foundation of action research is attributed to the work of Kurt Lewin in the 1930’s. Several theoretical stances have informed the different traditions of action research. In a previous context, the first author (Atweh, 2004) identified sources from Stenhouse in the UK, Freire in Brazil, the Frankfurt

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School of critical theory and its more recent development by Habermas in Germany, Schön’s work on reflective practice from USA, and Fals Borda in Colombia. Hughes, Ndonko, Ouedraogo, Ngum and Popp (2004) located the different traditions of action research into three main types. Technical action research relates to projects constructed mainly as problem solving with the aim of increasing the efficiency and/or the productivity of a particular practice. Typically, this is carried out by external experts who operate from perspectives consistent with the traditional positivist research methodologies. Practical action research puts more emphasis on the collaboration with insider professionals to solve problems arising within the practice. Through efforts to find solutions to the specific problem, it aims to develop knowledge and understanding of actions by the participants so that their knowledge can contribute to their improvement of their practice. Some practical action research projects are often informed by system functional theories mentioned in the previous section. Finally, emancipatory action research projects, sometimes referred to as participatory action research, are more attuned with a critical and empowerment perspective to deal with social change. Typically, they aim to improve a practice through the development of the participants’ understanding and theorising of the practice. However, they also aim at developing a sense of agency and autonomy in the participants that give them certain independence to posit their own questions and find their own solutions. Atweh (2004) discussed the characteristics of such an approach as conceptualised by Stephen Kemmis and his colleagues at Deakin University in Australia. Perhaps the different theoretical contributions and types of action research illustrate the homogenisation and diversification characteristic of most globalised movements in the social sciences. It is impossible to say that action research is characteristic of a particular country or a particular school of thought. It is relevant however, to point out that the theoretical contribution to and the implantations of action research in many counties are functions of historical factors. Suffice here to point out that critical interpretations of action research have arisen out of adverse contexts of Germany post-WWII and from South America facing huge levels of poverty, inequality and oppression. The works of Freire in literacy movements in Latin America and the work of Fals Borda with the farmers in Colombia are perhaps internationally known. However, there are many more examples where action research theory and practice have evolved in countries facing rapid change and inequality. Atweh and Arias (2001) discussed a network of action research projects in Mexican state schools working in collaboration with university staff. Here we will consider one more example of an action research project in South Africa. Robinson and Meerkotter (2003) outlined the development of an action research Master of Education program at a South African university in the mid 1980s. In response to the conditions of the dominant regime of apartheid, the program was embedded within the principle of emancipatory education. A basic premise of the program was that emancipatory researchers should self-reflect on their own practices and whether they are contributing to the oppression of their research subjects. They “understand that it is essential for human beings to guard against taking part in their own oppression” (p. 448) and that oppression does not relieve the oppressed “from working towards the ideal of emancipation”. The university in which the project was based, The University of Western Cape, was established in 1960 as a “coloured” university, arguably to “protect the historically-white universities from becoming increasingly multiethnic” (p. 452). The university became a centre for dissent in the country against racial segregation thus attracting significant critique

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from the government of the day and threats to cut its public funding. In the late 1980s, teaching and research programs were commenced in line with the vision of the university in building democracy in the country. Such programs were based on the writing of international critical educators such as Habermas, Grundy, Carr, Kemmis, Elliott, Coenen, Eisner and Fullan. Central to the philosophy of the course was the “transformative intellectual” (Giroux, 1988, in Robinson & Meerkotter, 2003). Most of the educators in the course were involved in political action in political organisations supporting the democratisation of South Africa thus bridging the gap between academic and political work. Other programs/projects within the university and the Faculty of Education were also based on action research. The Teacher Action Research Project was designed to meet the needs of school teachers to improve their practice based on the principles of emancipatory education. Likewise, the Material Development Project worked with school teachers themselves to develop their own classroom material in the context of poverty and lack of resources. More recently the two projects were combined into one Teacher Inservice Project aiming to “build schools as learning organisations, using strategies drawn from action research and organisational development” (p. 458). The post-apartheid era has brought significant changes to the educational situation in South Africa. However, the progressive agenda is facing new challenges and roles for emancipatory education. The arising discourses of outcome-based education are not seen as fully compatible with the aims of progressive education. Similarly, significant inequalities remain in South Africa. Hence, the need for critical and emancipatory action research has not subsided. It is worth mentioning that, while initial activities of action research in these projects were applications of overseas writers on action research, later local models resulted from learnings about action research in the country (Hughes, Ndonko, Ouedraogo, Ngum & Popp, 2004). In describing their own model, the authors claimed that it “is an outcome of international cooperation between action researchers from three continents. The model was developed in Africa, for Africans and draws heavily on already existing African ways of doing action research” (p. 17). For us here, this project demonstrates how knowledge about and knowledge from action research are results of interaction between global and local knowledge. Global knowledge can be useful in a local context only if contextualised. Further, contexualising research can only be achieved by the involvement of the insiders themselves. Similarly, local knowledge does have the potential of benefiting others in different contexts. Using the traditional distinctions we can say that the power of action research lies not in its generalised learning but in its transference from one context to another.

ACTION RESEARCH IN THE CONTEXT OF INEQUALITY AND POVERTY In discussing issues of research in mathematics education and poverty, two possible constructions of the focus are possible. The first construction relates to researching poverty in the context of mathematics education. Such a construction deals with poverty as a factor that affects participation and achievement in mathematics. While strong evidence exists that poverty is the most predictive factor impacting on students’ success in mathematics learning, little direct research has been carried out on that factor. Undoubtedly, more research is needed

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on the hindrances that poverty presents for the students’ development of mathematical knowledge and how such hindrances can be alleviated. However, such questions fall outside the aims of this chapter. This chapter focuses on researching mathematics education in the context of poverty. Suffice to point out one hazardous side effect of conducting research from traditional stances on the factor of poverty. Narayan (2000) pointed out that, although poverty is context specific, varying within communities depending on such factors as age and gender, there are certain shared characteristics that researchers must recognise. In particular, powerlessness, voicelessness and low self-confidence limit the choices of the poor and their control over their own lives as well as the quality of their interactions with institutions and their recourse to social justice. Traditional research that posits poverty and the poor as objects for research might reinforce the traditional hegemonies of the “experts”, representing the better-off, on the poor. Narayan called for a change in the mindset of professional researchers; rather than assume they know best, they must strive to understand the realities of the poor in considering development action. Rahman (2004) went further and argued that more urgent than seeing poverty itself as the problem to be solved, the ideological “human capital” approach to planning that treats the poor as “livestock” and sees their worth in terms of “market productivity rather than social capability” (Chatterji, 2001, p. 2) needs to be challenged. Traditional approaches to researching poverty as a factor is a kind of “colonial carry-over” (Wakeford & Pimbert, 2004) that might create barriers to enabling the poor to take control of the processes of knowledge generation and social change. Further, conventional research methodologies may accord priority to Western, and middle class concerns about schedules and targets (Brydon-Miller, Greenwood & Maguire, 2003) that may not correspond to the reality of the less affluent communities. Various models of participatory research, however, provide opportunities to emphasise the priorities that are of more concern to underdeveloped communities. We turn now to the issue of researching mathematics education in the context of poverty, and the role of action research from that perspective. Here, we raise two questions. Is action research possible in the context of poverty? And, what are the benefits gained from conducting such research? Many less industrialised countries are recipients of multi-million dollar developmental aid programs from industrialised and more affluent Anglo-European countries as well as developmental loans from organisations such as the World Bank and its regional equivalents. Atweh (2003) pointed out that although these aid activities often contain an internal evaluation component, they are not subjected to external research themselves to ascertain their direct or indirect effects on the recipient countries. More relevant to our purposes here is that, more often than not, these aid programs involve curriculum and resource development rather than capacity building of local people to conduct their own development programs and research activities. Arguably, foreign aid that is built around collaborative research projects provides the less industrialised countries with such research capacities. However, effective action research projects and networks in poor countries and countries with poor communities have often arisen without international aid. Atweh and Arias (2001) discussed one such project in Mexico. Likewise, the previous section outlines another project in black communities in South Africa and reference was made above to Fals Borda’s work with the poor farmers in Colombia. Pimbert and Wakeford (2003, and Wakeford & Pimbert 2004) discussed another project with farmers in India. It is worth discussing this latter project in a little more detail here since

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it represents a good example of a shift of control from the expert to the insider of a practice. In attempting to equalise power among all the stakeholders, the co-inquirers of this project used action research to reverse some of the normally dominant colonialist processes. This project sought responses to a development program proposal for the Indian region of Andhra Pradesh that had not originally consulted with the poor and other marginalised rural groups. The original proposal would have seen millions of rural workers become displaced as GM crops and contract farming methods were introduced to the area. The expertise of UK-based professional researchers was requested by grass roots community groups and a project called “Prajateerpu” (people’s verdict) was initiated. Technical expertise in action research processes was combined with the local expertise and knowledge of affected communities to develop citizens’ juries to examine the expert proposals. In a reversal of standard practice, meetings were held on farms. These “safe spaces”, controlled by the affected farmers and rural workers, required the bureaucrats and technical experts to travel and to step out of their comfort zones. Also, the normally male-dominated processes were disrupted with women’s essential knowledge and participation confirmed by their majority in the project. The post-colonial call for such new collectivities is echoed by researchers in many parts of the world as a way of overcoming hegemonic agendas of expert researchers. In Chile, for instance, the “Voices Project” (Prieto, 2004), aimed at assisting democratic renewal, achieved the creation of a community of equals—a “radical collegiality”—that included local students, university lecturers and an international consultant. These collectivities, or “convergent systems” (Fals Border & Mora-Osejo, 2003), can be most effective when they start from and respond realistically to differences rather than naively assuming equality (Crossley & Holmes, 2001). They do, however, require a “parity of esteem”, with different collaborators contributing according to their capacity (Grundy, 1998) as a basic requirement of the partnership. Genuine mutual respect and the ability to learn from each other are fundamental for the success of such participatory and collaborative research activities. We turn to the second question posed above as to the benefit gained from conducting action research in collaboration with less affluent communities. Various educational action research projects, for example, have noted that the conditions for teachers in many poor communities are far from ideal, with many of the teachers themselves being inadequately trained and prepared. “Facing over 50 pupils, with a debilitating lack of confidence in subject knowledge” was not uncommon for teachers in black South African schools (Adler, 1997, p. 94) and this was compounded by low teacher wages, inadequate facilities and resources and a lack of basics such as electricity in many classrooms. The legacies of colonialism and apartheid also meant that teachers were locked out of curriculum development and regarded simply as classroom technicians. Similarly, an action research project with Ghanaian teachers noted that they were a “beleaguered and dispirited force” (Asimeng-Boahene, 2004, p. 279) in a “profession of last resort”. Poverty was forcing these teachers to supplement their incomes through taking on other paid work while dealing with a scarcity of educational materials. Such conditions leave little time for, or interest in, engaging in additional professional development activities. Obviously, research in mathematics education cannot ignore such conditions as “experimental error” or “nuisance variables” and remain relevant to the educational systems in such countries. In action research projects, such factors are brought to the foreground as essential components of the context. Further, action research projects do not construct teachers and educational systems in poorer communities in the deficit model but build upon their current knowledge and

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expertise. Adler (1997) commenting on the Ghanaian project, noted that teachers may not recognise that they are engaged in research every day, albeit in an unplanned and unsystematic way. This kind of informal research was seen as a positive aspect of an action research project carried out in South Africa. Disregarding the usual insistence on structured timelines, the project, encouraging the concept of mathematics teachers as researchers, valued different contributions and individual growth “over time” (p. 99). The gradual building of capacity thus supported and empowered participants along a continuum of development. Finally, we note that research alone cannot overcome poverty and create equality; it is also essential to provide services to feed the body (Narayan, 2000), to improve health and education and remove social barriers to participation (World Bank, 2000). Action research, though, has the potential to promote and encourage development even where poverty has created extremely unfavourable conditions. Such endeavours blur the divide between the action researcher as an educator and as an activist (Fals Borda, 2002). The concerns of conventional researchers about objectivity and controls are replaced in action research by concerns of “relevance, social change, and validity tested in action by the most at-risk stakeholders” (Brydon-Miller et al., 2003, p. 25). Through its empowering cycles of reflection and action and the establishment of convergent systems, action research can combine the best of local and global knowledge, giving voice to the previously marginalised. When it comes to gathering information, community members can be “equally expert as conventional scientists” regardless of their level of formal education (Corburn, 2002).

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ACTION RESEARCH IN CONTEXT OF THE FRAGMENTATION OF EDUCATIONAL REFORM A common theme behind many action research projects is the praxis between theory and practice. The weak interpretation of praxis implies the duty of research to directly address and inform classroom or social practice. This relates to the issue of accountability or research requiring significant amounts of social and individual investment and, hence, should demonstrate the returns of such investment, not only to the benefit to the researchers and the funding bodies but also to the subjects of the research themselves. Action research aims explicitly at change in practice. Brydon-Miller et al. (2003) asserted that action researchers can adopt several theoretical perspectives such as feminism, postcolonialism, critical race theories, and Indigenous knowledges. However, their focus is the investigation on their applications to change special conditions or practices. However, the strong meaning of praxis refers to an epistemological stance about how knowledge evolves. Fals Borda (1979) asserted that action research aims to help people investigate reality in order to change it. Kemmis and Wilkinson (1998) added that it also aims to help people to change reality in order to understand it. Hence, understanding and changing form a dialectical relationship where one informs the other. Theory does not only inform practice; practice also informs theory. Hence, the separation of theory production and theory application, which characterises most other research activities, is not tenable in action research. This central component of action research is illustrated in the spiral models often used to explain it. However, as the first author (Atweh, 2004) argued, it also leads to a limited understanding of the other, equally important characteristics of participatory action research. This nexus of research and practice relates to

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a) establishing the aims of the research, b) its focus and methodology, and c) the validation of the results. We will discuss each of these in turn. Educational and social practice in countries experiencing rapid change and severe poverty and inequality highlight the role of social conditions and constraints in determining the form of the practice. Further, they present new challenges to the role of reformer of the practice. It is not the case that these factors are less important in countries with established traditions in research and relatively more resources. It is that researchers in the more affluent countries take these conditions as given and not as a direct focus of research. This is like researching students from non-dominant cultures bringing to the foreground hidden and taken for granted assumptions behind the actions and values within the dominant culture. The discussion below will address learning from researching through action research within the context or rapid change and inequality. The aims of the research: traditionally, in countries with established traditions of research, research aims at either generating knowledge or applying that knowledge to solving some practical problem. Action research aims at both. As argued above, action research aims to change practice through understanding it. To use a more mundane analogy, the theory and improvement of practice are two sides of the same coin. In the experience of action researchers in the context of countries facing oppression and poverty, reform of practice has taken a wider interpretation than is usual in more affluent countries. Gibbons (1994) asserted that new paradigms of research are more holistic and interdisciplinary where the research is not to be judged by its contribution to theory in a particular discipline but in its relation to other disciplines and practices. From the lessons learnt from action research in countries of adverse conditions, this necessarily includes considerations of broader social justice and political action. Fals Borda (2002) discussed the shifts in roles implied in action research from researcher as generator of knowledge about practice, to researcher as mediator between knowledge and society. The focus and methodology: Traditional research is based on controlling variables in order to study their interactions and effects, or on controlling conditions to test if a particular intervention is effective. These models as they apply to education have been criticised for their lack of consideration of the complexity of classroom agendas and conditions. Likewise, many new qualitative paradigms, which might have led to a deeper understanding of the context of the classroom, have often failed to provide knowledge of the informants of research and knowledge for improving the social practice. Kemmis and Wilkinson (1998) presented a matrix to classify the different approaches to study practice. On one dimension of the matrix is the objective-subjective classification. Some traditions of research assert that a practice could be better studied from an objective external view. From this perspective the subjectivity of practitioners is a limitation to be avoided. Other paradigms of research assert that without the internal subjective view, the external researcher cannot come to terms with the complexity of the factors involved in understanding the practice. The rise of qualitative research has shifted the focus to the subjectivity of the participants—both the practitioners and the researchers. On the other dimension of the matrix is the social-individual classification. Some traditions to study practice focus only on the outward actions and perhaps the attitudes of the individual participants (i.e., students or teachers) irrespective of the social conditions in which these actions or attitudes arise. Other studies may focus on the social interactions and relationships of power between the participants with no reference to the agency of the participants involved in the interactions. The two dimensions to study

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practice are crossed to yield four approaches: individual-objective, social-objective, individual-subjective and social-subjective. Kemmis and Wilkinson went on to discuss a fifth approach which they termed a dialectic-reflexive approach which is based on the interactions between the social and the individual, on one hand, and the interaction between the subjective and objective on the other hand. They constructed each of these pairs not as polar opposites but as mutual constructions. Dialectically, the individual and the social cannot be studied separately; one informs the other and constitutes the other. The authors asserted “people are made by actions in the world; and that they also make action and history” (p. 32). Similarly, the objective and subjective viewpoints can contribute dialectically to each other. The authors asserted that “changing the objective conditions changes the way in which a situation is interpretively understood, which in turn changes how people act on the ‘external’ ‘objective world’ ” (p.31). The validation of results: An important task of a researcher is to demonstrate the validity of their results. The construct of validity is a value judgement applied on the research methods, the data collection techniques, and/or the research findings. Such value judgments are inevitably related to cultural norms and values and they are dependent on the paradigm of research (Lomawaima & McCarty, 2002). Action research that is based on the participation of insiders in the practice is often questioned regarding its validity to generate sound knowledge and theories. As in any research project, action researchers should demonstrate and argue for the value of their results—albeit using appropriate criteria that suit the claims made in the project. Brydon-Miller et al. (2003) argued that action research “is much more able to produce ‘valid’ results than ordinary or conventional social science” (p. 25) reflecting a valid representation of a practice because of the participation of the people from inside the practice at all stages of the research. Denzin (1986) noted, “the researcher who has not yet penetrated the world of the individuals studied is in no firm position to begin developing predictions, explanations and theories about that world” (p. 39). Action research should critically demonstrate the contribution to and the learning from the project of the participants themselves. Wakeford and Pimbert (2004) discussed how feedback mechanisms between the various levels of the project best guarantee that the claims made by each group are scrutinised—in this case, farmers, experts, academics and funding authorities. Likewise critical reflection on learning is more likely to yield valid truth. The question of validity is based on the belief that “democratically constructing a pluralistic set of truths and subjectivities is far more likely to produce robust knowledge than a positivist’s search for a singularly objective standpoint or observer-independent truth” (p. 30).

CONCLUSION In this chapter we have discussed three factors in the international context of research in mathematics education that impact upon the work of practitioners in the field. The rapid changes that most societies are experiencing are exuberated by technological advances and phenomena of globalisation have raised questions with respect to homogenisation and differentiation and of local and global knowledge. We have constructed these not as dichotomies but rather as simultaneous features of the new times. An accompanying phenomenon is the ever-increasing gap in access to resources and wealth within many countries and between countries around the world. Whether or not this phenomenon is a result

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of economic and business globalisation is beyond the scope of this chapter. Suffice it to say that this increasing level of poverty and disadvantage could not be neglected in international interactions among mathematics educators. Arguably, these two phenomena have fallen outside the mainstream concerns of many researchers and the literature in mathematics education. However, the literature in mathematics education has reflected an increasing disquiet about the gap between the theory and knowledge generated by worldwide research in the field on one hand and the practice and policy of mathematics teaching in schools on the other hand. Further, this chapter discussed the use of action research as an appropriate research methodology in mathematics education within the international contexts identified above. We have demonstrated how action research itself has developed as a global methodology of theory and practice. The contribution to its development has crossed the traditional boundaries of the North and the South, the East and the West, as well as rich and poor nations. As a global movement, it reveals a diversity of traditions and sources of influence and has been interpreted differently in different localities. Further, we argued that if action research is done collaboratively between external and internal researchers it has the potential to not only bridge the gap between the local and the global by raising questions of local interest, but also to contribute to the empowerment of local researchers and practitioners. Similarly, we discussed how action research has been implemented in many countries and communities around the world where poverty and limited resources exist. If action research aligns itself with the social justice agenda, as many of its traditions have done, it presents an alternative research methodology that challenges the traditional hegemony by the haves over the have-nots. It does not disengage itself from action to improve the conditions, and knowledge, of the powerless from the inside. Lastly, by the construction of its research questions and following the participatory principle, action research reconnects knowledge and theory generation with improving practice, thus avoiding the irrelevance of much of research knowledge to practices of the classroom.

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Grundy, S. (1998). Research partnerships: Principles and possibilities. In B. Atweh, S. Kemmis & P. Weeks ( Eds.), Action research in practice: Partnerships for social justice in education (pp. 37-46). London: Routledge. Hargreaves, A. (1994). Changing teachers, changing times: Teachers’ work and culture in the postmodern age. London: Cassell. Hargreaves, A. & Evans, R. (Eds.) (1997). Beyond educational reform. Buckingham, UK: Open University Press. Hopkins, D. & Levin, B. (2000). Government policy and school development. School Leadership and Management, 20(1) 15-30. Hughes, I.; Ndonko, F.; Ouedraogo, B.; Ngum J. & Popp, D. (2004). International education for action research: The Bamenda model. AROW: e-Reports (http://www2.fhs. usyd.edu.au/arow/arer/index.html) Retrieved 25/9/2004. Jacobsen, E. (1996). International co-operation in mathematics education. In A. Bishop, et al. (Eds.), International Handbook of Mathematics Education (pp. 1235-1256). Dordrecht: Kluwer. Kelly, A. & Lesh, R. (Eds.). (2000). Handbook of research design in mathematics and science education. Mahwah, N.J.: L. Erlbaum. Kemmis, S. & Wilkinson, M. (1998). Participatory action research and the study of practice. In B. Atweh, S. Kemmis & P. Weeks ( Eds.), Action research in practice: Partnerships for social justice in education (pp. 21-36). London: Routledge. Latham, M. (2000). Modernization as ideology: American social science and “nation building” in the Kennedy era. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina. Lomawaima, K. & McCarty, T. (2002). Reliability, Validity and Authenticity in American Indian and Alaskan Native Research. ERIC (ED470951). Malone. J. (2000). Bridging the gap: A challenge for the dual community. In J. M. Bana, J. & A. Chapman (Eds.), Mathematics Education beyond 2000 (Proceedings of the 23rd Annual Conference of the Mathematics Education Research Group of Australasia, Fremantle, pp. 27-36). Fremantle: MERGA. McTaggart, R. (1991). Action research: A short modern history. Geelong, Australia: Deakin University. Nash, K. (2000). Contemporary political sociology: Globalisation, politics and power. Oxford: Blackwell. Narayan, D. (2000). Poverty is powerlessness and voicelessness. Finance and Development, 37(4), 18-21. Nelson, R. (2004). The nurse poachers. Lancet; 364 (9447), 1743-1744. New Internationalist, The (2004). The unreported year. Supplement to New Internationalist, 364. Persaud, A. (2001). The knowledge gap. Foreign Affairs, 80(2), 107-117. Pimbert, M. & Wakeford, T. (2003) Prajapeertu, power and knowledge: The politics of participatory action research in development: Part 1. Context, process and safeguards. Action Research 1(2), 184-207. Poverty Facts and Stats: http://www.globalissues.org/ Prieto, M. (2004). Students as agents of democratic renewal in Chile. International Networking for Educational Transformation, Week 1, 20-26 September, 2004. Retrieved from the World Wide Web http://www.cybertext.net.au/inet/general.g25_14htm. Accessed 25/09/2004.

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Rahman, A. (2004). Globalization: The emerging ideology in the popular protests and grassroots action research. Action Research 2(1), 9-23. Robinson, M., & Meerkotter, D. (2003). Fifteen years of action research for political and educational emancipation at a South African university. Educational Action Research, 11(3), 447-465. Seabrook, J. (2004). Another coinage. New Internationalist 364(January/February 2004), 3132.

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Sarason, S. (1990). The predictable failure of educational reform. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Seddon, T. (2001). Exploring capacity-building: From functionalist to political analysis. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Vocational Education, 9(2), 61-86. Selener, D. (1997). Participatory action research and social change. Ithaca: Cornell; Participatory Action Research Network. Shackman, G., Liu, Y. & Wang, G. (2001). Why does a society develop the way it does? Source: Social, Economic and Political Change: A website of The Global Social Change Research Project. http://gsociology.icaap.org/report/summary2.htm. Retrieved 28/9/2004. Sheller, W. (2001). Introduction: Reforming schools, building the capacity for change. School Leadership and Management, 21(3), 255-259. Sowder, J. (2001). Connecting mathematics education research to practice. In J. Bobis, B. Perry, & M. Mitchelmore (Eds.), Numeracy and Beyond (Proceedings of the 24th Annual Conference of the Mathematics Education Research Group of Australasia, Sydney, pp. 18). Sydney: MERGA. Sprinthall, N.A., Reiman, A.J. & Thies-Sprinthall, L. (1996). Teacher professional development. In J. Sikula (Ed.), Handbook of research on teacher education (pp. 666703). New York: Macmillan. Taylor, S., Rizvi, R., Lingard, B. & Henry, M. (1997). Educational policy and the politics of change. London: Routledge. UNESCO Institute for Statistics. (2001). Latin America and the Caribbean - regional report, 2001. Montreal: UNESCO. Wadsworth, Y. (2002). We are one (paradigmatic river) and we are many (tributary streams). ALAR Journal, 7(1), pp. 3-27. Wakeford, T. & Pimbert, M. (2004). Prajateerpu, power and knowledge. The politics of participatory action research in development: Part 2. Analysis, reflections and implications. Action Research, 2(1), 25-46. World Bank, The, (2000). Poverty in an age of globalisation. http://www1.worldbank. org/economicpolicy/globalization/documents/povertyglobalization.pdf accessed 25.01.05.

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PART B: THEORETICAL AND METHODOLOGICAL POSSIBILITIES The chapters in Part B build on Part A, by drawing out research issues and possibilities from specific projects: ethnomathematics, researching possibilities, listening to silences, accessing particular discourses, and policy research. In his chapter, “Methodological Challenges in Doing Ethnomathematical Research”, Mogege Mosimege considers design issues in the seemingly straightforward investigation of the mathematics in African games and crafts. He lists seven questions, concerning who the participants should be, the framework (mathematical or other) that the researcher should use, language and culture, the protocols that are appropriate in the community, the influence of the researcher in settings where age, gender and role are important, researching a culture different from the researcher’s, and sampling issues concerning who is knowledgeable and who can speak. Mosimege picks up most of these under three headings: Who are deemed participants?, Language, and Mathematical Analysis. Making particular use of interview transcripts, he highlights practical issues in the research, but in ways that point up questions of methodology, and even conceptions of ethnomathematics and its purposes. As he observes, ethnomathematics research, in countries such as in southern Africa (where the great majority of people and now their governments too are African), is still in early stages—especially in the context of policy development. Ole Skovsmose, in his chapter “Researching Possibilities”, raises methodological issues when researching ‘what could be’ rather than ‘what is’, with a view to constructing and realizing possibilities for the future. Positivistic and naturalistic approaches are both directed to existing realities, whether to uncover reality (positivistic) or to grasp a set of multiple realities (naturalistic); they cannot address a situation that doesn’t exist. To do that requires an exploratory approach, based, for example on an invented scenario. Skovsmose distinguishes between a current situation, an imagined situation, and an arranged situation. The research centres on the arranged situation. However, the goal is not so much to clarify the arranged situation, but to gain a better grasp of the imagined situation and, in so doing, to shed new light on the current situation. In this way, an imagined situation can be developed and specified, and eventually become an alternative to what has taken place. Thus explorative reasoning is a way of modulating the existing situation. To illustrate his arguments,

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Slovsmose draws on a ‘fable’ (a fictitious scenario), and research surrounding the introduction of a new chemistry course. In his chapter, “Critical Language Awareness: Listening to Silence in the Mathematics Classroom”, David Wagner continues the idea of researching ‘what is not there’, in this case student talk. As he observes, utterances reduce what is possible, because they occupy the space that might have been filled with something else. To research the silences requires in part attention to the surrounding utterances, but also to the possibilities inherent in the silence itself. Silence has a purpose and expresses something; it is a choice—someone’s choice. Of particular interest to Wagner were choices imposed by the discourse of the mathematics classroom—for example, the avoidance of first person, active tense, common responses to teachers’ use of words such as ‘just’ and ‘simply’, and the particular ways that students use of silences in the classroom differed from outside. Silence speaks. The chapter “Grappling with Methodologies in Educational Research: Science and Engineering Educators Finding Their Way” by Jeff Jawitz, Jennifer Case and Delia Marshall tells the story of three researchers whose ‘home’ was a university science or engineering faculty, and whose research interest was students’ learning in such courses. Their research journey, guided by theories of situated cognition and communities of practice, began with anecdotal reports of teaching and learning, and moved to positivist surveys, interpretivist case studies, and approaches that sought to change not only teaching and students, but departmental structures and the culture of engineering. Their story has two threads: their growth of knowledge (especially through reading groups, collaborative projects and experimentation) and the development of a ‘community of practice’ (which, to large extent, they created through the formation of a Centre for Research in Engineering Education and its activities). Anitha Ramsuran’s chapter, “Methodology in Policy-Related Research”, discusses her research into the influences that shaped recent science education policies for South African schools, following liberation in 1994. From a critical theorist perspective, she found that while broad questions such as who wrote this policy and whose interests it serves are widely abreast, theoretical frameworks at the next level—what Ramsuran calls tools—are not well developed. She brought together ideas from policy archeology, social regularities, governmentality and professionalisation to yield a coherent fraemwork. For example, the professionalisation of the policy writers (experts in science education) fits with notions of governmentality and social regularities, and explains how policies turned out to be remarkably like those in UK and Australia, even in the absence of local pressures for them to be like that. Politics is inherent in the policy process. Ramsuran reports that it was also important in her research, in terms of access she was given, and the ways policy writers and government officials handled her questions.

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Chapter 5

METHODOLOGICAL CHALLENGES IN DOING ETHNOMATHEMATICAL RESEARCH Mogege Mosimege North-West University–Mafikeng Campus, South Africa

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INTRODUCTION The focus on ethnomathematics and ethnomathematical research has increased over the past 10 years. This may be seen through the work of the International Study Group on Ethnomathematics (ISGEm) established in 1985, and the birth of regionally-focussed study groups like the North American Chapter of ISGEm which meets annually during the National Council of Teachers of Mathematics (NCTM) Conferences, the South African Chapter of the Ethnomathematics Study Group which was established in 1995, and the Southern African Interest Group on Ethnomathematics (established in June 2004) which presently has membership from at least eight Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries. This has also been followed by International Conferences on Ethnomathematics (ICEM 1) in Granada, Spain (1998) and ICEM 2 in Ouro Preto, Brazil (2002), and the third Conference (ICEM 3) is scheduled to take place in New Zealand in February 2006. Curriculum developers have equally made attempts at integrating ethnomathematical work into curriculum revisions. In South Africa, the interest started in the late 1980s and early 1990s (Laridon, Mosimege and Mogari, 2004). In Mozambique, the work of the Ethnomathematics Research Project has been published since the early 1990s (Sona Geometry, 1994; Explorations in Ethnomathematics and Ethnoscience in Mozambique, 1994) and the research has taken place since the early 1980s. Prof Paulus Gerdes heads the Ethnomathematics Research Centre which has been active since the late 1990s. Ethnomathematical work in South Africa has also been supported and advanced by the broader focus on Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS), an area of focus which is spearheaded by the Department of Science and Technology and supported by other government departments. Since 2000, the Department of Science and Technology has been supporting research into IKS through the National Research Foundation (NRF) by making funds available for research. Ethnomathematical research as a component of IKS has been

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supported through the NRF and this has led to an increase in a number of researchers doing research in ethnomathematics in South Africa. Some of the research grants have been used to support graduate students who are interested in ethnomathematical research. Research Reports in this area are steadily increasing as can be evinced by papers on ethnomathematics specifically and IKS in general at research conferences like the Southern African Association for Research in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education (SAARMSTE) and the Association for Mathematics Education of South Africa (AMESA).

METHODOLOGICAL QUESTIONS FACING ETHNOMATHEMATICS RESEARCHERS

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The increased interest in ethnomathematical research has shifted from the earlier focus which was predominantly on research in various communities (see the work of Gerdes, 1994, 1995; Millroy, 1992) to trials and classroom applications (Cherinda, 2002; Mosimege, 2000), including pretests and posttests (Mogari, 2002; Ismael, 2002) on the use of ethnomathematical materials in mathematics classrooms. Despite the increased interest in ethnomathematics research and the shift in focus to consider various areas and related questions, a number of questions still linger in the minds of those who are doing research and those who are interested in embarking upon ethnomathematical studies. These questions seem not to have been adequately answered in the different ethnomathematical studies carried out thus far. Some studies have attempted to answer some of the questions, however, most questions still need to be explored further. Many of these questions relate to methodological aspects. Some of the questions that need further explorations are: 1. Who are deemed the participants in ethnomathematical studies? 2. What is the process for a researcher to engage with a cultural practice or a cultural artifact with a view to finding what the mathematics is? Is it his mathematical knowledge that he uses as a framework for looking at a practice or artifact? 3. Research Language: How does language feature in ethnomathematical studies? What is the issue of language in the interview and the research process? Is it important to share a language with a cultural group? What happens if the researcher can’t speak the language of another cultural group? Does it mean that the research can’t continue with the research? Is it impossible for the researcher to continue with the research because of language problems? 4. Interviews: What is the importance of doing an interview with an elder in the community? If a researcher wants to do an interview in the community, what is he expected to do? How does he go about doing it? 5. Observations: What does it mean to conduct an Observation in ethnomathematics? Are there issues that are gender related? Are there issues that are age related? Does the researcher act differently when he interacts with the elders in the community as opposed to dealing with the young? What are the boundaries that must be negotiated to access the knowledge?

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6. Does personal knowledge and personal relationships make a difference? What would happen if the researcher wants to conduct research within a cultural group that is different from his own? 7. Who are classified as knowledgeable people in the area of research or the artifact you are studying? If you are dealing with the elders, who is classified as an elder? How do you identify an elder? In the case of indigenous game, who do you go to to ask questions about the game? Who is deemed knowledgeable in indigenous games? How do you mediate the fact that people have different knowledges about the games?

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WHO ARE DEEMED AS PARTICIPANTS IN ETHNOMATHEMATICAL STUDIES? Most participants in ethnomathematical studies are the elderly members in various communities (at times referred to as elders, knowledge holders, knowledge owners, knowledge practitioners, etc.). These are indigenous and local members of the different communities who have used indigenous knowledge for survival and for dealing with the environment in which they live. This knowledge has been learnt from their parents and grandparents and other community members, meaning that it has been passed from generation to generation mostly by word of mouth, most of it is not recorded although it can be argued that there were other forms in which this knowledge was kept such that it was not lost or most of it could still be preserved, retrieved and used. The passing of knowledge from generation to generation fits in appropriately with the definition of Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS) by the Inter-commission Task Force on Indigenous Peoples in which indigenous knowledge is defined as ‘local, community-based systems of knowledge which are unique to a given culture or society and have developed as that culture has evolved over many generations of inhabiting particular ecosystem. IKS is a general term which refers broadly to the collective knowledge of an Indigenous People about relationship between people, habitat and nature. It encompasses knowledge commonly known within a community or a people, as well as knowledge which may be known only to a shaman, tribal elders, a lineage group, or a gender group’ (IUCN, 1997:46). The specific lineage group may know specific knowledge as it is passed from generation to generation within that lineage. Indigenous knowledge may also be defined as ‘an all inclusive knowledge that covers technologies and practices that have been and are still used by indigenous and local people for existence, survival and adaptation in a variety of environments. Such knowledge is not static but evolves and changes as it develops, influences and is influenced by both internal and external circumstances and interaction with other knowledge systems. Such knowledge covers contents and contexts such as agriculture, architecture, engineering, mathematics, governance and other social systems and activities, medicinal and indigenous plant varieties, etc.’ (Onwu and Mosimege, 2004:2). This definition, unlike that of the IUCN, gives the broad scope of IKS and the developmental and integration element thereof. Another definition of indigenous knowledge that gives a broad sense of the scope of IKS is by Odora-Hoppers and Makhale-Mahlangu (1998) who define it as ‘a combination of knowledge systems encompassing technology, social, economic, and philosophical learning, or educational, legal

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and governance system. It is knowledge relating to the technological, social, institutional, scientific and developmental, including those used in the liberation struggles’. Community members have learnt how to count and to measure and to deal with many activities that require and use mathematical knowledge regularly. These activities, and others, are part of ‘the environmental activities that are significant, both separately and in interaction, for the development of mathematical ideas in any culture’ (Bishop, 1988:23). These community members (especially the elderly) have learnt these through various processes that they have engaged in regularly without doing it formally in a classroom situation as most of them have not been able to attend formal school. Even those who had an opportunity to attend formal school (mostly at primary school level, and a few others beyond this level i.e. secondary level and even fewer at tertiary level) still got an opportunity to learn this outside the school confines. This form of knowledge has presented a challenge of inclusion within the school curriculum and various academic disciplines at universities as well as the mainstreaming and recognition of the knowledge. Actually the Indigenous knowledge Systems Policy (2004) in South Africa which was adopted by Cabinet in November 2004 alludes to the importance of accreditation of knowledge holders who have never been to school and so do not have formal qualifications yet have wealth of knowledge that is continuously and consistently used by researchers and pharmaceuticals for development of drugs and medicines. In a study on Indigenous Games, Mosimege (2000) interviewed an elderly member of the community who is regarded as the champion of the Moruba game in the Mankweng Township outside the University of Limpopo in Polokwane, Limpopo Province. At the time of the interview and the recording of the Moruba game (1998) the man was in his 70s. This elderly member of the community had never attended formal schooling, yet had been able to play and outclass some of the members of staff at the university, including professors. This Moruba champion and other regular players who are highly knowledgeable in the game had been identified through many days and months of my own personal observation and video recording of Moruba games being played and meeting regularly with him and other players at such games as he (Moruba champion) continued to display his ability and expertise as he played with other players. The Moruba games were recorded during the period 1995 – 1999. In this instance, the participants and the champion in the game had been identified after months and years of observation and interaction with players of the game. Some studies reveal that even the younger members of the society may be found to be knowledgeable in various ethnomathematical activities. When the Malepa (String Figure Game) was trialed in the classrooms (Mosimege, 2000), most learners exhibited in-depth knowledge of the game, including dispelling the myth regarding which games were for boys and which were for girls. In games traditionally known to be boys’ games, girls showed to be equally knowledgeable, in some cases more knowledgeable than boys in some of the classroom demonstrations. It is therefore incorrect to assume that indigenous knowledge is only known by the elderly, and that certain indigenous activities are an exclusive domain for boys or girls as illustrated in some of the excerpts below. Games have traditionally been classified as either boys’ or girls’ games. For instance, the game of Diketo is generally known to be played by girls whereas Morabaraba, although not exclusively, is known as a boys’ game. In writing about a similar game to Diketo in Mozambique (game called Mathakuzana), Mapapa (1995:222) indicates that there are many

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women traditions practised in the form of games, which implies that this is known as a woman’s game. The excerpt reported below is part of the interview on indigenous games that was conducted with a Councillor (member of the Advisory Council of the Chief) of the Barolong Tribe in Mafikeng, which is the capital of the North West Province. At the time of the interview he was 78 years old. Although the councillor had not attended school, he played an important role as a Councillor in the Barolong tribe which advises the Chief of the tribe on matters relating to the governance of the tribe. He also indicated to me that one of his roles as a Councillor is in the allocation of tribal land – including measuring the area that is to be given to an applicant – to the different community members who fall under the tribal jurisdiction of Chief Montshioa of the Barolong tribe. MDM are the initials of the researcher, GSM the initials for the Councillor, and VC6 the number of the video cassette in which this interview was recorded. As indicated the recording took place in the morning of November 1999. In the interview below (GSM) explains, albeit briefly, that both boys and girls play the diketo and morabaraba games. The language used in both excerpts is Setswana, which is predominantly spoken in the North West Province. MDM(7):

GSM(7): MDM(8): GSM(8):

So go raya gore bo Diketo, bo Morabaraba ba, gase, re ka tsaya gore gase motshameko wa basetsanyana hela kgotsa basimanyana hela. [So it means that games like Diketo, and Morabaraba, they are not, we can take it that they are not strictly for boys or girls only] No. Ba a kopana. [No. They mix] Ba a kopana.[They mix] Go laola hela gore wena o batla go kgatlhega go ithuta go itse le wena. [It depends on you how much are you interested to learn as well] (VC6, 18-11-1999, 09H45)

The view that games like these, especially the Diketo game is not strictly a boys’ or a girls’ game is echoed by another interviewee (ISM) as shown in the excerpt below:

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MDM(74):

ISM(74): MDM(75): ISM(75): MDM(76):

ISM(76): MDM(77):

E nngwe e ke e gopolang ke Diketo. Diketo a e ne ele...Jaanong rona ha re gola re itse diketo ele motshameko wa basetsanyana. A basimanyana le bone ba ne ba o tshameka ka nako ya nyena? [The other game that I remember is Diketo. Diketo was...Well, when we grew up, we knew this game to be a girls’ game. Did the boys play this game during your time?] Ka nako ya rona diketo basimanyana ba...[During our time in the Diketo game boys were...] Akere mos Diketo ke tse o epang lehuti ha hatshe? [By the way the Diketo game is a game in which you dig a hole on the ground?] O epa lehuti.[You dig a hole] Jaanong o bo o latlhela maje mo o a bala. Jaanong o bo o nna o tsholetsa o ya ko godimo o ntse o a ntsha. O ntse...[And then you throw a stone up and count the other stones. And then you continue to throw this stone up and removing the rest. You continue to...] Le basimanyana...[And the boys] Le basimanyana ba ne ba o tshameka motshameko. [And the boys also played the game]

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ISM(78):

Mogege Mosimege Ba ne ba o tshameka motshameko o. [The boys played this game] Ooh. O ne o sa ile gore ke motshameko wa basenyana hela. Le ha gore tota re o bona okare o tlwaetswe ke basenyana hela, ga go a siama gore re re ke motshameko was basenyana hela. [Ooh. The game was not strictly a girls game. Even though it looks like it is very popular with girls, it is incorrect to say that it is a girls’ game] E. Ke wa bana, ke wa bana ha ba ntse ba fatlhoga jalo. [It is for all the children when they grow up]. (VC6, 30-12-1999, 08H02)

This excerpt of the interview with ISM focussed strictly on the Diketo game, although the rest of the interview was done in the context of the variety of indigenous games. Both GSM’s and ISM’s views that it is a myth to regard most of the games as strictly boys’ or girls’ games are also supported by the Johannesburg Society for the Blind. In the rules for the Diketo game which the Society has written reference is made to the player as a she but explains at the end of the rules that ‘although the player is referred to as a she, this is only for convenience as both men and women enjoy playing the game’. The playing of the game by both males and females helps to dispel another misunderstanding in terms of household chores in which boys were to look after the cattle and the girls helped at home. This is important for the introduction and use of such games in mathematics classrooms as it means that both boys and girls will benefit from the games, and not one game favouring particularly a certain group according to its gender. However, it is important that before any indigenous game is used in the classroom context, issues relating to gender and age are investigated to ensure that all learners benefit, so that misunderstandings are not perpetuated. In a study on ‘Learning about Geometry through the construction of wire cars’ Mogari (2002) indicates that the activity of constructing wire toy cars is normally carried out by boys who are in their early teens. In the classroom introduction this activity was given to male and female learners in Grade 9 classrooms and presented a variety of problems in which boys seemed to be favoured by the nature of the cultural artefact. Who are therefore regarded as participants and deemed knowledgeable in ethnomathematical activities? One of the ways of finding the relevant participants is to spend considerable time within a particular community observing activities that ultimately reveal who is a champion at an activity. However, since it may not always be possible to spend a lengthy period of time before determining the knowledgeable participant, following protocol of enquiring from the traditional leader of a particular community and also enquiring from other elderly members of the community will give an indication who is the most appropriate member of the community to be involved as participant in a study. It is critical that protocol required and observed in various communities be understood as this facilitates easier access to indigenous mathematical knowledge and knowledgeable members. In addition, knowledgeable members of the community, whether young or old, are almost always known by a community that practices a particular activity. Therefore spending a considerable length of time in the community seems to be ideal as most of the studies above reveal, however, at the least researchers are required to enquire in various communities about those who are knowledgeable before embarking upon their studies.

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LANGUAGE AND ETHNOMATHEMATICAL RESEARCH Community members are generally more comfortable communicating their knowledge in their indigenous languages. As a result this becomes a very critical aspect whenever they are approached by anyone who does not necessarily speak that language for purposes of collecting information or learning more about their knowledge. In fact, arising out of the First National Workshop on Indigenous Knowledge Systems in Mafikeng, South Africa, in September 1998 (Workshop Report, 1998), it became very succinct that there needs to be translation provision whenever occasions such as these are held to ensure that indigenous knowledge holders are given an opportunity to speak in their own ‘voices’ and are not just represented by others on their behalf. This is one of the major challenges in researching indigenous mathematical knowledge. The excerpt below reports on the interview conducted with two Ndebele ladies at the Lesedi Cultural Village (Mosimege, 2004). Lesedi Cultural Village is situated approximately 50km to the north of Johannesburg and about 40km west of Pretoria, the two major cities in the Gauteng Province, South Africa. It is a multicultural village comprising of 5 traditional homesteads: ‘the Zulus with their fighting sticks and cozy beehive huts; the Xhosa with their perfectly thatched rondawels and distinctive white blankets; the rhythmic drums and whistles of the Pedi tribe; the conical straw hats and the thick colored blankets of the Basotho; and the art and craft market and the mural decorations of the Ndebele’ (Lesedi Cultural Village Brochure, 2004). In the excerpt, the questions focus on how the ladies engage in beadwork activities and explore related mathematical concepts. It focuses specifically on how they use beads to engrave names of people on beadwork activities, but also refers to other beadwork activities. In the excerpt, R refers to the researcher and SS to the first lady and LM to the second lady. The ladies speak Isindebele, however, they also understand the Sesotho languages like Setswana and Sesotho, as a result the interview used both Isindebele and Sesotho as the latter is mostly understood by the researcher in comparison to Isindebele. R:

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SS: R: LM: R: LM: R:

LM:

Le rutilwe ke mang ho sebetsa ka dibeads?[Who taught you to work with beads?] Si fundiswe uGogo. [We were taught by our grandmothers] Ni fundiswe nini? Le rutilwe leng ho etsa dibeads? [When were you taught to work with beads?] Si fundiswe sise bancane. Si ne minyaka e 10. [We were taught when we were very young. We were 10 years old]. Nkgono yo a le rutileng, ene o ne a rutwa ke mang? [Who taught the grandmother who taught you to work with beads?] U fundiswe ngo mama wakhe. [She was taught by her mother]. So ho raya hore hangata Gogo o ruta ngwana, ngwana yo ha a setse a hodile o ruta bana ba hae. Jwalo jwalo. [So it means that many a times grandmothers teach their children, and when these children have grown up they also teach their children, and it continues like that] Njalo njalo [It continues like that]

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SS: R: SS: R: SS:

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Ho raya hore ha ho hlokahale hore le ye sekolong ho ithuta ho sebetsa ka dibeads?[It means you do not need to go to school to learn to work with beads. A siyanga a skoleni [We have never attended school] Jwale le entse tsohle tse di leng mona [So have you done all beadwork items that are here?](Researcher asks pointing to all the items displayed around the ladies) Si enze konke, na nga se stolo. [We have done all the beadwork things here, including all the things in the store](Sophie says this pointing to the back where the store is and the bead artefacts are sold) Joale mona o etsang? [Now what are you doing here?](Researcher asks what Lenah is doing, pointing to the artefact she is working on) Ngi enza igama le Manager wethu. [I am working on a name tag of our Manager] Le etsa joang hore ho be straight? [How do you ensure that this part of the ornament you are making is straight?] (The researcher points to the straight part of the ornament in which LM is writing the name of the Manager at Lesedi Cultural Village. The Manager’s name is Xolani) Indaba ise nhloko. O ya yazi [The matter is here in the head] (LM says this pointing to her head. Later on, she further explains that they take two beads at a time) O I stopa kabini ngale [You take two beads that side] Si khetha umqamu o linganayo. [You choose beads of the same size](This is an additional explanation from SS about how the straight lines are made and maintained. SS then continues to explain how various shapes are made, for instance, indicating that when you want to start at the centre of any artefact, you start with a big bead to indicate the centre) Le tseba joang hore mona ke bead e kgolo, mona ke e nnyane? [How do you know that here you put a large bead and here you put a small bead?] Si bona nga mehlo. [We can see with our eyes] Manje, ni bona ka njane ukuthi ni fake esingakhi? [Now, how do you see that you must put so many beads at a particular point?] Si ya zi bala. [We count them] Kanti ni yazi kanjani ukubala? Ni the a niyanga esikolweni. [How do you count them? You told me you have not gone to school] Si ya zibala. Hai. Ni zi bala ka njani? Le mpoleletse hore ha le a ya sekolong. [No. How do you count them? You told me that you have anot attended school] Si ya zi bala. Sithi Kunye, Bili, Thato, Kune, Hlano. Ku hla ngapha ngi ya jika Ngi bheke le [We count them. We say One, two, three, four, five. Then we make a turn to move in the other direction] So, kutsho ukuthi ufuna u ku yenzani. If o batla ho etsa ntho e e riling, o a bala then o jike [So it depends on what you want to do. If you want a specific artefact, you count and then make a turn] Yebo [yes] (The two ladies respond at the same time. The interview then continues to explore other artefacts and how they were made and what they mean in Ndebele culture).

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This interview shows that the ladies are more comfortable communicating in Isindebele than in any of the Sesotho languages even though they can understand it. This can be seen through their response in the Isindebele language even when the researcher asks them questions in Sesotho. The inability of the researcher to speak the Isindebele language fluently deprived him of digging deeper in the interview in the language of the participants. It is therefore possible that some of the necessary information related to their beadwork practice could have been missed and not recorded. The challenges of language with respect to ethnomathematical studies: Given that most elderly members of the various communities are more comfortable to express themselves in their own indigenous and local languages, the challenge for researchers is to either find a way to understand these language to facilitate access to knowledge, or to find a way to translate from the indigenous languages to the language in which the research results are being communicated. This therefore means that the inability to speak the language of the knowledge holders limits access to the kind of information related to the exploration of the artifact or cultural practice.

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MATHEMATICAL ANALYSIS OF INDIGENOUS PRACTICES Many ethnomathematical studies have focused upon analysis of various indigenous activities to reveal mathematical concepts and principles that are associated with such activities. Gerdes (1995:8) has identified that ethnomathematical studies revolve around two forms of analysis: (i) mathematical traditions that survived colonization and mathematical activities in people’s daily life and ways to incorporate them into the curriculum (ii) culture elements that may serve as a starting point for doing and elaborating mathematics in and outside school. In both forms of analysis, researchers use their mathematical understanding to interpret an indigenous activity and reveal a variety of mathematical concepts associated with the activity. Analysis of indigenous activities to reveal mathematical concepts follows on analysis of other activities. For instance, games have been analysed to reveal a variety of mathematical concepts associated with them. For instance, games like chess have received extensive analysis (Rubin, 1981; Gardner, 1981; Dos Reis, 1988). These analyses have focussed on concepts and processes like the least upper bound; the greatest number of queens on an n x n chessboard; and the algorithm for optimal chess. In a mathematical analysis of an indigenous game called Ayo (this is a game similar to Moruba in South Africa, Ntchuva in Mozambique) Broline and Loeb (1995) have studied certain common unbalanced Ayo endgame positions which they called ‘determined’ and show how they are related to the position in the Tchoukaillon game from which a win is possible. They analysed a specific type of endgame on a generalised Ayo board with 2n pits. For the purpose of this analysis the pits were numbered in a clockwise direction from (-n + 2), (-n + 1), ..., -1, 0, 1, ..., n, (n + 1). The two players are denoted by S (for South) and N (for North), with S playing from pits (n + 1) down to 2, and N playing from pits 1 down to (-n + 2). For the game of Ayo the following definition of a ‘determined’ position and a Lemma and its proof are given: Definition: A determined position is an arrangement of stones on a generalised Ayo board where it is possible for S to move so that

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• • •

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• •

S captures at every turn, there is no move from Odu, at the beginning of play and after every turn, there is only one stone on N’s side of the board, and all stones are captured by S except one, which is awarded to N. NB: An odu is a pit that contains 2n or more stones.

Lemma. The stone on N’s side of a determined Ayo position must be in pit 1 if N is to move, and in pit 0 if S is to move. The relationship between the Ayo and Tchoukaillon games is given by the following theorem: Theorem. There is a one to one correspondence between determined positions in Ayo and winnable positions in Tchoukaillon. To find the Tchoukaillon position corresponding to a determined Ayo position, ignore pits 0, -1, -2, ..., -n + 2. Proposition. If a win is possible from a given Tchoukaillon position, then the unique winning move must be to harvest the smallest harvestable pit. For the periodicity in the two games, the following proposition is given: Proposition. For all i, the sequence of i-tuples {(p1,s,p2,...,pi,s)}s>0 is periodic of period 1cm(1,2,3,...,i + 1). Probability is shown to be a central component of the work of Broline and Loeb on the examples of the analysis of Ayo and Tchoukaillon games. In the excerpt of the interview with the two ladies at the Lesedi Cultural Village (Mosimege, 2004), it emerges that they are using a variety of mathematical concepts that are part of the artefacts they are making. Firstly, they refer to straightness of lines in making some of the artefacts. One of the ladies attributes this to their sense of estimation and actually mentions that they just watch and get a sense that the line is straight as they need it to be. She suggests that this is based on the experience they have gained in using this skill many times. However, Sophie further indicates that the straightness is also maintained through the size of beads that are used. In fact, she mentions that turns (angles) are made using different sizes of beads. Even though they have not attended school, they clearly demonstrate that they know how to count by counting from one to five. This counting is crucial in their activities as it determines the patterns and shapes they make. In the context of indigenous knowledge which is passed from generation to generation, the ladies indicate that the knowledge of working with beads is generally passed from mother to daughter, and such skills can actually be taught to others, and in this case the young are nurtured into these activities, ensuring that the skills do not die but are kept alive for the benefit of the greater society, in this case, of the Ndebele people. The interview was conducted in Setswana, the language spoken by the councillor. This is one of the indigenous languages spoken in the North West Province. The use of this language did not cause any problems in the interaction with the researcher as it is also the indigenous language of the researcher. MDM are the initials of the researchers and GSM are the initials for the councillor.

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MDM: Jaanong, gore tse di mo gare tse {pointing the lines of the small inner square}, le line e Rre Matsheka {pointing at the lines of the middle square}, le e e ka mo ntle e {pointing at the lines of the big outer square} di lekane o ne o di lekantsha ka eng? [Now these lines inside {pointing the lines of the small inner square}, and this line Mr Matsheka {pointing at the lines of the middle square}, and the one outside {pointing at the lines of the big outer square}, in order that they be equal, what did you use to make them equal? GSM: No. Akere jaanong bokwetse jo ha o dira jaana [No. This “bokwetse” when you do this] {uses the thumb and the index finger to indicate the length of the diagonal distance between the outer and the inner square}, bo tshwana le tape. O lebelela gore go tshwanetse go lekane jang [it is like a tape. You have to look at how these things must be equal] {uses both hands to show how the tape between two points is held for measuring}; Jaanong ha boya ko bokhutshwanyaneng o a bo riana [Now when it goes to the shorter sides you do this] {he is referring to the one length of the small inner square as he uses both hands again for showing measurement}, ka ha bokhutshwanyaneng. [on the shorter sides] {It looks like the sense of estimation of Mr Matsheka is excellent as even though he has not really measured he realises that the length of the line of the small square is shorter than the length of the diagonal line joining the three squares. This may not only be an estimation but knowledge of the different lengths from his knowledge of the Morabaraba game}. MDM: O a bo riana. [You do this] GSM: Akere tape ha e theipa jaana [when you use the tape like this] {showing the junctions C3 and A3 which are the endpoints of the diagonal side C3B3A3} ha e ya ko bokhutshwanyaneng [when it goes to the shorter side] {showing the length of the side of the small square on C3C4C5} number ele e a ngotlega. [the number gets reduced] MDM: Ooh. E. Alright. Alright. Number ele e a fokotsega. [Ooh. Yes. Alright. Alright. The number gets reduced]

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GSM: E tla go lekana ha. [It becomes equal here] {shows the length of one of the sides of the small square the one on C3C4C5}

The interviewee (GSM) uses his hand to show that the length of the diagonal is longer than the length of the side of the smaller square on a morabaraba board. He mentions that moving from the diagonal to the length of the square the length gets reduced. Although no specific measurement unit is used, this estimation by the interviewee can actually be verified. He is showing here that various lengths of lines of a morabaraba board can be compared and used in a variety of mathematical topics. This is an illustration of the highest level of the sense of estimation and comparison of the different lines. In other excerpts of the interviews conducted with the interviewee (GSM), he explains how they learnt as small boys to use the bucks of shrubs to ensure that lines of the Morabaraba board were drawn as straight as they needed to be. In the excerpt below he shows briefly how they used the concept of counting in

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the game and disputes the rules of the game based on his experience of being a herdboy and looking after his father’s cattle. In a study of Tchadji, a traditional game played at Ilha de Mocambique, a small Island in the Northern Mozambique, Ismael (2002) revealed that the game is related to certain aspects of mathematical thinking such as Counting, Infinity, Probabilistic Thinking, Arithmetical Thinking, Logical Thinking, Logical Thinking and Visualization. Mathematical analysis in ethnomathematical activities: In all the examples given above, the researchers are influenced by their own mathematical knowledge. This means that they need to have some level of mathematical knowledge in order to recognize mathematical concepts, principles and processes in any activity when they see one. Whenever they observe an indigenous activity taking place, they consider and interpret it in relation to a variety of mathematical concepts that are possible, and the dominant ones are most likely those they have been largely involved in or have taken an active part in. However, it is possible to do further and deeper analysis on a variety of mathematical aspects that a researcher has not necessarily been involved in, although this would be limited by the extent to which such mathematical concepts can be recognized or arrived at. It looks like a very important component in mathematical analysis is not to limit yourself to the amount and level of mathematical knowledge that you have been exposed to or have done before as this would reduce on the levels of mathematical analysis that is possible. It is also very useful to share your thoughts with other mathematicians and mathematics education researchers to help you consider other components that you may have not thought about. Other arguments that have been advanced in relation to mathematical analysis are whether it is appropriate to impose your own mathematical thinking and knowledge on an activity that may have nothing to do with mathematics or rather those who are involved in the activity are not thinking at all about mathematical implications of their activity. This is a question that still needs further debates as there are many arguments for and against the notion of interpreting indigenous activities mathematically. The ethnomathematics community needs to explore this further and provide further evidence from its research whether this is of greater benefit or not.

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OTHER METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES EMERGING FROM EXAMPLES ABOVE What is the importance of doing an interview with an elder in the community? Elders in the communities who are also known as knowledge holders hold the sociocultural history, developments over time and related changes, how the changes have affected the communities, etc. As a result, interviewing them (not just one but a number of community members for purposes of reliability and validity of the information) is a rich source of information with respect to the focus of any research. Conducting interviews of the elders also provides an opportunity to learn about their knowledge and accord them the necessary respect. In some of the examples above, the knowledge holders cleared the myths and misconceptions associated with various indigenous activities and explained how changes had occurred over time.

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Interviews also provide an opportunity to learn about the rich cultural heritage of the community and how they have used mathematical concepts and principles in their cultural activities. It enables you to do, in some form, tracer studies that allow you to find out how certain developments have taken shape, have influenced and been influenced by certain developments. As a result, this provides some form of verification in terms of other related research and the appropriateness of recommendations and conclusions. Does personal knowledge and personal relationships make a difference? What would happen if the researcher wants to conduct research within a cultural group that is different from his own? Certainly there are advantages in conducting research within a cultural group that is the same as yours. Some of the advantages are speaking the same language including the hidden meanings and nuances that are embedded within the cultural group, knowledge and understanding the of the historical development of most of the activities which enables you to explore various aspects from a variety of angles, personal need to investigate certain aspects within your cultural context that may have not received appropriate exploration, etc. However, it is not always possible to conduct research within a cultural group that is the same as yours. In fact, some ethnomathematical studies conducted thus far have been conducted in settings that are not of the same cultural origin as those who conducted them. These studies provide another perspective of an outsider within a particular community. One of the main advantages of this is that the researcher does not have direct vested interests and as result is likely to be more objective, especially on matters that may be controversial and would be difficult to deal with if they were researched by somebody from the same culture. It is possible to conduct research within a cultural group that is not the same as that of the researcher. However, the researcher needs to be aware of the limitations that go with such studies and should find a way to enhance validity and reliability of the research results.

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REFERENCES Bishop, A. J. (1988). Mathematical Enculturation: A Cultural Perspective on Mathematics Education. Dodrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers Bogdan, R. C. and Biklen, S. K. (1992). Qualitative Research for Education: An Introduction to Theory and Methods. Second Edition. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Inc. Broline, D. M. and Loeb, D. E. (1995). The Combinatorics of Mancala-Type Games: Ayo, Tchoukaillon and 1/π. The UMAP Journal 16 (1). Booth, E. O. (1987). Researcher as Participant: Collaborative Evaluation in a Primary School. Education as Urban Society, 29 (1), 55-85. Department of Science and Technology (2005). Indigenous knowledge Systems Policy. Ellen, R. F. (1984). Ethnographic Research: A Guide to General Conduct. London: Academic Press. Graven, M. (2000). What Changes in Mathematics Teacher Identities are demanded by Current Curriculum Change in South Africa. In: S. Mahlomaholo, M. Nkoane and K. Smit (Eds). Proceedings of the Eighth Annual Conference of the Southern African Association for Research in Mathematics and Science education. University of Port Elizabeth.

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Inter-Commission Task Force on Indigenous Peoples (1997). Indigenous Peoples and Sustainability: Cases and Actions. Utrecht: International Books. Ismael, A. (2002) An Ethnomathematical Study of Tchadji – About a Mancala Type Boardgame Played in Mozambique and Possibilities for its Use in Mathematics Education. Unpublished Phd Thesis, University of the Witwatersrand. Jacobs, E. (1988). Clarifying Qualitative Research. Educational Researcher, 17, 16-24. Mapapa, A. (1995). Children’s Games/Toys for Mathematics Education: The Case of Mozambique. In T. Kjaergard, A. Kvamme and N. Linden (Eds). Proceedings of the Third International Conference of the Political Dimensions of Mathematics Education. Bergen: Caspar-Forlag. Moffet, R. (1997). Grasses of the Eastern Free State: Their Description and Their Uses. University of the North–Qwaqwa Campus. Mogari, D. (1998): Geometrical Constructs and Pupils’ Construction of Miniature Wire Cars. Pythagoras 46 (7): 52-56. Mosimege, M. D. (2000). Exploration of the Games of Malepa and Morabaraba in South African Secondary School Mathematics Education. Unpublished PhD Thesis, University of the Western Cape. Mosimege, M. and Lebeta, V. (2000). An Ethnographic Study of Mathematical Concepts at the Basotho Cultural Village. In: S. Mahlomaholo, M. Nkoane and K. Smit (Eds) Proceedings of the Eighth Annual Conference of the Southern African Association for Research in Mathematics and Science Education. University of Port Elizabeth. Mosimege, M. D. (2002). Mathematical Knowledge in South African Communities. Research report Submitted to the NRF. Onwu, G. and Mosimege, M. (2004). Indigenous Knowledge Systems and Science and Technology Education: A Dialogue. African Journal of Research in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, 8 (1), 1-12. Overholt, G. E. and Stallings, W. M. (1976). Ethnographic and Experimental Hypothesis in Educational Research. Educational Researcher, 5 (8), 12-14. Revised National Curriculum Statements Grades R-9 (Schools) (2002). Department of Education, Pretoria. Robinson, H. A. (1994). The Ethnography of Empowerment: The Transformative Power of Classroom Interaction. London: The Falmer Press. World Intellectual Property Organization (2001). Intellectual Property Needs and Expectations of Traditional Knowledge Holders. WIPO Report on Fact-Finding Missions on Intellectual Property and Traditional Knowledge (1998–1999). Geneva

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In: Researching Possibilities in Mathematics … Editor: K. Setati, R.Vithal, C. Malcolm et al.

ISBN: 978-1-60692-292-7 ©2009 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 6

RESEARCHING POSSIBILITIES Ole Skovsmose

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Department of Education, Learning and Philosophy, Aalborg University, Denmark

What could it mean to research ‘what is not’? What could it mean to research possibilities? In order to clarify such questions, one could consider what it means to research ‘what is’ and discuss a positivistic and a naturalistic approach. The first tries to uncover a reality; the second to grasp the multiple set of constructed realities. In this way, both approaches pay particular attention to the descriptive qualities of doing research. Researching possibilities in an educational context are discussed with reference to three different situations. The current situation refers to the circumstances before any educational reorganisation takes place. The imagined situation, far from being a well-defined entity, includes ideas about how things could be organised. The arranged situation refers to educational reorganisation restricted by practical, political and other circumstances. Researching possibilities includes a concern with all three types of situations, and in particular, it addresses the relationship among the situations. Explorative reasoning originates from an arranged situation. However, the idea is not simply to try to further clarify the arranged situation, but also to gain a better grasp of an imagined situation and, in so doing, to shed new light on the current situation. In this way, an imagined situation could be developed and specified, and eventually become an alternative to what has taken place. Researching possibilities means to search for, to construct and to realise possibilities, and in these processes, explorative reasoning is essential. One can try to outline possibilities. One can talk about possibilities, or indicate possibilities. But in what sense can one research possibilities? It is often claimed that research must provide descriptions, and a variety of discourses have evolved around science as a descriptive tool. Some discourses assume the existence of a reality that is waiting to be portrayed. Others claim that any reality is constructed, if not created, and that the task of research is to report as adequately as possible on this multitude of constructed realities. Such discourses do not interpret scientific activities as including a search for alternatives to what can be observed. My concern, however, is to talk about ‘researching possibilities’ as including a search for new possibilities.

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The ideas I am going to present have been developed over a long period of time. One crucial event took place at a PhD seminar in Durban in March, 1996.1 The seminar was part of a South African-Danish research cooperation aiming to establish doctoral studies within the post-apartheid situation in South Africa. One dilemma was experienced by the South African doctoral students: on the one hand, they wanted to do research that could meet the proper standards of research quality; on the other hand, they felt uncomfortable researching the current situation, as this was dominated by the ‘sins of apartheid’, which refers to all those consequences of the apartheid regime that could not easily be eliminated when entering a post-apartheid period, such as, for instance, the apartheid-determined locations of neighbourhoods.2 Thus, it could be difficult to explore multicultural mathematics classrooms, as the apartheid regime had established complete segregation between ‘Whites’, ‘Blacks’, ‘Coloured’ and ‘Indians’ which still dominated the context of schooling. At the seminar, we found it relevant to research what was not there, but which could become a new reality. The ideas instigated at the Durban meeting have been presented and elaborated in very different contexts, at conferences and workshops. They have turned out to be useful for several studies both related to, but also outside of, the South Africa-Danish research cooperation.3 Through such work, the ideas have taken on new dimensions. Together with Marcelo Borba, I have presented some elements of the story (Skovsmose and Borba, 2004), and what follows has its origins in this presentation. My intention, however, is to make a reformulation and an update based on the many contributions to the approach of researching possibilities. I am now speaking of ‘researching possibilities’ and not, as I have previously, about doing ‘critical research’. This change in terminology may avoid some misunderstandings, which I will return to in the concluding remarks. I want to consider to what extend it makes sense to address not present or past situations, but rather what could be called possibilities and alternatives to a present situation. What could it mean to research something that is not really ‘in sight’? In order to clarify this question, I discuss what it could mean to research ‘what is’. A short intermezzo brings me to the ideas of researching ‘what is not’. Then I discuss the process of explorative reasoning, which I believe to be important for researching possibilities (and not just, say, ‘talking’ about possibilities). After pointing out the variety, specificity and collectivity of explorative reasoning, I will turn to the concluding remarks.

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RESEARCHING ‘WHAT IS’ In order to clarify what it could mean to research ‘what is not’, I will comment on what it could mean to research ‘what is’. In many discourses, it appears a simple truth that research must address what can be observed and collected (or produced) as data. Inventing data would, thus, be out of the question. Imagine a situation in which one has observed a classroom and is preparing a transcription. Choices have to be made: What transcriptions to include in the data material? The transcriptions can be organised in different ways, and this composes part of the 1

See Vithal (2003) for a reference to the meeting and for a substantial further development of the ideas. The expression, ‘sins of apartheid’, has been used by Bopape (2002). 3 See, for instance, Bopape (2002); Vithal (2003); Barton, Autagavaia, Poleki and Alangui (2002); Eriksen (2003); and Pfannkuch (2005). 2

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interpretation. In many cases, translations must also be done (for instance when Danish research is presented at an English conference), and translation also involves interpretation. All this is well recognised. However, what if one starts speculating: Well, according to the tape, the teacher asked this question, and the student answered that way. But what would have happened if the teacher had put the question differently? Like this, for instance! What might the student have possibly answered then? One possibility is … and the student’s possible answer becomes ‘transcribed’ as well. That was in fact an interesting answer! The person doing the transcription continues the dialogue, and in the best Ernest Hemmingway style, he or she produces a fascinating dialogue between teacher and student. This creative transcription continues until it is long enough to be analysed, at which point the researcher concentrates on studying the constructed dialogue. Such an approach seems to go far beyond what is generally acceptable in research. (Naturally, there are many exceptions, and later I will come to that.) The researcher must address reality, not fiction. In this sense, research methodology often expresses a commitment to providing descriptions. This commitment is acted out in positivistic as well as in naturalistic inquiry. I will comment on both trends. The ideal of positivism is that research should begin with that which is ‘positively given’. But it is well known that this simple principle leads to huge difficulties, as the ‘positive given’ does not mean any ‘simple and direct given’. Since Francis Bacon, in The new organon from 1620, presented induction as the principal method for obtaining knowledge, it has been emphasised that idola could prevent human beings from looking beyond their own preconceptions.4 A huge methodological apparatus could be involved in eliminating preconceptions and inaccuracies inherent in the particular observations, as well as presumptions introduced by the researcher. The researcher involved could inadvertently adopt a particular perspective (making observations in a particular way, at a particular time, etc.), but a sound methodology should help to bring forward a universal perspective on things. This universality would establish the positive given, from which a sound theorising could proceed. A much more sophisticated expression of researching ‘what is’ is found in Yvonna S. Lincoln and Egon G. Guba’s Naturalistic inquiry. They make a clear point in addressing what we could call the ‘myth of the positive given’. They simply abandon the positivist assumption that it is possible to get to the positive given by eliminating disturbing factors, such as, for instance, those caused by the presence of the researcher. Lincoln and Guba stress the difference between the naturalistic and the neo-positivist paradigm by specifying the notion of reality. According to them, the positivist paradigm may assume the existence of an objective reality which can be investigated. However, positivism could also assume the existence of a reality which may not be possible to uncover through any research, but which could be ‘approximated’ through properly designed research. Lincoln and Guba find that both these perspectives] are problematic. Instead they consider the possibility that reality is constructed (in fact they also briefly consider the more radical stand that reality is created). They assume that a multiplicity of ways of looking at things is legitimate, and they doubt that any supreme perspective could provide ‘objectivity’. The naturalistic inquiry of Lincoln and Guba includes a sophisticated interpretation of subjectivism in research methodology. Their point is that reality does not exist before it has been constructed by an actor or created by a participant

4

See Bacon (1960).

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(Guba and Lincoln, 1985: 87).5 The aim of naturalistic research, then, is to investigate such constructed realities. They point out that when disturbing subjective factors are eliminated, no positive given remains. In fact, nothing remains, as any research presupposes the presence of someone. I consider ‘naturalistic inquiry’ to be different from ‘positivist inquiry’ in many ways. Although both forms of inquiry are addressing ‘what is’, positivism talks about ‘what is positively given’, while naturalism talks about ‘what is constructed’. To a positivist, reality hides beneath a multiplicity of interfering factors to be eliminated through the research process. To a naturalist, reality emerges in a multiplicity of forms as part of the research process. Either way, neither of these interpretations grasps what I have in mind when I talk about researching possibilities, as this includes not only a study of ‘what is’ or ‘what is constructed’, but also a study of ‘what is not’ and ‘what could be constructed’. It includes a construction of possibilities.

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INTERMEZZO In order to facilitate the discussion of researching possibilities, I told at the Durban meeting a fable (see also Vithal, 2003: 12), and, let me confess, I fell temped to tell it again: Let us imagine a country with traditions that are quite different from those we are accustomed to. In this country, so far away, men do the dishwashing. It has always been like this, and nobody has in fact taken notice of this. This is the way things are done. In this country lives a philosopher, and one day, in a moment of inspiration,, he (we imagine that it is a man) formulated the sentence: “Women can help men in the kitchen doing dishwashing.” A most surprising combination of words! In fact, the philosopher continued this surprising stream of thought and arrived at the sentence: “Men and women could, on equal terms, help each other with the dishwashing.” Grammatically speaking, it had always been possible to formulate such a sequence of words, but it was the first time that words had in fact been combined in this way. The philosopher had formulated a possibility which had never before been expressed. Not surprisingly, he became enthusiastic, but also worried. What would people think of this? The new combination of words opened up possibilities for new imaginations, but it was far from certain that such imagination could be made real. Many reasons could imply that the imagination had to remain in the world of dreams. Anyway, the philosopher was curious to investigate what it could mean for men and women to cooperate in the kitchen. But from where to get empirical material? There were no cases whatsoever of such a cooperation. Should the philosopher embark on a positivist or a naturalistic approach, data collection would appear impossible. There was nothing to observe.

5

One radical position within positivism, as for instance represented by Ernst Mach, does not assume the existence of an external reality. As sensory impressions are personally-based, and as knowledge and science have to build on sensory impressions, this ‘radical’ positivism does not claim the existence of any underlying reality. Such a claim would be an illegitimate metaphysical invention. The only ‘reality’ to consider is the experienced one. This radical position within positivism has been integrated into radical constructivism, particularly as presented by Ernst von Glasersfeld (1995), and Guba and Lincoln disclose some similarities with this radical positivism. So neo-positivism, which Lincoln and Guba contrast with their naturalistic approach, is only one position within positivism.

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The philosopher mentioned his idea to different people, men as well as women. What he said was received with great surprise. People shook their heads; nobody could imagine a thing like this. And it was impossible anyway. Women could not enter the kitchen as it was all too obvious, come to think of it, that people who work in the kitchen eventually grow beards. The philosopher, however, insisted on collecting at least some data that could illuminate his imagination. He tried to persuade some women to get into the kitchen, but they refused. He did not give up, and figured out new strategies. He designed some very colourful and stylish gloves for dishwashing; and these gloves, everyone admitted, were very comfortable to wear. In addition, champagne was served in the kitchen. In the end, the philosopher succeeded in getting some women into the kitchen together with the men already there. After some cheers and humorous remarks, some dishes were also washed. The philosopher had started to collect some data.

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RESEARCHING ‘WHAT IS NOT, BUT COULD BE’ Let me try to be more specific about researching ‘what is not, but could be’. For instance, one could try to research what it would mean to bring computers into a school in a poor neighbourhood, where students have no access to this technology. How would students experience such learning possibilities? What would it mean for them to have the opportunity to experiment with mathematical programmes? But bringing computers to a school in a poor neighbourhood is not a simple thing, so how to research such questions if there are in fact no computers in school? Could one instead bring the students to the university and let them work in the lab of the university? Could such an approach reveal anything about what could happen if computers were in fact available in school?6 By the current situation, I refer to the situation before any speculations about alternatives have had implications. In the far-away country where it is the custom for the men to wash the dishes, it refers to the situation before the philosopher had formulated any new possibility. It could refer to the situation in a favela where there are no computers in sight. In what sense, however, could we talk about the current situation? I have sometimes been asked if this expression presupposes the existence of one and only one reality. I do not think so. It could refer to many realities, although not to any kind of reality. If we imagine an investigation of the teaching and learning of mathematics in the favela in question, neither a positivist nor a naturalistic researcher would find any students working with computers to observe. They could make different interpretations of what they see, but this could not bring them to claim that they have collected (or produced) data about students working with computers. There could be many realities referred to by the term ‘current situation’, but we could nonetheless imagine alternatives. The philosopher formulated the incredible idea that men and women could co-operate in the kitchen. And we could consider what bringing information and communication technology to a favela could mean for the students’ understanding of mathematics and for their experiences of socio-political processes of exclusion and inclusion. We could imagine that students came to work with dynamic geometry. We could imagine their activities organised as group work, and that they communicated with students from other 6

For a discussion of such issues see, for instance, Penteado (2001). In Skovsmose and Borba (2004) we refer to a similar situation in greater detail, although not to what normally is called a favela. For simplicity, in what follows, the word favela refers to poor neighbourhoods, townships, etc. in Brazil or elsewhere.

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parts of the world about some of their results. We could imagine so many things. This brings us to the notion of an imagined situation. Certainly, this is not a well-defined entity. One could imagine very many and very many different things, both about dishwashing and computers. There is nothing definite about an imagined situation. The best one can say is that it is partially grasped by what concepts might be at hand. An imagination is vague, it is flexible, it is partial, and it might be far from any realities. The imagined situation may include educational hopes and aspirations. Neither the current nor the imagined situation is well-defined, although for rather different reasons. The current situation could refer to many different realities, while the imagined situation could refer to a range of partial and inconsistent speculations – and it could hardly be called a ‘situation’. We are dealing with a multiplicity of hopes, visions, expectations, etc. With this in mind, I continue to talk about the current and the imagined situation. While a current situation, in all its multiplicity, can be addressed by a positivist or a naturalistic approach, the imagined situation, even in its much more profound multiplicity, remains beyond the scope of both positivist and naturalistic inquiries. To me, the imagined situation is essential for researching possibilities, in other words, for researching ‘what is not, but could be’. But how, then, to look at an imagined situation? What to look at? It appears only to be available through concepts. What kind of data to collect? Maybe it is not possible to ‘look at’ an imagined situation, but we could still do something more specific than just speculating. We could try to realise some elements of the imagined situation. Thus, the philosopher tried to illuminate some of the imagination by bringing women, one way or another, into the kitchen. ‘Something’ could be arranged. For sure, what was possible to arrange was remote from any imagination. If one cannot investigate what it could mean for students in a favela to study mathematics with computers simply by bringing computers to the favela, then one may be able to bring students to the computers. In this way, we get to an arranged situation, illustrated by the philosopher’s success in eventually bringing some women (with gloves) into the kitchen (with champagne). By using the term arranged, I want to emphasise that we are dealing with an unusual and a new situation, and also a situation that might be somewhat artificial. In the case of the students from the favela, the situation is different from the current situation, where there were no computers in the school, and it certainly differs, as well, from the imagined situation, where the computers were available in the favela environment. The arranged situation is a kind of in-between situation. I could have used the notion of experimental situation, but the word ‘experimental’ might give the wrong connation. It might indicate that we are looking at certain variables, and that these are, so to speak, controlled, at least in the sense that they can be enumerated. Connotations of ‘experimentation’ might indicate that one has identified some well-described alternatives, and that through the experimentation we try to find out which one is preferable. When I talk about an arranged and not an experimental situation, I admit that things are out of control. There are no control groups, but things go as well as they can. An arranged situation is full of complexities.7

7

The ideas I am presenting may have strong similarities with the approach of action research. See, for instance, Atweh, Kemmis and Weeks (Eds.) (1998). It should also be emphasised that establishing any arranged situation includes an uncertainty, not only for the researcher but also for the teachers involved. See Penteado (2001) and Penteado and Skovsmose (2002).

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EXPLORATIVE REASONING Could one address the arranged situation by a naturalistic (or positivistic) inquiry? Yes, this makes good sense. However, my point is that researching possibilities cannot be reduced to researching arranged situations through a naturalistic (or positivistic) approach. There is something different at stake here. The crucial point in researching possibilities is to research relationships between the current, the arranged, and the imagined situations. The different situations, in all their multiplicities and interwoven relationships, have to be addressed when one researches possibilities. This brings me to the notion of explorative reasoning, which comes to represent a way of exploring possibilities.8 Explorative reasoning has its starting point in an arranged situation.9 However, the point of explorative reasoning is not simply to specify conclusions about the arranged situation. The point is to also address situations that differ from the one in which the data is produced. Thus, one aim of explorative reasoning is to develop a deeper understanding of the imagined situation. (In a positivistic or naturalistic approach, however, the point of studying an arranged situation is to come to know better the arranged situation itself.) It is through such a process that an imagination becomes substantiated. Explorative reasoning, drawing on what is seen and experienced through the arranged situation, might turn an imagined situation into an assessable alternative. In this way, new possibilities may be created through exploration.10 Explorative reasoning means studying imagined situations through the windows that have been opened by an arranged situation, established in light of what is possible given the current situation. The arranged situation contains many limitations and restrictions, some of a political nature, others of a practical nature, while some may simply be accidental. However, the point of explorative reasoning is not to keep analysing these particular forms of limitations, but to see ‘through’ the arranged situation in order to qualify an imagination. So, when the philosopher was analysing the data produced, one point was to look ‘beyond’ the more accidental aspects of the arranged situation (the gloves and the champagne). The date could be used as a departure for grasping preliminary possibilities indicated by the formulation: “Men and women could, on equal terms, help each other with the dishwashing.” And when students were brought to the university, the point of explorative reasoning was not to look at the particularities of what it means to bring students to the new learning environment, but instead to consider what this environment might provide of new significance for their learning. A certain situation might represent a necessity when no alternatives have been conceptualised. If we are able to point out alternatives, however, the situation becomes a contingency. Alternatives that we are able to conceptualise modulate the situation. A situation 8

9

10

In Skovsmose and Borba (2004), ‘pedagogical organisation’ (relating the current and the arranged situation) and ‘pedagogical imagination’ (relating the current and the imagined situation) are analysed as well. Deductive reasoning means drawing logical conclusions from premises or axioms. Deduction, as cultivated in mathematics, has been advocated by rationalism as the principal tool in sciences. Induction has been advocated by empiricism as the principal methodological approach in science. Hypothetical-deductive reasoning has been highlighted by critical rationalism (as formulated by Popper), and abduction has been presented by pragmatism (inspired by Peirce), as a principle for identifying a theory. I see explorative reasoning as still another form of reasoning within science. In doing so, it provides new insight into the current situation as well. Thus, explorative reasoning might draw attention to what obstructions for changes might be present in the current situation, and it might reveal some of the mechanisms through which the current situation regulates imagination.

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that appears to be a necessity can be modulated through the construction of alternatives. The philosopher’s first insight revealed that ‘men do the dishwashing’ is not a necessity, but a contingency (although up to that point it had appeared to be a necessity. By researching ‘what is not, but could be’, one contributes to the modulation of a situation. The important feature of modulation is to conceptualise alternatives to a present situation. Herein lies the basic difference I see between researching possibilities and the positivist as well as the naturalistic approach. Neither of these approaches relates researching to modulation. Researching given or constructed realities is different from modulating realities, and explorative reasoning is an important tool for modulation.

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THE VARIETY OF EXPLORATIVE REASONING Current, arranged and imagined situations can be related in different ways. Thus, an imagined situation can illuminate a current situation and invite a critique (in the form of a modulation) of what is taking place. Something could be changed! So, researching possibilities includes establishing an insight of the relationships between the different situations, explorative reasoning being only one such format. In her study, Kathrine Krageskov Eriksen (2003) pointed out different forms of explorative reasoning. The study addresses the introduction of courses with reflective and ethical dimensions in chemistry education at the University of Copenhagen. However, possibilities for carrying out more profound experimentations with new courses did not exist. Any arranged situation was confined within strict limitations, mainly due to the overall study programmes and the dominant conception of what is considered to be proper chemistry education. This meant that the teaching sequence that Eriksen was in fact able to carry out appeared to be rather remote from what could be imagined. Somehow the explorative reasoning had a long way to go. Eriksen divided the explorative reasoning into three main parts, the first being initial explorative reasoning, which was carried out in a dialogue between students and teachers who participated in the very limited arranged situation. The initial explorative reasoning was based on experiences of participating in the arranged situation. Notions and categories emerged from the summarising of what had taken place, keeping in mind what could be imagined. The second part, called expanded explorative reasoning, established connections back to the ideas that emerged in the initial explorative reasoning and the first version of the imagined situation, but also forward to new ideas: “… I contemplate the ‘conclusions’ drawn in the process of initial explorative reasoning through the theoretical lenses developed throughout the preceding parts of the study. And, crucially, I attempt to do this in a ‘forward-looking’ way. That is, I am not drawing conclusions on the arranged situation on the background of my theoretical concepts. Rather, I aim to develop these concepts through the experience gathered in the arranged situation.” (Eriksen, 2003: 249-250) So the input to the expanded explorative reasoning is the initial explorative reasoning, as well as the notion and concepts used in formulating the imagined situation. However, this imagination now appears preliminary. It can be reformulated and developed. Finally, the concepts developed are used in the formulation of new possibilities, which is what characterises constructive explorative reasoning: “Here I use the interplay between the

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‘forward-looking’ evaluations of the arranged situation and the theoretical apparatus which made up the expanded explorative reasoning for developing new theoretical constructs.” (Eriksen, 2003: 250) Thus, ultimately, the explorative reasoning brings about new concepts, which I prefer to call constructs, and through these constructs, new imagined situations can be formulated. The important point is that explorative reasoning is directed towards the formulation of new constructs through which it is possible to express possibilities and alternatives in a refined way.

THE SPECIFICITY OF EXPLORATIVE REASONING Identifying possibilities means identifying particular possibilities in a particular situation. So explorative reasoning needs to be specific both with respect to content matter issues (being mathematics, chemistry or something different) and with respect to the sociopolitical context.11 In the section ‘Researching what is’, I referred to the possibility of turning a transcription into an invented dialogue, not following what is on the tape, but instead what comes to the transcriber’s mind. This approach has been described by Morten Blomhøj (2006). He experienced the relevance of doing this when he was observing students working with the programme Geometers SketchPad (GSP) and studied the teacher-student communication. In one situation, the teacher suggested to a student that he or she drag the corner B of a triangle shown on the screen in order to study the relationship:

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a=

b sin( A) sin( B )

The student did so, and the conversation continued. Blomhøj found, however, that different mathematical observations could be made if the teacher had suggested that the student drag the corner A instead. When one drags A, a remains the same. This seems clear enough looking at the figure, but it is not that clear looking at the formula. How to interpret the situation? Blomhøj found it useful to illustrate these educational possibilities by transcribing the conversation up to the point where the teacher suggested dragging B. But at this point, Blomhøj switched the ‘transcription’ into an invented dialogue, wherein the teachers advised the students to drag A. In the end, Blomhøj made this whole dialogue (the original beginning and the invented continuation) the object of an analysis. The reconstructed dialogue was discussed with the teacher, and this turned out to be a powerful way to illuminate educational possibilities. Blomhøj specifies his approach into a well-defined

11

Methodological discussions in general education have, to a large extent, set the stage for how to do research in specific educational fields, as well, like mathematics education. I could refer to Andrew Brown and Paul Dowling (1998) as an example (despite the fact that both authors have close connections to mathematics education). The book is an illustrative example of the phenomenon that when methodology is described in general terms, regardless of content-matter issues, then it easily comes to highlight the descriptive qualities of research, and not its potential for locating alternatives. The emphasis is put on grasping what is taking pace, and not on providing proposals for alternatives.

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pattern for the construction of episodes. These episodes originate from what has been observed in the classroom, but they are constructed. The strategy presented by Blomhøj can be seen as a way of trying to be specific about explorative reasoning and about alternatives. Naturally, the approach cannot be confused with fiddling with data, and Blomhøj is careful to describe what is done and what is not done. I see this as one promising way of exploring possibilities. Explorative reasoning can be initial, explorative or constructive, and the example illustrates how specific it could be. In fact it could include identification of a suggestion for a teacher-student dialog that has not yet taken place concerning what corner of a particular triangle to drag. It should also be noted that we might not be dealing with a new technique. Jean-Jacques Rousseau published Emile in 1762 as a novel rich in conversations between a teacher and a student. This book has been investigated in detail without assuming it to be the transcription of a real conservation. It was very clear that it was an invented conversation. Yet this can well reveal educational possibilities.12 Elizabeth de Freitas (2004) describes how fiction can be used as a methodology in mathematics education.13 As an example, she presents what she calls a ‘political text’ where Agnes, a mathematics teacher, reflects on her experiences with mathematics as a student and on how she is concerned about her present role as a teacher restricted by the dominant school mathematics tradition. By presenting a story about Agnes’ reflections, Freitas finds that the “interior monologue and the life history of Agnes cast a personal light onto specific curriculum content. The re-storying of seemingly non-narrative knowledge functions subversively in carving out a new space of critical pedagogy.” (Freitas, 2004: 271) And Freitas concludes: “Fiction, as a methodology, has the potential to defamiliarize, to cross boundaries, to transgress cultural norms. … The contingent and particularized aspect of narrative remains intact in the story, but through fiction I am able to draw more heavily on imagination as the informant. Consequently, the story undresses the myth of mathematics as apolitical and objective by dwelling on the counter-images of Agnes.” (Freitas, 2004: 272) Freitas’ formulation of political texts provides counter-images. Both the approaches presented by Blomhøj and Freitas try to establish more specific forms of imagination which could show that what has taken place has not taken place out of necessity. Things could be different. Both the constructed episodes and the counter-images operate as critical remarks to what has taken place. They ensure a modulation of the given. In this way, both approaches facilitate explorative reasoning. They also illustrate the specificity of explorative reasoning. In order to bring explorative reasoning to a ‘conclusion’ by formulating new possibilities, a particular insight is needed. This insight could concern particular mathematical properties (as illustrated by Blomhøj’s construction of episodes), but also overall conceptions of mathematics (as illustrated by Freitas’ presentation of counter-images). Such specificity cannot be reached through a general methodological approach. If one wants to identify possibilities, then not only mathematical but also socio-political specificity is important. As pointed out by both Mathume Bopape (2002) and Renuka Vithal (2003), the search for changes and educational possibilities in post-apartheid South Africa must continue to confront the ‘sins of apartheid’. Racism is part of daily life, as the ‘geography’ of apartheid is still in place. By this geography, I refer to the locations of the 12 13

Lakatos’ Proofs and Refutations can be considered in a similar way. See also Hannula (2003).

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townships, the construction of roads, the locations of White, Indian, Black neighbourhoods in a city like Durban, the location of schools, etc. Laws can be changed overnight, but changing geography involves long term efforts. And the sins of apartheid concern not only geography; they also concern economy and ownership. They are present in ways of talking and experiencing. So when one seeks educational possibilities through explorative reasoning, one must take into account the socio-political reality. Alternatives must always be constructed with reference to a particular context. This is true for South Africa as well as any other place. It is also true for the design of chemistry education at Copenhagen University, where the ‘sins of the past’, for instance in the form of a professor-centred curriculum design, presently dominate education.14 Constructing possibilities is not a free enterprise; it is limited only by a lack of imagination. It is a laborious process taking place within powerful realities and dominant discourses. Possibilities must be sought while facing these realities and discourses.

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COLLECTIVITY OF EXPLORATIVE REASONING A situation, a teaching-learning practice, could constitute an object of research, and one might assume that a researcher would conduct research on teachers and on students. Alternatively, research could take place in a collaborative form, meaning that the researcher could do research with teachers and with students. Data could be produced in a collaborative way. (The naturalistic approach seems to provide good opportunities for doing research with, while positivist research would likely consider any collaboration as introducing a possible bias of the ‘objectivity’ of data.) The distinction between researching-on and researching-with appears important when one tries to research possibilities. In Skovsmose and Borba (2004), we have emphasised that the qualities of researching possibilities is grounded in collaboration. To be more specific, we could consider what collaboration could mean for the quality of explorative reasoning. What could it mean to look ‘through’ the limitations of an arranged situation and try to grasp more clearly what the alternatives could consist of, and what possibilities might be accessible. In the case described by Eriksen (2003), it seems clear that in order to clarify what the introduction of reflective elements in chemistry education could mean, the researcher, together with the students involved in the arranged practice, could try to look beyond the limitations of the situation they have experienced. If we believe that explorative reasoning should in fact be explorative, there is no point in considering students’ or teachers’ participation as being a disturbing factor. It appears instead to be a constructive factor. It appears obvious that processes of formulating possibilities can be strengthened through the contributions of all participants. In this sense, the change from doing research on to doing research with appears to be a natural consequence of researching possibilities. This brings us to the notion of dialogue as part of a research process. This idea has been developed by Diana Stentoft (2005). Here I want only to point out a principal point, which has to do with the construction of concepts. A dialogic process can help to ensure that the concepts by means of which we explore imaginations and possibilities become shared. 14

For particulars addressing the socio-political dimension of research in mathematics education see Vithal and Valero (2003); Valero (2002); Valero and Zevenbergen (Eds.) (2004); and Skovsmose (2004).

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Possibilities are always possibilities for somebody, and possibilities that have not yet been recognised are not really possibilities. The remark referred to previously, made by Guba and Lincoln with respect to realities, seems appropriate with respect to possibilities as well. Realities as well as possibilities must be someone’s realities and possibilities, and the notion of multiplicity seems to apply equally well to reality and possibility. This point indicates the importance of searching for possibilities as a shared process, including a sharing of concepts.

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CONCLUSION As mentioned in the introduction, I have previously talked about ‘critical research’ instead of ‘researching possibilities’. Often, then, I have been asked: Does that mean that all critical research must research possibilities? The answer is ‘no’. We could clearly imagine that research serves a critical function without taking the form of researching possibilities. Thus, in post-apartheid South Africa, some descriptive statistics-based research served a critical function in providing numbers and figures that had never been accessible during the apartheid. Could we, however, assume that researching possibilities is in fact critical? Again, the answer is ‘no’. We could easily imagine that the exploration of possibilities could serve quite different and also rather questionable interests (companies researching a new possibility for marketing, etc.). I do not assume any identity between critical research and researching possibilities. Then, more openly, we can address to what extent researching possibilities resonates with the critical concerns expressed, for instance, in critical education and critical mathematics education.15 A few observations related to the idea of modulation might be helpful. C. Wright Mills (1959) talks about ‘sociological imagination’, which expresses a capacity to separate what is necessary from what is contingent and, therefore, possible to change. A fact could be not only a state of affairs but also an experienced social necessity, when it is impossible to imagine the fact not being the case. The existence of an imagination that describes alternatives to an actual situation makes a difference. By this imagination, experienced necessities could be reduced to contingencies: they could be different. The power of sociological imagination is to reveal a social given as being open to change. One could claim that such an imagination is important for sociology to become critical. In Max Horkheimer’s classic study, ‘Traditional and Critical Theory’, first published in German in 1937, we also meet the idea that a theory, in order to be critical, must provide modulations and not only descriptions of situations. Horkheimer characterises Traditional Theory as being in line with a positivist interpretation of theorising which provides a recollection and systematisation of facts. Horkheimer’s presentation prepares a description of critical theory as a broader socio-political and philosophic enterprise, which ensures an analysis that opens the way for changes. It has been stressed that research in critical education (and research in critical mathematics education, as well) must seek alternatives to a given educational practice, just as critical theory in general seeks alternatives to a social given. In order to be critical, research must try to modulate educational situations. Therefore, one could expect a certain degree of 15

See, for instance, Skovsmose (2005), where I try to express concerns of critical mathematic education. See also Skovsmose (2006, 2008)

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resonance between what it could mean to research possibilities and what it could mean to do critical research also in education. However, one has to be careful. Many considerations about critical theory were developed well before we became fully aware of the limits of modernity and saw the possibilities of post-modern positions. Thus, the notion of critique, as presented by Horkheimer in ‘Traditional and Critical Theory’, could well be characterised as a traditional notion of critique. It reflects the idea that it is possible to elaborate a critique taking the form of a critique-with-a-foundation. And in this case, Horkheimer draws heavily on a Marxist foundation. Later, Jürgen Habermas brought critical theory into a different conceptual framework (see, in particular, Habermas, 1971), but it could be argued that Habermas elaborated on a critique-with-a foundation, as well. I have tried to step outside assumptions about the existence of some kind of reliable foundation for becoming critical. However, this brings me into a much more troublesome situation (see Skovsmose, 2005). The notion for critique becomes a most slippery one. It becomes extremely complicated to characterise what critical research could mean. As a consequence, I prefer not to provoke any additional confusion by talking as though researching possibilities and critical research were identical, although it is my hope that they might overlap in many situations.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I want to thank Morten Blomhøj, Kathrine Krageskov Eriksen and Miriam Godoy Penteado, as well as the editors of this book, for critical comments and suggestions for improving the preliminary draft of this chapter, and I want to thank Anne Kepple for completing a careful language revision.

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REFERENCES Atweh, B., Kemmis, S. and Weeks, P. (Eds.) (1998). Action research in practice: Partnership for social justice in education. London: Routledge. Bacon, F. (1960). The new organon. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill. (First published 1620.) Barton, B., Autagavaia, J., Poleki, A. and Alangui, W. (2002). The mathematics enchantment project: A theoretical approach to research and development. In Valero, P and Skovsmose, O. (Eds.), Proceedings of the Third International Mathematics Education and Society Conference (144-153). Copenhagen, Roskilde and Aalborg: Centre for Research in Learning Mathematics. Blomhøj, M. (2006). Konstruktion af episoder som forskningsmetode—udforskning af læringsmuligheder i IT-støttet matematikundervisning. In Skovsmose, O. and Blomhøj, M. (Eds.), Kunne det tænkes? – om matematiklæring. Copenhagen: Malling Beck. Bopape, M. (2002). Mathematics school based in-service training (SBINSET): A study of factors contributing towards success or failure of SBINSET in the South African school context. Doctoral Dissertation. Aalborg: Aalborg University. Brown, A. and Dowling, P. (1998). Doing research/reading research: A Mode of interrogation for education. London: Falmer.

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Eriksen, K., K. (2003): The Role of Reflectivity in Tertiary Chemical Education. Doctoral Dissertation. Copenhagen: The University of Copenhagen. Freitas, E. de (2004). Plotting intersections along the political axis: The interior voice of dissenting mathematics teachers. Educational Studies in Mathematics, 55, 259-274. Glasersfeld, E. v. (1995). Radical constructivism: A way of knowing and learning. London: Falmer Press. Habermas, J. (1971). Knowledge and human interests. Boston: Beacon Press. (First German edition 1968.) Hannula, M. S. (2003). Fictionalising experiences – experiencing through fiction. For the Learning of Mathematics, 23(3), 31-37. Horkheimer, M. (2002). Critical theory: Selected essays. New York: Continuum. (First German collection 1968.) Lakatos, I. (1976). Proofs and refutations: The logic of mathematical discovery. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lincoln, Y.S. and Guba, E. G. (1985). Naturalistic inquiry. Beverly Hills, USA: Sage. Penteado, M. (2001). Computer-based learning environments: Risks and uncertainties for teachers. Ways of Knowing, 1(2), 11-21. Penteado, M. G. and Skovsmose, O. (2002). Risks include possibilities. Copenhagen, Roskilde, Aalborg: Centre for Research in Learning Mathematics, Danish University of Education, Roskilde University Centre and Aalborg University. Pfannkuch, M. (2005). Probability and statistical inference: How can teachers enable learners to make the connection. In G. A. Jones (Ed), Exploring probability in school: Challenges for teaching and learning (267-294). New York: Springer. Rousseau, J.-J. (1979). Emile. New York: Basic Books. (First published 1762.) Steentoft, D. (2005). Research as an act of learning: Exploring student backgrounds through dialogue with research participants. Proceedings from CERME-4, Barcelona 2005. Skovsmose, O. (2004). Research, practice and responsibility. Article presented as part of a Survey Team for the International Congress on Mathematics Education in Copenhagen 2004. http://www.icme-10.dk/ (Click on ‘PROGRAMME’, then ‘ICME-10 Survey Team’, and eventually ‘ST1’.) Skovsmose, O. (2005). Travelling through education: Uncertainty, mathematics, responsibility. Rotterdam: Sense. Skovsmose, O. (2006). Challenges for mathematics education research. In J. Maasz and W. Schlögelmann (Eds.), New mathematics education research and practiced (33-50). Rotterdam: Sense Publishers. Skovsmose, O. (2008). Mathematics Education in a Knowledge Market In: E. de Freitas and K. Nolan (Eds.), Opening the Research Text: Critical Insights and In(ter)ventions into Mathematics Education ( 159-174). New York: Springer. Skovsmose, O. and Borba, M. (2004). Research methodology and critical mathematics education. In P. Valero and R. Zevenbergen (Eds.), Researching the socio-political dimensions of mathematics education: Issues of power in theory and methodology (207226). Dordrecht: Kluwer. Valero, P. (2002). Reform, democracy, and mathematics education: Towards a socio-political frame for understanding change in the organization of secondary school mathematics. Doctoral Dissertation. Copenhagen: Department of Curriculum Research, The Danish University of Education.

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Valero, P. and Zevenbergen, R. (Eds.) (2004). Researching the socio-political dimensions of mathematics education: Issues of power in theory and methodology. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Vithal, R. (2003). In search of a pedagogy of conflict and dialogue for mathematics education. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Vithal, R. and Valero, P. (2003). Researching mathematics education in situations of social and political conflict. In A. J. Bishop, M.A. Clements, C. Keitel, J. Kilpatrick and F. K. S. Leung (Eds.), Second international handbook of mathematics education (545-591). Dordrecht: Kluwer. Wright Mills, C. (1959). The sociological imagination. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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In: Researching Possibilities in Mathematics … Editor: K. Setati, R.Vithal, C. Malcolm et al.

ISBN: 978-1-60692-292-7 ©2009 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 7

CRITICAL LANGUAGE AWARENESS: LISTENING TO SILENCE IN THE MATHEMATICS CLASSROOM David Wagner University of New Brunswick, Canada Why are you looking at nothing? I do not deal with nothing! I can’t name it. It’s of no use. —Edwards, 1999, p. 118

As a researcher, I tend to be most interested in the thing I am researching: my primary concern is the mathematics classroom, not the method I use to interpret what happens there. However, it is a mistake to ignore the complexities of method. Heidegger (1936/1967) warns that how I perceive the classroom depends on the way I engage with it and interpret it:

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Method [...] decides in advance what truth we shall seek out in the things. [It] is not one piece of equipment of science among others but the primary component out of which is first determined what can become object and how it becomes an object (p. 102).

In this chapter, I show how particular possibilities for researching mathematics classrooms bring new objects or phenomena to attention. With the research I describe here, I have turned attention from the content of mathematics classroom discourse to the medium of that content: the form of the discursive practice. Not only have I turned my attention to the linguistic medium of classroom discourse, but I have also engaged the participant students in the same turn of attention. My recent critical investigation of discourse in a school mathematics classroom afforded me an opportunity to listen to students’ sense of their place within the discourse and to attend to two particular silences in the discourse. The first kind of silence was the participants’ silence in response to my research agenda, and the second kind was the silences that are endemic to the mathematics classroom discursive system. With my choice to use what Fairclough (1992) calls critical language awareness as the centrepiece of my method, a certain kind of truth was made evident, a truth that recognizes

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things that are not often recognized: with the students’ sense of classroom discourse as this method’s “object”, silences also became objects of analysis.

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CRITICAL LANGUAGE AWARENESS IN THE MATHEMATICS CLASSROOM Since Pimm (1987) introduced discourse analysis to mathematics education scholarship, there has been growing interest in describing and understanding the nature and form of mathematics classroom discourse (e.g., Rowland, 2000). Discourse analysis has tremendous potential for providing insight into mathematics and its classroom practice. It draws on linguistic artefacts from the classroom (aspects of classroom lexical and grammatical choices) to inform our understanding of the classroom culture. Morgan (1998), as a result of her extensive study of secondary school mathematics writing, asserts the need for students to become more aware of their language practice. She laments that typical students’ mathematical writing tends to be a poor reflection of their mathematics, even their good mathematics. Her work focuses on written language practices in the mathematics classroom. I suggest that similar challenges exist for oral communication. However, attention to oral language practice tends to serve different purposes. With students’ written communication, it seems natural to attend to student performance. Indeed, Morgan’s work centres on the analysis of student write-ups of their mathematical investigations, which were part of their summative assessment. Oral communication is typically not evaluated for grading, thus a focus on oral language practice can be expected to draw attention to different goals – for example, the development of a sense of identity and a sense of relation to mathematics as a discipline. This sense of the person’s relation to mathematics has recently drawn the attention of researchers (e.g., Evans, 2000, Hannula, 2002) whose analysis has not really used linguistic tools. Like Morgan, I want both mathematics students and educators to benefit from increased language awareness. I also want to do more than describe mathematics classroom discourse: I want to look at it critically. Descriptive analysis is the norm for studies of lexico-grammatical forms in discourse, but a critical orientation asks different questions than a descriptive orientation. Linguists Chouliaraki and Fairclough (1999) have constructed a framework for analyzing discourse for critical purposes. Though critical analysis in general often resists frameworks (MacLure, 2003), they can provide helpful points of departure. Chouliaraki and Fairclough extend Fairclough’s (1992, 1995) critical discourse analysis methods by formalizing them to some extent, and they encourage the use of discourse analysis to identify “the range of what people can do in given structural conditions” (p. 65). I suggest that this purpose is also appropriate for mathematics students. In addition to using discourse analysis for scholarly purposes, Fairclough promotes the idea of guiding students to become critically aware of their discourse. He calls this critical language awareness (Fairclough, 1992). Critical language awareness is typically a part of formal language learning – in language arts classes and classes for learning additional languages – and not part of other school disciplines. Fairclough’s (1992) edited volume includes examples from language-centred classrooms but not from mathematics classrooms. My research explored the application of critical analysis in a mathematics classroom.

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Fairclough (1992) does not present critical language awareness as a research method. However, I claim it as the centrepiece of my research method for two reasons. First, the research was an exploration of what can happen when critical language awareness is attempted in a mathematics classroom. Second, this critical attention to language in our conversation was the primary device for uncovering new perspectives on the discourse. While there is much potential for analyzing classroom discourses for other purposes – for example, to say what form these discourses ought to take – students have relatively little control over the discursive systems in their mathematics classrooms. They can only influence the discourse through their participation in it; the only thing they can change directly is their own choices. It is for this reason that I believe students can benefit from exploring various ways of living within the discourse space they encounter daily. They would do well to consider the range of possibilities available for them to participate in this space – to ask, for example: which discursive forms are arbitrary and which are necessary? When students engage in critical conversation with a researcher, they reveal both their sense of the discourse and their sense of the space they are given to exercise their intentions in the discourse. Their discursive space includes the things actually said in their discourse. It also includes the things not said but which might be said. Part of the significance of discussing language practice with students is that their answer to the arbitrary-necessary question, for example, can be expected to differ from and complement an outsider researcher’s answer because their realities are different. Students’ critical language awareness can afford researchers a window into the experience of the protagonists of the mathematics classroom. When participant students talk about the range of possibility for expressing their mathematics, they reveal something about the boundaries of the discipline – the real boundaries. The situation is similar to the colonialists carving up Africa. The so-called experts drew boundaries that said, for example, “this is the Congo and that is Uganda” but the people who lived in the land knew different boundaries. Students, who live the mathematics classroom, experience boundaries to which we outside researchers have little ready access. Critical conversations about language practice provide one way of teasing out their sense of these boundaries.

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CRITICAL LANGUAGE AWARENESS IN ACTION In order to prompt students to ask questions about their discourse, I spent a nineteenweek semester with a senior secondary mathematics class, co-teaching the course with the regular teacher and collecting video and audio records of classroom discourse. By directing the students’ attention to their own utterances, I tried daily to engage the students in discussion about our language practices in the class. The form of my prompts varied, as I was continually responding to the participants (who, in turn, were responding to me). In addition to our classroom interaction about language, I interviewed participant students and asked them to write accounts of their experiences with language in relation to their mathematics learning. I wanted to hear how students described their discourse when they considered it critically. This research was an investigation of possibility in the sense described by Skovsmose and Borba (2004) in their methodology for critical mathematics education:

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Doing critical research means not only to consider what is taking place but also to consider what could have taken place and what could be imagined as possible alternatives to what is taking place. Doing critical research also means to explore what is not there and what is not actual. To research also what is not there and what is not actual means to investigate what could be (p. 211, emphases in original).

Following their model, I saw the ‘original situation’ of the participant class as a situation that I wanted to transform. I imagined a situation in which students would notice aspects of their language practice and through this noticing become more aware of the nature of mathematics and of possibilities for them to relate to the mathematics. Adler (2001) notes that in any mathematics classroom the teacher has to decide how much to draw explicit attention to language, and that this dilemma is exacerbated in a multilingual classroom. In the classroom I researched, I drew attention to language more than usual, and for unique purposes. Adler’s dilemma refers to drawing attention to language for developing mathematical competency, but my interest lay in developing critical attention (which may have a spin-off effect on competency). My agenda was not the same as the students’ agenda for this class. In fact, our agendas, or “imagined situations”, kept changing as we were responding to each other. Therefore, I could not expect the classroom developments to follow my plan. Indeed, I needed to expect disruption of and resistance to my agenda. I needed to welcome them. Valero and Vithal (1998) illustrate the importance of disruption in research settings and argue against typical research methodologies that assume and promote stability. Just as Valero and Vithal realized, I learned in this research that the times when I felt my agenda was most resisted were frequently the most generative times, both for me and for the participant students. My research methods needed to open up a space of possibility in which I could be led beyond the understanding I brought to the research. This could not have happened if I were to have arranged a situation that limited disruption and resistance, nor could it occur in a clinical environment. In the case of this research, I was led by the students to extend my notion of critical language awareness. This experience also challenged my assumptions about the extent of the discursive space they experienced. Central to my openness to disruption and resistance is the dilemma of prompting versus listening. I claimed an interest both in listening to students’ points of view and in exploring possibilities opened up by critical language awareness in mathematics classrooms. However, these two agenda may be taken as conflicting: Which is it? Attending to what students see? Or prompting them to change what they see? In the context of the participants’ general resistance to engagement, which I will describe in the next section of this chapter, a certain amount of provocation was needed to initiate their interest. This provocation, which to me sometimes felt like bullying, is a significant problem from both a research standpoint and from a pedagogical standpoint. At times I wondered whether my sometimes forceful way of directing attention significantly skewed the students’ perspective, which is the very perspective I was trying to research. However, the point of raising critical awareness is that it changes perspectives. Though my verbal provocations directed students to consider particular possibilities, they also gave the students opportunity to say no. These provocations somehow invited them to exercise their power. They argued forcefully against some of my strongly worded claims, and so revealed their perspectives that may otherwise have remained hidden.

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In the tradition of post-structuralist scholarship, I engaged in the discourse and with the participants of the discourse, taking a position that recognizes and even embraces my subjective involvement. As shown by MacLure (2003), “We cannot relate to things as if we were dead. We bring our own hopes, fears and expectations to the places and objects of our research” (p. 17). Unlike positivist and structuralist research, which focuses mostly on description instead of on relation and transformation, and in which the researcher’s position is supposedly outside the discourse (objective), connections to the literature respond to and so follow the experience of the researched engagement. For example, my use of Balint’s (1968) considration of the meaning of silences does not appear in my literature review because it did not have a structuring influence on the research: instead, it became important as a result of my interaction with participant students. Nevertheless, literature did inform my method and my approach to the research engagement.

INTERPRETING PARTICIPANT STUDENTS’ SILENCES

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In this classroom research, I was often struck by the participant students’ silence when I tried to prompt discussion about their language practice. Generally, they resisted my desire to discuss language with them by withholding their participation. This resistance was not only expressed with literal silence. Participant students exhibited various skills for evading questions – for example, answering with brief and shallow responses. While this passive resistance was the norm, the exceptions were generative. Because silence can mean many different things, and because it expresses itself as an absence (apart from its presence and positioning within a particular context), it is difficult to interpret. Silence is also stigmatized: we say people are dumb when they do not or cannot speak, and dumb is often used as a slang synonym for stupid or ignorant. However, one can “speak” with silence (and speak powerfully) by withholding expected utterances. Psychoanalyst Michael Balint (1968) suggests similarities between the interpretation of mathematics and silence: the objects of silence and mathematics both lack external representation. (Duval, 1999, Radford, 2002 and Sfard, 2000, among others, have noted the absence of external representation for mathematical objects.) Balint’s analysis notes that while silence avoids, it also embraces or engages. Thus, he warns against haphazard interpretations of silence: The pedestrian analytic attitude is to consider the silence merely as a symptom of resistance to some unconscious material stemming either from the patient’s past or from the actual transference situation. One must add that this interpretation is nearly always correct; the patient is running away from something, usually a conflict, but it is equally correct that he is running towards something (p. 26).

Bollnow’s (1982) consideration of classroom silences, which he classifies as brutish silence, defiant silence, icy silence, secrets, diplomatic silence, silence by compact, comprehending silence, wordless agreement, and silence of awe, provides some insight into Balint’s (1968) advice regarding the interpretation of silence. Bollnow’s silences appear to be chosen by the silent person. For example, for defiant silence, in which “[t]he person is using silence to shut himself off from the outside world” (p. 43), Bollnow describes the person

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using silence to accomplish something. Thus, whilst the person runs away from and avoids aspects of the world, he is running toward something: he is intentionally positioning himself within his world in a particular way. I suggest that what Bollnow (1982) calls the silence of awe is a kind of silence mathematics teachers could aspire to. It might also be called wonder, which Sinclair and Watson (2001) describe this way: “To wonder is to acknowledge one’s ignorance, not in a state of despair or passivity, but in the pleasurable pursuit of further knowledge” (p. 40). They suggest that wonder involves quietly accepting one’s ignorance. In a sense, it is not a choice to fall silent in awe: one is struck by awe. Their conceptualization of wonder shows why one need not be ashamed of ignorance. Silence due to ignorance (or awe) is different from Bollnow’s other silences, which are typically chosen silences. To interpret a particular silence or sequence of silences, it is helpful to distinguish between silence that represents a person having nothing to say and silence that represents a personal choice. I suggest that when a person has nothing to say, the silence reflects a lack of personal resources. The person could lack, among other things, time to speak, experience relevant to the conversation or language to articulate her thoughts. For example, when participant students in my research said nothing, it could have been because they lacked the resources to speak. When, for instance, I asked what they noticed in a particular excerpt from a classroom transcript, they may have been silent because they did not notice anything. Indeed, near the end of the research, some students asserted that this, not lack of interest, was the reason for their silences in early conversations. Given more time to analyse the transcript or more experience with transcripts they might have noticed something. Even discourse scholars take years to notice aspects of classroom discourse. Alternatively, something in the transcript may have caught the participant students’ attention, but they had insufficient conceptual resources to say something about it – even to ask a question about it. Given more experience talking about language features, they might have been more able to articulate their questions or even their interpretations. Though insufficient time and experience undoubtedly contributed to their silences, there are problems with a researcher giving too much time to participants or with the researcher backgrounding and thus skewing participant’s analysis by training them to use particular conceptual tools. Given more time, the participants could be expected to overanalyse and say what is typically said rather than what they notice in the moment. Similarly, conceptual tools strongly influence what the participants would see in the text. Recall Heidegger’s (1936/1967) warning that the conceptual tools of method affect what becomes noticeable. If I want to learn about my participants’ raw experience of a text, I ought not to guide their seeing too much, though it is impossible to not guide them at all. Though some silences result from people having nothing to say or no way of saying something, some silences are manifestations of people’s choices – either the silent person’s choice or other people’s choices. I can choose to remain silent or I can be silenced by someone else. However, to a limited extent, even when I say I am silenced, there is some choice involved because I am choosing to give in to the duress. For example, there are certain kinds of experiences and understandings that are not considered appropriate in academic discourses. We might say these experiences and understandings are silenced or repressed. Futhermore, certain forms of research within any academic discourse are privileged and other forms repressed. Jawitz, Case and Marshall (2005), in chapter 8 of this book, describe their experiences of repression, resistance and complicity within such an academic discourse.

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In addition to the silent expression of experiencing nothing to say and to the silencing that is part of any discourse, there is another significant form of silence. Heidegger shows how a person can actually speak with silence: “In talking with one another the person who is silent can ‘let something be understood’” (Heidegger, 1927/2003, p. 258), but only if this silence is in the context of other things said by this silent person. I suggest that researchers need to be intentional about noticing silences because they are by nature easy to ignore. While it is possible to speak more clearly with silence than with a literal voice, some of our silences are not heard. Such unnoticed silences suppress potential conversations by failing to initiate them. The suppression of particular conversations might be a result of individuals choosing to be silent or of voices being externally repressed, either explicitly or implicitly through the traditions of the discourse. In the research I describe here, the students were typically silent in response to my prompts relating to their language practice, but they were also typically silent in response to mathematical prompts. With Heidegger’s analysis in mind, I ought not to take their silence about language use too seriously considering that they were generally silent in response to other classroom prompts too. By contrast, these participant students were far from silent when talking about their own concerns – in between classes, for example. Because they were typically silent in response to teacher and researcher prompts and vocal about their own concerns, I take their vocal engagement with particular conversations about language as evidence that these conversations related to their personal concerns.

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Silences Inherent in Mathematics Classroom Discourse Three streams of the larger conversation, in which students were vocal, expressive and, at times loud, exemplify some possibilities associated with these students’ attention to language. Interestingly, each of these three related in some way to silence. These silences are aspects of human relations within the mathematics classroom’s discourse system, aspects that are obscured in the discourse practice. The brief accounts of these streams of conversation, given below, point out how they relate to silence. When I wanted to show these youths that the voice of their utterances could take on various forms, some of them actively resisted accepting the validity of mathematical statements that suggested personal agency. In another stream of the conversation, students became interested in the way they attended with their eyes while communicating mathematics. Specifically, they became increasingly aware of the way they looked away from each other, and how they looked through symbols to see mathematics. In a third stream of the conversation, students argued about the significance and dangers of using “de-emphasizers” such as just and simply to support minimal articulation. Perhaps it is significant that the students who took the most active interest in critically investigating language possibilities had had recent international experiences. Three of the four students (Arwa, Joey and Tharshini) who feature in the following three accounts were born in Africa. The other student (Gary) was first-generation Canadian with Asian heritage. The class comprised a slim majority of students with European background whose families had lived in Canada for multiple generations 1. 1

All names of participant students given in this chapter are pseudonyms.

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THE SILENT HUMAN VOICE In one of the three exemplar streams of conversation about language, Joey, a 17-year-old boy resisted the idea of personal agency in mathematics 2. In an interview, which followed a number of conversations about voice, he articulated a viewpoint that he and his classmates expressed repeatedly: “You shouldn’t use any voice—you should use the general voice. I’ve termed it the general voice because I’m cool and I can make my own terms.” This part of the conversation began when I asked students to identify who had agency in various texts, including a newspaper article and a mathematics textbook page. I had not given them a definition of the word agency. Instead, I wanted their sense of the word to develop as they used it. However, my simple question, “Who is said to be making things happen?” was similar to Pickering’s (1995) description of agency. He describes choice and discretion as the classic attributes of human agency, and passivity as its antithesis. In the conversations about agency that followed, we focused our attention on the subjects in our sentences. For example, if the subject of a sentence is I, then the speaker is likely to be taking initiative in some way. In these initial conversations, I thought it significant that the students could not find evidence of human agency in their mathematics textbook language, but I did not raise the issue because I wanted to listen to what they noticed and found significant. They seemed to think that the absence of human agency in the language practice suggested that such agency is insignificant in mathematics. I would argue that this absence is not insignificant. Absences are significant. This particular absence is an essential part of mathematics discourse and practice (c.f. Morgan, 1998; Solomon and O’Neill, 1998). Awareness of this aspect of the discourse can help students find their place within the discourse, though it may appear from the language practice that there is no place for human agency at all. A few weeks after our initial conversations about agency, I directed their attention back to agency by showing the class some of their responses to the test question shown in Figure 1. Consider the quadratic function f(x) = (x – 1)2 + 3. Explain how you can tell which of the following is its inverse:

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y = x −1 + 3

y = x − 3 +1

y = ± x −1 + 3

y = ± x − 3 +1

Figure 1. Test question

I used an overhead projector to show the students some samples of their responses to this question. Without indicating that I wanted to talk about language features in their writing, I showed a set of excerpts from four student responses (see Figure 2).

2

A more detailed account of this stream of conversation about hidden human agency appears along with further analysis in Wagner (in press).

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Critical Language Awareness Excerpt 1:

“We switch around the x & y (inverse) and do the work.”

Excerpt 2:

“Switch the y and the x and find the value of y.”

Excerpt 3:

“You switch the x and y and then solve for y which will give you ...”

Excerpt 4:

“I can tell by switching the y and the x in the original equation & then ...”

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Figure 2. Some student responses

I asked, “Do you notice anything interesting about these four?” After a long silence, one student noticed that they all contain the word switch. I responded by asking which words were different. After another extended silence, I simply circled the initial word in the first, third and fourth samples – the personal pronouns we, you and I. Laughter erupted. I asked which answer was the best. A girl answered, “the second one”, giving no reason. A boy said, “the one with I”, because that was the one he had written on the test. Another boy said, “Well, obviously [the test question] asks you to tell how you can tell which of the following is its inverse. So you’re not saying, ‘well, my partner, the guy sitting beside me…’”. This student noticed the leading nature of the question’s wording: “Explain how you can tell …”. He was suggesting that it is natural to answer a you question with an I answer. After hearing these various opinions, I offered an interpretation that I hoped would provoke resistance, but there was insufficient time for response. I said that the subjects of these sentences were interchangeable. In mathematics it does not matter who does something, because the result should be the same no matter what. I summed up by saying, “In mathematics, people don’t matter”. I hoped they would resist this assertion. They did not. As the conversation progressed in the following days, students resisted my suggestion that a general you voice could be appropriate in mathematics – as in, “If you add a constant, the curve translates vertically”. It was not the sense of generalization they resisted: it was the inclusion of personal pronouns. The general sense suggested by the you voice (and sometimes a we voice) has been identified by Pimm (1987) and Rowland (2000) as commonplace in mathematics education discourse. Though the participant students continued to use personal pronouns (apparently in this general sense) in their mathematics conversations, they denied the appropriateness of such usage. They seemed to share the opinion that mathematics has no place for human initiative, though I tried with provocation and examples to direct them to recognize human agency in mathematics. Joey’s proclamation about what he deemed the “general voice” (language that masks human agency) is significant because with these words he recognized his capacity for invention in language practice. At the same time, he argued against the linguistic recognition of invention and initiative in mathematics. This suggests that he considered personal agency appropriate in linguistics but not in mathematics – that in mathematics the person should be silent. When he moved from envisaging particular perspectives in mathematics to envisaging a general, conventional perspective, he exemplified a tension that is at the heart of mathematics. Though every student of mathematics must come to terms with this tension, I suggest that the loss of reference to persons in mathematics classroom tends to be too severe, and I assert that the starkness of this denial of person makes students’ negotiation of the tension between the general and the particular all the more difficult.

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David Wagner

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THE TURNED FACE In the stream of conversation described above, the participant students and I were attending to lexico-grammatical features of their language practice and we became increasingly aware of the way mathematics promotes a silenced personal voice. This object of attention, the lexico-grammatical features, is conventional for discourse analysis and for critical language awareness, which is associated with discourse analysis. In the next exemplar stream of conversation, described in this section, students and I shifted our attention from the lexico-grammatical features of our language practice to paralinguistic elements of our communication – aspects of communication that complement language. Though this turn of attention is a departure from typical critical language awareness, I note that the research method I articulated above requires shifts in attention when the shifts are initiated by participants. How can I claim to be listening to the participants if I resist their agenda? At times it is appropriate to subordinate my agenda to theirs. This issue was especially complex because I, as the researcher was also playing the role of a teacher, who was responsible to attend to a particular curriculum. In this second exemplar stream of my larger conversation with the students in this classroom, two female students in the class, Arwa and Tharshini, became fascinated with the way they directed their gaze in mathematics class. They noticed that they and their classmates did not look at each other when communicating mathematics. Although I had become interested in the same phenomenon a few weeks earlier, I had not discussed it with the students in the class because this paralinguistic phenomenon was outside my agenda, which comprised the analysis of lexico-grammatical features. I also thought the issue would be too difficult for them to conceptualize. If I, a teacher and researcher, had not noticed this phenomenon until now, I wondered how I could expect these novice students to see it as I did. Evidently, something about our critical attention to language directed these two girls and me to notice independently of each other something about mathematics classroom communication that is not typically noticed. Arwa and Tharshini, who were close friends, became interested in the direction of students’ gazes when they noted similarities between Tharshini’s family dog and the dog in a cartoon (Larson, 1984) I showed the class. In the cartoon, a man scolds his dog while pointing at a mess on the floor. The dog looks at the man’s finger, not at the mess. As they chatted about the cartoon (perhaps while doing mathematics homework together), Arwa and Tharshini realized that when they communicated mathematics they were like the dog, looking at the symbols of mathematics, not at the actual objects of mathematics, and not at each other. I showed the participant students the cartoon to illustrate my sense of the oddness of our critical attention to language. We were looking at language, which, like a finger, is a medium for pointing at ideas and objects. In our discussions about language, instead of paying attention to mathematics itself, I was asking them to pay attention to the language with which we talked about, symbolized or otherwise pointed at the mathematics. As Arwa and Tharshini paid attention to their language practice, and, in this case, to paralinguistic aspects of communication, they noticed that mathematics is seen through symbols and that no two people can see any symbol in the same way. With these observations, they seemed to share Sfard’s (2000) sense of the inaccessibility of mathematical objects. There is an irony in this. A few times, these two good friends reported to me their

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fascination with the transcripts of our discussions, because these transcripts seemed to support their belief that they thought the same thoughts as each other. Their observations about language use and pointing reveal their awareness of the problematic nature of this belief. Ironically, they spoke as though they knew what the other person was thinking even as they articulated their awareness that each could not possibly know what the other person was thinking. This sense of shared meaning suggests an intimacy associated with effective communication. Gordon Calvert (2001) describes this sense of intimacy as she observes people doing mathematics together. In a photograph that she uses to exemplify this intimacy, the two students do not look at each other. Rather, they share their gaze at the same mathematical objects, looking through the symbols they are creating on paper. Ironically, the intimacy engendered by shared mathematics typically does not seem to be represented in the form of the communication – we avoid each other’s gazes and we mask human agency by avoiding personal pronouns. The tendency to look at the symbols rather than at the person is another aspect of the linguistic manifestation of the abstract, general nature of mathematics. These two girls turned their faces to look at some paralinguistic features of their communication – the nature of their attention and their eye movement – and became aware of the way they looked through their mathematical symbols to see the mathematics itself. With critical attention to language, they were enabled to “see” and discuss things they were not literally seeing in their mathematics, namely their mathematical objects and each other’s faces. Seeing the invisible is like hearing silence.

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THE ARTICULATION OF INSIGNIFICANCE In a third stream of my larger conversation with the students in this classroom, our attention was diverted from typical discourse analysis yet again.3 Instead of attending to the form of our language practice, students became interested in differing interpretations and effects of one particular language form. We considered the effects of a word often used in mathematics classrooms, the word just. Our interest in the word began when I showed the class a transcript from a previous day when Jessye had said, “And you just change it to two square root five, right?” I circled the word just in the transcript and asked the class, “What does that mean when she says just?” Gary paraphrased his interpretation of Jessye’s meaning: “You simply change it.” He also suggested that when teachers use the word just in a mathematical explanation, it is insulting because the teacher is suggesting that something is simple, when for students the process might be difficult. Gary summed up his feelings in a note he scribbled for himself in the margin of his workbook: “Just is OK for students to use. Teachers shouldn’t use just. Teachers JUST shouldn’t do it.” Many of Gary’s classmates agreed with him. None of the students in this class said that they themselves felt insulted. Rather, they seemed to be worried that others would feel insulted. Their concern was pedagogical. The passion they displayed when talking about this 3 A more detailed account of this stream of conversation about the articulation of insignificance appears along with further analysis in Wagner (2004).

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word pointed to the prominence of the word in this mathematics class and their previous experiences. These students were indeed demonstrating an awareness of language practice. However, critical awareness demands an exploration of a range of possibilities. In the early stages of this stream of conversation, most of them seemed to be fixated on one account of the effects of teachers using just. Though I felt partially responsible for the students’ vein of worry about mathematics teachers suggesting simplicity by using the word just, I resisted their complaint. The participant teacher and I, unable and perhaps unwilling to break our old habits, continued to use the word just regularly when we taught. In order to convince the students of another more positive perspective on the use of the word, I wrote a single-page essay for them to read, referring to the adverbs just and simply as “diminutives” (although they are not actually diminutives) because they suggest that the actions they describe are unimportant or trivial. This essay marked the beginning of my disagreement with the students and the emergence of their clear voice. Diminutives like just can be used for pointing, I said in the essay. The de-emphasis of one procedure can emphasize another procedure or another aspect of the reasoning. With such emphasis and de-emphasis, we point attention to the important ideas we are talking about. Besides using adverbs like just and simply to de-emphasize, one can use the verbs do and go to do the same thing. When talking through my mathematics for others, I might just show my calculations and say, “and you go ‘root twenty’ and ‘two root five’”. In this case, I am not saying what I am doing or how I am doing it. I am just saying to my audience, “you too can go down this path, a path which should be obvious”. When I say, “just go”, it is a double diminutive, suggesting that a procedure is abundantly obvious, and that the procedure does not merit attention or explanation. It merely requires performance – “just do it”. Presenting this reasoning in the essay, I thought I had made a clear point about a positive effect of a teacher or student using diminutives. However, the students were not convinced. In response to my essay, the students continued to express their concern that diminutives can be insulting, that these adverbs suggest a procedure is obvious when it may not be so obvious to students. Though I considered their interest in this pedagogical issue a significant revelation, I felt frustrated that these students seemed uninterested in my suggestion that teachers and students use diminutives to point in mathematics communication. While their resistance to the alternative possibilities exposed a deficit in their critical language awareness, the resistance clarified that the concern they were expressing was important from their perspective. The students’ resistance verified the role critical language awareness can play in drawing out the authentic voice of students, the articulation of their unique perspective on mathematics classroom discourse. A few weeks after our initial discussion of just, on a day when Gary was absent, I resurrected the stream of conversation. I moderated a mock panel interview in which students played the part of a teacher and a student debating the merits of using the word just in mathematics classrooms. During this role-play, Jocelyn expressed another concern: “[W]hen [teachers] use just it’s kind of an aggressive word. It’s kind of like they just use just because they don’t want to explain why it is. They just say, ‘It’s just that’.” She resented it when her teachers glossed over any aspect of their mathematics in an explanation. Her concern pointed at another aspect of the language practice in question. When the words just or simply are used to indicate simplicity, they actually replace a more careful explanation of the procedure indicated by the verb. For example, when a teacher says, “and

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we just solve that”, the adverb just suggests that the solving is straightforward, unremarkable. As I said about emphasis and de-emphasis associated with the adverb just, the teacher is merely de-emphasizing the solving procedure in order to draw attention to something else. The teacher has the option to describe the solving procedure in great detail, but chooses not to do this. When Jocelyn expressed her contempt for teachers who are vague, Tharshini argued against her concern by noting the time constraints teachers face: “Maybe they don’t have time to explain.” It should not be surprising that Jocelyn and Tharshini had very different perspectives on just. Jocelyn’s concern is an example of discursive authority, which Grice describes with five principles that seem to guide the conduct of conversation.4 His maxim of Quantity states that in normal conversation people follow these rules: “[M]ake your contribution as informative as is required for the current purposes of the exchange” and “do not make your contribution more informative than is required” (Levinson, 1983, p. 101). It appears that Jocelyn was upset with teachers who had not, in her opinion, made their oral contributions as informative as required for her purposes. Though her concern is justifiable, Tharshini and other classmates may have “required” a smaller quantity of explanation. Teachers confront this problem every day – different students want and need different degrees of explanation and vagueness. Even teachers who think they explain their mathematical examples fully cannot possibly do so. Any mathematics relies on other mathematics or on assumptions that might be questioned. It is impossible for students (or anyone) to attend to everything at once, and it is the teacher’s role to direct student attention appropriately. As we discussed various explanations of the word just, students expressed displeasure with teachers’ insufficient explanations, and some students defended the need for some vagueness. Together, we developed a greater awareness of a subtext in mathematics communication and opened up new possibilities for ourselves. When one sees that alternative mathematical possibilities are being glossed over, it opens up the possibility to attend to these alternatives even when the speaker might deem them trivial. In this stream of conversation, we were talking about glossed-over mathematics, but the principle can be extended. In any discourse, it is natural to just fit in, to follow the language and behaviour patterns of the people around us. In mathematics class, it is understandable that students would think, “this is just how it is done”. Alternative mathematical possibilities can become accessible to students when they come to realize that certain language patterns can actually mask these alternatives. And with critical attention to language, which implies consideration of a range of possibilities, we open for ourselves the possibility of seeing what others do not see, and of hearing what is not normally said. With critical language awareness, we afford ourselves the possibility of listening to the silences.

SILENCE AND RESEARCH Silence is a factor in each of these three streams of conversation about silencing a person, avoiding a person’s face, and skirting explanation. I was challenged in this research to find 4

Grice’s maxims are only partially published by Grice himself, having first been delivered in a lecture, but they are widely described by others. See, for example, Levinson (1983).

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ways of listening to these silences and making them speak to other educators as they spoke to me. I was also challenged to think about other important silences in the mathematics classrooms. How do we express the non-expressive? How do we signify nothing? Rotman (1987) and Seife (2000) describe the Western world’s struggle with the mathematician’s desire to signify nothing. Indeed, nothingness is important in mathematics. Rotman and Seife look at the oncecontentious signifier zero as an expression of nothingness. I want to turn that question around. Instead of nothing being signified by something, by the signifier zero, how does it work for something to be signified by nothing? What real things can be described by the absence of utterances, by silence? As a way of addressing this question about the realities that can be revealed by silence, we could look at silence’s sister – empty space. Artists and designers refer to empty space as negative space, which is only recognizable in juxtaposition with the objects that this space surrounds. To expand on this terminology, silence could be called negative language, which is only noticeable in juxtaposition with expected utterances. A person’s silence is not noticeable when he sits alone or if he is generally silent. In her popular how-to-draw book, Drawing on the Right Side of the Brain, Edwards (1999) describes how attention to negative space (the empty space around the objects of our attention) frees an artist to see objects as they are.

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Why does using negative space make drawing easier? […] [I]t’s because you don’t know anything, in a verbal sense, about these spaces. Because you have no pre-existing memorized symbols for space-shapes, you can see them clearly and draw them correctly (p. 118).

In the research described above, I have drawn attention to students’ utterances, which might be called positive language. However, this attention to literal utterances has exposed silences, which might be called negative language because the silences comprise the complement to positive language. Edwards’ characterization of attention to negative space promises value in doing a similar thing with discourse. It suggests that there is research potential in the study of the silences, as a way of seeing the discourse for what it is. The investigation of silence can be a technique for getting past our assumptions. This technique allows us to see the edges of the discourse as we would not see them in studying the utterances themselves. It is a technique for seeing boundaries and definition. Edwards (1999) uses the example of drawing a chair. Art students who are learning to draw can create a better image of the chair if they attend to and sketch the boundaries of the space outside and surrounding the chair instead of trying to draw the chair itself. She shows how negative spaces are real: “[T]hey are not just empty ‘air’” (p. 118). They are the complements to the things that are normally thought of as real. Silence is much more than an absence. Silence itself speaks. When a person speaks, she closes off the possibility of other utterances that might have been spoken, by herself or by others. Thus speaking forms silence. Utterances reduce the landscape of the possible, because they begin to occupy the empty space that could be filled with anything. However, attention to utterances is necessary for understanding the silences that surround them. With attention to what is said and to what is not said, and especially with attention to what kinds of language practice is promoted and to what kinds of language practice is considered to be inappropriate, we begin to see more clearly the discourse participants’ sense of their discursive space. We

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can see what language forms and functions they consider to be possible and we can see what forms and functions they consider to be outside the domain of mathematics. We see their sense of the boundaries of the discourse. The two fields of research I employed in my application of critical language awareness directed me to listen to silences – to the things not said. Recall that Skovsmose and Borba (2004) characterize critical mathematics education research as an investigation of “what is not actual” and that Chouliaraki and Fairclough’s (1999) vision for critical discourse analysis promotes interest in the range of possibility within a discourse as opposed to promoting careful description of what is actually said. As the students and I listened to what was not said, we were able to experiment with new possibilities for participating in the discourse. Though this experimentation was a challenge, because we were positioning ourselves in tension with a powerful discipline (mathematics), the tensions themselves helped us see the discipline for what it is. They helped us see the discipline’s boundaries. With my exploration of language, I sought to look at something that actually exists – secondary school mathematics classroom discourse. In the exploration, I developed an interest in things that are not there (or not recognized): the silences endemic in the discursive practice of the classroom. Following the silent wonder that initially marked my experience of the extended conversation with the participant students and teacher, I am beginning to wonder about other possible ways of researching silence and voids in the mathematics classroom. In this study, my awareness of silences emerged from the experience of attending critically to speech. How might we enter an experience with the intention of listening to silence?

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REFERENCES Adler, J. (2001). Teaching mathematics in multilingual classrooms. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Balint, M. (1968). The basic fault: Therapeutic aspects of regression. London: Tavistock. Bollnow, O. (1982). On silence – findings of philosophico-pedagogical anthropology. Universitas, 24 (1), 41-47. Chouliaraki, L. and Fairclough, N. (1999). Discourse in late modernity: Rethinking critical discourse analysis. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Duval, R. (1999). Representation, vision and visualization: Cognitive functions in mathematical thinking. Basic issues for learning. In F. Hitt and M. Santos (Eds.), Proceedings of the 21stAnnual Meeting of the North American Chapter of the International Group for the Psychology of Mathematics Education, Morelos, México, vol. I, 3-26. Edwards. B. (1999). The new drawing on the right side of the brain. New York: Penguin Putnam. Evans, J. (2000). Adults’ mathematical thinking and emotions: a study of numerate practice. London: Taylor and Francis. Fairclough, N. (1992). Discourse and social change. Cambridge, MA: Polity Press. Fairclough, N. (1995). Critical discourse analysis: The critical study of language. Harlow, UK.: Pearson. Fairclough, N. (Ed.) (1992). Critical language awareness. London: Longman.

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Gordon Calvert, L. (2001). Mathematical conversations within the practice of mathematics. New York: Peter Lang. Hannula, M. (2002). Attitude toward mathematics: emotions, expectations, and values. Educational Studies in Mathematics, 49 (1), 25-46. Heidegger, M. (1927/2003). Understanding, interpretation, discourse, language, idle talk. In Philosophical and political writings (J. Stambaugh, Trans.) (M. Stassen, Ed.) (pp. 236264), New York: Continuum. Heidegger, M. (1936/1967). What is a thing? (W. Barton and V. Deutsch, Trans.) Chicago: Henry Regnery. Jawitz, J., Case, J. and Marshall, D. (2005). Gaining access to the critical research discourse: Science and engineering education researchers finding their way. Larson, G. (1984). The far side gallery. Fairway, Kansas: Andrews, McMeel and Parker. Levinson, S. (1983). Pragmatics. New York: Cambridge University Press. MacLure, M. (2003). Discourse in educational and social research. Buckingham, UK: Open University Press. Morgan, C. (1998). Writing mathematically: The discourse of investigation. London: Falmer. Pickering, A. (1995). The mangle of practice: Time, agency, and science. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Pimm, D. (1987). Speaking mathematically: Communication in mathematics classrooms. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Radford, L. (2002). The seen, the spoken and the written: A semiotic approach to the problem of objectification of mathematical knowledge. For the Learning of Mathematics, 22 (2), 14-23. Rotman, B. (1987). Signifying nothing: The semiotics of zero. Hampshire, England: Macmillan. Rowland, T. (2000). The pragmatics of mathematics education: Vagueness in mathematical discourse. London: Falmer. Seife, C. (2000). Zero: The biography of a dangerous idea. New York: Viking. Sfard, A. (2000). Symbolizing mathematical reality into being – or how mathematical discourse and mathematical objects create each other. In P. Cobb, E. Yackel and K. McClain (Eds.). Symbolizing and communicating in mathematics classrooms (p. 37-98). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Sinclair, N. and Watson, A. (2001). Wonder, the rainbow and the aesthetics of rare experiences. For the Learning of Mathematics, 21 (3), 39-42. Skovsmose, O. and Borba, M. (2004). Research methodology and critical mathematics education. In P. Valero and R. Zevenbergen (Eds.). Researching the Socio-Political Dimensions of Mathematics Education (pp 207-226). Dordrecht: Kluwer. Solomon, Y. and O’Neill, J. (1998). Mathematics and narrative. Language and Education, 12 (3), 210-221. Valero, P. and Vithal, R. (1998). Research methods of the “north” revisited from the “south”. In A. Olivier and K. Newstead (Eds.), Proceedings of the 22nd Conference of the International Group for the Psychology of Mathematics Education, Stellenbosch, South Africa, vol. 4, 153-160.

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Wagner, D. (in press). Critical awareness of voice and agency in mathematics classroom discourse. Mathematical Thinking and Learning. Wagner, D. (2004). “Just go”: Mathematics students’ critical awareness of the de-emphasis of routine procedures. In Proceedings of the 26th Conference of the North American Chapter of the International Group for the Psychology of Mathematics Education, vol. II, Toronto, Canada, 737-744

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In: Researching Possibilities in Mathematics … Editor: K. Setati, R.Vithal, C. Malcolm et al.

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Chapter 8

GRAPPLING WITH METHODOLOGIES IN EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH: SCIENCE AND ENGINEERING EDUCATORS FINDING THEIR WAY Jeff Jawitz1, Jennifer Case2 and Delia Marshall3 1

Centre for Higher Education Development, University of Cape Town, South Africa 2 Department of Chemical Engineering, University of Cape Town, South Africa 3 Department of Physics, University of the Western Cape, Cape Town, South Africa

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INTRODUCTION How does one learn to do educational research? Many people schooled in a scientific background believe that educational research is no different to doing research in the natural sciences. Some teachers simply start conducting research in their own classrooms. We argue that the new educational researcher needs to grapple with a range of different methodological and theoretical positions that have a critical impact on what research questions can be addressed. Furthermore, becoming part of a research community is a challenging social process that can also limit or enable research development. The analytical approach adopted in this chapter is that of personal inquiry, which involves a reflection on one’s own experiences in a conscious and critical manner. In motivating for the usefulness of this approach, Mann (2003, p.113) writes that “The process of personal inquiry is founded on the assumption that personal experience is a valid source of knowing and that critical reflection is an essential process in this coming to know.” Thus, personal inquiry as a methodology is well suited to an attempt such as ours to develop research findings based on the process of reflective practice (for example, Schön, 1995). Because of this orientation, the chapter is written in a narrative style (Clandinin & Connelly, 1998): it is personal, situated experience and not abstract theory which provides the starting point for each stage of this analysis. Methodology is a term used to refer to the philosophical and epistemological underpinnings of an approach to research data collection and analysis (cf. Burton, 2002). It is important to note that the focus in this chapter is on methodology, and not on methods. We

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consider the distinction between qualitative and quantitative methods to be relatively unimportant, and the emphasis in this analysis is geared accordingly. We focus largely on the methodological shifts that we have made over time and which have been reflected in our research outputs. The entire notion of a ‘methodological shift’ is not common in the scientific disciplines where we received our initial undergraduate training. Here we were taught about the ‘scientific method’ and we therefore naively assumed that formal studies in education would also equip us with the ‘right’ way of conducting research. In the world of educational research, however, things are not quite that simple. Apart from there being no one ‘correct’ methodology presented in the literature, the analysis in this chapter shows that depending on the researcher’s epistemological commitments, particular research questions will tend to be valued, and the choice of methodology will be linked to this. A useful perspective on this multiplicity of methodologies is provided by Habermas (1971), who has argued that there are three main areas in which human interests lead to the generation of knowledge. These three ‘knowledge interests’, viz. technical, practical and emancipatory, focus respectively on prediction, interpretation and understanding, and social liberation, and are therefore also related to different research methodologies. In our quest to understand and improve our students’ experiences of learning we found ourselves traversing a range of perspectives as we made the shift from a position informed by ‘the scientific method’ (akin to Habermas’ technical knowledge interest) through interpretive perspectives (the practical knowledge interest) and towards embracing more critical perspectives in social science (the emancipatory knowledge interest). The relationship between Habermas’ knowledge interests and research methodologies is illustrated in Table 1 below. In the analysis we also reflect on how these methodological shifts have been shaped by the contexts in which we have been working and conducting our research.

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Table 1. Knowledge Interests and Research Methodologies Knowledge Interest Technical (prediction) Practical (interpretation and understanding) Emancipatory (criticism and liberation)

Research Methodology Positivist

Examples Empirical-analytic

Interpretivist

Hermeneutics

Critical

Critical discourse analysis

(Based on MacIsaac, 1996)

As researchers of student learning, we were acutely aware of our own learning as we grappled with these different methodological positions. In analysing our learning experiences, we found that the theory of situated cognition (Lave & Wenger, 1991) provided a useful perspective. Here it is suggested that learning is not simply a cognitive process, but involves entry to a community and the adoption of a new identity. In order for learning to be successful, newcomers to a community need to have the opportunity to practice what is termed ‘legitimate peripheral participation’. This theoretical perspective highlights the social and distributed nature of learning, as well as the potential difficulties when learners struggle to access a new community. As new educational researchers, we found ourselves amongst

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many different communities and had to make choices as to which influential voices to follow. As highlighted by situated cognition we found that the methodological shifts we undertook were not simply intellectual exercises, but played crucial roles in our accessing new communities and leaving others. Throughout this learning we found that we needed to craft new identities for ourselves within the departments and faculties in which we work.

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OUR CONTEXT South African universities have seen dramatic changes since the late 1980s and central amongst these has been the changing student body as a result of equity and redress measures. At the University of Cape Town (UCT) and the University of the Western Cape (UWC), the widening of access to students who were regarded as coming from educationally disadvantaged backgrounds saw the introduction of a range of academic support activities and structures, fuelled by relatively high failure rates and low graduation rates among these students. Concern for creating the best possible learning environment for the ‘new students’ resulted in many of the academic appointments in these new structures being made on the basis of teaching experience and expertise, providing an injection into the institutions of new forms of skills and experience in teaching and learning. These staff members were charged with establishing educational systems that might help improve student learning and this led to an increased interest in educational research. At the same time there was an expanding interest in student learning research worldwide, motivated in part by the massification of higher education and concerns about greater diversity in traditionally white, male disciplines such as physics and engineering. Who are the education researchers in tertiary science and engineering contexts? From the experience in our institutions we have noted that some of these researchers are disciplinary experts with an interest in teaching and learning, while others have an undergraduate grounding in science followed by teaching experience at secondary and tertiary levels, and postgraduate qualifications in education, not in the sciences. The three of us fall within the latter category, and we all began our academic careers at university teaching on courses ranging across mathematics, applied mathematics, computing, physics and chemical engineering. While teaching in these disciplines we chose to focus our research on the educational context of our work. For each of us the primary motivation has been a desire to improve the quality of student learning in the classrooms in which we work. We were encouraged from early in our academic careers to present conference papers and write articles describing our experience and what we had learnt from our teaching practice. We joined colleagues at science and engineering education conferences in sessions to share anecdotally both experience of practice (“What I do in the classroom”) and good ideas (“What I intend to do”). Some presentations were in the form of basic evaluation research while others were versions of action research projects, often as work in progress. Locally, presentations such as these occurred at the numerous national workshops arranged to discuss the effectiveness of science and engineering foundation programmes and at the early academic support programme conferences in the 1990s. Essentially, the message we received at such conferences was that educational research primarily involved reporting on one’s practice and that anyone could and should be doing it.

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Our participation in these conferences gave us the opportunity to share our experiences. It also exposed us to the arguments of those who had begun to move beyond this anecdotal stage. We began to realise that for our work to be taken seriously we needed to find a way to make it more rigorous and theoretically grounded. This has been integrally linked to our efforts to improve our teaching and our students’ learning, but at the same time we have also had to respond to the pressures experienced by all academics to improve our formal qualifications and to sustain an acceptable research output.

METHODOLOGICAL SHIFTS IN OUR RESEARCH PRACTICE In this section, we reflect on how the way in which we have conducted and justified our research has changed with time. To illustrate the methodological shifts that we have made, we draw on two research areas that we have individually and jointly pursued over the last decade: one focused on issues related to diversity in engineering (Research Area A) and the other on the student experience of learning (Research Area B). Within each of these research areas, we refer to several discrete research projects. Table 2 below gives a broad chronology of these research projects referred to in our discussion of the methodological shifts in our research practice. Table 2. Overview of Research Areas A and B

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Positivist phase Research Area A: Diversity in engineering

‘Factors’ influencing women to study engineering

Research Area B: The student experience of learning

Students’ misconceptions of the ‘mole’

Interpretivist phase Why NOT engineering?: an in-depth, qualitative study Students' approaches to learning: small scale, contextualised studies

Towards critical frameworks Engineering students’ experiences of vacation work: situated cognition

Alienation and engagement: an alternative characterization of the student experience Learning as identity formation Teaching first year science and engineering.

MAKING IT MORE ‘SCIENTIFIC’: THE POSITIVIST PHASE Our initial attempts to move beyond the anecdotal phase and do more ‘rigorous’ research were informed by our undergraduate scientific training, and so we took readily to hypotheses, experimental designs which used pre- and post-tests, and statistical analyses. When we looked for help on ‘how to do educational research’ we came across many academics—often successful science or engineering researchers—who saw no difficulty in applying the ‘scientific method’ to educational problems. Later, we came to recognise this as characteristic

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of a ‘positivist’ methodology, in which social phenomena are studied in much the same way that scientists study physical phenomena. An example of such positivist-framed research from our own work (in Research Area A) is the initial research which Jeff and Jenni conducted on women’s participation in engineering (Jawitz & Case, 1998). This study explored why so few women chose to study in this area. The argument made was that if you could find out what motivated the few women who did choose engineering, then you might be able to design interventions and recruitment programmes to encourage more women to do so. This was in line with many education projects in South Africa at the time looking to identify ‘factors’ influencing particular career choices or learning strategies (for example, Agar, 1990; Louw & Louw-Potgieter, 1986). Although they were phrased fairly cautiously, the extract below reveals how the claims represented in the findings tended towards generalisation.

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‘…while white female students appear to be primarily influenced by their school mathematics and science teaching, and a family environment that supports this career choice, the majority of black female students appear to be motivated by the opening up of opportunities to serve their community, and to prove themselves in a career traditionally dominated by white males.’ (Jawitz & Case 1998, p. 239).

In this project, a qualitative pilot study was used to identify an initial set of ‘factors’ influencing career choices. However, as it was driven by the desire to ensure that our research approach was ‘scientific’ and within that frame, the logical next step was to attempt to undertake a large study of all students in the region that would verify that the categories and factors that had emerged were significant. We were able to include most engineering students at three of the regional institutions and worked with a sample of 532 students. Given the methodological underpinnings of this research, it was important for us to work with this large and extensive sample. In conceptualising the study we never expected that we might have to defend this research approach to a department head who objected vehemently to our request that students indicate their race and gender on their responses. This reaction was an important reminder to us of the contested nature of what constitutes research in social contexts, and pointed to some of the difficult methodological issues that we needed to learn to address. A second example of a project that characterised our early attempts at education research is drawn from Research Area B—the student experience of learning. This research was undertaken by Jenni, who focused initially on looking for student ‘misconceptions’ after an induction via a Masters in Education qualification into what were then the dominant modes of doing research in science education. Involved in the teaching of first year chemical engineering students she chose to focus on the “mole” —a standard unit of measure in chemistry that has traditionally presented difficulties to students (Case & Fraser, 1999). Small groups of students were interviewed to identify prevalent misconceptions, and a questionnaire for the whole class was designed based on these findings. A series of practical activities were designed to address these misconceptions, and the effectiveness of this intervention was gauged by comparing students’ pre- and post-test scores on the questionnaire. These interventions were then incorporated in the regular teaching of first year chemical engineering students, and in a revised format are still used today.

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Strong elements of a positivist methodology are evident in the two studies described abo quantitative analyses were included in order to ‘validate’ the findings. In both cases we found ourselves quickly up against the limitations of what these approaches could offer. The focus on correlations and prediction was of little use when one tried to understand why students made particular career choices or went about their learning in particular ways.

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THE FIRST TENTATIVE STEPS OUT OF THE BOX: THE INTERPRETIVIST PHASE As our focus shifted from quantitative correlations to understanding how students perceived the contexts they found themselves in, we began to conceptualise our research in a different manner. We no longer felt the need to ‘validate’ qualitative findings by means of large quantitative studies – the assumption instead was that these findings have value on their own. This marked the start of a shift towards an interpretivist methodology, in which the aim is to identify people’s “culturally derived and historically situated interpretations of the social life-world” (Crotty, 1998, p. 67). For example, the second study in Research Area A, on women in engineering (Jawitz, Case, & Tshabalala, 2000), had a very different research design. We had started to feel that we had been interviewing the wrong set of students and maybe asking the wrong questions, and that we needed to talk to women who had excelled in mathematics and science at school, but who had not chosen to do engineering. Instead of a large-scale quantitative study with 532 students, we conducted in-depth individual interviews with 12 students. However, in the abstract, we did not mention the sample size possibly because we were still under the sway of the notion that a larger sample made the study ‘better’. The analysis we used diverged sharply from the ‘factors’ approach in the first study: here we simply reported on themes that appeared to be dominant in the data, for example the first choice of medicine as a career for a female student who excelled in mathematics and science. Interestingly, given the South African context, the issue of race hardly featured in this study and was only mentioned in the data describing the interview sample. Conference presentations and seminars provided additional stimuli for the shift in methodology. A particular version of constructivism, construed as a theory of learning, was particularly popular in science education at the time, building on the theories of Piaget and Vygotsky (see, for example, Driver, Asoko, Leach, Mortimer, & Scott, 1994; Fensham, Gunstone, & White, 1994). Moll has summarised this perspective as a ‘a core of theses and propositions that suggest that new knowledge arises in children out of real developmental mechanisms, some of which are social and some natural, and on the basis of activity that is simultaneously cultural and individual’ (Moll, 2002, p. 28). As educators we readily embraced this theory for thinking about student learning, although we didn’t really know what a constructivist epistemology would mean for our research. For example, in the mole study mentioned earlier (Case & Fraser, 1999), we worked with a constructivist view of learning but but did not engage with epistemological issues. Later work in Research Area B—the student experiences of learning—began to explore a more interpretivist methodology which is underpinned by a constructivist epistemology (Crotty, 1998). Our research on student approaches to learning began to critique the positivist

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framing of many of the studies being done at the time, in particular the reification of the constructs of deep and surface approaches. In each of Delia’s (Marshall, 1995) and Jenni’s (Case, 2000) PhD studies they used small scale qualitative studies to explore the particular approaches that were represented in the classroom contexts under investigation. Using a constructivist view of research they identified an approach which fell outside the standard deep/surface dichotomy which they termed a procedural approach (Case & Marshall, 2004). Jenni and Delia have argued for a particular way of conducting student learning research (Marshall & Case, 2005). They favour small scale qualitative studies that take account of context and personal experiences, rather than heavily statistical studies which rely on large sample sets and standardized instruments. They agree with the critics of the approach to learning literature that this latter more quantitative approach lends itself to unwarranted reification of the framework and prescriptive rather than descriptive theory. In their current work they are attempting to build further on these directions in adopting more socio-cultural and critical stances into a student learning framework. It is important to note that this engagement with the more interpretivist approaches was not a sudden Damascus experience. From our earliest research attempts we felt uncomfortable with the dominant view that scientific knowledge was the only form of legitimate knowledge. The real challenge was in trying to use these ideas in our research with little formal training in the social sciences. Although the shift to a more interpretivist methodology represented for us a significant change in the way we did our research, the methodologies we used were relatively contained and almost prescriptive. For example, Delia had been drawn to the phenomenographic perspective on learning while doing her PhD. In contrast to the cognitivist perspectives on learning that dominated physics education at the time, phenomenography takes a relational view of learning rather than one that focuses on mental schemata. At the same time however, researchers are encouraged to disregard individual characteristics and focus on a generalised typology describing ways of experiencing phenomena. The position we found ourselves in felt relatively safe and nearly scientific, avoiding some of the messy social stuff. Things started to fall apart however, when we found that we could not adequately address some of the complex issues that form a central feature of our context, such as race and gender, in our research. We naively considered these to be quite unproblematic extensions of some of our conventional research questions, but we struggled to argue for the contextual validity of the results which we generated.

NEW CHALLENGES: GRAPPLING WITH CRITICAL FRAMEWORKS In attempting to address issues of social justice and inequality in our educational contexts, we were drawn to explore alternative research perspectives. For example, in Research Area A, Jenni and Jeff had begun to move from a focus on individual students towards trying to understand the operation of power in social contexts and were drawn to explore socio-cultural perspectives on learning. They also recognised that the project needed to broaden its scope from an exclusive focus on gender to include other aspects of diversity, particularly race. In their study of engineering students’ experiences of vacation work (Case & Jawitz, 2004) they used a situated cognition perspective for considering students’

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engagement with the workplace. Feedback from journal editors and reviewers helped in the process of working out how to theorise race and gender. In the Research Area B—the student experience of learning—Jenni and Delia began to explore other methodologies because approaches to learning theory could not account for how individual students engaged with the learning environment, nor could it explain the persistence of social and educational disadvantage in higher education. A focus on alienation and engagement as an alternative characterisation of the student experience pointed to the role of the lecturer in maintaining or challenging the status quo, and thus led to a critique of traditional power relations in the classroom (Case, 007). Another perspective was provided by the critical discourse analysis of Gee (1999) which 2 places identity formation as central in learning (Case & Marshall, in press). A further methodology explored was that of narrative analysis (Polkinghorne, 1995) which allowed us to problematise the notion of educational ‘disadvantage ‘(Marshall & Case, 2007). The challenge we faced in both our Research Areas was whether our research was making an impact in terms of addressing power relations or inequalities in our work situations. It was all very well to have a better understanding of how female and black students experienced their vacation work or how students experienced their learning, but in what ways would our research be able to effect change in these contexts? In the diversity in engineering research project, one of the implications of our research was that in order to get more women into engineering studies and into the workplace we would need to work towards changing the culture of engineering both within academia and industry. Critical theory tells us that it is not sufficient for research to highlight and illuminate power relations; the point is to address them. Action is the key element (Carr & Kemmis, 1986). Similarly in the student experience of learning project, we would need to go beyond just characterising students’ approaches to learning or implementing changes in isolated classroom situations. In fact, one study in this research area (Case & Gunstone, 2003) had demonstrated how curriculum changes in one course are limited in success if not applied systemically. Yet we were faced with the question of how to address these systemic and structural issues in our higher education work contexts. Critical theory proponents Carr and Kemmis (1986) see these structural issues being addressed through democratic communities of researcher-practitioners, yet we found that concept hard to envisage in our contexts. We found that perhaps an easier place to start was with the emancipatory potential of what we teach and how we portray scientific knowledge. It may be easier to address the implicit power relations between different forms of knowledge by challenging the dominance of the positivist perspective in science and engineering, with its neglect of the wider social, ethical and political contexts of science. This requires a different form of activism, that is located in the heart of what matters to us and what drives our research – teaching and learning. A study of students’ conceptions of science (Linder & Marshall, 1997) shows the beginnings of a grappling with the ideas of critical theory. The study was conducted in a teaching context that promoted transformative learning and developing critical and reflective learners, in contrast to the technical-rational perspective that tends to dominate undergraduate physics teaching practice. However, the paper itself down-played that value-position, and no explicit mention was made here of critical theory in relation to science education. In subsequent work we have taken our research on learning as identity formation and have developed innovations in our first year courses aimed at improving the development of discursive identity and the building of community (Case et al., 2007; Lesia et al., 2007).

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LEARNING TO BE A RESEARCHER: ENTERING THE COMMUNITY OF PRACTICE We have sketched above the shifts that are apparent in the way we have conducted our research over a period of time. As stated earlier, we consider this learning to have taken place within a social and situated context, involving at its heart an entry into a community of practice (Lave & Wenger, 1991). In this section we consider more closely our interactions with those multiple (and sometimes overlapping) communities, and the way these engagements influenced the directions outlined above. These communities comprise influential colleagues, supportive mentors, key articles or books, conferences, students, etc. These interactions have taken us down certain roads, helped us through difficult terrain, and pointed out important signposts. We also consider briefly some communities we experienced early on in our journey, some of which we consciously chose not to identify with. The purpose of this analysis is to highlight what aspects of a research community are critical in supporting new researchers.

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Trying to Find a Community: Following the Influential Voices Early on in our journeys we often found ourselves in awe of people who had ‘made it’ in the research world: experienced colleagues, supervisors, etc. However there were times when what these people suggested did not fit with our intuitions. One example would be the advice to use the scientific method (in the positivist phase outlined above) or the need to use quantitative data to ‘verify’ qualitative findings. Some of these discussions took place in the context of co-supervision arrangements where we were working alongside more experienced colleagues. At these early stages we lacked the confidence or the knowledge of the broader research field to be able to adequately follow our intuitions and so we found ourselves following this advice and producing papers in this mould. Nowadays we find ourselves making use of the advice of more experienced colleagues, but we pick this advice more carefully, preferring to follow the lead of those who are doing the kind of research that we feel is more likely to have a meaningful influence on our teaching and learning contexts. Conferences provided opportunities for finding a place to fit in. Early on we found ourselves in conference environments that supported positivist methodologies, where it was reassuring to find that our work was appreciated, yet at the same time we became more aware of the limitations of these approaches. We also sometimes experienced challenges to our ‘positivist’ research as we presented at these conferences, and although we were often not ready to receive the interpretivist-inspired criticisms, they might have reinforced the shifts that we had begun to make. We also noticed that different conference communities seemed to share views on the validity of particular research approaches, and so, for example, there was little critique of positivist research at engineering education conferences, while considerable questioning of this at some of the other higher education communities. Some conferences like those of the Southern African Association for Research in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education (SAARMSTE) seemed to contain a multitude of voices – with the concept of research in this environment always a contested and shifting terrain. At any point

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in one’s journey it was possible to find a home for our paper, to look back to where we had been, and to encounter papers that stretched us in new directions.

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Creating a Community of Our Own: A Safe Space Efforts by Jeff, Jenni and colleagues in engineering disciplines at UCT to develop educational research in this area led to the establishment of the Centre for Research in Engineering Education (CREE) in the mid-1990s. As part of this initiative Jeff and Jenni were involved in coordinating and reviewing papers for many of the local engineering education conferences from the late 1990s onwards. Here we found ourselves mainly trying to find a balance between anecdotal work based on practice, and research coming from a range of approaches. In this research community, our stance of insisting that anecdotal papers should not be regarded as research was seen as controversial. As much as this shaped the form of the conferences, and maybe the kinds of work that our colleagues strove towards, it certainly impacted on how we saw our own roles. The group in CREE spent considerable energy attempting to create a research community by means of seminars, newsletters and local conferences. In 2001 a series of discussions with a team of Swedish education researchers gave new impetus to these efforts. The key goal of these discussions was to work towards a better understanding of the critical elements of learning and teaching in science and engineering in higher education. Five video conferences were held over a year during which participants shared their research perspectives and findings. More important than the international collaboration, was the bringing together of educational researchers in the Faculty of Engineering and the Built Environment at UCT with colleagues in the faculties of Science at both UWC and UCT. These local participants chose to use the project to build their capacity for doing educational research in their contexts and decided to set up a reading group. This reading group has sustained regular meetings since 2001 with participation ranging from 10 to 15 colleagues all actively researching in tertiary science and engineering education. The reading group has provided a safe space to voice confusion, grapple with unfamiliar terms, and share new insights. We have been surprised by the energy and excitement generated in these meetings, and for many it has provided an intellectual ‘home’. We have found ourselves in a community of individuals in similar positions, none of whom have social science undergraduate backgrounds, trying to find appropriate methodological frameworks. We have focused on developing a ‘metaview’ of research by reading texts concerned with the epistemological underpinnings of research methodologies (Crotty, 1998; Webb, 1996). One of the drivers for us to take this metaview and to explore critiques of interpretivist approaches to research was the nagging dissatisfaction we felt with the capacity of our existing interpretivist methodology to contribute towards addressing power and equality issues in our teaching contexts. While a core group of about eight people have been involved from the start, there have been individuals who have not been able to sustain their participation. Inevitably hierarchies have emerged between the old-timers and the newcomers, those who have begun to acquire the ‘jargon’ and those who haven’t, and the frustrations experienced by someone grappling with new methodologies and new terminology is strongly reflected in an email from a colleague who joined the group near the end of the second year:

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I am generally very “confused” when I attend the meetings, but usually things become clear when I listen to the discussions. I did not always understand the chapters from Crotty, but at least the discussion was focussed in the sense that the chapter under discussion dealt with "one topic" (positivism for instance). I found myself leaving yesterday's session without really knowing what it was about. It seems as if people in the group have some prior knowledge which they can use to “make sense”. I unfortunately do not have that. I personally would really love it if somebody in the group, who is an accomplished researcher, would present their research. Through this presentation the person would then define the terminology used, and hopefully things will make even more sense. Maybe, this is not what you guys want to do with the group, but.... I do not know whether it is worthwhile attending the meetings anymore. Maybe I should first get “jargonized.”... (Email 4th March 2003)

In reply to this email Jeff, reading group convenor at the time, wrote

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When we first started the process two years ago we used the model you suggest. Different people presented their research for discussion. We even invited a colleague who lectures in research methodology to come and present. These sessions soon lost their punch - it was possible to come along and be a passive participant. We wanted a model that removed the passivity out of the equation. Everyone would be required to struggle with the texts and the discussion. I was worried initially that "newer" members of the group would feel left out but it seemed that many managed to overcome this. While initially the newer members sat and listened - it soon became clear that they (and the group as a whole) would benefit much more if they put their issues on the table for discussion. I realise that you might feel many levels of difficulty in engaging with the group, but I think it would be valuable for you to put what you have written in your email to the group as a whole rather than just to me. I am sure many members of the group can relate to what you have expressed. (Email 10 Mar 2003)

The colleague was unable to follow up on the suggestions made above and while attending from time to time has never been able to fully participate in the group. Clearly the space we had created did not feel safe to all who enter it. To address this, a decision was made to pass control of the reading group over to newer members of the group The reading group alone would not have impacted on our work as significantly had we not also all been engaged in a range of research projects, many of which were collaborative. As the reading group proceeded, these research projects became the practical sites for engaging with the theoretical lessons emerging from these and other discussions and readings. We continue to feel our way forward tentatively, gingerly. A recent exercise of the reading group saw us trying to apply Carr and Kemmis’ notion of critical research to our individual research contexts (Carr and Kemmis, 1986). With newfound confidence we were able to articulate why it ‘just didn’t fit’ and it felt as if we beginning to engage with the discourse of critical theory sufficiently to be able to critique it. Somehow it felt as if the discourse was becoming our own. We have also worked through Kvale’s notion of interviewing (Kvale, 1996) and in the process we have been exposed to the (dis)comfort of postmodernism with respect to practical aspects of our own research. More recently, the reading group has read Flyvbjerg’s Why Social Science Matters and we have found his contrasting of Habermas and Foucault's analyses of power particularly illuminating (Flyvbjerg, 2001).

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In late 2006, the reading group started to write, in an attempt to draw together the multiple research perspectives we had explored over the years and to apply these to build a more coherent research-based position on teaching and learning. In the introduction to our paper (Allie et al., 2007), we wrote: This paper has been developed through a collaborative writing process amongst science and engineering education researchers in the Centre for Research in Engineering Education. We are all involved in actively researching our own educational contexts, and this work has been published widely. However, in responding to the current debate around improving throughput in science and engineering, we felt that it would be appropriate to draw together a collective ‘position’ on student learning, building on our knowledge of key theoretical work in the education literature.

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CONCLUSION Often the methodologies that we operate within are hidden, and it is difficult to be explicit about the values and assumptions that inform one’s research (Burton, 2002). Using the approach of personal inquiry in this chapter, we have tried to make overt the methodologies that have been underlying our research over the past ten to fifteen years. We have also found that the social context within which we have worked has profoundly shaped these methodologies. Traditionally, academics interested in their teaching tend to inhabit a form of “pedagogical solitude” (Shulman, 1993) where each person is stuck within the concerns of their own context. The most powerful contribution towards the development of our individual research approaches has come from our participation in a collaborative research community. Central to facilitation of this community has been a reading group where we have grappled with the theories that inform research methodology, and collaborative research projects where we have attempted to implement these theories. On reflection we can see that the methodological shifts we have undergone have been prompted by changes in the research questions that we have sought to address. In particular, we continue to be challenged to find ways to better understand the effects of power in the context of student learning. It is therefore noteworthy that in our own learning to do research we have started to recognise the power dynamics involved in this community. The ‘safe spaces’ that we have created would appear to have their own power dynamics. The challenges for the future are therefore clear. The critical and emancipatory methodologies would appear to have great potential not only for our attempts to characterise our students’ learning experiences, but also as we seek to build research communities that are inclusive and empowering.

REFERENCES Agar, D. (1990). Non-traditional students: perceptions of problems which influence academic success. Higher Education, 19(4), 435-454. Allie, S. Armien, M. N., Bennie, K., Burgoyne, N., Case, J., Craig, T., et al. (2007). Learning as acquiring a discursive identity through participation in a community: A theoretical position on improving student learning in tertiary science and engineering programmes.

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Unpublished manuscript, Cape Town, South Africa. Available at http://www.cree. uct.ac.za. Accessed 17 June 2008. Burton, L. (2002). Methodology and methods in mathematics education research: Where is "The Why"? In S. Goodchild & L. Burton (Eds.), Researching mathematics classrooms: A critical examination of methodology (pp. 1-10). Westport, CT: Praeger. Carr, W., & Kemmis, S. (1986). Becoming critical: Education, knowledge and action research. London: Falmer Press. Case, J. M. (2000). Students' perceptions of context, approaches to learning and metacognitive development in a second year chemical engineering course. Unpublished PhD, Monash University, Melbourne. Case, J. M., Kotta, L. & Mogashana, D. (2007). Developing discursive identity and building community in first year chemical engineering. For Engineering & Science Educators. Vol 11 (pp.8-9). Case, J. M. (2007). Alienation and engagement: Exploring students' experiences of studying engineering. Teaching in Higher Education, 12(1), 199-133. Case, J. M., & Fraser, D. M. (1999). An investigation into chemical engineering students' understanding of moles and the use of concrete activities to promote conceptual change. International Journal of Science Education, 21(12), 1237-1249. Case, J. M., & Gunstone, R. F. (2003). Going deeper than deep and surface approaches: A study of students' perceptions of time. Teaching in Higher Education, 8(1), 55-69. Case, J. M., & Jawitz, J. (2004). Using situated cognition theory in researching student experience of the workplace. Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 41(5), 415-431. Case, J. M., & Marshall, D. (2004). Between deep and surface: Procedural approaches to learning in engineering contexts. Studies in Higher Education, 29(5), 605-615. Case, J. M., & Marshall, D. (in press). The 'no problem' Discourse model: Exploring an alternative way of researching student learning. International Journal of Educational Research. Clandinin, D. J., & Connelly, F. M. (1998). Personal experience methods. In N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Collecting and interpreting qualitative materials. Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE Publications. Crotty, M. (1998). The foundations of social research: Meaning and perspective in the research process. Sydney, Australia: Allen & Unwin. Driver, R., Asoko, H., Leach, J., Mortimer, E., & Scott, P. (1994). Constructing scientific knowledge in the classroom. Educational Researcher, 23(7), 5-12. Fensham, P., Gunstone, R., & White, R. (Eds.). (1994). The content of science. London: Falmer. Flyvbjerg, B. (2001). Making Social Science Matter: Why social inquiry fails and how it can succees again. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge. Gee, J. P. (1999). Social Linguistics and Literacies: Ideology in discourses (2nd ed.): Taylor & Francis. Habermas, J. (1971). Knowledge and human interests. Boston: Beacon Press. Jawitz, J., Case, J., & Tshabalala, M. (2000). Why NOT engineering? The process of career choice amongst South African female students. International Journal of Engineering Education, 16(6), 470-475. Jawitz, J., & Case, J. M. (1998). Exploring the reasons given by South African students for studying engineering. International Journal of Engineering Education, 14(4), 235-240.

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Kvale, S. (1996). InterViews: an introduction to qualitative research interviewing. Sage. Thousand Oaks. Lave, J., & Wenger, E. (1991). Situated learning: Legitimate peripheral participation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lesia, M. Marshall, D. & Schroeder, I. (2007). Making the tacit explicit: accessing the discourse of Physics. For Engineering & Science Educators, Vol 11, 4-6. Linder, C., & Marshall, D. (1997). Linking physics students' development as independent and reflective learners with changes in their conceptions of science. In C. Rust (Ed.), Improving student learning: Improving students as learners, 107-117. Oxford, UK: Oxford Centre for Staff and Learning Development. Louw, J., & Louw-Potgieter, J. (1986). Achievement-Related Casual Attribution: A South African Cross-Cultural Study. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 17(3), 269-282. MacIsaac, D. (1996). The critical theory of Jurgen Habernmas. Unpulbished manuscript available at http://physicsed.buffalostate.edu/danowner/habcritthy.html. Accessed 17 June 2008 Mann, S. J. (2003). A personal inquiry into an experience of adult learning on-line. Instructional Science, 31, 111-125. Marshall, D. (1995). The relationship between learning conceptions, approaches to learning and learning outcomes in foundation year engineering students. Unpublished D.Phil., University of Oxford, Oxford. Marshall, D., & Case, J. (2005). 'Approaches to learning' research in higher education: A response to Haggis. British Educational Research Journal, 31(2), 259-269. Marshall, D., & Case, J. (2007). Using narrative analysis to explore the student learning experience: a paradigmatic case study. Presented at the 14th International Conference on Learning, Johannesburg. Moll, I. (2002). Clarifying constructivism in a context of curriculum change. Journal of Education, 27, 5-32. Polkinghorne, D. (1995). Narrative configuration in qualitative analysis. In J. A. Hatch & R. Wisniewski (Eds.), Life history and narrative, 5-23. London: Falmer. Schön, D. A. (1995). Knowing-in-Action: The new scholarship requires a new epistemology. Change, November/December 1995, 27-34. Shulman, L. S. (1993). Teaching as Community Property: Putting an End to Pedagogical Solitude. Change Magazine, Nov/Dec 1993(6), 6-7. Webb, G. (1996). Understanding staff development. London: Society for Research into Higher Education & Open University Press.

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In: Researching Possibilities in Mathematics … Editor: K. Setati, R.Vithal, C. Malcolm et al.

ISBN: 978-1-60692-292-7 ©2009 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 9

METHODOLOGY IN POLICY-RELATED RESEARCH Anitha Ramsuran University of KwaZulu–Natal, Durban, South Africa But, then, what is philosophy today—philosophical activity, I mean—if it is not the critical work that thought brings to bear on it-self? In what does it consist, if not in the endeavor to know how and to what extent it might be possible to think differently, instead of legitimating what is already known? —Foucault, 1985:9

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INTRODUCTION This chapter is inspired by my PhD study that aimed to unravel the processes by which two major and connected policies in South Africa were developed, and how those processes are best researched and understood. Curriculum 2005 (C2005) in 1997 and the Revised National Curriculum Statements (RNCS) in 2002 have been two major and connected curriculum policy initiatives in post-apartheid South Africa. This chapter highlights ways in which researchers working in the field of educational policy grapple with theoretical and methodological issues associated with researching policy. The PhD study is framed by a single research question: What are the theoretical, methodological and contextual constructs that frame the conception of scientific literacy in the Natural Science Curriculum? Although the chapter is located broadly in the general policy domain, the science policy documents are used as a case to highlight the theoretical and methodological issues associated with researching policy. Throughout this chapter I offer reflections on the process of researching policy, highlighting the cognitive journey undertaken, and raise some concerns of this relatively under-researched approach, particularly in analyzing policy in the South African context. The chapter is limited to the policy development domain and does analyse the implementation of policy. Three central arguments are foregrounded in this chapter. Firstly, that much of policy research is methodologically unsophisticated; secondly that ‘policy documents…are ideological texts which have been constructed in a particular context’ (Codd, 1988:243-4); and, thirdly, there are ‘politics of research’ associated with researching policy.

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SKETCHING THE CONTEXT In the new South Africa, multiculturalism, economic development, infrastructure, service provision and globalization, etc. have placed enormous pressures on education, science curriculum policies and definitions of science in the curriculum. In the years before 1994, South African education was characterized by an intentionally uniform and predictable curriculum environment. The apartheid state managed a centralized curriculum policy system that was described as racist, Euro-centered, sexist, authoritarian, prescriptive, unchanging, context-blind and discriminatory (Jansen, 1999). The year 1990 signaled numerous political changes inside South Africa. Competing social movements and political actors began to stake their curriculum position in anticipation of South Africa’s first democratic, non-racial elections. As part of educational reform, the conception of what was most worth learning in the name of science education – and scientific literacy – was bound to change. In March 1997, the Minister of Education officially launched its most ambitious project for educational reform, Curriculum 2005 (C2005), with an underlying philosophy of outcomes-based, learner-centered education. This resulted in profound shifts in how curriculum and teaching were to be understood, in all learning areas, including science. Barely two years later, the same government (albeit under a new Minister of Education) called for a “streamlining” of C2005. This heralded further changes in the curriculum (as well as the conceptual knowledge) and the conception of scientific literacy. In 2001, the Draft National Curriculum Statements for each learning area (a “streamlined” version of C2005) was launched for discussion and implementation in selected pilot schools in 2002. Given the sheer scale and complexity of the original C2005, most teachers were still grappling with the implementation in their classrooms (Taylor & Vinjevold, 1999; Jansen & Christie 1999; Malcolm, 2001). In fact, the original C2005 had not yet been “phased-in” to all compulsory school grades (1–9) as originally envisioned — a process to be completed by the year 2005. Yet, in midstream, a new or “thin” version of the curriculum was launched which is substantially different from its relative curriculum 2005 of 1997. It is against this backdrop that this chapter examines three methodological issues related to the policy development process.

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METHODOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS IN POLICY RESEARCH Policy Research Is Methodologically Unsophisticated Although some attention has been given to the development of ‘policy oriented qualitative research’ Finch (1984) and Ball (1990:9) have noted that the field has been dominated by commentary and critique rather than empirical research. In South Africa specifically, the dominant approaches to policy analysis and critique since the transition have been structuralist and empirical rational in orientation (Tickly, 2003). Much education policy research, as Maquire and Ball (1994) note, has been methodologically unsophisticated, with issues of language and meaning taken for granted. Where critical approaches have been used, the literature on analyzing the policy process, although vast, does not provide methodological tools to operationalise the policy process. Recently, critical approaches to educational policy

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studies have been subjected to increasing interrogation over methodological issues, often by critical policy researchers themselves (Gale, 2001). The literature on critical policy analyses offer few critical accounts and connections between the stories they tell about policy and the data used to tell them (Gale, 2001). Another critical issue is that many researchers who are not the policy makers themselves, doing policy related research, are not present when policies are being formulated and written. The accounts that are given therefore construct a particular reality of the policy process. There are also challenges that accompany the pursuit of qualitative methods that are related to the politics of research. Qualitative approaches within policy research require access to key players in the policy process who are often powerful politicians, political advisors and senior bureaucrats Questions of access to such people can become an issue, particularly for students conducting research (Taylor et al., 1997).

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METHODOLOGICAL TOOLS TO OPERATIONALISE THE POLICY PROCESS The rationalist approach to the analysis of the policy process is useful in analyzing what the goals of the policy process are and how have they been achieved. The rational approach is limited in analyzing how power influences the policy process. But once the researcher shifts out of the rationalist mode of policy research, the researcher is left suspended and methodological tools for analyzing the policy process simply do not exist. For policy researchers in South Africa, who have been schooled in structural and rational approaches to policy analysis, the literature on critical policy analysis does not adequately provide the language of description and analysis for the policy process. According to Ball (1994a) ‘the task, then, is to examine the moral order of reform and the relationship of reform to existing patterns of social inequality, bringing to bear those concepts and interpretive devices which offer the best possibilities of insight and understanding’ (p2). Foucault (1985) in the last sentence of the above extract captures the essence of critical policy analysis: ‘to know how and to what extent it might be possible to think differently, instead of legitimating what is already known’. Critical approaches to policy analysis question legitimacy and include neomarxist approaches; conflictual rather than functionalist perspectives, post-structuralism and feminism. Troyna (1994:81-2) emphasizes the need for linkages between critical policy analysis and critical social research and approaches that are interested not only in what is going on and why, but also in doing something about it. Drawing on Harvey (1990), Troyna (1994) stresses that ‘critical social research includes an overt political analysis against oppressive social structures’ (1994:72) and practices (Taylor et al., 1997), concerning itself with how progressive change might occur and the desirability of alternative policy options. Ball (1994a) advocates an open and creative approach, choosing theories and concepts for the task at hand, rather than narrowly applying a particular model that might close off relevant theories and possibilities for interpretation. These broad approaches to analyzing what happens during the policy process do not provide the researcher with analytical tools or a sophisticated language of description. In critical policy analysis the framework for choice rests in principles of equity and social change Taylor et al., 1997). In such an open framework, Kenway’s (1990:24) ‘what’ ‘how’ and ‘why’ questions may be useful ways to begin. More specifically, Kenway (1990: 24)

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asks, ‘what is the approach to education in terms of curriculum, assessment, and forms of pedagogy? ‘How are such proposals organized?’ in terms of funding and staffing arrangements, authority and administrative structures; and ‘why have they been selected?’ These questions relate to more general sociological questions such as: ‘why was this policy adopted? On whose terms was the policy adopted? On what grounds have these selections been justified? Why and in whose interests? How have competing interests been negotiated?’ Henry (1993) argues that critical policy analysis is ‘a value laden activity which explicitly or implicitly makes judgments as to whether and in what ways policies help to make things better’ (Henry, 1993:104). This involves exploring the values and assumptions that underlie policies, conceptions of ‘better’ and the related issues of power. It leads to analytical questions such as, ‘In whose interests?’ and ‘Who are the winners and losers?’ in any particular policy initiative. It involves exploration of conditions preceding the policy initiative, to ways in which the policy problem and its context were identified and framed. The framework suggested by the literature is an openone, the questions asked are broadly sociological and fine-grained methodological tools and a language of description for analyzing the policy process simply do not exist. On the other hand, Gale (2001) has usefully illustrated through policy historiography, policy archaeology and policy genealogy questions that could be asked in the interests of the broad questions (the ‘what’, ‘how’ and ‘why’ of policy) proposed by (Harvey, 1990; Kenway, 1990; Henry, 1993; Troyna, 1994; Taylor et al., 1997). The complexity and scope of policy analysis – from the workings of the state to contexts of practice and the distributional outcomes of policy – precludes the possibility of single-theory explanations (Ball, 1994b). A toolbox of concepts and theories is required – an applied sociology rather than a pure one. That toolbox must provide ways of operationalising critical policy analysis as a research methodology. My concern in the PhD study was on how the policymaking process was structured and what ideologies and politics framed the selection of conceptual knowledge and the conception of scientific literacy. My own framework of concern is that of inclusivity and social justice. Thus a critical part of the PhD study was the relationship between power and knowledge – at the level of the policy writing process (the power of the pen) and at the level of schooling, where more powerful people decide the knowledge which pupils have access to. In this chapter, the theoretical constructs of archaeology, regularities, governmentality and professionalisation are used to provide the ‘language of description’ needed to analyse the policy process for policy in general and science education policy in particular.

Archaeology and Regularities Scheurich (1997) has written an instructive account on archaeology and its relevance to policy analysis. Taking archaeology as its metaphor, it excavates the policy process, looking for structures, conditions and cultures that gave rise to the policy. Policy archaeology investigates the constitutive grid of conditions, assumptions, and forces that makes possible the emergence of a social problem, its strands and traces, and possible solutions. The use of the concept of regularities allows one as a policy researcher to move into a theoretical arena that allows for a more complex analysis and to work between policy makers’ rhetoric and operationally defined positions within the curriculum reform process for example what does

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redress mean in science education policy documents? Does it mean diluting science? Access to powerful scientific knowledge? Access to non-Western ways of knowing? “Social regularities” consist of patterns of thought and ways of thinking that permeate the policy process. Scheurich (1997) makes four points about them that are useful for this chapter. Firstly, the regularities are not intentional, in that no particular individual or group consciously created them (though some individuals and groups benefit from them). Social orders are continuously re-established by networks of social regularities without the need for controlling agencies. Secondly, while social regularities determine social problems and policy solutions, they operate neither as outside nor inside forces; they constitute rather than set the conditions in which action is taken. Thirdly, regularities change, perhaps even disappearing or being created. Policy archaeology posits that it can not only identify the regularities but also delineate shifts in regularities. Fourthly, regularities operate largely below the surface; social agents may or may not be self-consciously aware of the social regularities shaping their subjectivities and practices. Policy archaeology is premised on the idea that there are powerful grids or networks of regularities that are constitutive of the emergence or social construction of a particular problem as a social problem, regularities that constitute what is labeled as a problem and what is not labeled as a problem. In this chapter I will discuss how two regularities that are constituted by the policy problem and have emanated from the data provide tools for a more sophisticated analysis of the policy process. These regularities are governmentality and professionalization. Governmentality allows the unmasking of covert and overt ideologies, politics and power, and the ways these are reinforced by structures. Professionalisation as a regularity extends the governmentality idea: the science policy writers for the C2005 and the RNCS processes were responding to three broad audiences: the government (through the transformation agenda), the international community of science educators, and to the local community of science educators. All these are part of governmentality, but the professional allegiances had a special place—the science educators felt their loyalty to science education very strongly.

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Governmentality Foucault’s ideas of governmentality have had limited penetration in South Africa, where the dominant approaches to policy analysis and critique since the transition have been structuralist and empirical-rational (Tickly, 2003). Foucault (1991) uses the term governmentality’ in two main ways (Dean 1999). The first is in terms of a general approach towards thinking about the state. Rather than seeking to deduce an essential set of characteristics, essence or a priori interests that ‘define’ the role of the state (as liberal and Marxist accounts attempt to do), he sees the changing nature of the state as being a function of changing rationalities of government. In this view, governmentality can be considered as the art of government, a way of thinking about the practice of government (who can govern, what governing is, what or who is governed) (Gordon 1991). The art of government is often taken for granted by its practitioners in that it draws on ideas, theories, philosophies, and forms of knowledge about governing that are culturally embedded. In contemporary liberal societies, these forms of knowledge derive from the human sciences, such as economics, politics, psychology, sociology and education. Secondly, governmentality for Foucault (1991)

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also has a more specific meaning as a way of marking the emergence of distinctly new forms of thinking about and exercising power in certain societies. Essentially governmentality is about covert beliefs, practices and rationality of government. In the South African case of curriculum development, the new system of government has deepened and extended the use of a neo–liberal rationality of government. Although the data drawn was centred on the micro domain of policy making, the ideas of governmentality proliferate all domains, albeit debated mostly at the macro level. There was a push for the neo-liberal agenda of government. The rationality of government influenced how policy makers conceived their roles and channeled the process as articulated by the following policy writer:

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It was restrictive in the sense that we had people from the Department with a particular departmental agenda whatever that was, whether it was political or whether it was intellectual, whether it was bureaucratic or whatever, they channeled this process. That was not always a weakness; there had to be some channeling otherwise it would have gone off in a million different directions, but yes, there was this attempt to integrate and there were these people that made sure we did integrate, but I don’t think it got beyond the level of rhetoric because I think the LA groupings did their own thing anyway (Policy writer B-C2005).

The intentions and policy choices made by the policy makers in the RNCS and C2005 processes were noble, but were largely constrained by the rationality of government in bringing about a coordinated re-structuring of all aspects of schooling. There was still fluidity within the state in terms of the operations of government given that the data drawn was in a period of transitional context. In this transitional context forms of governmentality were constituted as addressing redress and transformation. For example, in many aspects, e.g., in the conception of scientific literacy, goals of science and the specific outcomes, there has been remarkable challenge to the dominant social order and rationality of the government. Yet, in other aspects, for example, the choice of content, policy writers were constrained by the neo-liberal agenda (for e.g., globalisation) and their own conservatism. There were clear intentions not to dilute ‘science’ for the sake of redress. Another mechanism that has been significant in introducing new techniques of government especially during the C2005 and the RNCS reform periods has been the widespread use of overseas consultants and management consultancy firms. Indeed, reliance on these overseas consultants and consultancy firms was another manifestation of the fluidity within government, when what was done was still open to external influences. Overseas consultants constituted the governmentality rationality and this found expression in catalyzing the development of new management techniques and systems in education, health, social services and other spheres. In disciplinary terms this has meant extending and deepening the use of statistical techniques, neo-classical economic and management theory. Their work has helped to link social policy in South Africa to a global archive of knowledge about populations and suitable policy options held by the international financial institutions and sections of the donor community (Tickly, 2003). Thus governmentality was not only local but linked to the global community and developments. Overseas consultants became links to this global movement. In this case then, governmentality resulted in expressing the spread, coverage and influence of the global agenda. This was clearly a catalyst in the C2005 process:

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Going back to the Department of Labor—Generally labor wanting to try and narrow the mental-manual gap in the curriculum. In September of 1996 we had a lot of speakers, we had the people from the Scottish Vocational Educational Council and we had some Australians and so on all talking about the process and the idea was to try and structure OBE and what it would look like and then we got together in subject areas, it was as that point that we actually named the thing the Natural Sciences, because they wanted to talk about science, so we gave it that name and I personally kind of pushed that and pushed that so we could include all the sciences in that. And at that stage we had what we loosely called Learning Area Committees (LAC) (Policy writer B-C2005).

The point here is not so much the use of overseas consultants, but the rationalities they brought with them – from the World Bank to John Bray, they tended to the neo-liberal position, and directly and indirectly urged the government in that direction.

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Professionalization Professionalization works closely in tandem with governmentality. Professionalization is a proliferation of professions to treat and manage the citizenry, i.e., produce disciplined, productive citizens (Scheurich, 1997). The larger implications of this goal are not evident to the professionals themselves. Like government agents, professionals operate with the best of intentions; indeed good intentions are an important facet of their professional socialization. Consequently, while professionals function within a mindset that legitimizes the need for and value of their therapeutic, transformational or management theories, the theories are ideologies, the regulative purpose of which is to fashion productive citizens according to the norms of the current social order, i.e., to normalize citizens (Scheurich, 1997). The labeling of problem groups by social agents – particularly by socially legitimated social agents such as professionals) disciplines citizens by defining what a proper productive citizen is and by reaffirming the productive citizens’ goodness or correctness. Popkewitz (1996) notes that the modernization inscribed in professionalization joins political rationalities with the production of the disciplined and self-reflective individual. Educational practices – among a multitude of practices associated with the emergence of modernity – have played a central role in the professionalization and bureaucratization of western society and have had a direct impact on all sections of society. Professionalization within the field of science education was particularly significant for the PHD study. The roles of professionals are important in a number of ways: (i) their use contains the idea of ‘experts’ including the corollary of narrowness; (ii) they are networked to a (global) profession, an hence are under the influence of ideas that dominate professional discussion; (iii) they have two allegiances which are in tension – one to the profession, the other to the State; and (iv) they can be co-opted to particular positions, whether derived from government or from their professions. As part of the policy process, a team of education professionals – especially science educators – was established to treat the social problem. In proposing the ‘treatment’ (a policy) they also refined or defined ‘the problem’, and their definition was largely derived from the international professional literature in science education:

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Anitha Ramsuran [There was a] need to address the skewed education system as designed under the apartheid era. Secondly, there was a need to have a curriculum that acknowledged current – on a world scale – philosophy and thinking on education in general, and on science education in particular. I’m thinking of a whole lot of different levels. You know, the need to conceptualise what science really is, what kinds of knowledge you are dealing with…as well as predominant learning theories like social constructivism… (Policy writer B-C2005).

For the C2005 and the RNCS processes there were no lobbying by pressure groups; groups that had responded to public inputs did so in a spirit of contributing rather than unsettling the process. Perhaps a key point here is that those who participated in the public sessions and provided critiques and inputs were usually science education professionals – from academia and unions much more than from teachers, or from professional associations of scientists, engineers, environmentalists, medical practitioners, and so on. In other words, major influences on the content of the Natural Science documents in C2005 and the RNCS were the knowledge and commitments of science education professionals. While the key actors (the various writers, consultants and respondents) were South African science educators well attuned to overseas practice as well as South African conditions, the ‘profession’ extended well beyond South Africa, influencing policy directly and indirectly, through intended contributions and unintended contributions. These contributions were not simply ideological, nor technical. You need to reflect on the role, influence and intersections between professionals drawn upon beyond South Africa, and that of overseas consultants and their roles and contributions as discussed under governmentality. There seem to be parallels between the two in terms of their roles in governmentality and professionalisation.

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‘POLICY DOCUMENTS…ARE IDEOLOGICAL TEXTS WHICH HAVE BEEN CONSTRUCTED IN A PARTICULAR CONTEXT’ (CODD, 1988: 243-4) Analysis of policy documents is another critical area in policy research. Documents are “products” like speech itself, of a system within which they are defined and made meaningful. Documents so defined are converted into “texts” to be read and interpreted (Foucault, 1973:47). Aside from the methodological problems associated with any qualitative technique (sampling, generalization, validity, especially external validity and reliability), content analysis has been unable to capture the context within which a written text has meaning. The un-decidable or the uncertainty in meaning that arises from changes in context is an irreducible and a given in all texts. This necessitates other forms of data collection so that textual data become more meaningful and located. One must accept the difficulty of reading intentions from speech acts or texts and eschew final answers through philosophical analysis. Formal modes of meaning cannot be forced into simple matrices based on a series of binary oppositions. The ‘irrational’ has a new place in analyses of political myth (Barthes, 1972). A post-structual orientation with particular focus on discourse theory and ideology provides useful tools to analyse documents and the policy process.

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Poststructuralism Poststructuralists urge careful reconsideration of written texts and their formulation, constitutional and conventional interpretation. To some extent, because the conventional canons of interpretation reflect dominant values (and writers), they obscure the virtues of writers, ideas, perspectives and values deemed marginal. In this sense, post-structuralism turns attention to the margins and reverses the usual adherence to dominant cultural values. A text, in post-stucturalist terms, is not an object or thing, but an occasion for the interplay of multiple codes and perspectives. One must seek to and examine the operations or means by which meaning is conveyed (Derrida, 1976; Kristeva, 1980:37).

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Discourse Theory Applications of discourse theory could be appropriate to analyse policy documents as it allows valuable fine-grained analyses of policy documents to be undertaken within a broader structural analysis. This approach is also useful in highlighting values and teasing out competing discourses, both in the development and implementation stages of the policy process. Discourse analysis can be used to help answer many of the major questions highlighting the subtleties of the ways language is used in policy making and illuminating how the policy process may work-particularly in relation to change (Taylor et al., 1997). Discourse theory can be helpful in relation to this task, for example in exploring the historical context of specific policies and how policy ‘problems’ are constructed. It is also useful in highlighting how policies come to be framed in certain ways, in other words in pointing to the ways in which economic, social, political and cultural contexts shape both the content and language of policy documents. For example, discourse theory can be used to analyse significant changes in the framing of approaches to educational inequality, and in key concepts that have been used in education policies (Rizvi & Kemmis, 1987; Connell & White, 1989). At another level, one can move to the area of language and explore further the way equity issues are framed within the document. At yet another level one could focus on linguistic strategies used by the text, for example the devices used to address the reader (Luke et al. 1993). As Apple puts it: ‘Concepts do not remain still for long: they have wings, so to speak, and can be induced to fly from place to place. It is this context, that defines their meaning’ (1993:49). It cannot simply be reduced to the intentions and ambitions of a few key actors. Each contribution, from whatever source, ramifies and re-articulates existing concerns and assumptions. In a sense, the discourse speaks for itself and policy makes itself. It is not a process of fine, strategic, political control. Such texts contain divergent meanings, contradictions and structured omissions, so that different effects are produced on different readers.

Ideology An important task of policy analysis is to examine those effects and expose the ideological processes that lie behind the production of the text. Thus it is suggested that the

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analysis of policy documents could be construed as a form of textual deconstruction (Codd, 1988). However, it is important that such fine-grained textual analyses are placed in a broader context. Codd’s (1988) formulation is useful here: ‘Policy documents….are ideological texts which have been constructed in a particular context’ (1988:243-4). The concept of ideology was used to de-construct the text (the Natural Science policy documents for the C2005 and RNCS processes). The use of the concept of ‘ideology’ lends itself towards a philosophical and sociological interpretation of science education’s aims, contexts and possible effects. The purpose of philosophy in an educational context, is exemplified by Carson (1998), in his article on science and the ideals of liberal education, which is of particular interest to the ideology-in-science-education-debate:

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Philosophy provides a kind of meta-analysis of the public debates over education, examining issues such as what ought to be taught, how it should be taught and why it should be taught. Philosophy organises these and other aspects of the discourse within a larger framework of conventional philosophical topics. . . . What is the ultimate nature of reality? What is knowledge and how do (or can) we acquire it? What is the relationship between knowledge and the world that it is supposed to represent? What makes life meaningful? How should we act? What is democracy? What is the relationship between education and democracy? Who in society is capable of being educated? What is the nature of humanity? What are the goals of schooling? (Carson, 1998, p. 1001).

The concept of worldview is especially valuable in its potential to “unpack or deconstruct the tacit metaphysical underpinnings of science curricula” (Cobern 1996:594). For the epistemological, ontological-metaphysical and axiological claims of ideology made in the conception of scientific literacy see Ramsuran, (2005). In developing science education policies there are tensions between economic and democratic discourses between localization and globalization; Western and African Science and individualism versus collectivism. Other relevant philosophies/values that emanate from the data are science-centered versus human centered; science for all; science theory versus context; national values versus local; economic development versus equity; structure-prescription versus freedom (Ramsuran, 2005). The definition of scientific literacy1 changed over these two reform periods (in terms of the wider definition of science in C2005 document) and how much it was ‘African’ rather than ‘universal’ (i.e., how was it different from overseas versions). However, the RNCS implied definition of scientific literacy2 is not greatly different from overseas versions such as the Australian one – which also incorporated Science, Technology, Society; applications of science; Nature of Science; and Earth Science, but remained centered on traditional topics and ideas from Physics, Chemistry Biology and Earth Science (classical humanist/ academic rationalist ideology). Thus few radical attempts were made in C2005 and RNCS to localize the definition of science, e.g., in response to African cultures and rural experience (a social 1

In articulating the definition of scientific literacy the C2005 policy document states that: Scientific literacy involves the ability to apply scientific concepts and principles to everyday life and being able to recognize their use or non-use in a variety of contexts…and scientific literacy is enhanced when it is accessible to learners. Therefore language development is crucial for both science education and scientific literacy. (NS-24). 2 The RNCS policy document in its purpose makes specific reference to scientific literacy. (Unlike the C2005 document, it does not offer a definition of scientific literacy but does state how scientific literacy can be promoted.)

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reconstructive ideology). Thus the pressures for ‘updating’ were guided by overseas developments more than local conceptions of science, and equity was viewed mostly in these terms (access to the same kinds of science that exist overseas; globalization etc). In many ways, the C2005 definition of scientific literacy was wider than the RNCS definition. But even there, the writers’ comments (in interview) tend to imply a ‘universal’ definition of scientific literacy rather than a localized, contextualised one. In the conception of scientific literacy the documents do not adequately address the Africanisation of science knowledge; an appreciation of the particularities of science practice for the purposes of curriculum development in the classroom; ways in which teachers could respond to different and conflicting explanations of scientific phenomena, i.e., it presupposes a lack of conflict in alternate explanations to phenomena. In terms of the analysis of ideologies, C2005 appears to have a strong humanist, multicultural and socially critical stance, the latter particularly in terms of learning. Analysis of the RNCS policy document show a similar pattern but tighter because of its prescription for ‘high knowledge, high skills’. The ‘shifts’ were: C2005—a shift from content-based science to OBE/learner centered science with a wide definition of science (through content still based on the traditional big ideas of science- although the team resisted pressures for a content free curriculum policy); RNCS: tightening up the degree of prescription (and clarity of expectations) through assessment standards; a shift to ‘high knowledge’, ‘high skills’ with a resistance of pressure for tight specification of content grade by grade. Thus in both processes the policy writers took the middle ground in terms of specifying contenthighlighting a stronger shift towards professional allegiance rather than rationality of government.

THE POLITICS OF RESEARCHING POLICY

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Researcher’s Presence Another critical issue in policy related research is that many researchers are not present when policies are being formulated and written. The C2005 and the RNCS processes were premised on the notion of stakeholder representation, but in the new South African policy structure this did not extend to researchers (except in the cases where research is undertaken for policy rather than of policy). To this end crystallization, where statements from one or another interviewee that seemed to bring together various pieces of evidence (from a number of interviewees) in ways that captured the meaning of that evidence, can be a useful analytical tool. I was not present at the meetings and could not obtain first hand data on how the process unfolded. In immersion/ crystallization, the three core steps are collapsed into an extended period of intuition-rich immersion within the text (Moustakas, 1990; Stein, 1990). It is the interpreter, as an editor, who serves as an organizing system in the editing style (Addison, 1992; Crabtree and Miller, 1992a; McCracken, 1988; Strauss and Corbin, 1990; Willms, Best, Taylor et al., 1990), whereas an open-ended template or codebook is the organizing system for template analysis (Crabtree and Miller, 1992b; Miles and Huberman, 1984; Spradley, 1979, 1980.)

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164 Immersion/Crystallization Analysis Style

Editing Analysis Style Interpretor (Editor)

Investigator (Reflector) Report

TEXT

TEXT Identify Units Report Develop Categories Crystallize Connections Interpretively Determine Connections

Verify Template Analysis Style Report

Quasi-Statistical Analysis Style

TEXT

Codebook Report

Identify Units

Revise Categories

Interpretively determine Connections

TEXT

Identify Units

Sort into Categories

Statistically Determine Connections

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Verify Verify Figure A: Diagrammatic Representation of Different Analysis Styles (Source: Crabtree & Miller (1992b).

Access to Policy Makers Policy research aims to unravel the complexities of the policy process, a task for which qualitative methods are more appropriate. There are challenges that accompany the pursuit of qualitative methods that are related to the politics of research. Qualitative approaches within

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policy research require access to key players in the policy process who are often powerful politicians, political advisors and senior bureaucrats (Taylor et al., 1997). Questions of access to policy makers can become an issue, particularly for students conducting research. In the South African case, in attempt to involve as many and as inclusive a stakeholder representation of the population as possible, access to people involved in writing the science curriculum policy documents became a logistic issue as policy makers were located far and wide. In addition, policymakers are busy people and to agree to a time and place for an interview does pose additional challenges. The use of telephonic interviews can then become a useful and cost-saving technique. In addition to logistical access, the researcher’s presence in the interview situation (particularly policy research where influential and powerful people are the interviewees) has been highlighted by feminist researchers for some time (Roberts, 1981) and within the general qualitative literature (Le Compte et al., 1992). Ozga and Gewirtz (1994) have written specifically about their experience as women policy researchers interviewing past and present senior policy makers. People being interviewed will provide an account from a perspective that may include a distorted or magnified/glorified perception of their role in relation to a particular policy. The reverse may also be true where because of their inherent personalities and a penchant for humbleness, policy makers may gloss over their powerful and influencing role in the process (Taylor et al., 1997). For this reason it was important to access as many accounts and sources as possible in order to move towards a complete and as ‘true’ a picture as possible. There are also ethical issues to do with the anonymity of informants and confidentiality of the information they provide. Policy writers have acquired a particular ‘speak’ which became even more relevant for the RNCS process were the number of policy makers were fewer. In addition, policy makers were chosen because of their work in enhancing the profession in particular ways (for, e.g., in environmental education) and in some cases for strong views on certain issues which they articulate in particular ways. How does one mask this in the interest of anonymity? This raises important ethical issues. It thus became necessary to present the biographic details of policy makers and extracts chosen from interview data under different names even if they were from one policy maker. This raises questions about consistency of responses and validity of the data. .

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CONCLUSION This chapter raises methodological issues in policy-related research and documents the cognitive journey undertaken. Archaeology, governmentality, professionalisation, regularities and ideology provided useful tools to deepen the analysis in policy-related research. Ideology is linked with the practices, beliefs and rationality of government, so that the interests of archaeology in this chapter were to excavate various ideologies and uncover interests at work. Professionalisation highlighted allegiances to the profession of science and how this was, at times, constrained by the rationality of government. The Science policy-writing team took pride in standing somewhat at a distance from the writing teams in other learning areas – in C2005, they managed to insert ‘content’; in RNCS they made a number of new rules, such as the 70-30% (70% core content and 30% content chosen from context) rule in specifying content. However, the RNCS is much like overseas in the way that the four themes were chosen and the way in which assessment standards were written, etc., and the dominant view

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of ‘equity’ was access to ‘world standard curriculum’ (taught in local contexts)’—an allegiance to a global profession. This chapter also raised the issue of access to policy makers and the politics of research. Finding a meaningful point of closure is not easy. The largely post-structuralist position adopted in this chapter opened up a space of uneasiness and unstableness:

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The space opened out and fought over by the words post-modernism, post-structuralism or deconstruction is . . . an unstable and very unclearly bounded territory, crossed and divided in turn by other theories and discourses, which similarly coalesce and fragment in uneasy alliances and disputes over territory . . . So . . . tests that open with definitions, frames and positioning statements disappoint by pre-emptively closing off large areas of space in which they might play (Stronach and Maclure, 1997: 11).

This uneasiness and unstableness has been analysed via various constructs (archaeology, governmentality, professionalisation, regularities and ideology) that frame conceptions of scientific literacy. In the world of educational practice there comes a moment of closure on policy options but not necessarily on research. That is not to say that policy-making is a tidy and clear-cut business. As Ball (1990, 1994) and others have shown, it is often a messy and confused affair, marked by shifts of emphases, backtracking and redirections. Nevertheless, decisions have to be taken and policy documents have to be written. There is, however, an important qualification to be made. While policy makers have to take decisions within restricted time frames, as far as researchers are concerned there is never a point of final closure. There is always the possibility of going back to first principles, re-analysing the data, incorporating new evidence, applying different interpretative techniques—indeed, the very concept of researcher presupposes such intellectual open-mindedness (Humes and Bryce, 2003). Ball (1995: 266) offers a ‘post-structural, post-epistemological’ alternative. It involves a reinstatement of theory: Theory is a vehicle for ‘thinking otherwise’; it is a platform for ‘outrageous hypotheses’ and for ‘unleashing criticism’. Theory is destructive, disruptive and violent. It offers a language for challenge, and modes of thought, other than those articulated for us by dominant others. It provides a language of rigour and irony rather than contingency. The purpose of such theory is to defamiliarize present practices and categories, to make them seem less self-evident and necessary, and to open up spaces for invention of new forms of experience. The post-epistemological theorist will eschew the scientific claim to originality, discovery and the improvement of the human condition (Ball 1995: 268). The educational researcher, on this account, will serve as ‘a cultural critic offering perspective rather than truth . . . edifying conversations, rather than truth-generating epistemological efforts must be the staple of a post-structural social science’ (Ball 1995: 268). The intellectual and researcher task then opens new possibilities and spaces, and so it becomes: We shall not cease from exploration And the end of all our exploring Will be to arrive where we started And know the place for the first time. —T.S. Elliot

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REFERENCES Addison, R.B. (1992). Grounded hermeneutic research. In B.F. Crabtree & W.L. Miller (Eds.), Doing qualitative research (pp110-124). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Apple, M. W. (1993). Official Knowledge. New York: Routledge. Atkinson, 1990, 1992 Atkinson, P.A. (1990). The ethnographic imagination: Textual constructions of reality. London: Routledge. Atkinson, P.A. (1992). Understanding ethnographic texts. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Ball, S.J. (1990). Politics and Policy Making in Education: Explorations in Policy Sociology, London: Routledge. Ball, S. J. (1994 a). Researching inside the state: Issues in the interpretation of elite interviews, in D. Halpin and B. Troyna (eds.), Researching Education Policy: Ethical and Methodological Issues(pp 107-20). London: Falmer Press. Ball, S. J. (1994b). Education Reform: A critical and Post-structural Approach, Buckingham: Open University Press. Ball, S. J. (1995). Intellectuals or technicians? The urgent role of theory in educational studies. British Journal of Educational Studies, 43(3), 255-271. Barthes, R. (1972). Mythologies. (A. Lavers. Trans.). New York: Hill and Wang. Barthes, R. (1975). The pleasure of the text. (R. Miller, Trans.). New York: Hill and Wang. Carson, R.N. (1998). Science and the Idea of Liberal Education. In B.J. Fraser & K.G. Tobin (Eds.), International Handbook of Science Education (pp. 1001–1014). Vol. 2, Kluwer Academic Publishers, Dordrecht. Codd, J. (1988). The construction and deconstruction of educational policy documents. Journal of Education Policy, 3 (5), 235-48. Connell & White, 1989 Crabtree, B.F. & Miller, W.L. (1992a). The analysis of narratives from a long interview. In M. Stewart, F. Tudiver, M. Bass, et al (Eds.), Tools for primary care research (pp209220). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Crabtree, B.F. & Miller, W.L. (1992b). A template approach to text analysis: Developing and using codebooks. In B.F. Crabtree & W.L. Miller (Eds.), Doing qualitative research (pp93-109). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Dean, M. (1999). Governmentality: power and rule in modern society. London: Sage. Derrida, J. (1976). On grammatology (G. C. Spivak, Trans.). Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press. Finch, J. (1984). Research and Policy: The Uses of Qualitative Methods in Social and Educational Research. London: Falmer Press. Foucault, M. (1973). The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences. New York: Vintage. Foucault, M. (1985). The Uses of Pleasure. New York: Pantheon. Foucault, M. (1991). Governmentality. In G. Burchell, C. Gordon and P. Miller (eds), The Foucault Effect: studies in governmentality (87-104). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Gale, T. (2001). Critical policy sociology: historiography, archaeology and genealogy as methods of policy analysis. Journal of Education Policy, 16, 379-393.

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Geertz, C. (1988). Works and lives: The anthropologist as author. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Gordon, C. (1991) Governmental rationality: an introduction. In G. Burchell, C. Gordon and P. Miller (eds), The Foucault Effect: studies in governmentality (pp 1-52.). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Harvey, L. (1990). Critical Social Research. London: Allen and Unwin. Henry, M. (1993). What is policy? A response to Stephen Ball. Discourse, 14 (1), 102-5. Humes, W & Bryce, T. (2003). Post-structuralism and policy research in education. Journal of Education Policy, 18 (2), 175-187. Jansen, J. (1999).The school curriculum since apartheid: intersections of politics and policy in South African transition. Journal of Curriculum Studies, 31 (1), 57-69. Jansen, J & Christie,P. (Eds.) (1999d).Changing Curriculum. Studies on Outcomes-based Education in South Africa. Cape Town : Juta Kenway, J. (1990). Gender and Education Policy: A Call for New Directions. Geelong: Deakin University Press. Kristeva, J. (1980). Desire in language. New York: Columbia University Press. Le Compte, M. D., Millroy, W. and Preisle, J. (eds). (1992). The Handbook of Qualitative Research in Education. San Diego: Academic Press. Mahon, M. (1992). Foucault’s Nietzschean Genealogy: Truth Power, and the Subject. New York: State University Press. Malcolm, C. (2001). Implementation of outcomes-based approaches to education in Australia and South Africa: A comparative study. In Sayed, J. & Jansen, J.D. (Eds.) Implementing Education Policies: The South African experiences. Cape Town: UCT Press. Maquire, M. & Ball, S.J. (1994). Researching politics and the politics of research. International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, 7(3): 269-85. McCracken, G. (1988). The long interview. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Miles, M.B., & Huberman, A.M. (1984). Qualitative data analysis: A sourcebook of new methods. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. Moerman, M. (1988). Talking culture. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press Moustakas, C. (1990). Heuristic research: Design, methodology, and applications. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Ozga, J. & Gewirtz, S. (1994). Sex, lies and audiotape: Interviewing the education policy elite. In D. Halpin and B. Troyna (eds.), Researching Education Policy: Ethical and Methodological Issues (pp121-35). London: Falmer Press. Popkewitz, T.S. (1996). Rethinking decentralization and the state/civil society distinctions: The state as a problematic of governing. Journal of Education Policy, 11,27-51. Ramsuran, A. (2005)Scientific Literacy, Ideology and The Natural Science Curriculum. African Journal of Research in Mathematics, Science and Technology EducationVol 9(1). Rizvi, F. & Kemmis, (1987). Dilemmas of Reform: The Participation and Equity Program in Victorian Schools. Geelong: Deakin Institute for Studies in Education. Scheurich, J.J. (1997). Policy Archaeology: A New Policy Studies Methodology. In J.J.Scheurich (ed.), Research Method in the Postmodern. Washington DC: The Falmer Press. Spradley, J.P. (1979). The ethnographic interview. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. Spradley, J.P. (1980). Participant observation. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston

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Stein, H.F. (1990). American medicine as culture. Boulder, CO: Westview. Strauss, A.L. & Corbin, J. (1990). Basics of qualitative research: Grounded theory procedures and techniques. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Stoller, P. (1992). The taste of ethnographic things. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Stronach, I. & Maclure, M. (1997). Educational Research Undone. Buckingham: Open University Press. Taylor, N. & Vinjevold, P. (1999). Getting Learning Right – Report of the President’s Education Initiative Research Project. Johannesburg: Jet Taylor, S., Rizvi, F., Lingard, B. Henry& M. (1997). Educational Policy and the Politics of Change, London and New York: Routledge. Tickly, L. (2003). Governmentality and the study of education in South Africa. Journal of Education Policy, 18 (2), 161-174. Troyna, B. (1994).Critical social research and education policy. British Journal of Educational Studies 42 (2), 70-84. Tyler, S.A. (1987). The unspeakable: Discourse, dialogue, and rhetoric in the postmodern world. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Willms, D.G., Best, J.A., Taylor, D.W. et al. (1990). A systematic approach for using qualitative methods in primary prevention research. Medical Anthropology Quarterly, 4, 391-409.

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PART C:

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ETHICAL CHALLENGES AND POSSIBILITIES There are two chapters in Part C. Like the chapters in Part B, they use particular cases to illuminate issues of methodology, ranging from practical aspects to major questions of purpose and paradigm. In both, the entrée to the discussion is the consideration of ethics. Angela James and Linda van Laren have titled their chapter “Negotiating Access: The Initial Research Process”. The case they describe has two components. The substantive project was to investigate implementation of a new Assessment policy in Grade 9, especially through classroom observations and interviews with teachers. Allied with this, they charted their experiences with access in the schools, and held a general meeting at a local conference to discuss the subject with teachers. They document their frustrations in phone calls not returned, appointments not kept, changes in personnel, lines of responsibility, trying to fit with the routines and schedules in the schools. They express their unease during meetings with principals and heads of department, where they were unsure of their welcome, and with ways the schools chose participating teachers. They became increasingly aware of power issues, arising from the history of racism in schooling and South African society. For the teachers and schools, time demands, fear of consequences, and concerns about asymmetries in the researcher-researched relationship were important – and all with ethical dimensions. In their chapter, “Transformative Action Research: Issues and Dilemmas in Working with Two Rural South African Communities”, Cliff Malcolm, Nirmala Gopal, Moyra Keane and William Kyle, Jr. report on a methodology based in Participative Action Research and Socially Critical Research, but extending both. The essence was in ‘participation’ – collaboration between researcher, schools, NGOs and communities over time, to come up with conceptions of relevant science education in those communities. The effect, in both instances, was to spread the project into community development and the alleviation of poverty: science education that was relevant would surely address these issues. Many of the ‘standards’ of academic research were turned upside down. In particular, as a result of participation, the usual university ethics requirements of confidentiality, anonymity and voluntary withdrawal were unethical, and the notion of ‘informed consent’ impossible. Concerns for truth, care and justice had to be continually negotiated, and compromises agreed: all participants had ethical responsibilities in the research. So too, the choice of theoretical framework – for example, Western or African – had to be open, and epistemologies implicit in ‘action research’ were also opened up. Eventually, the authors argue, the research confronts ethical dilemmas arising from the academy and research

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funders: Were these projects research or development? Were they social research or science education research? Where does primary accountability lie?

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In: Researching Possibilities in Mathematics … Editor: K. Setati, R.Vithal, C. Malcolm et al.

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Chapter 10

‘NEGOTIATING ACCESS’: THE INITIAL RESEARCH PROCESS

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Angela James and Linda van Laren The issue of negotiating access is vital to a researchers’ exploration of what, why and how teaching and learning occurs at any education institution and in any classroom or teaching and learning site. Research is seen as an important component in education, as it is expected to inform practice and/or change. Although negotiation for access to any research site appears to be only the first small step, it is nonetheless vital for the success of any research project. ‘Negotiating access’ is a short phrase that gives one the sense of a quick and easy process where research participants (researcher/s and other individual/s linked to a research project) briefly talk and come to an agreement about when and how access to classrooms can take place. In talking about access in classroom-based research projects, however, the researcher/s need to seek permission to have the right of entry to the school, teachers, principals and learners. Negotiating access is part of a social process that involves people and a context and we view the process as a critical stage in all research projects. When reading the phrase ‘negotiating access’, one does not realize the deep personal and context-based dynamics and complexities that researchers experience when they are negotiating access. According to Cohen et al., (2000) researchers cannot expect access to a site as a matter of right. Negotiating access in classroom-based research requires sensitive negotiations, as there are ethical concerns. We, as education researchers, need to be aware of ethical issues centred on participants’ rights, risks, confidentiality and trust. Moreover, we need to recognise that there is a power relationship intertwined with and in the process of negotiating access with participants. We are of the opinion that this power relationship in many instances is subtle but foremost in directing the access negotiation process. We view power as a major ethical construct and we focus on power relationships that we observed during our research project. The National Research Foundation in South Africa (NRF) funds our assessment research project. We wanted to work with teachers in a classroom-based context. In trying to access teachers and teachers in their classrooms, we were faced with a number of access dynamics. We researched the access dynamics that we were experiencing during the ‘negotiating access’

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phase of our research project. It is for this reason that in this chapter we describe and reflect on the process that we followed and the interpersonal interactions that we experienced when we negotiated access to interview teachers and to observe teachers working with the new Grade 9 assessment policy in South African classrooms. We also explore and problematise some political, social and ethical issues that we encountered. These are issues that probably ‘play out’ in most research projects where access to schools and classrooms is required but the nature of the access, the action and response of role players (participants) would probably vary according to the specific context. During our school-based research project, we soon became aware that negotiating access to a school involves more than just a written request to the Department of Education (DoE) and a verbal request to a school principal. According to Setati et al. (2003), in negotiating access there are quite a number of ‘channels of access’ that need to be considered. Some of these ‘channels of access’ suggested include the school governing body, the teachers, the learners and the parents (Setati et al., 2003). In our experience, however, negotiating access moved beyond what might be termed technical procedural processes with groups of stakeholders to more personal challenging context based dynamics. Here we describe dynamics of access by referring to general issues of access and specific aspects of access that we experienced in three different contexts. We consider issues relating to race and apartheid, hierarchy and power as well as reciprocity and reward. These themes describe our experience of negotiating access to the schools, principals, teachers and research sites (Dawson, 2002). We argue that negotiating access is a dynamic and context bound process, which is ongoing and complex, and the desired outcomes of a research study may result in exploitation of the teachers participating because of power differences of participants and researchers. Literature, based on case studies of how researchers gain access to schools and the power relationships between researchers and members of the school community, in the South African context, is limited. Furthermore, ‘ethical issues were consistently marginalized in research’ (Vithal, 1998:479). Vithal (1998:479) points out that in South Africa the relationships of researchers and participants have been problematic, particularly when research is viewed as being ‘done on people’ instead of ‘done with people’. In addition, the ‘What’s in it for me?’ question may cause dissent amongst researchers and participants (ibid., 1998) and this begs further research. We therefore decided to share our experiences in ‘negotiating access’ to elicit further discussion around this important aspect of classroombased research.

BACKGROUND TO THE RESEARCH ‘Negotiating access’, to our surprise and frustration, was a critical and demanding part of our NRF funded research project1. To collect the data, we required for our NRF assessment project we planned to work with Grade 9 teachers at three different high schools. Our data

1

This NRF funded project is ‘Implementation of the New Assessment Policy in Grade 9’ (Department of Education: 1998). The critical questions that we explored in this Assessment project were: 1) How do Grade 9 Mathematics and Natural Sciences Learning Area teachers from differently resourced schools implement the New Assessment policy, and 2) Why do they implement it in particular ways?

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collection methods included interviewing the Grade 9 Natural Sciences and Mathematics teachers about their experiences of implementing the new assessment policy in the Natural Sciences and Mathematics learning areas. We wanted to observe the teachers teaching in their respective classrooms. We planned to ‘work with teachers’ (Setati, 2000) by interacting with them and listening to their experiences. We wanted to hear the voices of the teachers we worked with by becoming involved in specific contexts that included observing classroom experiences of teachers. We wanted to hear their responses to our questions relating to the New Assessment Policy for Grade 9 learners (NAP9). Furthermore, we asked delegates attending the First Teacher Development in KwaZulu-Natal Department of Education and Culture Conference (KZN conference) that took place in February 2004 at the Edgewood Campus of the University of KwaZulu-Natal for their opinions on how teachers, principals and departmental officials viewed classroom based research. In attempting to negotiate access to the Grade 9 teachers, we were faced with different, new concerns that ultimately influenced the data that we collected. Some of these methodological questions in educational research according to Cohen & Manion (1994:347) are centred on complex and subtle ethical concerns that can place researchers in moral predicaments. We were faced with ethical concerns mixed with complicated power relationships that we had not envisaged at the outset of our research project. The questions that principals and teachers raised and the challenges that we encountered when negotiating access were not part of our initial NRF research plan but we had to address the issues before we could commence with our assessment research project.

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THEORETICAL ORIENTATION Our research in negotiating for access draws on interpretive theory to ‘understand and describe the meaningful social action’ (Neuman, 1997:83). As interpretivists, we believe that multiple realities of the principals, teachers and researchers experience of negotiating access exist. These realities are subjective and depend on the context and the unique individuals who took part in the research process, both participants and researchers. We assume that ‘people’s subjective experiences are real and should be taken seriously (ontology), that we can understand others’ experiences by interacting with them and listening to what they tell us (epistemology), and that qualitative research techniques are best suited to this task (methodology)’ (Terre Blanche & Kelly, 2002: 123). We wanted to understand the dynamics of interactions that took place in the process of negotiating access in a classroom-based research project. We were interested in interpreting the nature of the social interactions between the principal and the teachers, principal and us (the researchers), and the teachers and us. We also wanted to understand what makes principals and teachers willing/not willing to be involved in a research project and what strategies teachers regard as effective for researchers to use when negotiating access. Furthermore, we were interested in exploring the physical access aspects that we as researchers experienced. We questioned our ideas and the decisions that we made about what and how we worked with the access issues. Our interpretations of our experiences of the varied access issues, some contextual others generic, drew us into trying to understand our actions in particular instances.

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The research also draws on reflective theory (Schon, 1983) as we reflected-on-action (ibid) when we documented our experiences of the interview-discussion sessions with teachers and principals. We used the reflections of our experiences to describe, explain and understand the issues surrounding negotiating access. According to Farrell (1998:12), ‘reflection-on-action refers to recalling, explaining and evaluating’. After our initial access negotiation meetings with principals and teachers from various schools, we reflected on, discussed and documented our experiences. In the reflections we focused on the particular experiences of negotiating access, our feelings, our understanding and interpretation of it and the actions that we took.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY Context We worked with three schools that historically were divided according to racial and resource classifications. Presently the divisions are still apparent but the sharp divides are removed where schools are now racially mixed but the nature of the mixing is linked to the type of school it is and the location of the school. One school, Central High School2 centrally situated in a town, was previously a highly resourced white school but is now racially mixed for all racial groupings. Rijhma High School situated on the outskirts of a town, was previously a moderately resourced Indian school but now comprises of Indian and Black learners. Phuma High School situated in a township area3was previously a school that catered for Black learners. This school still comprises of only Black learners and Black teachers.

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Researchers We, the researchers, are both teacher educators in a School of Science, Mathematics and Technology Education in a Faculty of Education. One researcher is a female, Coloured (race classification) Natural Sciences teacher educator. The other researcher is a female, White Mathematics teacher educator. Our decision to work together on this project was based on our interest in the Grade 9 teachers’ experiences of the change in the assessment policy that was as we are both involved in the preparation of teachers for the Senior Phase (Grades 7–9) Mathematics or Natural Sciences learning areas. We were interested in using the findings from this research to influence the context (thinking and action) of assessment in our programmes. Of particular importance, we focussed on how contextual aspects influenced the implementation of the new assessment policy.

2 3

The names used for the schools and teachers are pseudonyms In South Africa particular areas far from town were designated residential and shopping areas for Black people

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Participants Six teachers, two from each school participated in the project. Two white female teachers from Central High School participated. One teacher from Central high, the mathematics teacher, was previously a pre-service teacher at our teacher education tertiary institution. Two Indian teachers from Rijhma High School, a female Natural Sciences teacher and a male Mathematics participated. Two Black male teachers from Phuma High School, one a Natural Sciences teacher and the other a Mathematics teacher. We knew the Natural Sciences teacher from Phuma High School, as he was a former pre-service teacher at our tertiary institution.

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Research Design We decided to use a qualitative approach, where meaning was the focus and understanding the social phenomenon, an imperative. Our choice of a qualitative approach was informed by the research theory and our previous experience of educational research. We used qualitative methods for collecting our data, as our research is largely an investigative process where the researcher makes sense of social phenomena (Miles and Huberman, 1984). The social phenomenon in our research was concerned with the dynamics in operation between the researchers and the various research participants. We used qualitative methods in order to document real events, record what people said and observe specific behaviours (Neuman 1997:329) during the research project. We reflected on each of our initial visits to the schools so that we could make sense of the research process right from the inception of the project. We as researchers had ‘reflexive acts’ (Mason, 2002: 5) as we questioned the types of schools we accessed and the manner in which the access was negotiated. Our critical thinking about the negotiating access process was sharpened by our actual experiences. For example, when a teacher asked us why the principal had chosen him to be part of the project we were stunned at first but just stated that we had not idea why this was done. We used a case study method, as it is one of the most common ways to undertake qualitative inquiry as interpretation within a context (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000). A qualitative case study research is when a researcher decides on a particular case and comes to know it well by exploring what it is and what it does (Cresswell, 2003). According to Cohen et al. (2000:79), ‘case study is used to portray, analyse and interpret the uniqueness of real individuals and situations through accessible accounts’. We felt that by using a case study method we would be able to explore and interpret the context and manner in which negotiating access took place. We would also be able to explore and interpret the issues linked to negotiating access. The data collection instruments were our reflections, interview-discussions with principals and teachers, and interactive conference questions. The research sites for the classroom based research project were at three selected high schools and an interactive teacher conference (KZN Conference) at our university campus where the delegates comprised of teachers, principals and Department of Education officials. We carried out ‘interview-discussions’ with the principals and the teachers at different pre-arranged appointments. We use the term ‘interview- discussion’, as it typifies the activity that took place between the principal, the teachers and us (the researchers). The initial interview-discussion was with the principal and us. The focus of the interview-discussions

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with principals and teachers was on describing and providing motivation for the research project. The interview-discussions were exploratory and negotiatory in nature as we viewed ourselves as guests at the schools where we wanted to pursue our classroom-based research. After we made initial contacts with the schools telephonically or by a face-to-face interview, we discussed, and recorded our reflections. The recorded reflections are ‘paired reflections’ as they are the combined reflections of our experiences. To collect data from the conference delegates we used the conference session allocated to us. We started our session with a brief description of classroom-based research and our experiences of negotiating access to classrooms. We asked the conference delegates to consider and respond to two questions relating to classroom-based research. The two questions were linked to teachers’ perspectives on the ways in which access should be gained and possible issues that would make teachers not want to be involved in a research project. The delegates provided oral responses on a voluntary basis and we recorded these responses in our field notebook. We classified the recorded responses according to themes and analysed them to make meaning of the responses.

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Generic Access Issues Access negotiations took place almost six months before the assessment research project was to commence. During the six months before and later during the research, we experienced intense personal feelings and practical aspects of negotiating access. Our intense personal feelings were frustration, satisfaction, surprise and despondency. The personal feelings that we had were linked to the specialised personal aspects of the participants’ and the practical aspects of negotiating access. Examples of these experiences were at a school, the principal never returned our telephone calls when we asked for an interview to discuss our research project and at another school the principal was promoted and this necessitated renegotiation access with an acting principal. In this section, we focus on practical aspects of negotiating access and the specialised personal aspects of the participants’ during the negotiating access period. We saw the practical access issues as concerned with the challenges of time, space, place and manner. Time issues were concerned with individual contact and, research and programme aspects. Space issues were concerned with the principal’s and teachers’ spaces that we felt uncomfortable in and that we felt we were invading. Place issues centered on the choice of schools that were worked at and manner issues focussed on the contact with the Department of Education and the schools. We experienced time challenges in contacting principals. It was difficult/impossible initially to contact principals telephonically due to time constraints. Often the principals were unavailable and in some instances, we spoke with a deputy principal or school secretary who could not give permission Furthermore, it proved difficult to organise suitable meeting times with principals. Time challenges also included working round the fact that we are teacher educators with busy teaching schedules so we were only able to do classroom-based research when pre-service teachers were busy with their practice teaching at schools. Pre-service teachers do five weeks of practice teaching each year in July/August. The Grade 9 teachers were also restricted to teaching specific groups of learners according to a fixed, predetermined school timetable. Another timing issue linked to researching is concerned with

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when the research takes place. The response of a KZN conference delegate that may be categorised as related to ‘timing’ was as follows:

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Response: The timing of a research…teachers have busy schedules and there is exam time (examination period).

This response highlights a teacher’s concern regarding time constraints on the teaching programme and the classroom activities. This time pressure in the classroom will obviously have a negative effect on a teacher’s available time for involvement in a research project. Teachers may ‘see’ their involvement in a research project as an extra burden—just another task for the already busy teacher. According to Kitchen (2002:353), in the United States the ‘intensification of teachers’ work is well documented’. Any teacher may be reluctant to consider involvement in research activities over and above their normal teaching expectations. As researchers, we need to consider the timing and the duration of a research project and a teachers’ time availability for a classroom-based research. Teachers might be more willing to participate in a research project if time was allocated specifically for research. Perhaps deliberate school planning should allow for opportunities for teachers to participate in research projects. This could be planned if teacher development is also seen in the light of a teacher’s participation in well structured research projects that are recognised by the Department of Education. Space challenges were related to the school ‘spaces’ in principals’ offices or other classroom/staff room venues. We ‘negotiated’ with principals,, Heads of Science and Mathematics and teachers in ‘spaces’ that were uncomfortable and unfamiliar to us. We were out of our own ‘comfort zone’ and in strange, new settings. We questioned our actions and our appearance as if the responses to these could give us confidence and comfort to progress with the research. We expected the principal to share and to ‘open and reveal’ the space and dynamics of the school, her/his space (principal’s office and school). We also expected the teachers to share and ‘open and reveal’ themselves in their spaces. We were aware that the teachers are the individuals who would feel the direct impact of the invasion of their privacy and their space, as they were the participants that were interviewed, observed and video recorded in their classrooms and during interview sessions. Despite our awareness of the invasive nature of the classroom observations and one-on-one interviews, we acted in a manner that was based on our experience of negotiating access and the conditions laid down by the Department of Education (a more detailed discussion will follow later). Place constraints occurred when we considered choices of school setting because the research sites had to be physically accessible. We considered whether the roads to the schools were accessible and ‘safe’. We are fully aware and sensitive to the fact that in South Africa we need to consider safe travelling routes, as there are many incidences of hijacking of cars. Many South Africans perceived township areas, where many Black schools are located, as ‘unsafe’ areas. One of our chosen schools is in a township. We chose a school that is on a main route and on the periphery of the township. Changes in place were linked to changes in the schools that we had planned to work in. We were continually forced to change and adapt our planning with regard to the choice of schools and teachers. The changes in schools were connected to teacher transfers. At one school, a teacher decided not to participate in the research but the teacher who decided not to participate suggested an alternative teacher. At one of the schools that we eventually did not work with, due to a teacher transfer, the

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principal had welcomed us as she viewed us as coming to support their teaching and learning endeavours at the school. Changes in the schools placed us at a disadvantage, as we had to find a replacement school. Unfortunately, we were forced to move from an ideal situation – a willing principal and a willing teacher. Another criterion that we used to select our three high school research sites was the proximity of the school to our campus. Searching for schools entailed drawing up a list of possible high schools in the area that fitted our time, space and place constraints. We listed a variety of suitable schools and we tried to locate in service teacher assessment workshops organized by the Education Department that introduced teachers to the New Assessment policy in Grade 9. At the assessment workshops, we were going to discuss the possibility of a research project with the subject advisors and compile a school list from the teacher participants. We entered the following statement in our journal: Ask for advice from subject advisors about which school would be willing to accommodate us because what we do should complement and support them [the advisors] in their [the advisors’] tasks.

We were unsuccessful in locating assessment workshops and we did not meet with the subject advisers. We had decided against meeting with the subject advisers, as we were not convinced that they would know which school principals would be willing to participate in our assessment research project. Furthermore, we were of the view that school principals would probably feel compelled/coerced to be part of the project if they knew that a subject advisor suggested that we use their particular school. We were aware that this type of action would be contrary to the required research ethics of voluntary participation of participants in a research project. We do feel though that we should have informed the subject adviser of the schools that were working in to enhance the work of the subject advisers in providing assessment support to teachers. Ironically, during the interactive conference the issue of subject advisers being informed was raised when a delegate gave the following response to the question about the ‘things’ that would make the teacher not want to be involved in a research project:

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Were subject advisers informed about the research?

This statement made us reflect beyond just the accessing of schools to the communication about research with departmental personnel who could be directly supported by the research that we did. This brings into question the issue of the line function. We are of the opinion that the issue of line function is crucial in negotiating access but this ‘line’ is curved or jagged with links at various levels, it is not a straight line and it does not move from top to bottom i.e. from the DoE down to the teacher. In the circumstances the role of a researcher in negotiating access is placed in an extremely precarious position. The question that we ask is who should researchers approach first and how should this be done? Another aspect we considered in school selection was whether we were familiar with the principal and/or the teachers teaching in the Mathematics and Natural Sciences Learning areas. We considered this aspect of negotiating access when we wrote in our journal:

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Which schools should we approach and which principals should we ask…? We can ask [Ms Sophin], as she is the principal and she is very approachable. I interacted with her at her school during practice teaching. She is very approachable and she knows me. Furthermore, our student Zamu is teaching the grade 9 learners and I am quite sure that he will be okay with us. If we can pass the test with this one [School] then the others we will have courage to take on…

Clearly, from our journal entry, being acquainted with the principal and the teacher was an important factor in negotiating access. At schools where the role players knew us, we felt confident that we would be able to gain access. Our approach was relaxed and more open and we were not hesitant to forward our requests. The access issue of manner was linked to our initial contact with the Department of Education. We were aware that if we were conducting school-based research we were expected by the Department of Education research guidelines to request permission from the KwaZulu-Natal Department of Education (DoE) and Culture. We support the view presented by Durrheim & Wassenaar, (2002) that obtaining a signed document with an official letterhead to negotiate access is not enough. The official letter would be the approval letter from the Department of Education for permission to conduct the research at departmental schools. Access to the schools (research sites) still needed to be negotiated between the researcher/s and school management (principal). This is only one possible starting point for this process. We used this letter to gain access to the principal, the school and the teachers. We, as researchers must be aware that we cannot expect access to a site as a matter of right (Cohen et al. 2000). We were aware of this issue and we used the official letter as an access guarantee whilst negotiating with principals. During the initial telephone contact with principals, we informed the principals that we had received permission from the Department of Education to conduct research in schools. We did this as we thought that it would carry weight and official permission would give us greater authority. On reflection, we now consider this manipulative tactic of using the departmental permission letter to be unacceptable as we over stepped democracy and equality boundaries. We needed to recognise that using the authority of the department is an important aspect for principals but this is not the only consideration. If the department has agreed to the research, then one cannot assume that the school must comply. It was easy to comply with the guidelines set out in the DoE ‘permission to conduct research at schools ’. These requirements appeared to involve a relatively simple procedure. The gratified feeling that we had of satisfying the ‘correct’ procedure according to the DoE was short-lived as in negotiating access we had to contend with unexpectedly tenacious access hurdles at school negotiation level that tested our commitment to the assessment research project. In some instances, even when we telephoned the principals and briefly informed them of our request for an interview-discussion meeting and of the ‘permission letter’ from the department the principals did not return our call or they stated that they were not interested in being involved in the research. At the time, we felt quite frustrated and despondent that some principals did not return our telephone calls. We also felt ‘jilted’ by principals who stated upfront that they were not interested. On reflection, we should have asked these principals for their reasons but at the time, we were content with having received positive responses from other principals.

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We are ex-DoE employees and we thought that using a letter from the DoE was the correct and proper manner to approach schools/principals. We had used this method of accessing schools while doing other research projects in the past and we found our approach suitable and appropriate. During previous research we did not question the access method that we used neither did we look for and use alternative methods. Now we are aware that there is a variety of other methods of gaining access. One such method is that some researchers initially negotiate access with teachers at schools. For example, Maistry (2004:4) describes another route for gaining access. He did not first apply for permission from the DoE but he started his access process by securing initial acceptance by involving teachers in workshops. According to Maistry (2004), ‘gaining access to teachers’ lives and work has to be built on trust and mutual respect’ and this he achieved by conducting workshops with teachers after school hours. Perhaps our method of gaining access is questionable and it raises issues of ethics and access procedure. Should researchers initially approach teachers directly or should they approach the department? At the KZN Conference we questioned teachers about their views on the ways in which access should be acquired and about the kinds of things that would make teachers not want to become involved in a research project. The responses given by the delegates were: Teachers work in the Department and in a line function and it [negotiating access] is problematic.

This answer centred around the fact that teachers need to operate in a system where ‘line function’ is important. In this response, an action/fact was presented and there was no conceptual unpacking of the issue. It appears that this delegate considered teachers to be at the lowest rank in ‘line function’. If a teacher were to be involved as a participant in a research project, then the researchers would need to negotiate with the individuals in the teacher’s line function. This would mean that the researchers would need to ask permission from the Department of Education first, then from the principal of the school and lastly the teacher involved with the research project. This response raises a concern about how teachers are viewed, how teachers view themselves and the value of their work.. Another response to the question ‘What kinds of things would make you not interested in becoming involved in a research project?’ at the KZN conference was:

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Negotiate from the bottom up.

This response emphasizes the importance of the line function and the role that a teacher should play in negotiating access. Teachers need to be consulted first. Some teachers may be prepared to participate if the consultation takes place from the bottom–up (starts with the teachers). Researchers need to recognise that teachers are the individuals who will be directly exposed during the classroom-based research. Furthermore, we need to value teachers as individuals who work in a system but the teachers also need to respond and affirm their positions in the system. The feelings, views and ideas of teachers need to be respected and the consent of teachers to participate in a research project should be obtained. The essential line function is clearly an important aspect in this instance – from the department to the principal. An access issue that we thought was crucial to negotiating access was the teachers’ knowledge about the research project. A response of a KZN conference delegate to the

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question about the ‘things’ that would make the teacher not want to be involved in a research project was:

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Teachers must know about the research.

This implies that teachers will be more willing to be involved in research if they are informed about the details of it. We are of the opinion that these details should focus on the role and the expectations of the teacher, involvement/role of the learners, timing, the purpose of the research, and any personal gains for the teacher during the research. Most importantly, teachers should be given the opportunity to voice their concerns related to the details of the research in an open, relaxed, cordial manner. These concerns should be openly discussed with research participants to build trust and rapport among the participants. Furthermore, the research participants should not view the researchers as the sole possessors of knowledge, but rather as concurrent knowledge producers during the process of research. This may be realised through sharing of knowledge gained by planned discussion sessions throughout the process of the research. Researchers need to be aware that this sharing should not affect or distort the research focus and the data collection. Researchers could document this sharing process as part of their research process. We now, however, question our negotiation access approach, as the rights of the teachers need to be considered before the education department is made aware of the research project. On reflection of the manner in which we negotiated access, we feel that perhaps we should have worked with clusters of teachers, listen to their ideas about how schools and teachers could be accessed. These ideas may be used to formulate our plan of access in line with the purpose of our research project. Furthermore, teachers should be involved in deciding if the research that is to be carried out will indeed inform their practice and therefore if it is worthwhile. In our research project, we failed to ensure that the voices of the teachers could be fore fronted. For our research project, we wanted to work with the schools that we chose and we persevered with gaining access at these particular schools in order to work with the Grade 9 teachers. We often have contact with these schools during our practice teaching and we wanted to stay in step with the fact that we are often ‘guests’ at the school during practice teaching when we tutor our undergraduate and Post Graduate Certificate of Education (PGCE) pre-service teachers. For researchers who are not known to the teachers or principals, initial negotiation of access may thus not be possible via the teachers. Perhaps teachers who attend conferences/workshops would be more amenable and keen to become involved in school-based research projects if they are approached at the workshop. Possibly, through appropriate associations such as The Association for Mathematics Education of South Africa (AMESA), the South African Association for Science and Technology Education (SAASTE) and other stakeholders’ meetings, contacts could be made with teachers who are interested in participating in classroom based research.

ACCESS CONTEXTUALISED During our process of negotiating access to the teachers at the three selected schools, we encountered different types of interactions and power plays amongst principals, heads of subjects and teachers. At Rijhma High School, an initial interview-discussion with the

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principal was arranged after a number of telephonic messages/requests. During the meeting, the principal referred us to the deputy principal. Another interview-discussion had to be scheduled with the deputy principal. At this point, we were given provisional access but we were further required to negotiate with the head of the Mathematics and Natural Sciences department, as she was to assign teachers to our research project. We requested an interview with the participants but no combined teacher-researcher interview-discussions took place at Rijhma High School. The teachers were assigned to us and we did not challenge this. We simply continued with the research process. The researcher for each particular discipline spoke to the individual teacher participant who was selected by the head of department. One of the teachers selected was a novice, contract teacher who taught in the discipline of Natural Science for the first time. We thought the assigning of an inexperienced teacher rather unfortunate but none the less, we accepted the head of the department’s decision. We did not ask the teachers how they felt about being selected. The issue of power, individual’s rights and voluntary participation needs questioning. According to Cohen et al. (2000: 49), ethical concerns encountered in educational research in particular can be extremely complex and subtle, and can frequently place researchers in moral predicaments, which may seem irresolvable. At the time of teacher allocation we did not consider the selection of the teacher as being a moral predicament. It is only when teacher observation arrangements with the teachers and the head of department were made that we started to question the manner in which the teachers were selected. At Phuma High School, we telephoned the principal and requested an appropriate time for the interview-discussion. This was a hurried last minute choice of school as a teacher (the research participant) from one of our previously selected schools was transferred and could not participate in our project. On arrival at Phuma High School the principal welcomed us into his office. We discussed our research project with him and his deputy and after five minutes of discussion on the broad plan of the research, he immediately gave us permission to work in Phuma High School. The principal provided us with the names of two Grade 9 teachers. The principal did not indicate why the particular teachers were chosen nor did we ask why these teachers were selected for participation. At this stage of the research, we were desperate and pleased to have two teacher ‘participants’. As researchers, we should have been sensitive to this selection of teacher process. Why did we not challenge the principal? Perhaps we felt like intruders or maybe we felt powerless? Perhaps we considered the principal to hold all the power and authority and he should decide what needs to be done? We obviously did not consider the issues of ethics and ‘voluntary participation’. Perhaps we saw the teachers as subordinate, unequal partners in our research endeavour. Under the apartheid government, education was deliberately made unequal, as the government of the time sought to separate the different race groups. The political system engineered South African education into rigid groups where opportunities for learners and teachers were very different. During the apartheid years people required permission from the police to go into so-called ‘township’ areas or areas demarcated for Black racial groups. This made accessing schools that catered for Black learners by researchers (particularly white researchers) difficult. The first democratic elections in 1994 in South Africa signalled major changes. Official state education policy has become reoriented towards ‘redressing inequalities between black and white on principles of inclusion, social justice and equity’

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(Chisholm, 1997:50). This reorientation has implications for the accessing of classrooms for research. Previously many disadvantaged schools were inaccessible but now, under the banner of ‘redressing inequalities’ (ibid.), much classroom-based research takes place in schools that cater for Black learners in ‘township’ or rural areas. Is this not a form of exploitation? The issue of researching schools that catered for particular racial groupings i.e. for Black learners in ‘township’ areas surfaced in our journal reflections: Our previous classroom research was, however, predominantly in schools that catered to Black learners.

In our previous school-based projects we researched schools of mixed racial groupings and Black schools. This was to inform our practice as teacher educators and to develop our knowledge about the context that Black pre-service teachers experience during their practicum teaching sessions. These are the classrooms where our pre-service teachers are expected to teach after they graduate. A further significant reason was the ease of negotiating access to Black schools. We had previously, in our separate Masters research projects, carried out research in Black schools. We also had visited Black schools in the township areas during practicum sessions. We were aware that negotiating access with principals of Black schools was not a challenge nor was asking for permission a daunting, threatening experience. From our experience, we have observed that many principals of ‘township’ schools welcomed researchers. We were aware that many principals saw the presence of researchers as people who could support the school in their teaching and learning endeavours especially at a time of curriculum change and the implementation of the new curriculum. Furthermore, we viewed township schools as more open to researchers than schools previously categorised ‘white’. This was suggested in our reflective diary entry:

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I am sure that we will have a problem accessing it (school) as it (school) is a previously white school and has a white staff.…

Why did we regard the ex-white school as more difficult to access? Was it because we felt ‘threatened’ by white school principals even though one of us was white? Perhaps it was because of the school structures and rigor that we were expected to comply with if we wanted to do research in the white school. When we attempted to gain access to the ex-white school we did experience a more complicated negotiation process. At Central High School, the ex-white school, we were granted an interview discussion with the principal. The principal assured us that she would speak with her staff. A few weeks later, we had teacher-researcher interview-discussion. A month after this interviewdiscussions the principal made an appointment with us and she conveyed a message from the teachers. The teachers wanted to see the observation schedule that was to be used in the classroom observations before they could decide on whether or not to participate in the research project. After observing the schedule, one of the prospective teacher participants withdrew from the project. We then discussed this issue with the principal. The principal thought that perhaps the school should no longer be involved in the research as one teacher had withdrawn. Our tenacity was really tested as we discussed the issue at length with the principal until she finally agreed for us to continue with the research. Another teacher, who

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was on contract at the school, was ‘given’ as a replacement participant. We felt relieved, as we knew the new participant as an ex-pre-service teacher at our teacher education institution.

ACCESS FOCUSSED ISSUE: HIERARCHY AND POWER EXPERIENCES At all three school sites we entered the school for our interview-discussions to negotiate access with our ‘caps in our hands’ as we were of the opinion that research inevitably invades privacy. We perceived ourselves as guests at the school. We knew that the principal had the power to decide whether our research project was to take place. We were aware that power aspects in negotiating access are subtle yet the power interplays between the principals and us had a major impact on the research process. We hold the view that power relationships between principals and researchers may take on a variety of forms in different contexts. The power relationships in school management, staff and researchers are interwoven with their position in the line function and the channels of communication. During the KZN conference one of the delegates stated:

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HEADS OF INSTITUTIONS AND EDUCATORS NEED TO BE INVOLVED: INFORMING ONE ANOTHER This response suggested that a dialogue between principals and teachers about access is necessary and the issue of access and power is intertwined. For all participants the information about the research gives everyone the power to participate and the power to refuse to participate. In our experience, the power of the teacher to participate did not feature in two schools that we worked in. The principals of Phuma High School and Rijhma High School assigned teachers for participation in the assessment project. The teachers’ power was removed as they could not voice their willingness/disapproval to participate. How should we as researchers intervene in this process and should we intervene? We were surprised that the teachers at Central High School had the power to decide about participation in the project. One of the Central High School teachers withdrew from the research project. At Central High School we were made aware of the influence/impact on the power relationships between principal and researcher, teacher and principal and teacher and researcher. These power relationships certainly had implications for the progress of our research. At Phuma High school a teacher participant asked the following questions during the teacher–researcher interview: How were we (research participants?) chosen? What were the criteria used for choice of teachers?

We responded honestly to the teachers and told them that the principal had assigned them as representatives of the mathematics and natural sciences learning areas. This teacher appeared to be angered by the principal’s decision. He stated that “maybe the principal wanted to check on me” (teacher discussion interview, 2003). We could not give reasons for the principal’s selection but we did make the teacher aware of the ‘voluntary participation, trust and confidentiality’ aspects (Cohen and Manion, 1997). Even though the teacher

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selected by the principal raised these questions, at no point during the discussion interview, did the teacher state or indicate that he intended withdrawing from our research project. Instead the teacher reflected in a positive manner and said “My involvement in the project would be linked to me developing a greater understanding of the new assessment policy.” During the teacher-researcher interview-discussions at Phuma High School, a teacher (research participant) questioned the research process by posing the following questions:

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• • • • • • • •

What is expected of the educator? What will happen to the findings? Will there be a report on all three schools? Who will the report be given to? Who will read the report? Who will listen to the audiotape recordings? When will the research be conducted? What will we (research participants) get out of the research?

In reading the questions that the teacher raised we started thinking that the teacher(s) required reassurance, as the questions indicated that there was ‘real’ anxiety about being part of this classroom-based research project. We responded to all the questions asked in an open and honest manner. The participants indicated that they were comfortable with our responses. At the end of our interview-discussions, we exchanged cellular phone numbers which augured well for our assessment research project. It is significant to note that the teacher participant who asked these questions was known to the researchers as a former pre-service teacher so perhaps he felt comfortable with voicing these concerns but at the same time probably still thought of us as pre-service teacher educators who command respect. Setati (2000) distinguishes two types of power relationships within schools. When there are hierarchies with power structures, Setati uses ‘Power’ to show hierarchical power. She uses ‘power’ to distinguish reciprocal power in relationships that exists between teachers and researchers when the teachers and researchers are involved in the research project on an equal footing. The power relationships are, however, different if the researcher as a pre-service teacher educator knows the teacher research participant. If the participant knows the researcher then the role of the teacher educator may be seen as extended and a Power relationship exists between the researcher and the participant. On the other hand, if the participant in the research is an unknown teacher then a power relationship exists between the researcher and the participant. We need to be aware of the ‘power’ of the researchers. We question the view that researchers have unprecedented power. Deconstruction of researcher power may be possible if negotiation for access ensures that the research is developed in an honest, open and willing manner where all participants have shared power. Shared power between researchers and participants may/should be an ideal that researchers strive for. From our experience in the assessment research project, this ideal was difficult to achieve. We attempted to share openly with teachers about the research project and tried to involve the teachers throughout the research process but this was not always possible. During our research we observed incidences at the schools that were not directly linked to the research but which affected the learners at the school. As researchers, we were torn

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between taking action and recording these incidences or just ignoring them. Furthermore if we reported the incidences we had to make decisions about what to report and how to report them. We needed to build trust and confidentiality to maintain an asset-based approach. We made a conscious decision to celebrate and record the positive aspects of the teaching and learning that we observed. During the interactive session at the teacher conference two delegates responded to a question about the ‘things’ that would make the teacher not want to be involved in a research project: Response 1: The research would reveal wrong things and the school name…. Response 2: Teachers have a lack of necessary skills. These responses were linked to individual (teacher) and communal (teacher, school) fears. Teachers may view participation in a research project as revealing too much about their personal inadequacies, weaknesses, or the inadequacies of the school. We are of the opinion that researchers need to make teachers in a school based project aware of the research process and ensure that the research does not become a ‘teacher bashing’ opportunity. Perhaps this is one of the reasons why teachers are cautious about becoming involved in research projects. Teachers who decide to be participants in a research project should be informed and included in the research process. In addition, the possible gains and benefits of school-based research and the personal development of the teacher must be fore-fronted. An important aspect of research is thus ensuring that all the research participants are reassured and included in the decision-making processes in a project so that any participation ‘fear’ could be addressed.

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ACCESS FOCUSSED ISSUE: RECIPROCITY AND REWARD In negotiating access, we are of the opinion that it is unethical for researchers to claim or barter the findings of the research to gain access even though the findings made may be used to inform and possibly enhance the teaching and learning process in the schools observed and in the larger community. Research findings should not be used as an entry ticket to a research site. We did not consider offering the teach participants money or any other types of rewards for their involvement in the research project. With our limited financial sources, we could not ‘pay’ with money or gifts for access to a research site. We believe that making use of payment places the researcher ‘in charge’ of the research process. If the teachers received payment then more power would be afforded to us in the research partnership. Researchers and participants, however, need to address the teachers’ awareness of the research process and teachers’ gains in personal or professional development. In addition researchers need to make decisions regarding when and where during the research process the teachers’ awareness and personal development could occur. The issue of reciprocity was clearly evident during the KZN teacher conference and the teacher-researcher interview-discussion:

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The researcher will be accredited—get a degree. How will the school benefit? What impact will the research have on the Education Department? What will we (research participants) get out of the research?

The delegate who made the first statement saw researchers as the sole beneficiaries of the research process and outputs. This is probably because the outputs of research projects are not disseminated effectively and widely and the participants in the research are not informed of the outputs. It is important that any research outputs be channelled to the Education Department, the teacher participants, teacher cluster groups and school management. A requirement of the Education Department is that the DoE is informed of the outputs of any school-based research. In the larger Assessment project, we applied to the Education department to conduct school-based research. In the response received from the DoE, it was clearly stated that approval is conditional on submission of research outputs to the DoE. For teachers and researchers to feel that the research project is worthwhile, there needs to be close co-operation during all the stages of the research project. These stages should include the conception of the project, data collection, data analysis, conclusions and dissemination of the findings. Furthermore, the issue of the school’s benefit should be an important component in the dissemination of the findings to the principal and the staff. Professional staff development programmes could definitely gain from the findings as they could be used to inform the focus and the nature of the programmes. Researchers could also be involved in running workshops that the teachers request. In our project this actually took place where a teacher asked a researcher to run a workshop on a curriculum aspect that was not linked to assessment – it was Indigenous Knowledge.

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CONCLUSION We took on the challenges, to respond to negotiation of access in the manner that we saw fit at the time. It could be that our methods of access were inappropriate for some participants. None of the participants, however, openly voiced any dissatisfaction/unhappiness about the manner in which we negotiated access. Perhaps the participants did not feel at liberty to voice their opinions or perhaps the participants felt powerless in the negotiations process. During our encounters with the principals and teachers at the various schools, we encountered different ‘kinds’ of power relationships. We felt more at ease when the principal allocated an ex-pre-service teacher. Perhaps this power relationship is in keeping with our roles as pre-service tutors during practice teaching, whereas the power relationship with teachers who are on an equal footing allowed for more complicated relationships. At Central High School we experienced ‘power’ relationships taking place between the teachers and the principal where the teacher decided to withdraw from the research project, whereas at Phuma and Rijhma High Schools, power relationships existed between the principals and the teachers. When the teachers were ex-pre-service teachers from our teacher education institution, there were also power relationships between the teachers and us (the researchers). All of these ‘hybrids’ of ‘power’ would impact on the data we collected and the conclusions we made. Researchers need to be aware of the power relationships, the manner in which people in the research project are approached, as well as the feelings that they experience during the

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negotiating access dynamics that are in place to ensure that a ‘holistic’ picture of each phenomenon is recorded. It would be interesting to survey a large group of principals and teachers to explore their responses to their involvement in a particular research project and the reasons for their involvement. From the literature that we have scanned, this type of research has not been undertaken in South Africa. In the South African context, researchers carrying out classroom-based research need to be sensitive to political, social, ethical and cultural aspects. Moreover, there are a variety of complex social relationships that are intertwined with issues of power and ethics. These issues also relate to the particular context in which researchers are often seen as ‘the people’ who have the power to bring about immediate, effective relief or change. As researchers we need to be aware of these particular issues and we need to be transparent, truthful and open to their dynamic, but more importantly the research participants should be “in touch” with the issues as well. These issues need to be unravelled and acknowledged at the outset of research endeavours. There are obviously no ‘hard and fast’ or ‘fix it all’ rules to facilitate negotiation of access for school-based research projects. In our three contextualised access scenarios different power relationships existed. In becoming associated with a particular school, cognisance of different relationships among the principal, deputies, heads of departments and teachers become apparent. Researchers would need to see how the power relationships among all of the stakeholders evolve during the research process, given the unequal power relationships in the research process. Vithal (2003:97) suggests that through negotiation ‘the imagined hypothetical, actual current and arranged situations’ may dilute different perspectives and contradiction in a particular situation. Furthermore, negotiations enhance the quality of the research process.

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REFERENCES Chisholm, L. (1997). The restructuring of South African education and training in comparative context. P. Kallaway; G. Kruss; A. Fataar & G. Donn (Eds.) Education under apartheid. Cape Town, UCT Press. Cohen, L. Manion, L. (1994). Research Methods in Education. London, Routledge. Cohen, L. Manion, L. (1997). Research Methods in Education. London, Routledge. Cohen, L. Manion, L. & Morrison, K. (2000). Research Methods in Education (5th edition). New York: Teachers College Press. Clandinin, D.J. & Connelly, F.M. (2000). Narrative Inquiry: Experience and Story in Qualitative Research. San Francisco, Jossey-Bass Publishers. Cresswell, J.W. (2003). Research design: Qualitative, Quantitative, and Mixed Methods Approaches. California: Sage. Dawson, C. (2002). Practical Research Methods.United Kingdom: How to books Ltd. Denzin, N.K. & Lincoln, Y.S. (2000). Handbook of qualitative research (2nd edition). Thousand oaks, California: Sage Publishers Inc. Department of Education (1998) Assessment Policy Grades R-9 schools. Department of Education: Pretoria.

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Durrheim, K. & Wassenaar, D. (2002). Putting design into practice: writing and evaluating research proposals. In M. Terre Blanche & K. Durrheim (Eds.). Research in Practice (2nd edition) (pp. 54 – 71). Cape Town, University of Cape Town Press. Farrell, T. (1998). Reflective teaching: the principles and practices. English Teaching Forum. October–December, 10-17. Kitchen, R.S. (2002). Transforming mathematics education: Barriers to reform in high poverty, diverse schools. In P. Valero & O. Skovsmose (Eds), Proceedings of the Third International Mathematics Education and Society Conference (pp. 351–356). Helsingor, Denmark. Maistry, S. (2004). Negotiating Access to Teachers’ Classrooms: The TEMS Study Experience. Paper presented at Kenton Conference, Drakensberg, KwaZulu-Natal. Mason, J. (2002). Qualitative researching (2nd Ed.). London, Sage. Miles, M.B. & Huberman, M.A. (1994). Qualitative Data Analysis (2nd edition). Thousand Oaks, California: Sage. Neuman, L. (1997). Social research methods. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Schon, D.A. (1983). The reflective practitioner: how professionals think in action. New York: Basic Books. Setati, M. (2000). Classroom-based research: from with or on teachers to with and on teachers. In J.F. Matos & M. Santos (Eds.) Proceedings of the second international Mathematics Education and Society Conference. University of Lisbon. Portugal. Setati, M., Brodie, K. & Graven M. (2003). Ethics in Mathematics and Science Education Research: Process and Power. Paper presented at NSF/NRF research school in Midrand. Terre Blanche, M. & Kelly, K. (2002). Interpretive methods. In M. Terre Blanche & K. Durrheim (Eds.). Research in Practice (2nd edition) (pp. 123-146). Cape Town, University of Cape Town Press. Vithal, R. (1998). Disruptions and Data: the Politics of doing Mathematics Education Research in South Africa. In N. A. Ogunde & C. Bohlmann (Eds.) Proceedings of the sixth annual meeting of the Southern African Association for Research in Mathematics and Science Education. University of South Africa, Johannesburg. Vithal, R. (2003). In Search of a Pedagogy of Conflict and Dialogue for Mathematics Education. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers.

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Chapter 11

TRANSFORMATIVE ACTION RESEARCH: ISSUES AND DILEMMAS IN WORKING WITH TWO RURAL SOUTH AFRICAN COMMUNITIES Cliff Malcolma, Nirmala Gopalb, Moyra Keanec and William C. Kyle, Jr.d

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a

University of Kwa-Zulu Natal, South Africa (Deceased March 24, 2008) b University of Kwa-Zulu Natal, South Africa c University of the Witwatersrand, South Africa d E. Desmond Lee Family Professor of Science Education, University of Missouri, St. Louis, MO, USA

Transformative research is not a methodology. It is an orientation towards research that is defined by its intended outcome: producing a more just and equitable world (Bennett deMarrais, 1998, p. 65). This collaborative research project ran for over two years with two communities in the rural Ixopo and Ndwedwe districts in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. A small science education research team was invited by the schools to look at curriculum innovation and implementation. Our introduction was through traditional community structures and involved meetings with the district chief (inkosi) and headmen (izinduna). Here the people live with poverty and illness, little income and little access to infrastructure such as electricity, pipeborne water, transportation and health care. Education levels are low, especially for older adults. Young adults, even if they complete Grade 12, have little chance of tertiary education or employment. Daily life is thus about survival, subsistence farming, herding, routine chores and social life. As one of the community researchers noted, one day is the same as the next, and time moves slowly. A primary aim of the research was to find out what ‘relevant science education’ meant for these communities. To this end, we envisaged a process in which we and the communities worked together, a process which might assist social transformation and learning for all involved. In this context, participation and the possibility of transformative action did not constitute a methodology, but an orientation aimed at ‘producing a more just and equitable world’ (Bennett deMarrais, 1998, p. 65). The project, as it unfolded, challenged

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not only the norms of traditional research, but conceptions and practices in participative action research and socially critical research. In this chapter we discuss firstly the ways in which we sought to move from a ‘research orientation’ to methods, results, and transformative action. When the purposes of research go beyond knowledge generation to social action and transformation through participation, the consequences are less predictable; the research expands in ways that could not be envisaged in advance. Processes that the researchers or community took for granted are challenged, and issues, consequences and accomplishments become available for critique. Our discussion centres on participation – the ways in which participation influenced the purposes and theoretical framework, conduct and outcomes of the research. Second, we explore ‘transformation’, through images of the communities and individuals and interrogation of the meaning of transformation and its usefulness as a guide to action. The project aimed not only to produce a research report or to forge relationships with the communities that would enrich that report; it aimed to be part of two rural South African communities who wanted a better future for themselves and their children. The meaning of ‘transformation’ is not straightforward – whether in relation to basic needs of food, shelter, health or education – nor is it easy to measure: positive change for one group may be negative for another; alongside measurable changes are unseen sparks that in time may flame. Our interest in transformative action research is as an empowering approach to generating and using knowledge. As a framework for our chapter, we consider the relationships of transformative action research to social transformation, democracy and human rights, research ethics and consequences, and epistemology, and how these aspects fit together.

THE NATURE OF TRANSFORMATIVE ACTION RESEARCH

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Purposes of Social Transformation Transformative action research, as we are using the term, brings together community members and researchers who are committed to participation, action, reflexive inquiry, achievement and dialectic critique for the purpose of social transformation. It enables a community to express its own needs, create the research agenda, conduct public deliberations and take action. It seeks knowledge in the community, co-constructed and at once practical and theory-oriented. It builds the knowledge and capacity of all participants, including the researchers, and enhances prospects for self-determination of and within the community. The aims are mutual understanding, just and democratic deliberation, common action and transformation that promote fulfillment for individuals and the community. Thus, transformative action research has broader purposes than the generation of technical knowledge, and works largely from inside the community. This approach to research goes beyond the action-research concepts proposed by Lewin in 1946, which, although extended and refined since then (e.g., Kemmis & McTaggart, 1988a, 1988b; Zuber-Skerritt, 1992), is often framed within an ahistorical, apolitical value system, with methods codified into moments of planning, acting, observing and reflecting. This genre of research is usually oriented to reflection (often in a technical domain), more than the moral obligation to become involved, take action, and transform. Although transformative action research emanates from a critical social science orientation, the critique offered by most

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educational theorists attempts to universalize conceptions of emancipation. We will challenge these universalized notions and discuss the ways in which traditions, intergenerational knowledge, and cultural differences contribute to a pedagogy oriented to social justice in the context of local needs and conditions. As Aker, Barry, and Esseveld (1983) assert, “An emancipatory intent is no guarantee of an emancipatory outcome” (p. 431). The struggle is to develop what Du Bois (1983) refers to as a passionate scholarship, with the potential to lead to a self-reflexive research paradigm.

Promoting Democracy and Human Rights Transformative action research can express and promote democracy and human rights, and directly affect structures, relationships and conditions in the lives of community members. It propels researchers to consider knowledge as an aspect of being in relationship rather than a privileged view that sets researchers apart from participants (Whyte, Greenwood & Lazes, 1989). Community members are no longer objects of study, but partners in the research process (Terre Blanche & Durrheim, 2002). Transformative action research emphasises intersubjective engagement, with concerns for individuals and communities at once. It raises people’s awareness of their abilities and resources. In its commitments to working with knowledge from the community, it privileges the everyday world of social giveand-take over scientific discourse, the interests of research participants over those of the researcher, and the needs of disempowered groups over elites. Control of the research is shared, as is control over the actions and processes of participation (Cornwall & Jewkes, 1995).

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RETHINKING ETHICS “You will remain anonymous, what you say is confidential, your participation is voluntary and you may withdraw at any time.” This standard phrase of research ethics is no basis for trusting relationships, community development and transformative action research. For many people in the communities in which we worked, a contractual approach to ethics was culturally strange, and the notion of anonymity insulting. No one wished to be anonymous. The concept is largely fictitious anyway: when research derives from an actual setting and events, the codes of anonymity can be broken. Additionally, the notion of anonymity is unevenly applied. The researchers enjoy publicity, while the researched – usually the source of ideas – are ‘unidentified.’ Confidentiality, voluntary withdrawal and informed consent are similarly problematic. Confidentiality is not consistent with open discussion, participation and trust; voluntary withdrawal may mean an individual abandons his/her responsibilities to the community and earlier commitments to the project; informed consent cannot be given in advance but must unfold along with the project, through participative processes. In transformative action research, the rules of anonymity, confidentiality and voluntary withdrawal are not only questionable, they are unethical, (Keane, Malcolm, & Rollnick, 2006). Moral behaviour is judged by the intentions or consequences of behaviour, in relation to ethics of justice, truth and care. In research, consequences arise from the knowledge

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generated, and for individuals and groups involved in the research process. However, consequences cannot be accurately foreseen, and attributions of cause-effect are hard to make. Formal findings might be purposefully directed to policy makers, academics or communities, but interpreted and ‘picked up’ variously. So too, findings not reported, findings not made, and interactions and experiences throughout the research process can have varied and unpredictable consequences. In positivist research, and much interpretive research, the researcher usually seeks to perturb as little of the situation studied as possible, and in that sense minimize the consequences for participants. The participants agree simply to provide knowledge, perhaps out of a sense of public duty, on conditions of informed consent, anonymity and confidentiality. They are largely free from the ‘research’, which may be on or about them. The process privileges the researchers, who acquire knowledge under the auspices of truth, as well as justice and care. Transformative action research, however, reduces the separations between researcher and researched, knowledge, action and consequences. Responsibilities to and of the participants, possible consequences of the research, and ethical concerns are raised and more openly addressed. Risks, demands and commitments are also higher – provoking an ethical dilemma of how much care and forethought can be reasonably expected from participants (including researchers). Individual and group commitments are part of the rigour of this type of research. As Shor and Freire (1987) assert, it is this very rigour that challenges everyone to participate.

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EPISTEMOLOGY Questions of epistemology – what we know, how we know it, and how we evaluate knowledge claims – are central to the research process. Even a decision to focus on the generation of theoretical knowledge is an epistemological choice. Whether researchers seek to test hypotheses or work toward grounded theories, their focus and framework provide boundaries for epistemologies in action, and for assumptions about possible knowledge claims. In essence, the researchers choose (consciously or unconsciously) the epistemology and conceptual framework and impose them on the research process. In transformative action research, participants are instrumental in framing the purposes, conceptual framework, design and interpretation of the research. Moreover, the participants, by their decisions and actions, actualise the chosen epistemological stance (Fals-Borda, 1983). The choice of epistemological stance is an issue particularly in communities whose epistemologies may be different from Western science – such as in rural African communities. For example, the African framework of ubuntu is part of many South African communities, and hence of the community’s thinking and action (Malcolm & Alant, 2004). Through participation, it is likely that ubuntu will become the chosen epistemology. To impose, for example, a reductionist, positivist framework on the community’s experience is likely to misrepresent it. Further, ubuntu is a framework that can enrich research and education more widely. Nelson Mandela is quoted as saying, “Ubuntu … is not a parochial phenomenon, but has added globally to our search for a better world” (Crwys-Williams, 2004, p.82). Choices of epistemology – and decisions about domains in which different epistemologies might apply – are openly deliberated as a part of transformative action research. They are not decided or controlled by the researchers alone.

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When participation, action and research are brought to bear on a number of purposes at once, epistemological boundaries are blurred. Everyday knowledge, intuitive knowledge, practical knowledge, theoretical knowledge, values and emotions, procedural knowledge, deliberative knowledge, moral principles, detailed actions not only arise together, but influence one another. Theoretical knowledge derived in the process of local, collaborative action is qualitatively different from knowledge gained ‘at a distance’; action in the light of research is qualitatively different from action in the absence of research. Knowledge and solutions to concrete problems arise simultaneously, and, in this compatibility, are different from research and action conceived separately (de Vos, 1998). Transformative action research also blurs the distinctions between means and ends: each of participation, action and research can be construed as an end, or as means to an end. Action is a means to gaining knowledge; knowledge is a means to action. Participation is an end, as an expression of collective concern, and at the same time a means to research and a means to improved justice and human rights. The situation can be viewed either as one of messiness, requiring frequent border crossings between epistemologies, or as a ‘new’ epistemology in which epistemological choices are made to suit the immediate problem, with a view to the whole. Beyond various objective epistemologies, transformative action research opens pathways for intuitive knowledge and impressions. By working as a community over time, trust and mutual understanding can develop, enabling insights not otherwise accessible and outcomes not otherwise envisaged. Through immersion in the situation, people hear in different ways, individually and collectively, forming impressions and insights intuitively. These are data that can be checked, and have status as objective data, but they are qualitatively different from data collected in the empirical-analytical and interpretive paradigms. Transformative action research recognizes such knowledge and knowledge claims as “socially constituted, historically embedded, and valuationally based” (Hendrick, 1983, p. 506). Such knowledge is emancipatory to the extent that it increases everyday understandings and offers guidance to the possibilities for social transformation.

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THE CHOICE OF TRANSFORMATIVE ACTION RESEARCH Our central research question was to find what two rural South African communities considered to be ‘relevant science education’. This question, and our commitment to human rights and democracy, rendered transformative action research an appropriate orientation for our inquiry. The communities’ experiences included pre-democracy practices of Apartheid, by which rural communities were isolated and marginalized, their education was designed to discourage critical thinking, and those in power made decisions for the disadvantaged. Niehaus (1995) observed that, in countries where decisions have not only been taken on behalf of people but forced upon them, it has been common for organizations, including education projects, to respond by striving to work with people in democratic and participative ways. This was so for us. Our research question, in broad terms, assumed that the science education currently offered in the schools was unlikely to be ‘relevant’ to the communities. In these communities, school is an imported institution, with its classrooms and timetables, desks and chalkboards, books and exams. The science curriculum has origins overseas and takes little cognisance of

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African worldviews, rural needs and daily-lived experiences (Odora Hoppers, 2001). The medium of instruction is English, which is seldom used in the villages. Teachers come from near-by towns, and are often considered outsiders. In any case, the teachers are generally reluctant to alter their reliance on textbooks, topic lists and ‘universal’ science, a shift that is required if they are to offer place-based learning in the community (Smith, 2002; see also Casey, 1993, 1997). In the post-Apartheid era since 1994, education policies and systems continue to be drawn up far away, this time by the ruling African National Congress (a political party widely opposed in the Ixopo and Ndwedwe areas). But the situation is more complex than this. The communities understand well the power and usefulness of Western science, and they desire access to science knowledge. They want to be part of the world beyond their village, while maintaining life in the village. Education is viewed as important. Recent education policies allow for localisation, cultural integration and broader educational outcomes within a national framework. These innovations promise to address the damage of the Apartheid era, but they require inputs and models from communities who have been (and still are) marginalized from the political, educational and economic life of the nation. We envisaged that, through this project, the communities might contribute more widely to development of policies and curricula at the system level.

THE METHODOLOGY THAT EMERGED

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From Participation to Action Our initial open-ended approach was rapidly directed to action. When we asked: “What is relevant science?” the response was: “We are hungry.” If the question had no relevance to the answer, then what was the point of the question? We had imagined that over time we would address issues of community well-being, but improvement of community well-being had to be addressed immediately. As a first requirement of relevance, the community wanted science education to help alleviate poverty. We were being asked not simply to collect answers to our research question, but to respond to them; to participate in the community’s agenda as part of their participation in ours. Any model of ‘relevant science education’ would have to show how it linked to and promoted community development, and this required a development dimension to the research. At the same time, the communities, including the schools, expressed their wishes for deeper levels of participation than we had anticipated. Thus, participation led to major shifts in the scope and purposes of the research, and, recursively, in the depths of participation. The induna (headman) at Ixopo was one of the first to offer the link between development and curriculum: “This is a poor community. It needs help.” When we asked in what ways it was a poor community, he replied that it did not have enough information to relieve poverty. Here we had common ground for learning. And, responding to some initial ideas on possibilities for collaboration and community engagement, the induna responded by saying, “This is exactly what this community needs.” In essence, we began collaboration with a community in need, yet we did not know what information the community desired, or whether we could contribute. This was indeed ‘place-based’ learning for all members of the school-community partnership that was proposed.

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Through a series of initial community meetings, the projects in Ixopo and Ndwedwe took different shape. For example, in Ixopo, the education component centred on a development project within the community, and involved two NGOs and sponsorship. The project centred on chicken farming (for egg production) and associated vegetable gardens that used the chicken manure. In Ndwedwe, the education component had two dimensions – a community garden and improvements in the ‘formal’ curriculum within the school. The community garden was to be situated within the school, with leadership within the school, and support from the Department of Agriculture. These different directions did not necessarily arise from different ‘objective conditions.’ Coincidence and the character of participants (including the researchers) played a part in the direction the research took; participation opened up wider influences.

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The Nature of Participation A distinctive principle of transformative action research is its insistence on participation in knowledge creation so that knowledge is not the property of individuals or small interest groups (Brown & Tandon, 1983). Acknowledging the danger that individual needs will become secondary to those of a powerful collective, the orientation emphasises the empowerment of the least powerful groups and individuals by creating opportunities for them. Participation opens up relationships that lead to changed priorities, broadened perspectives and more complex dynamics. In our experience, this was evident from the initial framing of the projects, as well as the day-to-day planning over the two years. The processes of participation were faced at the outset with theoretical and logistical issues: What constitutes the ‘community’? Who is entitled to participate in what? What of the rights not to participate? Are ‘human rights’ individual or collective? How are different rights to be balanced? How do rights to privacy fit with rights to information? Is ‘democracy’ to be expressed through one-person-one-vote, representation, or open councils? How is participation in broad planning different (in terms of who participates and how) from participation in project management, interpretation of data, project implementation and action? We sought to have the community lead these decisions, in large part with rules and roles of participation defined by existing norms in the community. We also contributed our own ways of working. We were participants in the process, but with no doubt that we were ‘outsiders’ with our own agendas and the power (perceived or real) of our university positions. At all stages, we struggled with our roles, especially in leadership and the nuts-andbolts of management – as did the school principals, and others within the community.

Who Participates? From the beginning, the definition of ‘community’ was problematic. It could not be determined by ‘place’ or from the social institutions of the schools, because villagers were not necessarily involved in the schools nor did they necessarily feel welcomed there, and members of the schools (including the teachers) did not necessarily live in the villages. The

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remaining option was to define the community as a community of interest – interest in education and development in the villages. This meant that, for example, a farming NGO operating from Durban became part of the Ixopo community and the Department of Agriculture became part of the Ndwedwe community. It also meant that the ‘community’ was largely self-selected: based upon their interest in active participation, adults, community leaders, teachers and children could choose to be part of the work. While this idea fitted broadly with the idea that ‘anyone who joins the community is part of the community’, questions remained about why some joined and others didn’t, and to whom the term ‘community’ referred. Research that is truly collaborative, from conceptualisation to completion, is impossible to sustain at all levels of the community, and, we argue, inappropriate. Participants have different roles and interests, and different commitments, which they define largely for themselves. Hence there are numerous communities of interest within ‘the community’, with different capacities, motivations and status. They came together in public meetings, during general planning, progress discussions, public events and interpretation. But in the action phases, volunteering and divisions of labour, interest and responsibility were inevitable and necessary. Parents were not present during classroom activities with learners (though learners, as researchers, gathered information from adults), and learners were not part of the general planning and decision-making, in spite of being central to deliberations. Due to their multiple roles, the researchers were the participants most common to the range of meetings and activities, but their participation was limited too – by distance, communication problems (e.g., lack of telephones, language) and time. Participation varied not only across groups and individuals, but also over time. As time passed, interests changed and personnel changed (for the research team, the schools and the community), so that participation had to be renegotiated. Significant discussions were taking place, formally and informally, at different forums, but it was not clear how to bring them together under the auspices of transformative action research – or whether that was even necessary. Many of the transformative goals of the project became linked naturally with the ebb and flow of daily life.

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Leadership Participation, democracy and transformative action encourage empowerment of all participants, with ‘good ideas’ and leadership arising from many people. This is an end as well as a means: people see themselves as able to make a difference, worthy of voicing opinions, capable of contributing to action and transformation. Yet Secada, Fennema and Byrd (1995) identify historical silencing and marginalizing as underlying “social processes that serve to create and maintain the boundaries of the community and that support differential power relationships in that community” (p. 56). Leadership and leaders are important not only to project achievement, but to the nature and effects of participation. Empowerment as we envisage it is a long and difficult process: it does not arise simply by being part of a research process. Further, especially in schools, there is a tendency to resist liberatory processes. Students are long habituated to passive schooling and the authority of teachers, and can feel that questioning and critical discussion are inappropriate (Shor & Freire, 1987). The same can be true of teachers. Teachers in Ixopo were tentative about prospects of input to curriculum and

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teaching from students, the community or researchers. It cannot be assumed that emancipatory learning and empowerment are automatically attractive. Power differentials exist between and among researchers, teachers, community members, and children. Within the communities, hierarchies of power and status are real: males and females, elders and youth, those with more formal schooling and those with less. For example, school principals are highly respected. And in Ndwedwe, one of the arguments for the choice of the first committee chairperson was that “he speaks English and he has a good relationship with the principal.” Empowerment is more than a psychological process; it has to do with structures within and between a community and the rest of society. Shifts in power occur in two related domains: 1) knowledge, and 2) community and economic resources. The initial focus in transformative action research is often on identifying issues of concern and generating knowledge that addresses the concerns. However, empowerment also entails fundamental changes to the ecology of knowledge. For example, people may learn new skills, and individuals and groups whose opinions were previously not valued may now be regularly consulted. One of the female educators in Ndwedwe observed: “Now that I am in the study I feel important and I feel like parents are noticing me and I feel for the first time my voice is being heard.” In Ixopo a student remarked: “We know now that we are not nobody: what we think is important.” In the community-economic domain, the fact that the researchers had jobs and income while many community members did not was an important aspect of the power differential between the researchers and the community. The research process could help previously marginalised groups gain access to self-employment opportunities, jobs, bank loans and other resources. An important achievement of the Ixopo project was that women and grandmothers – who carry major responsibilities in the life of the village – became chicken farmers, gaining knowledge and economic status. There is no doubt that conflicts and power relations are played out in transformative action research. Responsibility for and control of the various dimensions of the research and development continually shift. Different groups may have different knowledge, different priorities and different expectations of each other and the project. Groups and individuals may look to each other for leadership. Leadership is not simply vision and the management of committees and projects; it is also preparedness to hold open possibilities of conceiving in new ways and encouraging contributions. It need not align with authority: imagination, insights and commitments can come from anywhere. And, leadership often belongs in domains: the principals knew their schools; the children knew about relevance; the induna knew his culture and his people. Thus, leadership not only had to be created and grasped, but also coordinated. It was important too to guard against leadership for the sake of expedient achievement. In Ixopo, a neighbouring community project progressed at a staggering pace due to the autocratic steamrolling of a dynamic leader. After visiting this village, the Ixopo group decided that struggling with democratic processes was more important than “getting the job done.” Process can be an end in itself. There are many risks, especially when the entire operation is voluntary. The central agenda may be lost or diverted; some dominant figures might manipulate the process, keeping some people and ideas out; one group may lose status in the community while another gains; the entire project may lapse for want of action. For example, in Ixopo the active participation of the secondary school withered, and, although the researchers led the children in producing a major event, a Science Festival, it is unlikely that the school-based educational project will be sustained. Fals-Borda and Rahman (1991) argue that social science researchers may be

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subjected to overt and covert pressures from powerful political and economic groups. Indeed, as school-community linkages strengthened, the Ixopo principals challenged us about our motives on more than one occasion. Parents had expectations of the school and research team, educators had expectations of the principals and researchers, and researchers had expectations of parents, learners and schools. While all participants were invited on the basis of ‘equality’ we were often concerned about the lack of people wanting to lead a process or see a task through to completion. We were unsure whether participants felt ‘disempowered’ and looked for direction to those (especially the researchers and the school principals) whom they perceived as empowered. There was also an issue that we were relatively ignorant of the local context, and principals were nervous about taking on too much responsibility in community leadership. Yet hope prevailed in the communities that the projects would create spaces in which all participants could be empowered. (And ‘all’ in this case included the researchers, for whom life in the communities was a new experience.) In many ways our expectations as researchers were part of a cycle that trapped us between research, project management, service delivery, and development – domains of engagement that were not separate for the community or in a framework of ubuntu, but were for the academy and its frameworks of ‘research’. So, at academic seminars and conferences, we faced charges: “That’s not research”, or “That’s not science education”. These are important issues for transformative action researchers and the academy to reflect upon.

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WANDERING COMMITMENTS Commitment, as we are using the term, is a complex idea: it is expressed in creative input, sustained interest, effort and responsibility; it depends on personal motivation, group pressure and support, knowledge and skills, and assessments of risk and success; it has to be placed in the context of competing demands and commitments. Within the two communities, levels of commitment varied across groups and individuals, and over time. For example, in the Ndwedwe project, parents were committed to meetings, produced ideas and made plans, but active engagement with transformative action was problematic. Community members justified their choices with responses like “Mr. Hlope is the one who knows about the project” or “We don’t know enough to be part of the project.” Local educators too would genuinely commit to the project in meetings, but would not follow through. They explained their inaction in terms ranging from inclement weather to absence of a tractor to plough the land. One educator said, “We are waiting for the principal to get us the tools,” another “Learners did not come appropriately attired to work in the field,” a third “We cannot do anything unless the DOA [Department of Agriculture] ploughs the field.” But the DOA felt little obligation as this was not a service that they generally offered. An impasse was created, and the project stalled until an alternative was invented (organising parents and students to plough the field manually, and using planting methods that did not require whole-scale ploughing). In the Ixopo project, the secondary school principal expressed deep commitment at public and private meetings, and with the researchers laid out detailed plans for actions with the teachers, children, community farmers and community researchers. But these plans were hardly ever followed through. He explained this in terms of Education Department demands and the formal syllabus, lack of skills and resources, and staff workloads. He recommended as an

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alternative that the researchers take full responsibility for work with the children in afterschool sessions. Promises that the teachers would work with the researchers in these sessions were not fulfilled. There were also constraints on researchers imposed by time and distance, costs, and questions from funders, project leaders, and employers about ‘unnecessary’ visits. Indeed, the communities often seemed unconcerned about the costs of our coming to meetings that did not eventuate, or follow-up on promised activities that had not occurred. It was not obvious at the commencement of the research where and how professional and personal obligations of the participants could or should be balanced. As the projects progressed, competing demands became important, in real terms and as ‘excuses’. There were barriers of time and distance, and the requirements on adults and children alike to secure sufficient food, perform daily chores and attend to sick family members. Educators, as the Ixopo principal and others explained, had obligations to classrooms and syllabi, assessments and records, inter-school sports, and cultural activities, with additional tensions arising from their own absenteeism, travel arrangements, insecurities about policy changes in education, and limited knowledge of science and learning strategies such as project-based learning.

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PROJECT MANAGEMENT Methodologically, transformative research proceeds through cycles of planning, action and reflection. Yet, without action, there is nothing. The issue of project management was ever present, because no single stakeholder or individual was tasked with it, partly because involvement was voluntary, and partly because, in the planning processes at least, all individuals were presumed equal in their rights to participate. In Ixopo, the farming project developed well and successfully, building knowledge and skills, management structures, and productive farms. Part of this success was that human and material resources were brought into the community through sponsorship and the support of an NGO, and if the resources were well managed, the project would not only be sustained but would grow. Collective commitment and vision in this case were complemented by pressure and support, rewards and fears of loss. No other dimension of the two projects had these ‘management tools’ available. So, for example, in Ndwedwe, parents might raise issues about the DOA’s failure to complete tasks on time, but they neither took action on the issue nor reflexively questioned their own functioning as a group. From a research perspective, is this merely ‘data’ or is it a ‘failure’ of the research? One World Bank (1999) study argued that good practice in project design requires: • • • •

Activities must match the implementation capacity of institutions Components must match the coordination capacity of project management. Activities must be properly sequenced The policy and institutional frameworks must be strong enough to withstand the strains of project activities.

In Ixopo and Ndwedwe, the ‘institutions’ were the two communities. The projects sought to express criteria such as the above, along with principles of capacity development, flexibility and human rights. However, the criteria proved to be somewhat empty: the capacity of the communities can and did change, so plans also changed; some flexibility was

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possible in the sequencing of activities; and the strength of community frameworks in the face of project strains could not have been known in advance. As researchers, we were unclear whether project management constituted part of our roles, whether we had the capacity for it in a context in which we were ‘outsiders’, whether our commitment to the project implied somehow that we wanted deeply to be ‘insiders’, or whether we engaged in some project management for fear of not achieving the agreed-upon research goals. In any case, we were always drawn into project management and training. Often we found ourselves organizing meetings, securing sponsorships for tools, liaising with the DOA, helping teachers with curriculum, modelling teaching approaches in classrooms, helping in the design of lessons, and in fact teaching courses. We had not envisaged the extent to which we would be drawn into these roles. At the same time, the communities wanted us to assume them, seeing them as part of empowerment functions and transformation. The tensions we raise here are self-reflexive tensions, from our perspective as researchers. Transformation takes time and resources, and with more resources and personnel more could be accomplished. The question is: “What are the limits and boundaries to researchers’ roles in projects that emanate from transformative action research?”

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CONSEQUENCES AND ETHICAL CONCERNS The aspiration for openness, like the aspiration for democratic processes, challenges the research process. Who decides what information is relevant or what information to air in public presentations? Reporting at meetings, as in research publications, is inevitably selective. If it focussed on questionnaire answers only (which were collected), then many sensitive findings about the research site and the people could be avoided. Would that be the ‘right’ choice? Indeed, if research reports skirt knowledge that ‘everyone’ at the meeting has, then whose needs are being served? For example, the secondary school in Ixopo publicly supported the project, but held back from active involvement, with educators claiming they were overburdened. Yet there were many hours in a day when classes at the school were simply not happening, though educators and children were there. In broad terms at least, the community knew these things. Should they have been raised formally in the public meetings? For what purpose? (In fact, the issues were raised, but always with the school’s explanations also offered, and no action was initiated.) From an ethical point of view, should a more activist approach have been pursued? How are consequences to be anticipated and judged? In this aspect, the consequences of the research were mixed. Community members (including children) saw from the Science Festival how their concept of ‘relevant science’ could work, but that the school would not take up the idea. A project intended, in part, to strengthen school-community bonds might actually have strained them (as the community saw the school’s preference not to engage in school-community endeavours). Perhaps the dilemma rests on conceptions of sustainability. A critical achievement of the two projects was that they maintained themselves over a two-three year period with high levels of trust and participation and large amounts of experimentation and data collection. Without that depth of involvement, none of the participants would have learned as much as they/we did. Sustainability applies to the continuation or expansion of a project. In Ixopo, the chickenfarming project has not only been sustained, but has been expanded to include goat farming

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and community gardening initiatives; in Ndwedwe the community gardens’ continuation is uncertain. The education projects, especially for the children, might be sustained in Ndwedwe, and the education project in Ixopo has been reconceptualized to focus upon teaching students computer skills and competencies essential for functioning in society. The introduction of computers into the community was one of the original eight community-based goals. The computer instruction is offered by one of the school’s recent graduates who works for an NGO. He also provides computer skill and competency instruction during the evenings and weekends to students who have recently completely schooling, but who never received an introduction to computers as part of their formal schooling. In addition, a youth leadership program is being initiated to provide education services to students who graduated recently from the school yet do not possess skills to be employed within the mainstream economy. Thus, the processes and experiences are likely to be sustaining for individuals and the communities, even if the projects per se are not sustained. Community members, at all levels, had opportunities to see possibilities and to varying extents experience community-based education. This was clearest in the Science Festivals, especially at Ixopo. Learners demonstrated their capacities to learn with and from community members, present their work and showcase their knowledge in posters, plays and dances. They took pleasure in their newly acquired skills with computers and digital cameras, just as in presenting and expressing cultural traditions. Community farmers celebrated their accomplishments with their farms and with the learners, and brought eggs to sell. The joys of togetherness, achievement and expression prevailed, and all within the school grounds. What might not be sustainable might nevertheless be sustaining. From a research perspective, how does one measure consequences and, in that sense, the achievements and fidelity of the research? Consequences arise for individuals, groups and the community as a whole; they can be immediate (and more or less known) or long-term (and unknown); they can be material, psychological, social/ political; they can be obvious or subtle. They can seem negative now, but turn positive later, or vice versa. They are different for different individuals and groups; barely worth mentioning in many cases, profound in some. In our case, the research had knowledge outcomes, material outcomes, social and personal outcomes, few of them anticipated at the start. Consequences – even what the research eventually does and reports – cannot be accurately anticipated. This in itself is an ethical dilemma (Adler & Lerman, 2003). In the Ixopo community, one major consequence was the farming project, with improved diets, income, knowledge and skills, hope and community solidarity. So too, the activities of a local AIDS NGO became more integrated into the community, more identified with community development and science education. In the Ndwedwe community, schoolcommunity relationships were strengthened, for educators, children and parents, and the idea of collaboration in gardening found expression in practice. Even here though, ethical choices were involved. For example, the Management Committee for the Ixopo farming project chose the first 20 farmers to form the cooperative, following guidelines and criteria they put into their charter. They chose mostly women (19 of the 20), many of whom were grandmothers. The policies and criteria were developed through public discussions. In Ndwedwe, the children did not develop policies for distribution and sale of vegetables from their garden. A second major outcome (for the communities as well as the researchers) was a conceptualisation of relevant science education – encompassing purposes, content, processes, contexts and structures – which the communities were able to see come alive in programmes

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with the children. For all participants, there were many learning outcomes. Some of these were subtle. Children in Ixopo, for example, using a conception of ‘science’ they constructed from exploration of science in their lives, decided not only that ‘science was everywhere’, but that they could ‘do science’. Through the various projects they completed (especially the Science Festival), they gained not only knowledge and skills, but a sense of self-worth and self-esteem in what they could learn, how they could contribute to their community, and how, following their first ever exposure to computers, they might gain access to information and power:

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“We learned to believe in yourself – that someday we will achieve our dreams to be helpful in the community.” “We have learned how to use the computer and how to find information that can be useful.”

Similarly, at the Science Festival in Ixopo the community took pride in seeing their lives expressed, and in the participation of the inkosi (Chief) and other leaders. As one of the participants noted, the Festival “made the invisible visible”: ideas, problems and achievements were made public, to be discussed and used as a springboard for subsequent action. There are other consequences, seemingly almost outside the project, and yet not. For example, in the Ixopo village, we appointed two ‘community researchers’ – young adults with good Grade 12 results, but unable to find employment or afford university. From that small village, 15 young people applied, any of whom would have done the work well. This is surely a cause for pride as well as frustration for the community; young people with talent and no clear future. Later, we were able to help one of the community researchers gain financial support and go to university. He has completed his degree program and in January 2008 began his first year as a teacher. Community pride, individual achievement and the sense of representing a community go hand-in-hand. For the researchers, a dilemma at all stages was the tension between poverty alleviation and research. It was never clear that research – or even a local development project – could make a significant impact on poverty alleviation for these communities. Most of the poverty can be traced to history, oppression and exploitation, to colonial and Apartheid policies concerning land, education, and the economy. Recently, community poverty has been exacerbated by climate change, drought, and HIV/AIDS. We (and the communities) opted for local development projects as a first step in a long battle, in part because it was something we could do. Tackling the larger issues has to be a long-term goal. But, as noted earlier, this took us into other dilemmas, especially in our relationships with the academy. For many of the academics with whom we interact, community development, project management and service provision are not ‘research’ and our data extend well beyond ‘science education.’ The choices about where researchers put their energy have obvious ethical dimensions.

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KNOWLEDGE In the domain of knowledge gained by the researchers and the research community, the project yielded richer and deeper data than would have been possible by positivist or interpretative approaches. While many of the ‘major findings’ emerged from the early meetings, workshops and activities (for example, the idea that relevant science in these villages is linked to community development), the depths of discussion resulted largely because the communities ‘knew’ from the outset that the researchers were there for the long term, if the communities wanted that. The resulting knowledge extended well beyond simple conceptions of ‘relevant topics and experiences’, reaching into deeper understandings of rural communities, schools, and school-community interactions; poverty; leadership and management; cultures and subcultures; ways of knowing and working. Meanings of much of the early data only became clear later: it is one thing to listen, another to hear. This was true within the community as well as for the researchers, as ideas were created, refined or discarded over time. At many points, processes and findings were consistent with ubuntu. While no-one in meetings and workshops shied away from analysis, it was not common to set different ideas and interests into competition with each other; parts were considered as aspects of the whole which, if set into conflict with one another would be like setting the self against itself. Accordingly, distinctions between research and development, foreground and background, traditional and modern, rural and urban were generally treated as aspects that, by appropriate design, would work together. In the main, relationships and harmony were more important than competitiveness. Although hierarchies of status and roles were respected, the communities were not greatly concerned to locate control and establish clear lines of management. It was generally accepted that gains made might have to be made again; that progress would not be linear, and might be slow. Participative epistemologies often took precedence over objective epistemologies: knowledge gained intuitively, tacitly, through participation and direct experience was important in framing the research and interpreting the data. Group discussions, workshops and personal reflections (from the researchers and students, and in the public meetings) were sources of important data. As well, the children through their presentations (in posters, songs and plays) had socially acceptable means of ‘talking to’ their elders about ideas they would not normally raise. Caution is necessary, of course, in attributing these instances to a worldview – especially one as complex as ubuntu. Beyond general issues of inference and attribution are issues of diversity. Worldviews are individual as well as collective, and all of the participants in our project live with Western as well as African systems of thought. Further, there are many Western worldviews, some more similar to ubuntu than others, and many ways in which Western and African thought systems overlap. We were attuned to epistemological questions also in distinctions between common sense and theoretical knowledge, research and action, procedural knowledge and representational knowledge. The distinction that proved most difficult for us – and led us in time to see that they required conscious shifts, was the distinction between participation aimed at ‘action’ (in the sense of project achievement) and that aimed at knowledge generation and governance (as it occurred in planning meetings and public discussions). While the latter privileged equality and creativity, the former required allocation of people and tasks, timelines and

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accountability. While the main criteria for knowledge generation were plausibility, insight and agreement, the criteria for project achievement centred on skills, skill development and task completion. The two kinds of knowledge, and appropriate management approaches, were interactive, but different. Shifting between them was difficult conceptually; it was made more difficult by the fact that the participants were often the same in both domains of action.

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TRANSFORMATIVE ACTION RESEARCH AS RESEARCH Definitions of ‘research’ have come to be expressed in research paradigms – sets of beliefs, values and assumptions that a particular community of researchers has in common regarding the nature and conduct of research. Research paradigms reflect the researchers’ beliefs about the world, especially their ontological, epistemological, axiological, aesthetic, and methodological beliefs, and so a research paradigm is synonymous with a research culture (Arendt, 1958; Bernstein, 1976, 1983; Fay, 1975, 1977; Habermas, 1972, 1973; Hesse, 1980). For well over a century, research methodologists have debated the merits of qualitative and quantitative research methods, with purists on both sides claiming superiority of their respective methodologies. The debates have generally focused upon methodology, rather than epistemology, with those engaged in the debate apparently confusing the logic of justification with research methods. The fact is that epistemology does not dictate specific data collection and analytic methods: qualitative and quantitative methods can be designed to fit a range of epistemologies (see, for example, Creswell, 2003; Johnson & Christensen, 2004; Tashakkori & Teddlie, 2003). Since the 1970s, debates have also arisen with respect to understandings of the nature of research. For example, Bernstein (1983) argued that new understandings of human rationality were emerging, emphasizing its practical character and the ramifications for thought and action. This debate has much greater potential than the qualitative/quantitative debate to contribute to emancipatory theory, praxis-oriented research and transformation. Bernstein (1983) asserts that such transformation “gains ‘reality and power’ only if we dedicate ourselves to the practical task of solidarity, participation, and mutual recognition that is founded in dialogical communities” (p. 231). Our experiences in two rural communities show that many of the hopes and aspirations of transformative action research as an orientation can be reached in part: the divides between researchers and researched, knowledge and action, holism and reductionism, objectivity and subjectivity are narrowed, allowing the emerging data, interpretations, insights and actions to be reflective of the community and valuable to the community. Ethical dilemmas (ranging from the ultimate incompatibilities of truth, care and justice to incompatibilities within, for example, notions of justice), conceptual issues (for example in conceptions of community and participation), and issues of politics and power (within the project itself) are thrown into the open, where they have to be resolved for action to take place. It is in the nature of participation – especially when the number of participants is large, their interests and talents diverse, and different epistemologies, ideologies, allegiances, commitments and interests are operating at once – that researchers (and others) struggle with their roles and priorities. In our projects, it was never entirely clear how much we, as researchers, imposed ideas and solutions, but it was clear that the communities wanted local solutions for local futures, futures that depended on local knowledge but also knowledge from

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outside the community. Construction of emancipatory social theory must confront the daily experiences of people and their ‘place-world’, including the links people have and want to other places and other ideas. When it comes to knowledge (and in the view of these communities), local and universal, rural and urban, African and Western are not dichotomies, but different aspects that can inform one another: respect for the local can help guard against theoretical imposition from outside. In Ndwedwe and Ixopo, participative processes led to conceptualisations of relevant science education that centred on community development (economic and social), schoolcommunity collaboration, and project-based learning, with learning outcomes reaching into broad competencies such as problem-solving and working in teams applied to income creation and development. The idea of villagers, researchers, teachers and children learning through projects arose through public meetings and workshops, by interpreting each community’s stated needs and aspirations and translating them into a design that would address those concerns and be culturally congruent. While we had initially expected the research to involve curriculum development, the idea that curriculum development should be embedded in community development, via school-community projects, emerged from public meetings in Ixopo. It was a way of bringing together education and development, school and community, research and action, and accepting the community’s observation that relevant science education would surely do something about poverty in the village. These analyses and ideas emanated from the very community members whom the schools tended to regard as ‘illiterate’ and ‘uneducated.’ Finally, we argue that there is a relationship between transformative action research in an educational setting and other cultural practices with which people are engaged. Education researchers as transformative action researchers need to identify with communities and social movements, extending their interests beyond the four walls of the classroom to actualize a social justice for all vision of education (Kyle, 1999; Kyle 2006). Rights to education in Ndwedwe and Ixopo, and social justice in education in South Africa, cannot be resolved simply by teachers and teaching in the local schools, or collaborative school-community projects. Researchers who are committed to open-ended, dialectical theory-building must recognize the need to illuminate the experiences of communities and social groups engaged in transformative action. We have sought in this paper to make a case for transformativeparticipatory methods on grounds of ethics and a human rights framework. The issues that emerge so clearly from our experience apply in all research (Adler & Lerman, 2003), whether in positivist, interpretivist or socially critical paradigms. The issues are particularly pertinent when the research concerns communities struggling with poverty and marginalisation: researchers here cannot be mere voyeurs, the products are not only knowledge, but also actions and transformations within the community. Such change is embedded in worldviews and expressed through cultural practices, but in a larger framework of economic, social and political structures. “Relevant science” is not necessarily chosen from a menu of Western options; neither is participation a compliance with prescribed agendas and processes.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS We acknowledge the contributions to this project of the Education Policy Consortium (South Africa), the Swedish and Netherlands governments, Heifer International (USA), Rohm and Haas, South African Department of Agriculture, Woza Moya Project, Sinevuso, Lusiba and Isifisosethu Schools and the communities of Chibini and Ndwedwe (KwaZulu Natal Province, South Africa).

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REFERENCES Adler, J., & Lerman, S. (2003). Getting the description right and making it count: Ethical practice in mathematics education research. In A. J. Bishop, M. A. Clements, C. Keitel, J. Kilpatrick, & F. K. S. Leung (Eds.), Second International Handbook of Mathematics Education (pp. 441-470). Dordrecht: Kluwer. Aker, J., B. K., & Esseveld, J. (1983). Objectivity and truth: Problems in doing feminist research. Women’s Studies International Forum, 6, 423-435. Arendt, H. (1958). The human condition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Bennett deMarrais, K. (1998). Qualitative research reflections. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Bernstein, R. J. (1976). The restructuring of social and political theory. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. Bernstein, R. J. (1983). Beyond objectivism and relativism: Science, hermeneutics, and praxis. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press. Blanche, M.T., & Durrheim, K. (2002). Research in practice: Applied methods for the social sciences. Cape Town, South Africa: University of Cape Town Press. Brown, D.L., & Tandon, R. (1983). Ideology and political economy in enquiry: Action research and participatory research. Journal of Applied Behavioral Science, 19, 277-294. Casey, E. S. (1993). Getting back into place: Toward a renewed understanding of the placeworld. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Casey, E. S. (1997). The fate of place: A philosophical history. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Cornwall,A and Jewkes,R. (1995) ‘What is Participatory Research?’, Social Science and Medicine 41: 1667-1676 Creswell, J. W. (2003). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed approaches. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Crwys-Williams, J. (Ed.). (2004). In the words of Nelson Mandela. London: Penguin. De Vos, A. S. (1998). Research at grass roots: A primer for the caring professions. Pretoria, South Africa: J. L. Van Shaik. Du Bois, B. (1983). Passionate scholarship: Notes on values, knowing, and method in feminist social science. In G. Bowles & R. Duelli-Klein (Eds.), Theories of women’s studies (pp. 105-116). Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Fals-Borda, O. (1983). Participatory action research. London: APEX Press.

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Fals-Borda, O., & Rahman, M. A. (Eds). (1991). Action and knowledge: Breaking the monopoly with participatory action- research. New York: APEX Press. Fay, B. (1975). Social theory and political practice. London: Allen & Unwin. Fay, B. (1977). How people change themselves: The relationship between critical theory and its audience. In T. Ball (Ed.), Political theory and praxis (pp. 200-233). Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. Freire, P. (1970/1993). Pedagogy of the oppressed. New York: Continuum. .Habermas, J. (1972). Knowledge and human interests (J. J. Shapiro, Trans.). London: Heinemann. (Original work published in 1968) Habermas, J. (1973). Theory and practice (J. Viertel, Trans.). Boston: Beacon Press. Hendrick, C. (1983). A middle-way metatheory. [Review of toward transformation in social knowledge.] Contemporary Psychology, 28, 504-507. Hesse, M. (1980). Revolution and reconstruction in the philosophy of science. Bloomington, IN: University of Indiana Press. Johnson, R. B., & Christensen, L. B. (2004). Educational research: Quantitative, qualitative, and mixed approaches. Boston, MA: Allyn and Bacon. Keane, M., Malcolm, C.K., Rollnick, M. (2006), How ethical are ethics protocols? Southern African Association for Research in Mathematics and Science Education Conference, 912 January, University of Pretoria, Pretoria. Kemmis, S., & McTaggart, R. (Eds.). (1988a). The action research planner. Geelong, Victoria, Australia: Deakin University Press. Kemmis, S., & McTaggart, R. (Eds.). (1988b). The action research reader. Geelong, Victoria, Australia: Deakin University Press. Kyle, W. C., Jr. (1999). Science education in developing countries: Access, equity, and ethical responsibility. Journal of the Southern African Association for Research in Mathematics and Science Education, 3, 1 – 13. Kyle, W. C., Jr. (2006). The road from Rio to Johannesburg: Where are the footpaths to / from science education? International Journal of Science and Mathematics Education, 4, 1-18. Malcolm, C., & Alant, B. (2004). Finding direction when the ground is moving: Science education research in South Africa. Studies in Science Education, 40, 49-104. Niehaus, L.(1995). Education Association of South Africa (EASA) SAJE: Vol 19(1), 15-29. Odora Hoppers, C. A., (2001). Structural violence as a constraint to African policy formation in the 1990s: Repositioning education in international relations. Stockholm: Stockholm University Institute of International Education. Secada, W. G., Fennema, E., & Byrd, L. (Eds). (1995). New Directions for Equity in Mathematics Education. New York: Cambridge University Press. Shor, I., & Freire, P. (1987). A pedagogy for liberation: Dialogues on transforming education. Granby, MA: Bergin & Garvey. Smith, G. (2002). Learning to be where we are. Phi Delta Kappan, 83, 584-594. Tashakkori, A., & Teddlie, C. (Eds.). (2003). Handbook of mixed methods in social and behavioural research. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

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Cliff Malcolm, Nirmala Gopal, Moyra Keane et al.

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Whyte, W. F., Greenwood, D. J., & Lazes, P. (1989). Participatory action research: Through practice to science in social research. American Behavioral Scientist, 32, 513-551. World Bank - Operations Evaluation Department Report. (1999). A Quarterly publication of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Washington, DC: World Bank. Zuber-Skerritt, O. (1992). Professional development in higher education: A theoretical framework for action research. London: Kogan Page.

Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

ABOUT THE EDITORS Kgeti Setati: Executive Dean, College of Science, Engineering and Technology, University of South Africa. Renuka Vithal: Deputy Vice-Chancellor (Teaching & Learning), University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Cliff Malcolm: Former Professor of Science Education at UKZN and Director for the Centre for Education, Research, Evaluation and Policy (CEREP) (Deceased 24 March, 2008).

Copyright © 2009. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

Rubby Dhunpath: Policy Manager at the Independent Schools Association of Southern Africa, Johannesburg, South Africa.

Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

Copyright © 2009. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved. Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

INDEX

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A abduction, 111 academic, 1, 2, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 25, 27, 28, 38, 40, 44, 47, 49, 51, 52, 56, 57, 77, 79, 94, 126, 141, 150, 162, 171, 202 academic success, 150 academics, ix, 4, 7, 12, 17, 19, 51, 77, 84, 142, 150, 196, 206 accountability, 20, 24, 28, 29, 82, 172, 208 accounting, 42, 45 accreditation, 14, 94 accuracy, 49 achievement, 4, 17, 79, 194, 200, 201, 204, 205, 206, 207 acid, 47, 48 action research, 21, 72, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 87, 88, 110, 141, 151, 171, 194, 195, 196, 197, 199, 200, 201, 202, 204, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212 activism, 21, 61, 146 actuarial, 18 adaptation, 93 ADC, 63, 91 administrative, 156 adolescence, 13 adult, 152 adult learning, 152 adults, 49, 50, 193, 200, 203, 206 advertising, 16 aesthetics, 136 Africa, ix, x, 1, 3, 8, 13, 36, 55, 63, 64, 73, 75, 78, 79, 80, 82, 89, 91, 92, 94, 97, 99, 103, 106, 115, 116, 123, 127, 136, 139, 143, 151, 153, 154, 155, 157, 158, 160, 168, 169, 173, 174, 176, 179, 183, 184, 190, 191, 193, 209, 210, 211, 213

African culture, 162 African National Congress, 198 African Renaissance, x African schools, 81, 90 after-school, 203 age, 11, 33, 34, 68, 75, 80, 86, 87, 88, 89, 92, 96, 167, 191 agents, 25, 32, 87, 157, 159 agricultural, 18, 41, 42, 50 agriculture, 77, 93 aid, 50, 73, 80, 85 AIDS, 73, 205 air, 134, 204 Alaskan Native, 87 algorithm, 99 alienation, 146 alternative, 2, 22, 57, 59, 73, 74, 75, 77, 85, 89, 105, 111, 132, 133, 142, 145, 146, 151, 155, 166, 179, 182, 202 alternatives, 51, 61, 62, 105, 106, 109, 110, 111, 113, 114, 115, 116, 124, 133 Amazon, 7 ambiguity, 63 American Educational Research Association, 52 American Indian, 87 American Psychological Association (APA), 30, 33 Amsterdam, 68 analytical tools, 155 anger, 11, 12, 17 antagonism, 57 antagonistic, 55, 56 antecedents, 20, 55 anthropological, 39, 49, 52 anthropology, 9, 12, 135 antithesis, 128 anxiety, 187

Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

Index

216

apartheid, 78, 79, 81, 106, 114, 116, 153, 154, 160, 168, 174, 184, 190 application, 4, 19, 22, 28, 38, 77, 82, 122, 135 applied mathematics, 141 archeology, 90 argument, 14, 15, 30, 38, 44, 45, 58, 66, 143 Ariel, 56, 70 Aristotle, 20, 33 articulation, 127, 131, 132 artistic, 67 Asia, 8, 73, 75 Asian, 127 aspiration, 31, 204 assessment, 7, 9, 14, 31, 74, 76, 122, 156, 163, 165, 173, 174, 175, 176, 178, 180, 181, 186, 187, 189 assignment, 14 assumptions, 1, 15, 27, 56, 83, 117, 124, 133, 134, 150, 156, 161, 196, 208 asthma, 86 asymmetry, 9 atmosphere, 67 attitudes, 83 attribution, 5, 207 Australasia, 76, 87, 88 Australia, v, 55, 71, 76, 78, 87, 90, 151, 168, 211 authenticity, 11 authority, 27, 51, 57, 62, 133, 156, 181, 184, 200, 201 autonomous communities, 62 autonomy, 11, 15, 78 availability, 179 avoidance, 61, 90 awareness, 27, 32, 39, 65, 71, 121, 122, 123, 124, 130, 131, 132, 133, 135, 136, 137, 179, 188, 195

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B back, 5, 17, 20, 40, 48, 58, 62, 67, 98, 112, 128, 148, 159, 166, 204, 210 baggage, 38 banking, 18 barriers, 80, 82, 203 barter, 188 basic needs, 194 beginning teachers, 13 behavior, 5 behaviours, 177 belief systems, x, 15, 22 beliefs, 1, 15, 16, 18, 19, 28, 37, 40, 57, 158, 165, 208 benefits, 5, 8, 18, 23, 25, 57, 72, 80, 188 benign, 61 bias, 8, 115 birth, 91

Blacks, 106 blood, 17 Bohr, 61 bonds, 204 border crossing, 197 Boston, 34, 36, 103, 118, 151, 191, 210, 211 bounds, 4, 13 boys, 94, 95, 96, 101 brain, 7, 9, 32, 75, 135 brain drain, 7, 9, 32, 75 branching, 2 Brazil, x, 2, 8, 37, 41, 42, 75, 77, 91, 109 Brazilian, 37, 42, 45, 46, 50, 52 breakdown, 62 breeding, 22 Britain, 11, 62 Brooklyn, 86 brothers, 42 buildings, 42 bullying, 124 bureaucracy, 18 bureaucratization, 159 business model, 4 by-products, 6

C campaigns, 50 Canada, 8, 121, 127, 137 capacity building, 80, 86 Cape Town, 139, 141, 151, 168, 190, 191, 210 capitalism, 4, 17, 23, 61, 68 capitalist, 4, 17, 73 capitalist system, 17 caps, 186 caregiver, 25 Caribbean, 8, 11, 13, 88 case study, 152, 177 cast, 114 catalyst, 158 catchments, 62 categorization, 20 cattle, 43, 96, 101 cell, 66 cellular phone, 187 certification, 14 channels, 9, 174, 186 chaos, 17 chemical engineering, 141, 143, 151 chemical reactions, 67 chicken, 57, 199, 201, 204 childhood, 13, 26 child-rearing practices, 5

Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

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Index children, 6, 13, 42, 67, 75, 96, 97, 144, 194, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 209 Chile, 81, 87 China, 75 citizens, 4, 20, 25, 26, 81, 159 citizenship, 13, 15 civil servants, 19 civil society, 168 class size, 75 classes, 17, 50, 74, 122, 127, 204 classical, 61, 158, 162 classification, 38, 83, 176 classroom, ix, 21, 24, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 52, 76, 79, 81, 82, 83, 85, 90, 92, 94, 96, 106, 114, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 129, 130, 131, 132, 135, 136, 141, 145, 146, 151, 163, 171, 173, 174, 175, 177, 178, 179, 182, 183, 185, 187, 190, 200, 209 classroom practice, 76, 122 classrooms, ix, 39, 81, 92, 94, 96, 106, 121, 122, 123, 124, 131, 132, 134, 135, 136, 139, 141, 151, 154, 173, 175, 178, 179, 184, 185, 197, 203, 204 climate change, 64, 65, 206 closure, 166 clusters, 183 codes, 56, 161, 195 cognition, 90, 140, 142, 145, 151 collaboration, 78, 81, 115, 148, 171, 198, 205, 209 collateral damage, 6 collectivism, 162 Colombia, 78, 80 colonialisation, 11, 22 colonialism, 81 colonisation, 73 colonization, x, 99 Columbia University, 168 comfort zone, 81, 179 commensals, 59 commerce, 3, 18 commodity, 4, 17 commons, 62 communication, x, 3, 13, 14, 16, 28, 77, 109, 113, 122, 130, 131, 132, 133, 180, 186, 200 communication technologies, 3 communism, 23 communities, 19, 22, 25, 30, 31, 62, 76, 80, 81, 85, 90, 92, 93, 96, 99, 102, 141, 146, 147, 150, 171, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210 community, ix, x, 1, 2, 4, 8, 10, 19, 27, 28, 31, 32, 41, 42, 44, 47, 48, 59, 65, 66, 77, 81, 82, 86, 87, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 102, 103, 139, 140, 143, 146, 147, 148, 150, 151, 157, 158, 171, 174,

217

188, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209 community relations, x, 205 compatibility, 197 competency, 124, 205 competition, 207 complement, 123, 130, 134, 180 complex interactions, 74 complex systems, 66 complexity, 3, 27, 31, 44, 46, 65, 68, 76, 83, 154, 156 compliance, 76, 209 components, 16, 32, 58, 59, 81, 102, 171 composition, 44 compounds, 56 compulsion, 24 computer skills, 205 computing, 141 concentrates, 107 conception, 48, 112, 153, 154, 156, 158, 162, 163, 189, 206 conceptualization, 10, 20, 25, 126 concrete, 43, 47, 48, 151, 197 concrete activities, 151 confidence, 57, 65, 76, 147, 149, 179 confidentiality, 165, 171, 173, 186, 188, 195, 196 configuration, 152 conflict, 25, 26, 31, 119, 125, 163, 207 confrontation, 27 confusion, 117, 148 Congress, 7, 36, 118 Connecticut, 34 connectivity, 3 consciousness, 12, 18, 21 consensus, 27, 30, 38, 45 consent, 171, 182, 195, 196 conservation, 114 constraints, 25, 77, 83, 133, 178, 179, 180, 203 construction, 2, 42, 51, 57, 61, 64, 65, 79, 85, 96, 108, 112, 114, 115, 167 constructionism, 56, 57, 58 constructivist, 19, 74, 144 constructivist learning, 19 consultants, 7, 158, 159, 160 consumer goods, 43 consumerism, 4, 23, 25, 26, 32, 33 consumers, 19, 26 consumption, 22, 23, 25, 51, 65 content analysis, 160 contingency, 27, 111, 166 continuity, 43, 47 contracts, 42

Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

Index

218

control, 1, 4, 8, 9, 11, 18, 21, 24, 32, 47, 62, 64, 74, 80, 81, 110, 123, 149, 161, 195, 201, 207 control group, 110 convergence, 3, 38, 74 conversion, 8 Copenhagen, 86, 112, 115, 117, 118 corporations, 4, 5, 7, 25 correlations, 144 costs, 1, 5, 7, 8, 23, 45, 46, 47, 48, 203 costs of production, 45 coupling, 45 creativity, 207 critical analysis, 122 critical thinking, 177, 197 criticism, ix, 15, 50, 56, 61, 66, 140, 166 crops, 41, 81 crystallization, 163 cultivation, 47, 50 cultural differences, 39, 73, 195 cultural heritage, 38, 102 cultural norms, 84, 114 cultural practices, 38, 209 cultural values, 161 culture, x, 2, 3, 4, 7, 9, 31, 32, 38, 40, 49, 51, 52, 53, 56, 57, 73, 83, 87, 89, 90, 93, 94, 98, 99, 103, 146, 168, 169, 201, 208 currency, 8, 45 curriculum, x, 2, 6, 15, 31, 42, 46, 48, 49, 53, 67, 69, 74, 76, 80, 81, 91, 94, 99, 114, 115, 130, 146, 152, 153, 154, 156, 158, 159, 160, 163, 165, 166, 168, 185, 189, 193, 197, 198, 199, 200, 204, 209 curriculum change, 146, 152, 185 curriculum development, 6, 81, 158, 163, 209 cycles, 82, 203

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D dances, 205 danger, 64, 199 data analysis, 168, 189 data collection, 48, 84, 108, 139, 160, 175, 177, 183, 189, 204, 208 David Bohm, 61 debates, x, 67, 74, 102, 162, 208 debt, 41, 42 decentralization, 168 decision-making process, 188 decisions, 30, 42, 56, 65, 166, 175, 187, 188, 196, 197, 199 decolonization, 39 deconstruction, 2, 55, 56, 57, 58, 61, 63, 65, 66, 162, 166, 167 deductive reasoning, 111 deficit, 81, 132

definition, 16, 60, 93, 99, 128, 134, 159, 162, 163, 199 degradation, 5, 55, 62, 65 degrading, 5 delivery, 202 democracy, 74, 79, 86, 118, 162, 181, 194, 195, 197, 199, 200 democratic elections, 184 democratisation, 79 denial, 129 Denmark, 105, 191 Department of Agriculture, 199, 200, 202, 210 Department of Education, 104, 105, 174, 175, 177, 178, 179, 181, 182, 190 depreciation, 45, 47, 48 designers, 134 destruction, 61, 73 determinism, 58, 60, 62 devaluation, 22 developed countries, x, 1 developed nations, 72 developing countries, x, 1, 2, 85, 211 devolution, 35 dichotomy, 38, 49, 59, 60, 145 diets, 205 differentiation, 39, 73, 84 diffusion, 86 digital divide, 76 disability, 12 discipline, ix, 19, 20, 28, 29, 39, 72, 74, 83, 122, 123, 135, 184 discontinuity, 38 discourse, 4, 24, 27, 30, 38, 40, 44, 50, 56, 64, 65, 67, 68, 90, 121, 122, 123, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 140, 146, 149, 152, 160, 161, 162, 195 discrimination, 20 discriminatory, 154 displacement, 48 disputes, 101, 166 dissatisfaction, 148, 189 disseminate, 19 dissipative structure, 69 distance learning, 6, 13 distribution, 42, 75, 205 diversification, 78 diversity, ix, x, 64, 65, 74, 85, 141, 142, 145, 146, 207 division, 17 doctors, 19 dominance, 1, 8, 14, 16, 23, 27, 31, 32, 146 donor, 19, 158 draft, 117

Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

Index drainage, 62 dream, 49, 56 drinking, 26 drought, 206 drugs, 94 duration, 179

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E earth, 2, 66 Earth Science, 162 East Asia, 8 Eastern Europe, 75 eating, 26 ecological, 26, 46, 62, 67 ecology, 201 Economic and Social Research Council, 35 economic development, x, 73, 75, 154, 162 economic indicator, 9 economic policy, 61 economic resources, 201 economic status, 201 economics, 5, 18, 19, 20, 73, 157 ecosystem, 93 eddies, 32 Eden, 69 educational policy, 153, 154, 167 educational process, 49 educational research, 3, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 16, 21, 23, 26, 27, 28, 31, 32, 34, 39, 49, 76, 77, 86, 139, 140, 141, 142, 148, 166, 175, 177, 184 educational system, 9, 81, 141 educators, 5, 23, 39, 55, 57, 61, 64, 66, 79, 85, 122, 134, 144, 157, 159, 160, 176, 178, 185, 187, 201, 202, 204, 205 egg, 57, 199 elderly, 93, 94, 96, 99 elders, 92, 93, 102, 201, 207 electricity, 81, 193 emancipation, 21, 78, 88, 195 emotional, 24 emotions, 135, 136, 197 empathy, 12 employees, 18, 43, 181 employers, 24, 203 employment, 5, 7, 19, 193, 201, 206 empowered, 11, 82, 202 empowerment, 21, 25, 78, 85, 199, 200, 201, 204 encouragement, 12 enculturation, 11 energy, 26, 61, 148, 206 energy efficiency, 61 engagement, 51, 124, 125, 127, 142, 145, 146, 151, 195, 198, 202

219

England, 11, 136 Enlightenment, 21, 37, 57 entanglements, 2 enterprise, 115, 116 entertainment, 4, 16 enthusiasm, 46 environment, 23, 74, 93, 110, 111, 124, 147, 154 environmental degradation, 55, 65 environmental threats, 73 environmentalism, 61 environmentalists, 160 epistemological, 1, 7, 9, 11, 12, 14, 15, 27, 32, 60, 65, 82, 139, 144, 148, 162, 166, 196, 197, 207, 208 epistemological relativism, 60 epistemology, 2, 17, 20, 59, 77, 144, 152, 175, 194, 196, 197, 208 equality, 65, 81, 82, 148, 181, 202, 207 equating, 56 equilibrium, 67 equity, 76, 141, 155, 161, 162, 166, 184, 211 ERIC, 87 erosion, 4, 50, 62 ethical concerns, 173, 175, 184, 196 ethical issues, 165, 173, 174 ethics, x, 5, 31, 32, 171, 180, 182, 184, 190, 194, 195, 209, 211 ethnicity, 39 ethnographers, 40 Euro, 154 Eurocentric, 8, 9, 10, 14, 46 Europe, x, 13, 14 evolution, 22, 73 exclusion, 46, 109 excuse, 203 exercise, 14, 40, 44, 47, 51, 123, 124, 149 expenditures, 47 experimental design, 142 expertise, 6, 7, 8, 11, 14, 17, 28, 29, 30, 32, 65, 73, 81, 82, 94, 141 exploitation, 4, 9, 10, 12, 22, 174, 185, 206 exposure, 206 external influences, 158 external validity, 160 externalities, 62 extinction, 64 eye movement, 131 eyes, 13, 45, 98, 127, 131

F failure, 49, 77, 88, 117, 141, 203 faith, 76 family, 12, 30, 41, 43, 130, 143, 203

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220

Index

family environment, 143 family members, 203 Far East, 13 farmers, 41, 43, 50, 78, 80, 84, 201, 202, 205 farming, 41, 42, 43, 44, 47, 50, 81, 193, 199, 200, 203, 204, 205 farms, 81, 203, 205 fear, 62, 65, 171, 188, 204 fears, 125, 188, 203 February, 88, 91, 175 feedback, 84 feelings, 18, 25, 131, 176, 178, 182, 189 females, 96, 201 feminism, 82, 155 feminist, 49, 52, 69, 165, 210 fertilizers, 46 fidelity, 205 films, 17 finance, 18, 19 financial institution, 158 financial resources, 23 financial support, 206 financing, 18, 73 fire, 12 firms, 158 first generation, 42 first lady, 97 first principles, 166 fish, 50 fishing, 86 flame, 194 flexibility, 203 flight, 67 flood, 62 flow, 5, 6, 200 focus group, 20 folding, 66 food, 26, 42, 194, 203 foreign aid, 80 forgetting, 40, 63 formal education, 82 Foucault, 18, 19, 33, 47, 58, 60, 149, 153, 155, 157, 160, 167, 168 fragility, 27 fragmentation, 38, 73, 74 framing, 145, 161, 196, 199, 207 free enterprise, 115 freedom, 4, 11, 25, 58, 74, 162 friendship, 4 frustration, 174, 178, 206 fulfillment, 13, 17, 22, 194 funding, 6, 24, 79, 82, 84, 156 funds, 6, 8, 13, 32, 91, 173

futures, 208

G G8, 75 games, 89, 93, 94, 95, 96, 99, 100 gender, 24, 39, 58, 75, 80, 89, 92, 93, 96, 143, 145 gene, 29 genealogy, 156, 167 general education, 113 generalization, 30, 129, 160 generation, 27, 31, 38, 77, 80, 85, 93, 100, 127, 140, 194, 196, 207 Geneva, 73, 104 genre, 194 geography, 13, 114 Gerdau, 42 Germany, 35, 62, 78 gifts, 188 girls, 94, 95, 96, 130, 131 global education, 4 Global Reporting Initiative, 68 global village, 3 global warming, 65 globalization, 1, 3, 4, 6, 9, 11, 17, 20, 21, 32, 39, 88, 154, 162 globalization, vii, 3, 4, 35, 36, 88 gloves, 109, 110, 111 goals, 9, 14, 122, 155, 158, 162, 200, 204, 205 goods and services, 22 Gore, 52, 65, 68, 69 governance, 5, 93, 95, 207 government, 4, 18, 21, 24, 52, 59, 61, 77, 79, 89, 90, 91, 154, 157, 158, 159, 163, 165, 184, 210 government policy, 77 grades, 13, 154 grading, 122 graduate students, 92 grandparents, 42, 93 grants, 6, 92 grass, 72, 81, 210 grassroots, 88 Great Britain, 11 greenhouse, 41, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47 grids, 157 Gross Domestic Product (GDP), 71, 72 gross national product, 22 grounding, 141 group work, 109 groups, x, 5, 10, 12, 16, 17, 19, 21, 38, 39, 41, 44, 45, 46, 48, 49, 61, 74, 75, 81, 90, 91, 110, 143, 157, 159, 160, 174, 178, 184, 189, 195, 196, 199, 200, 201, 202, 205, 209 growth, 6, 12, 13, 17, 19, 22, 82, 90

Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

Index GSM, 95, 96, 100, 101 GSP, 113 guidance, 197 guidelines, 181, 205 Guinea, 49, 50, 52

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H habitat, 93 hands, 59, 101, 186 hanging, 87 happiness, 5, 17, 22, 37 harm, 5, 207 harmony, 207 Harvard, 34, 36, 47, 69, 70 harvest, 43, 100 harvesting, 50 hazards, 86 health, 6, 55, 75, 82, 158, 193, 194 health care, 75, 193 hearing, 129, 131, 133 heart, 73, 129, 146, 147 heat, 25 hegemony, 85 heterogeneity, 38 heterogeneous, 38, 39, 67 hierarchy of needs, 17 high school, 65, 174, 177, 180 higher education, 7, 10, 141, 146, 147, 148, 152, 212 hips, x, 77, 173, 174, 175, 186, 187, 189, 190, 200, 204, 205 HIV/AIDS, 206 holism, 208 holistic, 83, 189 homogeneity, 64 homogenisation, 73, 74, 78, 84 homogenized, 2 homogenous, 64 horizon, 42, 64 hostility, 62 household, 96 housing, 25 HPM, 7 human, 2, 4, 5, 11, 12, 13, 17, 18, 21, 22, 23, 25, 27, 37, 38, 55, 56, 58, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 65, 67, 68, 73, 75, 78, 80, 107, 118, 127, 128, 129, 131, 140, 151, 157, 162, 166, 194, 195, 197, 199, 203, 208, 209, 210, 211 human actions, 58 human agency, 128, 129, 131 human capital, 4, 5, 75, 80 human condition, 166, 210 human dimensions, 18 human experience, 13, 56, 67

221

human resource management, 4 human rights, 21, 194, 195, 197, 199, 203, 209 human sciences, 27, 68, 157 humanity, 25, 38, 63, 65, 162 humans, 12, 38, 57, 59, 61, 62, 63, 66 humorous, 109 hybrids, 189 hypothetico-deductive, 29

I ICT, 14 identification, 19, 38, 114 identity, 9, 11, 12, 26, 39, 116, 122, 140, 142, 146, 150, 151 ideology, 3, 4, 5, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 32, 62, 87, 88, 160, 162, 165, 166 idiosyncratic, 13, 19 illiteracy, 75 illusion, 31 images, 114, 194 imagination, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 114, 115, 116, 119, 167, 201 imbalances, 9, 32 immersion, 163, 197 immobilization, 44 imperialism, 11 implementation, 18, 37, 153, 154, 161, 171, 176, 185, 193, 199, 203 in situ, 119 in transition, 1, 36, 56, 64 inclusion, 10, 94, 109, 129, 184 income, 193, 201, 205, 209 incomes, 81 incongruity, 5 independence, 15, 78 India, 75, 80 Indian, 81, 87, 115, 176, 177 Indiana, 210, 211 Indians, 106 indication, 96 indicators, 15, 17, 26 indigenous, 7, 39, 82, 91, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 99, 100, 102, 104, 189 indigenous knowledge, 93, 94, 97, 100 indirect effect, 80 individual action, 25 individual students, 145, 146 individualism, 1, 16, 23, 24, 25, 26, 32, 60, 162 individuality, 26 induction, 107, 143 industrial, 18, 20 industrialisation, 73 industrialized countries, 25

Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

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222

Index

industry, 3, 18, 21, 23, 61, 71, 146 inequality, ix, 72, 75, 78, 83, 86, 145, 155, 161 inert, 38 information and communication technology, 3, 109 information technology, 18 informed consent, 171, 195, 196 infrastructure, 46, 154, 193 inheritance, 42 injection, 141 injury, 59 injustice, 17 innovation, 23, 193 insight, 3, 111, 112, 114, 122, 125, 155, 208 inspiration, 41, 61, 108 institutional change, 21 institutions, 4, 5, 7, 19, 26, 32, 80, 141, 143, 203 instruction, 14, 198, 205 instruments, 22, 145, 177 insurance, 19 integration, 27, 93, 198 intellect, 17 intellectual development, 6, 15 intelligence, 24 intentions, 9, 51, 65, 123, 158, 159, 160, 161, 195 interaction, 51, 79, 84, 93, 94, 100, 123, 125 interactions, 19, 38, 51, 73, 74, 80, 83, 84, 85, 147, 174, 175, 183, 196, 207 interdisciplinary, 83 interest groups, 199 interference, 42 intergenerational, 195 international financial institutions, 158 international markets, 4 International Monetary Fund, 212 international relations, 211 international students, 14 internationalization, 4, 9 internet, 76 interpersonal interactions, 174 intervention, 18, 83, 143 interview, 7, 39, 89, 92, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 100, 102, 128, 132, 144, 163, 165, 167, 168, 174, 176, 177, 178, 179, 181, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188 interviews, 40, 41, 101, 102, 144, 165, 167, 171, 179 intimacy, 131 intuition, 15, 163 invasive, 179 inventions, 62 Investigations, 36 investigative, 177 investment, 4, 82 ions, 27, 57 Iraq, 21

iron, 42 Italy, 42 IUCN, 93

J Jamaica, 11 jobs, 201 joining, 45, 101 judge, 9, 35 judgment, 62 jumping, 71 juries, 81 jurisdiction, 95 just society, 65 justice, ix, 1, 5, 10, 12, 21, 27, 37, 76, 80, 83, 85, 87, 117, 145, 156, 171, 184, 195, 196, 197, 208, 209 justification, 15, 22, 23, 208

K Kant, 68 knowledge economy, 3, 4, 6, 8, 9, 11, 14, 16, 17, 20, 21, 32

L labeling, 159 labor, 159 labour, 17, 42, 43, 47, 200 LAC, 159 lack of confidence, 81 lakes, 63 land, 41, 42, 43, 52, 62, 95, 123, 202, 206 land use, 43 language, 14, 18, 25, 49, 50, 56, 61, 64, 77, 89, 92, 95, 97, 98, 99, 100, 103, 117, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 154, 155, 156, 161, 162, 166, 168, 200 language development, 162 large-scale, 38, 76, 144 Latin America, 8, 37, 41, 75, 78, 88 laws, 4, 5, 25, 61, 62, 68, 73 lawyers, 19 leadership, 199, 200, 201, 202, 205, 207 learner progress, 14 learners, 6, 10, 19, 94, 96, 118, 140, 146, 152, 162, 173, 174, 175, 176, 178, 181, 183, 184, 185, 187, 200, 202, 205 learning, 5, 14, 21, 23, 24, 26, 34, 41, 46, 50, 57, 76, 79, 83, 84, 86, 90, 93, 97, 109, 111, 115, 118, 122, 123, 134, 135, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 150, 151, 152, 154, 160, 163, 165, 173, 175, 176, 180, 185, 186, 188, 193, 198, 201, 203, 206, 209

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Index learning environment, 111, 118, 141, 146 learning outcomes, 152, 206, 209 learning process, 188 Leibniz, 25 leisure, 11, 26 lens, 3, 13 lenses, 112 lettuce, 2, 41, 42, 43, 44, 47, 48, 49, 50 liberal, 76, 157, 158, 159, 162 liberal education, 162 liberalism, 15 liberation, x, 25, 90, 94, 140, 211 liberty, 25, 189 life narratives, 13 lifestyles, 17, 25, 75 limitation, 50, 75, 83 limitations, 64, 65, 103, 111, 112, 115, 144, 147 Limpopo, 94 Lincoln, 74, 86, 107, 108, 116, 118, 151, 177, 190 linear, 22, 37, 64, 207 linguistic, 44, 57, 121, 122, 129, 131, 161 linguistics, 56, 129 links, 5, 11, 12, 15, 39, 158, 180, 209 listening, 45, 59, 63, 64, 65, 89, 124, 130, 133, 134, 135, 175 literacy, 13, 50, 52, 78, 153, 154, 156, 158, 162, 163, 166 livestock, 80 living standard, 75 loans, 80, 201 lobbying, 160 local action, 73 local community, 157 localization, 162 location, 4, 8, 31, 74, 115, 176 locus, 8 London, 33, 34, 35, 36, 51, 52, 53, 67, 68, 69, 70, 86, 87, 88, 103, 104, 117, 118, 135, 136, 151, 152, 167, 168, 169, 190, 191, 210, 211, 212 long period, 106 losses, 50 love, 62, 149 loyalty, 157

M machinery, 41 Madison, 169 mainstream, x, 61, 67, 85, 205 maize, 43 major cities, 97 males, 96, 143, 201 management, 4, 10, 18, 63, 158, 159, 181, 186, 189, 199, 201, 202, 203, 204, 206, 207, 208

223

manufacturing, 42 manure, 199 marginalisation, 209 Marginalisation, 68 market, 8, 9, 17, 18, 20, 25, 41, 48, 80, 97 market value, 18 marketability, 20 marketing, 4, 7, 10, 17, 116 marketisation, 76 marketplace, 20 markets, 4, 42 Mars, 139 Marx, 10, 22, 70 Marxist, 117, 157 mask, 131, 133, 165 Massachusetts, 34, 36, 69 mastery, 53 material resources, 203 mathematical knowledge, 80, 92, 94, 96, 97, 102, 136 mathematical thinking, 101, 102, 135 mathematicians, 27, 102 matrix, 83 meanings, 2, 15, 19, 22, 24, 29, 38, 39, 46, 49, 57, 61, 103, 161 measurement, 75, 101 measures, 4, 22, 23, 75, 141 media, 4, 9, 16, 21, 25, 26, 42, 68 medicine, 5, 144, 169 melons, 41, 43 membership, x, 5, 28, 30, 91 memory, 13 men, 58, 59, 96, 108, 109, 112 MES, 7 messages, 183 meta-analysis, 162 metaphor, 2, 12, 13, 18, 59, 60, 156 metaphors, 2, 13, 25 methodological individualism, 60 Mexican, 78 Mexico, 8, 80, 85 mid-career, 13, 14 middle class, 11, 80 migration, 9 military, 6, 75 Millennium, 69 Milton Friedman, 6 Minnesota, 68, 211 minorities, 12, 62, 75 minority, 24, 25, 27 mirror, 64, 65 misconceptions, 102, 142, 143 misleading, 12

Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

Index

224 Missouri, 193 misunderstanding, 96 mixing, 176 mobility, 7 modeling, 16 models, 4, 16, 19, 63, 64, 73, 76, 77, 79, 80, 82, 83, 198 modern society, 5, 18, 167 modernisation, 73 modernism, 24, 166 modernity, 18, 25, 38, 117, 135, 159 modernization, 159 modulation, 112, 114, 116 modules, 14 modus operandi, 27 mole, 142, 143, 144 money, 4, 5, 8, 18, 43, 75, 188 monopoly, 210 morality, 12, 37 morning, 48, 95 mosquitoes, 69 mother tongue, 50 motivation, 141, 178, 202 motives, 9, 202 mouth, 93 movement, 7, 17, 21, 51, 66, 77, 85, 158 Mozambique, 91, 94, 99, 101, 103, 104 multicultural, 10, 20, 39, 97, 106, 163 multiculturalism, 154 multimedia, 36 multiplicity, 19, 59, 73, 107, 108, 110, 116, 140 music, 17, 26 mutual respect, 81, 182

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N narratives, 12, 13, 59, 61, 167 Nash, 73, 87 nation, 4, 62, 63, 72, 74, 75, 87, 198 nation building, 87 natural, 1, 2, 22, 39, 59, 61, 62, 64, 65, 66, 74, 115, 122, 129, 133, 139, 144, 186 natural science, 1, 61, 62, 66, 74, 139, 186 nature conservation, 61 negative consequences, 6 negativity, 6 neglect, 146 negotiating, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 185, 186, 188, 189 negotiation, ix, 2, 49, 51, 129, 173, 176, 178, 181, 183, 185, 187, 189, 190 neighbourhoods, 106, 109, 115 Nelson Mandela, 68, 196, 210 neo-conservatives, 21

neo-liberal, 76, 158, 159 Netherlands, 85, 210 network, 64, 78 New Jersey, 33, 35, 36, 85, 86 New Math, 76 New York, 33, 34, 35, 51, 53, 67, 68, 69, 70, 86, 88, 118, 135, 136, 167, 168, 169, 190, 191, 210, 211 New Zealand, x, 62, 85, 88, 91 newsletters, 148 Newton, 5, 6, 35 Newtonian, 18 NGOs, 171, 199, 200, 203, 205 Ni, 97, 98 Niels Bohr, 61 non-human, 59, 63, 64, 66 nonlinear dynamics, 66 non-uniform, 38 normal, 64, 133, 179 norms, 84, 114, 159, 194, 199 North America, x, 14, 62, 91, 135, 137 North Carolina, 87 Norway, 3 not-for-profit, 8 novelty, 29 nuclei, 66 nurses, 75, 87

O objectification, 1, 17, 136 objective logic, 11 objective reality, 107 objectivity, 31, 49, 65, 66, 82, 107, 115, 208 obligation, 194, 202 obligations, 203 observations, 76, 107, 113, 116, 130, 171, 179, 185 occupied territories, 47 older adults, 193 one dimension, 83 on-line, 152 ontogenesis, 22 open economy, 75 open-mindedness, 166 openness, 73, 124, 204 opposition, 25, 57, 62, 64 oppression, 11, 17, 21, 25, 78, 83, 206 oral, 122, 133, 178 organ, 28 orientation, 6, 56, 57, 122, 139, 154, 160, 193, 194, 197, 199, 208 originality, 166 outrage, 17 ownership, ix, 4, 12, 16, 19, 115

Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

Index

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P pain, 11, 12 pairing, 16 Pakistan, 75 Palestine, 47 paradigm shift, 1, 86 parents, 11, 75, 77, 93, 174, 201, 202, 203, 205 Paris, 28, 36 participant observation, 39 participatory research, 80, 210 particle physics, 61 partnership, 59, 63, 81, 188, 198 partnerships, 1, 66, 86, 87 passive, 125, 149, 200 pathways, 197 pedagogical, 15, 41, 43, 44, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 111, 124, 131, 132, 135, 150 pedagogies, x, 52, 68 pedagogy, 14, 34, 52, 114, 119, 156, 195, 211 pedestrian, 125 peer, 14 peers, 24 Pennsylvania, 168, 169, 210 pensions, 19 perception, 25, 165 perceptions, 10, 22, 150, 151 periodic, 100 periodicity, 100 peripheral, 34 permit, 13 personal benefit, 12 personal identity, 13, 26 personal relationship, 5, 93, 103 personal values, 5 personality, 5 Perth, 71 perturbations, 67 pesticide, 45 pesticides, 45, 46 pests, 50 pharmaceuticals, 94 pharmacology, 7 phenomenography, 145 phenomenology, 70 Philadelphia, 53, 168, 169, 210 Philippines, 71, 75 philosophers, 16, 21, 22, 27, 55, 56, 57 philosophical, ix, 12, 15, 17, 24, 29, 56, 67, 93, 139, 153, 160, 162, 210 philosophy, 14, 15, 16, 25, 29, 56, 79, 153, 154, 160, 162, 211 phone, 76, 171, 187

225

phylogenesis, 22 physical environment, 13 physical sciences, 29 physical world, 58, 62, 67 physicists, 61 physics, 61, 141, 145, 146, 152 physiological, 17 Pierre Bourdieu, 66 pilot study, 143 PISA, 7 planning, 37, 41, 42, 44, 45, 71, 80, 179, 194, 199, 200, 203, 207 plants, 7 plastic, 41 Plato, 17 plausibility, 208 play, 3, 6, 9, 13, 16, 17, 30, 32, 56, 67, 68, 69, 94, 95, 100, 132, 166, 174, 182 pleasure, 167, 205 ploughing, 202 pluralistic, 74, 84 plurality, 64, 65 police, 184 policy choice, 158 policy initiative, 153, 156 policy makers, 4, 65, 155, 156, 158, 165, 166, 196 policy making, 158, 161 policymakers, 165 political participation, 74 political power, 75 politicians, 18, 20, 155, 165 politics, 24, 51, 52, 74, 87, 88, 153, 155, 156, 157, 164, 166, 168, 208 pond, 46 poor, 50, 63, 71, 72, 75, 80, 81, 85, 109, 122, 198 population, 18, 37, 72, 76, 165 Portugal, 191 positivism, 59, 64, 107, 108, 149 positivist, ix, 78, 84, 90, 107, 108, 109, 110, 112, 115, 116, 125, 143, 144, 146, 147, 196, 207, 209 postmodernism, 38, 56, 57, 58, 69, 149 poststructuralism, 55, 56, 57, 65 poverty, ix, 17, 31, 72, 75, 78, 79, 80, 82, 83, 85, 171, 191, 193, 198, 206, 207, 209 poverty alleviation, 206 power, ix, 2, 3, 4, 8, 11, 18, 19, 21, 23, 25, 31, 32, 38, 40, 44, 51, 57, 61, 73, 74, 75, 77, 79, 81, 83, 85, 87, 88, 116, 118, 119, 124, 145, 146, 148, 149, 150, 155, 156, 157, 158, 167, 171, 173, 174, 175, 183, 184, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 206, 208 power relations, 2, 38, 40, 44, 51, 77, 146, 173, 174, 175, 186, 187, 189, 190, 200, 201

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226 powers, 5, 15 practical knowledge, 140, 197 pragmatic, 59 pragmatism, 111 praxis, 82, 208, 210, 211 prediction, 140, 144 pre-existing, 19, 134 preference, 23, 204 preparedness, 201 press, 128, 136, 146, 151 pressure, 21, 160, 163, 179, 202, 203 pressure groups, 21, 160 prestige, 8, 9, 10, 15, 17, 32 Pretoria, 97, 104, 190, 210, 211 prevention, 169 prices, 8, 42 primary care, 167 primary school, 94 prior knowledge, 149 privacy, 179, 186, 199 private, 12, 202 probability, 118 problem solving, 78 problem-solving, 2, 19, 20, 209 procedural knowledge, 197, 207 producers, 183 production, x, 1, 4, 9, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 28, 29, 30, 31, 37, 38, 41, 42, 43, 44, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 65, 82, 86, 159, 161, 199 production costs, 46 productivity, 5, 78, 80 professional development, 72, 76, 81, 88, 188 professionalization, 157, 159 professions, 5, 159, 210 profit, 4, 5, 8, 17 profitability, 4 program, 65, 78, 81, 205, 206 projector, 128 proliferation, 74, 159 property, 199 proposition, 100 protein, 66 protein folding, 66 protocol, 63, 96 protocols, 89, 211 provocation, 124, 129 psychology, 5, 12, 28, 29, 157 psychopathic, 5 psychopathy, 5 public, 4, 12, 18, 21, 24, 41, 42, 79, 160, 162, 194, 196, 200, 202, 204, 205, 206, 207, 209 public funding, 79 public opinion, 21

Index publishers, 8, 34 pupils, 26, 81, 156 purchasing power, 75

Q qualifications, 94, 141, 142 qualitative research, 52, 74, 83, 86, 152, 154, 167, 169, 175, 190 quality of life, 55 quality research, 11 quantitative research, 208 quantum, 18 quantum theory, 18 questioning, 43, 57, 147, 184, 200 questionnaire, 143, 204

R race, 12, 22, 24, 75, 82, 143, 144, 145, 174, 176, 184 racial groups, 184 racism, 11, 22, 171 radio, 65 random, 67 range, ix, 8, 10, 11, 15, 20, 26, 28, 29, 30, 64, 110, 122, 123, 132, 133, 135, 139, 140, 141, 148, 149, 200, 208 rationalist, 155, 162 rationality, 21, 23, 57, 76, 158, 163, 165, 168, 208 raw material, 63 reading, 13, 44, 52, 62, 90, 117, 148, 149, 150, 160, 173, 187 real terms, 203 realism, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 65, 67 realist, 18, 56, 58, 61 reality, 2, 16, 18, 25, 31, 49, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 65, 66, 67, 80, 82, 86, 89, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 115, 116, 136, 155, 162, 167, 208 reasoning, 30, 67, 89, 105, 106, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 132 recalling, 176 reciprocity, 174, 188 recognition, 10, 20, 29, 94, 129, 208 recollection, 116 reconstruction, 211 recruiting, 14 reductionism, 208 REE, 148 referees, 15, 29, 30 reflection, 40, 50, 68, 72, 82, 84, 122, 139, 150, 176, 181, 183, 194, 203 reflective practice, 78, 139 reflexivity, 3, 20 reforms, 74, 76

Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

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Index regional, x, 8, 75, 76, 80, 88, 143 regression, 135 regular, 27, 94, 123, 143, 148 regulation, 7, 18, 61 rejection, 17, 27, 38, 56 relationship, ix, 2, 5, 40, 41, 47, 56, 59, 62, 63, 82, 93, 100, 105, 113, 140, 152, 155, 156, 162, 171, 173, 187, 189, 195, 201, 209, 211 relationships, x, 1, 5, 40, 49, 59, 66, 73, 77, 83, 93, 103, 111, 112, 173, 174, 175, 186, 187, 189, 190, 194, 195, 199, 200, 205, 206, 207 relativity, 18 relevance, 6, 28, 29, 46, 82, 113, 156, 198, 201 reliability, 31, 87, 102, 103, 160 Renaissance, x repression, 126 research and development, 2, 117, 201, 207 research design, xi, 87, 144 residential, 176 resistance, 9, 11, 26, 71, 76, 124, 125, 126, 129, 132, 163 resource allocation, 18 resource management, 4 resources, 10, 11, 14, 15, 17, 23, 26, 72, 75, 79, 81, 83, 84, 85, 126, 195, 201, 202, 203, 204 responsibilities, 5, 25, 171, 195, 201 restructuring, 77, 190, 210 returns, 82 rewards, 24, 188, 203 rhetoric, 156, 158, 169 rhizome, 2, 60, 68, 69 rice, 41 risk, 5, 51, 58, 82, 202 risks, 12, 173, 201 river systems, 62 rolling, 42 routines, 171 rural, 22, 42, 50, 81, 162, 185, 193, 194, 196, 197, 198, 207, 208, 209 rural areas, 185 rural communities, 197, 207, 208

S sacred, 45 safeguards, 87 safety, 17 sales, 75 sample, 143, 144, 145 sampling, 89, 160 satisfaction, 17, 178 saturation, 6 scarcity, 81 scepticism, 66

227

schizophrenia, 68 scholarship, x, 56, 59, 122, 125, 152, 195, 210 school community, 42, 47, 174 school management, 181, 186, 189 schooling, x, 6, 14, 24, 26, 77, 94, 106, 156, 158, 162, 171, 200, 201, 205 science education, ix, x, 9, 55, 56, 59, 64, 66, 67, 68, 69, 87, 90, 143, 144, 146, 154, 156, 157, 159, 160, 162, 171, 193, 197, 198, 202, 205, 206, 209, 211 science educators, 57, 61, 64, 66, 157, 159, 160 science teaching, 55, 66, 143 scientific knowledge, x, 22, 75, 145, 146, 151, 157 scientific method, 66, 140, 142, 147 search, 84, 105, 114, 119, 196 searching, 116 Seattle, 73 secrets, 125 security, 17 sedimentation, 61 seedlings, 44, 46 segregation, 78, 106 self-confidence, 11, 80 self-employment, 201 self-esteem, 17, 206 self-worth, 206 semiotics, 136 sensitivity, 1 sentences, 128, 129 separation, 47, 77, 82 sequencing, 204 series, 7, 27, 33, 143, 148, 160, 199 services, 4, 22, 82, 158, 205 settlements, 50, 63 settlers, 2, 41, 42, 46, 47, 48 sex, 12 sexism, 11 sexuality, 39, 75 shame, 9 shape, x, 1, 14, 22, 30, 63, 102, 161, 199 shaping, 157 shares, 4 sharing, 116, 183 shelter, 194 shortage, x, 75 shoulder, 28 shrubs, 101 sign, 16, 43, 56, 68, 72 signs, 16, 19 sites, 149, 174, 177, 179, 180, 181, 186 skilled personnel, 17, 32 skills, x, 6, 14, 15, 20, 24, 63, 100, 125, 141, 163, 188, 201, 202, 203, 205, 206, 208

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228

Index

social activities, 6 social change, 3, 21, 26, 27, 32, 73, 78, 80, 82, 88, 135, 155 social class, 75 social construct, 12, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 56, 57, 157, 160 social constructivism, 12, 29, 160 social context, 13, 26, 143, 145, 150 social development, 23 social group, 5, 38, 39, 44, 46, 209 social impacts, 23 social institutions, 21, 199 social justice, 5, 12, 21, 27, 76, 80, 83, 85, 87, 117, 145, 156, 184, 195, 209 social life, 21, 46, 62, 144, 193 social movements, 38, 154, 209 social order, 37, 158, 159 social organization, 5 social phenomena, 143, 177 social policy, 21, 25, 158 social problems, 12, 26, 157 ocial relationships, 190 social sciences, 1, 15, 61, 66, 78, 145, 210 social services, 158 social situations, 30 social structure, 31, 73, 155 social systems, 93 social theory, 209 socialization, 159 sociocultural, 72 sociological, 57, 86, 116, 119, 156, 162 sociology, 29, 87, 116, 156, 157, 167 software, 23 solar, 13 solar system, 13 solidarity, 45, 205, 208 solitude, 150 South Africa, viii, ix, x, 3, 8, 36, 55, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 85, 88, 90, 91, 94, 97, 99, 103, 104, 106, 114, 116, 117, 136, 139, 141, 143, 144, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 157, 158, 160, 163, 165, 168, 169, 171, 173, 174, 176, 179, 183, 184, 190, 191, 193, 194, 196, 197,209, 210, 211, 213 South America, 13, 78 South Asia, 75 Southern African Development Community, x, 63, 91 sovereignty, 4 space-time, 19 Spain, x, 91 species, 64 specific knowledge, 93 specificity, 106, 114

speech, 24, 26, 74, 135, 160 spheres, 22, 158 spin, 124 spiritual, 13 sponsor, 204 sports, 203 spreadsheets, 48 Sri Lanka, 75 St. Louis, 193 stability, 124 staff development, 152, 189 staffing, 156 stages, 22, 47, 49, 73, 84, 89, 132, 147, 161, 189, 199, 206 stakeholder, 163, 165, 203 stakeholders, 10, 81, 82, 174, 183, 190 standards, 1, 4, 8, 9, 14, 16, 17, 21, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32, 75, 76, 106, 163, 165, 171 state schools, 78 statistical inference, 118 statistics, 116 steel, 42 steel mill, 42 stigmatized, 125 stock, 18 stock markets, 18 strains, 203, 204 strategies, 21, 28, 29, 32, 52, 56, 79, 109, 143, 161, 175, 203 strawberries, 43 streams, 88, 127, 128, 133 strength, 204 stress, 107 stretching, 20 strokes, 9 structuralism, 11, 56, 155, 161, 166, 168 structuralists, 56, 57 structuring, 18, 125, 158 subdomains, 28 subjective, 2, 18, 28, 39, 83, 84, 108, 125, 175 subjective experience, 175 subjectivity, 25, 26, 28, 40, 58, 83, 208 subsistence, 86, 193 subsistence farming, 193 substance abuse, 75 substances, 7 suffering, 12, 65 summer, 47, 48 superiority, 208 superpower, 25 supervision, 13, 41, 147 supervisor, 24 supervisors, 147

Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

Index suppression, 127 surplus, 56 surpluses, 17 surprise, 8, 109, 174, 178 surveillance, 18 survival, 22, 24, 47, 55, 93, 193 sustainability, 1, 204 sustainable development, 61 switching, 66, 129 symbolic, 47 symbols, 127, 130, 131, 134 symptom, 125 systems, 4, 16, 18, 19, 22, 56, 57, 62, 66, 74, 81, 82, 93, 123, 158, 198, 207

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T tactics, 58 talent, 206 tangible, 18 tanks, 21 targets, 4, 14, 17, 80 taste, 26, 50, 169 taxation, 18 teacher assessment, 180 teaching experience, 141 technician, 42, 48 technicians, 81, 167 technological progress, 23 technological revolution, 76 technology, ix, xi, 3, 6, 8, 9, 11, 14, 16, 17, 18, 19, 22, 23, 24, 26, 31, 32, 55, 70, 75, 93, 109 teens, 96 telephone, 13, 43, 178, 181 temporal, 60 Tennessee, 33 tension, 129, 135, 159, 206 territory, 166 tertiary education, 193 test scores, 143 testimony, 44, 46 Texas, 23 text analysis, 167 textbooks, 198 thinking, 2, 10, 11, 50, 52, 57, 62, 66, 67, 73, 101, 102, 131, 135, 144, 157, 160, 166, 176, 187, 196 third party, 6 Third Reich, 62 Thomas Kuhn, 1 Thomson, 33 threat, 24 threatened, 64, 185 threatening, 185 threats, x, 55, 73, 79

229

threshold, 29 time constraints, 133, 178, 179 time frame, 166 time pressure, 179 timetable, 178 timing, 178, 179, 183 title, 28, 76 tokenism, 10 tomato, 43 tourism, 8 toys, 104 trade, 4, 72 trading, 1 tradition, 1, 13, 29, 114, 125 traditional paradigm, 77 training, 6, 23, 47, 117, 126, 140, 142, 145, 190, 204 trajectory, 20, 37, 43, 50, 51 trans, 4, 129 transcript, 126, 131 transcription, 106, 113, 114 transcripts, 89, 126, 131 transfer, 1, 4, 5, 179 transference, 79, 125 transformation, 2, 125, 157, 158, 193, 194, 197, 200, 204, 208, 211 transformations, 19, 209 transition, 64, 154, 157, 168 translation, 97, 107 transmission, 19 transnational, 4, 69 transnational corporations, 4 transparency, 57 transparent, 64, 190 transport, 3 transportation, 25, 62, 193 travel, 7, 8, 13, 19, 39, 81, 203 trees, 42, 59 tribal, 22, 93, 95 true belief, 16 trust, 173, 182, 183, 186, 188, 195, 197, 204 typology, 145

U Uganda, 123 uncertainty, 17, 110, 160 undergraduate, 140, 141, 142, 146, 148, 183 UNEP, 55 UNESCO, 22, 36, 37, 53, 55, 75, 88 unfolded, 163, 193 unhappiness, 17, 189 uniform, 38, 56, 154 unions, 160 United Kingdom, 74, 190

Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest

Index

230 United States, 25, 73, 74, 76, 179 universality, x, 28, 30, 31, 107 universe, 19, 25 universities, 4, 6, 19, 20, 77, 78, 94, 141 university education, 6, 14 unmasking, 157 unpredictability, 31 updating, 163 urea, 45 UWC, 141, 148

V

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vacation, 43, 48, 142, 145, 146 vacuum, 57 validation, 2, 19, 83, 84 validity, 28, 30, 31, 34, 82, 84, 102, 103, 127, 145, 147, 160, 165 values, 1, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 14, 15, 17, 18, 21, 22, 25, 26, 27, 31, 32, 45, 46, 71, 73, 83, 84, 136, 150, 156, 161, 162, 197, 208, 210 variables, 81, 83, 110 vegetables, 41, 43, 45, 205 vehicles, 27 vein, 132 venue, 28 Victoria, 55, 211 village, 97, 198, 201, 206, 209 violence, ix, 31, 211 violent, 166 visible, 65, 206 vision, 79, 135, 201, 203, 209 visualization, 135 vocational, 9 voice, 9, 11, 40, 50, 64, 82, 118, 127, 128, 129, 130, 132, 136, 148, 183, 186, 189, 201 voicing, 187, 200 voids, 135 voluntarism, 58, 60, 62 Vygotsky, 5, 29, 36, 57, 70, 144

W

War on Terror, 21 warrants, 27 water, 25, 63, 193 watersheds, 62 weakness, 158 wealth, 25, 72, 84, 94 wear, 109 web, 8, 13, 14 welfare, 18 well-being, 55, 198 Western countries, 6 Western Europe, 73 Western societies, ix Williamsburg, 86 Wisconsin, 169 withdrawal, 171, 195 women, 58, 59, 81, 95, 96, 108, 109, 110, 111, 142, 143, 144, 146, 165, 201, 205, 210 word of mouth, 93 workers, 3, 4, 5, 9, 18, 19, 24, 75, 81 working class, 12 working groups, 45 workplace, 146, 151 World Bank, 71, 74, 75, 76, 80, 82, 88, 159, 203, 212 World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO), 104 World Wide Web, 87 worldview, 12, 13, 18, 162, 207 worry, 57, 71, 132 writing, x, 12, 21, 24, 40, 66, 79, 94, 98, 122, 128, 150, 156, 165, 190 writing process, 150, 156

Y yield, 84, 90 young adults, 206

Z Zambezi, 63, 68 Zimbabwe, 59, 63

Wales, 11

Researching Possibilities in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, edited by Mamokgethi Setati, and Cliff Malcolm, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2009. ProQuest