Research in Media Education [1 ed.] 9781622571017, 9781612096438

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Copyright © 2012. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved. Research in Media Education, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2012. ProQuest Ebook Central,

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EDUCATION IN A COMPETITIVE AND GLOBALIZING WORLD

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RESEARCH IN MEDIA EDUCATION

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EDUCATION IN A COMPETITIVE AND GLOBALIZING WORLD

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RESEARCH IN MEDIA EDUCATION

CHI-KIM CHEUNG EDITOR

Nova Science Publishers, Inc. New York

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Copyright © 2012 by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means: electronic, electrostatic, magnetic, tape, mechanical photocopying, recording or otherwise without the written permission of the Publisher. For permission to use material from this book please contact us: Telephone 631-231-7269; Fax 631-231-8175 Web Site: http://www.novapublishers.com NOTICE TO THE READER The Publisher has taken reasonable care in the preparation of this book, but makes no expressed or implied warranty of any kind and assumes no responsibility for any errors or omissions. No liability is assumed for incidental or consequential damages in connection with or arising out of information contained in this book. The Publisher shall not be liable for any special, consequential, or exemplary damages resulting, in whole or in part, from the readers‘ use of, or reliance upon, this material. Any parts of this book based on government reports are so indicated and copyright is claimed for those parts to the extent applicable to compilations of such works.

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Independent verification should be sought for any data, advice or recommendations contained in this book. In addition, no responsibility is assumed by the publisher for any injury and/or damage to persons or property arising from any methods, products, instructions, ideas or otherwise contained in this publication. This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information with regard to the subject matter covered herein. It is sold with the clear understanding that the Publisher is not engaged in rendering legal or any other professional services. If legal or any other expert assistance is required, the services of a competent person should be sought. FROM A DECLARATION OF PARTICIPANTS JOINTLY ADOPTED BY A COMMITTEE OF THE AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION AND A COMMITTEE OF PUBLISHERS. Additional color graphics may be available in the e-book version of this book.

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA Research in media education / editor, Chi-kim Cheung. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN: H%RRN 1. Mass media--Study and teaching--Evaluation. I. Cheung, Chi-Kim. P91.3.R473 2011 302.23071--dc23 2011042428

Published by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. † New York

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CONTENTS

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Preface

vii

Chapter 1

Media Education: Changing Roles in Changing Times CK Cheung and Aditi Dubey

Chapter 2

Media Literacy in Canada: Towards the Resolution of the Tensions in Media Education Stephen Kline and Kym Stewart

23

What is Media Literacy: A Study of Teachers‘ Perceptions of Media Literacy Education in Taiwan Tzu-Bin Lin and Meechai Orsuwan

45

The Challenges of Media Education in Coercive Societies: A Case Study of Middle East and North Africa (MENA) Ibrahim Saleh

63

The Plight of Media Education and Research in Arab Higher Education Jad Melki

83

Chapter 3

Chapter 4

Chapter 5

1

Chapter 6

Empowering Active Citizenship: Assessing the Outcomes of a Media Literacy Course in a US University 109 Paul Mihailidis

Chapter 7

A Study of Media Education in Kindergartens in Hong Kong CK Cheung

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vi Chapter 8

Chapter 9

Chapter 10

Contents From Instruction to Reflection: Film in Education in Sweden Anne-Li Lindgren, Anna Sparrman andKatarina Eriksson Barajas Texting: A Way to Learn Maternal Languages. A Portuguese Case Study Ignacio Aguaded, Sandra Côrtes-Moreira and Manuel Fandos Development of a Filmmaking Program for Junior High School Students Teiichia Nishioka, Kanae Suzuki, and Kazunori Onuki

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Index

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175

195 219

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PREFACE Today, people know what is happening around them through radio, television, newspapers and the like. With the advance of the telecommunication technology, people are now also familiar with the use of personal computers, the Internet and so on. The mass media is now regarded as essential for keeping people up to date with the world around them. In view of this, the innovation of a new curriculum, media education or the study of the mass media, has been recommended. This new book examines the prevailing perspectives regarding media education in different countries around the world and what types of research are being conducted in the field of media education.

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Copyright © 2012. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved. Research in Media Education, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2012. ProQuest Ebook Central,

In: Research in Media Education Editor: Chi-kim Cheung

ISBN: 978-1-61209-643-8 © 2012 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 1

MEDIA EDUCATION: CHANGING ROLES IN CHANGING TIMES CK Cheung and Aditi Dubey University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, Hong Kong

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INTRODUCTION It is extremely difficult to trace the history of media education in universities and schools, but what can be said with certainty is that teachers have been using texts and media in their classrooms and discussing newspapers and the cinema with their students for a very long time. It is nearly impossible to give a chronological account of all such early developments, but shifts in patterns and trends can indeed be determined through close observation. Alvarado, Gutch and Wollen (1987) argue that media education has followed ―an intricate patterning of constantly shifting relations between the economic and the political, the social and the cultural, the aesthetic and the technological at any given moment‖(p.9). With this in mind, this introductory chapter looks into the beginning of media education and explores its roots in politics, social sciences and humanities. It then discusses the current interdisciplinary nature of media literacy and its growing recognition and acceptance in the educational curriculum in different countries around the world, while highlighting the long journey that media education has made in searching for a space on the timetable in schools and colleges. The chapter delves into the main areas of media education, focusing on texts,

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representation, audiences and institutions and examines the leaps that media education has made in promoting critical thinking, self-reflexivity and media production ability among students (Luke, 2003), while simultaneously exploring the role and contribution of media education in the realm of civic education, public health and consumer awareness. Taking the view that knowledge of the past and present can enable us to have a better perspective of the future, this chapter examines the three main paradigms of media education: the inoculation paradigm, the popular arts paradigm and the representational paradigm, and argues for the need for a new preparatory paradigm of media education to counter the challenges posed by new media technologies. This chapter emphasizes the need to develop digital competence, online sense and civic participation among students through media education in the face of scarce resources and under qualified teachers. In response to many who have in recent years suggested a cross-curricular approach to media teaching, this introductory chapter finally argues the need for the placement of media education as an essential component of teacher education programs within the areas of their specializations in faculties of education in universities for a more systematic, focused and informed approach to media teaching and learning. Furthermore, to develop media education further, research is significant and this chapter ends with the introduction of different media educators and their relevant chapter appears in this book.

EARLY BEGINNINGS: IN POLITICS, SOCIAL SCIENCES AND HUMANITIES The Instrumental Approach When media first began to be studied after the advent of newspapers, radio and later TV, it was not with the intention to educate and inform the public. Instead, media studies were closely related to politics and wars, such as in campaign research and war propaganda. The US government was interested in finding out the effect of the media on propaganda techniques when it entered the First and Second World Wars and how it could be used to train American soldiers to have the ―right attitudes‖ (Alvarado et al. 1987, p.10). However, this knowledge was primarily instrumental rather than educational, so until comparatively recently the development of sociological knowledge about the media was primarily at the instigation of governments and media institutions.

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While governments were interested in the media as a way to convey their messages to the public, media institutions, newspapers and radio wanted to prove their ability to advertisers that they could reach target audiences better than their rivals. The USA emerged as the leader in the new ―mass communications‖ research as advertising agencies, the government and the several media institutions sought to find out if the media were affecting the audiences and if so, how. The then new and upcoming disciplines of sociology and psychology also competed for these profitable contracts.

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The Educational Approach: The Inoculation Paradigm, the Popular Arts Paradigm and the Representational Paradigm It was only in the 1930s that media studies began adopting a more educational view and sought to further people‘s understanding about the undesirable effects of the media on individuals and society. The American approach to the sociological study of the media gained momentum and also became influential in British media sociology. It still remains prevalent in research into the effects of media violence and its effect on young people‘s attitudes and morals. Although mass communications research in Britain largely remained within the broad empirical tradition of American social sciences, there is a long history of media education in different forms in the British educational system. Broadly speaking, its origins lie in the subject of English. The first proposals for a form of media education were formulated by the literary critic, F.R. Leavis and his colleague, Denys Thompson, as a part of a broader program in the ―training of critical awareness‖ (Leavis and Thompson, 1933), and its major impetus came from the fear of Americanization of British culture through Hollywood films, American popular music and advertising styles. Anxieties about the bad moral influences and effects of commercial films have been the strongest determinants of media teaching initiatives. American interest in teaching commercial cinema in the 1930s was a direct result of the moral panic about Hollywood which occurred in the USA in the 1920s. Thus, in both Britain and America, the educational perspective regarding the media came from the moral panic of the 1930s to protect people from the ill-effects of films and later TV. This media education expressed anxieties about the moral influences of popular films and ads and advocated high art and culture, taking an elitist approach. This form of media teaching, which offered a prescription against the debasement of moral values, language and high culture, was referred to as the inoculative paradigm of

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media teaching, and aimed to inoculate people against the harmful effects of the media. With the rise of the penny press, tabloid journalism, popular cinema and TV in the 1950s and 1960s, the industrialized countries were more anxious about the effects of the mass media on young people and children, and work was undertaken in schools and film societies to educate children to view films with more discrimination, and it was at this time that the ―film appreciation‖ rubric was introduced. However, as the media became more entrenched in people‘s everyday lives, enjoyment and pleasure, the ―moral panic‖ approach to media education gradually began to lose its significance and appeal. As popular cinema and TV rapidly came to represent the mass culture of the 1960s, there was a gradual adoption of the popular culture paradigm (Hall and Whannel, 1964) for media teaching, which emphasized that the new changes in the media and commercial films and TV programs, which comprised popular culture, needed to be included in the educational realm. This was indeed a more pragmatic and realistic approach to media education as it became increasingly clear that the role of media in our lives would not decrease, but rather it would continue to rise. In 1969, with the proliferation of film studies courses, Britain‘s first lectureship was set up at the Slade School of Fine Art (SEFT) in London University, and SEFT‘s new journal, Screen declared the need for engagement with, and education about, the new forms of art. ―Screen theory‖, as it was later called, provided a focus for radical university teachers of English and was a far cry from the days when studying film was a clandestine activity sneaked into the English lesson or lecture (Alvarado et al., 1987). Consequently, the 1970s witnessed the development of Screen Theory in media education, and several conferences were sponsored in Europe by UNESCO to promote screen education, film studies, media studies, media literacy, etc. During the seventies, media research came strongly to the fore again in the US (Piette and Giroux, 1997). It aimed, once again, to determine the effects of the mass media on people, and the results provided an important theoretical basis for media education. It re-emphasized the notion that the media had powerful effects which were indirect, cumulative and mid to long-term. This cultivation theory was developed by George Gerbner and his associates in the course of their research on the influence of television. Consequently, the first program in visual communication was created in the US at that time (Fransecky and Ferguson, 1973), together with programs designed to promote television literacy (Anderson and Ploghoft, 1975). However, the movement in favor of media education really came into its own when the Federal Department of Education created a funding scheme for the launching of a

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variety of pilot projects. At the same time in Britain, there was a steady increase in academic challenges to the broadcasting institutions as they came to be seen increasingly as tools of domination and ruling-class ideological inculcation, giving rise to the conspiracy theory of media education. With its focus on providing audiences with authoritative and non-partisan knowledge, media studies began to be taken more seriously by the media institutions, with the BBC and ITV contributing considerable finance for a Chair in Media Studies at Stirling University (Alvarado et al. 1987). Furthermore, the production of empirical knowledge about the ownership and working practices of media institutions by analysts such as Philip Schlesinger, Philip Elliott, Graham Murdock and Jeremy Turnstall provided a welcome source of information for teachers in secondary schools. However, its abstract nature inevitably made it rather remote from the experience of secondary students, which partially explains why studying the media in schools was mainly intended for engagement with media texts. Therefore, during most of the 1970s, media education focused on the consumption of images and text. Lusted and Drummond (1985) observe that in the mid-1980s, a rather different model of media education began to emerge, which moved beyond the defensive approach. The publication of a report in the UK entitled ―Popular Television and Schoolchildren‖ by the Department of Education (DES) in 1983 led to calls for media education as a fundamental educational entitlement for all students and identified a broad shift away from the negative influences of TV to questions concerning its representation of the world social order. This move was also paralleled by developments in academic media studies with the focus on audiences, highlighting that young people were not simply uncritical consumers, but they reacted and related in sophisticated and unpredictable ways to popular media. Thus, in the 1980s, media education began to move from text analysis to audience analysis, with audiences no longer characterized as passive viewers, but instead seen as selective and critical. Later on in the 1980s, with Len Masterman‘s Teaching about Television (1989) attention became focused on theories of pedagogy and practical work in the classroom. Given the enormous expansion of the media industries, it is not surprising that educational institutions throughout the world created vocational courses to train students for work in the media. Journalism and film schools were attached to almost every university in the USA. With this shift in focus, media education increasingly included production components. Moreover, by the mid-1990s, basic tenets of critical literacy were well entrenched in media education and literacy theorists (Bull and Antsey, 1996; Luke, 1997). In broad terms, these tenets pivoted around coding

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practice, text-meaning practice, pragmatic practices and critical practices. During the same time, the work of British media education scholars reconceptualized media and audience (Buckingham, 1993). In the 1990s, media texts were seen as polysemous and intertextual, whose meanings were not fixed, but negotiated by readers or viewers in relation to the cultural and class background and gender of the viewer, and the situational contexts of encoding and decoding. In the last quarter century, political economy has also played an important role in media education. This theory gained prominence with the publication of Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky‘s Manufacturing Consent (1988), which discussed a theory of how the United States‘ media industry operated. The model, also known as the propaganda model, describes a decentralized and non-conspiratorial market system of control and processing, in which at times, the government or one or more private actors may take initiatives and mobilize coordinated elite handling of an issue. At about the same time, with the far-reaching impact of corporate and media globalization, concerns arose over the global media and products as many countries feared the loss of their own cultures and indigenous products and started incorporating media studies into their curriculum. In order to summarize the above developments, it is useful to use Andrew Hart‘s (1998) outline of the three paradigms of media education that have developed during the past half-a-century of media education: the inoculation paradigm, the popular arts paradigm and the representational paradigm. Similarly, Kellner (1998) presented approaches to media education that also resonate with Hart‘s paradigm. For Kellner, there is the protectionist approach, the media arts approach and the media literacy approach (of decoding and analyzing media texts). These three paradigms are inspired by different ideologies and have resulted in different pedagogical approaches to media education (Kelly, 2005). Figure 1 below provides a tabular description of the different paradigms of media education.

THE PRESENT: INTERDISCIPLINARY MEDIA EDUCATION AND ITS GROWING IMPORTANCE IN THE WORLD Media Education around the World Media education has started developing around the world, and many societies are at a watershed moment as inevitable and gradual changes are

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made in the classrooms, homes and youth groups to make education more student-centered and responsive to young people's and society's real-world needs. It is on the rise in many Asian countries (Cheung, 2009), through nearly all of Western Europe and in an increasing number of countries in South America and Africa. Hart‘s Paradigms

Kellner‘s Paradigms

Ideology

Pedagogy

Inoculatory

Protectionist

Elitist

Popular Arts / Discriminatory

Media Arts

Representational /Critical / Semiological

Media Literacy

Liberal / humanist / expressive Focus on cultural / institutional power

Teacher-centred / Transmission Student-centred

Participatory

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Figure 1.

Cheung (2009) argues that although media education in Asia is relatively young, it is a rapidly developing part of the curriculum. He states that research has been conducted and papers have been written on various issues concerning media education in Asia, but the dominant models of media education in the world are broadly Western, drawn from English-speaking countries. He examines whether Asian societies need a different model of media education, or whether the western model is applicable to Asia as well. In certain countries, media education owes its growing vogue to the fact that more and more people consider it to be one of the most effective ways of eradicating the social inequalities generated by unequal access to the means of information. The most conspicuous examples of this approach can be seen in certain Latin American countries (Dominguez, 1990) and the Philippines. Moreover, countries like South Africa have also committed themselves to developing media education within the framework of programs set up to aid the Third World (Pinsloo and Criticos, 1991).

The Interdisciplinary Nature of Media Education Media education around the world has clearly made some significant advancement in the last few decades, but it still remains in a state of transition.

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At present, media education is being recognized as being interdisciplinary in nature, overlapping in interest with related disciplines such as mass communications, communication, social sciences, cultural studies, rhetoric, philosophy, political science, economics, sociology, anthropology, museum studies, art history, film and video studies and information theory. Currently it is being taught under several fields, encompassing media content production, audience studies, media influence, mass communication, journalism, political economy, interpersonal communication and cultural sociology. Most production and journalism courses incorporate media studies content, but academic institutions often establish separate departments. "Media studies" students may often simply see themselves as observers of the media, and not necessarily as creators or practitioners, depending on the curriculum. Separate strands exist within media studies, such as audience studies, production studies, television studies and radio. Film studies is often considered a separate discipline, while critical media theory looks at how the corporate ownership of media production and distribution affects society. The study of the effects and techniques of advertising also forms a key aspect of most media studies courses. Contemporary media studies includes the analysis of new media with an emphasis on the internet, video games, mobile device, interactive television, and other forms of mass media which have developed since the 1990s. Because these new technologies allow instant communication across the world (chat rooms and instant messaging, online video games, video conferencing), interpersonal communication is an important element in the new media studies.

EMERGING THEMES IN MEDIA EDUCATION In recent years, media education has also played an important role in developing civic sense, citizenship, public health awareness and critical consumer behavior, which are discussed below.

Media Education and Citizenship In recent times, the power of media pedagogy support in developing citizenship skills has been widely researched and implemented. Kubey (2005) emphasizes that as political life becomes largely mediated, especially during

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campaigns and elections and in day-to-day governance, it is important to gain an understanding of how to view politicians, leaders, and how to think about the critical issues of the day. As vital questions related to decisions about going to war, protecting the environment and increasing or decreasing taxes are raised and debated by the media, politicians have become increasingly adept at using the media to their advantage. If the media are used to propagandize or manipulate and interfere with the public being well informed, then clearly media education is needed in order to understand the classic techniques of persuasion and propaganda (Kubey, 2005). Countries such as Switzerland (Reichenbach, 1999) and Slovenia (Strajn, 1999) have already employed media education to help students understand media messages as part of citizenship education. Media education can equip students with the ability to distinguish between factual information and opinion, to see and read in an analytical and critical manner, and to assess the truth of the information they receive. Moreover, it has the potential to increase young people‘s awareness about economic, political and social developments as mass media images can engage youth and stimulate them to discuss, learn and inquire about different issues in society (Buckingham 2000; Kubey, 2004). This makes them wellversed and better informed about government policies, current affairs and local and international news, which in turn can prompt them to participate in their social, political and economic lives. Undoubtedly, one of the biggest contributions of media education lies in its ability to encourage participation. It enables people to participate as active citizens and to become more critical in their thinking about issues that affect them (Hobbs, 1998; Messaris, 1998). Public participation in discussing and framing public issues is crucial for any country that prides itself on being a democracy. As Katz (1993) states, ―Democracy is meaningless without multiple voices … it is simply impossible to talk about citizenship training in modern society without reference to mass communication‖ (p. 37). If people take an interest in politics and governance, voice their opinions, engage in activism and turn up to vote, it indicates the smooth running of a vibrant democracy. However, if people are unable to understand the distortions of media messages, their biases and subjectivism, they are unlikely to gather enough facts and information to make a meaningful contribution to decisionmaking, or to participate effectively in the democratic process. Thus, the whole idea of a successful democracy rests on the notion of an informed electorate. The need for an informed electorate necessitates media education because it teaches critical-thinking skills for citizens and future voters.

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In this context, Tyner (1998, p. 162) points out, ―If an informed electorate is the cornerstone of a democratic society, and if the polls that report that most North Americans get their news and information from electronic media are correct, then it is imperative that students must learn to read and write electronic media, as well as print, in order to fully participate in democratic society‖. It is no longer enough simply to read and write. Students must also become literate in the understanding of visual images, especially as they spend a significant amount of time watching TV. A study conducted by Niemi and Jun (1998) in this regard on US high school seniors shows that, ―More viewing … clearly coincides with lower levels of civic knowledge‖ (p. 93). Although it would be difficult to persuade these students to spend less time watching TV, it would certainly help to make them more media literate to ensure that they are not easily influenced by the media messages and are able to analyze them with a critical and watchful eye. In a similar vein, Aufderheide and Firestone (1993) argue that media education can empower young people by enabling them to analyze, examine and influence active reading of the media, thereby making them more involved citizens who can play an active role in the political and social spheres. Thus, media education no longer sees students as passive receivers, but as active communicators (Ahonen and Verta, 1999) and offers opportunities for young people to reflect critically on their responsibilities and roles in society. The importance of media education for young people is steadily gaining more momentum. A study conducted by Buckingham (2000) to analyze the relationship between television news and the youth in Britain and the USA found that although young people cared about day-to-day issues and would enjoy watching television news if it was presented in a manner more familiar to them, they often felt powerless and excluded from the domain of politics in the traditional news presentation style. As a result, he exhorts the need to engage young people through the use of popular media with a less traditional and more interesting format in order to provide them with a familiar platform to understand and analyze political and social issues actively. Similarly, Jon Katz, a media critic, opined in an article in the Rolling Stone magazine that young people preferred the ―informal‖ and ―ironic‖ style of reporting adopted by some cable TV channels to the ―monotonously reassuring voice‖ of mainstream journalism (1993). These findings have important implications for motivating youth to take a more active interest in matters of politics and governance and for encouraging more involvement of young people in civic life.

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The last decade has witnessed a deepening relationship between media education and civic education. In 1999, a study of civic education across twenty-four countries revealed that the term ―mass media‖ and ―media education‖ appeared in the context of civic education in almost every case (Torney-Purta et al., 1999). Its role in civic education is already recognized in Bulgaria (Balkansky et al., 1999), Lithuania (Zaleskiene, 1999) and Columbia (Rueda, 1999). Media education often either appears as a topic in the civics curriculum, as in Romania (Bunescu et al., 1999) and the Netherlands (Dekker, 1999), or is discussed in other subjects which have strong links with civics, such as language, history and social studies, as in Belgium (Blondin and Schillings, 1999). Ahonen and Verta (1990) argue that, ―Citizens‘ action and critical thinking in the information society are linked with communication skills and the capacity to influence others. Media education can therefore be considered a key area in civics‖ (p. 248). It is widely believed that the teaching of media education in civics and social studies classes significantly promotes civic participation and increases regular newspaper readership among teenagers. This has important implications for ensuring the success of a democracy.

Media Education and Public Health The contribution of media education to public health awareness lately also cannot be undermined. Since 1992, the focus of media education in the US has been on the interpretation and analysis of health information because of the problems of drug abuse, early sex, teenage pregnancy, smoking, drinking, AIDS and campus violence. This is the major characteristic of media education in the US. Media literacy techniques are being used increasingly in programs designed to promote health and prevent substance abuse among young people. Media-literacy approaches can also be used in programs focused on conflict resolution and the reduction of aggression and violence (Kubey, 2005). Media education decreases students' acceptance of alcohol and tobacco advertising, and in health and science classes, it helps students to separate media fiction from medical fact. Children can even be taught to recognize some of the symptoms of having played a video game for too long: e.g. tired eyes and blinking, light headedness, nausea. How health problems are thought about, and what is done about them, is largely determined by how they are reported on television, radio and in the newspapers. Usually, crucial issues of public health policy are debated and decided on only after they are

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made visible by the media. Wallack et al. (1993) emphasize the concept for media advocacy as a central strategy for the prevention of public health problems and argue that media advocacy can give people a voice.

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Media Education and Consumer Culture Media education can also give students a voice in this era of conspicuous consumerism and brand names. Students need to see how consumer-media culture produces both meanings and identities. Consumer-media culture is a ―pedagogical machine‖ (Sholle and Denski 1995, p. 21), and consumer-media education invites students to prise open its covers, peer inside and see how its mechanics work. As the market seeps more and more into children‘s‘ lives, it is important for them to understand the corporate messages that ceaselessly appear on the media. Pipher (1996, p. 94) writes: ―Children recite jingles instead of poetry, and they know brand names instead of the names of Presidents. More students can identify Mr. Peanut and Joe Camel than can identify Abe Lincoln or Eleanor Roosevelt. They can identify twenty kinds of cold cereal, but not the trees and birds in their neighborhoods.‖ In this day and age, it is more important to be media literate than ever before. It is now commonly known that kids buy image when they buy products, and that brands are tied to young people‘s identity building. Many big brands have targeted the increasing number of youths from different subcultural groups who have the desire to look ―cool‖ and distinguish themselves. Kenway and Bullen (2001) highlight that in using consumer culture as a resource for identity building; the youth are also invariably being used by the consumer-media culture. Instead of passively buying into the advertising messages promoted by these brands, young people can be taught to view them more critically. The authors coin the term ―cyber-flaneur‖ for the young activist who conducts *his or her life politics and accepts his or her global citizenship ‗responsibilities‘ in the interwoven webs of the Internet and the corporate world, or the ―branded web‖ as Naomi Klein (2001) calls it. This cyber-flaneur who transgresses the spatial, physical and temporal boundaries of the corporate world through the new technologies can endeavor to search for information about corporate behaviour and for corporate activist sites and communities that they might learn from and belong to. Referring to these critical cyber-flaneurs Kenway and Bullen (2001, p. 530) write: ―They are spectators at the corporate bazaar, both real and virtual, but they are spectators of the ―watchdog‘ variety – they look back not in wonder, but with a skeptical

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and quizzical eye. The object of their inquiry is the consumer-media culture‖. In short, the cyber-flaneur is an excellent metaphor to deploy to point to the possibilities of youthful online activism on the ―branded web‖. There are numerous examples of political activism online, many anti-corporate activists, ranging from reclaiming the streets party organizers to human, worker and environmental rights groups, who employ the Internet as a tool for awareness raising, information sharing, organization and strategy so that corporate practices and wrong doings can be exposed. Such online political activism can reveal the reality of many consumer goods and services we take for granted. Since messages, regardless of whether they are from the government or corporations or other organizations and individuals, are created by people who make decisions about what to communicate and how to communicate, students are able to appreciate that all messages are influenced by the subjectivity and biases of those creating the message, as well as the social contexts within which the process occurs (Kellner and Share, 2007, p. 12). Consequently, critical media literacy has empowered and allowed students to challenge the power of the media to present messages as non-problematic and transparent. As students become critical consumers and producers of media texts, Cheung (2009, p. 43) emphasizes that media education in Asia, as in the rest of the world, should be ―more than a tool with which to warn students of the negative effects of the mass media; it can and should empower students to be more analytical, participative and motivated to learn‖, thereby highlighting the concept of empowerment in media education. Media education began with an emphasis on protecting people from the medium of film, but the model of citizenship and mass media education emphasizes the political, social, economic, civic and health implications of media messages and calls attention to the importance of using media effectively, wisely and knowledgeably. This task, which is still far from complete and involves preparing the new generation of students for the future, is a sophisticated and challenging one for all teachers.

FUTURE EXPECTATIONS: CROSS-CURRICULAR MEDIA EDUCATION AND THE NEED FOR A SHIFT TOWARDS A PREPARATORY PARADIGM We can expect media education to become more commonplace by the next decade, if not before. Students are learning and communicating very

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differently to how their parents did, and technological innovation has affected them and will continue to influence them in unforeseeable ways. It is important for media education to adopt a preparatory paradigm that will enable students to adjust and adapt to a constantly changing world of media, communication and information technologies. This preparatory paradigm calls for embracing and understanding new media technologies, for enabling more youth participation in civic and democratic life, for providing adequate resources for media programs, and for encouraging teacher training and competence to teach media studies.

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New Media Technologies In the broadest sense, then, media education at the beginning of the 21st century aims to make students critical and selective viewers and consumers of popular culture, who are able to reflect critically on media messages, and on their own selection of and pleasures derived from media genres and texts, and use those critical skills in the production of their own multimedia and /or audio-visual texts including broadcast media, toys, CDs, console gaming or Internet. Thus, the aim of media education is to make students critical, selfreflexive and productive. No group has embraced digital technology more wholeheartedly than young people. According to recent research from the Pew Internet and American Life Project (Jenkins, 2008), more than half of American teens are actively involved in creating digital media content, from producing blogs to posting their stories, photos and artwork on social networking Web sites like MySpace. Clearly, society is in the midst of a massive change. Young people‘s widespread familiarity with new media, combined with the breakneck speed of emerging technologies, makes command of the critical and technical skills to analyze and shape digital messages more important than ever. Whether they choose to participate fully in this media-driven culture, or to challenge it, students need to be taught how to create, obtain and analyze information in an intelligent way. In a world dominated by bits and bytes, basic literacy means more than the ability to read and write. It now requires understanding how digital media works. To succeed in the workplace, to become engaged citizens and critical consumers, people must learn how to interpret the digital messages with which they are constantly bombarded. Just as importantly, they must know how to communicate using today‘s multimedia tools.

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Developing Online Sense, Participation and Activism As young people develop their digital competency, however, developments in new media such as the Internet, have also presented new research questions about how the public processes information and entertainment. Levine (2005) discusses the proliferation of unreliable information and the challenges posed by it: "Some prominent individuals and institutions are calling for schools to prepare young people to identify reliable information online" (p.1). In this context, there is a call for formalized "information literacy education" in schools. The locus of responsibility for determining the accuracy of texts shifted from the publisher to the reader when one of the functions of a library became that of a search engine. With the incredible rise of the Internet and the unedited nature of many websites, students need to learn, more than ever, how to assess the validity and credibility of information sources. Parents and educators also need to teach children about how to exercise good sense online, especially in relation to privacy issues and pornographic content. There is an opportunity today to make use of the natural enthusiasm of today's young digital natives for cultural production as well as consumption, to help them learn to use the media production and distribution technologies now available to them to develop a public voice about issues they care about. Education, media-literacy-wise, is happening outside school in the SMS messages, MySpace pages, blog posts, podcasts, and videoblogs that technology-equipped digital natives exchange among themselves. However, the kind of questioning, collaborative, active, lateral rather than hierarchical pedagogy that participatory media both forces and enables is not the kind of change that takes place quickly, or at all in public schools. When it comes to helping new generations learn how to be discerning citizens, media education is central to 21st century civic education, while critical thinking and learning to use participatory media to speak and organize about issues might well be the most important citizenship skills that digital natives need to learn if they are going to maintain or revive democratic governance. As our youth are being criticised for becoming more apathetic to politics and current affairs, media education with its various avenues to become involved through new digital technologies, may be the only way to develop a more participatory culture.

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Media Education, Changing Curriculum and Teacher Requirements Besides the integration of new technology, digital competency, critical ability and production skills, it has been suggested that a more systematic theory of media education is needed for the future. For instance, in this global world, it is important to attempt to replace the primarily western perspective on media education and embrace the truly international dimensions of media education, in this way including a recognition not only of the processes of globalization, but also of the diverse perspectives on media and society around the world. With regards to the curriculum, Masterman (1985) proposes the need for media education in all subjects and disciplines such as history, geography, sciences, social studies etc. The idea of media education across the curriculum looks promising and highlights the fact that media education does not have to be confined to the domain of media teachers. Increasingly, educators believe that regardless of the subject, any teacher may address and should be capable of addressing and incorporating the study of media in his or her area be it language or social sciences. Similarly, Ben Moore (1991, p.187) exhorts: ―If media education is to become a term within the new curriculum initiatives, then the extension of ideas and strategies from Media Studies ‗across the curriculum‘ into all subjects and disciplines, is a priority‖. However, the challenge remains that not all teachers have the necessary qualification and training to teach the media and as a result may be at a loss as to how to integrate it into their English, civics or geography classroom. As Masterman (1991, p.19) writes, ―The halting progress made by media education over the past 50 years has not been entirely due to teacher indifference or pupil resistance. The formidable intellectual and pedagogic problems facing teachers with an interest in the field have perhaps been equally important. The major problem can be simply stated: how is it possible to make any conceptual sense of a field which covers such a wide range and diversity of forms, practices and products?‖ There are indeed very few graduate education programs that teach teachers how to implement media education. Kelly (2005, p.745) believes that one of the weak links in media education is teacher education, stating that, ―Teacher education programs more frequently than not omit media literacy education as a requirement. And while few educators would argue that new teachers need to be technologically savvy, too rarely this point translates into mere familiarity with and ability to use digital technology‖. Even Yates‘

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studies in 2002 showed that eighty-four percent believed that future teachers should receive college training that had a media literacy component, while 48% of the teachers felt that lack of training served as a barrier to media education. This paints a bleak picture for the pedagogical effectiveness of media education. In view of these challenges, this chapter argues that it is of the utmost importance to align media education with faculties of education in universities. In this way, teachers and educators studying towards their graduate and post graduate degrees in education would have to go through a media teaching component within their respective areas of specialization. Torres and Mercado (2006) exhort the need for critical media literacy in teacher education core curricula. For instance, teachers may be taught how to promote media mindfulness by consistently encouraging students to see new things in familiar media content. Langer (quoted in Serafin, 2006, p.184) found it was easier to pay attention when teacher participants were asked to notice new things in a stimulus, and that the process of noticing new and novel aspects of the stimulus made the activity more likeable. These teachers, equipped with their subject knowledge and the pedagogical skills to relate it to the media, would be more capable of ensuring that students at all levels – primary, secondary or tertiary- become more aware of the role of media in their lives, are able to ascertain the relevance or irrelevance of media messages, and engage in their civic life, while at the same time honing their creative potential by producing and developing media products through their classroom projects and workshops.

CONCLUSION As the world undergoes a major information and mass communications revolution, the need for media education can hardly be over emphasized. As people spend more time in front of their television sets, on their phones and computers, and increasingly inhabit cyberspace and create their virtual identities as netizens, new lifestyles, forms of social participation and citizenships are emerging. If education is to keep up with these trends it is critical that these changes, along with the influence of the burgeoning mass media, be explored in classrooms and critically examined. This chapter primarily presents two main arguments: It traces the different approaches to media education from the 1920s to the 1990s and suggests a preparatory

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paradigm of media education for this century in view of the onset of digital technologies and changing pedagogical requirements. This shift can be shown as follows: Inoculation paradigm  popular culture paradigm  representational paradigm  preparatory paradigm. Furthermore, this chapter argues that although media teaching started in vastly different circumstances and was confined to a few disciplines, it is important for media education in the future to be integrated into faculties of education in universities to enable every teacher to teach with and about media effectively within their subject areas, thereby making it increasingly crosscurricular. This change in media education through the years can be represented as:

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Media education in the disciplines of social sciences and humanities  Interdisciplinary nature of media education  Cross-curricular media education Lastly, in this era of breakneck speed of emerging technologies, this chapter emphasizes the need for qualified teachers and necessary resources to make students digitally competent in a such way that they are not only able to use the new forms of media functionally, but also critically, with the ability to produce media content creatively. Media education when done right can make students discerning and engaged citizens, critical consumers and ethical producers of media, consequently preparing them for a rapidly changing world. To evaluate the above discussion more convincingly, more research in media education needs to be conducted with solid evidence to substantiate the various claims about what media education could achieve. With that in mind, this book aims to understand what the prevailing perspectives regarding media education in different countries around the world are and what kinds of research is being conducted in the field of media education. The chapters in this book discuss issues of media education covering Asia, the US, Canada, Arabia, the Middle East, North Africa, and Europe, The book covers research in early child education, primary and secondary education, and tertiary education, in exploring different issues in media education. The significance of media education is well recognized; the discussion is about when it should be implemented. It has been successfully adopted at

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various levels, but considering the influence of media on students and technology advancement, media educators are beginning to argue that it could be implemented as early as in early childhood education. Cheung in his chapter explores this issue with respect to kindergarten educators in Hong Kong and notes that while principals and teachers in kindergartens believe that media education is important for young children, implementing it is not easy. Government policy and teacher training are two main concerns. When discussing government policy on media education (The White Paper on Media Literacy Education in 2002), Lin in Taiwan conducted a study of teachers‘ perceptions of media literacy education in Taiwan and notes that much teacher training is needed for further development of media education. The issue of teacher training is also a concern for Kym and Stewart as they assert that the ‗lack of curriculum materials and unavailability of teachertraining programs have plagued the promotion of media literacy in Canada‘. Their survey of primary and secondary school teachers in British Columbia (where media education exists across the curriculum) as well as the implementation of a media education program in elementary schools found that it was not a lack of enthusiasm for critical education, but the failure to model and support critical literacy objectives that frustrated and discouraged current teachers. To develop models of media literacy in the era of digital worlds, Aguaded et al.‘s research in Europe involved teachers and students from Portugal and has been extended to a school in Ireland in order to analyze the influence of new media in the learning process of the basic rules of maternal languages. This is important as the information society characterised by information and communication technologies is undergoing a substantial change in the written language that adolescents use to express themselves. Moreover, on the Internet, there exists an emerging culture that is characteristic of the adolescents who engage in texting, and this culture is not opposed to that of digital arrivals. This subculture, together with the creation of new communicative registers, predominantly influences the current generation of adolescents. In the Middle East and Arabian countries, where media education is at the infant stage, the concern varies. Melki‘s chapter outlines the difficulties in developing media education in the Arab world. The problems encountered are not unique to the Arab world, but common in many other countries. Furthermore, Saleh‘s chapter reviews a number of regional studies in order to have concrete indicators of the level and direction of media education in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA).

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As discussed earlier in this chapter, the relationship between media education and citizenship education is significant. In his chapter, Malidihis details the results of a multi-year exploration into the outcomes of a media literacy course in U.S. higher education to connect media education to media literate citizenship. He concludes that after the introduction of a media literacy course, students are able to analyze media critically and to become mediaaware citizens. In the further development of media education, media production is regarded as important. Kanae et al. discuss the development of the filmmaking program for junior high school students as part of media education in Japan. Lindgren et al. in their chapter discuss the practice of doing school cinema in Sweden, as well as presenting in-depth analysis of classroom discussions using a discourse analytic framework where microanalysis (at different levels) of conversations is interpreted in relation to societal discourses (microanalysis) with high school students, and they argue that school cinema is a productive way of doing media in education, and as a complement to media education. It is hoped that this book stimulates debate, policy and further research on media education. Our contributors are all respected advocates of media education in their own respective countries. The publication of this book consolidates the many discussed issues of media education in different countries, providing a platform for media educators to discuss further and from different perspectives, such as the common themes related to the research of media education in various countries and their implications, the possibilities and limits of further development, Such discussion could be in a local context or from a comparative perspective..

REFERENCES Alvardo, M., Gutch, R., and Wollen, T. (1987). Learning the Media: An Introduction to Media Teaching. London: Macmillan. Anderson, J.A., and Ploghoft, M.A. (1975). The Way We See it. Ohio: Social Science Cooperative Center. Anstey, M., and Bull, G. (1996). The Literacy Labyrinth. New York: Prentice Hall. Buckingham, D. (1993). Changing Literacies: Media Education and Modern Culture. London: Tufnell Press.

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Buckingham, D., and Sefton-Green, J. (1997). Multimedia education: Media literacy in the age of digital culture. In R. Kubey (ed.) Media Literacy in the Information Age. New Jersey: Transaction Publishers, 264 – 285. Cheung, C.K. (2009). Media education across four Asian societies: issues and themes, International Review of Education, 55, 39-58. Dominguez, M.J. (1990). Activos y Creativos Con Los Medios de Communicacion Social. Bogota: Ediciones Paulinas. Fransecky, R.B., and Ferguson, R. (1973). New ways of seeing: The Milford visual communication project, Audio Visual Instruction, 18(4), 44-49. Gauntlett, D. (2007). Media studies 2.0. Retrieved 30/12/2009, from http://www.www.theory.org.uk/mediastudies2.htm, Hart, A. (1998). Teaching the Media: International Perspectives. NJ: Erlbaum. Hall, S., and Whannel, P. (1964). The Popular Arts. London: Hutchison Educational Ltd. Herman, E.S., and Chomsky, N. (1988). Manufacturing Consent: A Propaganda Model. NY: Pantheon Books. Jenkins, H. (2008). Combating the participation gap: Why new media literacy matters. Retrieved 20/04/2009, from http://www.isschool.berkeley.edu /newsandevents/events/dls20080206. Kellner, D. (1998). Multiple literacies and critical pedagogy in a multicultural society, Educational Theory, 48 (1), 103-22. Kellner, D., and Share, J. (2007). Critical media literacy, democracy, and the reconstruction of education. In D. Macedo and S. R. Steinberg (eds.) Media Literacy: A Reader. New York ; Peter Lang Publishing, 3-23. Kenway, J., and Bullen, E. (2001). Consuming Children. Reproduced with the kind permission of the Open University Press/McGraw-Hill Publishing Company. Kubey, R. (2005). Commentary: How media education can promote democracy, critical thinking, health awareness, and aesthetic appreciation in young people, Studies in Media and Information Literacy Education, 5(1), 1-6 Kubey, R. (1997). Media Literacy in the Information Age. New Jersey: Transaction Publishers. Leavis, F.R., and Thompson, D. (1933). Culture and Environment: The Training of Critical Awareness. London: Chatto and Windus. Levine, P. (2005). The problem of online misinformation and the role of schools, Studies in Media and Information Literacy Education, 5(1), 1-11.

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Luke, C. (1997). Media literacy and cultural studies. In: S. Muspratt, A. Luke and P. Freeboy (eds.) Constructing Critical Literacies: Teaching and Learning Textual Practice, NJ: Hampton Press, 19-49. Luke, C. (2003). Critical media and cultural studies in new times. In T. Lavender, B. Tufte and D. Lemish (eds.) Global Trends in Media Education. NJ: Hampton Press, 105-118. Lusted, D., and Drummond, P. (1985). TV and Schooling. London: British Film Institute. Masterman, L. (1985a) Future developments in TV and media studies: An ecological approach to media education. In: D. Lusted and P. Drummond (eds) TV and Schooling. London: British Film Institute. 87-92. Masterman, L. (1985b). Teaching the Media. New York: Routledge. Moore, B. (1991). Media education. In: D. Lusted (ed.) The Media Studies Book: Guide for Teachers, 1st ed. London: Routeledge. 171-190. Pinsloo, J., and Criticos, C. (eds). (1991). Media Matters in South Africa. Durban: University of Natal. Pipher, M.B. (1996). The Shelter of Each Other: Rebuilding our Families. New York: Ballantine. Serafin, G. (2006). Media mindfulness. In: D. Macedo, and S. Steinberg (eds.) Handbook of Critical Media Literacy. New York: Peter Lang Publishing. Sholle, D., and Denski, S. (1995). Critical media literacy: Reading, remapping, rewriting. In P. McLaren, R. Hammer, D. Sholle, and S. Reilly (eds.) Rethinking Media Literacy. New York: Peter Lang, 7-32. Torres, M., and Mercado, M. (2006). The need for critical media literacy in teacher education core curricula. Educational Studies, 39(3), 260. Wallack, L., Dorfman, L., and Themba, M. (1993). Media Advocacy and Public Health. NY: Sage. Yates, B.L. (2002). Media education‘s present and future: A survey of teachers, Studies in Media and Information Literacy Education, 2(3), 113.

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Chapter 2

MEDIA LITERACY IN CANADA: TOWARDS THE RESOLUTION OF THE TENSIONS IN MEDIA EDUCATION Stephen Kline and Kym Stewart

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Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, BC, Canada

INTRODUCTION Since mass education was first established as the cornerstones of democratic socialization, the book has been the privileged medium of classroom instruction -- and literacy its core pedagogy. In the English speaking world, the term literacy acquired a double meaning, connecting it to both the core competences required to process knowledge and express oneself in lexical symbols (reading, writing and numeracy) as well as transmission of a cultural cannon – knowledge of those great works of art and literature that defined the values, aesthetics and structure of feeling of a civilized people. Yet during the 1930s some educators argued that cultural literacy was the best defense against the incursions of an increasing commercialized culture. Pointing to the growing popularity of the cinema and comics in the UK, Leavis and Thomson (1933) proposed a prophylactic pedagogy that would teach youth to better discriminate between the commercial rhetoric of media culture and serious literary works by arguing ―(w)e cannot, as we might in a healthy state of culture, leave the citizen to be formed unconsciously by his environment; if

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anything like a worthy idea of satisfactory living is to be saved, he must be trained to discriminate and resist‖ (p. 3-4). On the other side of the Atlantic, building on Dewey‘s pedagogical principles, many American educators spoke of a democratizing potential in a national broadcast system believing television would be ―democracy‘s handmaiden by bringing the whole picture of our political, social, economic and cultural life to the eyes as well as the ears‖(Minow and LeMay, 1995, p.83). Yet during the 1950s as the early optimism about TV as a mass educator quickly faded (Spiegel, 1998), educators expressed growing anxieties about mesmerized children entranced by mindless cartoons, punctuated by messages from paying sponsors. By the 1960s, studies revealed that children spent as much time watching TV at home as they did in formal learning situations. The rapid expansion of commercial television, therefore, provoked a profound rethinking of mass literacy amid anxious public debates about children entranced by mindless cartoons and incessant messages from paying sponsors selling toys and cereals (Kline, 1993). Researchers discovered that new media had a paradoxical impact on children‘s socialization: television could both support learning and school achievement; among brighter middle-class students who were intellectually prepared, but also distract the poorer students from reading and homework, leading to a downward spiral of academic achievement (Schramm, Lyle and Parker, 1961). The rapid spread of commercial TV after WWII brought the issue of cultural literacy to the foreground of debates about mass education in the UK too. British educator Richard Hoggart (1959) argued that defending literacy called for a broader rethinking of public education approaches to literacy. He recognized that many highbrow works of poetry and prose on the curriculum served only to marginalize and demean working class students – preventing them from acquiring literacy skills for motivational reasons. He argued that the levelling aspirations of the mass literacy movement required a broader cultural pedagogy which would ―replace the snobbishness of traditional educators‖ with a critical cultural pedagogy that ―sharply opposed to the trivialization, the fragmentation and the opinionation encouraged by popular providers‖ (p. 321). Hoggart‘s advocacy focused cultural studies provided the impetus for critical media literacy pedagogy in Britain. Additionally, Raymond William‘s advocacy of the democratizing potential for critical cultural studies inspired many teachers to bring popular culture into the classroom: they began to analyze popular music, movies, and television with students to teach them to understand differences between the progressive and regressive dimensions of cultural ideology. British media studies advocate Len Masterman consolidated

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these ideas into a formal critical media education pedagogy which taught ―ideological deconstruction‖ to protect younger students from commercial manipulation (Masterman, 1985). His outline of a curriculum called for the empowerment of students through a demystification of popular texts; especially news and advertising. His pedagogy used literary, ideological, and semiotic analysis to encourage a ―reflective questioning stance towards the forms and contents of print and electronic media‖ (Warnick, 2002). Inspired by this line of argument educators on both sides of the Atlantic began to conceive of a new pedagogy that inoculated youth against the destructive forces of popular culture by teaching them to critique the crass and reductive tendencies of a commercialized mass media system. The interest in media and their effects on culture in North America was further galvanized by the writing of Canadian academic Marshall McLuhan in the 1960s. His book Understanding Media (McLuhan, 1964) provoked an ever-broadening discussion, not only of the importance of communication media, but the ‗effects‘ of television‘s competing ‗window on the world‘ on the psyche and experience. McLuhan assisted in the preparation of curriculum material for the National Association of Educational Broadcasters (NAEB) under a contract for the Office of Education, US Department of Health, 1 Education and Welfare . Although informed by British cynicism his work reflected North America‘s more ambivalent view of mediated popular culture: on one hand he was optimistic about globalizing effect of electronic communication technologies which made ‗information‘ instantly accessible to all; on the other hand, he was aware that the transition from book to screen media augured profound cultural implications in the form of changing values, aesthetics and sensibilities. In the USA, TV became the contested cultural zone. On one side, progressives set out to prove that TV promoted literacy by making knowledge accessible and engaging. Believing in the power of media education, Sesame Street, the PBS‘s flagship programme, specifically set out to give inner city kids an head start in acquiring literacy and numeracy skills by adapting the techniques of commercial media -- popular music, animation, dynamic formats of advertising, and clever puppetry -- to deliver mass literacy into the home (Hendershot, 1998). On the other hand, the need for a critical, media pedagogy gained acceptance in North America during the 1970s, as the first TV generation reached their adolescence. Critics‘ worries about TV inspired aggression, 1

National Association of Educational Broadcasters (consultant: H. Marshall McLuhan), Washington, D.C., June 30, 1960.

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biased news coverage, gender stereotyping and racism were augmented by a growing concern with advertisings role in consumer socialization. In the USA, Parent-Teachers Associations persuaded the US Office of Education to launch a school-based initiative to counter the effects of commercial television on children. Its recommended national curriculum included curriculum units intended to enhance students‘ understanding of commercials, their ability to distinguish fact from fiction, the recognition of competing points of view in programs, an understanding of the style and formats in public affairs programming, and the ability to understand the relationship between television and printed materials (Lloyd-Kolkin, Wheeler, and Strand, 1980). Critics like Neil Postman (1993) bolstered an opposition to allow screen culture into the classroom because their epistemology was ―not only inferior to print based epistemology but is dangerous and absurdist‖ (p. 27). Cook (2000) has noted how these debates about a television generation gained momentum in North America amid a growing awareness that ―electronic media together with the flow and forces of capital‖ were ―fomenting a post-modern childhood inseparable from media use‖ (p.82). This post-modern, mediated world of children has not come into being without resistance from parents and educators. The growing popularity of media, from comics to the internet, has been a phenomenon accompanied by educational strategies for protecting children from the negative moral, ideational and health consequences of commercialism. As commercial media were adopted around the world, so too has the global interest in media education. For example, the Grunwald declaration on Media Education (1982) called upon all nations to accommodate educational practices to the changing cultural landscape of childhood by: the initiation of media-education programming, development of training courses for teachers, stimulation of research and encouragement of international cooperation for media education (Grunwald, 1982). Since the 1980s, the interest in media-literacy strategies, policy and effectiveness of programming has blossomed not only the UK and the USA (Masterman, Buckingham-UK; Kubey, Hobbs-USA), but around the world (Fedorov-Russia; Gonnet-France; McMahon, and Quin-Australia; CarlssonScandinavia; Cheung-Asia). Recognizing not only the many diverse circumstances, media and educational policies that exist in different parts of the world, and recognizing the continuing debates about what defines and motivates the media literacy pedagogy this chapter offers, for comparative purposes, an in-depth look into the history and current practice of media

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education in British Columbia, one of Canada‘s earliest provinces to integrate a K-12 programme into all classrooms.2

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A CANADIAN PERSPECTIVE ON MEDIA EDUCATION During the 1960s and 1970s, the debate about the new forms of literacy required in electronically, mediated cultures were hotly debated in Canada too. Influenced both by Williams and McLuhan, TV became the contested cultural zone, as Canadian educators worried that vast wasteland of American broadcasting might be cultivating a generation incapable of resisting the downward spiral of mass culture. In their review of the debates about media literacy Kline and Stewart (2007) discuss four issues that underwrote the intensifying discussion of media literacy pedagogy in English Canada. Firstly, from the outset, the public service mandate of broadcasting had proscribed a ‗cultural and educational‘ mission providing public funding for the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC), the National Film Board (NFB), and later provincial educational TV networks including the provision for educational media resources both inside and outside the classroom. Given its mixed broadcasting system and close proximity to the USA, many Canadian educators enthusiastically embraced a national media literacy pedagogy conceived as a prophylactic against American ideological imperialism projected through cross-border broadcasts. Fearing the loss of a Canadian identity, many Language Arts, history and film teachers saw the promotion of Canadian-made popular culture as a bulwark to the onslaught of US values. As early as 1966, for example, the National Film Board of Canada created a Summer Institute for teachers in Ontario to study film and TV in ways they could better get NFB films into the classroom. In 1968, York University hosted the Association for Screen Education, bringing together those Ontario teachers interested in education and broadcasting in what has been called the First Wave of media education (The Association for Media Literacy, 1998). During the 1970‘s an alliance between CBC children‘s producers and parents and teachers concerned about quality children‘s programming formed the Media Awareness Alliance as the public advocate of media literacy in Canada. During the 1980‘s, the Ontario based AML (Association for Media Literacy) with over 1000 members was the first provincial group to form permanently, 2

In Canada, education is a provincial responsibility.

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writing curriculum guides and encouraging the development of media education as part of the high-school language arts programming (Anderson, Duncan and Pungente, 2004). Although Canadian media educators were very receptive to Masterman‘s approach, which inspired media education among Ontario and BC teachers (Anderson, Duncan, and Pungente, 2004), many believed that because of its power to engage, TV and films could also motivate students‘ learning of complex subject matters from science to history. Yet it wasn‘t until the 1990‘s that media education was more fully incorporated into Canadian schools. Although its pedagogy and implementation within the provincial school systems was diverse, the goal of an unified Canadian pedagogy remained unachieved. Many teachers found themselves with no resources or guidelines and, therefore, quite uncertain about the learning objectives they were asked to deliver to their students (Duncan, Pungente and Shepherd, 2000). Morgan‘s (1998) research on the lives of Canadian media educators in Ontario indicates that the generalized notion of media education or the ―anything is fair game‖ ideology associated with current media education often results in young teachers feeling ‗overwhelmed‘ and ‗panicky‘ about what to select as the focal point of the lessons (p. 162). Media literacy, defined as critical analysis of mass culture, proved a remarkably ‗big tent,‘ encompassing different interests including religious groups, left-wing scholars, popular-culture educators, computer-technology advocates, health promoters, and social marketers and advertisers. Around these efforts to get more media analysed within the classroom, advocacy organizations like MediaWatch and anti-smoking groups developed media resources focusing on issues like (smoking, gender stereotypes, anti-racism etc.). Public and private broadcasters, and even the advertising industry in the form of Concerned Children‘s Advertisers, rallied behind the idea of media literacy as a way of getting media into the classroom to replace books. Thus, inconsistencies in approach (popular-culture criticism, creative arts, ideological deconstruction, promotion of Canadian culture etc.), lack of curriculum materials, and unavailability of teacher-training programs have plagued the promotion of media literacy in Canada. The lack of teacher training, combined with the already busy schedule of teachers, has often forced media literacy goals to recede into the background. Although inconsistencies existed, the momentum continued and in 1991 a group of teachers, academics and media professionals came together in a nonprofit organization to consolidate media literacy initiatives in British Columbia. CAME (later BCAME) had three goals: 1) to educate about the

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media; 2) to promote media education and; 3) to encourage Canadian cultural expression in the media. In 1994 BCAME signed an agreement with the BC Ministry of Education to produce a document called a Conceptual Framework for Media Education which following Quebec‘s approach called for the integration of media literacy within the curriculum as a whole. The report established two major curricular objectives for BC schools: Firstly, ―Media Education is mandated in all Language Arts courses from K -12‖ constituting one-third of the material taught. Secondly, media education became part of the Integrated Resource Package (IRP) which meant media education existed throughout the curricula, in all subjects, from K-12 (The Association for Media Literacy, 1998; see IRP site: http://www.bced.gov.bc.ca/irp/). Although media literacy existed within Canadian schools for decades, before the implementation of the IRPs, this change in mandated provincial curriculum provided a much needed boost to the growing associations and committees working towards goals of media education. This chapter, therefore, looks specifically at the role of mandated curriculum by examining two research projects. The first projects looks at the pedagogical implication of media education practice, including BC teachers‘ media literacy definitions and materials selected. The second analyzes the impact of risk-communication theory on the development and implementation of a media education program for elementary schools.

ASSESSMENT OF CURRENT PRACTICES Methodology Noting many issues associated with the lack of training, resources and support which often hampers media literacy efforts in British Columbia, Canada, the Media Analysis Laboratory at Simon Fraser University began in 2002 to survey teachers to examine their understanding of the K-12 mediarelated Prescribed Learning Outcomes (PLOs) and their implementation of the curriculum unit guidelines (IRPs) that are prescribed by the Ministry of Education. Since BC‘s approach to media literacy spans grades K-12 we included both secondary and primary teachers in our data collection which took various forms including interviews, focus groups and surveys. For this particular chapter we will focus on a survey, funded and supported by The British Columbia Association for Media Education (BCAME), which was delivered to Social Studies and English teachers

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attending the provincial teachers‘ conference in the spring of 2006. Although media education exists across the curriculum, our previous research indicated that for the most part media education seems to fall within Social Studies and English. Of the 80 teachers surveyed in Vancouver and the Lower Mainland of British Columbia, 30% were primary and 70% secondary teachers. Although their average service was 11 years, they ranged from beginning teachers to teachers with 30 years experience in the classroom. The surveys asked teachers in the BC school system to reflect on media education at their current level of teaching (Grades K-12), specifically: their media-education training and background; the operational definitions and reasons for inclusion; knowledge and choice of IRPs; preferences among themes; the resources desired/ used in the classroom; perceived problems and/or limitations and finally their priorities for the future.

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Survey Results Neil Postman has claimed that since visual media are inferior to print, educators should make no accommodation for TV or computers in their classroom practice rather they should continue to focus on traditional literacy skills. Yet, many teachers recognize that the level of engagement students have with popular culture is ―quite at odds with the deadening influence of mechanical teaching and testing that currently prevails in many classrooms‖ (Buckingham and Sefton-Green, 2004). Teachers, it seems, increasingly feel the need to include popular and media culture in classroom activities because it attracts and holds the students‘ attention. We believe it is precisely this belief that has prompted media educators to bring popular culture into the classroom as a tool to re-engage students in critical thinking. Additionally, it seems that for most BC educators incorporating media culture into the classroom is quite ‗natural‘ because they cannot keep it out. When asked ―What does media education mean to you‖ most replied that it means making their students ―more aware about the role that these media plays in our lives.‖ To enhance this awareness, 82% reported that they brought electronic media and popular culture into the classroom. Most testified that media, other than books, were valid educational resources, and they reported using newspapers, magazines, film and video documentaries, websites and internet resources, as well as advertising, music and films in their classrooms. The primary reason for integrating popular media into their teaching was that they believed doing so was motivating and challenging for their students.

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Generally they also felt that using media as a hook allowed them to bring nontraditional topics into their own classroom practice. More than half of the teachers used the term critical thinking to describe the qualities of understanding they hope to cultivate in their students media literacy experiences – particularly those with diverse learning styles. Although critical thought remains the primary goal, 80% of the teachers, at the secondary level, have incorporated some media production into their lessons to encourage critical literacy. Advertisement and news stories were the most common production-oriented media education activities, with one-third of the teachers reported using video and website production as the unit activity. Animations and documentaries are much rarer assignments and largely were undertaken by media arts teachers at the high school level. Our study suggested media literacy was finding a place in the classrooms, many of these teachers, however, felt that their schools and colleagues were not highly supportive of their media literacy teaching efforts – particularly the classroom time, technology, curriculum materials and training necessary to seriously undertake media education units. Inadequate technical resources (such as up-to-date computers and projectors), as well as limited access to films, videos, newspapers, advertisements and curriculum packages that could be easily shown in the classroom, were a constant reason why teachers didn‘t do more in the classroom. Although BC‘s media literacy objectives span the K-12 curriculum, we found few teachers integrated media awareness or skills into math teaching and languages at the high-school level, nor into science, health or physical education at the primary level. Mostly, they report bringing media literacy topics like news bias, gender and racial stereotyping into the English and Creative Arts units at the primary grades and into English, Social and Careers units at the secondary level. Yet, two-thirds of the high school teachers said they had never seen or only briefly glanced at the media literacy PLOs in the English Language Arts guidelines. Many teachers seemed to feel that without resources and time, the teaching of media literacy made demands on them that were greater than other PLOs in the curriculum. Most teachers would like to have more teaching materials and access to better resources for media production efforts in the classroom. They also note that more preparation time and useful model curriculum units would be helpful. We also asked teachers to tell us what kind of materials would be relevant for their future media literacy efforts. The results suggested that although news and citizenship were of continuing importance, many other topics were left out

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Stephen Kline and Kym Stewart

of the media literacy curriculum. Yet, time management, drugs and cyber bullying were a modest priority (see Figure 1.). 50 40 30 20 10 0

8

15

16

17

19

20

24

27

29

32

36

39

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Figure 1.

Make sense of advertisements and consumer culture

8.27

Critiquing stereotyping and ideology

8.14

Role of Mass media in democracy

7.23

Understand media genres and aesthetics

6.18

Understand media industries

6.14

Quality differences between popular and literature

5.91

Understand media design and grammar

5.82

Figure 2. Rated from 1 (unimportant) to 10 (very important)

BC teachers‘ belief that promoting citizenship in a media-saturated culture seemingly aligns with Carlson‘s (2003) notion of citizenship based on ―strengthening children in their role as critical consumers (and producers) of the multiple media‖ (p. 8). With this in mind, many teachers focus on advertising to engage students in the textual analysis of visual images (see chart below). Yet, as Teasley and Wilder (1997) have noted there is a danger in this. For many media educators the analysis of advertising ―has remained

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limited to response-centered transactional approaches‖ as a means of ―foster(ing) critical thinking and critical viewing skills‖ (Teasley and Wilder, 1997, p. 47); without reference to the political economy or issues of regulation in the promotional marketplace. Although differences in ratings between secondary and primary teachers exist, there is broad agreement about the relative importance of teaching young children about issues of commercialization.

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Grade

Political advertising and negative political campaign The reasons behind corporate advertising on TV Product placement in film, TV, magazines, rock videos Cross marketing Internet advertising on entertainment sites Celebrity endorsements in TV commercials Corporate sponsorship and social marketing Political and government sponsored advertising Role of marketing within the school system

Primary

Secondary

Total

M 3.00

N 22

SD 1.172

M 4.42

N 50

SD 0.758

M 3.99

N 72

SD 1.305

3.23

22

1.716

4.44

50

0.837

4.07

72

1.293

3.32

22

1.701

4.16

51

0.967

3.90

73

1.282

2.60

20

1.314

3.81

43

0.932

3.43

63

1.201

3.24

21

1.578

3.63

48

1.160

3.51

69

1.302

2.81

21

1.578

3.48

48

1.220

3.28

69

1.338

2.90

20

1.210

4.40

47

0.771

3.96

67

1.147

2.75

20

1.209

4.19

48

0.938

3.76

68

1.211

3.40

20

1.667

4.20

49

0.979

3.97

69

1.260

Figure 3.

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Stephen Kline and Kym Stewart

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Given the growing public controversy in Canada about food marketing on TV and the Internet, our survey also asked teachers to consider what aspects of consumer literacy they might want to incorporate in their teaching. Our questionnaire elaborated on Kline‘s (2007) three key dimensions of consumer literacy: the first is the issue of advertising literacy focused on children‘s understandings of the way the marketplace attempts to persuade them to buy in various media. The second is customer literacy, which concerns the ability of consumers to rationally compare the relative benefits, costs and risks associated with different goods. The third is the issue of children‘s economic literacy, that is their understanding of monetary exchanges in mediated markets. Although issues of commercialization were considered important issues to be discussed, school advertising and corporate marketing, product placements, and internet advertising are top rated issues that are rarely broached in primary schools. Other issues like celebrity endorsements and political advertising were seemingly considered beyond the primary students‘ critical ability. Although they are interested and favourably inclined to adopt consumer literacy pedagogy in the primary classroom it is also worth noting that 58% of these respondents have had no media education training. Of those that did, their background in media education included:

Computer literacy 8% Video Production 5% Critical Pedagogy 13% Figure 4.

This suggests that, although the desire to teach consumer literacy at the elementary level is strong and in keeping with curriculum guidelines, the lack of training, resources and support means that this crucial part of media education is often limited.

MOVING BEYOND MEDIA DECONSTRUCTION Students‘ leisure time has dramatically changed over the past few decades with the expansion of time spent with screen media which has approached six hours per day (Kaiser Foundation). This is because the media industries are not static: new technologies (Facebook; Wii), new genres (reality TV; 3D

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animation) and new social problems (cyber-bullying, obesity, on-line privacy) confound the conscientious media-literacy teachers attempts to keep up with the changes in the media saturated marketplace in which promotional synergies take on growing importance in the contemporary matrix of socialization. This emerging promotional environment has provided new impetus to the debates about consumer culture both within the classroom as a pedagogical anchor for their development as global citizens and consumers, but also because this changing environment raises new policy issues surrounding media use, that media educators are hard pressed to catch up with. Len Masterman (1985), one of the theorists who helped spark interest in media education in BC, argued that ―media education efforts have rarely managed to match the pace and sophistication of developments in the media themselves‖ (p. 1). Our review of teachers has led us to believe that there are two ‗realities‘ that confront media education in BC currently – firstly, the limited and poorly supported training opportunities to deal with rapid changes in the marketplace and growing theories of media culture and secondly the role communication policy plays within the education system. Twenty-five years, after policies changed in the mandated curriculum we still find that BC teachers are rarely able to match the pace and sophistication of the changes in mediated marketing. More importantly, their deconstructionist approach which, for example, may be useful for focusing students‘ attention on techniques of food marketing often ignores the behavioural implications of sedentary lifestyles and the consequences of eating rituals associated with media that have changed children‘s daily routines. Given the evidence from our studies of teachers‘ implementation of media education in 2001 (and more recently confirmed with the 2006 survey) it became clear that BC teachers needed guidance on how to implement consumer literacy components into their curriculum. The obvious lack of media education guidance for teachers led us to develop a program entitled the Media Risk Reduction pilot project.

MEDIA RISK REDUCTION PILOT PROJECT Methodology In the spring 2003, with the help of the Crime Prevention Community Mobilization Fund of Canada, the Media Analysis Laboratory developed and piloted a 6 week programme in four North Vancouver Schools. Our Media

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Risk Reduction pilot project consisted of eight classes of students for a total of 178 students; 91 male students and 87 female students. The students ranged from grade two to grade six. School support from administrators and teachers was essential, but parental participation was also an important element, as such information packages, pamphlets, surveys and newsletters were sent home throughout the project to help link school with home. The research was conducted in three stages: Stage 1 involved the preparation and analysis of sedentary risks and mitigating factors survey; Stage 2 involved the design, production and delivery of lifestyle risk education to parents and students; and Stage 3 involved the evaluation of risk reduction treatment based on a comparison of changes in risk knowledge and sedentary risk factors and health status in the target families. Stage 1: We began this project with a risk factor survey that examined the relationship between children's media use and preferences and the various risk factors associated with sedentary lifestyles. Of primary interest in this phase of the study was exploring the role that gender, family involvement and demographic patterns play in media consumption, attitudes and activity levels associated with sedentary lifestyle risk factors (inactivity, dieting, feelings of hostility, identification with aggressive heroes, fast and fatty food preferences, snacking while watching etc.) . A take-home parental survey explored the degree to which parents are concerned about sedentary lifestyle risks to their children and what they are capable of and willing to do about these risk factors. Stage 2: After this risk assessment phase, the project team designed and delivered a media risk education programme through the test schools which volunteered within North Vancouver district. Since we knew that providing information about risks would not necessarily be sufficient to change media consumption, eating and active leisure practices of children, this risk communication strategy developed 6 media education units (e.g. adapted from Robinson, Bar On, Irving and others) covering safety and health related risk factors (what makes a hero, bully-victim roles, fast food advertising, body image issues, etc.). Pamphlets and a website supported by parental information sessions and workshops discussing family mitigation factors (arranged with the North Vancouver Parent Advisory Council) to support the classroom curriculum which communicated what is known about sedentary lifestyle risk factors (and ways of mitigating them such as removing media from the bedroom, enforcing media use rules, stopping snacks while watching, using community resources) to families. We worked with various health and safety agencies where possible, to ensure that community support for alternatives (in

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public spaces, after school groups, recreation centers as well as sports and fitness groups) were available for children who choose to limit their media consumption practices. Stage 3: The third stage of the study undertook a systematic evaluation comparing pre and post health status, risk factors and family attitudes and practices in our treatment schools. The current influx of new media into the home has caused growing debate among both parents and educators as to how media impacts children‘s healthy development and learning. In Canada, many educators are reconsidering the role of schools in children‘s healthy development and schools are beginning to re-introduce physical education and reconsider lunch menus and snacks in an attempt to counter sedentary lifestyles and poor nutritional habits. Research in the field of health and schools has also increased. For example, in California, an innovative media education programme developed by Robinson (1999, 2000, 2001a) and Robinson et. al. (2001b), demonstrated great potential for reducing the effects of media dependency among students as a way of countering the obesity crisis and aggression. This study reasoned that if there is a dose-response relationship between media and weight gain, then the less media children use, the less they are at risk of obesity. Their research showed that heavy TV viewing was related to both aggression and weight gain. The media education approach they used, however, focused on condemning media use and enforcing media reductions in the experimental schools. Although we appreciated much of the ingenuity of Robinson and his team‘s project, we wanted to see for ourselves the impact a non-condemning media literacy programming could have in elementary schools. Thus, in 2003 we set out to conduct, and evaluate a media-education curriculum unit to make primary school children (and their parents) more aware of the risk-factors associated with heavy media consumption and to provide them with encouragement and support to voluntarily reduce their media consumption as a way of reducing lifestyle risks. To do so, we launched a ‗Tune Out the Screen Challenge‘ which followed a six-week media literacy programme which wove discussions of issues surrounding media consumption (food marketing, sedentary lifestyles, aggression) into normal elementary class activities. Applying our cultural judo approach, we augmented each classroom lesson with creative activities emphasizing three aspects of critical analysis: reflection focused on students‘ careful examination of the patterns of their own media use and preferences, deconstruction exercises which exposed the critical concepts related to

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consumer literacy (ie. advertising and branding, consumer choice, fair play, addiction), and reconstruction exercises based on creative engagement and self expression through alternatives to media consumption (Kline, Stewart and Murphy, 2006).

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Results of Media Risk Reduction Pilot Project Our evaluation of this media education programme used the decline of media time and the increase in voluntary non-media related activities as the measure of our success in promoting awareness of alternatives to screens. We found that both parents and children enthusiastically accepted the Tune Out the Screen Challenge as a workable alternative within the family. Further evidence gathered from the families revealed that the contract process (a process where the students selected their own level of engagement with the Tune Out the Screen challenge –cold turkey= total decrease of screen media; controlled use group use; and opt-out group) was important for the success of the challenge. Analysis showed that the controlled use2 strategy was far more popular among the younger students, whereas the cold turkey strategy was chosen by 82 per cent of the older students; who seemed to take up the challenge more enthusiastically. We noted that those who refused to take the Tune Out the Screen Challenge were disproportionately boys (83%) and also were far more likely to be from grade 2 and 3 (59% of younger students versus 36% of older students). Of the 121 students who kept a journal of tune out week activities, 60 per cent reported getting through the whole week without using screen entertainment3. Girls were slightly more enthusiastic (62% vs. 54% for boys), and older boys (grades 4-6) were far more successful than younger ones (63% compared with 41% of younger ones). The opposite was true for younger girls with 65 per cent (grades 2-3) remaining media free compared with 59 per cent of older girls. Based on their week long activity diaries, the evidence showed that students compensated the 80 per cent reduction in screen use by spending more time reading and in active play than passive leisure (see figure 6). The net effect was that students gained 100 minutes a day of leisure time from reducing their dependency on screen entertainment during tune out week and reported more authentic choice in their leisure 4 (see figure 5).

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Media Literacy in Canada Cold turkey group Time spent with media Time spent in leisure activities

39 Opt out group

5 minutes

Controlled use group 22 minutes

109 minutes

90 minutes

97 minutes

27 minutes

Figure 5. Minutes spent with media and leisure activities during Tune Out Week

Results from 65 Tune out week diaries* Sports/outdoor play 34% Indoor play/hobbies 19% Eating 15% Homework 14% Media 8% Reading 6% Resting/vegging out 2% *Sleeping, travel and self-maintenance time were excluded from this analysis.

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Figure 6. Summaries of Tune Out Week Diaries Activities

It became quite evident that the students were more than willing to alter their media-use habits and reconstruct their approach to leisure time. When given a choice, those activities, such as outdoor play and time with friends (which had been displaced by habitual media use) were reclaimed as pleasurable. All they needed was a process which helped them recognize the patterns of sedentary living, some encouragement to change and strong support from parents and peers.

CONCLUSION Although by the late 1990s media literacy had become incorporated into Canadian schools, its pedagogical strategies have not been woven uniformly into its delivery across the country (see Kline, Stewart and Murphy, 2006). Different curricular approaches and focus, the lack of resources and teachertraining programs, and divergent learning objectives have left many teachers feeling uncertain about what they should deliver to their students (Duncan, et. al., 2000). This lack of training and materials, combined with the already busy

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schedule of teachers, has often forced media education programs to the periphery of the curriculum. Although there seems to be little support, we continue to strongly disagree with Postman, who claims that media educators should counter the impacts of commercialized popular culture by barricading the doors of the schools. We also agree with David Buckingham (2000, 2003) that children are dynamic cultural agents. An ideological, deconstructionist pedagogy, therefore, will be of little use in counteracting the constant informal learning that takes place outside schools. However, young people‘s growing engagement with media does not warrant a retreat from critical pedagogy, but rather a reworking of it in the context of a risk society. Youth are highly engaged in constructing their own identities and asserting their own tastes. They do so, not in contexts of their own making, but rather in a highly commercialized global marketplace that produces systemic environmental and lifestyle risks (Kline, 2005). As the obesity epidemic has recently made abundantly clear, media use itself is not simply a matter of identity construction and taste, but rather one of promoting unhealthy food choices and consolidating sedentary lifestyles (Kline, 2005, 2010). From the point of view of schools, students are active agents in a process of gaining both power and responsibility for their own well-being in a democratic society. The objective of media literacy, therefore, must now include the goal of preparing students for citizenship in a risky consumer society. Our survey of BC teachers, and as well as the implementation of a media education programme within elementary schools, found that it was not a lack of enthusiasm for critical education, but the failure to model and support critical literacy objectives that frustrates and discourages current teachers. In Western culture, children and adolescents clearly enjoy greater scope to actively construct their identities both by choosing their pleasures and experiencing risks. But, this does not mean they are uncritical. In response, we developed our risk communication strategy as a kind of cultural judo that recognized that children come into classrooms not only immersed in media culture but also exposed to the critical concepts that circulate through media (including advertising is deceptive, play should be fair, junk food is bad for you, and TV can be a waste of time). Because children and youth learn much of this critical repertoire in the family and peer groups, our risk-reduction pedagogy, built on the frail scaffolding of their own critical reflections, helps to engage them in discussions of the role media played in their lives. Rather than condemn matters of personal taste and preference, our critical literacy approach engaged

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students in discussing their lifestyles, asking them to reflect on their media-use habits, helping them create alternative opportunities for leisure, and challenging them to take responsibility for their lifestyle choices. Our research has provided some evidence that in a commercialized marketplace, media literacy programmes can reduce risks associated with children‘s media use and bolster healthier lifestyle choices of their own accord.

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REFERENCES Anderson, N., Duncan, B., and Pungente, J. (2004). Media education in Canada:The second spring. Retrieved on February 14, 2006, from http://interact.uoregon.edu/MediaLit/JCP/articles/mediaedcanada.pdf Association for Media Literacy (AML), (1998). Global Interculturalism and the Dilemmas of Universalism. Retrieved May 1, 2007 from http://www.aml.ca/articles/articles.php?articleID=272 Buckingham, D. and Sefton-Green, (1994). Cultural studies goes to school: reading and teaching popular media: Oxon: Taylor and Francis. Buckingham, D. (2000). The making of citizens: young people, news and politics. New York: Routledge. Buckingham, D. (2003). Media Education; literacy, learning and contemporary culture. Cambridge: Polity Press Carlsson, U. (2003). Foreword. In C. Feilitzen and U. Carlsson (Eds.), Promote or protect: Perspectives on media literacy and media regulations (pp. 6‐8). Goteborg: Goteborg University. Cheung, C.K. (2008). Media Education Across Four Asian Societies: Issues and Themes. International Review of Education, vol. 55: 39-58. Cook, D. (2000). Exchange value as pedagogy in children‘s leisure: Moral pan ics in children‘s culture at century‘s end. Leisure Sciences, 23: 81‐98. Duncan, B, Pungente, J, Shepherd, R. (2000). Media Education in Canada. In T. Goldstein and D. Shelby (Eds). Weaving Connections: Educating for Peace, Social and Environmental Justice. (pp. 323-341).Toronto: Sumach. Fedorov, A. (2003). Media Education and Media Literacy: Experts‘ Opinions. UNESCO. Gonnet, J. (2001). Education aux medias: Les controverses fecondes. Paris: CNDP, Hachette: 144.

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Grunwald declaration on Media Education, Grunwald, Federal Republic of Germany, 22 January 1982. Retrieved May 9, 2010 from http://www.unesco.org/education Hendershot, H. (1998). Saturday Morning Censors: television regulation before the V-chip. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Hobbs, R. (1998). The seven great debates in the media literacy movement. Journal of Communication, 48 (2): 9-29. Hoggart, R. (1959). The uses of literacy. London, UK: Chatto and Windus. Kline, S. (1993). Out of the Garden: Toys and Children‘s culture in the Age of TV Marketing, London: Verso. Kline, S. (2005). Becoming subject: Consumer socialization in the mediated marketplace. In F. Trentmann (Ed.), Knowing consumers (pp. 199‐224).London, UK: Berg. Kline, S., Stewart, K. and Murphy, D. (2006). Media Literacy in the Risk Society: An Evaluation of a Risk Reduction Strategy. Canadian Journal of Education, 29(1): 131-153. Kline, S. and Stewart, K. (2007, unpublished). Assessing the Field of Media Education in British Columbia; a survey of teachers in the present-day BC school system. Conference paper 2007 AMLA, St. Louis, MA. http://namle.net/national-conference Kline, S. (2007). Why is Consumer Socialization Controversial? In S. Mazzarella (Ed.), Kidstuff: 20 questions about youth and the media, pp. 211-224. New York, NY: Peter Lang. Kline, S. (2010) (forthcoming) Rethinking Children‘s Consumer Competence in David Marshall Understanding Children as Consumers. Sage. Leavis, F.R. and Thompson, D (1933). Culture and Environment: The Training of Critical Awareness. London: Chatto and Windus. Lloyd‐Kolkin, D., Wheeler, P., and Strand , T. (1980).Developing a curriculum for teenagers. Journal of Communication, 30(3): 119‐125. Kubey, R. (2001). Obstacles to the development of media education in the United States. Journal of Communication, vol. 48 (1): 58-69. Masterman, L. (1985) Teaching the media. London. UK: Comedia. McLuhan, M. (1964). Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man. New York: McGraw Hill. Minow, N. and LeMay, C (1995). Abandoned in the Wasteland: Children, Television, and the First Amendment. New York: Hill and Wang. Morgan, R. (1998). Media Education in Ontario: Generational Differences in Approach. In A. Hart (Ed) Teaching the Media; International Perspectives. Mahwah, New Jersey. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates: 169-196.

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Postman, N. (1993). Technopoly: The surrender of culture to technology. New York: Vintage Books. Quin, R. and McMahon, B. (2001). Living with the Tiger: Media Curriculum Issues for the future. In R. Kubey (Eds). Media Literacy in the Information Age: Current Perspectives. New Brunswick. Transaction Publishers: 307-321. Robinson, T.N. (1999) Reducing Children‘s Television Viewing to Prevent Obesity: A Randomized Controlled Trial, Journal of the American Medical Association 282(16): 1561–7. Robinson, T.N. (2000). Can a School-Based Intervention to Reduce Television Use Decrease Adiposity in Children in Grades 3 and 4? Western Journal of Medicine 173(1): 40. Robinson, T.N. (2001a). Television Viewing and Childhood Obesity, Pediatric Clinics of North America 48(4): 1017–25. Robinson, T. H., Wilde, M. L., Navracruz, L. C., Haydel, K. F., and Varady, A.(2001b). Effects of reducing children‘s television and video game use on aggressive behavior: A randomized controlled trail. Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine, 155: 17‐ 23. Schramm, W., Lyle, J., Parker, E.B. (1961). Television in the Lives of our Children: The facts about the effects of television on children- based on studies of over 6000 children. Stanford: Stanford University Press Spiegel, Lynn (1998) ‗Seducing the Innocent: Childhood and Television in Postwar America‘, in Henry Jenkins (ed.) The Children‘s Culture Reader. New York: NYU Press. Teasley, A. B., and Wilder, A. (1997). Reel conversations: Reading films with young adults. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann. The Association for Media Literacy, 1998; http://www.media Warnick, B. (2002). Critical literacy in a digital era: Technology, rhetoric, and public interest. London, UK: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

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Chapter 3

WHAT IS MEDIA LITERACY: A STUDY OF TEACHERS’ PERCEPTIONS OF MEDIA LITERACY EDUCATION IN TAIWAN Tzu-Bin Lin and Meechai Orsuwan

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Nanyang Technological University, Singapore

INTRODUCTION In response to a worsening media environment, media education was introduced as a possible solution in Taiwan in mid-1990s. Taiwan‘s Ministry of Education issued a White Paper on Media Literacy Education in 2002. It is the first official initiative in the field of media education in East Asia. As a policy initiated by the central government, media literacy is becoming one of the significant cross-curriculum themes in primary and secondary education. However, although the Ministry of Education (MOE) has issues this White Paper on Media Literacy Education, it does not mean that the media education will take place automatically. It can be argued that the majority of Taiwanese teachers today still lack relevant knowledge and experience in the field of media literacy. This chapter aims to explore teachers‘ perceptions of media education in Taiwan. The chapter begins with a discussion of contextual issues regarding the introduction of media education in Taiwan. This is followed by a review of the relevant literature, details on research methodology, and an analysis of

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Tzu-Bin Lin and Meechai Orsuwan

data. A discussion of key findings leads to a number of policy recommendations being made.

The Contexts – Two Driving Forces of Media Education

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Media Environment After lifting martial law in 1987, the Taiwanese government‘s controlling power over the mass media became weaker, as hundreds of newspapers and magazines and dozens of television stations were established within a short period of time. Today, the majority of media are commercial ones and there is one non-commercial terrestrial television station, the Public Television Service (PTS), which is sponsored by the central government and was established in 1998. The penetration rate of television is about 100 per cent and that of cable television, which has the highest penetration rate in the Asia-Pacific region, is about 80 per cent (GIO, 1999) Magnier (2005) observes that ‗Taiwan‘s media have the reputation of being among the most aggressive in Asia‘ and provides an insightful observation and example from an outsider‘s perspective: Concerned about the media‘s excesses and ability to ruin reputations and lives, reformers in and outside the industry are trying to stem the sensationalism, partisanship and corruption that characterize the business. Some argue that the media are merely a reflection of Taiwanese society, which is one of the most freewheeling in Asia.

After years of debating about the regulation of media, the National Communications Commission (NCC) was set up with the legal mandate to take over the regulatory responsibilities from the Government Information Office (GIO) in 2006 (for detail, see GIO, 2009). Besides the official regulatory body, there are several advocacy groups trying to use media education as a way of protecting the younger generation from the ill effects of media and an alternative to government regulation. These groups include the Media Literacy Centre (MLC), the Fubon Cultural and Educational Foundation (FBCEF) and the Public Television Service (PTS). Each promoted media education in Taiwan before the government became involved. After years of lobbying, the former Minister of Education, Dr. Tseng decided to form a policy-making committee in 2002, tasked with drafting a white paper

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on media education (see Lin, 2008). Since then, media education develops into an official responding to the chaotic media environment in Taiwan.

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The Education Reform As mentioned earlier, the worsening media environment is one of the pushing forces for advocate groups and the governments to promote media education. However, there is also an opportune moment because of the education reform that takes place in Taiwan. During the reform period from 1994 to present, the old education system came under critical examination by the public and a lot of new ideas and initiatives are proposed by various stakeholders (Chou, 2003). All these changes in the reform era aimed to reconstruct the education system so that the fundamental purpose of education could be restored. The central concern was how the nation could educate its younger generation to be responsible, well-informed and competent citizen to face the challenges and opportunities in the global and digital world. Traditional subject knowledge is no longer valid in the new times. The up-todate education system should provide a holistic education for all instead of focusing on the academic performance only. Some dimensions that had been neglected in the traditional education system were brought into the educational agenda. Recognizing the power of media, educators started to find solutions for responding to it. The MOE Taiwan (2002, p. 4) makes this point clear in its policy statement: The majority of educators around the world acknowledge that ‗the school,‘ the system, as the education process and educational content evolved over the past century, replaced the family, in particular, as the main source of education. However, few realized that with the emergence of television and other forms of mass communication that developed over the past four decades, mass media has become the second education curriculum for children and youth. The dominance of the media is so strong that it is possibly threatening the position of schools as the first education system. The media has also pushed the role of the family as an educator further aside and is gradually undermining the authority of schools. Mass media is not only ‗educating‘ the young, but also every member of society. It is becoming more difficult for most of us to differentiate fact from fiction in what is presented or reported in the media. Some of us do not believe that we are biased by the media, but tend to think that others are influenced. This is the so-called thirdperson effect in media studies. As the hours children and youth are exposed

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Tzu-Bin Lin and Meechai Orsuwan to the media (including the Internet and computer games) already exceeds that the time they spend in the classrooms of elementary and high schools, it could be claimed that the media is the first education curriculum rather than the second.

Also, Cheung (2009) points out education reform movement in different countries offers media education opportunities to develop in Asia including Taiwan where media education is viewed as a grass-root movement (Wu and Chen, 2007) that starts from a form of social movement and then moves into the formal school system.

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Discourses of Media Education: Setting the Framework Fairclough (1992) points out that social changes are caused by the change of discourse. In the field of educational research, the beginning of a new initiative is usually caused by the construction of a new discourse, especially policy discourse. Media literacy education in Taiwan is an example of this kind. The White Paper on Media Literacy Education issued in 2002 provides a blueprint for implementation. With an existing official policy, it offers a starting point for the researchers‘ inquiry into teachers‘ perception of media literacy education. Viewing policy as a discourse draws our attention to the ‗Language of policy – policy rhetorics and discourses‘ to see what are included and what are excluded (Ball, 2008 p. 5). Based on the insights offered by Norman Fairclough and Stephen J. Ball, the researchers conducted a discourse analysis of the discourses of media literacy worldwide as well as the Taiwanese White Paper. It is crucial to recognize what the key components of media literacy in Taiwan are through an analysis of the White Paper. Meanwhile, the literature review of discourses of media literacy worldwide offers what the alternative approaches to media literacy are. Therefore, with the understanding of the discourses and the policy document in Taiwan, an appropriate questionnaire can be designed to acquire information from teachers.

The Global Scenarios of Media Literacy Education Lin (2008) identifies eight various discourses of media literacy education in major English-speaking countries. They are cultural protectionism, moral

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anxiety, anti-consumerism, ideological exposure, vocational training, citizenship, ‗new‘ media education and digital literacy. The first three discourses are usually categorized under the umbrella of ‗protectionist‘ approach that claims that adults need to protect children from the negative effect of media. They contain negative assumptions about the media and media effect and appear in the early stage of the development of media literacy education (Buckingham, 2003). Ideological exposure is influenced by vulgar Marxist approach of education and media studies. Peter McLaren (for example, see McLaren, Hammer, Sholle, and Reilly, 1995) and Len Masterman (1985) are two representative advocates of this discourse that focuses on enlightening learners to discover the hidden ideology in media content. As to the fifth discourse, it exists in the British education system that views media education as a preparatory course for those who have interest in working in media industry. Media literacy as part of citizenship in the digital era is one of the most common discourse worldwide. The ‗new‘ media education refers to diverse and collective reflections of a group of academics based on their findings from empirical studies with their findings from empirical studies aiming at redefining the role and content of media education. David Buckingham at the Institute of Education London is, along with other international colleagues, the leading figure in this discourse (for detail see Buckingham, 2003; Burn and Durran, 2007; Luke, 2003). Practical work, the media production, becomes a must-have component in this discourse and the concept of literacy has been fully expanded to cover various media. The last one focuses on new media mainly and sometimes overlaps with ‗digital literacy‘ and ‗information literacy‘. Lin (2009) argues that this should be part of the ‗new‘ media education discourse because new media is also one of the foci of the discourse of new media education. In other words, the latter two discourses, the new media education and the digital literacy, can be viewed as one – the new media education discourse. The latter two discourses, to some extent, can be viewed as liberal approaches to media education with a positive view towards the media. These discourses can be categorized as ‗protectionist‘, ‗vocational‘ and ‗liberal‘ approaches to media literacy education. They provide us a framework to review the policy text produced by the Taiwanese government.

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THE LOCAL CONTEXT: AN ANALYSIS OF THE WHITE PAPER ON MEDIA LITERACY EDUCATION There are multiple reading of a policy text, as Ball (2008) indicates. The researchers‘ analysis of the White Paper is based on the global discourses of media literacy education. Taiwan, as a late comer in the field of media literacy education, borrows experiences from other countries during the policy-making process. The policy-borrowing is often taking place on a global scale (for detail, see Phillips and Ochs, 2003, 2004). Lin (2008, 2009) analyzes the White Paper in terms of policy sociology and critical discourse analysis. His research findings suggest that there is a mixture of some discourses while the others are absent. The findings of his analysis of the White Paper are summaries below. Lin (2008, 2009) argues that, As a response to a worsening media environment in Taiwan, the most prominent discourses are ‗moral anxiety‘ and ‗citizenship‘. The prevailing ‗moral anxiety‘ discourse is highlighted by the overt ‗health‘ metaphor and the concept of ‗health literacy‘. In interpreting this moral anxiety as a force behind the promotion of media education, policy makers in Taiwan concentrate on this discourse. The ‗citizenship‘ discourse is also popular and the terms ‗citizen‘ and ‗citizenship‘ are repeated through the White Paper. The general tendency of the White Paper is to adopt a protectionist approach while conflating it with citizenship. Ignoring the cultural dimension of the audience‘s media consumption is another feature. The targets of the policy – children and teenagers – have no voice. Moreover, as Lin (2008) points out, the prominent social phenomenon of the internet café and of computer games is missing in the policy text and the policy focuses on the ill-effects of traditional media such as television. The moral anxiety caused by this newly-emerging phenomenon is replaced by an optimistic view of new technology. This contradictory mixture of pessimistic views of traditional media and optimistic views of new media is a key feature of the White Paper.

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RATIONALES, RELEVANT RESEARCH AND THE RESEARCH QUESTIONS Rationales

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It is argued that a policy text is always interpreted in various ways and, therefore, there are multiple readings of a policy text and gaps between the ‗intended reading‘ and the actual readings (Ball, 1994, 2008). As one of the key stakeholders in the education system, teachers‘ perceptions (readings) of a specific policy play a crucial part in policy implementation (Ozga, 2000) because they are on the frontline and interact with the learners. Different perceptions may lead to different pedagogies and contents of teaching. Knowledge of teachers‘ perceptions may provide a picture of how media literacy education is practiced in schools as well as a feedback to the policy makers about how the policy is understood. Taiwan is a good case because it is the first East Asian country to issue an official policy on media literacy education. The White Paper has been disseminated to primary and junior high schools.

Relevant Research As media literacy education started to attract the attention from educational researchers in East Asian countries, the number of academic papers in the field of media literacy education increased. Most of the academic papers and relevant resources are concerned with the introduction of media literacy education and theorizing media literacy education through borrowing western discourses (Chen, 2006; Ministry of Education, 2002). The survey presented in this chapter is the first of its kind in Taiwan. As to East Asian countries, there are only a small number of research studies in exploring teachers‘ perception of media literacy education. Cheung (2004, 2005) has conducted several studies in Hong Kong into teachers‘ understanding of media education by applying both quantitative and qualitative methods, i.e. survey and interview. However, these teachers taking part in the Hong Kong studies are learned about media literacy before and have some understanding of this field. Unlike the study in Hong Kong, the Taiwanese teachers who took part in this survey mostly never learned about media literacy although an MOE policy text was available.

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Moreover, the researchers are going to explore if teachers in different parts of Taiwan have various perceptions of media and media literacy education. Therefore, this chapter will add another case study in media literacy education from a country with an education policy addressing media literacy education. This study not only enriches the current research in media literacy education but also provides a case study in policy implementation in Taiwanese context.

Research Questions and Hypothesis Our research addresses the following two questions:

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1. Do teachers‘ perceptions of media information, media culture and media consumption vary by teaching experience and location of school? 2. What are teachers‘ perceptions of the two main approaches, ‗protectionist‘ and ‗liberal‘, to media literacy education? 3. Do teachers‘ views on media influence their preferences on various approaches to media literacy education? Our first hypothesis is that teachers in different parts of Taiwan with various levels of media consumption and teaching experience may lead to diverse perceptions of media. Teachers from the north part of Taiwan may have more access to media and relevant information. Therefore, they may view media literacy education as a priority. Moreover, younger teachers growing up in the media era may hold positive views than older ones and this may make them keen to adopt liberal approach to media literacy education. Our Second hypotheses is that teachers who have positive views towards media tend to hold liberal approach to media literacy education while others with negative views incline to protectionist approach.

Methodology The research applies quantitative methods of data collection. A questionnaire was employed for data collecting purpose. The questionnaire was semi-structured and consisted of both closed (rating scale and dichotomous questions) and open-ended questions. The rating scale employed

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was the Likert scale which provided ‗a range of responses to a given question or statement‘ (Cohen, Manion, and Morison, 2007, p. 326).

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Participants and Survey Instrument The method of recruiting participants is snowballing. The researchers first sent out an invitation letter to various primary schools that were randomly chosen from the list. Forty primary schools from the four parts, that is the north, east, west and south, of Taiwan have been chosen. Only two schools replied. For those schools that replied, a contact person was identified for disseminating and collecting the questionnaire. A self-stamped envelope was attached to each set of questionnaires that is twenty copies in total. Then, we also apply our social network to recruit some participants. These participants not only filled in the questionnaires themselves but also helping us get more participants. The number of questionnaires sent to these schools depending on how many participants were recruited by our contact person. The second means brought us the most responses. A total of 250 copies was sent out and 137 were returned. There is an information column in the beginning of the questionnaire to inform the participants about the purposes of this survey and their right to leave the questionnaire blank if they do not want to take part in this survey. The confidentiality of the data is also The participants were 137 Taiwanese primary school teachers. Sixty nine of them were female and the other thirty eight were male. More than half of them (54%) have teaching experiences ranging from 6 to 15 years, 35 percent of them were relatively new teachers (0 to 5 years teaching experience) and approximately 10 percent of them have taught more than 16 years. Almost half of them (43%) taught at the schools in the northern region, while only 18 of them taught at the schools in the southern region. Data used in the study were collected in 2009 through a survey questionnaire that asked the primary school teachers about how and to what extent they knew about media literature education. The instrument has two parts. The questions in the part one of questionnaire asked them about their perceptions with regard to media culture, media information and media consumption in general (e.g., I am comfortable with the media information that my students face everyday, I do not like my students to go to the internet cafe.). The questions in the second part of survey were directly relevant to media literacy. These items were designed to measure the extent to which the survey participants understood media literature (e.g.,

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media literacy education is to teach students to understand and to deal with some moral issues such as violence, sex, racism and drugs in mass media, media literacy education aims at unveiling the commercial essence of mass media). The survey items were measured on a five-point Likert scale (strongly agree = 5, strongly disagree = 1).

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Analysis The data analysis involves two stages. First, descriptive statistics were conducted to profile teachers‘ perceptions about media literacy education, based on gender, teaching experience and school location. Consequently, a series of cross-tabulations and chi-square tests were run to examine whether Taiwanese teachers‘ views on ‗media culture‘, ‗media information‘ and ‗media consumption‘ varied by gender, years of teaching experience and school location. For the second stage of our analysis, the 137 primary school teachers were classified as either liberal or protectionist. This grouping method was based on how they responded to the questions in Part II, which in a way reflected how they felt about today‘s media consumption. Similar to the analysis in stage one, we ran a series of cross-tabulations and chi-square tests to determine whether or not Taiwanese teachers labeled as ‗protectionist‘ and ‗liberal‘ perceived media literary education, ‗media culture‘, ‗media information‘ and ‗media consumption‘ differently. It should be noted that ‗media culture‘, ‗media information‘ and ‗media consumption‘ were scales that were a summation of a number of survey items related to each scale. The dependent variables were teachers‘ perceptions with regard to ‗media culture‘, ‗media information‘ and ‗media consumption.‘ The independent variables are gender (female =0, male =1), teaching experience (0-5 years=1, 6-10 years = 2, 11-15 years = 3, 16-20 years = 4 and more than 20 years = 5), school location (north=1, central =2, south =3, and east =4) and position on media (liberal =1, protectionist=2). All analyses employed a critical value of .1. (α = .1).

Findings Do teachers‘ perceptions with media information, media culture and media consumption vary by teaching experience and location of school?

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Descriptive statistics were used to profile and compare teachers‘ perceptions of media literacy education by gender, teaching experience and school location. Overall, Taiwanese primary school teachers tended to agree that media is the most important source in one‘s daily life (M = 3.86, SD = .52) and the main source of their students‘ popular culture (M = 4.53, SD = .56) (see Table 1). Although they seemed to be indifferent about the media information their students received everyday (M = 1.99, SD = .66), they were concerned about their students‘ consumption behavior such as time (M = 4.21, SD = .55) and type of media (M = 3.22, SD = .97). Nevertheless, teachers were unsure if they should be the ones who were responsible for teaching their students to understand the media their students consumed (M = 2.41, SD = .99).

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Table 1. Teachers’ perceptions of media information, media culture and media consumption by teaching experience and school location All teachers

New teachers

Experien ced teachers M/SD

Northern region

M/SD

Middlecareer teachers M/SD

M/SD

Nonnorthern region M/SD

Teachers‘ perceptions MEDIA INFORMATION Media is the most important information source in one‘s daily life.

M/SD

3.86/.52

4.61/.34

4.48/.33

4.50/.12

4.50/.62

4.54/.17

Media are the main source of students‘ popular culture.

4.53/.56

4.38/.34

3.27/.42

4.37/.61

4.35/.61

4.26/.28

I am comfortable with the media information that my students face everyday. +

1.99/.66

1.85/.55

1.86/.64

2.25/.89

1.92/.62

1.88/.69

4.15/.66

4.25/.46

4.10/.48

4.06/.68

4.10/.68

4.19/.42

MEDIA CULTURE School teachers should take more account of students‘ popular culture while teaching.

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Table 1. (Continued) All teachers

New teachers

Experien ced teachers M/SD 2.52/.72

Northern region

M/SD 3.00/.85

Middlecareer teachers M/SD 2.60/.78

M/SD 2.64/.78

Nonnorthern region M/SD 2.64/.85

Teachers‘ perceptions When students talk about their media culture, most of the content is hard for me to understand.

M/SD 2.64/.86

Going to the internet cafe is one of students‘ most popular activities.

4.18/.69

4.27/.24

4.17/.59

3.93/.63

4.25/.69

4.15/.52

I do not like my students to go to the internet cafe. +

3.81/.90

3.97/.71

3.70/.78

3.81/.63

3.64/.99

3.93/.64

Teacher should teach student how to understand media they consume everyday. +

2.41/.99

2.55/.99

2.25/.98

2.75/.78

2.18/.93

2.58/1.01

4.21/.55

4.10/.38

4.25/.31

4.28/.76

4.24/.46

4.21/.41

Students spend too much time using internet. ++

3.22/.97

2.93/.92

3.32/.92

3.62/.75

3.16/.95

3.27/.92

Schools should have regulation on preventing students from spending too much time on media use.

3.59/.84

3.59/.72

3.63/.75

3.37/.88

3.56/.82

3.61/.77

MEDIA CONSUMPTION Students spend too much time watching television.

Note: + significant at a .1 level and ++ significant at a .05 level. M = Mean and SD = standard deviation.

Overall, our findings showed that teachers‘ perceptions of media information, media culture and media consumption vary by teaching experience and location of school. With regard to teaching experience, it was

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the new teachers (0 to 5 years of teaching experience) who mostly felt that media is the most important source in one‘s daily life (M = 4.61, SD = .34) and the main source of their students‘ popular culture (M = 4.38, SD = .34). On the other hand, compared to new teachers and mid-career teachers, it was the experienced teachers (taught 15 year and above) who were largely concerned about the media information their students received each day (M = 2.25, SD = .89). Similarly, the experienced teachers tended to view that students spent too much time on internet activities (e.g., browsing the internet and going to internet café). Unsurprisingly, compared to middle-career and experienced teachers, the new teachers had the easiest time understanding students when they talked about media culture (M = 3.00, SD = .85). We then conducted a series of chi-square tests to see whether or not the perceptions of new, middle-career and experienced teachers with respect to media significantly different. Chi-square tests showed that there was a significant difference between teachers‘ perceptions with respect to the media information students received everyday (χ² = 10.49, df = 6, p < 0.10), the amount of time their students used the internet (χ² = 14.95, df = 6, p < 0.05), and their responsibility for teaching their students to understand the media content and information (χ² = 12.12, df = 6, p < 0.10). In this research, we also hypothesized that students attending schools in the northern part of Taiwan (areas nearby the capital city of Taipei) would be more exposed to various types of media, media information and culture. Hence, the teachers teaching at the schools in the northern region would be more concerned about media literacy education. Our descriptive statistics confirmed this proposition. That is, teachers in the northern schools took more notice that media were the main source of their students‘ popular culture nowadays (M = 4.35, SD = .61), compared to teachers teaching outside of the northern region (M = 4.26, SD = .28). Nevertheless, teachers from the northern schools (M = 1.92, SD = .62) and other regions (M = 1.88, SD = .69) felt uneasy about the content of media information their students explore everyday. Our chi-square tests showed that there was a significant difference between the perceptions of teaching at school near Taipei (northern region) and those teaching at schools located at other regions were significantly different with respect to the media consumption (i.e., going to internet café) (χ² = 4.63, df = 2, p < 0.10) and their responsibility for teaching their students to understand the media content and information (χ² = 6.33, df = 3, p < 0.10).

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Are The Perceptions of ‘Protectionist’ and ‘Liberal’ Teachers with Media Information, Culture, and Consumption Different from One Another? We also grouped the teachers in the sample by their position on media literacy (i.e., protectionist and liberal) to compare their perceptions of media information, culture, and consumption. With this grouping method, 82 primary school teachers were classified as ‗protectionist‘ and 16 of them as ‗liberal.‘ Both protectionist (M = 3.98, SD = .12) and liberal teachers (M = 3.98, SD = .12) either agreed or strongly agreed that media is the main source of their students‘ popular culture (see Table 2).

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Table 2. ‘Protectionist’ and ‘liberal’ teachers’ perceptions with media information, media culture and media consumption ‗Protectionist‘ teachers (n = 82) M/SD 4.55/.56

‗Liberal‘ teachers (n = 16)

Media are the main source of students‘ popular culture.

4.35/.59

4.37/.50

I am comfortable with the media information that my students face everyday.

1.90/.62

1.93/.68

4.20/.66

4.13/.71

When students talk about their media culture, most of the content is hard for me to understand.

2.61/.91

2.62/.88

Going to the internet cafe is one of students‘ most popular activities.

4.18/.73

4.06/.44

I do not like my students to go to the internet cafe. ++

3.96/.79

3.12/.71

Teachers‘ perceptions MEDIA INFORMATION Media is the most important information source in one‘s daily life.

MEDIA CULTURE School teachers should take more account of students‘ popular culture while teaching.

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M/SD 4.43/.62

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‗Protectionist‘ teachers (n = 82) M/SD

‗Liberal‘ teachers (n = 16)

2.42/.91

2.62/.74

4.23/.61

4.06/.44

Students spend too much time using internet (browsing, chatting, playing online game). +

3.29/.97

2.87/.47

Schools should have regulation on preventing students from spending too much time on media use.

3.70/.83

3.56/.72

Teachers‘ perceptions School teacher should teach student how to understand media they consume everyday. MEDIA CONSUMPTION Students spend too much time watching television.

M/SD

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Note: + significant at a .1 level and ++ significant at a .01 level. M = Mean and SD = standard deviation.

Both ‗liberal‘ (M = 1.90, SD = .62) and ‗protectionist‘ (M = 1.93, SD = .68) teachers did not feel comfortable with the media information their students received nowadays. Our descriptive statistics analysis also showed that the perceptions of ‗protectionist‘ teachers and ‗liberal‘ teachers with regard to media consumption were significantly different from on another. Compared to ‗liberal‘ teachers, ‗protectionist‘ teachers felt that their students consumed too much of media. More specifically, they felt the internet café was not an appropriate place for students (M = 4.23, MD = .61) and they felt their students spent too much time in cyberspace (M = 3.29, MD = .97). Parallel to our descriptive statistical analysis, our chi-square test results also confirmed that there was a significant difference between ‗liberal‘ and ‗protectionist‘ teachers‘ perceptions with respect to media consumption such as the amount of time their students spent at the internet café (χ² = 17.02, df = 3, p < 0.01) and the amount of time their students used the internet (χ² = 8.68, df = 4, p < 0.1). Overall, we found that the perceptions of ‗liberal‘ and ‗protectionist‘ teachers‘ perceptions with media culture and media consumption were significantly different. Their perceptions of media information was, however, not significantly different from one another.

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CONCLUSION

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Main findings are: 1) teachers‘ perceptions of media information, media culture and media consumption vary by teaching experience and location of school; 2) more specifically, experienced teachers and teachers at schools located in the northern part of Taiwan (near the capital, Taipei, and other big cities) expressed more concerns about the media information their students received, compared to their counterparts (less experienced teachers and teachers at schools located in the Southern, Eastern and Central regions); 3) teachers seemed to be indecisive about who should be responsible for educating their students with regard to media content and information, 4) ‗liberal‘ and ‗protectionist‘ teachers perceived media culture and media consumption differently, with the ‗protectionist‘ teachers usually hold a negative view about certain media and media consumption of their students, 5) consistent with our hypothesis, ‗liberal‘ teachers are more open with media culture and content their students‘ media consumption than are ‗protectionist‘ teachers. Although the policy text adopts a ‗protectionist‘ approach as discussed in the second part of the setting framework section of this chapter, it is interesting to find out that teachers do not exactly follow the policy. Their personal views or beliefs about media have stronger influences on how they perceive media literacy education. Moreover, the teachers in the northern part of Taiwan where media consumption and saturation are at the highest level in Taiwan express more concern about their students‘ media consumption. This is an important indicator that policy-makers and bureaucrats in education should be alerted to. Since there are various cross-curriculum theme in the current education reform movement in Taiwan, knowing of this regional difference in various educational agendas will be beneficial for policy-makers and bureaucrats in education to set priorities according to various needs.

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REFERENCES Ball, S. (1994). Education reform: a critical and post-structural approach. Buckingham: Open University Press. Ball, S. (2008). The education debate. Bristol, England: The Policy Press. Buckingham, D. (2003). Media education: literacy, learning and contemporary culture. Cambridge: Polity. Burn, A., and Durran, J. (2007). Media literacy in schools: pratice, production and progression. London: Paul Champman Publishing Ltd. Chen, S. (2006). Television and the health of children: the media educaiton movement of the American Academy of Pediatrics. Retrieved 2006, from http://www.mediaed.nccu.edu.tw/news/issue_08.htm Cheung, C.-K. (2004). Media education in Hong Kong schools: possibilities and challenges. Educational studies, 30(1), 33-51. Cheung, C.-K. (2005). The relevance of media education in primary schools in Hong Kong in the age of new media: a case study. Educational studies, 31(4), 361-374. Cheung, C.-K. (2009). Introduction. In C.-K. Cheung (Ed.), Media education in Asia (pp. 1-12). Heidelberg: Springer. Chou, C. (2003). The great experiment of Taiwanese education 1987~2003. Taipei: Psychological Publishing Co., Ltd. Cohen, L., Manion, L., and Morison, K. (2007). Research method in education (6th ed.). Oxon: Routledge. Fairclough, N. (1992). Discourse and social change. Cambridge: Polity. GIO. (1999). Taiwan's media in the democratic era. Retrieved from www.gio.gov.tw. GIO. (2009). The Republic of China yearbook 2009. Retrieved from http://www.gio.gov.tw/taiwan-website/5-gp/yearbook/ch16.html Lin, T. (2008). The development of media education in Taiwan: a study of discourse and policy. PhD Thesis, Institute of Education, University of London, London. Lin, T. (2009). New media and media literacy: a case study of media education policy in Taiwan. In M. Leaning (Ed.), Issues in information and media literacy: criticism, history and policy (pp. 49-70). Santa Rosa, CA: Informing Science Institute. Luke, C. (2003). Critical media and cultural studies in new times. In T. Lavender, B. Tufte and D. Lemish (Eds.), Global trends in media education (pp. 105-118). Cresskil, NJ: Hampton Press, INC.

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Magnier, M. (2005). The world: they can't handle the truth. Los Angeles Times, p. A.1. Masterman, L. (1985). Teaching about media. London: Routledge. McLaren, P., Hammer, R., Sholle, D., and Reilly, S. S. (1995). Rethinking media literacy: a critical pedagogy of representation. New York: Peter Lang. Ministry of Education. (2002). The White Paper on Media Literacy Education. Taipei: Ministry of Education Taiwan. Ozga, J. (2000). Policy research in educaitonal settings: contested terrain. Buckingham: Open University Press. Phillips, D., and Ochs, K. (2003). Processes of policy borrowing in education: some explanatory and analytical devices. Comparative education, 39(4), 451-461. Phillips, D., and Ochs, K. (Eds.). (2004). Educational policy borrowing: historical perspectives. Oxford: Symposium Books. Wu, S., and Chen, S. (2007). Media Literacy Education. Taipei: Chiuliu.

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Chapter 4

THE CHALLENGES OF MEDIA EDUCATION IN COERCIVE SOCIETIES: A CASE STUDY OF MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA (MENA) Ibrahim Saleh Copyright © 2012. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

University of Cape Town, South Africa

INTRODUCTION The history of education in the region reflects a controversial approach to education in general and to journalism education in specific. In the postcolonial period, governments introduced publicly-funded mass education systems with the aim of building their nations, securing political legitimacy and acquiring public support. The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region presents a challenge for journalism education. Although endowed with considerable natural resources and educated elite, the MENA region‘s record for establishing and maintaining political liberalization remains inconsistent. It is almost impossible to translate its resource wealth into an effective catalyst for reform, and overcome its current contradictory media and education scenes. Most of the traditional media in MENA are still operating under authoritarian systems, so their role are limited to advancing government policies, because they are at mercy of their governments, through licensing, legal action and financial assistance.

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The reason for using this metaphor "Dancing Naked in a Swamp" is to highlight the state of psychosis of media education in MENA has gone through, which has created a hype-making phase of delusions that have affected the whole being in MENA. And as the problem associated with swamps is oxidation of the thick peat deposits forming the soil resulting with cracking walls, broken underground pipes, and buckled roadways, is the current repercussions of the continuous misuse of media education that has completely blocked progress, and caused a drastic setback in the field with increasing cases of brain drain and societal disintegration and chaos, as well as political agitations that can harm the whole idea of nation building, pride and identity in the region. The metaphor her is used in a negative context to reflect the current turmoil and agitation at all levels and directions. The media education in MENA has failed to address its roles and functionality, though it was supposed to encourage the conditions of public discourse and life, but the 'Patron States' in MENA have always supported and advanced their own agenda. Such reality of media hegemony has prevailed for long failed to appeal to the public due to the influence of a powerful political and economic elite, who persistently imposed heavy-tones of censorship and opinionated reporting to justify their corrupt practices, and stimulated further the common practice of self-censorship (Saleh, 2009). The metaphor of "Dancing Naked in a Swamp" portrays the increasing deepening gap of the "fragmented worlds" (HDR 2002). Undoubtedly, what we refer to goes far beyond the physical access to media, because it embraces two main issues; accessibility, and framing in contrast to the pronouncements of many politicians in MENA, who claim that media education has reach, a state of maturity and abundance in the region. This research counter argues this thesis, and complies with the argument of (Jan van Dijk, 2005), which states that things are not that simple. In that context, van Dijk talked about two types of skills: The earlier includes; Temporal (time spent on different activities), material (income, and all other kinds of property), mental (knowledge, general social and technical skills), (Fadil, 2007) and social (social networks positions and relationships), and cultural. The latter aspect includes; motivational access (interrelation between the full appropriation of new digital technologies within the continuum between the have not and the wants not), material/physical (individuals possession of computer equipment, income, education, employment, occupation, and network connection with possible tools and mechanism. In addition, William Rugh (2004) have supported the argument and mentioned that the media in MENA are still subject to the authoritarian

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system, where they support and advance the policies of the government. The latter controls the media directly and indirectly through licensing, legal action, and financial assistance. Rugh classified media systems in the Middle East into four types: Mobilization is the system found in Syria, Libya, Sudan, and Iraq before 2003. Each experienced colonization and media developed political unrest. Their regimes directly control media and use legal means to attain their goals. Loyalist is the system found in KSA, Qatar, UAE, Bahrain, Oman, and Palestine. Each experienced linear development along the traditional lines of government ownership, ups and downs of freedom, and marginal role of political parties. Transitional is the system found in Egypt, Jordan, Tunisia, Algeria, and Iraq after 2003. The media is controlled by the government and is manipulated through legal means, resulting in self-censorship. Diversity is a less authoritarian system where government influence over the media is limited with strong advocacy of freedom of expression, such as in Kuwait, Yemen, Lebanon, and Morocco. The MENA region still faces an educational crisis as a result of the increase in the educational disparity within countries, a decrease in the quality of education despite high per capita education expenditures, and a mismatch between labour market needs and the output of educational systems (Khouri, 2007). This has coloured the whole education filed with deep scepticism concerning the quality of education, though there is little agreement as to why this is the case (Malaki, 2009). Nonetheless, educators have come under increasing scrutiny despite a scarcity of available studies on education quality in the region. This research aims to investigate the challenges facing media education in coercive societies like in MENA, while considering the possibilities of stipulating nation-building, and accelerating a coherent social progress in the light of three key domestic conditions: the persistence of the degree of democracy, the degree of social divisions, and the level of economic prosperity . The main research thesis here is developing strong linkage between individual resources, emancipating values on one hand and realizing media education based on freedom rights and full respect of civil liberties on the other hand. It is thus very vital to realize that the media education always needs good practice of democracy to function properly to keep up with the complexity, as well as the continuous changing environment. This notion "governance" is an integral competent of the dominant paradigm in the international relations theory. It offers a rather normative and explanatory vision with an exponentially expanding literature. Rosenau (1992) noted that

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governance is a more encompassing term than government, inclusive of nongovernmental actors, a "system of rule" without, necessarily, authoritative institutions, which functions because of it acceptance "by the majority (or, at least, by the most powerful of those it affects)..." (p. 4) It is thus indispensible to solve the problems of media education to be able to use to deal with the many illnesses burdening the development of the societies in MENA and to avoid the eventual collapse into military or business rule that suffer from harsh societal dissonance and encounter exacerbating inequality.

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SETTING THE SCENE OF MEDIA EDUCATION IN MENA Among the endless challenges of media education in MENA, is its difficulty to be translated? Besides, there is a popular overlap of using "media literacy" for "media education" in many cases including the non-native English speaking academic circles. For example, Raymond Williams in "Digital Young, Innovation, and the Unexpected" states that we can trace "literacy" to literature, which was once meant being knowledgeable according to standards of polite learning for a body of writing of nationally acknowledged esthetic merit. The use of ‗operational variables‘ in hybrid-imposed democracies like in MENA is usually very problematic. If we look at "literacy" as a notion only related to reading and writing, then "media literacy" will seem even more ambiguous. For example, the language use is a problem by itself, because there is a popular overlap of the notion of "media literacy" for "media education." Moreover, the "uses of literacy" have become increasingly subject to regulatory scrutiny and governance, and further worsened the escalating moral panics caused by the literate public yet uncritical (Drotner 1992). Though, it seems rational in a context that focuses precisely on the consequences of access without discernment. Among the problems of media education in MENA that its failure and limitation did not give room for the 'Trickle down principle' that allows the adoption of new technology that moves from higher to lower social classes of income, occupation, and education. In addition, this perplexity has caused a real dilemma in the ambiguity of what's up and what's down, though there is a collective sense of being fed up with everything, and a growing sense of alienation within societies in the region (Achebe, 1987, 45).

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This dark period of media education in MENA necessitates the collaboration of educators, politicians and educators to work together to help change communities. One possible kick off to realize this view is to look away from the formal media institutions and, instead, by considering innovative informal ways of "media education." As such (Haas and Haas, 1995) there should be emphasis on non-governmental participants in the process, by stipulating "epistemic communities," however the chronic failures of media and politics in MENA have carved a public space in which new groups could "attract a following, develop a bureaucratic form, and formulate policy alternatives" (Entelis, 1999). Such self-contained problem has transformed the societies in MENA into a stagnant silent societies, who live in a lie and dye in silence, (Saleh, 2009) especially that the public neither have access, nor allowed to embrace diversity in all of its aspects, leaving them entrapped in their daily problems without having the chance to think about media as a new window of development. It is very common to find pseudo patriotism and the acute fear from external threat. In the last world cup games, Egypt and Algeria had serious diplomatic crisis as a result of typical fights between fans at a time the crucial issues are completely disregarded. Besides, governments in MENA continue to manipulate media and the media education arena, and even commonly practice collective punishment, permanent harassment and harsh pervasive power against advocates and civil activists, through a series of unclear and restrictive laws and regulars that imposed heavy tones of censorship and hyped opinionated reporting to justify corrupt practices. Thus, any proposed reforms are not couched on paper, making a flagrant gap between the rhetoric of media education liberty and the reality of its double-standard policies. Such rhetoric resonates with how the media education faces unlimited challenges facing the authoritarian socio-political and economic structures under the autocracies prior to democratization. As an outcome is the dichotomy between the public waves of rage (Bellin, 1994) on one hand, and the isolation of elites into endless cycles of nepotism, and embezzlement and corruption on the other hand leaving the whole society, especially media education in a general phenomenon of "crisis of governance." Besides, the region is burdened with a common phenomenon of 'crisis of governance' (Dumont, 1996, 65). As media education lacks the authority to preserve the personnel, and implement curricula, transparency of dealing with problems, and the sufficiency well-trained educators who have accountability, and potentiality to

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believe in media education and develop their related the capacity-building and effectiveness. Making this connection between governance and sound media education is crucial in realizing a system of rule without, necessarily, authoritative institutions, which functions because of it acceptance by the majority or, at least, by the most powerful of those it affects (Rosenau, 1992).

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FACTS, STATISTICS AND MEDIA EDUCATION In the developing countries, there is a growing phenomenon of either not reading carefully the statistics, or trying to project a positive frame about the country that is motivated, by pride, or lack of knowledge, or even clash of interest to presume that every young man in the region wanders in the streets to their laptop! Most of the major educational and training programs in journalism and broadcasting in Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia and Libya suffer from serious difficulties posed by the political, legal and media structural factors in the application of professional skills acquired through mass communication education (Rampal, 2009). Observations made by journalists, students, academics and media administrators in these four Maghreb states reveal that a variety of political, legal, structural and cultural constraints are adversely affecting the professional practice of journalism and contributing to the disillusionment of an increasing number of professionally trained journalists. As a result, many of them turn away from journalism to enter advertising and public relations. A 'bottom-up' approach to journalism is proposed, meaning that journalists focus on politically neutral news values to be able to practice journalism professionally. Hence, there is an urgent need to differentiate between the fact and fiction. For example, the Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics reveals important facts: (Abd El-Wahab, 2009) Table 1. TV sets in Egypt Total number of devices TV sets 16, 580, 832

Number of Egyptian Households without TV 750,000

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It is needless to say that some households have more than one television at home (two or three), which accordingly means that there is an increasing number of Egyptian households with TV sets to follow up educational programs! Table 2. Computers in Egypt Total number of Computers 1,376,343

Total number of Internet Access 428,451

This means that only (32.1%) of the total family-owned households in Egypt! A pan Arab study titled: the ‗media and society project,‘ ― which is sponsored by the British Council, and was conducted by AC Nielson on a sample of (1210) of journalists and journalism and media students in 6 countries (Egypt, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Syrian, Palestine, and Lebanon), results projected the youth landscape and their preference and habits in MENA.

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Table 3. Youth Habits in MENA Watching National TV Reading Newspapers Hanging out with Friends Listening to Radio Surfing/navigation of Internet

(100%) (100%) (74%) (73%) (62%)

It is worth noting that this finding is based on a purposive non-probability sample in societies that are suffering from illiteracy, poverty, and illness. Hence, the Internet penetration is a far-fetched dream for the majority of the deprived societies with the exception of the petrol countries, that have limited locals in comparison to the expatriates living there as the case of UAE, and Qatar etc. In a project sponsored by USAID that aimed to find new methods and techniques to use media education to change knowledge, understand, and empower citizenship, by questioning the notions of balance, objectivity and ending self-denial syndrome, as well as giving ways to "Alternative media." The study included forty-eight journalists representing important local media from Qena and Beni-Suef (Southern governorates in Egypt) with the attempt to

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discuss the role of media can contribute to effective citizenship in an era of globalization. Table 4. Digital Literacy Comfort in using computers Knowledge of basic application Very Poor in computer skills Need to improve their skills Poor in computer skills

(8%) (47%) (11%) (30%) (4%)

The main objective of this study was to focus on opening ways of communication among different media players, instead of the current isolation, often based on misconceptions and/or conspiracy theories and most importantly on the potential role of local media in changing the social contract in Egypt.

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Table 5. Demographics of (24) Trainees Males

Females

Higher Education

Graduate Studies

(42%)

(58%)

(50%)

(25%)

No academic Degree (25%)

Average Income

Low Income

High Income

(75%)

(21%)

(4%)

The survey also tried to assess the journalists' perception before hand on journalism and media as a reflection of the present and a tool for change or empathy. Table 6. The competent of Media Education Mix of everything Priority to Media Ethics

(75%) (54.2%)

Most of the respondents (75%) believe that all of the aspects are needed to make a difference. It is a majority of choice, though it reflects a sense of denial that there will be change.

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Table 7. The Challenges Facing Media Education Politicizing Religion Reporting Opinion Social Contract, languages and transparency Weak content

(37.5%) (29%) (50%) (33.3%)

The respondents said that training and education (83.3%) is the best to invest within the globalization context, and also urged the need to adopt an appropriate model of "glocalization" will help the society after being involved in the interactive learning. Besides, there is a very positive indicator of the workshop when views favored the good impact of "glocalization" that will empower the civil society, and enhance citizenship and the democratization process. Table 8. Information Sourcing

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Internet TV Newspapers

(50%) (33.3%) (29.1%))

Most of the respondents (50%) use internet for information sourcing. This percentage reflects an irony and hope. Irony because it happens in a society with a majority of illiteracy and poverty, while hopeful because it closely relates digital literacy with information processing. It is needless to say that it is a purposive non-probability sample that cannot be generalized to the majority of the population in the MENA states. Table 9. Prospects of Improvement Little Potential Maximum Potential Need to change the laws and Regulations Media Structure and approach

(66.7%) (23.3%) (86.66%) (53.33%)

Many of the respondents believe that there is a little improvement, which reflect a continuous sense of uncertainty and fear due to the long years of oppression and harassment by the government. In addition, they even specified

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a number of issues, and added that they are separate issues but rather an accumulation of overlapping factors. Such problems include biased reporting, and mixing reporting with opinions as well as redundancy and absence of new journalism formats came were ranked first, each with (66.66%), while the lack of accuracy and mobilizing discourse came second each with (26.66%).

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SHOWCASE OF DANCING NAKED IN A SWAMP: THE ABU GHARIB TORTURE PHOTOS Having said so, the practice of media education and the outcome is a rational result of the current status of media education that has by far forfeited its goals and deviated against the interest of the public. When the torture news photos of Abu Ghraib prison scandal in 2004 took place almost all media businesses benefited from this scandal, and here businesses regardless their professional quality, nor their nationalities, though the pictures were perceived differently in various political and cultural contexts and indicated that "iconic news media images‖ can ―exert power in the shaping of news, politics, and public opinion" (Andén-Papadopoulos 2008). The pictures of abuse in Abu Ghraib were shocking as a result of the level of indignity the Iraqi‘s were made to suffer. Besides, the impact of the pictures was magnified, but the real irony is not just taking photographs of naked soldiers arranged into pyramids, but the human rights violations through their psychological and physical abuse of Iraqi prisoners. Sadly, the pictures only reflected a low key of such abuse and an obvious absence of media education, yet the repercussions on the tribal society in Iraq and the rest of the world were devastating (Kubin, 2009). As stated by Afif Sarhan, IOL Correspondent in his article "Rapist, Untouchable Iraqi Police," that one of the prisoners said: ―I was beaten more than four times per week, and sometimes I stayed the whole night inside a room being interrogated and tortured. After one month…they started to rape me every week. The prisoner added that one held a gun in my face while the other two guys rapped him continuously." Hanna Zuhair, spokesperson for Prisoners' Association for Justice (PAJ), added that victims suffer from complete nervous breakdown and commit

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suicide said, ―Many have tried to commit suicide, but no police officers were charged for what they have done." A report released in April 2007, by the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI) on human rights that stated 40 cases of ―honor killings‖ of women over just a period of three-month period in the governorates of Erbit, Duhok, Sulaimaniya and Salahuddin. These women were murdered by their own family members, in some cases burned alive, for alleged ―immoral‖ conduct! Another report by the Iraqi news agency (Awena) indicated that there were 289 burning cases resulting in 46 deaths of women in 2005, and 366 burning cases resulting in 66 deaths in 2006. In the meantime, the Emergency Management Center in "Erbil" cited 576 burning cases resulting in 358 deaths in that governorate since 2003 (Van Auken, 2007). In an article by Scott Higham and Joe Stephens (2004) in the Washington Post, Ameen Saeed AlSheik, detainee No. 151362 said:‖ They said we will make you wish to die and it will not happen [...]. They stripped me naked. One of them told me he would rape me. He drew a picture of a woman to my back and made me stand in shameful position holding my buttockBoth Iraqi jailers and WE raped Iraqi women who were held at Abu Ghraib prison. According to Iman Khamas, head of the International Occupation Watch Center, an NGO which gathers information on human rights abuses under coalition rule, one former detainee had been rendered unconscious for 48 hours: "She claimed she had been raped 17 times in one day by Iraqi police in the presence of American soldiers" (Kabbara, 2004) Also Mohammed Daham al-Mohammed said the Iraqi group he heads, the Union of Detainees and Prisoners, had been told of a mother of four, arrested in December2004, who killed herself after being raped by US guards in front of her husband at Abu Ghraib. Such count came from the woman‘s sister who said she had helped in the suicide (Kabbara, 2005). The woman was held by a US soldier by the hair to force her to look at her husband while he stripped her, then she was raped, while her husband cried out: ‗Allahu akbar‘ (English: ‗God is greatest‘), he added, quoting the sister. After her release the woman had begged her sister to help her die so she would not have to face her husband when he was freed.One former male prisoner, Amer Abu Durayid, 30, who was released from Abu Ghraib on 13 May 2004, told AFP he had seen women being taken into a room. ―They had to pass in front of our tent and cried out, ‗find a way to kill us‘, (Kabbara, 2004).

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DISCUSSION ABOUT THE SWAMP OF MEDIA EDUCATION IN MENA In the current setting, speaking truth to authorities is very dangerous because politicians contradict their acclaimed care and dust for authenticity. Hence, media education suffers from the milieu of setback in many aspects that vary from finance, resources, and technology, but most importantly the obscene for real functionality of media that make the process a tamed journalism or even just protocol news. In addition, the current mal-governance has further intensified the repercussions of any serious steps taken to liberate media education, which obviously gave way to displacement of the discontented public into unregulated informal underground sectors, and illegal activities like different kinds of extremism including religious, social and human trafficking. In MENA, most of the public, journalists, and even academics either do not read carefully the facts, or review the history objectively, in case there is sufficient literature or research at the first place .The paradox here lies in the delusions reflected by most of the MENA governments‘ statements about the educational plans, and the current status quo. Possible reasons might be pride and self-denial, lack of knowledge, and clash of interests Having said so, there are three main categories of challenges facing media education in MENA; including Contextual, Structural, and Functional. The contextual aspect includes Tripple-edged syndrome of illness, poverty, and illiteracy, colonial past, and the confused political model of between semi-feudal, and semi-capitalist reality. Besides, the "Identity Crisis" as a result of the conflict between the self and the society with regard to the many unresolved issues/conflicts that caused a growing phenomenon of "Group Think" and societal dissonance have remolded the idea of "Nation" and "Pride‖ that toned how the public in MENA perceive the importance of civic engagement, social inclusion, and local self-development. Such context has led to further political instability and social unrest, and the continuous declining levels of three key domestic conditions: democracy, social divisions, and economic prosperity. That stipulated the media scene in MENA in a loop of ccontrasting odds and vicious circles of liberalization and de-liberalization (Saleh, 2009). The structural side includes Conflict between market imperfections and the skill premium of journalism students, the widespread of unemployment and the difficulty finding new jobs, and the unsatisfactory salaries, and the

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ddouble jeopardy of the continuous brain drain of skilled educators on one hand, and the absence of insight to the nature of the societies by foreign management of educational institutes. As a result, there is a continuous process of legitimizing coercion, political "PR-ization" by using social and political taboos to block investigative reporting and the promotion of a bold journalism educational system. And in 1981, at the Second Conference of Arab Ministers of Justice in Sana'a, the capital of Yemen, the "Sana'a Strategy" unified domestic legislation to restrict freedom of expression and diffusion of ideas related the publishing books and newspapers; including the penal codes, media regulation laws, printing laws, civil servant laws, political parties laws, and national security laws (Bassiouni, 2007). The functional aspect of the current challenges facing media education lies in the copycat adoption of western curricula without any localization of the model, and not even following the UNESCO frame of reference. Besides, there is an imbalanced direction of media education, whether to follow theoretical education and practical orientation instead of emphasizing parallel systems to cater the needs of the job market. As a result, most of the media education in MENA revolves around mere branding with a foreign "trademark" without real care, interest, or intention to implement quality assurance in their media curricula. There is an obvious inequality in salary distribution so foreign media educators working in the region take much higher salaries with no justification and even when they are of very poor credentials! In addition, the curbing working conditions leave the staff members with little time for preparation and improving any related knowledge and expertise. The media education programmes in the private universities are almost turned into bad oldfashioned schooling environment, in which the focus is to pamper the students (customers) to please the higher administration (Saleh, 2010a). Many media departments of media education became a place for hopeless or desperate students who learn nothing, or just old-fashioned approaches. And the rest of the get the license to attempt finding a job (if they actually find in this economically exhausted region), and deceiving the students, by telling them that their degrees are enough to work, though many of them remain jobless or become too desperate so they get employed in mismatched jobs or accept jobs and turn into disguised employment. Of course, this is not the case all the time, yet it has become almost the case everywhere (Saleh, 2010a). Another major problem revolves around the curricula taught in media education that shows a distinctive Western structure without any adaptations in

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almost everywhere in private, quasi-governmental, and national journalism departments with variations of the quality of education involved. And in most of the situations, there is an imbalance between theoretical education and practice represents another dilemma cornerstone in the current collapse of media education programs (Saleh, 2010b). Even the American University in Cairo (AUC), one of the major educational institutes in the Middle East, faces the usual friction from some of the faculty resisting, or even blocking change due to the lack of skills and vision, where internal conflict and race for positions come at the deterioration of quality of education. For example, there is a professor teaching on-line journalism course, though not familiar with almost any of the related skills, or even another professor who teaches graphic design while using soft ware that are not valid any more in the market so students graduate without acquiring the necessary skills (Saleh, 2010 ). In many cases, one could find almost everywhere in MENA, the faculty hired for personal reasons, and remain in position for 18 years without developing their research, and teaching skills. And most of the private and quasi-governmental departments seek branding themselves with a foreign "trademark." They like to affiliate with foreign institutions for marketing and public relation reasons without real care, interest, or intention to implement quality assurance in their journalism curricula. One could sum up the main challenges facing media education in MENA as follows: The marginal endorsement of freedom of expression and the press, while ignoring other basic human needs, and the superficial approach to freedom and democracy, which results in the marginalization of the interests of the majority to preserve the ruling minority‘s interests. Besides, the governments‘ subjugation to major regional issues such as the invasion of Iraq, «Islamophobia» and the «resentment and tyranny» motivated by hatred for the Arab-Israeli conflict, and the official simplistic analysis of multifaceted complexities that gave way to a perception of fear from the Green Danger, or the establishment of a Muslim State in Egypt and other MENA states (Saleh, 2010a).

CONCLUSIVE REMARKS From an educational perspective, a more nuanced approach to media education-related interventions and, in some cases, a reassessment of existing practices that have proven failure may be useful in improving the current

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curricula. To be effective, media educators need to have a clear understanding of which inputs and instructional processes increase student learning and which can be reduced without seriously compromising achievement, yet many lack this awareness in the MENA states. Furthermore, there has been a lack of consensus to date regarding the relative importance of the different inputs, which has impeded effective collective action. In the macro level, most of the MENA governments have not yet adopted an organisational approach to education quality that emphasises incentives and accountability. For example, the lack of using incentives to help create a motivational drive to make media educators improve their skills and teaching practice towards the promotion of higher education quality. This situation reflects an obvious regional dysfunctional political system that aggregate power among a small elite. The main argument of this research is not just raising the question of changing media education policies, but rather dealing with the much bigger issue of Dancing Naked in Swamp of social coercive behavior and spinning lies and misunderstanding about each other that almost eroded communication and made media education a dead structure in MENA. Another result to the current media swamp is the fact that younger generations, who are the main target audience for consumption are very suspicious of the rising sensationalism in the media, and there is a consensus response to media coverage is always perceived in a conspiracy theory mechanism, as well as the superficial coverage caused younger generations to miss a number of hard-hitting reports and editorials. One can relate this point to the scandal of Abu Gharieb and how the society in Iraq has been affected. There is an obvious regional dysfunctional political system that aggregates power among a small elite. Having said so, there is a necessity of changing the power flow direction of communication between the governments and the public. In the current media education swamp, there is no way out without engaging the educators, and empowering a consensus and democratic debate in which all members of society are entitled to deal with the process of media education development, especially within those with lower levels of education and those living in rural areas, generally less aware of their rights. A priority must be given to address the problems of terminology and definitions. For example, the current digital literacy directs the process of understanding and using information in multiple formats from a wide range of resources, though what we need to work at is media education that could help boost the analytical skills needed to possess the audio-visual content.

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In sum, there is an inseparable relationship between media education platforms of various capacities for independence from regime control and their effect on political rights in the MENA. To address this, education ministries across the region must employ strategies to educate the educators and better prepare them for the media programmes, through the introduction of new teaching methods. This can be attained with orientation sessions with the required educational components such as prerequisite knowledge and different beliefs as to what constitutes effective teaching. Hence, the basic concern of media education in MENA is with assessing the decision-making process, as well as the related political media-ization of the process of legitimizing and enforcing the rule of law, while observing the civil liberties and local governance in these developing societies. It is thus only possible to experience the emergence of a solid media education structure through a socio-political and economic popular peopleoriented progress. Nevertheless, the current cosmetic progress as a top down imposed movement be-leagued by domestic discontent and external pressure and buffered by economic crisis, deep cleavage, which means short evidence. It is not doubtful that responsibility for implementing media education reforms in MENA requires a thoughtful application of inputs, an effective application of incentives, and clear and consistent accountability measures, all undertaken by means of partnerships between education authorities, parents and communities.This process of reform must be supported by media education experts with skills and vision to provide a new niche of public sphere that can aggregate views about standards and creation of enlightened citizenry that is reflective of social mixes within individual societies. Without doubt, such political reform toward classical liberal values is a step to engage with adequate media literacy and good governance. The existing phenomenon of ministers of information executing the agenda of the state to control the media and shape their content must be put to an end immediately. The complexity of the current situation block the emerging activism of the expanding population of a predominately poor, illiterate youth; and to limit the growing audience for radical Islamist groups in the media, especially on TV, by offering news coverage of events through a prism of individual and collective humiliation and resentment. It is thus trivial to think that media could be a communication tool without empowering it with the capacity to stipulate good governance through governments' effective assistance. What is suggested here is to have media used as localized participatory democracy with maximum self-sufficient. In the meantime, media should aim

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to focus on the participatory, and the deliberative side of public spheres (Anderson and Geoff, 2007). The first focus should direct towards the level of citizens‘ participation in public life within political parties and outside them too, where media education solves problems, while the second focus should be on engaging the public in timely issues to foster rational public discussions. Breaking down the artificial academic barriers separating various fields is a mandatory action to deal with the "contentious politics," social movements, revolutions, ethnic conflict, by going beyond the structurally oriented work. Strengthening media education could help address such pressing needs and problems on their own, and mobilize demoralized government bureaucracies. Among the many profound challenges facing good governance is the threat to power structures because regional governments want to maintain their manipulation their dominance, and never allow any expansion of civil liberties to ensure being followed. This process of reform must be supported by media education experts with skills and vision to provide a new niche of public sphere that can aggregate views about standards and creation of enlightened citizenry that is reflective of social mixes within individual societies. Without doubt, such political reform toward classical liberal values is a step to engage with adequate media literacy and good governance.

REFERENCES Achebe, C. (1987). Anthills of the Savannah. London: William Heinemann. Arab Republic of Egypt: Constitution, Law Library of Congress, (29 December 2006) [cited 3 June 2006]. Available from the World Wide Web: http://www.loc.gov/law/guide/egypt.html Abd ElWahab, S. (2009). Human Development Reports: 14 million households do not have computers and only 430 thousand families common to the Internet. And more than 750 thousand families do not own TV sets from the ground up. Al-Fagr Online, Newsroom, Issue 225, 26/10/2009, http://www.elfagr.org/index.aspx Anderson, P.J and Ward, G. (2007). The Future of Journalism in the Advanced Democracies. Hampshire: Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. Anén-Papadopoulos, K. (2008): The Abu Ghraib torture photographs. News Frames, Visual Culture, and the Power of Images. Journalism, 9(1), ( 530).

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Bassiouni, C. (2007). A Compilation of Legislative Laws and Regulations of Select Arab Legal Systems. JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS Technical Assistance Projects in Afghanistan and Iraq Activities 2003-2006, International Human Rights Law Institute at DePaul University (IHRLI). (http://216.239.59.104/search?q=cache:qsKFzFQViUJ:www.isisc.org/public/B rocDesigned.pdf+A+Compil ation+of+Legislative+Laws+and+Regulations+of+Selected+Arab+Legal+Syst ems.andhl=enandct=clnkandcd=6) Bellin, E. (1994). Civil Society: Effective Tool of Analysis for Middle East Politics? PS: Political Science and Politics, Vol. 27, No. 3 (1994), p. 510. Drotner, K. (2000). Difference and diversity: trends in young Danes' media uses. Media, Culture and Society, Vol. 22, No. 2, 149-166. Dumont, R. (1996). False Starts in Africa. London: Sphere Books. Entelis, J. (1999). State-Society Relations: Algeria as a Case Study. In Mark Tessler (ed.), Area Studies and Social Science: Strategies for Understanding Middle East Politics (16-20). Bloomington: Indiana University Press, p.16. Fadil, M. (2007). Media Literacy: A Tool to Combat Stereotypes and Promote Intercultural Understanding: United Nations Literacy Decade. UNESCO Regional Conferences in Support of Global Literacy (Doha, 12 – 14 March 2007). Haas, P.M. and Haas, E. B. (1995). Learning to Learn: Improving International Governance. Global Governance, 1 No. 3, (225-284). Sept-Dec. 1995. Higham, S. and Stephens, J. (2004). New Details of Prison Abuse Emerge Abu Ghraib Detainees: Statements Describe Sexual Humiliation And Savage Beatings. The Washington Post, May 21, 2004. (http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn/A437832004May20?language=printer) van Dijk, J. A.G. (2005). The Deepening Divide: Inequality in The Information Society. London: SAGE Publications Ltds. Kabbara, R. (2004): Human rights groups: Iraqi women raped at Abu Ghraib jail. Middle East Online:2004-05-29. (http://www.middle-eastonline.com/english/?id=10096,4May 2009). Kabbara, R. (2005). Closed nature of Iraqi society made claims difficult to verify, women prefer to die rather than talk. Middle East on-line, 2004-0529. (http://www.middle-east-online.com/english/?id=10096-4 May 2009).

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Khouri, R. (2007). The Arab Story: The Big One Waiting to Be Told. In the G. Nieman Reports, Summer2007, Vol. 61, Issue 2, (p10-11). .New York, US. Kubin, K. (2009). Lessons from Abu Ghraib and the pictures that exposed it. Politics. GeoClan.com. May 4, 2009. (http://www.geoclan.com/ politics/articles/04/june/lessons.htm4 May 2009). Livingstone, S. (2008). Digital Young, Innovation, and the Unexpected: Internet Literacy: Young People's Negotiation of New Online Opportunities. Massachusetts, USA: Institute of Technology. Melki, J. (2009). Journalism and Media Studies in Lebanon. Journalism Studies, Vol. 10, No 5 (672-690). Rampal, K. R. (2009). Disparity Between Journalism Education and Journalism Practice in Four Maghreb States, Global Media Journal, The American Edition, Volume 8, Issue 14, Article 2, Spring 2009. (http://lass.calumet.purdue.edu/cca/gmj/sp09/gmj-sp09-rampal.htm). http://lass.calumet.purdue.edu/cca/gmj/sp09/gmj-sp09-rampal.htm Rima Khalaf, R H., Abdel Latif Youssef El Hamed, A. Y. and Nader Fergany, N. (2002). Arab Human Development Report 2002.UN Development Program. (http://hdr.undp.org/en/reports/regionalreports/arabstates/name,3140,en.html) Rosenau, J. N. (1992). Governance without Government: Order and Change in World Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rugh, W. A. (2004). Arab mass media: Newspapers, radio, and television in Arab politics. Westport, CT: Praeger. Saleh, I. (2010 a). In the Foggy Middle East: Just Wars Remain the Name of the Game. In Ashwani Kumar Editor and Dirk Messner Editor (Eds.), Power Shifts and Global Governance: Challenges from South and North, Managing Global Governance, (265-288). Delhi, India, Anthem Press. Saleh, I. (2010b). Walking on Eggshells: Journalism Education in the Middle East. Brazilian Journalism Research Volume 6, number 1, (78-89). Saleh, I. (2009). Media Literacy in MENA: Moving Beyond the Vicious Cycle of Oxymora. Journal of Media Education Comunicar, Comunicar, 32, 1, (155-176). Saleh, I. (2008). Violence, Spin, and "Otherness" in Arab Civil Society. The International Journal of Not-for-Profit Law, Volume 10, Issue 2. (http://www.icnl.org/knowledge/ijnl/vol10iss2/art_3.htm). Saleh, I. (2007). Local Media, Communication and Citizenship: Media Education Project. Qena and Beni Suef: Partnership Program for

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Democracy and Governance (PPDG) -Hewar funded by USAID, Implementing agencies CARE/IREX. Saleh, I. (2005). Social issues through the eyes of the media Project. British Council. Retrieved June 22, 2006, from (http://www.britishcouncil.org/ egypt-society-media-programme.htm) Saleh, I. (2003). Unveiling the truth about the Middle Eastern media. Privatization in Egypt: Hope or Dope? Cairo: CMC Press. Topouzis, D. (1990). Wangari Maathai: Empowering the Grassroots. Africa Report, vol.35, no.5, (31-32). Van Auken, B. (2007). The US war and occupation of Iraq: the murder of a society. World Socialist Website: International Committee of the Fourth International (ICFI). 21 May2007. (http://www.wsws.org/articles/2007/ may2007/irq2-m21.shtml-4 May 2009).

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Chapter 5

THE PLIGHT OF MEDIA EDUCATION AND RESEARCH IN ARAB HIGHER EDUCATION Jad Melki

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American University of Beirut, Beirut, Lebanon

INTRODUCTION Arab media studies began at two academic institutions in Egypt in the mid 1930s and slowly began spreading to a handful of Arab countries—Tunis, Algeria, Sudan, Iraq and Lebanon—in the subsequent three decades (Abu Bakr, Labib and Kandil, 1985; Al-Jammal, 1991). However, the field remained small until the late 1980s and witnessed a sudden growth in the ensuing decade, immediately following the rapid expansion of Arab satellite and digital media (Ayish, 1998). By the debut of the 21st century, most Arab countries had multiple media studies programs. Across the Arab world today, academic media programs and training centers continue to mushroom, especially in the Arab East and Arab Gulf regions. In fact, a 1981 UNESCO report found ―30 institutions for journalism and communication education‖ in 17 out of 25 Arab states (Abdel Rahman, 1991). Today, the combined number of media programs in Egypt, U.A.E., and Lebanon alone exceeds that count. The same UNESCO report estimated the number of enrolled media students at 4,330. Compare that to 4,011, the estimated number of media studies students enrolled at Lebanese universities

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during the 2007-2008 academic year (Ministry of Education, 2001-2009). Furthermore, according to the Chronicle of Higher Education:

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Over the last several years, the number and quality of journalism and media programs in Arab countries have sharply increased. Eager Arab students—and also American degree seekers wanting to study journalism in a non-Western locale—can receive world-class journalism training without ever setting foot in Chapel Hill, Berkeley, or Syracuse. (Martin, 2010, Para. 2)

Recently, Northwestern University established a media studies program in Qatar (Martin, 2010). In Jordan, the EU commission and consultants from Columbia University and the American University of Beirut (AUB) helped establish the Jordan Media Institute, which opened its doors in September 2009 to the first cohort of MA students. The same donors are helping Yarmouk University in Jordan start a new MA in media studies too. In Syria, Damascus University‘s department of media studies at the Faculty of Arts plans to expand into an independent college in fall 2010. In Iraq, UNESCO engaged 25 media academics in multiple workshops to revamp their media curricula. In Lebanon, at least 10 new media programs were established or expanded since 1995. Similarly, over a dozen media studies programs broke grounds in the U.A.E. in the past ten years, with the American University of Sharjah (AUS), Zayed University (ZU), and the American University in Dubai (AUD) attracting many students from around the Gulf region and from among the vast expatriate community in that region. In addition, Michigan State University recently established a program in media technology in Dubai, and New York University began offering media courses in Abu Dhabi (Martin, 2010). Egypt‘s American University in Cairo (AUC) has recently inaugurated its state-of-the-art media program at its new campus, where it offers three BAs and two MAs. The American University of Beirut (AUB) has made a strategic decision to expand its media programs, through the current offering of a diploma in media communication, an MA in media studies, a non-academic journalism training program, and several future multidisciplinary mediarelated majors and minors at the graduate and undergraduate levels. There is no doubt the field of media studies continues to boom across the Arab world, but this rapid expansion has met numerous obstacles that continue to negatively affect the quality of media education and research across the region. This chapter delineates these problems and offers recommendations for improving Arab media studies—a term used loosely to encompass the various

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The Plight of Media Education and Research in Arab Higher Education 85 media-related sub-fields, such as journalism, communication, mass communication, etc, offered at universities across the Arab world. The chapter relies on current and past studies and on original data acquired from interviews with forty-six media studies educators teaching at Arab universities.

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DEARTH OF QUALIFIED ARAB MEDIA FACULTY The shortage of qualified media studies faculty remains the most daunting unresolved problem ever since the debut of media studies in the Arab world (Al-Sawi and Kandil, 1978; Abu Bakr et al., 1985; Abdel Rahman, 1991; Melki, 2009; Al-Abdallah, 2009). This problem has had a lasting negative effect on the quality of students, curricula and research, and still plagues the field to this day. Media studies programs dealt with this shortage in four ways, none of which proved sustainable in the long run or even fruitful in short run. Importing Professors from Outside the Field.When the field was still young, and media studies faculty were a rare breed worldwide, Arab media studies departments resorted to attracting instructors from other disciplines, such as literature, languages, sociology, and history (Abdel Rahman, 1991). Even worse, some ―institutions…recruited…persons holding ‗doctorate‘ degrees…most universities do not recognize‖ (Abdel Rahman, 1991). This approach often created incoherent departments staffed with faculty who possessed poor knowledge of the field and lacked practical experience of its various professions. Unable or uninterested in teaching skills or updating their knowledge of the field, these professors often resorted to focusing on the memorization of imported theories, many of which were outdated, irrelevant to the local societies, and even unrelated to the field and program objectives (AlSawi and Kandil, 1978). In addition, instead of offering a multidisciplinary flavor to the study of media and communication, the gathering of faculty from various disciplines with no common interest in media studies sometimes led to the marginalization of the media field itself and created protracted internal political conflicts between the faculty, each of whom pushed for their own discipline to dominate. Hiring part-time professionals. During the same early period and to alleviate consequences from the first approach of hiring Ph.D.s with little or no knowledge of the field and profession, some departments opted for part-time professionals who did not necessarily have any higher education (Al Sawi and Kandil, 1978; Abdel Rahman, 1991). Some of these trainers were imported from abroad and had little or no understanding of the local media and society.

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But even many of the hired locals lacked professional skills—their appointment being the result of widespread practices of nepotism and favoritism, a topic discussed later. Instead of providing a balance of theories and skills, this approach that combined Ph.D.s from non-media fields with professionals who lacked academic and research training, created more rifts among media instructors, brought public criticism that questioned the relevance of media programs at universities, and generated a bad reputation for the field (Al-Muhtaseb, 2008). Sponsoring Arabs to study abroad. The third strategy had limited success initially but did not meet its goals in the long term. It entailed sponsoring Arab students to study abroad, especially in the West (Al-Jammal, 1991), or hiring Arabs living and studying abroad who were willing to return to the Arab world, particularly those with doctoral degrees from the US, UK, or France. On the one hand, many of these instructors had excellent academic training in the field and many tended to know Arabic and understand the local cultures, in addition to feeling committed and loyal to their native countries. On the other hand, despite the ability to understand and speak colloquial Arabic, many professors‘ poor Standard Modern Arabic skills prohibited them from teaching, researching, and writing in Arabic, and most in fact taught and wrote in English or French. Furthermore, some sponsored students ended up studying abroad in non-media fields—mainly education—or went to unrecognized and poor colleges (Al-Jammal, 1991). In addition, many uncritically taught Western media theories and concepts putting little or no effort toward adapting them to their local countries, or organically creating new theories (Al-Jammal, 1991). More importantly, a substantial number of them in recent years opted to return to the Western countries where they studied—some never returned to their native Arab countries in the first place—having been lured by higher salaries, prestigious positions, and comfortable lifestyles in the West. Even many of those who did settle back in the Arab world chose the higher salaries of the Arab Gulf institutions. Al-Muhtaseb (2008) recounted the difficulties Yarmouk University faced in recruiting qualified professors from the start of the program. Established in 1980 in Jordan, the department could not fill its vacant positions throughout the first five years, and it only did so in the mid 1980s after sending students abroad to earn their doctorates. In the early 1990s, however, Yarmouk‘s media department faced a mass migration of its media faculty due to the boom of higher education in the Gulf and the more attractive salaries their universities offered. Al-Muhtaseb noted that, by then, the program‘s reputation had already

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The Plight of Media Education and Research in Arab Higher Education 87 received a major hit, and public calls for its closure were only silenced by the interference of Jordan‘s King, who reconfirmed its relevance. The one exceptional success in sponsoring Arab students to study abroad came from Kuwait. Kuwait University was able to staff its media program almost entirely from Kuwaiti citizens who were sponsored to get their masters and doctoral degrees from the US and UK. The key to this success lies in the extremely high salaries the university offers compared to other Arab countries, a point discussed below. No doubt the salary factor played a major role in dissuading Kuwait‘s professors from leaving to another Arab country or returning to the West. Parachuting down media professors. More recently many new programs imported American and European professors of media studies into their often ―parachuted‖ media programs—a term that disparagingly refers to many new Arab-funded university programs established by US and European universities mainly in the Arab Gulf. Take for instance the numerous programs established in Qatar‘s Education City by Northwestern, Carnegie Mellon, Georgetown, Cornell, Texas AandM, and Virginia Commonwealth (Martin, 2010). These programs and professors came at a staggering cost that brought accusations of profiteering intentions rather than genuine Western academic and scholarship aims. Consequently, many of the sometimes-dubbed ―mercenary professors‖ were accused of having no interest beyond the extremely high salaries the institutions exclusively offered them but not their Arab peers—a point discussed later. Mostly ignorant of the local societies and their languages, these foreign instructors taught in English and often copied curricular and training material intended for foreign societies without any adaptation to the needs of the locality (Al-Jammal, 1991). Some Arab scholars even questioned the competence of these foreign professors and trainers altogether, claiming they would have never accepted working in the Arab world were they able to find jobs in their own countries (Dajani, 1978, pp. 1-7, as cited in Al-Jammal, 1991). While not denying the existence of such ―mercenary professors,‖ we have to acknowledged the numerous qualified foreign professors who have shown indisputable commitment to the communities and institutions where they work and live, especially those who have painstakingly learned the Arabic language and have spent most of their lives researching genuine Arab media issues. While this last approach to ―importing‖ media faculty—and in some cases entire programs—has received some criticism from Arab and Western scholars, its long-term results are yet to be seen. Some of the immediate negative outcomes included the lack of institutional memory and rapid change

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in institutional culture caused by the frequent change in faculty members (D. Burns, personal communication, May 12, 2009). In addition, these Western institutions and faculty exacerbated the language disparity discussed in the next section. The obvious question here pertains to the root of this problem: Why have Arab universities not produced enough media professors? To this day, very few universities in the Arab world offer doctoral degrees in media studies, and none of them have been widely recognized or viewed as equal to Ph.D. degrees from Western universities. In fact, until very recently, only the University of Cairo‘s Faculty of Communication offered doctoral degrees in this field (Abu Bakr et al., 1985; Mellor, 2007). But even this well-established university that houses the oldest media program in the Arab world has been criticized for the low quality of doctoral graduates it produces, mainly due to the extremely low ratio of faculty to students. One University of Cairo professor was recently heard complaining that he advised almost 100 master‘s theses and doctoral dissertations in just one year (N. Dajani, personal communication, July 30, 2010). Even back in 1985, Abu Bakr et al. reported that three professors in 1976 supervised a combined 81 theses and 18 dissertations while teaching full course loads (p. 45). In addition, the few newly founded doctoral programs—particularly those in Algeria and Lebanon—have yet to establish a reputable name. Even the venerable Faculty of Information and Documentation at the Lebanese University (LU)—whose undergraduate journalism program is highly regarded by the industry—has been plagued with administrative and curricular issues and has yet to graduate its first cohort of doctoral students. In addition, and to reconfirm Arab universities‘ doubt in their ability to produce quality doctorates, LU‘s Ph.D. program requires two professors to supervise the dissertation, one from LU and another from a different country—usually France. Another small university in Lebanon, Al-Jinan, graduated in 2008 two doctoral students who quickly discovered that their degrees were worthless— not recognized by the Lebanese government nor by most universities in the region (M. Abdallah, personal communication, August 29, 2010). The few Algerian universities that offer doctoral programs also suffer from similar credibility issues although they seem to have a growing reputation among Arab media scholars and the industry. At the same time, the most prestigious Arab institutions have yet to establish their doctoral programs in media studies. For instance, neither the American University in Cairo (AUC)—which has the second oldest and one of the most highly regarded journalism and media programs, nor the American

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The Plight of Media Education and Research in Arab Higher Education 89 University of Beirut (AUB)—which is widely regarded as the top liberal arts research university in the Arab world, have established Ph.D. programs in media. In addition to not producing qualified faculty, most Arab media programs are even unable to retain their own faculty, mainly due to their inability to compete with the higher salaries offered elsewhere. Here, the numbers vary drastically from one country to another. Preliminary results from a survey of Arab media faculty reveals that salaries in Algeria, Syria, and Yemen average less than $1,000 per month. The average increases to $3,000 in Jordan and $4,000 in Lebanon, while reaching $7,000 in the U.A.E. and $9,000 in Kuwait. But the salaries also vary dramatically within each country and sometimes within the same institution. For instance in Lebanon, professors at the private AUB get paid more than triple that of professors at the public LU. Even worse, several professors from one Egyptian university complained that the salaries of some veteran Egyptian professors are as low as one third of the salary of some new foreign faculty. In one case, a foreign instructor with no graduate degree earned substantially higher than the media department chairperson, who was an Egyptian citizen and graduate. This has led to accusations of discrimination against local citizens and local degrees, where non-citizens and/or foreign graduates received significantly higher pay, even when they were less qualified. One colleague living and working abroad and carrying dualcitizenship said if he were to apply for work in the Arab world, he would hide his Arab citizenship (A. Ibrahim, personal communication, August 22, 2009). Aside from securing a sufficient supply of media studies professors, the issue of quality remains a problem. Today, professors in Arab media studies departments vary widely in quality, ability, and specialty. Many, as mentioned earlier, are overloaded with teaching and administrative work, to the point of having no time left for conducting research, academic mentoring of new faculty, or proper advising for graduate students (Al-Sawi and Kandil, 1978). In many cases media professors double as media experts, trainers, consultants, practitioners, and even politicians (Pies, 2008, p. 173), often at the cost of their work as researchers—a topic discussed in a later section. Poor Arabic Language Skills, Poor Foreign Language skills, or both .Abu Bakr et al. (1985) concluded that media studies students have a weak command of the Arabic language—a problem ubiquitous across the Arab world regardless of discipline. But their study also noted that most Arab students do not possess strong foreign language skills either, and in many cases lack both Arabic and foreign-language skills. At that time, ―the language of instruction in schools of journalism and mass communication in the Arab

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world [was] Arabic, except in the two American Universities in Cairo and Beirut, where they [used] English…[although] all efforts towards Arabicization have not been able to overcome a deep-rooted colonial legacy. That is why French [was] still dominant in Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco‖ (Abdel Rahman, 1991). Today, the number of media programs teaching primarily in English has eclipsed the primarily Arabic-language media programs, adding to the poor state of Arabic skills but not necessarily improving the foreign language skills. In fact, the poor command of a foreign language remains a primary obstacle to acquiring up-to-date knowledge (Barry, 2005). The issue of weak Arabic skills has become worse with the proliferation of foreign-language—mainly US—schools and universities that dramatically marginalized Arabic in their curricula. Take Lebanon, Jordan, Qatar, and the U.A.E. as examples: Most if not all Lebanese schools and universities require a foreign language. Historically, French was the dominant foreign-language until the early 1990s when English started sweeping through most French schools, and English schools and universities mushroomed across the country (Shaaban and Ghaith, 2002; Mesce, 1999). In addition, academic institutions that taught mainly in Arabic were in decline in quality and quantity. The one public university, LU, which could have countered the balance of foreign language institutions was severely marginalized, divided, and neglected ever since the civil war (1975-1990). LU, which at one point accounted for more than half of all Lebanese students, continues to lose ground to its private competitors. In 2001, the Lebanese University ―had 44 more media studies students than all private universities combined‖ (Melki, 2009, p. 677). By 2007, it had 1,140 students less than the private universities. As mentioned earlier, Qatar has invited a host of prestigious Western universities that have already pushed the balance in favor of English. Similarly, most U.A.E. universities already teach in English, especially those who have the main media studies programs, like AUS, ZU, and AUD. In fact, many faculty of these universities can only teach in English. Although Arabic may still be strong in Jordan—and many interviewed Jordanian faculty complained more about students‘ foreign language skills rather than their Arabic skills—several changes, including the expansion of foreign private schools and universities, may indicate that the country is following in the footsteps of Lebanon, Qatar and the U.A.E. In fact, a survey of 2,744 school and university students in Lebanon, Jordan and the U.A.E. that asked about media consumption and production habits found that ―by far, English emerged as the dominant language used across all media activities

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The Plight of Media Education and Research in Arab Higher Education 91 except news, where Arabic had a slight edge…Almost all participants blogged in English, and the majority used English for entertainment, work and schoolwork, and watching television‖ (Melki, 2010, p. 19). Still, there remains several Arab countries, like Syria and Yemen, where Arabic remains the dominant language of instruction at the school and university levels. In fact, many foreign students prefer to study Arabic in Damascus and Sana‘a due to the strong Arabic language programs and opportunities to practice the language while talking to people in those cities, whereas those who visit Beirut and Dubai quickly realize how difficult it is to practice Arabic outside the classroom. The consequences of weak Arabic language skills gravely impact the field of media studies in the Arab world. The fact that media studies programs in many Arab countries use foreign languages means producing generations of media practitioners whose weak Arabic skills preclude them from working in many media jobs in the region. One Zayed University faculty noted ―the idea of producing Arab media graduates who can‘t use Arabic at work is absurd, and we have yet to figure out a way to produce bilingual students.‖ In addition to not satisfying market needs, this problem leads to further exacerbating the brain drain in the region, as many graduates are forced to travel abroad to find work or continue education. Some even argue that this will further intensify the process of cultural colonialism and the dissolution of the Arabic language and cultures. On the other hand, the problem of weak foreign-language skills precludes many students from benefiting from the most up-to-date foreign textbooks, research, computer applications, and various online services, and cuts them off from international media jobs (Barry, 2005; Abu Bakr et al., 1985). However, students weak in foreign languages do not necessarily possess strong Arabic skills either, as many interviewed media professors complained. Several of them proposed as a solution enforcing a dual language policy, where students graduate with strong skills in both languages. But this has to start at the school level, and the viability of this strategy at the university level remains illusive with the current shortage of qualified bi-lingual media professors. As mentioned earlier, many well-trained professors in media studies lack Arabic skills, while those with strong Arabic skills may have weak academic backgrounds. Simply mixing the two will only produce students weak in both languages and in media studies. This brings up again the lack of strong and credible Arab doctoral programs in media studies that can produce scholars and academics who possess strong command of both

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languages and solid academic and professional backgrounds, as well as an understanding and commitment to the local societies. Moreover, the language issue extends to the faculty themselves. The fact that no one language (Arabic or foreign) is common to Arab media scholars and academics makes communication between peers poor and the sharing research and ideas only possibly through translation (Abdel Rahman, 1991), a topic discussed later. Overly Theoretical Media Curricula that Require Better Localization. Arab media studies programs began in departments of Arts studies and Arabic literature (Abu Bakr, et al., 1985), and, as mentioned earlier, most early media faculty came from outside the field (Abdel Rahman, 1991). The combination of these two factors led to the development of media curricula guided by vague objectives—diluted and confused with goals of other disciplines—and packed with core courses unrelated or not complimentary to the field (Al-Sawi and Kandil, 1978). Furthermore, the tendency of many programs to import curricula from the West or to tie them to certain ideological and political considerations generated overly theoretical curricula that were often outdated and irrelevant to the local societies or the field (Al-Jammal, 1991). To further exacerbate matters, most curricula lacked ―any planning to identify clearlydefined objectives, or a specific philosophy to shape them, and only a few were formulated on the basis of clear-cut ideas‖ (Al-Sawi, 1977; as cited in Abu Bakr et al., 1985, p. 45). Al-Jammal (1991) contended that many universities erected media departments without any consideration to market needs or human resources and without guaranteeing the prerequisite financial, technical, or scholarly needs. He found that curricula were rarely, if at all, grounded in a specific theoretical framework or based on an interpretation of a specific social or behavioral science. Overly theoretical curricula. Going back to the issue of overly theoretical curricula, Kamel and Alabbasi (1997) highlighted the widespread awareness of this problem. In a survey of Egyptian journalists and journalism students and faculty, the journalism students complained that their programs had too many theoretical courses irrelevant to their professional careers. The faculty advocated updating the theoretical courses and striking a better balance between theory and practical instruction. Consistently, the journalists favored requiring much less theory courses and offering more specialized reporting and writing classes. Surprisingly, the study found the graduates too often lack essential journalism skills, such as reporting and writing, computer skills, Arabic and foreign language skills, and general knowledge.

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The Plight of Media Education and Research in Arab Higher Education 93 More recently, El-Nawawy (2007) found in his survey of journalists and journalism educators in Egypt and Jordan that educators advocated a balance between theoretical and practical courses. Interestingly, the educators advocated practical courses more strongly than the journalists. Still, both practitioners and academics noted that newly graduating students lacked many essential practical skills, because most did not work at a university newspaper, get exposed to a hands-on lab, or undergo an internship. El-Nawawy (2007) recommended curricula that include a broad base of courses from other majors to enhance students‘ general knowledge, and that faculty update curricula regularly to meet the rapidly changing realities of the field, and that professional journalists guest lecture on skills academics may lack. He also recommended that the industry more seriously consider internships and hire journalists based on qualifications, not connections. Finally, El-Nawawy called for a more active role for associations of media education, such as AUSACE, in bridging the theory-practice divide. Even more recently, in an analysis of 577 broadcast media programs from 12 countries, including four from Egypt, Kang and Kang (2010) pointed out ―that although a small number of universities have electronic media education programs, they are well balanced and most of the curricula are similar with those of the U.S.‖ (p. 8). They found Egyptian broadcast media curricula to be strong in international communication and well balanced in their ratio of theory-to-practical courses. They recommended that Egyptian programs offer more digital and new media courses and internships to bolster academic and practical experience. The three preceding studies indicate a positive change in Egyptian media programs that continues to bridge the theory-practice divide. Studies from other parts of the Arab world partly confirmed this positive trend. A recent curricular analysis of Lebanese media studies programs found that most curricula had either a practical or a liberal-professional orientation, while only one had a liberal emphasis (Melki, 2009). Liberal curricula focus on theoretical, historical, and ethical approaches, while Practical curricula stress instruction and focus on skills. Liberal-Professional curricula provide a balance between the two (Kang, Wolfe, and Kang, 2002; Niven, 1961). However, the study also signified the inexistence of digital media, online journalism, and media literacy courses, and the low priority offered to research methods courses. It recommended ensuring that curricula required media literacy, new media, and research methods courses, enhancing media production facilities and library resources, monitoring academic freedom on campuses and promoting freedom of expression, and expanding and

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duplicating the only liberal arts program in the country, to balance the predominantly practical and liberal-professional programs. In addition, several newly established media departments have consciously dealt with the problems of overly theoretical curricula, and even addressed the issue of program orientations that are irrelevant to the local societies, but not to the same extent. One example is the Jordan Media Institute (JMI) that specifies in its vision:

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Our groundbreaking, home-grown programmes meet with the highest international standards and acknowledge the distinctiveness of Arab culture and philosophy. Our students are trained to become world-class journalists who possess the skills, knowledge and understanding needed to truly excel within this region‘s unique media environment. (JMI, 2010)

JMI‘s main language of instruction is Arabic, and its curriculum emphasizes news and digital media, but its courses do not yet sufficiently address the local needs and the ―distinctiveness of Arab culture and philosophy.‖ This latter issue reveals itself through the weak emphasis on research methods and critical skills courses, and the lack of a clear indigenous theoretical and philosophical framework guiding the curriculum. Curricula not suitable for the locality. While the preceding studies and examples do not cover many Arab countries, they do indicate an improvement in Arab media studies curricula, particularly addressing the problem of overly theoretical programs. However, the problem of Arab curricular dependence on uncritical importation of Western concepts and theories offers a different story. Abdel Rahman (1991) highlighted three ideological and curricular influences among the Arab media programs: US, French and Islamic. Today, the latter two influences have retreated in the face of US curricula, especially in the Arab East, Arab Gulf, Egypt, and Sudan. The French tradition, however, remains somewhat strong in the Arab West, but even there, US curricula are invading campuses, especially in Morocco, where an increasing number of academic institutions are signing exchange deals with US universities (A. Lemtouni, personal communication, April 4, 2010). Take for instance Lebanon, Qatar and the U.A.E., where over a dozen new universities and colleges with the prefix ―American‖ or with an affiliation to a prestigious US university have been established in the past 15 years. Many of these universities often follow curricula imported in full from US programs, along with US faculty, textbooks and equipment. In addition, the once prominent

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The Plight of Media Education and Research in Arab Higher Education 95 Islamic universities and curricula seem to also have retreated, especially in the post-9/11 era where anything associated with Islam has unfortunately been viewed as fundamentalist and anti-modern, but more research on this will offer a better idea for the reasons behind this retreat. Abdel Rahman (1991) signified that ―the most significant feature of communication dependence in the Arab world is academic dependence on institutions and faculties of mass communication in the West.‖ This dependence takes the form of adopting Western curricula, theories and textbooks that are more often than not poorly translated into Arabic. Abdel Rahman contended that these practices remain the main reason behind the conceptual shortcomings of media studies in the Arab world. Other curricular issues. In addition to the two preceding curricular problems, several studies have discussed the topics of media ethics, critical skills, and research skills. The rest of this section discusses the former two issues, while the next section tackles the latter. Media ethics teaching differs substantially from one Arab country to another. First, Arab faculty differed in the importance they allocated to teaching media ethics. Pies (2008), who studied the role of ethics in media programs in Lebanon and Jordan, found that both Jordanian and Lebanese academics agreed that ethics should be included in media education curricula. However, Lebanese faculty ranked the importance of ethics higher than Jordanian professors. Second, the differences extended to the issues Arab media professors prioritized in media ethics courses. ―Whereas sensational journalism was ranked first in Jordan, the Lebanese were more concerned about the lack of objectivity and the overall bias in Lebanese journalism‖ (Pies, 2008, p. 169). Third, the interpretation of what media ethics entails differs too. Jordanian academics perceived ethics as more related to media laws and therefore aimed to teach ethics across media specialty courses to ensure that students understand the legal and social consequences of their actions. Their Lebanese counterparts valued more the role of ethics in assisting journalists in making tough decisions and dealing with moral and social problems. Therefore, they focused media ethics instruction in stand-alone courses that dealt with various social issues, such as the promotion of tolerance, dealing with opposing opinions, and depicting violence. Nevertheless, some common problems that plagued most Arab media generated common points of discussion, for example the issues of bribery and blackmail, low wages of journalists, and political pressures (Pies, 2008, p. 170).

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In addition, several studies noted the lack of critical skills teaching in Arab media studies curricula, but most addressed this issue somewhat tangentially (e.g., Melki, 2009; Al-Abdallah, 2009; Pies, 2008; El-Nawawy, 2007; Amin, 2002; Kamel and Al-Abbasi, 1997). Melki (2009) noted that none of the Lebanese media programs offered courses in media literacy, which rely on critical analysis of media messages (Center for Media Literacy, 2010; Salzburg Academy, 2010). Consistently, Pies (2008) confirmed that Arab media studies curricula discouraged critical thinking skills, and Al-Abdallah (2009) highlighted the weak critical skills among students, and lack of ability to work and think neutrally, objectively, and independently. Both critical skills and ethics teaching in media studies curricula require further investigation, although this researcher argues that the solution lies at least partly in the injection of media literacy courses and modules into Arab media and non-media studies curricula, both at the school and university levels. The final issue, addressed in the next section, may be one of the most daunting problems for Arab media studies curricula: research. Poor Traditions of Teaching and Producing Research.The topic of research in media studies deserves a book in its own right, as its spans various theoretical, epistemological, methodological, curricular, and policy issues. A handful of scholars have recently addressed the former three issues in some depth (e.g., Sabry 2009; Mellor 2007; Ayish, 1998), but this section only focuses on curricular issues, namely research courses in media studies curricula and policies related to media faculty research. Still, a brief review of the problem is essential to set the stage. To be sure, the poor traditions and scarcity of research production have been a problem across all disciplines and sectors in the Arab world (Arab Human Development Report, 2003). But the situation remains particularly problematic in media studies because the field is relatively new, and it often deals with sensitive political and social issues. Echoing the concerns of many media scholars, Sabry (2009) noted that the latest boom in the media industry ―has not…been equaled in academic research‖ (p. 199). He argued that the Arab campus has been slow in accepting media studies as a legitimate scientific field of inquiry, and ―when it did, it occupied a large epistemic void with uncritical facile empiricism imported, just like the media technology, from ‗uncritical regions‘ of Western academe and taught or, shall I say, forcefed en masse to Arab students‖ (p. 199). In the same vein, Ayish (1998) lamented that Arab media research failed to offer a theoretical framework that can explain the realities of Arab communications. Mellor (2007) agreed with Ayish that ―a large part of Arab studies can be categorized as descriptive and

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The Plight of Media Education and Research in Arab Higher Education 97 administrative rather than solid theoretical contribution to the field of media studies‖ (p. 179). Abu Bakr et al. (1985) attributed this bad state of Arab media research to the lack of funding, equipment, and resources, unfavorable conditions, and the poor quality of research that is predominantly conducted by Masters students with little experience and resources. Abdel Rahman (1991) confirmed this concern in the academe, lamenting ―the superficial nature of M.A. and Ph.D. theses which lack depth, stress shape rather than content and quantity rather than quality.‖ Abu Bakr et al. also highlighted the low pay research workers received and the lack of incentives that could entice media scholars and educators to produce rigorous evidence-based research: ―Field research is scanty if not non-existent and most of it is limited to content analysis and, in a few cases, audience reaction‖ (p. 50). This brings forth the two main concerns of this section: student and faculty research. Student research. While few studies focused in-depth on the emphasis of research methods in media programs, all those who addressed the topic agreed that the media curricula need more research methods courses and that they should be required to all media students (Al-Abdallah, 2009; Melki, 2009; Abdel Rahman, 1991; Amin, 2002). Melki (2009) noted that only two Lebanese undergraduate media programs required research methods in media studies, and most universities offered it as a general research course for the social sciences and not focused on media research. For instance, one Lebanese university offered just a single research methods course to all graduate students in the faculty of arts and sciences, and did not even offer it at the undergraduate level. Moreover, most programs did not require a researchbased thesis for graduation but opted for a skills-oriented final project. But the inclusion of these courses is not enough, as they are often taught superficially. Several interviewed media professors complained that research methods courses are often taught in an abstract theoretical manner without training the students on how to practically design, execute, analyze, and writeup valid and reliable research. Even worse, some faculty noted that research methods instructors, many of whom possess poor research and data analysis skills, only teach students how to conduct literature reviews, and many students in-turn get the impression that research is all about reviewing Western theories and studies. Hence, generations of Arab media graduates never take the critical next step of producing knowledge. In addition, a handful of faculty noted that depth and breadth of research courses often depended on who taught the course; if a professor lacked quantitative skills, they tended to teach only qualitative methods and vice versa. In addition, media professors who are strong in both qualitative and quantitative methods are rare, and even these

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often lack the knowledge of advanced research techniques, such as using statistical computer packages or Internet tools. Faculty research. Beyond student research and teaching research methods courses, poor regulations and traditions related to faculty research further exacerbate the problem. Most Arab universities have no policies that encourage or require faculty research, as many emphasize teaching and administrative work. Many require heavy course loads (four to six per semester) and offer little financial support, facilities, or protected time for research. A Jordanian professor mockingly complained that his university offered him a $141 (JOD 100) grant for a proposed national survey. A Yemeni professor argued, ―the ratio of obstacles to incentives is overwhelming.‖ An Algerian professor concisely summed it up: ―Collaboration among Arab scholars is weak, Arab research networks don‘t exist, access to published research is very expensive, censorship and self-censorship and political interference are rampant, work loads are excessive, and worst of all appreciation of research is lacking.‖ Furthermore, Dr. Jean Karam, a former Lebanese University professor, pointed out that a substantial amount of the research conducted by Arab media scholars is intended for private businesses and political entities that contractually prohibit these scholars from publicly disseminating the results, further limiting the number of publications. In addition, universities that follow a ―publish or perish‖ policy are rare in the Arab world. AUB and AUC are among the very few—if not the only— Arab universities that allocate top priority and substantial weight to research output and quality when considering promotion. Other universities may have such research-driven regulations in their books, but in practice, their promotion process differs greatly. Dr. Rasha Abdallah from AUC noted: We have very rigid tenure and promotion reviews, and if you're not published enough and in high-quality journals, you're out! I suppose other universities in Egypt have that policy as well, but it is a matter of how closely they follow it, and how rigid their standards are....In most public Egyptian universities, once you're ‗appointed‘ you're in for life. But you could be denied promotion if you are not published enough. Specifying standards, though, differ greatly from one place to the other.

Dr. Naila Hamdy from the same university confirmed: ―Private Egyptian universities do not seem to have these policies but the national universities do, but the difference lies in the quality of journals.‖ Interviews with professors from around the Arab world corroborate this notion. In fact, most interviewed professors from outside AUB and AUC opposed this ―publish or perish‖

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The Plight of Media Education and Research in Arab Higher Education 99 policy. One professor from Jordan argued that such ―policy distracts from quality research and teaching and pushes professors to publish for the sake of promotion.‖ In addition to these problems, the Arab scholars who do produce quality research, especially those in top Arab universities, find themselves forced to cater their work to Western academic journals, because their institutions and peers value ―internationally recognized‖ (read: American and European) journals more than Arab journals, which are scarce to start with. But this approach cuts off these scholars from their local peers and social issues. On the other hand, those who publish in local Arabic journals cut themselves off from their international peers and risked having their research disparaged internationally—and locally. Hanafi (2010) called this dilemma ―Publish Globally and Perish Locally vs. Publish Locally and Perish Globally.‖ Hanafi attempts to resolve this dilemma by publishing locally and globally and translating all his foreign-language work into Arabic. However, he admits this strategy requires skills, time, and effort many professors do not possess or cannot afford. He noted that ―Arab scholars should not obsess about highimpact journals and universities should encourage them to publish in local peer-reviewed journals.‖ Whether it was student or faculty research, this issue remains one of the root problems facing the advancement of Arab media studies and the development of indigenous and locally relevant concepts and theories. A change of culture that incentivizes quality faculty research output and emphasizes student research in the curricula may help, but the other aforementioned issues need to be addressed too. Scarcity of Relevant and Current Literature and Modern Production Facilities.Media studies programs across the Arab world suffer from a lack of up-to-date and relevant books, studies and media production facilities. The culprits behind this problem vary from one country to another, but it nevertheless exists almost equally across all Arab states. In addition to the lack of research facilities mentioned earlier, Abu Bakr et al. (1985) highlighted the ―dearth of both original and translated works‖ in Arab media libraries (p. 50). Melki (2009) also noted the poor state of Lebanese libraries; among Lebanese media programs, only AUB‘s library had a sufficient supply of books and scholarly journals—albeit mostly Western and in English. The problem is not only a result of poor Arab scholarly output, but also a lack of ability to acquire resources, and in some cases mere negligence. One professor from Morocco said ―our university cannot possibly afford the high subscription fees of international academic journals; our budgets can

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barely cover the cost of a few books every year.‖ On the other hand, a professor from the U.A.E. noted that despite the enormous budgets their universities have, many departments put little effort in continuously acquiring and updating sources, and the ―libraries usually cancel journal subscriptions that register low usage. Students never access them, and very few professors do too.‖ The persistent dearth in Arabic textbooks is further exacerbated by the poor foreign language skills of many Arab students who often can only access knowledge in this field using English (Mellor, 2007). But even the many existing Arabic and foreign textbooks are outdated (Barry, 2005). The lack of production facilities and media labs in parts of the Arab world (generally outside the Arab Gulf) intensifies the problem. Al-Muhtaseb (2008) noted that it took almost ten years after the founding of Yarmouk‘s media program to established respectable media labs. This led to producing students during the first five years who lacked any practical skills, which consequently reflected badly on the program‘s reputation—a topic discussed in the next section. In Lebanon, the Lebanese American University‘s (LAU) students protested in 2010 the refusal of the University to upgrade its decades-old audio-visual production labs. A professor from Damascus University complained ―our main problem is the lack of necessary equipment… we don‘t have any computer labs, nor do we have any radio or TV labs.‖ But even in the U.A.E., one of the richest Arab states, several professors complained that media facilities are sometimes acquired without careful planning and clear goals, and the cost of constantly updating some brands is too high, especially when there are cheaper alternatives in the market. This evokes the rampant problem of reckless spending in rich Arab countries. One notorious example involves the U.A.E.‘s 1993 purchase of $3.62 billion worth of French battle tanks that ended up rusting away because the government could not find enough Emirati citizens to operate them (Ibrahim, 2007). Nevertheless, even for poor Arab countries, the issue of affordability of media production tools and labs continues to become less of an issue with the plummeting costs of digital technologies and the cost saving capacity of the Internet. Still, some universities cannot even afford to update their basic computer labs and offer reliable Internet connection. In addition, many of their students come from poor backgrounds and consequently suffer from poor digital skills. Barry (2005) noted that PR students in an Egyptian university lacked sufficient computer skills needed for daily assignments, and only those students who can afford to own personal computers and to attend extra workshops were able to learn those skills during their university years (p. 359).

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The Plight of Media Education and Research in Arab Higher Education 101 He brings to light ―the problems of computer illiteracy and the digital divide among a big portion of the students in the Arab World‖ (p. 360). Low Prestige of Media Studies. At the start, Arab media studies suffered a deep credibility problem, just as it did in other parts of the world. While the legitimacy and relevance of media studies in higher education today is no longer in question, the field still has not been able to lift itself up to the level of other more prestigious disciplines and professional fields. The performance of many media programs and their reputation from the industry‘s perspective could be blamed. Dr. Nabil Dajani from AUB argued:

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The soundness of present Arab academic programs in media studies is questionable because they most often are not linked to the societies they operate within…[They also] lack proper integration with other academic programs within their own universities as well as with Arab private and public academic and media institutions. Consequently, they don‘t serve the needs of the present thus they fail to be relevant or to generate new and continuous learning. (Dajani, n.d.)

Consistently, Nassar (1999) concluded that the majority of Egyptian journalists he surveyed believed that professional success in journalism depended more on personal talents rather than academic background, and only a minority of the surveyed journalists valued journalism education. But more recently, El-Nawawy (2007) found in his survey of journalists and journalism educators in Egypt and Jordan that the two agreed about the merits of journalism education in preparing students to entry-level journalism jobs. El-Nawawy‘s (2007) study may point to an improvement in the credibility of media studies lately, but the field still has more important issues to deal with beyond the industry‘s view. For example, another contributing factor to the lack of prestige of Arab media studies relates to the fact that most Arab countries do not require a university degree in media studies as a prerequisite for entering the field. Additionally, in most Arab countries journalists are trained in fields other than media studies or do not even have a college degree (Pies, 2008, p. 167). Another reason for the poor credibility of media studies may be the lack of cooperation between media departments and the media industry. El-Nawawy (2007) noted that each side is ignorant of the problems the other side faces. Some of the reasons he highlighted include outdated theories and curricula in the academe, and outdated or lack of professional experience of many academics. Consistently, in a 2009 conference organized by Internews in Beirut, some 25 Arab media executives from print, broadcast, and online media agreed that media education and the media industry badly

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need to be better connected. Kamel and Alabbasi (1997, pp. 49-50) attributed this lack of collaboration between the university and the industry to the difficulty of fitting internships in students‘ schedules, lack of enthusiasm from both students and the media industry, and difficulty in assessing the performance of students by the university. On the other hand, many in the industry complain that media graduates lack even the basic professional skills, a topic addressed earlier. But this problem of lack of cooperation extends to the relationship between Arab media departments themselves, both nationally and regionally (Abdel Rahman, 1991). Dajani (n.d.) contended that this lack of cooperation resulted in the absence of common terminology and concepts, a lack of organized effort to collectively solve problems facing media studies, and a rift between Arab media scholars who often only meet in conferences organized by Western institutions. Unfortunately, the field of Arab media studies has very few organizations that can help alleviate this problem. One of the few well-known organizations is the Arab–US Association for Communication Educators (AUSACE). US-based and funded, its members include both Arab and non-Arab media educators, and its mission fits more with tying Arab with US media scholars, rather than bringing Arab media scholars and departments together (AUSACE, 2010). Other associations do exist but most are limited in scope and activities. Archaic Admissions Regulations Interacting With the Problem of Wasta.Wasta, a colloquial Arabic term that literally means ―personal connections‖ or ―by means of,‖ refers to the widespread political corruption, particularly in hiring practices, and often alludes to nepotism and favoritism. Wasta has had many negative consequences on Arab media studies. Add to it the enabling laws and regulations for admissions and hiring, and the problem extends itself from admission into a media program to finding an internship or a job after graduation (Al Muhtaseb, 2008; Barry, 2005) On their own, outdated and restricting admissions regulations limit the ability of media programs to improve the quality of their student intake (AlJammal, 1991, p. 216). Al-Muhtaseb (2008) noted that one of the main problems facing Yarmouk University‘s media program entailed its inability to weed out unqualified applicants or to cap the number of students accepted, as high school average denotes the only criteria for acceptance, without taking into consideration media specific skills or even the students‘ interest in the field. And while other historically more prestigious disciplines require very high school averages, media studies‘ cut-off grades in Jordan continue to be among the lowest. Several other Arab countries like Syria, Yemen, and

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The Plight of Media Education and Research in Arab Higher Education 103 Algeria face this problem. But as these countries accept more private universities, the situation is likely to improve. In some Arab countries, wasta also plays a role in admissions into the program (Mohamed and Hamdy, 2008, p. 3), but it goes well beyond that. For example, the opportunity to join an internship program in Egypt ―is not available for most of the students and depends on their personal contacts rather than on an organized training scheme‖ (Barry, 2005, p. 358). Furthermore, AlMuhtaseb (2008) complained that nepotism and favoritism have left many qualified Yarmouk graduates without a job while their less qualified peers found work easily, and this lack of meritorious criteria came at the cost of the program‘s reputation. El-Nawawy (2007) shed a light on how nepotism interacts with the aforementioned admissions policies to produce a potent and complex obstacle to the field‘s and the industry‘s progress. While the lax admissions policies overload professors with work and fill the programs with unqualified students, the programs in-turn pump scores of media graduates—some of whom are highly unqualified but well connected—into an already saturated job market. This further fuels nepotism and favoritism and undercuts the industry‘s efforts to hire quality media practitioners and reflects badly on the media departments. The journalists and editors El-Nawawy interviewed corroborated this fact, as many of them ―admitted to the researcher that nepotism played a big role in their hiring‖ (p. 87). Moreover, El-Nawawy noted the inexistence of ―advertising for journalism vacancies in any of the Egyptian Arabic daily newspapers. All appointments, especially in the large mass circulations, are based solely on personal connections‖ (p. 87). Mellor (2007) moreover highlighted the negative impact of having too many media studies programs established in the Arab world without any careful planning or consideration for the country‘s needs and the available resources. This has further damaged the reputation of the field and harmed its graduates, many of whom either shy away from certain overly saturated media specialties, such as print journalism and audio-visual production, or even migrate to non-media fields. Sensorial Culture .In a study that outlines the poor state of freedom of the press and the ubiquitous practices of censorship in the Arab world, Amin (2002) argued that the region‘s ―censorial culture also includes journalism education‖ (p. 128). Amin explained that while Arab media programs do teach about freedom of the press and professional news values, they do not adequately prepare their students for the ―severe political and professional constraints‖ they will face at their future jobs. Amin scorned media programs

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in the Arab world claiming they primarily ―prepare generation after generation of semi-educated journalists whose job is to promote the ‗achievements‘ of the state‖ (p. 129). Amin and Napoli (1997) noted that this censorial culture has also negatively influenced media research and narrowed its scope to serve the state‘s development projects. ―Faculty and students have been encouraged to conduct media research that promotes the politically established goals of national development and national unity and discouraged from developing programs critical of the principles, struggles, values, and national traditions of Arab society‖ (Amin, 2002, p. 129). Amin argued, ―journalism education programs have…been recruited into a national enterprise for the production of propaganda‖ (p. 129). While this harsh critique of media programs may apply to certain universities, the picture across the Arab world reflects a more complex reality, where the intensity of this ―censorial culture‖ varies from one country to another and within each country. Melki (2009) found that Lebanese media professors vary in their views of teaching about freedom of the press and in their perceptions of academic freedom on their campuses. While one group of interviewed professors conveyed optimism about freedom of expression teaching and academic freedom on Lebanese campuses, another group expressed pessimism toward both. Similarly, this ―censorial culture‖ may vary in potency and in focus from one Arab country to another, but more research is certainly needed to better understand the impact of this problem on media studies in the Arab world.

CONCLUSION This chapter has argued that media studies is a booming field in Arab higher education. It has highlighted eight problems and obstacles that face the progress and advancement of the field: The dearth of qualified Arab media faculty, the poor Arabic and foreign language skills among students, overly theoretical media curricula that require more localization, poor research traditions at the teaching and faculty production levels, the scarcity of relevant and up-to-date literature and modern production facilities, the low prestige of media studies in the academe and in the industry, the archaic university admissions regulations that interact with the problem of wasta, and the ubiquitous ―censorial culture‖ that extends itself to media education.

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To address the most pressing issues, this chapter recommends:  Encouraging top Arab universities to establish doctoral programs in media studies, and improving the output quality of those who already offer Ph.Ds.  Addressing the problem of weak Arabic and language skills at the school and university levels, and requiring entering media students, exiting graduates, and faculty to be strong in Arab and at least one foreign language.  Establishing regional Arab media studies associations that, among other tasks, aim to improve the quality of media studies curricula, students, resources, and faculty, through connecting educators, offering and enforcing accreditation guidelines, facilitating the exchange of knowledge, and improving the quality and image of Arab media research and scholarly journals.  Emphasizing student research in the curricula, incentivizing faculty research, and encouraging publication in Arabic/local as well as international journals.  Injecting curricula with digital media and critical skills, through the introduction of media literacy and digital media courses offered to both media and non-media students. Finally, more focused country-based research that focuses on media education in the Arab world could bring to light other important problems and solutions and fill the gaps in knowledge that this and other studies were not able to thoroughly address. While this chapter did offer an exhaustive analysis of all problems facing media studies across all Arab universities, it did highlight the dominant problems across the region, mainly from the perspective of media faculty. Some of these problems were common across all Arab universities but to varying degrees, while others may be unique to some Arab universities, countries or regions.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The Hiebert Journalism International Travel Award at the University of Maryland, College Park, and the Issam Fares Institute for Public Policy and International Affairs at the American University of Beirut funded parts of this study. Special thanks to all those who helped in this study, including Dr. Ray

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Hiebert, Dr. Nabil Dajani, Dr. Sari Hanafi, Michael Oghia, Sara Mallat, Samia el-Osta, Sara Ajlyakin, and the numerous media studies professors who accepted to be interviewed.

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REFERENCES Abdel Rahman, A. (1991). Arab World. In Promotion of Educational Materials for Communication Studies: Report of Phase I of UNESCO/IPDC Interregional Project by IAMCR/AIERI. Retrieved from: http://www.uta.fi/textbooks/arab.html Abu Bakr, Y., Labib, S., and Kandil, H. (1985). Development of Communication in the Arab States: Needs and Priorities. Reports and Papers on Mass Communication. UNESCO. Paris, France. Al-Abdallah, M. (2009). Oloum al-i‘lam wal-ittissal wa-ishkaliyyat al-takween fil-a‘lam al-arabi. Media and Communication Studies and the Problems of Professional Development in the Arab World (Arabic). Beirut, Lebanon: Dar al-Nahdat al-Arabiyat. Al-Jammal, R. (1991). Al-ittissal wal-I‘lam fi al a‘lam al arabi. Media and Communication in the Arab World (Arabic). Beirut, Lebanon: Markaz Dirasat Al-Wahdat Al-Arabiyat. Al-Muhtaseb, M. A. (2008). Tagribat kism al-sahafat wal-i‘lam fi jami‘at alyarmouk. The Experiment of the Department of Journalism and Media Studies in Yarmouk University (Conference Paper) (Arabic). Multaka AlI‘lamiyeen Al-Shabab Al-Awwal, Jordan, April 7-8, 2008. Al-Sawi, A. H. (1977). Al-tadris al-i‗lami fil-duwal al-arabiya. Communication teaching in the Arab states (Arabic). Riyadh, Saudi Arabia: Riyadh University. Al-Sawi, A. H., and Kandil, H. (1978). Teaching and Training Institutions of Mass Communication in the Arab World. Riyadh, Saudi Arabia: Riyadh University. Amin, H. (2002). Freedom as a Value in Arab Media: Perceptions and Attitudes Among Journalists. Political Communication, 19, 125-135. Amin, H. Y., and Napoli, J. (1997). The politics of accommodation: CNN in Egypt. Journal of African Communication, 2, 18-32. Arab Human Development Report 2003. (2003). United Nations Development Programme. Retrieved from http://www.arab-hdr.org/ AUSACE. (2010). Arab–US Association for Communication Educators. Retrieved from http://www2.gsu.edu/~wwwaus/

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The Plight of Media Education and Research in Arab Higher Education 107 Ayish, M. I. (1998). Communication Research in the Arab World: A New Perspective. The Public, 5(1), 33-57. Barry, W. I. (2005). Teaching public relations in the information age: A case study at an Egyptian university. Public Relations Review, 31, 355-361. Center for Media Literacy (2010). Media Literacy: A definition… and More. Retrieved from: http://www.medialit.org/reading_room/rr2def.php Dajani, N. (n.d.). Pedagogic Challenges facing development of media studies in Arab Universities (not published). American University of Beirut. El-Nawawy, M. (2007). Between the Newsroom and the Classroom: Education Standards and Practices for Print Journalism in Egypt and Jordan. International Communication Gazette, 69(1), 69-90. Hanafi, S. (2010). Publish Globally and Perish Locally Versus Publish Locally and Perish Globally (Forthcoming). International Sociological Association, 58(6). Ibrahim, Y. (2007, February 5). Can Culture Be Bought in the Gulf. The New York Sun. Retrieved from: http://www.nysun.com/foreign/can-culture-bebought-in-the-gulf/48001/ JMI. (2010). Vision and Mission. Jordan Media Institute. Retrieved from: http://www.jmi.edu.jo/en/node/60 Kang, S., and Kang, J. (2010). Electronic Media Curricula of Colleges and Universities in Twelve Countries: Transition, Integration, and Convergence of Media Instruction in the Digital Era. Instructional Media, 37(1), 5-18. Kang, S., Wolfe, A., and Kang, J. (2002). A Three-nation Comparative Analysis of Broadcast Curricula, Journalism and Mass Communication Educator, 56(4), 37-52. Kamel, N., and Alabbasi, A. (1997). Journalism Education and Training at Egyptian Universities: A Field Study. Faculty of Mass Communication, Department of Journalism, Cairo University, Egypt. Martin, J. (2010, March 28). Journalism Education in the Arab World. The Chronicle of Higher Education. Retrieved from: http://chronicle.com/article/Journalism-Education-inthe/64814/?key=SW17L1BoMHBPZ3BgKChEfyoCOSYpchp4biYUNS8 abV1T Melki, J. (2009). Journalism and Media Studies in Lebanon. Journalism Studies, 10(5), 672-690. Melki, J. (2010). Media Habits of MENA Youth: A Three-Country Survey. Youth in the Arab World. The Issam Fares Institute. Beirut: Lebanon. American University of Beirut.

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Mellor, N. (2007). Modern Arab Journalism: Problems and Prospects. London: Edinburgh University Press. Mesce, D. (1999, January 29). American Campuses in Beirut Strive to Restore Quality, Chronicle of Higher Education, A53. Ministry of Education and Higher Education. (2001-2009). Center for Educational Research and Development. Retrieved from: http://www.crdp.org/CRDP/Arabic/ar-statistics/a_statisticpublication.asp Mohamed, A. A., and Hamdy, H. (2008). The Stigma of Wasta: The Effects of Wasta on Perceived Competence and Morality. Working Paper Series. German University in Cairo. Retrieved from: http://mgt.guc.edu.eg/wpapers/005mohamed_hamdy2008.pdf Nassar, S. (1999). Qualifying and Training the Journalist in Egyptian Specialized Press. Journal of Arts and Social Sciences, 33, 1-143. Niven, H. (1961). The Development of Broadcasting Education in Institutions of Higher Education. Journal of Broadcasting, 5, 241-250. Pies, J. (2008). Agents of Change? Journalism Ethics in Lebanese and Jordanian Journalism Education. In Kai Hafez (Ed.), Arab Media: Power and Weakness (pp. 165-181). London: Continuum. Sabry, T. (2009). Media and cultural studies in the Arab world: Making bridges to local discourses of modernity. In Dayya Thussu (Ed.), Internationalizing Media Studies (pp. 196-213). London: Routledge. Salzburg Academy on Media and Global Change. (2010). Media Literacy Curriculum. Retrieved from: http://www.salzburg.umd.edu/salzburg/new/ Shaaban, K., and Ghaith, G. (2002). University Students‘ Perceptions of the Ethnolinguistic Vitality of Arabic, French and English in Lebanon. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 6(4), 557-574.

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Chapter 6

EMPOWERING ACTIVE CITIZENSHIP: ASSESSING THE OUTCOMES OF A MEDIA LITERACY COURSE IN A US UNIVERSITY* Paul Mihailidis

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Hofstra University, New York, USA

INTRODUCTION: A NOTE ON EDUCATION, INFORMATION, AND CIVIL SOCIETY Because democracy depends on citizenship, the emphasis then was to think about how to constitute a competent and virtuous citizen body. That led directly, in almost every one of the founders‘ minds, to the connection between citizenship and education. Benjamin Barber, 2002, p. 22-

An informed citizenry has always been a central, though not exclusive, prerequisite for democracy. From town meetings and community bulletin boards to the advent of radio, television and the Internet, mediated information has always been a powerful means for informing a democratic public. Michael Schudson, Professor of Communication at the University of California, San *

This chapter is adapted from an early version of the study that appeared previously in the International Journal of Media and Learning, 1/3, Summer 2009, published by MIT Press, and Titled, ―Beyond Cynicism: Media Literacy and Civic Learning Outcomes in the University.‖ See http://ijlm.net/.

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Diego, traced the notion of citizenship in the United States to arrive at what he calls the notion of a monitorial citizen—a gatherer, monitor, and surveyor of information, who ―swings into public action only when directly threatened‖ (Lemann, 1998). Schudson (1999) argued that there is no single idea of a good citizen: an active participant in his or her community who votes, volunteers, participates, and believes in the public service of the government. Rather, in the present citizenship is largely a mixture of the attributes that would comprise valuable contributions to society. No longer, Schudson argues, is citizenship solely based on politics. New concepts of citizenship must deal with new understandings of democracy, culture, and community. Media are one of the ―tools‖ that Schudson (1999) incorporates into his thinking about citizenship: ―Where do the media fit with all of this? The press is not the focal point of civic life. It never was. It is a tool of civic life. It is a necessary tool. The media's main task is critique, monitoring, a watchdog over authority.‖ Media may not be the sole attribute for informed citizenship, but they are necessary and increasingly present in daily life. Technological advancements have allowed for increased media penetration into all facets of society. Chat rooms, blogs, cell phones, social networking sites—the Internet—have increased the amount of time individuals spend with media, and shifted the way in which people gather and process information. This growth in digital media is at the center of new ideas about citizenship in the United States. Writes Schudson (1998): ―If the new digital media are to be integrated into a new political democracy, they must be linked to a serious understanding of citizenship, and this cannot happen if we simply recycle the old notion of the informed citizen‖ (p. 1). Schudson‘s monitorial citizen is premised on the notion that he or she must know how to interact with information. One constant in society that is directly correlated with information and citizenship is education: a necessary tool for the continued progress of society. Recent studies (see Dahlgren, 2006; Lewis, 2006; Jerit et al., 2006) have shown that education remains a strong predictor for civic knowledge and active democratic participation. Media education, by teaching individuals to access, evaluate, analyze and produce media of all kinds (Aufderheide, 1993; Masterman, 1985), can help citizens actively understand the role of information in civil society. Media education cannot help bring to light any of the new ideas Schudson develops for his monitorial citizen. However, it can help people understand how the media—―a necessary tool of civic life‖—influences, shapes, and enhances civic life. This chapter details the results of a multi-year exploration into the outcomes of a media literacy course in U.S. higher education. The study

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utilized a sample of 239 University of Maryland undergraduates in a prepost/control quasi-experiment, and a portion of students in focus groups, to ask what students in a media literacy class learned both in terms of media analysis skills, and dispositions towards media‘s role in civil society. As the results show, students learned to better comprehend, evaluate and analyze media messages, but this did not equate into an understanding of media‘s role in democratic society. Rather, the students from the media literacy class were quick to discredit, or blame, media for its shortcomings, with no reflection on the nuances of media‘s role in their daily lives. The results of This chapter reveal a need to reevaluate the role of post-secondary media education outcomes to better prepare students for lives of active and inclusive citizenship.

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CITIZENSHIP IN A MEDIA AGE In the present day, it is safe to assume that media have adopted the role of a social institution. Media increasingly provide people membership in groups (programs, chat rooms, products), stabilize daily life (newspaper, TV daily programs, email), and function as a large educational tool (TV, Internet, entertainment) (Silverblatt, 2004). David Buckingham (2003), Professor of Education and Director of the Centre for the Study of Children, Youth and Media, Institute of Education, University of London, wrote: The media are undoubtedly the major contemporary means of cultural expression and communication: to become an active participant in public life necessarily involves making use of the modern media. The media, it is often argued, have now taken the place of the family, the church and the school as the major socializing influence in contemporary society (p. 5).

It is now difficult to discredit the media as the main conduit through which necessary means of information are transmitted. Parallel to its socializing functions, media has unavoidably adopted a civic role: that of preserving and maintaining an informed public. Henry Jenkins, Professor of Literature and Director of the Comparative Media Studies program at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), built on Michael Schudson‘s concept of the monitorial citizen to investigate the relationship between media in a digital age and citizenship. Jenkins explored this relationship by focusing on the ways in which digital media and

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the Internet have shifted what it means to be an ―informed‖ citizen. In Jenkins‘s 2006 text Convergence Culture, he combined Schudson‘s new idea of citizenship with collective intelligence scholar Pierre Levy‘s (1997) form of knowledge culture—―knowledgeable in some areas, somewhat aware in others, operating in a context of mutual trust and shared resources‖ (p. 226)— to promote a scenario in which ―the monitoring citizen needs to develop new critical skills in assessing information—a process that occurs both on an individual level within the home or the workplace, and on a more collaborative level through the work of various knowledge communities‖ (p. 227). Jenkins‘s work highlights the need for a citizenry educated about the role of media and information in democracy. The growing prescience of media in individuals‘ daily lives has led to a shift in how people attain information and cultivate personal views on civic and political issues. These shifts in information attainment and processing have at their core the relationship between media, citizenship, and democracy. Different forms of civic discourse are predicated on the idea that citizens need to be informed to be contributors to their democracy. Media‘s increasingly central role in this process has, in addition to calling for a new way to think about informed citizenship, led to an increased need for education about media and its civic functions. Over two decades ago, British media scholar Len Masterman wrote about the possible influences of media education on the public. ―Media education,‖ wrote Masterman (1985), ―is an essential step in the long march towards a truly participatory democracy…widespread media literacy is essential if all citizens are to wield power, make rational decisions, become effective changeagents, and have an effective involvement with the media. (p. 13). Masterman believed media education could not only increase people‘s ability to use media for personal gains, but also strengthen their core values and beliefs about democracy. This belief remains prescient in the current information age. At a very base level, successful post-secondary media education must teach students the critical skills needed to effectively view media. Where media literacy education becomes unique is in its aim to connect critical analysis skills to an understanding of media‘s larger political and ideological implications (Kellner and Share, 2005). Media literacy, commonly defined in the United States as the ability to ―access, evaluate, analyze and produce all types of communication‖ (Aufderheide, 1993), is predicated on not only enhancing students‘ media analysis skills, but also their critical understanding of media‘s role in civil society. Media literate students are taught to become aware individuals, able to detect and decipher the overarching and underlying implications of media messages. Media education scholar Chris Worsnop

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(2004) writes about what successful media education outcomes can accomplish: Good media education courses do not focus on propagandizing students into a single way of thinking. They provide students with a broad range of critical and analytical skills to help them make their own choices and decisions about the ideological and political messages surrounding them in 21st century culture (p. 1).

As the results of this research will show, if media education is not fulfilling its objective to provide not only media analysis skills, but also the ability to effectively use media to exercise democratic rights (Brownell and Brownell, 2003), it will run the risk of breeding cynical dispositions rather than nuanced understandings of media‘s central role in democracy.

Methods

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This chapter employed two research methods—a quasi-experiment and focus groups—to address the following research questions: Q1. How does media literacy education affect undergraduate university students‘ media comprehension, evaluation, and analysis skills? Q2. How does media literacy education influence university students‘ understanding of media‘s roles and responsibilities in a democratic society? To explore these questions, This chapter utilized 239 undergraduate students enrolled at the University of Maryland. The entire sample participated in a series of experimental measures that took the form of a pre-post/post-only quasi-experiment design, with a post-only control group. The experiment measured media literacy skill attainment—comprehension, evaluation, analysis—across TV, print, and radio formats.

Sample Of the 239 total participants, 170 were enrolled in the Journalism 175: Media Literacy (J175) course in the fall of 2006, offered through the Philip Merrill College of Journalism at the University of Maryland. J175 is a CORE

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Interdisciplinary and Emerging Issues Course/CORE Diversity Course, meaning that the course satisfies a core general undergraduate degree requirement and is open to enrollment across the university. The students from J175 formed the experimental group. In addition to the J175 participants, 69 undergraduates from the University of Maryland‘s College of Education participated as the control group. These students were divided into two courses in two different strands of the College of Education. Thirty-three of the participants were enrolled in the Educational Human Development course, EDHD230: Human Development and Societal Institutions. The remaining 36 control group participants were enrolled in two sections of the Education Policy and Leadership course, EDPL301: Foundations of Education. Of the 239 students who participated in the experiment, there were 119 (49.5%) freshmen, 61 (25.5%) sophomores, 44 (18.4%) juniors, and 15 (6.4%) seniors. 233 of the 239 (97.5%) students were between 18-24 years old. The sample consisted of 146 (61%) females and 93 (39%) males. Of these, 59% were white/Caucasian, 20% African American, 12% Asian, and 6% Latino. The remaining 3% of the sample reported their ethnicity as Native American, Pacific Islander, or Other. Concerning media use—how much time students spend with media—109 (45.6%) students considered themselves light media users (0-3 hours per day), while 121 (50.6%) reported using media 4-7 hours per day. Just under half of the students (47.7%) said they had no prior media education instruction, while the majority of the remaining sample (33%) claimed to have little informal exposure to education about the media. Interestingly, over 68% of the sample claimed to read the newspaper, of which 72% claimed to read it ―here and there.‖ This is an interesting statistic in that during the focus group discussions not one participant claimed to receive news via a newspaper. Such a statistic could be the result of a self-reporting bias. The empirical data analysis was dependent on reasonable comparability between both the students who were enrolled in the J175 course and those who were not, and across the entire sample as a whole. A representative sample must have as few externalities as possible so as to minimize any inconsistencies that may influence the validity of the results. In this case, the descriptive statistics reinforced demographic consistency among all groups, and between the experimental and control groups.

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Experiment Design

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The experimental design divided the 239 subjects into four groups. Five hypotheses measured differences in media skills attained. A media literacy skills assessment test compared average test scores between the four groups to assess whether there were significant differences between students who took the test before and after the course, and those who never took the course, or any similar courses (See Appendix A). Four Groups 1) No-course (n=69): This was the control group. It consisted of 69 students from the College of Education at the University of Maryland. These students took the skills assessment test in November 2006. 2) Pre-course (n=62): These students were enrolled in the J175 course and completed the skills assessment test at the beginning of the fall semester 2006. 3) Post-course* (n=62): These are the same students who were in the pre-course group. They completed the skills assessment test at both the beginning and end of the J175 course. 4) Post-course only (n=108): These were students enrolled in the J175 course who took the skills assessment test only at the conclusion of the course in December 2006. The test consisted of a television measure, a radio measure, and a print measure. Each measure was accompanied by a two-part survey questionnaire that was completed by the subjects after exposure to a specific measure. The first part of each questionnaire consisted of five multiple choice recall questions, specific to the content of each message. These questions were included not to judge recall specifically, but to sensitize the subjects to the content of the messages before they completed the second section. The second section of the survey consisted of seven open-ended questions, which were the same for each measure. The terminology of questions six and seven slightly altered based on the different content of the TV, radio, and print messages. The open-ended questions were developed to measure comprehension (summarize the message in the ―who, what, when, where, why, how‖ format. what is the purpose of the message?), analysis (identify the sender of the message and its origins? what is omitted from the message? how did the message hold attention? what does this message say about the issue?), and

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evaluation (what does this information suggest about the issue? how has this information changed what you believe about the issue?) The TV, radio, and print messages used for This chapter were randomly chosen by the researcher. As the aim of this experiment was to measure the outcomes of a media literacy course, the messages were not used to judge content but rather to test if university students increased comprehension, evaluation and analysis skills across media formats. The following three instruments were also chosen because they explored varying issues of national and global prominence: terrorism (Television measure - 6 October 2004, CBS Nightly News with Bob Schaeffer – story on New York City Subway bomb threat), climate change (Print measure, 9 August 2006, Time Magazine: ―Vail‘s Wind Ambition,‖ by Clayton Neuman), and sexual behavior (Radio measure, 16 August 2006, National Public Radio (NPR): News and Notes – story on sexual attitudes and music).

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Procedures Students were exposed to one message (Radio, TV, Print) at a time, and after it was played, handed a questionnaire to complete. Students were given approximately ten minutes to complete each questionnaire. This occurred for all three instruments. Each media message was approximately five minutes in duration. The entire session lasted approximately one hour. The media messages were shown in random order for each experiment session. In one session, the participants may have taken each survey in the order radio, print, television. While in another session the order went print, radio, television, and so on. Randomizing the order of message exposure ensured that the continued placement of a certain message or medium did not interfere with the results of the study. The J175 course is randomly divided into eight discussion sections. On September 13th and 14th, the media literacy skills assessment test was administered to four of the eight discussion sections. The total number of pretest experimental subjects was 62. The sections that did not take the test were given a similar curriculum for the day. The students were told the test would not be graded but reviewed in order to gain a clear picture of media engagement levels at the onset of the course. The teaching assistants were told to explicitly mention this in order to spur incentive to thoroughly complete each questionnaire.

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On December 18th, the first half of the two-hour J175 final was reserved for the second administering of the media literacy skills assessment test to the experimental group. The students were provided consent forms and pre-test surveys as they walked into the auditorium. They were told to take ten minutes to fill in the forms. After collecting these forms, the test-taking procedure was explained to the students. They were told that for each section (TV/Radio/Print) they would receive five points towards their final exams. They would not be graded on the content of the test but on the thoroughness and completion of their answers. As 62 of the students were taking this test for a second time, the researcher made the announcement that although some students had seen this test in the past, they were required to retake it and answer as thorough as possible. On November 2nd, 20th, and 21st, the control group participants from the College of Education took the media literacy skills assessment test. These students were told that taking the test was part of their class participation. Two of the three teachers chose to offer extra credit to those students who participated. The control group participants took the skills assessment test in exactly the same way as the experimental group. The order of media exposure was also randomly rotated.

Measures After the experiment was administered, extensive coding protocols were built for the open-ended questions, in the form of a 5-point scale. The openended question codes were developed exclusively by the researcher, based on a random sample of questionnaires selected from the study, and past work in media education evaluation (see Worsnop, 1997; Hobbs and Frost, 2003). Student coders were used to interpret the open-ended questionnaires from the experiment. Chronbach‘s Alpha (1951) of inter-rater reliability statistic, also used by Hobbs and Frost (2003), is known to be highly reliable for experimental coder reliability. Chronbach‘s Alpha‘s range from .76 to .84 for the five open-ended questions coded for in This chapter. This is considered reliable for inter-coder reliability (Bland and Altman, 1997), and established a means to continue the study with a confident level of accuracy. T-tests were used to analyze measures of covariance. As the groups were separate entities, the t-test was the strongest predictor for comparing distribution means to infer that the means of the corresponding populations also differed (George and Mallery, 2003). T-tests, in this case, compared the

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average test scores of the participants. Test scores were compared between the experimental group before and after, and against the control group.

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Focus Groups In this chapter statistics alone did not provide a complete picture about what students learned in the J175: Media Literacy course. While the experiment did reveal significant effects of the curriculum on students‘ critical media analysis skill levels, it did not address individual dispositions on media. Focus groups were added to provide such experiential reflection. Three focus groups were conducted: two sessions (n=10, n=8) were conducted with students from the J175 course, and a third focus group (n=9) was conducted with students from the control group. The focus groups shared perspectives, views, attitudes, beliefs, responses, motivations and perceptions (Litosseliti, 2003) on media‘s role in society and its civic and democratic functions. This exercise proved invaluable in attaining key insights into what the students were learning in the course. The overarching aim of the discussion sessions was to explore student views on media‘s role in civil society, and the possible influences of education about media. The focus group sessions were organized to allow students to critically and openly reflect on media‘s role in society. Discussing relevance and credibility first allowed personal views to be shared, contested, and debated.

The Research Process The data collection process for This chapter should explain the specific skills and dispositions students gained while enrolled in a media literacy course. Are they learning critical skills? Are they gaining greater understanding of media‘s social roles? Are they becoming more aware of the cultural and ideological implications of the media? Are they learning anything at all? Empirical data can rigorously measure cause and effect, but rarely can it comment on shifts in personal dispositions. Qualitative inquiries, meanwhile, can rarely be generalized beyond those who participate in the research. Employing mixed methodologies allowed for both inductive and deductive reasoning and assertions to be made about the results of the study, with greater

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quality and scope (Sydenstricker-Neto, 2007; Creswell, 2002). As the results will show, both types of data were vital to the results of the study.

Experimental Group Findings: Students Reflect Skills Attainment Hypothesis one tested if, on average, the test scores of the no-course (control) group differed from the test scores of the pre-course experimental group:

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(H0: μno-course = μpre-course / H1: μno-course ≠ μpre-course) If the null failed to be rejected in the first hypothesis, it would provide a baseline to judge the effects of the media literacy course on skill assessment test grades. The presumption was that there would be no statistical difference between the average test scores of the two groups. If so, normalization between the groups could be assumed and the analysis could proceed to compare the average test scores of the groups. An independent samples t-test was run for each separate medium (TV, radio, print) and for the total scores of the three mediums combined. This score is referred to as the media literacy score. The results strongly confirmed a baseline for comparison. The no-course group and the pre-course group, across all three mediums and in total, revealed no significant difference in average test scores. The data analyses revealed that the no-course group (M=40.16, SD=5.209) and the pre-course group (M=40.89, SD=3.6) showed no significant difference in average media literacy skills assessment test scores, t(62)=.933, at p < .05. Hypothesis one, then, led to a failure to reject the null. Students entering the media literacy course, and those who never took the course but completed the test, had no significant difference in average test scores. Hypothesis two assumed there would be a statistically significant relationship of average test scores between the pre-course and the post-course* groups: (H0: μpre-course ≥ μpost-course* / H2: μpre-course < μpost-course*) The hypothesis assumed that media literacy skills were attained through the course curriculum. The pre-course group students (also post-course*) were Research in Media Education, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2012. ProQuest Ebook Central,

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predominantly freshmen (56.5%), almost evenly divided in gender (53.2% women), and approximately half were white/Caucasian. Based on the sample normalization achieved, the differences in pre-course/post-course* average test scores were representative of media literacy skills attainment (comprehension, analysis, evaluation). The t-test revealed that in all cases, significant differences were attained. The overall average media literacy score for the pre-course group (M=40.89, SD=3.6) and the post-course* group (M=45.98, SD=4.4), t(62) = -6.94 p < .001, revealed a statistically significant difference in average test scores. This also occurred with similar strength (p < .001) in TV (t= -4.705), radio (t= 6.170) and print (t= -5.552) average scores. Such findings showed that significant improvement was made in skill attainment from the beginning of the media literacy course to the end. Concerning hypothesis two then, the null was rejected. The outcome of hypothesis two could have been weakened by the fact that the pre-course group could have simply remembered the skills assessment test, as they were exposed to the same exact test in both experiment infusions in September and December of 2006. Hypothesis three, however, proved that the curriculum, and not student recall, was the catalyst for increased skill attainment. Hypothesis three posited that there would be a statistically significant difference in the average test scores of the pre-course group and the postcourse only group: (H0: μpre-course ≥ μpost-course only / H3: μpre-course < μpost-course only) This hypothesis was tested in order to show that the curriculum was the key for the increase in test scores, and not outlying factors such as memory recall and repetition. The post-course only group was the largest of the groups. This group took the skills assessment test only at the conclusion of the course. The post-course only group was comparable to the pre-course group, in that it also consisted of slightly more females (53.7%), and most were freshmen (39.8%) and sophomores (37%). Yet again, the comparison reinforced the effects of a media literacy curriculum. The pre-test group‘s (M=40.89, SD=3.6) average total media literacy test scores weas significantly lower than the post-course only group (M=44.96, SD=4.5), t(108) = -6.193, at p < .001. This result again proves that the difference, across all media formats, was significant, and not extensively a

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cause of externalities. Concerning hypothesis three, then, the null hypothesis was rejected, in that grounds for difference in average test scores were apparent. The fourth hypothesis stated that there would be no significant difference in the average test scores between the post-course* group and the post-course only group:

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(H0: μpost-course* = μpost-course only / H4: μpost-course* ≠ μpostcourse only) This hypothesis was posed to further reinforce that the cause for increased skill attainment was due to the course, and not prior access to the test or any other outlying variables. Although the post-course* group with prior exposure to the test scored slightly better on average total media literacy skill grade (post-course M=45.98, post-course only M=44.96), no significant difference could be proven. These groups took the test at the same time, during the J175 final exam in December 2006. The data analyses revealed that the post-course* group (M=45.98, SD=4.4) and the post-course only group (M=44.96, SD=4.5) showed no significant difference in average media literacy skills assessment test scores, t(108)=1.437, at p < .05. These results failed to reject the null hypothesis. Such a result proved that, on average, all students exposed to the media literacy curriculum increased their comprehension, evaluation, and analysis skills pertaining to print, video, and audio media. The fifth hypothesis stated that there would be a significant difference in the average test scores of the no-course group and the post-course only group: (H0: μno-course ≥ μpost-course only / H5: μno-course < μpost-course only) The null hypothesis was also rejected here, as the results confirmed significant differences in the average test scores across all media formats and in total media literacy scores between students who had not enrolled in the media literacy class (M=40.16, SD=5.209), and those who had (M=44.96, SD=4.449), t(108)= -6.326, at p < .001. This comparison further reinforced the overall trend in the statistical analyses. The students who enrolled in and completed the media literacy course increased their critical media viewing skills during the semester

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compared to both their earlier scores and the scores by a group of comparable students who had not enrolled in the media literacy course. The experimental results help build a picture of media literacy education‘s effectiveness in higher education. The empirical data results were not an end but rather a beginning. Increases in media comprehension, evaluation and analysis are only one-half of the media literacy picture. Media literate individuals should be capable of applying their newfound skills to understand and critically engage with media‘s larger social and civic responsibilities. British media scholar Sonja Livingstone (2004) has particularly attempted to advance media literacy beyond a skills-based approach:

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…to focus solely on questions of skill or ability neglects the textuality and technology that mediates communication. In consequence, it unwittingly supports a universalist, cognitive framework, thereby neglecting in turn the historical and cultural contingency of both media and the social knowledge processes that interpret them (p. 8).

The results of the quasi-experiment successfully proved that students enrolled in a media literacy course increased their critical skills in media analysis across all media formats. Such results, however, failed to address a larger question: does this skill attainment allow students to better understand the larger political, ideological and democratic complexities of the media?

Focus Group Findings: Students Express Considerable Negativity towards Media ―I‘m actually a little disheartened. I mean, to think that it‘s always going to be this way. It‘s sad.‖ -Student, J175: Media Literacy course-

Numerous similarities and differences were noted between the two experimental focus group sessions and the control focus group session. Most importantly, and perhaps of concern, were the consistently negative views towards media expressed by the experimental group students. These students, all from the J175: Media Literacy course, expressed the benefits of media literacy education and its influence on their relationship with media. They praised media literacy‘s ability to help them ―look deeper‖ at media. However, when the conversation addressed media‘s influence on society and democracy, the students‘ cynical views overshadowed the substance of their conversation.

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They seemed empowered to be defensive against media. The experimental groups, in general, focused more on denouncing media functions than on critical reflection and discussion of why media works as it does and to what end.

Why So Negative? The negativity discovered in the experimental group discussions was cause for concern on numerous fronts. First, the general climate of cynicism was extensive. The negative tone of the conversations on media relevance and bias overshadowed any substantive discussions about relevance and credibility that may have evolved. As one male student from the experimental group stated:

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I think a lot of our generation is cynical. I personally feel like organizations are out to get us. I think everyone needs to question everything. I think when the media tell you something on the news, they aren‘t trying to give you information, but trying to benefit themselves. It‘s like what corporations try to do to better themselves.

This thought, just one example of the general tone of the discussion, alludes to a lack of trust in media systems. One student echoed the statements above: ―…you can‘t trust anyone or anything. You have to be on your toes. You can‘t trust anything. You always have to assume there‘s a catch or someone‘s out to get something from you.‖ These ideas were generally accepted in the discussion reflecting a general tone of distrust and suspicion consistent throughout the discussions. Another male student from the experimental group went even further by stating, ―I don‘t believe anything I see on television. Even if I watch a bunch of sources, I don‘t believe it. If A and B are giving the story, I still don‘t believe it.‖ When prodded to expand on this statement, the student offered no further explanation or reasoning, but simply reasserted that he did not trust one bit of information he received. In a response that wryly attempted to diffuse this comment, another student uttered: ―We aren‘t plotting rebellion, but I think we are a generation that is cynical.‖ Cynical dispositions are common in many young adults entering university. Questioning the world and its intricacies are natural and appropriate reflexes in all people. However, in this specific case the cynical

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ideas expressed by the students were in direct response to media and its societal roles. What is the connection between any pre-existing cynicism and the critical media exposure in a media literacy class? Perhaps media literacy education as it stands is inadequate to its goal of creating more aware citizens. The following quotes reflect the negativity pervasive in the experimental group discussions:

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―All news is biased news.‖ ―I‘ve never turned on the news and been like, wow, glad I watched that, made my day a whole lot better…or, like, felt informed about something relevant.‖ ―I have this theory that the media is much more about money and control than anything.‖ ―I think the government holds back a lot of information, because of fear of public reaction.‖ I think the government has a foot in every major corporation out there. Media corporations.‖ ―I think real news is pretty depressing. Everyone wants to turn towards some type of entertainment just to take their mind off of all this depressing news.‖

The control group also expressed negativity, but not to the extent of the experimental group. Their negative remarks were interspersed in larger discussions about audience roles in understanding media, definitions of media, and larger ideologies that media can reinforce. Their occasional lack of critical engagement and substantive discussion was likely due to a lack of formal and critical investigation into media functions. The nature of the control group‘s skepticism can be seen in one student‘s comment: I watch news with a cynical eye. I think you have to. Because people watch stuff and buy everything they see, and that‘s annoying. I don‘t watch news and say, really, and take everything they are saying…you have to be cynical to be realistic.

This student used the word cynicism to describe a sort of healthy skepticism, mentioning that it was his responsibility to be aware of media practices and seek out inconsistencies and discretions of specific messages. This remark was made during a discussion about media credibility with students who claim to have no prior formal media education. Again, this statement can be seen as rather idealistic and somewhat unrealistic, but rarely

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were similar sentiments expressed in both experimental focus groups. The following quotes reflect the general tone of the control group discussions: ―I personally always try to assume that journalists are going to try and tell us the truth because of their code of ethics, but I also understand that people are people. So they‘re going to have biases whether they try as hard as they can to be fair or not.‖ ―You can have smart guides for news media, but there is always going to be the money and the corporations, and you won‘t be able to separate those things. Politics and religion are always going to be involved, but we know that, so we have to see it…‖ ―Everything is going to have a bias no matter what. I mean we‘re never going to go over to Iraq and see what‘s happening, so it‘s good to have a discussion about these things. To question things.‖

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More Skills, More Negativity: Why a Disconnect? Attempting to find reasons for the negativity manifest in the discussions lends to numerous possible explanations. First, such outcomes could be representative of the generation involved in This chapter. In light of the recent political (WMD scandal, Libby trial) and corporate (Enron, Tyco) corruption exposed in the United States, and building on past national political scandals (Clinton/Lewinsky, Reagan/Iran Contra, Nixon/Watergate), students may be sensitized to react negatively to the media industry, and political coverage in general. Second, the teaching of the J175 course could have had much to do with the existing negative outlook of the students in the experimental groups. Some students remarked that they were taught to be cynical, as they were only shown the negative ways in which media worked to distort reality and sensationalize fact. This point is well taken and an issue that deserves its own exploration. Media literacy advocates outcomes that reflect understanding and awareness, and not negativity and cynicism. However, the field rarely comments on how such transfer is attained. Rather, media educators assume teaching students the skills to be critical will lead to healthy engagement with media. Without defining the experiential outcomes of media literacy and working to ensure their transfer, it runs the risk of succeeding in teaching students to be critical without teaching them how to become engaged. Third, the negativity demonstrated by the experimental groups could also be a product of fragmentation. Students now have so many avenues and

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options for information that they may be less inclined to rely on a few main sources for information. This may cause a natural rejection of the mainstream ―corporate‖ media outlets, whose reputation for credibility has recently been questioned, especially in light of the Internet‘s ability to serve as a watchdog over larger media outlets. The connections between students‘ increasing reliance on the Internet and the availability of alternative information via the Internet would be grounds for an interesting future exploration into dispositions towards media. At the conclusion of one experimental group session, the moderator asked in passing: ―In light of your praise for media literacy, how can you guys be so cynical‖? Replied one male student from the experimental group: ―People in Iraq aren‘t concerned about this because they have to worry about putting food on their table everyday. We don‘t, so we can afford to be cynical.‖ The outcomes of the focus group sessions reflected an interesting disposition by the experiment group students‘ approach to complex issues concerning media. Their conversations were less substantive than accusing, and less reflexive than assuming. This may be a product of group dynamics or conversational trends, but one aspect was evident: those engaged in the media literacy course were quick to deride media at every possible point. How can cynical learning outcomes be separated from skeptical ones? Media educators may have to create new frameworks for media literacy that can both teach critical media analysis and teach about how critical media analysis can help inform and engage individuals with the civic and democratic necessity of media. If taught to enable both of these outcomes, media literacy may avoid the trends revealed in the focus group discussions.

Discussion The results of this chapter evoke numerous implications for the future of media education outcomes in the university. What should a media literate student sound like? What are the barriers to successful learning outcomes for post-secondary media education? How can media education teach for active civic engagement in an information age? Perhaps more importantly, this chapter begs the question: what are students taking away from the classroom? Media educators spend countless hours engaging students with various broadcast, print, and online media in order to initiate critical discussion and analysis. Less frequently do media educators stop and ponder how students civically engage with media based on

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such learning experiences. How do they think about community? How do they understand media‘s responsibilities in a democracy? Do they see local, national, and global leaders in a new light? Do they question political choices concerning controversial subjects, i.e., abortion, health care, immigration? Do they understand what voting for a certain initiative means in light of how media outlets portray the issue? The crux of post-secondary media literacy education is not only that students can perform well on an exam about media or write a strong critique of a media message, but that they gain the ability to transfer their classroom performance into critical thought about the role of information in society and its implications for them as participants in civil society. Overseeing this transfer has never been a prerequisite for teaching or learning about media. This chapter has revealed some of the potential shortcomings associated with not teaching for the transfer of critical skills to critical reflection and civic awareness. The experimental inquiry found that the students enrolled in the media literacy course (n=170) increased their ability to comprehend, evaluate, and analyze media messages in print, video, and audio formats as compared to the control group (n=69). This result was anticipated. The focus groups, however, revealed cause for concern. Students enrolled in the J175 course did not associate skills with a critical understanding of media‘s social and civic functions. Rather, their newfound skills transferred into cynical and defensive discourse. The students seemed to feel that their exposure to a media literacy curriculum enabled them to confidently and critically defend themselves against ―the media.‖ This translated into often reactionary and negative comments towards media—results that distinguish the informed skeptic from the informed cynic. The difference between the informed skeptic and the informed cynic is at the core of media literacy education. Media literacy should breed informed skeptics—media consumers critical but understanding of how and why media works as it does, and aware of media‘s social, civic, and democratic responsibilities. Informed skeptics question media intentions. They seek information for issues most pertinent to their lives and their democratic existences. They question with the aim to be further enlightened, empowered, critical, and supportive of the media—in a way that helps spur reform, accountability, and an overall better media industry. The results of this chapter, however, revealed that the media literacy students reflected informed cynics—critical but unable to connect critical media viewing with the necessary understanding of media‘s central role in society. Informed cynics are sensitized to the media‘s negative traits, and thus

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take assumingly pessimistic stances towards media. They become reactionary, defensive and blame-centered. This is neither a productive nor intended outcome of media literacy in the university. In their publication, UnSpun: Finding Facts in a World of Disinformation, Brooks Jackson and Kathleen Hall Jamieson (2007) caution their readers to ―be skeptical, but not cynical:‖ The skeptic demands evidence, and rightly so. The cynic assumes that what he or she is being told is false. Throughout this book we‘ve been urging you to be skeptical of factual claims, to demand and weigh the evidence and to keep your mind open. But too many people mistake cynicism for skepticism. Cynicism is a form of gullibility—the cynic rejects facts without evidence, just as the naïve person accepts facts without evidence. And deception born of cynicism can be just as costly or potentially as dangerous to health and well-being as any other form of deception. (p. 175).

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This divide represents the gulf in the learning outcomes of a media literacy course. If there is no association between critical skills and critical awareness of media‘s civic and social responsibilities, then what real learning experiences have occurred?

CONCLUSION: FUTURE CONSIDERATIONS FOR POSTSECONDARY MEDIA LITERACY EDUCATION It is rather premature to attempt to provide a concrete single foundation that connects media education to media literate citizenship. More rigorous research, exploration, and evaluation are needed. This chapter is only the beginning. However, it is the beginning of a discussion that has at its core the defense of good citizenship and participatory democracy. Larger discussions concerning the effectiveness of media literacy courses in higher education should begin at their end point: the civic outcomes of a media literacy learning experience. How will students connect critical media analysis to their values and beliefs about media‘s role in civil society? What insights will they gain from interacting with the specific media messages they analyze in a classroom? How will their cognition of messages increase based on their heightened understanding of media? For such questions to be answered, the results of This chapter show a need for more rigorous assessment and evaluation of media education outcomes in the university.

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One way to advance civic outcomes for post-secondary media education is to increase empirical evaluation of media literacy outcomes in university classrooms. Rigorous inquiries into skill attainment and learning outcomes can spur the development of cohesive learning outcomes for effective media literacy education (Christ, 2006). New frameworks and guidelines based on quantitative findings can serve as discussion points for substantive conversations about the purpose, scope, and intentions of media literacy outcomes in higher education. At the conclusion of a media literacy course, students should be able to critically analyze media. They should further be able to connect their newfound analytic abilities to the media that they see outside of the classroom. This includes looking ―deeper‖ at media, but it also includes looking ―smarter‖ at media. It means understanding that cynicism rarely produces change or reform. It means understanding that every individual in Western society is dependent on media for local and global information. It means adopting and adapting such information to become an aware media citizen. Only then will the true benefits of media literacy become apparent.

APPENDIX A – MEDIA LITERACY SKILLS ASSESSMENT TEST OPEN-ENDED QUESTIONS Please briefly summarize the message (use the who, what, when, where, why, and how structure to write about the message): What is the purpose of the message? (check all that apply): ___to inform, ___to persuade, ___to entertain, ___self-expression, ___to teach, ___to make money. Identify the sender of this message. Where did the information originate. What information or points of view may be missing from this message? How does the sender attract and hold your attention? (check all that apply): ___the use of color, ___lighting, ___movement, ___the use of sound, ___camera angles, ___music.

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What does this information suggest about the effectiveness of terrorist prevention in the United States? How has this message changed what you believe about the way in which terrorism and safety are handled in the United States? This research was made possible with support from the Philip Merrill College of Journalism at the University of Maryland, College Park.

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REFERENCES Aufderheide, Patricia. (1993). Aspen media literacy conference report - part II. Queenstown, MD: Aspen Institute. Retrieved on 5 May 2007 from http://www.medialit.org/reading Barber, Benjamin. (2002). The educated student: Global citizen or global consumer?Liberal Education, Spring: 22-29. Bland, J. Martin, and Altman, Douglas, G. (1997). Statistics notes: Cronbach‘s alpha. BMJ 314: 572 (22 February). Retrieved on 22 May 2007 from http://www.bmj.com/cgi/content/full/314/7080/572 Brownell, Gregg, and Brownell, Nancy. (2003). Media literacy and technology in a media-saturated democracy. Refereed proceeding from The National Social Science Perspectives Journal. El Cajon, CA: National Social Science Association. Buckingham, David. (2003). Media education: Literacy, learning and contemporary culture. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. Christ, William, G. (Ed.). (2006). Assessing media education: A resources handbook for educators and administrators. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Chronbach, Lee, J. (1951). Coefficient alpha and the internal structure of tests. Psychometrika 16(3): 297-334. Creswell, John, W. (2002). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods approaches, second edition. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Dahlgren, Peter. (2006). Doing citizenship: The culture origins of civic agency in the public sphere. European Journal of Cultural Studies 9(3): 267-286. George, Darren, and Mallery, Paul. (2003). SPSS for windows step by step: A simple guide and reference. Boston, MA: Pearson Education.

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Hobbs, Renee, and Frost, Richard. (2003). Measuring the acquisition of media literacy skills.Reading Research Quarterly 38(3): 330-355. Jackson, Brooks, and Hall Jamieson, Kathleen. (2007). UnSpun: Finding facts in a world of disinformation. New York, NY: Random House. Jenkins, Henry. (2006). Convergence culture: Where old and new media collide. New York, NY: New York University Press. Jerit, Jennifer, Barabas, Jason, and Bolsen, Tony. (2006). Citizens, knowledge, and the information environment. American Journal of Political Science 50(2): 266-282 Kellner, Douglas, and Share, Jeff. (2005). Towards critical media literacy: Core concepts, debates, organizations, and policy. Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education 26(3): 369-386. Lemann, Nicholas. (1998). [book review] The good citizen: How our ideals of Citizenship are changing. The Washington Monthly Online 30/10, retrieved on 19 December 2007 from: http://www.washingtonmonthly.com/books/1998/9810.lemann.citizen.htm l Levy, Pierre. (1997). Collective intelligence: Mankind‘s emerging world in cyberspace.Cambridge, MA: Perseus Books. Lewis, Justin. (2006). News and the empowerment of citizens. European Journal of Cultural Studies 9(3): 303-319. Litosseliti, Lia. (2003). Using focus groups in research. London, UK: Continuum. Livingstone, Sonja. (2004). Media literacy and the challenge of information andcommunication technologies. The Communication Review 7(3-14): 314. Masterman, Len. (1985). Teaching the media. London, UK: Routledge. In Tony Lavendar, Birgitte Tufte and Dafna Lemish (Eds.). (2006). Global trends in media education. Cresskill, NJ: Hampton Press. Schudson, Michael. (1998). Changing concepts of democracy. MIT Communications Forum Retrieved on 18 October 2007 from http://web Schudson, Michael. (1999). Good citizens and bad history: Today's political ideals in historical perspective. Paper presented at conference on "The Transformation of Civic Life" Middle Tennessee State University. November 12-13. Retrieved 18 October 2007 from http://www.mtsu.edu/~seig/paper_m_schudson.html Silverblatt, Art. (2004). Media as social institution. American Behavioral Scientist 48(2): 35-41.

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Sydenstricker-Neto, John. (2007). Research design and mixed methods approach: A hands-on experience. WEB Center for Social Research Methods. Retrieved on 10 May 2007 from http://www.socialresearchmethods.net/tutorial/ Sydenstricker/bolsa.html#Why%20Mixed Worsnop, Chris. (2004). Beware the anti-media literacy lobbyists. The Association for Media Literacy. February. Retrieved on 22 February 2007 fromhttp://www.aml.ca/articles/articles.php?articleID=265 Worsnop, Chris. (1997). Assessing media work. Mississauga, Ontario, Canada: Wright Communications.

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In: Research in Media Education Editor: Chi-kim Cheung

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Chapter 7

A STUDY OF MEDIA EDUCATION IN KINDERGARTENS IN HONG KONG CK Cheung University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, Hong Kong

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INTRODUCTION In this information era, media has become an important part of our children‘s lives. In a manner of speaking, media has become students` first curriculum and schooling their second. Postman (2006)‘s best-known book ―Amusing Ourselves to Death‖, deplored the decline in literacy as television images have replaced the written word. In his earlier work ―The Disappearance of Childhood‖, Postman (1984) claimed that the continuance of childhood is severely threatened by media exposure. Domaille and Buckingham (2001) presented the results of a worldwide survey of media education in 35 countries and noted that the influence of media on students has been tremendous. The Kaiser Foundation (2003, 2005 and 2007) has published a series of studies on children and media and noted the impact of media on students. What can we do when the mass media exert such a great influence on young people? One proposal has been for the introduction of a new school subject: media education (Leung 1999). As this subject has already appeared in the secondary and primary curriculum in many countries, there has been a call for it to be implemented in primary education also (Craggs 1992). It is

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timely to start research on the need for implementing media education in kindergartens.

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SIGNIFICANCE OF MEDIA EDUCATION: FROM YOUTH PROTECTION TO EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATION In 1982, following an international meeting of experts from 19 nations held in Grunwald in Germany, UNESCO published a declaration making the argument for media education. The Grunwald Declaration argues that the media are an increasingly significant and powerful force in contemporary societies, and that a coherent and systematic form of education about the mass media must be seen as an essential component — indeed, a prerequisite — of modern citizenship (UNESCO 1982). Historically, media education has been seen as a way to protect youth from harmful media influence (Kubey 1998). Media literacy is considered important for protecting citizenship and democracy (Megee 1997). Media education can furnish students with transferable skills and reinforce the delivery of subject content and learning in all subject areas. Teachers can use media education as a cross-platform pedagogical strategy in order to motivate and challenge students, engage multiple learning intelligences, link real-life skills and knowledge with classroom learning, foster an interdisciplinary approach to knowledge acquisition and subject mastery, stimulate transfer of skills and knowledge to new areas of experience and inquiry, and improve basic skills in reading and writing (Hobbs and Frost 1998). Media education can also be viewed as the study of popular arts (Buckingham 2001). Recent studies in the United States found that a media literacy program integrated into the school curriculum was being used as a health promotion strategy and as a tool for developing critical thinking and literacy skills. Several studies have confirmed that media literacy lessons can help reduce the potentially harmful effects of TV violence on young viewers (Robinson et al 2001) and help high-risk youth develop more responsible decision-making skills in their own lives (Moore et al 2000). Other studies have concluded that media literacy can help high school girls enhance their sense of selfacceptance and empowerment regarding media images of women‘s bodies (Piran et al 2000), and can help high school male athletes develop skepticism about steroids and supplements while building knowledge about strengthtraining (Goldberg et al 2000). Media literacy education has been shown to

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increase children‘s understanding of the persuasive intent of alcohol advertisements (Austin and Johnson 1997) and influence tobacco use for high school students (Pinkleton et al 2003), and is used in youth drug prevention (The New York Times Newspaper in Education Program 2002). It has also been concluded that incorporating media message analysis into the secondary level English language arts curriculum can enhance the development of literacy skills (Hobbs and Frost 1998). Over the past decade, the media have increasingly penetrated all areas of social life, and several developments have made the argument for media education even more urgent. Among the most significant changes are the following: (Buckingham 2001, p. 3-4) –

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–

–

–

Technological developments. With the advent of multi-channel television, home video, computers and the internet, there has been a massive proliferation of electronic media. This has resulted in an appearance of greater choice for the consumer and in the growing accessibility of opportunities for production, as the cost of technology has fallen. Economic developments. The media have been subjected to the broader commercialisation of contemporary culture. In many countries, public service media have lost ground to commercial media; and forms of advertising, promotion and sponsorship have steadily permeated the public sphere of social and political debate. This has been the case even in countries where the media were formerly subject to strong state control and censorship. Social developments. Most social commentators agree that the contemporary world has been characterised by a growing sense of fragmentation and individualisation. Established traditions and ways of life are being eroded and familiar hierarchies overthrown. New, more individuated forms of identity and lifestyle are being created and promoted via the media; and individuals have become more diverse in their uses and interpretations of cultural goods. Globalisation. The balance between the global and the local is changing in complex and uneven ways, both in cultural and in economic terms. Global media corporations dominate the marketplace; yet new technologies also permit more decentralised, localised communications, and the creation of ‗communities‘ that transcend national boundaries. Meanwhile, the gap between rich and

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poor appears to be widening; and this is also manifested in terms of access to information and to media technologies. These changes make the nature of contemporary citizenship — the issue that is at the heart of the Grunwald Declaration — significantly more complex and ambiguous. These changes have particular implications for children, who are defined as innocents in need of protection on the one hand, and as a competent, ‗media-wise‘ generation on the other. The fact is that adults are less able nowadays to control children‘s access to the media, and therefore, ―we must prepare young people for living in a world of powerful images, words and sounds‖ (UNESCO 1982, cited by Thoman 2003, p. 1). Rather than condemning the undoubted power of the media, we need to accept its significant impact and penetration throughout society. ―Unless everyone recognizes the influence of the media, and learns how to engage with it, their ability to participate in society is curtailed…Developing media education within school curricula, media awareness projects and practical opportunities for media production are invaluable methods of ensuring that young people are well-equipped to tackle the complexities of adult life and to contribute to public debate about the type of society in which they want to live‖ (UNICEF 2003, cited by Muto 2004, p. 37). Government and educators need to recognize their obligations to promote in their citizenship a critical understanding of the power and influence of the media. The argument for implementing media education in kindergarten is that nowadays, the world in which we live is completely media saturated, and children need to be educated on how to understand and interpret media messages in a critical way. Media education is also significant in early childhood education. The Kaiser Foundation (2005) explored the history of research into the effects of electronic media on children aged zero to six years old. Even the youngest children in the United States are exposed to a wide range of screen media, for example, early childhood television programming, and computer software for toddlers and video series for infants (Kaiser Foundation 2003). Educators, researchers and policymakers have expressed concerns about the impact of media on young children. It was found that ―children may be the most vulnerable between birth and school age to certain negative effects of media use such as obesity, aggression, fear, and sleep disturbances. Paralleling this vulnerability is a unique responsiveness to educational programming that has been linked to both immediate and long range educational benefits‖ (Kaiser Foundation 2005, p. 1). It was also argued that the development of human brains at early ages was stimulated by interaction with other humans (like

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parents), manipulation of environmental elements (playing with water and sand) and other creative problem-solving activities. As screen media provides only top-down information transfer and discourages interaction, the American Academy of Pediatrics officially state that the risk of infants using media outweighs the benefits and recommend against screen media use for young children (Kaiser Foundation 2005) Another study (Kaiser Foundation 2007) confirmed parents‘ concerns over the inappropriate content in the media.

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THE SIGNIFICANCE OF MEDIA EDUCATION IN KINDERGARTENS The development of media education in kindergarten has been slow but is now picking up. Since the mid 1990s, Australia has mandated media education from kindergarten through 12th grade. Its acceptance is based on the recognition that the media have a significant impact on our lives, help shape the way we see ourselves and others, and play a crucial role in the creation of personal, social and national identity. Currently, in most Australian states, media is one of five strands of the ―Arts Key Learning Area‖ and includes ―essential learnings‖ or ―outcomes‖ listed for various stages of development (Domaille and Buckingham 2001). In Canada, where each province is responsible for its own education system, topics about media education can be found in the kindergarten curricula in the provinces of Alberta and British Columbia In Hong Kong, schools are criticized for their outdated curricula, for their failure to keep abreast of the latest knowledge and for boring teaching methods (Cheung 2001b). To keep up with the demands and needs of the new knowledge-based economy of the 21st century, the aims of early childhood education in Hong Kong has been revised with the aim of early childhood education now being ―to foster children‘s whole person development‖. The curriculum framework for early childhood education is developed through six learning areas: (1) Physical Fitness and Health, (2) Language, (3) Early Mathematics, (4) Science and Technology, (5) Self and Society and (6) Arts. Media education has the potential to gain entry into at least two areas: Language and Self and Society (HKEDB 2006b). As early childhood is the golden period for language learning, children in early education should learn to speak politely, to ask and answer questions, as well as to share with others what they experience and encounter in everyday life. The fact that young

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children spend so much time with media (especially television, see Magee 1997; Davies et al. 1999; CTF 2003; Chan and McNeal 2006) gives schools an enormous opportunity to inform and educate. Media education aims to help children develop the critical and discerning attitudes needed to make informed judgments about what they see and hear. Through education, children should learn to build up self-confidence and a sense of responsibility, expand their social circle and develop a national identity. One direction is to teach moral education through media education (Cheung 2007).

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EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATION IN HONG KONG In Hong Kong, pre-primary education is not included as part of the formal education system. Nevertheless, approximately 95 percent of children receive early childhood education (HKU 1999a). The Hong Kong Education Bureau (EDB) approves all curricula for the Hong Kong education system. Preprimary services refers to ―provision of education and care to young children by kindergartens and child care centres.‖ Kindergartens, registered with the Education Bureau, provide services for children from three to six years old. Child care centres, on the other hand, are registered with the Social Welfare Department and include nurseries catering for children aged two to three, and crèches looking after infants from birth to two (EDB 2009). All kindergartens are registered under the Education Ordinance. Inspectors from the Education Bureau visit kindergartens regularly to offer advice to principals on curriculum, teaching approaches and school administration. According to the Education Bureau, the aim of pre-primary education is ―to provide children with a relaxing and pleasurable learning environment to promote a balanced development of different aspects necessary to a child‘s development‖ (EDB 2009, p.1). Following the trends and latest development in early childhood education around the world as well as the curriculum reforms in Hong Kong, the Curriculum Development Council Committee on Early Childhood Education has revised the ―Guide to the Pre-primary Curriculum‖ published in 1996. The new ―Guide to the Pre-primary Curriculum (2006)‖, has been fully implemented in all pre-primary institutions since 2007. The ―Guide to the Pre-primary Curriculum (2006)‖ emphasises that early childhood education lays the foundation for life-long learning and whole person development, and serves as the starting point for formal education. It articulates with primary, secondary and tertiary education to form an entire

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spectrum of education. The core value of early childhood education lies in ―child-centredness‖. Learning theory has shown that children learn gradually and construct knowledge with the assistance of adults. Children‘s development is mainly influenced by family, school and society. Appropriate co-ordination among the three parties will enable children to develop their potential and be prepared for life-long learning. Many parents, government officials and educators express concern over the powerful influence of the media, and this is perhaps why it is important to introduce media into the school curriculum in order to protect young children against the harmful effects of the mass media. There are four objectives in developing the curriculum framework for early childhood education: ―Physical Development‖, ―Cognitive and Language Development‖, ―Affective and Social Development‖ and ―Aesthetic Development‖. These objectives can be achieved through six learning areas, namely, ―Physical Fitness and Health‖, ―Language‖, ―Early Mathematics‖, ―Science and Technology‖, ―Self and Society‖ and ―Arts‖. A diversified learning environment that provides sufficient learning opportunities will facilitate the development of these multiple intelligences in children. A majority of kindergartens in Hong Kong have a ―Reading Corner‖, ―Mathematics Corner‖, ―Nature Corner‖, ―Art and Craft Corner‖, ―Music Corner‖, ―Home Corner‖ etc., which are all well equipped with the necessary teaching aids to facilitate self-learning. As young children spend so much time involved in learning with media, there should be some education in schools on how this media should be used in a manner most beneficial to a child‘s learning.

THE STUDY The study aims to determine the role of media education in kindergartens in Hong Kong. The aims of this research were to investigate: – – –

the teachers‘ understanding of media education the schools‘ use of media education the problems faced by teachers in introducing media education

Data were generated by means of a fax survey distributed to all kindergartens in Hong Kong, a total of 438. A total of 107 useable responses were received. At the end of the questionnaire, respondents were asked to indicate whether they would be willing to be interviewed for more

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information. A total of 20 interviews with kindergarten principals and teachers were conducted. Each interview lasted for about an hour and was taped and transcribed.

DISCUSSION OF SURVEY FINDINGS Teachers’ Familiarity with Media Education In Q1, the respondents were asked to rate the level of importance of six factors which may influence children‘s development (on a 4 point scale, with 4 = very influential, 3 = somewhat influential, 2 = slightly influential, and 1 = not at all influential). The results for the ratings are shown in Table 1. All the factors were considered to be relevant (as all the mean scores were above ―3‖). Although media was ranked number three, behind family and school, the extracts from some principals from the follow up interviews revealed its significance:

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I regard the family‘s influence on students should be the biggest, but nowadays parents are very busy, and they do not have time to take care of their children. TV has become the kids‘ babysitter. (Principal C)

Students pick things up from TV very easily. For example, they can sing the jingles from TV advertisements easily and sometimes, they imitate the actions of TV characters. The media influence is tremendous (Teacher B) Table 1. Major Influence in Children’s Development Ranked by Importance Mean Scores

Family School Media (e.g. Internet, Newspaper, T.V., Radio, Movies and Computer Games etc.) Peer Government Religion

Rank 1 2 3

Mean 3.97 3.82 3.67

S.D. 0.29 0.45 0.51

4 5 6

3.58 3.31 3.23

0.54 0.72 0.74

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THE OBJECTIVES OF MEDIA EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS’ WILLINGNESS TO IMPLEMENT In Q2, the respondents were asked to indicate whether they were willing to implement media education. An overwhelming 85% said ―yes‖. One principal summed it up nicely;

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We understand that media has exerted a big influence on children, and it is important to teach media education (Principal H)

In Q3, the respondents were asked whether they agreed that the adoption of media education could achieve a number of purposes (on a 5 point scale, with 5 = totally agree, 4= agree, 3 = neutral, 2 = disagree, and 1 = totally disagree). It seems that the principals and teachers in the study had recognized the growing importance of media education and their role in protecting young children from the adverse effects of media exposure as they recognized that the main purposes of media education were ―to protect pupils against the negative impact of media, to provide pupils with positive values and to train pupils the ability to distinguish between good and bad media‖. In this respect, they seemed to be responding to the traditional protectionist view of media education with the aim ―to arm children against what are seen to be the dangers of the media‖ (Buckingham 2001, p. 9). Another principal stated: The kids watch too much television. If we allowed it, they would play with handheld games like PSP and NDS even here. There is too much sex and violence everywhere…too much media…so media education is important…we need to protect them (Principal C).

A recent development in media education sees the shift from ‗protection‘ to ‗preparation‘ in media education, especially in countries with the most mature developments in media education Buckingham (2001:10) asserted that ―Media education aims to develop young people‘s understanding of, and participation in, the media culture that surrounds them‖. This is not yet the case in the eyes of the principals in this study as in our survey, the purposes of media education such as ―to interpret media message, to supervise media and to express themselves with the use of media‖, though scoring quite high, were ranked of relatively low importance. As one principal stated:

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Kindergarten pupils are a little too young to understand and interpret the true meaning of media messages (Principal D).

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Table 2. Objectives of Media Education

To protect pupils against the negative impact of media To provide pupils with positive values To teach pupils how to distinguish between good and bad media To teach pupils how to analyze To prevent pupils from receiving information passively and blindly To teach pupils how to think and judge To teach pupils how to interpret information To help pupils to understand media‘s impact To teach pupils how to appreciate media To encourage pupils to interpret media messages To teach pupils how to supervise media To teach pupils how to express themselves through the use of media

Rank 1

Mean 4.51

S.D. 0.69

2

4.45

0.74

3

4.39

0.67

4

4.39

0.74

5

4.38

0.67

6

4.34

0.80

7

4.26

0.70

8

4.15

0.67

9

4.14

0.59

10

3.94

0.74

11

3.93

0.76

12

3.88

0.79

Obstacles to Implementing Media Education In Q4, the respondents were asked to indicate to what extent they agreed

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on the major problems they encountered in media education (Table 3). The respondents perceived that all the listed items were serious obstacles.

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Lack of Resources: Teacher Training, Teaching Materials, and Time Many schools want to implement media education in their curriculum, but are frustrated by the dearth of adequately trained teachers. Back in the eighties, many considered teacher training as a crucial factor contributing to the development of media education. A similar claim is made by Hart and Hicks (2002), who found that teachers with proper teacher training in media education tend to have better instructional methods and to be more confident when teaching the subject. In addition a recent study of media literacy in 27 member states of the European Union concludes that ―if a country adopts a policy favorable to the training of teachers in media education and media literacy, development conditions of media competences in the population in general change radically‖ (Current Trends and Approaches, 2007). However, despite the near universal agreement on the importance of training, media education everywhere has been hindered by a lack of appropriate training for teachers. In the follow-up interviews, respondents shared similar feelings; I would say the lack of teacher training is a big obstacle. Teachers often feel that they are not well trained to teach media in class. There is a lack of confidence in their abilities and expertise (Principal E). Even if I wanted to teach media education in kindergarten, I could not find any teacher training course available (Teacher C).

In Hong Kong, teacher training in the field of media education amounts to nothing. The only course available is an elective course offered by the PostGraduate diploma of education course at the University in Hong Kong, but all that an eighteen hour elective course could do is very limited. Furthermore, the media education seminars and training workshops in Hong Kong are often targeted at secondary and primary teachers (Cheung 2004). While many teachers and principals in the survey favoured the idea of media education, some indicated in the follow-up interview that they lacked the teaching resources to implement it. One principal summed it up nicely; Even if we wanted to implement media education, where could we find appropriate teaching materials?

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This is true, as developing effective and appropriate teaching materials for media education involves far more than just cutting out newspaper ads. First of all, there is the problem of selection. Some examples are better than others; for instance, to help third-graders understand the intentional imprecision commonly found in advertising, cereal ads which display the product along with an attractive array of fruits and toast are more appropriate than drug commercials employing the same technique. It takes a lot of searching to locate the best examples, ones that help illustrate the point in question, but which students can also actually relate to. Then there is the problem of research. Before an ad can be used in class, the teacher must work out for him/herself the many questions that may be asked from a media literate individual‘s perspective and that may come up during class discussions. What is the design of the ad? What mood does it create? Does it reinforce cultural values or perpetuate stereotypes? What about the signs and symbols used? What aesthetic decisions are involved, such as those relating to typeface, lighting and color? These are not easy questions, and teachers must devote enough time to thoroughly researching such questions. For these reasons, it may be thought more productive for organizations, rather than individual teachers, to shoulder the responsibility of developing quality educational materials and then distributing them to teachers. However, the unavoidable time lag occasioned by the publication process threatens to compromise the effectiveness of classroom instruction. This is because unlike the literary canon, which hardly changes over decades or even centuries, the stock of examples for use in media education classrooms must be constantly updated to ensure relevance to students‘ lives. What last year‘s students find relevant and engaging this year‘s class may not even know about—nothing is older than yesterday‘s news, as the saying goes. By the time a collection of teaching materials has been developed, published and eventually delivered to teachers, it has started to lose its relevance and soon the whole process has to start all over again. Besides the problem of teacher training and resources, in Hong Kong schools, the timetable is often tight, and the curriculum is already crowded, which makes it difficult to add media education as a new subject despite its growing importance. This view is also shared by principals. The crowded curriculum is also to blame. Where will we fit media education if we decide it is important? Every subject area in school considers itself important, and rightly so. Any new curriculum initiative becomes an imagined threat to the established territory of other subjects (Principal F).

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The trivial and tedious administrative work in kindergartens has greatly increased the work pressure of kindergarten teachers, which made it real difficult for us to implement media education (Principal G).

Table 3. Problems Encountered by Teachers in Media Education

Lack of teacher training Lack of time Lack of teaching resources

Mean 4.21 4.20 4.16

S.D. 0.91 0.80 0.92

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CONCLUSION The survey indicates that principals and teachers in kindergartens believe that media education is important for young children, but implementing it is not easy. There are several barriers to the successful implementation of media education, mainly lack of time and resources. Without specialist teacher training, media education will continue to be seen as a ‗fringe‘ or even ‗Mickey Mouse‘ subject; without good classroom resources, teachers find it difficult to engage and motivate students. The development of media education in the 21st century will depend crucially on whether and when these problems can be satisfactorily resolved. Because media education involves such a diversity of skills and expertise, the government, schools and families will have to work together. Government must provide clear support to such programs by incorporating media education within the curriculum, establishing teaching resources and providing training for teachers. There must also be good collaboration between schools and parents to ensure successful implementation. Future research is needed to assess two additional topics of interest. 1) the level of awareness regarding the availability of media education resources for kindergarten teachers, and 2) How effectively teachers. use and address media in the classroom. Such information will provide more useful insights into the status of media education in kindergartens and the possibility of its future inclusion in the curriculum.

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Kaiser Foundation (2005). ―The Effects of Electronic Media on Children Ages Zero to Six: A History of Research.‖, Prepared for the Kaiser Foundation by the Center on Media and Child Health, Children‘s Hospital Boston, 116, http://www.kff.org/entmedia/upload/The-Effects-of-Electronic-Mediaon-Children-Ages-Zero-to-Six-A-History-of-Research-Issue-Brief.pdf. Accessed 10 June 2009 Kaiser Foundation (2007). ―Parents, Children and Media‖, A Kaiser Family Foundation Survey, June 2007, 1-42, http://www.kff.org/entmedia /upload/7638.pdf. Accessed 10 June 2009 Kubey, Robert (1998). Obstacles to the Development of Media Education in the United States. Journal of Communication, 58-69. Legco (2002). ―Education Voucher System.‖, Prepared by Ms Vicky Lee and Ms Elyssa Wong, Research and Library Services Division Legislative Council Secretariat, 9 April 2002, http://www.legco.gov.hk/yr0102/english/sec/library/0102rp06e.pdf. Accessed 20 June 2009 Leung, G.L.K. (1999). Study on the Influence of Media on Youth. Hong Kong: Commission on Youth. Magee, Mary (1997). Media Literacy: The New Basic – Will the Real Curriculum Please Stand Up., Emergency Librarian, 25 (2): 23-26. Moore, Jane, Neal DeChillo, Barbara Nicholson, Angela Genovese and Stephanie Sladen (2000). Flashpoint: An Innovative Media Literacy Intervention for High-Risk Adolescents. Juvenile and Family Court Journal, 23-33. Muto, Sachiko (2004). Children and Media. Young Consumers, Quarter 4 3743. New York Times Newspaper in Education Program (2002). ―Media Literacy for Drug Prevention Teacher Survey Report, August 2002. Pinkleton, Bruce, Erica Austin, Marilyn Cohen and Autumn Miller (2003). ―Media Literacy and Smoking Prevention Among Adolescents: A YearTwo Evaluation of the American Legacy Foundation/Washington State Department of Health Anti-Tobacco Campaign.‖, Paper Presented at the International Communication Association, Health Communication Division, San Diego, California, May 2003. Piran, Nirva, Michael Levine and Lori Irving (2000). Go Girls! Media Literacy, Activism and Advocacy Project. Healthy Weight Journal, November/December: 89-90. Postman, Neil (1984). The Disappearance of Childhood, New York: Laurce. Postman, Neil (2006). Amusing Ourselves to Death: Public Discourse in the Age of Show Business, New York: Penguin Book.

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Robinson, Thomas, Marta L. Wilde, Lisa C. Navracruz, K. Farish Haydel and Ann Varady (2001). Effects of Reducing Children‘s Television and Video Game Use on Aggressive Behavior., Archives of Pediatric Adolescent Medicine, 155: 17-23. Soeters, Karen E. and Katinka van Schaik (2006). Children‘s Experiences on the Internet. New Library World, 107 (1220/1221): 31-36. Thoman, Elizabeth (2003). ―Skills and Strategies for Media Education.‖, Centre for Media Literacy, http://www.medialit.org. Accessed 20 June 2009 UNESCO (1982). ―Grunwald Declaration on Media Education‖, http://www.unesco.org/education. Accessed 10 June 2009 UNESCO (1999). Recommendations Addressed to the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization UNESCO. In: Education for the Media and the Digital Age. Vienna: UNESCO, 1999, p.273-274. Reprint in: Outlooks on Children and Media. Goteborg: UNESCO and NORDICOM, 2001, p. 152. University of Hong Kong (HKU 1999a). ―Background Paper: Seminar on New Culture for Early Childhood Education: Curriculum, Academic Structure, Teaching Profession. Building Up a New Culture for Quality Early Childhood Education‖, http://www.hku.hk/educate/creform/earlychild.pdf. Accessed 10 June 2009 University of Hong Kong (HKU 1999b). ―A Holistic Review of the Hong Kong School Curriculum Proposed Reforms‖,http://www.hku.hk/ educate/reform. Accessed 10 June 2009

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Chapter 8

FROM INSTRUCTION TO REFLECTION: FILM IN EDUCATION IN SWEDEN Anne-Li Lindgren, Anna Sparrman andKatarina Eriksson Barajas

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Linköping University, Linköping, Sweden

INTRODUCTION A specific vein of media education is under study in this chapter, namely, film in schools. School Cinema was first launched in Sweden as an educational tool in the early 20th century, and has been referred to as ―the first IT revolution in school‖ (Viklund, 1999). The notion that film catches the interest of students is the same today as it was in the past, but the forms and expected learning outcomes have changed. Whereas formal learning was highlighted until the1980s, contemporary education focuses on the learning of social skills. The chapter is based on a research project funded by a prestigious grant from the Swedish Research Council, From instruction to reflection – teachers’ and pupils’ use of school film and school movies (Grant registration number 2002-2727), and we propose the role of media in education as a complement to media education. We adopt a research approach that considers visual culture to be a significant constitutive force in society (Mirzoeff, 1998/2002; Mitchell, 2002), and our aim is to further investigate the role visuals can play in individuals‘ everyday life, as well as in constructing their knowledge, and their

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identity in a school environment. We explore how visual culture and students‘ perspectives (cf. Sparrman and Lindgren, 2010) are part of learning practices in School Cinema activities today. In doing this, we show that the role of media in education can be understood in new and important ways for both culture and education. The chapter starts with a brief historical overview focusing on film as a visual pedagogical resource.

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THE EMERGING DISCOURSE ON SCHOOL CINEMA In Sweden, educational film was introduced into schools in the early 1920s as an initiative from popular cinema and also from producers of textbooks and teaching aids. Films for school were produced by commercial agencies, and were presented in corresponding subjects in school. For example, the documentary Swedish Birds from 1923 was presented in Biology and A Visit in New Zealand from 1924 in Geography. Individual schools were encouraged to rent projectors and films – or even better, buy the projectors and rent the films – from the distributers in Stockholm. There are no records today of the total distribution of films to local schools in the early decades. However, the main agent, AB Svensk Filmindustri, listed 500 film titles in their film catalogue in 1922, and 1,225 titles 20 years later. The number of titles was highest in 1935/36, with 1,989 films available for schools. The agents strove to get state funding for educational film, and make it mandatory in education (Lindgren, 2009). It was mainly in science that film found a platform to legitimize its role in education. This is true in the US context (Clark, 1933; Davis, 1932; Finegan, 1928), as well as in the Swedish (Lindgren, 2009). In Sweden, a teacher periodical, Tidskrift för Svensk Skolfilm och Bildnings film (Svensk Filmindustri. Skolfilmsavdelningen, 1924, 1925), listed new materials and described them to support the use of film in education. Arguments in favor of film in education were that this medium makes it possible to visualize processes in nature, such as seasonal changes, growth in plants, insect processes, pollination, and adaptation of plants to different light during the day. The new medium made it possible to observe ―the hitherto unseen,‖ ―revealing the secrets of nature‖, and what was ―hidden for our eyes‖ (Lindgren, 2009, p. 43–44). The films were so detailed and clear that it made the students and teachers feel as if they ―were there‖ themselves at the same time as it increased the ability to ―penetrate and learn‖ about the subjects (Lindgren, 2009, p. 43, 41). All this was thanks to technical advances (Crary,

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1990), making it possible to use high or low camera angles that could reveal the point of view of a bird or a fish, to use close-ups, and telephoto or wideangle lenses, or to speed up or slow down time, making it possible to observe really fast events in great detail. The teacher periodical contained many descriptions of the visual effects, claiming that what is seen with the own eyes is not so easy to forget, and, compared to reading a textbook, what has been visually observed becomes a manifest memory (Lindgren, 2009). With a language borrowed from the natural sciences, film was said to ―narrativize the real‖ (Renov, 1993, p. 6). As this demonstrates, the discourse on film education related to the discourse on nonfiction film and the emerging documentary tradition. Moreover, the teacher periodical used children‘s voices to tell of the pedagogical advantages of educating through film. Drawings and essays produced by children were published, in which children‘s voices were used to bring across the message that film was more effective for learning than other educational sources, such as lectures or textbooks (Lindgren, 2009). The main agent for the use of film in school, Gustaf Berg at Svensk Filmindustri, wrote: ―I have seen the importance of cinema in hundreds of schoolchildren‘s essays. These children should be lucky to be born in the age of cinema.‖ (Svensk Filmindustri. Skolfilmsavdelningen, 1925, p. 559) One example of such an essay related to learning about unknown, and distant, countries and cultures. After having seen Nanook of the North from 1922, the first documentary film, according to some sources (Renov, 1993, p 2–3), one 15-year-old girl wrote, ―It was really sad when the film ended. It had filled us with sympathy for the Eskimos and made us understand their hard struggle for survival.‖ (Svensk Filmindustri. Skolfilmsavdelningen, 1924, p. 124). Others commented on the importance of seeing other cultures, ―The understanding of what you have read becomes much clearer and better if you can see it on a film afterwards.‖ (Svensk Filmindustri. Skolfilmsavdelningen, 1924, p. 181), and: ―How much more vivid is not the experience of people and countries, when you see it on a film, compared to when you read about them [sic] in books.‖ (Svensk Filmindustri. Skolfilmsavdelningen, 1924, p. 182). Since the 1980s, School Cinema has used the ordinary repertoire at local cinemas in Sweden, meaning that students are required to watch popular film during school hours with the purpose to understand more about life and the media. Today, the aim is – to provide quality film experiences for children and young people, and to encourage them to deepen their knowledge of film and to express themselves

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Anne-Li Lindgren, Anna Sparrman and Katarina Eriksson Barajas through film as a medium. /.../ This shared cinema experience is a springboard for debate about various life issues, but also about the cinematic language used in films. (Swedish Film Institute, 2008, para. 1–3)

In the 1980s, municipalities started to get public funding for the establishment and development of film education measures via the Swedish Film Institute (SFI). Since then, making educational film available has become a concern for most municipalities in Sweden even though signing up with the SFI is voluntary. Today, regional resource centers for film and video are an important link between the SFI, the municipalities, and individual schools. There are 19 such centers across Sweden. At these resource centers, appointed School Cinema coordinators facilitate the planning and use of film in school, and the SFI produces presentations of, and guidelines for, current films (Swedish Film Institute, 2008). In the research project described in this chapter, the aim is to analyze the classroom activities in various School Cinema activities and understand film in education from the student‘s perspective.

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A RESEARCH PROGRAM ON SCHOOL CINEMA A standard procedure in School Cinema is that students watch a film at a theater and then meet in school for a classroom discussion about the film. Another follow up activity is to let the students create their own media productions. In School Cinema, film is used as an educational tool in such different subjects as History, Social Science, and Language, or, more frequently, a cross curricular subject presented as Comprehensive School Cinema. We therefore talk about School Cinema not as media education, but about the medium of film as education. In the present research, data were collected with a media ethnographic approach during the fall of 2003. We focused on the educational activities based on three films: Lilya 4-ever (Jönsson and Moodysson, 2002), Evil (Lönnerheden, Leijonborg, and Håfström, 2003), and About a Boy (Hornby et al., 2002). The reasons for studying the specific films were twofold: the films were offered by local School Cinema theaters in different communities across Sweden, and they addressed the research issues of gender, class, ethnicity, and generation (for more detailed presentations of the methods for film selections, cf. Sparrman and Eriksson, 2004). The main plots of the films can be described as follows:

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Lilya 4-ever (Jönsson and Moodysson, 2002) is based on an actual case and a TV documentary about sex trafficking. The film is about a 16-year-old girl, Lilya, who, at the film‘s start, is living somewhere in the former USSR. She is abandoned by her mother and gradually Lilya‘s life falls apart. She leaves school, runs out of money, is raped, and falls into prostitution. With promises of true love and prospects for a decent job, Lilya is lured by a young man into going to Sweden. On arrival in Sweden, she is locked up in an apartment and held as a sex slave. Lilya finally manages to escape and commits suicide by jumping from a bridge. Evil (Lönnerheden, Leijonborg, and Håfström, 2003) is based on the semi-autobiographical novel, Ondskan (Eng. Evil) written in 1981 by Jan Guillou. The film is about a boy, Erik, and his experiences of boarding school in Sweden in the late 1950s. Before going to the boarding school, Erik lives with his mother and stepfather, who abuses both Erik and his mother. At the boarding school, Erik resists being part of the internal hierarchical order among the students, which turns newcomers into servants for the older students. He is abused, and retaliates by using violence to get back at his abusers. His behavior forces him to leave the boarding school before examination. About a Boy (Hornby et al., 2002) is based on the novel by the same title by Nick Hornby. It is about the bullied boy Marcus living with his suicidal mother in London. The other main character is Will; a single, love-seeking, self-supporting man in his 30s who, in spite of his insecurity, starts to engage with, and care about, the bullied boy and his situation. The supposed victim, the bullied boy, contributes to getting the self-obsessed man to care for others and this makes his life richer, and thereby makes the victim an agent of positive change. The film at times uses double voice-over narration, where the audience hears both Will‘s and Marcus‘s thoughts.

The researchers participated in school cinema showings at local theaters during regular school hours. We video recorded the follow up activities in eight classrooms in Junior High School and High School in four towns. Approximately 250 students between 14 and 18 years of age participated. In total, the research data comprise almost 25 hours of video-recorded classroom interactions, and field notes. In addition, we also collected student-produced material: 24 essays; nine student film scripts; 16 video recordings by students; three student audio recordings; and nine photographic pictures series by

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students. When collecting the data, the focus was on students‘ interpretations and constructions and not on the teacher‘s role in knowledge production. The coding of the data was carried out to describe the whole corpus of data (Fairclough, 1992) in accordance with the overall aim of the research project: to study discursive practices in School Cinema. Four overarching pairs of notions were found in the data: societal institutions and authorities; equality and inequality; collectivism and individuality; and national and international practices (Lindgren, Sparrman and Eriksson, 2005). In addition, we selected samples for detailed analysis (Fairclough, 1992, p. 230), such as talk about trafficking (Sparrman, 2006), sexuality (Eriksson Barajas, in press), and bullying (Eriksson Barajas and Lindgren, 2009), as well as the role of students as co-researchers (Sparrman, 2007), and School Cinema in a historical perspective (Lindgren, 2009). As indicated, different aspects of politics were prominent in school film activities. In the present chapter, the focus is on four examples highlighting how students interpret and understand issues such as visuality and welfare, participation, domestic violence, and bullying. Moreover, this chapter describes varying pedagogical strategies used in School Cinema, and the roles students can play in them.

USING FILM AS EDUCATION The schools in this research project chose to organize the School Cinema activities in specific ways. In one school, the students watched the film Lilya 4-ever as part of a week-long equality project initiated by four female students organizing film viewings with follow up discussions as a special school project. Another school used the film as part of the 2003 governmental campaign to show the film to all Swedish students in Junior High and High School (aged 16 to 18) as part of a national equality project (Sparrman, 2007). Some activities included listening to a speech, either before or after the film viewing, given by the non-governmental organization End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography and Trafficking in Children for Sexual Purposes. The viewing of About a Boy was used to teach Swedish and English language, while Evil was shown as a film about bullying, without any explicit goals. The empirical material highlights different ways of organizing follow up activities in the classrooms: either a traditional setup was used, with the teacher in front of the class and the students seated in rows to face the teacher, or the whole class seated in a wide circle, with students and teachers sitting next to, and looking at, each other. In both cases, a discussion about the film

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took place, sometimes starting with a prepared question by the teacher or a student as subteacher. In all examples, the discussions, after the introduction, were unstructured, with both teachers and students asking and answering questions. Another way of organizing the follow up activities was to divide the class into small discussion groups of three to five students with a sheet of prepared questions either as a backup for the discussion, or as questions to be answered. In these cases, the lessons ended with a teacher-led summary discussion in the classroom. In one class, questions from a guideline prepared by the SFI were used. Two classes did preparatory work before watching the movie. The preparations provided a framework for what was important in the movie and what should be dealt with after the viewing – in this case, bullying. During the startup activity, the students were divided into smaller groups and asked to write a film script about bullying. The script writing activity was to be completed after the film viewing. When finishing the film scripts the students themselves decided that the scripts should be performed to the rest of the class. In this School Cinema activity, the teacher integrated the film into language (Swedish and English) teaching, in which students practiced writing a script. We will now give examples of different topics that were raised in the School Cinema activities, and different ways to organize the education. In the four sections below, we focus on student perspectives. We start with an example of a big group (classroom) discussion with teachers about welfare.

Film Talk about Visualized Welfare Twenty boys and girls are sitting in a circle together with two teachers to discuss the film Lilya 4-ever they have seen at a local theater. The seats are organized in a circle, with students facing each other, making it easy to have eye contact when talking. A male teacher and a female student acting as subteacher initiated the discussion, and a female teacher is present in the group. All participants are seated in a circle. They all have a similar role as members of the whole group; consequently, the different positions teachers and students hold in school are downplayed. No SFI guidelines are followed; rather, the teacher and student subteacher have prepared their own questions for the session. However, after introducing the session, these are not used. The researcher is present in the room, standing outside the circle, and she is video recording the participants from outside the circle.

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The male teacher initiates the session by saying how much time they have for discussion, and that they will have lunch afterwards. He then initiates the group discussion by posing a question about what contrasting issues are shown in the film. A student, David, responds that the film is about society and that it presents images of ―what it looks like in Russia today.‖ His argument is that the main character in the film, Lilya, does not want to live in a place that ―looks like that,‖ the environment in Sweden when she arrives there ―looks much better.‖ David chooses to elaborate on the teacher‘s question by referring to the way things look in the film. He thereby relates to, and finds answers to, the question in the visual. He points to the way that visuality not only shows but also creates differences, and uses this as an explanation for why Lilya acts the way she does. In doing so, David shows an awareness of how the visual always is part of identity and nationality discourses (cf. Mitchell, 2002). In the following discussion, references to what is seen or not seen, and how visual representations can be interpreted, are discussed:

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Example 1. Visualized slums Participants: Classroom with 20 boys and girls, one male teacher, one female student acting as subteacher, and one female teacher. Tape: Anna_Lilja 2 KR3_10_22. Thea: Alexandra: Thea:

Male teacher: David:

Thea: David: Eva:

But I don‘t believe there were such big contrasts when they arrived in Sweden (.) I thought that the apartment blo[cks]… I didn‘t think that either. …and they looked about the same. (Balances her hands up and down.) What‘s the place where she lived and this, so it‘s, on the outside, they were very much alike. It was like a slum a bit where she lived in Sweden too, but then you got into the city in … Russia and the city here, I thought, where she lived. I don‘t think there were such big contrasts. OK. (Points at David with the whole hand.) Both were like slums, really, both the place in Sweden and that place in Russia where she was. But you could still see kind of differences … Yes, but they were not that big. At her place, the apartment was a mess. It was like … (shakes his head) dirt on the walls … … The bathrooms …

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Sonya: Tamya:

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Sonya:

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… and everywhere, like when she came to the apartment in Sweden. Like, the stairs, OK, it was not the most beautiful place in the world, but if you compare it to the place where she was before it was still quite a difference, I think. … and in the room as well. Yes, but that thing with the bathtub, that she felt if there was warm water or … all the time … Yes.

In the example, Thea engages in the dialogue by responding both to the teacher‘s initial opening, about what is created as contrast in the film, and to David‘s interpretation that the visual images show differences between the countries by showing the housing and neighborhoods (―blocks‖). Her main argument is that the differences are not mainly between housing. She introduces the word ―slum‖ into the discussion. This is the opposite of what David claims, namely that the contrasting effects relate to how the cities are visualized differently between the two countries. According to Thea, this is what makes the Swedish slum still stand out as a nicer place to be in. Like David, Thea explicitly refers to what can be seen, for example, what the slums look like, how they differ, and how they are presented. By arguing that this is her point of view, Thea also makes clear the importance of the visual in the construction of opinions and identities in the classroom. David engages in the dialogue by saying that there are slums in both countries, but still the visible differences between the slums must be acknowledged. The dialogue continues with more examples of what could be interpreted as constituting a slum: dirt, toilets, and whether the staircases in the houses are nice or not and if there is access to warm water. In the film, these material facts are presented visually, and the students make different interpretations as to whether these images can be regarded as signifiers of living standards or not. These negotiations take place in the interstices between language and visuality, pointing to the fact that both words and the visual are culturally situated practices dependent on context as well as on who the interpreter is. The dialogue continues for about 10 minutes; slums are still in focus and there is an engaged discussion about whether the suburb and apartment Lilya arrived at in Sweden is a slum. Several students say that it is not a slum at all but actually ―really nice.‖ A new subtheme is then brought up by Maria, who says that the issue is not what is seen but instead, what is not seen.

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Example 2. Visualized Welfare Participants: Classroom with 20 boys and girls, one male teacher, one female student acting as subteacher, and one female teacher. Tape: Anna_Lilja 2 KR3_10_22. Maria:

Male teacher: Maria:

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Ramid: Maria: Erik:

But then I believe you‘re not allowed to see what it looks like in Russia, in general. You‘re only allowed to see where she lives. And that is one of those slum areas where it‘s awful, and so. But you don‘t know what it, well, is like in the rest of Russia. Maybe it‘s better 100 kilometers away, and then it might have been enough if she had moved there instead of … Do you feel that it‘s a bit moralizing? Well, yeah, you are not allowed to see. And now we draw the conclusion that this is what it looks like in the whole … That you are not allowed to see a clear picture. Well, yeah we, yes … Well yes, because that is the kind of prejudice we believe in, that Russia is poor and it‘s just one huge slum quarter and stuff like that, and then they also show that we have slums here in Sweden and it‘s not much better here in spite of our welfare and stuff …

Maria takes a critical view because she position the audience as only meeting images of the place Lilya stays at, a slum area, and not of the rest of Russia. When she uses the phrase ―you‘re not allowed to see‖ she raises the issue that someone controls the film and has deliberately chosen the film images in order to create a specific interpretation. She repeats the phrase and then explicitly says that this guides the viewer‘s interpretation. Ramid agrees with her and Erik supports the argument by saying that the film uses standard prejudices about Russia, namely, that Russia has huge slum areas. But he also takes the argument further by referring to how the film shows that Sweden also has slum areas. This is a new way of presenting Sweden, and it goes against the image that many Swedes have of their own country. Erik interprets the film images as showing real living conditions in Sweden. According to him, the visual is presented as a matter of fact, ―they also show that we have slums here in Sweden.‖ He states that these unprejudiced images of Sweden show how it really is, since ―it‘s not much better here.‖

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Erik‘s comment that ―they show‖ Swedish welfare should be further examined. Taken together with Maria‘s way of presenting the film as a production where the audience is ―not allowed to see,‖ Erik follows her notion that someone is responsible for the way the scenes are represented, but unlike Maria, he gives the film creators credit for this. Erik agrees with the argument that Russia is presented according to prejudices but he adds that this is done with a deeper intention, which is to challenge the Swedes‘ image of Swedish welfare. A key issue is that both Maria and Erik talk about the film as something deliberately produced, and that it sets the stage for specific interpretations. What they differ about is whether the filmmaker‘s intentions were ―fair‖ or not; Maria believes she – and the audience – was ―not allowed to see,‖ while Erik states the film gave new insights. Maria and Erik argue for the same interpretation in that a film can be used to question or challenge common prejudiced notions about welfare: Maria‘s argument is that Russia should not be presumed to be poor, while Erik‘s argument is that Sweden is poor despite general assumptions about supposed welfare provision. The differences in meaning concern who is using whose visual competences. Maria is critical of the film since she believes its use of images is manipulative, while Erik believes the film images reflects the truth (―what it looks like‖) and thus his criticism is aimed at public services (e.g., lack of welfare provision). Together, they construct an understanding of the visual as a source of knowledge: what you see is what you get to know. Consequently, the visual is given the same status as other, more traditional ways of presenting facts about society, as in written texts. Additionally, the discussion shows how students‘ ―mental images‖ (Mitchell, 1986, 2005) of slums and welfare were challenged, both when watching the film and in the follow up discussion. The film talk made the individual mental images relevant but also possible to reflect upon and share with others. The School Cinema activity is an educational practice where students formulate critical perspectives on, and interpretations of, film as well as presentations on slums and welfare; the visual can be taken as seriously as the textual, we argue. The film is approached, by the students, not as ―pure‖ images (Mitchell, 1994, p. 5), but instead in relation to language, media, technology, and the school context.

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Student Participant Research To ask young people to be co-researchers in research projects today often means using media techniques such as cameras, video (Rasmussen, 2004), or graphical programming software (Christensen and O‘Brien, 2003). As a complement to the film viewings with follow up discussions, we asked one of the three participating media classes to participate as co-researchers on the film Lilya 4-ever using media technologies that they were familiar with: photography, and audio and video recordings (Sparrman, 2007). The reason for this decision was that we thought the students would, by making their own video interviews, create another type of research material that was different from classroom discussions. We also wanted to exploit the fact that they were media students. We wanted the media students to create media productions (cf. Dunsmore and Lagos, 2008), through analyzing the film with the help of media. The empirical materials children generate are often used for discussions between children and researchers about both why the pictures were taken and what they mean. We argue that the co-research material can be analyzed as any media representation (Sparrman, 2007), especially since these students were media students. The idea was that by letting the students do video interviews of other young people on their own terms, using technology they more or less mastered, we would allow other issues to emerge than when teachers or researchers interview or observe young people. We had an introductory seminar raising questions about what it means to be a co-researcher in relation to working in a journalistic style, as well as issues of integrity and anonymity. In all, 16 video recordings, three audio recordings, and nine photographic pictures series were handed in by 30 students (Sparrman, 2007). The video recordings were produced by three different video interviewing teams: (1) two girls; (2) one boy and a girl; and (3) two girls and a boy. The first two teams conducted five interviews each, while the third team did six interviews. The third team also took the opportunity to express their own thoughts about the movie Lilya 4-ever, discussing their own interpretations of the film in front of the camera. The length of the interviews differed between the teams. The two first teams made interviews more or less covering the whole film while the third team only asked questions about the ending of the film. Questions asked by the teams included: ―OK. What would you have done in Lilya‘s position?‖ (Interview Krv1c_1), ―Er, do you think we can stop the trafficking in human beings that goes on across the world?‖ (Interview

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Krv1a_1), and ―What can individuals do to counteract illegal trafficking, that is smuggling of human beings, and prevent these things from happening?‖ (Interview Krv1c_1). This last question raises the issue of individuals‘ intervention to solve problems. However, the answers were fairly discouraging, since the interviewed students had difficulties to come up with any ideas for change. One team brought up concrete questions about media as such. They asked the interviewees to describe the film, asking about their expectations of the film. They also asked which part of the movie was the strongest scene, technically speaking, and what the interviewees thought about the music used in the film (Interview Krv1c_1-5). One of the teams had a more professional approach than the others. Their questions were sophisticated in the sense that they tried to start more elaborate discussions. They were even provocative in that they challenged the taken-forgranted notion of Lilya being a victim: ―How do you see Lilya? Did she herself choose this situation and if she did, did she have herself to blame?‖ (Interview Krv1a_4). Our approach was to let the students participate with their media productions on equal terms as with verbal language. This means that we did not discuss the material with the students or ask them what they meant by any of it; we merely used and analyzed the materials as visual statements and cultural expressions of the students‘ understandings of the movie Lilya 4-ever. Likewise, we did not play back our own video recordings of the classroom discussions to the students and ask them what they meant by certain statements. Our strategy was not to assess their intentions or the process, but to understand the students‘ media productions as statements and own analysis (Sparrman, 2007). The strategy was useful. The students conformed to the idea of using research-like approaches. They also raised other kinds of questions than were raised in the teacher-initiated discussions.

Film Talk about Domestic Violence When discussing the film Evil the students were divided into small groups to answer prepared questions handed out by the teacher. The teacher had picked the questions from the guideline supplied by the SFI, where the subject matter of the film is presented along with suggestions for areas for further discussion: school and society, violence and repression, friendship, class, and

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the family. The small group discussions ended with a summarizing discussion with the full class, which is not included in this analysis. In the small group discussions about Evil, domestic violence, violence more generally, and bullying were dealt with. Generally in these discussions, it was clear that the students struggled with the questions because they were quite complicated in the sense that they were long and raised difficult issues (Eriksson Barajas and Lindgren, 2009). Sweden was the first country in the world to introduce legislation against corporal punishment for children, in 1979. However, the first step towards passing this law was already taken in 1957 when corporal punishment in schools was done away with (Qvarsebo, 2006). The law against child battering is fundamental to the Swedish welfare system. Still, there are children who are exposed to domestic violence on a daily basis. The following excerpt from a discussion concerns the battering of the main character in the film, 16-year-old Erik, by his stepfather, and what Erik‘s mother could have done to stop the abuse.

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Example 3. Stopping abuse Participants: Small group consisting of two girls and three boys. Tape: KE3 Evil:8. Veronica: Mike: Veronica: Lisa: Robin: Veronica: Peter: Veronica: Robin: Veronica. Mike: Robin: Veronica: Robin: Veronica:

That one? (Reads from questionnaire.) ―Think about the mother‘s role, what could she have done differently?‖ She could throw that man out, I think. (Yawns) Yeah, and report him. Yeah. Yes, but I‘m sure it‘s kind of taboo to divorce publicly like that, people didn‘t do that … But she ought to. She just didn‘t care, she just, like, played the piano. Yeah, she ought to, like, call for the father anyway. But I think then, I mean I don‘t believe, he would have beaten her … Nope. Yeah. But, well, he did that. Yeah. But still. She should have asked for help or something! No, but … I bet they didn‘t have any womens‘ refuge on those days.

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Veronica:

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No, but she had … there was a lawyer who came to her. … er … You would think she could have, like asked anyone. … But I believe, like … … She could have … …that you, she would have been disgraced in the circle of acquaintances, sure, she can‘t say anything, ´cause then, like, she would have become disgraced. Yeah … but still I would, still she should, I think she should have stopped him … or thrown him out. Yeah, I think so too. Yeah. She could have changed the locks. (Laughs)

The fact that Evil depicts a mother in Sweden in the 1950s has an impact on the discussions. The students argue that the mother is constrained by tradition and conventions and is not able to leave her husband. Such actions might, as the students express it, disgrace her. It was difficult to ask for help at that time since in the 1950s there were no women‘s refuges. Still, the students discuss other things she could have done, such as report him, talk to him, ask for help, just stop him, throw him out, or change the locks. These are solutions that might work in today‘s Sweden, but were not an option in the 1950s, as the students are aware of. Especially one girl comes up with several suggestions, and even though the others in her group counter these, saying they will have negative outcomes, it seems that the students hope there would be a positive solution. Neither could the mother ask, as one student suggests, a lawyer or just ―anyone‖ because bringing up the problem outside the family is balanced against being humiliated in her circle of acquaintances. Referring to the lawyer as a possible helper reflects the students‘ wish to believe in an adult helper (Aspán, 2009), and at the same time an awareness that this is not always the solution. This is similar to how the students refer to the school psychologist in the bullying example below. To talk to her husband is also out of the question since the consequence could be that he hits her too, which, as one student points out, he does do in the film. The students are critical of, and concerned about, the mother‘s lack of action, and her passiveness is described as an expression of male oppression. The discussion continues when the students turn to a new question from the guideline about why the stepfather beats Erik:

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Example 4. Why abuse Participants: Small group consisting of two girls and three boys. Tape: KE3 Evil:8. Veronica: Mike: Peter:

Veronica: Mike: Veronica: Robin: Veronica:

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Mike: Robin:

(Reads from questionnaire.) ―Discuss why the father is hitting Erik‖, or the stepfather. He well, well, kind of like this, he doesn‘t want to let go of Erik. He wants to have power over Erik all the time. But he, it was, like, he just fought ´cause it was fun. He [Erik] just dropped his knife once and then he [the stepfather] just, yeah, so he left like so (Demonstrates.) Yeah, but he wanted, he … maybe to be best he fights. Yeah. Maybe he has things he feels bad about. Er, maybe he had a hard childhood. And then, like, takes out his anger on Erik and says so that … yeah … Or he doesn‘t like children at all. No, it‘s not his own son so it‘s … maybe it would have been different if it had been, like, his son.

Quite a number of explanations as to why Erik‘s stepfather is battering him are brought up. The different explanations can be divided into three main categories: (1) power; (2) own concerns and emotions; and (3) lack of biological relations. The arguments put forward are that the stepfather wants to be in power and that he enjoys hitting since he can be aroused by the slightest thing, like a knife falling to the floor during dinnertime. The stepfather‘s own concerns and emotions have to do with his emotional instability. The students argue that maybe he feels bad, that he himself had a poor childhood, and carries anger inside him, which he takes out on Erik. The students discuss the possibility that he might not like children. Finally, the fact that Erik is not his biological son is seen as something that makes the battering worse, and there is an idea that had Erik been his biological son, the abuse would not have occurred. In conclusion, the reason for the battering is accepted as complex in the sense that it is difficult to decide exactly why the stepfather abuses Erik. The students see that there is no single cause for the battering and they construct an understanding of the reasons behind it based on personal as well as common and complex grounds (cf. Hydén, 2001). This, we argue, may be an expression of the shared common understanding among the students

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concerning the Swedish law against child battering, and also an awareness of the negative effects of male oppression, especially in the private sphere.

Writing a Film Script The students‘ film scripts are interesting because they are the results of the teachers‘ strategy to combine preparation and the follow up activity. The students‘ learning activity – to write a film script – started before they had been to the local cinema and seen the film About a Boy. This may have enabled them to make an independent interpretation of bullying, without making direct reference to the film. However, the analysis of the film script shows how the (grade 8) students combine the frame set by the teacher, the pedagogical context, and the theme of bullying, with their own references to popular cultural experiences. It is an example of how students can understand children‘s actions and adult authority. The film script in Example 5 shows how all these themes are touched upon. Example 5. Film Script about Bullying

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Film script written by four boys in handwriting. Film Script G8_Group 2. Ironside School – History X Victim = Perra Bully = Micke Bully = Niklas Psychologist = JussiMcDuck One rainy day AT Ironside School, Perra walked down the corridor when suddenly Niklas comes with a big knife threatening Perra. Lie down in the pud-dle, or you‘ll get a knife in you. Said Niklas. Got it! Answered Perra. Perra walked out of the house and to the closest water puddle. Then he sat down in the water and lay down in the puddle. Suddenly the Psychologist Jussi came. Why are you lying here, you‘ll catch a cold? Micke and Niklas forced me, but I wasn‘t allowed to tell.

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Next day! The next day, Perra arrives at school. When he walks down the corridor he hears footsteps behind him. Did you tell Jussi? No. I wasn‘t allowed to. We don‘t believe you because he talked to us Says Niklas. I only said that you told me to lie in the puddle. Right, for that, you‘ll get this. Jussi showed a knife. Jussi and Niklas run towards Perra and stab him in the stomach once each. The above film script contains several references to popular culture: the content has elements of popular film plots. Knife stabbing can happen in an ordinary Swedish schoolyard, but this would be a very extraordinary event, while it is much more common in film and in crime series on television. Moreover, the title refers to the feature film American History X from 1998, a film these students would not have been able to see at a movie theater because it is an age-restricted film. Still, they could, of course, have seen it on DVD, or heard peers talk about it. Yet another reference to popular culture is the psychologist, who is partly named after a cartoon character. In the film script that the pupils wrote in Swedish, the psychologist is called Jussi von Anka, which is a clear reference to the Swedish translation of Uncle Scrooge in the Donald Duck comics, that is, Joakim von Anka. This comic is very popular and has been read by children and adults in Sweden since the late 1950s. The combination of names, using a character from a comic book, and combining it with a very serious professional title – which can only be held by an adult – creates the adult as a humoristic, even ridiculous, character. This could be interpreted as a form of resistance against a school task that the students find too personal to engage in emotionally, and so instead, they ridicule it (Aspán, 2009). In theory, a school psychologist is an adult with power, whose main task is to help students. In one study of a Swedish school project aiming to teach students self-expression and install values in them, the students repeatedly called for increased adult interference when they got into conflicts. The feeling was that adults left them to solve their own problems and that this increased or prolonged the conflict (Aspán, 2009). In the present film script, the psychologist does not listen to the bullied boy‘s wishes and needs. Jussi naïvely tells the bullied boy not to lie in the puddle to avoid catching a cold – when Perra‘s problems are much more severe and damaging than a simple

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cold. The naming of the psychologist signals that he does not have a serious function for the students. The school psychologist has power but does not use it in a way that is helpful to the student in need, when helpfulness, according to Margareta Aspán (2009), is what students would prefer. In this way, the psychologist Jussi is like Uncle Scrooge: powerful but not very caring. A standard piece of advice in Swedish anti-bullying programs is to tell an adult about bullying (see for example www.friends.se). In the film script, it is shown that this is not only useless, but that it aggravates the bullying. The bullied boy gets stabbed for being a telltale. Moreover, the film script emphasizes the idea that adult intervention in peer conflicts can create more problems, rather than reduce or solve them. The bullied boy explicitly tells the psychologist that he was not supposed to tell anyone about the bullying, yet the psychologist acts against the boy‘s expressed wish – and consequently the bullied boy gets stabbed. Through references to popular culture, the adult is thus described from children‘s point of view as a ridiculous person with immense power, who cannot be trusted. Adults are often unaware of this and so it becomes a problem for young people. Another notion, which may seem more controversial to adults, is also described from children‘s point of view, namely that children can be evil. In contrast to other film talks about, for example, violence, no extenuating circumstances are given that might explain why Micke and Niklas are bullying Perra. This can be compared to the discussion about battering above, where a number of explanations to the assaulting man‘s wrongful behavior are presented. To conclude, the film script uses irony and seriousness at the same time, to show how problematic the topic of bullying is. The conclusion is that the adult, since he lacks an understanding of the students‘ situations and experiences, increases their problems rather than solves them.

CONCLUSION Overall, the data from the research project described in this chapter present strong evidence that School Cinema encourage student engagement. The visual, in combination with the verbal, plays an important role in the educational settings under study. The project presents the practice of doing School Cinema as well as in depth analysis of classroom discussions using a discourse analytic framework where microanalysis, at different levels, of conversations is interpreted in relation to societal discourse. We have also used

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theories of visual culture and about children‘s perspectives in the analysis. Therefore, at an organizational level, the activities in the project reveal different forms of conversations, in all of which the students play an important role. By describing different ways of doing School Cinema activities, we do not propose that the students who ―only‖ spoke about the film actually learned or experienced less than the students working with own media productions and/or follow up activities. In all cases, no matter where the teacher was positioned or whether he or she was present or not, the follow up activities aimed to encourage the students to express their thoughts and ideas about the films, which they did. The films are used as pedagogical devices to talk about difficult issues. At the same time, larger political and social lessons are taught and learned, for example about welfare, domestic violence, gender equality, and bullying. For the teachers, the discussions and student-produced materials offer new ways to understand students‘ perspectives on the role adults play in school, and their abilities to solve problems (among students). A call for an increased understanding by adults of students‘ experiences and culture is expressed by the students in diverse ways. The chapter exemplifies how film in different pedagogical settings and tasks – classroom discussions, small group discussions, students‘ film scripts, or students‘ media analysis – influences the social at the same time as the social influences films. For example, discourse about welfare, violence, or bullying can never be treated fully without analyzing how the discourse is represented in the media, and, at the same time, how it is interpreted and understood by the viewers, in this case students. This supports the argument put forward by other scholars that visual culture is in dialogue with society. The Swedish way of using School Cinema is in line with the school curricula, and aims to integrate media in a diverse set of subjects (the Swedish language, the Art and Aesthetics, and the Social Sciences) to reach each individual student, rather than single it out as a specific subject (media education). However, there are also schools offering media communication programs applied by interested students, which is also exemplified in this chapter. The idea of integrating media in the general school curricula points to the fact that media is looked upon as something important for each school to deal with and learn about. In this context, School Cinema plays an important role for the schools to be able to fulfill some of their media goals, and that is not primarily to learn about the medium of film as such or as part of media education. Highlighting media in various subjects has lead to the development

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of local practices where cinema becomes part of the everyday school experience. The learning outcomes from using film in education can, we argue, be marked as ―prosocial‖ (Calvert 1999, p. 179). Rather than focusing on pure academic skills when talking about educational media our chapter shows that the preparatory and follow up activities in classroom train emotional and social skills relating to democratic issues and standards. As we have argued, there is a great potential in doing media in education since it goes beyond the media-specific, and combines interpretations of media with understandings of the cultural, and the local as well as the global. This is important in the contemporary society where media is integrated in each individual‘s everyday life. School Cinema as media in education therefore needs to be taken seriously.

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REFERENCES Aspán, M. (2009).Delademeningar[Shared and divided minds] (Doctoral thesis, Department of Education, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden). Calvert, S. (1999). Children’s journeys through the information age. Boston: McGraw-Hill. Christensen, P. and O‘Brien, M. (Eds.).(2003). Children in the city, home, neighborhoods and the rise of the child consumer. Durham, London: Duke University Press. Clark, C.C. (1933). Sound motion pictures as an aid in teaching science.Science Education17(1), 17–23. Crary, J. (1990). The techniques of the Observer. On Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Davis, H.C. (1932). Specific Values of Educational FilmsUsed as Supplementary Aids (Unpublished doctoral thesis).Department of Education, University of Chicago. Dunsmore, K. and Lagos, T. G. (2008). Politics, Media and Youth: Understanding Political Socialization via Video Production in Secondary Schools. Learning, Media and Technology33(1), 1–10. Eriksson Barajas K. The Pimp and the Happy Whore : ―Doing Gender‖ in Film Talk in a School Setting. London: Routledge; Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research. 2010;54(6), 581-596.

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Eriksson Barajas, K. and Lindgren, A. (2009).Den ‘rättfärdige‘ mobbaren [The ―justified‖ bully]. Utbildning and Demokrati18(3), 111–130. Fairclough, N. (1992). Discourse and Social Change. Cambridge: Polity Press. Finegan, T.E. (1928).An Experiment in the Development of Classroom Films.General Science Quarterly 12(2), 391–406. Hornby, N. and Harris, L. (Producers), and Weitz, P. and Weitz, C. (Directors). (2002). About a boy. [Motion picture.]. USA: Universal Pictures. Hydén, M. (2001).For the child‘s sake: parents and social workers discuss conflict-filled parental relations after divorce. Child and Family Social Work 6(1), 115–128. Jönsson, L. (Producer), and Moodysson, L. (Director).(2002). Lilya 4ever.[Motion picture.]. Sweden: Memfis Film AB. Lindgren, A. (2009). Visualiseringen av naturen i tidig svensk skolfilm [Visualizationofnature in early Swedish schoolcinema]. In G. Halldén (Ed.), Naturen somsymbolför den godabarndomen (pp. 34–58). Stockholm: Carlsson. Lindgren, A., Sparrman, A. and Eriksson, K. (2005). Film i klassrummetreservälfärdsfrågor [Film in theclassroomencourageswelfareissues]. LOCUS (3–4), 14–25. Lönnerheden, H., Leijonborg, I. (Producers), and Håfström, M. (Director).(2003). Evil.[Motion picture.]. Sweden: Moviola Film and Televison AB. Mirzoeff, N. (1998/2002).The visual culture reader.London: Routledge. Mitchell, W.J.T. (1986). Iconology: Image, Text, Ideology. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Mitchell, W.J.T. (1994). Picture theory: Essays on verbal and visual representation. Chicago: The University Chicago Press. Mitchell, W.T.J. (2002). Showing seeing: A critique of visual culture. Journal of Visual Culture1(2), 165–181. Mitchell, W.J.T. (2005). What do pictures want? The lives and loves of images. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Qvarsebo, J. (2006). Skolbarnensfostran [The training of the schoolchild]. (Doctoral thesis, Department of Child Studies, Linköping, Sweden: Linköping University). Rasmussen, K. (2004). Places for children – children‘s places. Childhood11(2), 155–177. Renov, M. (1993). Introduction: The Truth About Non-Fiction. In M. Renov (Ed.), Theorizing documentary (pp. 1–11). New York: Routledge.

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Sparrman, A. (2006). Film as a political and educational device: talk about men, male sexuality and gender among Swedish youth. Visual Studies21(2), 167–182. Sparrman, A. (2007). Åttafotografiskabildserier [Eightphotographic imageseries]. Sosiologiidag36(4), 53–76. Sparrman, A. and Eriksson, K. (2004). Skolbiostuderadgenom kameralinsen [School cinemastudiedthroughthecameralens]. Didaktisktidskrift14(2–3), 79–89. Sparrman, A. and Lindgren, A. (2010). Visual documentation as a normalizing practice: A new discourse of visibility in preschool. Surveillance and Society 7(3–4), 248–261. Svensk Filmindustri. Skolfilmsavdelningen (1924). Tidskrift för Svensk Skolfilm och Bildningsfilm [Journal of Swedish schoolcinema and educationalcinema]. Stockholm: Tidskrift för svensk skolfilm och bildningsfilm. Svensk Filmindustri. Skolfilmsavdelningen (1925). Tidskrift för Svensk Skolfilm och Bildningsfilm [Journal of Swedish schoolcinema and educationalcinema]. Stockholm: Tidskrift för svensk skolfilm och bildningsfilm. Swedish Film Institute. (2008). Film in schools – watching, analysing and making films, retrieved from http://www.sfi.se/en-gb/English/Education/ 24 May 2010. Viklund, K. (Ed.). (1999). Skolbiokatalogen2000[School cinemacatalogue 2000].Stockholm: Svenskafilminstitutet.

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Chapter 9

TEXTING: A WAY TO LEARN MATERNAL LANGUAGES. A PORTUGUESE CASE STUDY Ignacio Aguaded, Sandra Côrtes-Moreira and Manuel Fandos

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University of Huelva, Huelva, Spain

INTRODUCTION A case study carried out in Portugal, at a Secondary School in Silves (a small city in the southern Algarve region), with the collaboration of Portuguese language teachers and students, and which is currently being extended to the St. Tiernan‘s Community School in Dublin, Ireland, enabled the development of a programme that uses txting (the abbreviated writing form used mainly by young people to communicate through mobile phones and IM – Instant Messaging services, such as the MSN), which is still being tested and improved, with the aim of teaching some basic maternal language grammar rules. The idea of working with these two schools came from the fact that one of the investigators was a communication teacher at the Portuguese school until 2006 and had a good knowledge of the local teaching system, as well as the school‘s environment and students/teachers profiles. A contact with the local headmaster and the group of Portuguese teachers was easy and the school supported the project from the beginning, facilitating the access to classes. The Irish school came on to this project also because it was involved in other

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initiatives of the Portuguese school and made sense to the investigators to work with it. Besides, it was a school teaching the same levels/ages, from a place with the same demographic characteristics (small town, concentrating pupils from rural areas and urban areas) and the contact with its headmaster was also facilitated through the Portuguese school leadership. This project is being developed in two stages: the first is at the Portuguese school, involving local language teachers and students from the 10th, 11th and 12th grades (between 16 and 21 years old), and a second stage will involve another group from that same school with the same characteristics in terms of age, grades and classifications, as well as a group from the St. Tiernan‘s Community School, where testing will also be done with exercises prepared for the teaching/learning of their maternal language process. These groups of students where chosen mainly because they already had studied their maternal language for a number of years and had the tools to better understand grammar concepts as well as the idea itself of application of rules in languages. This knowledge should facilitate the comprehension of correct or incorrect use of language (and the level of conscientiousness pupils had of it) and, therefore, allow the investigators to draw conclusions on the key subjects of their work. At the same time, this age group had daily contact with mobile phones, computers and instant messaging softwares, mastering their use and their codes, which was determent to pursue the goal of this project. This last fact was also known because of the teaching experience of one the investigators already mentioned, since signs of txting were frequently seen in texts made in her communication classes and comments from other teachers showed that the same happened in their classes. The application of such a programme improved the relationship between teachers and students, since they had to share non-conventional knowledge somehow seen has «softer» (many of the teachers had never done txting before and by engaging in this experience, they became closer to the students; the transmission of «harder» subjects became much easier after that). But it also improved the student‘s critical judgment and analysis competences, potentiating the building of individual tools/strategies for coping with different situations, whether related or not to the use of txting. As Paulo Freire, the Brazilian pedagogue, said (1995: 83 and 1988: 83), it potentiated the application of a «Dialogical Education»: «I defend a critical-dialogical pedagogy (…) the critical grasp of significant knowledge through a dialogical relationship (…) where one proposes the building of a collective wisdom articulating both popular and critical knowledge, scientific knowledge, mediated through experiencing the world». He concludes: «Only dialogue that

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implies critical thought is capable of generating that same critical thought. Without it, there‘s no communication, and without communication there is no true education1». Observing the appearance of many marks of txting in the textual productions of young students, the constant remarks of teachers about this and the reference in press articles about the bad consequences of mobile/chats/MSN usage by young people led us to question ourselves about the necessity of understanding if pupils are able to distinguish communication situations, using the adequate code/language level. Is it possible to learn with/from something so used by young people and yet so disapproved by educators in general? This investigation has two clear concerns: first - using student‘s experience as txting users, then referring to examples of this code to teach them some basic grammar concepts of Portuguese (and, later, some grammar concepts of English); second – improving the Media Literacy levels of both students and teachers.

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1. Learning with Things that are Close to Us Learning with things that are close to us is not a new idea, but what is new is using txting as a valid pedagogical strategy to teach/learn, especially themes related to languages. The use of one‘s experience in the teaching/learning process is a common notion among many researchers, mainly those who support constructivist theories of education. Jean Piaget talked about a continuous process of assimilation and accommodation that led children to different development stages, until they reached a fully complex knowledge about a particular situation/theme (gestalt). Vigotsky cited the influence of social interaction in the learning process and Bruner (J. Bruner apud M. K. Smith) believed that a new, better understanding of things was built on present and past understanding of facts, resulting from different stages: first, the process of transmission of knowledge had to concern itself with the experiences and contexts that contribute to building the student‘s will to learn; secondly, the learning process had to be structured in such way that the concepts could easily be learned by the students through the creation of «spiral curricula» (repetitions of themes with increasing complexity and relating them, just as the learner‘s capability of understanding gets bigger). Bruner proposes that teaching must facilitate the student‘s search for solutions, driving them to explore subjects beyond those given/presented by the teachers, and valuing ideas such as «intuition» and «analysis». Therefore, the Situated Learning

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Theory (developed by authors like Lave and Wenger (1991), Schuman (1996) and Clancey (1997), and more specifically, the Situated Action Theory (proposed by Artman and Wærn, 1995) provide a theoretically relevant framework to justify the use of txting in classes and in the teaching/learning of maternal languages, since this use implies the clear perception that the world, relationships and, consequently, identities are permanently changing, involving each one of us in that process, as learning is the result of belonging to a certain place (Duncan, 1998 y Leander, 2003), as well as the result of interacting and communication (Artman and Wærn, 1995: 12). The idea of using and valuing the student‘s self-experiences, of bringing to the classroom their daily practices and their personal «libraries of knowledge» inherent to this theoretical framework could enhance motivation and interest. In addition, it would promote a better adaptation of teaching methodologies to each student‘s profile and rhythms of learning. On the other hand, the Media Literacy concept has been much debated in the scientific community that studies media education as well as in international organizations, but it is still being shaped by the many contributions made by scholars and investigators, because of its numerous implications and nuances. In our opinion, there is an idea that is central to understanding this concept: media literacy can only be a reality if educational programs are built and applied to enhance specific competences in citizens in general and younger generations in particular (Aguaded, 2005), since the latter are much more aware of and sensitive to the questions concerning the use of new media and are, therefore, much more exposed to the good and bad consequences that might arise from them. Educationally responsible people are, naturally, an important part of this process, as the agents in the developing strategies and motivational actions leading to a better understanding of information societies. Many people use mobile phones to communicate, as well as IM. Several studies in different countries reveal this reality: communication industry regulators (OFCOMs in Great Britain, for example, or ANACOM, in Portugal), non-profit organizations and marketing studies enterprises (Kaiser Family Foundation and Pew Internet and American Life Project, in the USA), as well as investigational projects led by universities or other institutions, like the European Union (Pérez Tornero, 2007) and the UNESCO or the Göteborg University and its International Clearinghouse on Children, Youth and Media (Nordicom), or ―Grupo Comunicar‖ in Andaluzia/Spain, just to cite a few, reveal how media are being appropriated, specially by young people. Still, some areas remain unexplored, such as the pedagogical use of txting.

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2. Using Txting to Learn Regarding this case study, there is currently a clear perception that the introduction of txting in language classes allows the possibility of preparing both teachers and students to be constantly aware of these questions. Besides, in terms of the teaching/learning process we can surely affirm that this experience enhances the student‘s comprehension of language structures, thus improving their use of lexicon, semantics and grammar. On the other hand, this improvement leads them to reveal a much more assertive identification/correction of their own mistakes (and the mistakes of others), gaining better quality of expression and demonstrating a better level of use in their maternal language. According to the experts of the Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona to become a media literate citizen one has to master a different set of competences related with different areas of knowledge: semiotic competences (to code and decode messages), technical-instrumental competences (to use the technological tools used in the message construction process), interpretative and cultural competences (to relate the different communication products and their contexts). The 3 C‘s model for media literacy, standing the C´s for Cultural, Critical, Creative use of media, proposed by the main European investigators in this field is being explored in this investigation (namely, David Buckingham, 2002, 2006; Nelson Zagalo and Ana Torres, 2008; Pier Cesare Rivoltella, 2008; Reia-Baptista, 2008 and 2010), promoting language teaching/learning through a constructivist process. Using students‘ experience enhanced their awareness towards new media; it made them realize that language is a code and codes have rules. Breaking the rules is a possibility, but it can lead to misunderstanding or, if well done, can lead to a creative process and to language evolution. According to the young participants in the first phase of this study, understanding made them become more aware to these questions and, above all, more ―competent‖ to deal both with maternal language issues and txting use. They became more critical about their own use of languages and more resourceful in using aesthetic and grammar tools. Their perspective about the IM/SMS/CMC technology was challenged and changed, since they understand now, in a conscientious way, the reasons to utilize it (economy of time and money, synchronous communication, speed, among others, as we can see in figure 1), items they had never thought about before their participation in this project. They gained a comprehension about the cultural differences resulting from age gap, as well as from geographical placement, such as the introduction of regional language expressions (in

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Portuguese, ―regionalismos‖) or even resulting from time changes in language conventions (vide p. 8 example). They even realized that the correct use of maternal languages promotes a more creative use of txting. In what concerns the decoding process of messages, it seems interesting that students use their capability of expressing themselves using emoticons, therefore, they are being able to recognize different levels of significance and complexity in a sign, putting to use skills that involve a semiotic analyses, even if it is at an unconscious level (for example, when they face an exercise that proposes the ―translation‖ from maternal language to txting or vice-versa, they use emoticons to express emotions). Recognizing the main syntactic elements in a sentence and being able to establish a parallel with what happens in txting allows them to understand the functions of all language rudiments and take advantage of that comprehension in the use of both codes, promoting equally language and media literacy. These two levels of understanding previously mentioned give students the possibility of integrating this new understanding in the aesthetics they apply on both codes, giving their texts a new found profoundness and grace, as well as a new assertiveness. So, a critical, cultural creative look on this subject is being reached. At the same time, teachers acknowledged the presence of txting in students‘ lives (see figure 2), and the influence this has on their mental organizational schemes (for example, in creating shorter sentences and going straight to the point in their texts). David Buckingham (2007:3), talking about computer games and internet, refers to these processes: «young people's everyday uses of computer games or the internet involve a whole range of informal learning processes, in which there is often a highly democratic relationship between 'teachers' and 'learners'. Children learn to use these media largely through trial and error - through exploration, experimentation and play; and collaboration with others - both in face-to-face and virtual forms - is an essential element of the process. Playing a computer game, for example, involves an extensive series of cognitive activities: remembering, hypothesis testing, predicting and strategic planning. While game players are often deeply immersed in the virtual world of the game, dialogue and exchange with others is crucial. And game playing is also a 'multi-literate' activity: it often involves interpreting complex three-dimensional visual environments, reading both onscreen and off-screen texts (such as games magazines and websites) and processing auditory information. In the world of computer games, success ultimately derives from the disciplined and committed acquisition of skills and knowledge».

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Besides, grasping these new media and how they can influence the teaching/learning process improves teachers‘ media literacy skills, since the largest majority of them only looked suspiciously to these tools. They reflected on the use, the characteristics, the functionalities and the influence of media, rather than just using then to convey other kind of contents. Therefore, teachers understand not only the construction process of txting messages and its ―rules‖, but they are putting in action something far more important: the difference between media education and education through media by being directly involved in this process, both as teachers and also as ―learners‖, since the majority of them didn‘t exercise/comprehend the technological potentialities of IM/SMS/CMS. Media were used not only as tools, adjusted for education trough media, but they were used as subjects as well, allowing all involved to be media educated. As David Buckingham (2007) suggests, this work allowed us to join these two aspects, at least in the sense that approached teachers and students to a better understanding of media possibilities and of each other and brought students also to the role of teachers and teachers to the role of students, ending a passive attitude towards the learning process (for students) and towards the ongoing media culture (for teachers) and the informal learning processes it involves (and that the use of txting implicates). The first step to learn is to use and teachers are using these tools nowadays (one of the teachers from the Portuguese group told meus only a week ago that she is using MSN to communicate with her classes, from her house; she answers questions, corrects homework or just chats). When we use the media, we can analyse contents (think about the quality of what‘s being produced) and build them, we can focus on our own experiences and reflect on our own uses, becoming media literate, since action is the key element in social/intellectual change. Just as Cary Bazalgette (2004) said: «We have to get away from the idea that media literacy is separate from literacy and will represent an additional burden to teachers. We also have to get away from the perception of media literacy as an extension of media studies, dependent on heavy theory and specialist jargon. (...) What we do need is an acquisition model of media literacy, which offers essentially desirable experiential and learning gains, that promises to develop children‘s individual potential, and that can be seen as a positive benefit to our culture and to society». Summarizing, we can say that students and teachers‘ media literacy can be improved with this experience, by: 

Knowing how media work (in this particular case, knowing how txting works, its characteristics and the features of the specific media

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

 

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

using txting, just as Nelson Zagalo (Zagalo and Rivoltella, 2009) said: «The task of media literacy is more related with the knowledge to decode technologies than with content, because content varies constantly depending on who is on the other side of the communication tool»); Knowing the differences between txting and maternal languages and their rules, as well as their evolution and changes (this also promotes language literacy); Knowing that txting can be used as a leisure tool as well (all students refer their uses to communicate with friends); Knowing how txting and CMC work - this prevents people from being manipulated or being ―formatted‖, empowering them; Knowing when to use txting, which improves all sorts of communication and the knowledge about the communicational process itself, allowing users to distinguish informal from formal communication situations (like a daily conversation from an essay) and managing the introduction of subjects, according to the level of formality and also being able to apply different language levels and skills (students are aware of differences and mention even their opinions about the introduction, or not, of txting in classes/books– vide figure 1).

Being aware of all the above mentioned facts allows students and teachers to:  

 



Select the right media to communicate in a certain situation, as well as the right code; Use these media in their daily communication, for example, to share homework assignments, or notes from classes, or just to solve some doubts with teachers, or class mates; Analyze the messages and better understand them, or build them; Structure their texts and organize their ideas, being more objective and direct, or using aesthetic tools to give another dimension to their messages; Know that txting emerged as a consequence for the need of a faster, cheaper, shorter way to communicate, since CMC and mobile phones‘ use implicates also a connection to a network/enterprise, providing the

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

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access to a service; in other words, every time we use txting, we are spending money and being part of a business; Know all these tools – both from texting and maternal languages -, and become active and efficient users of media; Discuss the use of txting and CMC, a debate that improves awareness both to the risks involved in the use of media (manipulation, abuse, grooming, bullying and others), to the influence of media in modern societies and to the consequences of globalization, as well as to the effects that these new forms of communication may have in the traditional media, such as books, newspapers, letters, cinema, or in maternal languages themselves.

As David Buckingham argues students usually are only concerned with the uses they make of technologies and they do not reflect on them; at the same time, the school proposals limit their skills, so much to what teachers expect them to be and the distance between what happens outside and inside school is significant. With this group, above all things, media literacy arose from the possibility of thinking and debating all of these subjects. The sole fact that students stopped and reflected on their practice/use of media, as well as the teachers, made them become much more aware of the wrong gestures as well as the enormous potentialities of their skills regarding media usage. Once again we reaffirm that this experience promoted critical analysis of media, as well as the use of media, leading to media literacy. Therefore, in terms of Literacy, there are two major benefits: first – knowing how to use the language, students can better understand the meaning of words and texts, and this ensures a better comprehension of messages, the necessary basis for being a media-literate person; second – analysing the specific characteristics of txting and thinking about the CMC provides them with the tools to make more advanced use of those new technologies and foments in students, and teachers, increased «abilities of identifying, accessing and analysing, as well as to interpret, evaluate and communicate/select competently» the media (OFCOM, 2006: 1). Consequently, we can expect them to become media literate; that is to say, people «able to exercise informed choices; understand the nature of content and services; be able to take advantage of the full range of opportunities offered by new communications technologies; and be better able to protect themselves and their families from harmful or offensive materials». Hopefully, they will be engaged and competent citizens in a society already demanding them to be media literate «as a result of the media convergence – that is the merging of

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electronic media (mass communication) and digital media (multimedia communication) which occurs in the advanced stages of development of information society. This media literacy includes the command of previous forms of literacy: reading and writing (from understanding to creative skills), audiovisual, digital and the new skills required in a climate of media convergence» (Pérez-Tornero/Barcelona University, 2008). These students are becoming more Critical, more Creative and they are gaining a better knowledge of their language tools; this conscientious analysis allows them to master, also, all the concepts involved in this process, improving their Cultural background and their desire for a more personal involvement in the teaching/learning process. On the other hand, teachers are much more aware and relate to the concept of media literacy, something that did not occur before. The use of technology is empowering them and allowing the establishment of stronger relationships and it is building the conscience that they are all receivers, actors and authors. More than just mastering functional competences/skills, they understand the concept of «transgression» (going beyond basic rules) and by doing so, they improve the communication process. Now and in the future, students and teachers will also all be able to carry on the message of media education proposed by UNESCO (1982), the Council of Europe and the European Commission. This analysis of txting usage by young people also allowed us to improve our understanding of the characteristics of this specific «form of communication». Txting is a code; not a completely original one, since it has characteristics common both to the dominant codes used by its writers (their maternal languages), as well as characteristics of iconic and signifying codes. It‘s possible to identify some basic rules and understand, as Noam Chomsky said that their users have to develop competences, leading to an acceptable performance. It‘s a hybrid code, mixing characteristics of maternal languages with others specific to Computer Mediated Communication (CMC) and it is clearly possible to classify it as a new textual genre, with specific lexical or other linguistic features, just as Marcuschi (2002) defend, more than considering it a dialect (geographical variation of languages). Lévy (2000) defends this, mentioning that txting already integrates some visual/iconic elements, such as emoticons and smileys (graphic symbols or combination of symbols used to convey emotional content). More than a «fashion item», txting tends to establish itself as a characteristically CMC form of expression, with such particular and equally signifying singularities as cinema or television language, initially the object of so many doubts, suspicions and fears and, these days, an integral part of

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everyday life. Even handwriting (once seen as a new technology) was disapproved of by many, as Umberto Eco (1996) often mentions in his papers and conferences. Writing, as a means of transmitting ideas using a code and a physical support (the paper), took on the role of social distinguisher, since it was the preserve of a few for many centuries (priests, nobility, scholars) and is still the «barometer» of social and economic development in our societies. Hence, the press has accused txting of being responsible for being the cause of dramatic changes in language, bad learning and incorrect usage in maternal languages, especially as young people are the main users. Some go further and say txting is destroying languages as we know them. Nevertheless we, as well as many others (Segerstad, 2002: 262, Thurlow, 2003; Aiello and Thurlow, 2006; Tagliamonte and Denis, 2006), believe languages will not be structurally affected by the use of these new forms of communication, even though we find examples of them in young people‘s written work, such as abbreviations, shorter sentences, acronyms, among others. This is natural in living languages, which progress and modify themselves constantly, as living organisms do (Lavoisier and Darwin demonstrated this principle), without being destroyed in the process. This possibility is even more evident in languages, which are products of conventions, accepted and transformed at the rhythm of societies and mentalities as they themselves change. Curiously, the case study underway in Portugal shows that students understand this plasticity of languages and relate it to examples in Portuguese: in the 19th century, the word now spelt «Farmácia» (pharmacy/chemist) was written «Pharmácia». This study also shows that students (at the Secondary level, between the ages of 16 and 21) with difficulties in learning maternal languages had a more significant tendency to integrate these marks of txting in their productions, especially in inappropriate contexts/situations, in formal communication situations such as exams, reports, etc. They also reveal fewer skills in its use, that is, a poor mastery of the aesthetic and grammatical features of the Portuguese language, as well as a meaningful lack of creativity, equally present in the use of txting productions. RAT (the MSN nickname of one 17-year-old student in 7th grade) found it so difficult to express himself in Portuguese that when he used txting he could not decode the basic sentences or its signs. This bad use of both codes causes further confusion and faulty learning of languages. Since txting is a hybrid code, based on maternal languages, this fact seems to be connected with the way students deal with and learn language skills, which is being further analyzed. At the same time, all pupils recognize and distinguish the communication situations in which it is appropriate to use txting

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This being established, why not take advantage of this reality to do exactly the opposite: improve the knowledge of one‘s maternal language and motivate problematic students to learn it? As a result of this case study a small book of exercises is being edited (supervised in a first stage by Professor Vitor Reia-Baptista and in a second stage by Professor I. Aguaded), taking in consideration the Board of the Ministry of Education‘s guidelines and the goals/available time of participating teachers. Later, the book will incorporate exercises for the English language tested by the Irish group. Many other experiences in the field of developing strategies to create programmes of media literacy were also analysed (CLEMI, France, and Instituto de Inovação Educational, Portugal, for example). Therefore, each exercise proposal contains: the objectives to be reached; it indicates the public it was prepared for; the material needed to do the exercises; suggestions on the work methodology (group/individual work, for example); key words and concepts, subjects to look into, articles/web sites to consult (with references), the activities themselves and notes. Much thought went into the graphics of the book so that they are appealing and easy to use. The teachers were permanently consulted in the process of building and testing the book, and they carried out these tests on classes of 10th, 11th and 12th grades (on students aged between 16 and 21). Following that, several focus groups of both men and women with different characteristics are still being established (both in the Portuguese and Irish schools): a group of teachers to analyse the exercises and reactions of students; one of students with higher marks in Portuguese classes; another of students with poor marks in Portuguese classes. This choice of samples is justified by the need to understand if poor Portuguese language students would reveal more txting marks in their textual productions or not and if they would have the same understanding of this code, as good Portuguese language students. The definition of good or bad students was made only by taking into consideration the marks obtained in the Portuguese subject. Bibliographical research, the gathering/analysis of texts (close reading), e-mail enquiries to teachers and students who are IM/SMS users (a total of 15 people: six teachers and nine students, both men and women) were other methods used to obtain information. In the second stage of this investigation, all these proceedings will be repeated, both with the Portuguese group and the Irish group, producing data in both synchronically and diachronically perspectives.

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Focus Group characteristics

Who uses txting: students with good or bad Portuguese? How is txting learned?

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Why do young people use txting?

Is txting damaging the use of Portuguese? Should txting be used in the classroom as a way of teaching/ learning?

FOCUS GROUPS Group 1 Group 2 7 elements 4 elements 12th grade 11th and 12th grades Average Average classification classification in in Portuguese: 9.75 Portuguese: 11, 8 Students Students with good with bad Portuguese Portuguese

187

Group 3 2 elements 11th grade Average classification in Portuguese: 18

Group 4 4 elements 12th grade Average classification in Portuguese: 16.5

Students with bad Portuguese

Students with bad Portuguese tend to use it more, but good students use it too. With friends, through experience. Because it‘s fast, simple and fun. Because it‘s easier to communicate with peers and allows group integration.

With friends, through experience. Because it‘s fast, simple and fun. Because it‘s easier to communicate with peers and allows group integration. No.

With friends, through experience.

With friends, through experience.

Because it‘s fast, simple and fun.

Because it‘s fast, simple and fun. Because it‘s easier to communicate with peers and allows group integration.

Yes.

No.

No.

Yes.

No.

Yes.

Yes, but with certain precautions.

Figure 1. The Main Opinions of the Student Focus Groups

This experience is one of broad collaboration, and it is successful too, since all those involved have proffered their appreciation, and suggestions and contributions on how to perfect the prototype exercise book and on how to continue the investigation, including the previously mentioned second stage, in which a different language, country and school will be involved.

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Focus Group characteristics Who uses txting: Students with good or bad Portuguese? How is txting learned? Why do young people use txting?

Is txting damaging the use of Portuguese? Should txting be used in the classroom as a way of teaching/learning?

FOCUS GROUPS Group 1 3 elements Between 35 and 41 years old Students with bad Portuguese use it more often

Group 2 1 element 46 years old Students with bad Portuguese use it more often

With friends, through experience. Because it‘s fast, simple and fun. Because it‘s easier to communicate with peers and allows group integration; Because they don‘t want adults to understand what they are saying. No.

With friends, through experience.

Yes, but always as part of a work of contextualization, and with the close participation of teachers in the process.

Yes, but always as part of a work of contextualization, and with the close participation of teachers in the process.

Because it‘s fast, simple and fun. Because it‘s easier to communicate with peers and allows group integration; Because they don‘t want adults to understand what they are saying.

No

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Figure 2. The Main Opinions of the Teacher Focus Groups

Age

1226

Sex

Geographical location in the country

Socio-economic situation

Academic level

Knowledge /mastery of the technology

M/F (Some girls have a bigger tendency to use it)

Countrywide, coastal and large urban centres.

Situation that allows payment for an internet connection and the acquisition of a PC.

Any level.

No special knowledge requested.

Figure 3. Characteristics of Txting Users Mentioned in the Students‘ Questionnaires

But mainly it has created a debating space around questions of media literacy, regarding CMC, Chats, SMS and MSN in particular, promoting awareness in all those involved that will lead to empowerment through knowledge.

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Possible images to use (examples of exercise work sheets):

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3. Conclusions and Discussion The virtual space of txting to understand a conversation or text is, in our opinion, not about studying either the syntax or the grammar understood as structures that require a description in terms of rules and categories (Van Dijk, 1991: 19). We agree with Van Dijk, that grammar should not be made out to be the basis of problematical linguistic intuitions, but rather for observations of the real use of language. In this sense, we believe that the grammar of texts is grammar, but that it is not a theory of the use of language. The same Dutch researcher says: «speech is an observational block, which means the block that we interpret when seeing or listening to a broadcast. This means that grammar can only describe texts, and is therefore only an approximation to the true empirical structures of the speech delivered» (Van Dijk, 1991: 20). Conversations via texts are shaped by a series of observational or meaningful elements that shape the speech of a person and the communicative exchange (this phenomenon is much clearer in the case of the «chatter» (subject that «chatters»). For practical reasons, due to the speed and immediacy imposed by the media, speakers should express their ideas in short texts. This allows a quick reading, a faster perception and a greater possibility of attentiveness on behalf of the recipient. We could say that these types of texts are characterised by: lightness, speed, precision and accuracy. ICTs are, in this sense, strongly shaping contemporary culture, producing and communicating fragmented, fast, exact, light and accurate messages that each person completes with their own previous information and cultural knowledge. Young people, despite being educated by means of a «learned culture», are developing perceptual and cognitive ways of thinking that allow them to create a type of agile, mobile, self-assured thought. This enables a form of writing free of digressions and able to jump from one argument to another, therefore able to reorganise a fragmented and broken thought. The society of information characterised by ICTs is suffering a substantial change in the written language that adolescents use to express themselves. These new ways of writing have turned into a social phenomenon that is being accompanied by no fewer apocalyptic debates or integrated into the different areas of social life. We think that in the Internet there exists an emerging culture that is characteristic of the adolescents that are users of txting and that this culture does not oppose that of digital arrivals. The appropriation and new

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characterisation of the written register (txting) on behalf of adolescents does not constitute a cultural disaster, it is not detrimental for learned culture, but on the contrary it opens up new educational and didactic possibilities that we have yet to explore. We are without doubt experiencing the birth of a subculture typical of the new means of communication, which is characterised by the use of different types of language and the recreation or creation of new forms of social interaction, appropriation, new characterisation and the beginnings of new standards and values. This subculture, together with the creation of new communicative registers, predominantly influences the current generation of adolescents.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

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The authors wish to thank the board of Directors, Teachers and Students of Escola Secundária de Silves (Algarve/Portugal) and St. Tiernan's Community (Dublin/Ireland).

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Reia-Baptista, V. (2008). Multidimensional and multicultural media literacy. In Carlsson & Tayie (Eds.), Empowerment through media education. Goteborg: Nordicom. Reia-Baptista, V. (2010). Lenguajes fílmicos en la memoria colectiva de Europa. Comunicar. 18. Rivoltella, P. C. (2008). Digital Literacy: Tools and Methodologies for Information Society. P. IGI Publishing. Hershey. NY. Schuman, L. (1996). Perspectives on instruction. [On-line]. Available: http://edweb.sdsu.edu/courses/edtec540/Perspectives/Perspectives.html Segerstad, Y. (2002). Use and Adaptation of Written Language to the Conditions of Computer-Mediated Communication. Gothenburg. University of Gothenburg. Tagliamonte, S.A. & Denis, D. (2006): Linguistic ruin? Lol! Instant messaging and teen language. American Speech. 83.1. Thurlow, C. (2003). Teenagers in communication. Journal of Language & Social Psychology. 22 (1). UNESCO. (1982). Grunwald Declaration on Media education Retrieved. From http://www.unesco.org/education/pdf/MEDIA_E.PDF. Van Dijk, T.A. (1991). Las estructuras y funciones del discurso. Mexico: Siglo XXI. Zagalo, N, & Torres, A. (2008) Character emotion. The Visual Computer. 24 (11). Zagalo, N. &Rivoletlla, P.C. (2009). Second European congress on media literacy. Italy, Bellaria, 21-24 October. [On-line]. Available: http://www.euromeduc.eu/spip.php?article199

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Chapter 10

DEVELOPMENT OF A FILMMAKING PROGRAM FOR JUNIOR HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS

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Teiichia Nishioka, Kanae Suzuki, and Kazunori Onuki Graduate School of Library, Information and Media Studies, University of Tsukuba, Tsukuba, Japan

In Japan, since the mid-1990s, debates concerning the harmful influence of television on children have given rise to the issue of media literacy (Suzuki, 2009). The term ―media literacy‖ means ―the ability to read and write media,‖ and is mostly used in North America, while it is referred to as ―media education‖ in the U.K. There may be differences in the terminology of each country, but the concept implies critically studying media to understand it. There are various definitions of media literacy, but in 2000, the former Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications (Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications, 2000) defined media literacy as a complex skill comprising three types of abilities: ―the ability to subjectively read and comprehend media content,‖ ―the ability to access and use media,‖ and ―the ability to communicate through media, especially an interactive communication ability‖. To promote these abilities, filmmaking can be considered a valuable learning experience. In Japan, people involved in filmmaking and broadcasting, social education facilities, and universities are striving to create

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filmmaking opportunities in accordance with the demands of society. They are conducting workshops for creating stop-action animation or video documentaries. These workshops employ a learning methodology that utilizes discoveries arising from interactive group production activity. Using the current methods, students passively gain systematized knowledge from the teachers‘ lectures; however, such workshops promote active learning by encouraging students to participate, gain experience, and work together. During the filmmaking workshop, they can understand expression in cinema by communicating with their fellow students and learning from them. The purpose of the workshop is to let the children learn how to use films to convey their messages, gain firsthand experience of activities of film expression, and improve their ability in order to interpret the messages in media. Many such filmmaking workshops have already been conducted in Japan as a form of social education. Public institutions provide financial support to regional film education. For example, national policies and subsidiary funding are organized for the projects that allow children to participate in creative activities such as ―Children‘s Funds‖ (National Institute for the Promotion of Youth Education, 2010), or support projects such as ―The City for Arts and Culture‖ (Agency for Cultural Affairs, 2010). Each region has its own autonomous support system: Kawasaki City (2009) is opening the ―Shinyuri Jr. Filmmaking Workshop‖ to support cultural activities for the region‘s junior high school students. The Tokyo School Board (2010) has organized the ―Film School for Junior High School Students.‖ Sapporo City has funded an NPO to manage the ―Children‘s Filmmaking Workshop‖ film culture project. The cooperation of the abovementioned organizations has led to the opening of the Agency for Cultural Affairs that supported ―Cinema Workshop Summit‖ in Tsukuba City, Sapporo City with ―National Junior High School Film Festival,‖ and Kawasaki City with ―Children‘s Film Symposium.‖ In these filmmaking workshops, only children seriously interested in filmmaking or those whose families are enthusiastic about media education have so far been involved, so experiencing this type of film expression has been difficult for many children. If we systematically incorporate filmmaking workshops into school education, they may be able to experience the program to hone the skills required by the media-based society. In this chapter, we will first summarize the course outline, characteristics, and basic filmmaking program as social education. The Tsukuchu Cinema Workshop is one such advanced workshop presented through public support. Second, we will present a program for use in schools, which was developed for the Tsukuchu Cinema Workshop (Onuki, Takano, Suzuki, and Nishioka,

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2009). We will also discuss student evaluation results of the school program (satisfaction with the course, analysis of changes in daily life of the students, etc.). Finally, we will conclude with the ideas of the effectiveness of the filmmaking workshop format as social- and school-based education, and some related issues. We will also address some other issues concerning the application of the project to other practices in various regions and schools and its future development.

1. CHARACTERISTICS AND COURSE OUTLINES OF THE FILMMAKING PROGRAM Here we introduce the format, common characteristics, and course outlines of the community-based filmmaking workshops.

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1.1. Filmmaking Programs in a Workshop Format To study film expression, you must, at the very least, know how to operate a camera and an editing machine. To acquire skills in expression, one ―makes to correct and corrects to evaluate,‖ meaning ―learning through trial and error, and interaction.‖ With this in mind, we cannot expect adequate results from the instructional style employed until now, which involves gaining institutionalized knowledge in a lecture format. The dance and theater world is adopting workshops modeled on participation and direct experience, and in many cases, these may also be adopted to study the techniques of film expression. The purpose of filmmaking workshops is to allow ordinary people to make use of films in their daily lives. It is not intended to train professional directors and cameramen. However, the workshop programs are designed as educational methods used for related professionals in the film industry. The workshop is divided into three processes: pre-production including planning and screenwriting, production consisting of actual filming, and postproduction including editing and finishing touches. Many of the programs developed for junior high schools follow this format.

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1.2. Characteristics of Filmmaking Workshops The purpose of the filmmaking workshops is to hone the participants‘ receptive capacity to messages from media by actually making them experience activities in film expression and learn how cinema spreads messages. The workshops share three characteristics: long term, experience every process (incorporation of hands-on experience throughout the course), and role of the support director (inclusion of instructions in directing methods). Long term. Many workshops, not exclusively for filmmaking, last half a day to one day only. In contrast, the workshops considered here last between two weeks and twenty days. They take place when junior high school is in session and continue through weekends and holidays. A film takes two to three months from the start of the workshop to complete. Because of this, the students must devote adequate time to gain actual filmmaking experiences. Experience every process. In these filmmaking workshops, all students work together to complete a story production. For this production, the roles of screenwriter, director, cameraman, sound mixer, scripter, lighting, assistant director, and editing director are all necessary. It is a program in which these roles are rotated so that every student can get a chance to experience each role. Role of the support director. For most students, it may be the first time they are making a film or video. It is necessary to have a facilitator to give basic technical support regarding the filming methods and techniques used in cinematography. In the workshops here, we will term this position ―the support director.‖ In fact, support directors are usually professional directors with real filmmaking experience. It would be difficult for anyone without a real professional experience to ensure the quality of a film, address the students‘ questions, or manage the schedule (Schaefer, 1986).

1.3. Course Flow of the Workshops The filmmaking workshops follow the course of actual filmmaking, which includes the three stages: pre-production work of writing the screenplay and preparing for filming, production work of directing and filming, and postproduction work of editing the filmed material and adding sound. Each process (Figure 1) comprises detail-oriented processes. We often think of the word ―filmmaking‖ as shooting a film; however, an important aspect of actual filmmaking is to plan what you want to

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communicate and prepare accordingly. Learning this process and screenwriting is a major focus of the cinema workshops. In a film, a passage of long time can be conveyed in a moment, and the relationship between characters can be understood at a glance. Learning film grammar, such as direction or film work, is also an important aim of the workshops, particularly in the production process. A film is composed of a number of scenes, each composed of a number of cuts. Editing is the process of selecting from those cuts, adjusting their duration, and changing their order to convey your message; it is studied in post-production. Each process following the course in Figure 1 is introduced below. Producing an outline (draft). The junior high school students prepare to create a first draft for a film after introducing themselves. During the first week of the workshop, all students write a composition on subjects such as ―the most fun thing ever‖ and ―the scariest thing.‖ On the second day, they read each others‘ composition, and based on it, they discuss about the theme of their film, what type of amusing episode could serve as the story, etc. Finally, they select a composition as a draft for the film (McKee, 1999). Screenwriting. They write a screenplay using the composition they drafted. For most students, it is their first experience of writing a paper containing descriptions of setting and dialogs. The support director demonstrates how to write a screenplay, with the draft of the previous filmmaking workshop as an example. Each student writes a screenplay based on this draft, and they then discuss these and choose one screenplay. Furthermore, each student writes another screenplay and again discusses it with others. In general, the screenplay can be written in two or three sessions (McKee, 1999). Through this process, the students learn how to develop ideas and communicate them, as well as make a film that is both interesting and easy to understand. Casting and staffing. Once the screenwriting is completed, we select the actors and the actress. In the filmmaking workshops, the students participate as actors, beginning with an audition. Students interested in acting are subjected to script reading, while other students judge who best fits each of the characters in the screenplay. Students not chosen as actors are then given the charge of filming. We determine the director, assistant director, cameraman, sound mixer, lighting specialist, scripter, etc. for each scene.

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Teiichia Nishioka, Kanae Suzuki, and Kazunori Onuki Pre-production Producing an outline

Screenwriting

Casting Staffing

Technical course

Filming

Sound editing MA

Prescreening

Location hunting Art , Props

Production

Post-production Film editing

Screening

Figure 1. Course flow of the workshops

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Fig-1 Course flow of the workshops

Location hunting, art, and props. The filmmaking workshop is established so that the students can understand, as much as possible, the things necessary for making a film. Location hunting is not only finding an appropriate place to film. Sometimes, the students negotiate to obtain permission to use the location. These students definitely know that filmmaking is not just shooting with the camera. Objects possessed by characters as well as props that are the ―key to the story‖ must be obtained. Therefore, gathering and creating these things is important work for the students. Technical course. The production process of an actual film is just the filming; however, in the filmmaking workshops, the production process begins with a technical course. For many students, this is the first time they have ever used a video camera, tripod, or lighting. The support director explains how to operate the camera‘s switch, how to hold it, as well as some camera effects such as panning and tilting. To prepare for filming, the students observe a demonstration, so that they can observe how to set up the tripod and lighting, and how to actually operate the equipment. Filming. During the production process, the students experience the making of cinema and communicate their message through acting and camerawork. The filming lasts from five days to one week. The director directs the acting and indicates the positions of the actors and the camera. The cameraman takes care of camerawork. The sound mixer uses headphones to

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carefully listen to ensure that the lines are read correctly and that there is not too much background noise. The sound assistant tries to keep the microphone close to the actors in order to get a clear recording. The lighting assistant uses a reflecting board to illuminate the actors faces so that they can appear clearly on film. The scripter records the filming status of continuity so that the various scenes can be sequenced properly. With passing time, these junior high school students, who could not have done anything before without the advice of the support director, can now independently proceed with the filming. Film editing. The students choose the best time continuity from the many cuts that they have filmed, and sequence them to complete their film. All the piecemeal cuts can be joined together using an editing system (Murch, 2001). Because of the time restrictions and difficulty in operating the equipment, the students generally observe this stage of the program. Sound editing. In after-recording, we re-record the lines from the original filming that had too much background noise, and add sound effects to the film. We add background music to the film in order to increase the cinematic effect. The students can realize the importance of the audio information in order to supplement the visual information. Prescreening. After completing the editing, the film is projected on a fullsized screen. When the piecemeal cuts are joined together and projected on a large-sized film screen, the students feel that they have actually made a film. They learn a variety of things from camerawork to meaning of ―cut,‖ to splicing of the film. Together, the students critique each part of the film from their overall views, to the direction, cinematography, and editing. Screening. Finally, families, friends, and ordinary people can see the film that they have made. For junior high school students, this is a tense moment; they ensure that they have effectively conveyed what they intended to. Realizations and discoveries through the workshops are really more important for them than the tangible results. At the screening, all the students can together reflect on the workshop and discuss their experiences; they can also interview each another.

1.4. Filmmaking Workshop in Tsukuba City There are a number of similarities between the filmmaking workshops described above and those in other regions, and each area has its own distinct strong points. Below we describe a filmmaking workshop for junior high

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school students conducted by Graduate School of Library, Information, and Media Studies, Tsukuba University, in cooperation with Tsukuba City. This workshop has been conducted in Tsukuba City every summer since 2007. Junior high school in Tsukuba City is abbreviated as ―Tsukuchu.‖ The Tsukuchu Cinema Workshop is conducted as a part of the Agency for Cultural Affairs project ―The City for Arts and Culture.‖ In three years, the development and promotional activities of this social education program in film expression have received around 18 million yen as financial support. A team comprising university professors and students, local teachers, and citizens have planned and conducted workshops. In this workshop, students used university facilities for screenwriting and editing work. The junior high school where the members of Tsukuchu study was used as the main setting for filming. Furthermore, they used Tsukuba Central Park (one of leading city parks in Tsukuba City) as the setting where the story unfolds. In June, preceding the opening of ―Tsukuchu Cinema Workshop 2009,‖ they recruited junior high school students from approximately 6,000 students presently enrolled in schools in Tsukuba City. 25 students from ten junior high schools in the city participated and produced a 16-min story. In the film titled ―On your mark, Go!,‖ the main character of the story quits his track and field club because he has difficulty getting along with other club members. He then has an accident doing volunteer cleaning work, then he is able to start running again with the help of his friend. In the workshop, we expect realizations to emerge from the experiences of filmmaking. However, many workshops for studying film expression are geared toward elementary students, and they follow a half day to one day structure in Japan, whereas educators regularly conduct programs lasting a half year to a full year, and cover all aspects of authentic filmmaking, from screenwriting to filming to editing in foreign countries. The First Light (n.d.) and Station Next (n.d.) are well-known examples. Because of the limited time of the workshop, it is difficult to ensure that there could be adequate time for the necessary trial and error. We intend to improve the effectiveness of this workshop by including experiences of trial and error as well as reinforcing the content of lectures and observation in order to deepen understanding of film expression. Moreover, increasing the participatory aspects of the workshop, the Tsukuchu Cinema Workshop aims to improve media literacy. In order to do that, we are developing and implementing the following four programs to supplement the current program: (1) Development of teaching material for studying film expression, (2) Program to understand directing style through

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practice, (3) Editing workshop to experience actual editing, and (4) BGM workshop to experience background music production. Each program and their association with the course of the present workshop is shown in Figure 2. Development of teaching material for studying film expression. We developed a teaching material explaining 11 topics, such as size of shot, angle and positioning, imaginary line, and time compression and time continuity, by way of filming. Until now, the workshops used books and handmade material for technical explanations, and it was very difficult for beginners to completely understand sentences and illustrations. The material was expected to increase the students‘ understanding of the basic vocabulary used in filming, such as camera effects and continuity. This material was employed from the 2009 workshop onward in the technical stages of the course, as shown in Figure 2. Observation and Simulation to understand directing style. It was the very first experience in film performance for all the students. In what order should these junior high school students, who are now directors, think about acting as well as the positions of the actors and camera. If they first observe and experience the filming process, we can avoid confusion at the filming location.

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Pre-production Producing an outline

Screenwriting

Casting Staffing

Location hunting Art , Props

Production Technical course ＋ Technical Material

Filming ＋ Observation & Training

Post-production Film editing ＋ Editing workshop

Sound editing MA

Prescreening

＋ BGM workshop

Screening

＋

Fig-2 Course flow of the workshops in Tsukuba city

Figure 2. Course flow of the workshops in Tsukuba city.

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develop & implement new program

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Between the period of technical instructions and moment of shouting ―action!,‖ we did a simulated filming rehearsal. This increased their active participation at the time of filming. Development of editing program. We hope that the students can increase their understanding of editing and film grammar through actual experimentation. In the filmmaking workshops until now, professionals have performed editing, while the students have usually watched. In addition, because of the difficulty in operating the equipment and its high cost, the students may not be able to edit the film themselves. We noticed a drop in the price of nonlinear editing software and developed a half day editing workshop program. During this editing workshop, they can be given the charge of choosing the cuts and adjusting the length, just like a real director. Development of the background music program. Music is a tool to breathe life into a film and reinforce its empathy. In addition to film directing, we cooperate with musicians to develop a workshop in background music production to help students understand the role of music in a film. A student who specializes in computers and another who loves music collaborated as facilitators. We create a filmmaking workshop, such as the above-mentioned Tsukuchu Cinema Workshop, in which students can actually experience all processes of filmmaking, from screenwriting to filming, editing, and composing the film score. Through their experience working together in this workshop, we hope to increase their understanding of expression through cinema and promote media literacy.

2. DEVELOPING AND EVALUATING THE FILMMAKING PROGRAM FOR SCHOOLS Developing a program for schools, based on the Tsukuchu Cinema Workshop, is the first step in expanding this type of media education from the realm of social education to schools and exposing it to a much wider audience. At this point, we should first consider the ways in which managing filmmaking in schools differs from that in a workshop. We will then explain the type of exercises and give the results of evaluation of the program by the students.

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2.1. Points to Consider in Developing Filmmaking Programs for Schools Filmmaking programs for schools have requirements such as class structure, number of students, equipment, production time, and professional filmmaking. Class structure. A workshop is basically composed of students who are interested in filmmaking. However, the class will include some students with little interest in filmmaking. For this reason, the filmmaking curriculum must appeal to them. Number of students. The Tsukuchu Cinema Workshop was conducted with around 20 people forming one team. In Japan, a junior high school class typically has around 40 students; therefore, they must be divided into teams. We hope to give each student individual jobs and responsibilities in making the film. However, if there are too many teams, it causes problems because it requires more equipment and more teachers to guide each of them. Equipment. At least, a camera and tripod are essential to actually make a film. The Tsukuchu Cinema Workshop used a HD (Hi-vision Digital) camera; however, since it is difficult to procure enough expensive cameras, we will use a relatively inexpensive entry model camera. Compressing Production Time. In order to adopt a workshop on filmmaking at the school, the Tsukuchu Cinema Workshop had to cut time for the filmmaking program, which would normally take more than 6 hours per day, or 120 hours total for a 20-day period In producing a film, we tend to think in terms of the plot pattern of introduction, development, twist, and conclusion. However, when we are grappling with filmmaking with a time constraint, maximum tutorial effect is likely to be achieved by picking an episode with a proverb. Professional filmmaking. In the Tsukuchu Cinema Workshop, direction was performed under instructions. Because of this, the students can experience actual filmmaking. On the other hand, in the schools, we cannot afford to recruit experts from outside, and therefore, the teachers will have to perform that job. Given the number of students and teams, teachers cannot give detailed instructions to each student. Under these circumstances, it is essential to have a support plan to allow students to perform activities independently. As such, the technical level of the filming and editing as well as the quality of work can in no way equal that of the workshop. However, in the strict limitations of time, equipment, and instructions, the filmmaking

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programs at schools will allow student to gain a useful experience of the general course of filmmaking, right within the classroom.

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2.2. Conducting the Filmmaking Program in Schools On the basis of the five points mentioned above, we developed the new program and evaluated it. A junior high school in Tsukuba City conducted a class focusing on filmmaking from December to March 2008. Subjects. The students were third year junior high school students, and there were five classes, each comprising 45–46 students. Each class was already normally separated into six activity groups. Therefore, the same grouping was used for our filmmaking team, with each team comprising 7–8 students. Lesson plan. We presented a lesson over the technical section of the curriculum. This section got divided into the two broad categories of ―production know how‖ and ―information and computers.‖ The ―information and computers‖ section included content about multimedia, which was planned to support our filmmaking. The purpose of the lesson was to understand the basic filming methods that go with filmmaking and how everyday television programs and films are made, as well as to cultivate a perspective on film media and understand the jobs and responsibilities by working together. It was planned to allow the students to experience the entire flow of the filmmaking process, from screenwriting to filming, editing, and finally presentation, so that they can make a real cinematic work such as that in the Tsukuchu Cinema Workshop (Table 1). This practice spent a total of sixteen hours, which two school hours (1 school hour is 50 min) per week times eight weeks.

2.2.1. Pre-production Explanation of the practice subjects and understanding film grammar. The students made a 30- to 60-s-long film based on a given practice subject, depending on the theme. In the Tsukuchu Cinema Workshop, the students first wrote a composition and then decided on a theme. However, since it took a lot of time to convey a complete story, they composed stories based on a proverb or short aphorism (i.e., ―Kann Zen Mu Ketsu (absolute perfection)‖ or ―a penny saved is a penny earned‖) and made those into films.

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We introduced the basic points of film grammar, such as how the film was assembled of a series of cuts, and explain filming terms such as shot size and camera angle while showing a sample film. All the students produced individual proposals describing the title, its meaning, story, dialogue, continuity, and sound for the proposed scenes. One class period was not sufficient time to write a good proposal, and therefore, it was assigned as homework to be completed by the next lesson (2nd week). In the second week, everyone exchanged their proposals, read them, and then selected the most captivating idea from among them. Assigning roles. We assigned the following jobs to the members of each team: (1) director, (2) assistant director, (3) cameraman, (4) camera assistant (who takes care of the tripod, power supply, etc.), (5) sound, (6) art, and (7) screenwriter (who writes the screenplay) and scripter (who records the number of the scene, cut, and take as well as the results of the filming). The students choose some the actors and actresses from their team, alternating roles by scene so that they could flexibly handle it.

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Table 1. Schedule of the filmmaking program at school Time schedule 1st week

Contents of program Explain subject Explain film grammar Create individual plot outlines

2nd week

Consider the outlines in teams and decide a draft Explain the division of jobs for filming Decide job assignments in a team Begin writing the screenplay Filming practice Writing and review the screenplay Filming orientation

3rd week 4th-5th week

Filming Check the unedited film on the computer

6th-7th week

Editing Two editing groups per team Presentation

8th week

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After jobs were assigned to everyone, we instructed the other members on how to use the camera, tripod, etc, while the director and screenwriter came up with ideas for the screenplay. Filming preparation. In the first hour of the third week, we made the final adjustments to complete the screenplay. Next, we held a filming orientation. We explained how to prepare for the work at the filming location. At the end of the class, the students made all of the preparations, that is, drafted a filming outline (time and place), completed and copied the screenplay, and got the props ready.

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2.2.2. Production (Filming) From the fourth to fifth week, we shot the film according to each teams outlines. The teams could then understand the activities of each job in relation to the progress of the filming, and by becoming aware of the amount of time required, they improved their efficiency. Almost all teams completed their filming as planned. Then, the six teams shot their films at various locations within the school. We got some help from some graduates and neighboring university students and were able to ensure the safety of all teams. 2.2.3 Post-production Editing. In the sixth and seventh week, we edited the films using film editing software. At the editing stage, each team was split into two groups, and using the same video materials, they edited two products. Then, apart from the editing of the film portion, they created a slide to introduce their work at the screening. Learning to use film editing software is not so difficult, but at this stage, we also had to deal with the sound and put in the sound effects. Therefore, we used copyright-free sound sources to produce our sound effects. Screening. In the eighth week, we held the screening after the students introduced their works. While the quality of the works is not quite as good as those produced in the Tsukuchu Cinema Workshop, all the students got a chance to look back on their activities．

2.3. Evaluating the Filmmaking Program After the course, we asked the students involved to evaluate the program. We gave an evaluation form to the three classes out of five (125 students: 64 boys, 61 girls) who attended this program. They were asked to answer their

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degree of satisfaction with the program; they were also asked to describe freely some questions such as ―what did you discover from the practice?,‖ ―what parts did you struggle with?,‖ and ―did the program change anything about your every day life?.‖ We then analyzed the answers and categorized them by similar content. Further, we assigned labels in each category. For example, ―When I was watching a film, I found it used a number of camera angles‖ or ―here the camera took a close-up of the face, or it should be filming from above.‖ These descriptions included content concerning filming methods, and therefore, these were assigned to one category ―filming methods.‖ If one person‘s comments fell under more than one category, they were counted under all respective categories. Satisfaction with the lesson. Evaluation of the filmmaking program was rated on a five-point scale. The mean score of the item for ―fun‖ was 4.6 (SD = 0.8) and the mean score for ―satisfaction‖ was 4.4 (SD = 0.8). They were generally rated in a favorable manner. Hoshida (2004) mentioned that in filmmaking, it is important to first enjoy it and then do something creative. This project was rated as enjoyable. Discoveries and struggles in the course of filmmaking. The answers regarding things the students discovered or struggled with are shown in Table 2. The most common answers in this category were ―cooperation and coordination (31.2%)‖ and ―sound in the recording (31.2%).‖ For ―cooperation and coordination,‖ a number of students commented that it was important for everyone to work together to complete the work and that every person‘s attention was necessary. Morisaka (2007) mentioned that one purpose of filmmaking is to improve cooperation. Our results supported this suggestion. As for the comments regarding ―sounds in the recording,‖ when the students listened through the headphones, they understood the problem in filming caused by background noise that normally we are not aware of, for example, the sound of the airconditioner, people‘s footsteps, and wind. Analysis of the things that changed in their daily life. The answers regarding things that changed in my everyday life through the training are shown in Table 3. The most common answers in this category were ―cinematography (49.6%)‖ and ―continuity (48.8%).‖ After undergoing the training, they will intimately view films and TV programs, paying attention to techniques. Furthermore, 32.5% of the students are aware of the production process. It suggested that the students can adopt the ―filmmaker‘s perspective,‖ as Sawaki and Matsuno (2009) mentioned.

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Table 2. Discoveries and struggles in the course of filmmaking （n = 125） Category

Specific content

Cooperation and coordination Sound in the recording

Importance of cooperation

Entire filming

Acting Cinematography

Editing

Expressing the intent

Time management

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Handling equipment Film scripting

Difficulty in blocking off extra sounds while filming Special care is needed in securing the filming position, with respect to unpredictability of weather and filming environment Difficulty in acting and showing certain facial expressions Brightness of the screen, difficulty in filming without blur and in choosing the right camera angle Difficulty in choosing the material and in connecting film footages in a smooth-flowing manner Difficulty in expressing the filmmaker‘s intent as the mode of expression creates a different impression Difficulty in finishing filming within class time limits Special care needed in handling the camera, the tripod, the cords, etc. Special care needed to keep the scripting of cuts and takes in order

Number of respondents (%) 39 （31.2%） 39 （31.2%） 34 （27.2%）

31 （24.8%） 29 （23.2%）

22 （17.6%）

18 （14.4%）

13 （10.4%） 9 （7.2%） 5 （4.0%）

Table 3. Changes in daily life （n = 125） Category

Specific content

Cinematography

Attention to cinematography, e.g., shot and angle Awareness that the motion video consists of a succession of cuts Consideration for the circumstances of the production staff, their efforts, and their struggles Knowing how unnatural cuts are made Interest in knowing the filmmaker‘s intent

Continuity Production process Editing Intent of expression Direction Active participation

Appreciation of sound effects by an effective use of sound Motivation to personally engage in filmmaking

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Number of respondents (%) 62 （49.6%） 61 （48.8%） 44 （35.2%） 24 （19.2%） 23 （18.4%） 16 （12.8%） 16 （12.8%）

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3. MERITS AND FUTURE WORKS OF FILMMAKING WORKSHOP AS A PART OF SOCIAL AND SCHOOL EDUCATION In this section, we shall summarize the main features and flow of the filmmaking workshop conducted as a part of social education as well as the merits and issues of the filmmaking workshop conducted as a part of social and school education. We shall then deliberate on its future trajectory, including points applicable to other practices.

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3.1. Merits and Future Works of Filmmaking Workshop as a Part of Social Education The objective of a filmmaking workshop as a part of social education is to enable the students to utilize films in daily life, to teach them how to convey a message using a film, and to help them hone their receptivity to messages through media by exposing them to the actual filmmaking activity. The Tsukuchu Cinema Workshop has developed an effective program for conducting a filmmaking workshop by balancing knowledge and action, i.e., lectures and observation, prior to filmmaking so that the students can have the requisite understanding of what goes into filmmaking and about the trials and errors of hands-on experience, which will enable them to deepen their understanding of filmmaking. Counting extras, more than 100 junior high school students have so far attended the Tsukuchu Cinema Workshop. Some progressed to high school and produced independent films, while others participated in inter-high school filmmaking competitions and won prizes. Junior high school students who attend the workshop two years in a row often assume a leadership role in the second year. Indeed, some exhibit exquisite camera work. This indicates the effect of the preceding year‘s workshop. It can be said that the filmmaking workshop in Tsukuba City obtains steady results. More filmmaking programs are expected to spread through schools, based on the knowledge and know-how acquired from filmmaking workshops as a part of social education. We shall describe the future works below. Increasing the level of active participation. At the pre-production stage (see Figure 2), there is a need to increase the level of active participation in

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discussions on the screenplay production process. In order to achieve such an increase, it would be desirable to enlist the screenplay writer‘s cooperation so as to improve the existing program. In order to obtain a higher level of active participation at the production and post-production stages (see Figure 2), it is essential that we come up with ways to deepen the students‘ understanding of cinematography in a short time span. To this end, the Tsukuchu Cinema Workshop developed a special teaching kit that explains basic terminology and film grammar through audiovisual teaching materials, and rolled it out in 2009. However, some parts of this material proved too difficult to comprehend in one sitting, especially for first-time junior high school students. The future agenda, therefore, is to refine the teaching kit and to improve the modes of its usage, so as to enliven the discussion and action at the production site. Structuring a workshop package for filmmaking. Currently, filmmaking workshops invite professional directors, commissioning them to be tutorial directors. This format is feasible for disseminating social education locally. However, it would be physically and institutionally infeasible for a nationwide filmmaking workshop. Thus, instead of solely depending on directors and professional instructors, we need to create a standardized package consolidating the methodology, required tools, and teaching guidance, so that non-professional teachers can also act as instructors in a satisfactory manner.

3.2. The Merits and Future Works of a Filmmaking Program at School We stated above that the objective of a filmmaking program at school is to enable the students, by means of the filmmaking experience, to understand basic cinematography; to let them comprehend how films are made, including TV programs to which they have daily exposure; to cultivate their perspective in appreciating film media; and to facilitate their understanding of assigned roles and responsibilities by participating in joint projects. Evaluation performed after such a program showed positive effects such that the students did realize ―the filmmaker‘s perspective‖ by experiencing filmmaking and that they indeed enjoyed the experience of ―working together.‖ We also received feedback from the teachers in terms of improvements that can be made in teaching screenplay production and cinematography. We shall review these points below.

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Improvement of the program. In the aforementioned program at the junior high school in Tsukuba City, the teachers had to work within the time constraints of the school curriculum to prepare for screenplay production and filming. As a result, they delivered pre-production instructions differently than the standard method of the Tsukuchu Cinema Workshop. Based on that experience, the teachers offered three suggestions for the improvement of the instruction methodology. First, the instructions for screenplay production at the pre-production stage have room for improvement. In the process of developing a screenplay from the planning proposal at schools, the teachers did manage to instruct the students in writing a screenplay, but they were not able to give adequate instructions on the story itself. In ensuring the quality of the film, it is crucial for the story to be well thought. In instructing this part, it would be advisable to seek outsiders‘ assistance in the filmmaking workshop conducted as a part of social education. The second point concerns improvement in explaining film grammar at the pre-production stage. In the classes, many groups‘ works exceeded the specified time limit that the teachers had assigned for their editing. The primary cause is that the students filmed long takes without cuts. They should take several cuts for saving time. The continuity technique deserves more detailed instructions in advance. Third, better instructions must be given to ensure smooth progression of filming. In the school program, they plunged into filming straight after completion of the screenplay. Therefore, they had to spend the first day of filming in making decisions on acting on site. There are two possible countermeasures to alleviate this problem: set a time interval between the completion of screenplay and the start of filming to decide on acting, or to train the directors so that they can immediately give instructions on acting as soon as filming begins. Of these two, the former seems more realistic, if time allows. Preparing equipment. At the Tsukuchu Cinema Workshop, we used a HD (Hi-vision Digital) camera that is used in real professional work or by highend amateurs, so as to capture expressions in a better way and ensure accurate recording of lines. In contrast, the junior high school teachers used amateur video cameras generally reserved for home use for their ease in operation and because of budget considerations. Video cameras of this type do not have an external microphone, which created problems with recording the actors‘ lines on location. There is an option of a separate post-recording, but that would mean extra time, which in turn increases time consumption. For classes at

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schools, which have tighter budget constraints, it would make sense to rent equipment for recording from external organizations that are engaged in conducting workshops as a part of social education. Improvement of the evaluation method. At the junior high school, a survey was conducted among the participants regarding their experience with filmmaking. In the survey, they were asked about their level of satisfaction with the class, what they had discovered and/or struggled with, and whether there had been any changes in their day-to-day lives as a direct consequence of taking the filmmaking class. However, the evaluation method needs to be revamped in order to measure the effect of the program more precisely. For example, we can perform a quasi-experiment by setting up an experiment group of students who have experienced filmmaking and a control group of those who have not. The two groups should be tested both before and after filmmaking, and variables such as their basic understanding of cinematography and perspective on appreciating film media should be examined to determine the effects of filmmaking. In addition, if we set up multiple experimental groups corresponding to specific changes in certain parts of the filmmaking program, we might be able to figure out how to structure a program that is most effective.

3.3. Application to other Methodologies In this chapter, we reviewed the basic flow and each process of the filmmaking program in social education (Figs. 1 and 2) and in school education (Table 1). They could be used in regions and schools planning to conduct filmmaking. In social education, it is difficult to set up a control group. A school setting, however, makes it more feasible to create a control group and/or to provide different filmmaking programs to different classes, allowing us to examine the effectiveness of participation in filmmaking and to determine what sort of program has more impact. We can then go on to improve the program for social education on the basis of findings of the filmmaking class at the school. While it is true that a long-term program is capable of providing comprehensive education, we also need to develop a short-term program for the sake of disseminating the filmmaking workshop discussed in this chapter. A large number of filmmaking workshops as a part of social education

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currently last from 2 weeks to 20 days. Such long workshops pose difficulties for present-day busy students. Moreover, the school administration is unenthusiastic about setting aside substantial time out of a tight curriculum. With regard to the question of how to shorten the filmmaking program, one method is to separate screenplay production and the subsequent processes, including filming. Indeed, at the aforementioned workshop in Sapporo City, they use screenplays solicited from the public. Developing such compressed programs could make it possible for various regions and schools to adopt a filmmaking program.

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CONCLUSION In recent years, we have witnessed an increase in the use of filmmaking workshops to disseminate social education. The objective of a filmmaking workshop is to enable the participant to use a film to convey a message, to improve their receptivity to messages from media by enabling them to personally experience the act of expressing through a film, and to help them become capable of actively using a film in their daily life. Moreover, in Japan, there is a movement at the regional level to support such workshops. These filmmaking workshops have three characteristics in common: they are longterm programs; they help the students experience the entire process of screenplay production, filming, and editing; and they include technical instructions delivered by professional directors and filming staff. Some workshops are conducted with these basic features and aim to improve the program further. The Tsukuchu Cinema Workshop is one such reform-minded workshop. We developed a unique program by adding the following four features: developing teaching material for studying film expression, understanding directing style through practice, conducting an editing workshop to experience actual editing, and conducting a BGM workshop to experience background music production. In executing this program, we are intent on realizing the goals of enhancing the level of active participation on the part of the attendees, facilitating their deeper understanding of film expression, and improving their media literacy. In order to develop filmmaking as a part of social education to a part of media education at school so as to disseminate it widely among children, we would need to develop a new program for school education. In this chapter, we describe a program of filmmaking at school developed from the Tsukuchu Cinema Workshop. Among its prominent characteristics, the program sets up

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group projects in accordance with the class makeup at the school, gives special emphasis to producing screenplay and explaining cinematography within the time constraints of the school curriculum, ensures that the necessary equipment is available for the entire group, and allows the students to watch other groups‘ works. We performed an evaluation of this program. The results suggested that the students had an enjoyable and creative experience and that they grew to develop a ―filmmaker‘s perspective‖ through the filmmaking experience. From the preceding discussion, we can conclude that the execution of the program to provide filmmaking experience has obtained some good results. In future, our focus will be to further improve the program so as to promote filmmaking workshops as a part of social and school education.

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REFERENCES Agency for Cultural Affairs (2010). The City for Arts and Culture. (in Japanese). Retrieved April 2, 2010, from http://www.bunka.go.jp/ geijutsu_bunka/chiikibunka/shinkou/sisaku/souzou/index.html First Light (n.d.). Filmmaking Workshop Project supported by UK Film Council. Retrieved April 2, 2010, from http://www.firstlightonline.co.uk/ Hoshida M. (2004). Effect which video-making gives learning: Practical media literacy. (in Japanese). Chibashodai Kiyo, 42(2), 133-157. Kawasaki city (2009). The Junior Film-making Workshop. (in Japanese). Retrieved April 2, 2010, from http://www.siff.jp/jw2009/ McKee, R. (1999). Story: Substance, Structure, Style and the Principles. London: Methuen Publishing Ltd. Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications (The former Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications). (2000). Media Literacy: Ability of Young People to Function in the Media Society: Report of the Study Group on Young People and Media Literacy in the Field of Broadcasting, 23 June. Retrieved April 2, 2010, from http://www.soumu.go.jp/joho_tsusin/

eng/Releases/Broadcasting/news000623_1.html Morisaka, Y. (2007). A project with the student‘s collaboration to bring up media literacy: Producing a video work as a producer. (in Japanese). Fukui educational research, University of Fukui, 32, 27-35. Murch, W. (2001). In the Blink of an Eye, 2nd edition. Silman-James Press.

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National Institute for the Promotion of Youth Education (private) (2010). Children‘s Funds. (in Japanese). Retrieved April 2, 2010, from http://yumekikin.niye.go.jp/ Onuki, K., Takano, S., Suzuki, K., and Nishioka, T. (2009). Effect of video production practice on improving media literacy. (in Japanese). Journal of Japanese Association for Education of Information Studies, 2(1), 27-32. Sawaki, K., and Matsuno, R. (2009). Research on abilities developed by video production activity: Using KJ method and factor analysis techniques. (in Japanese). Journal of Policy and Culture, 17, 69-81. Schaefer, D. (1986). Masters of Light: Conversations with Contemporary Cinematographers. Berkeley: University of California Press. Suzuki, K. (2009) Media education in Japan. In C.K. Cheung (Ed.), Media Education in Asia. (pp.131-155). Springer. Station next (n.d.). NPO for Filmmaking workshop in Denmark. Retrieved April 2, 2010, from http://www.station-next.dk/side.asp?side = 1andver = uk/ The Tokyo School Board (2010). Film School for Middle School Students. (in Japanese). Retrieved April 2, 2010, from http://www.ys-tokyobay.co.jp/ social/index.html#movie09

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INDEX # 20th century, 151 21st century, 14, 15, 83, 113, 137, 145 9/11, 95

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A academic performance, 47 accreditation, 105 active participation, 204, 211, 212, 215 activism, 9, 13, 78 activity level, 36 administrators, 36, 68, 130 adolescents, 19, 40, 191, 192 adults, 49, 136, 139, 168, 169, 170, 188 adverse effects, 141 advertisements, 31, 32, 135, 140 advocacy, 12, 24, 28, 46, 65 aggression, 11, 25, 37, 136 aggressive behavior, 43 AIDS, 11 American History, 168 anthropology, 8 Arab countries, 83, 84, 86, 87, 91, 94, 100, 101, 102, 103 Arab world, 19, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 93, 95, 96, 98, 99, 100, 103, 104, 105, 108

assessment, 115, 116, 117, 119, 120, 121, 128 assimilation, 177 athletes, 134 audition, 199 authenticity, 74 awareness, 2, 3, 8, 9, 11, 13, 21, 26, 30, 31, 38, 77, 92, 125, 127, 128, 136, 145, 158, 165, 167, 179, 183, 188

B background noise, 201, 209 barriers, 79, 126, 145 beginning teachers, 30 benefits, 34, 122, 129, 136, 183 bias, 31, 95, 114, 123, 125 blame, 111, 128, 144, 163 blogs, 14, 110 body image, 36 brain, 64, 75, 91 brain drain, 64, 75, 91 broadcast media, 14, 93 browsing, 57, 59 bullying, 32, 35, 156, 157, 164, 165, 167, 169, 170, 183 businesses, 72, 98

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Index

220

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C cable television, 46 case study, 52, 61, 107, 175, 179, 185, 186 catalyst, 63, 120 CBS, 116 cell phones, 110 censorship, 64, 65, 67, 98, 103, 135 challenges, 2, 5, 15, 17, 47, 61, 65, 66, 67, 71, 74, 75, 76, 79 changing environment, 35, 65 chaos, 64 childhood, 19, 26, 133, 136, 137, 138, 139, 166 civic life, 10, 17, 110 civil liberties, 65, 78, 79 civil society, 71, 110, 111, 112, 118, 127, 128 civil war, 90 class period, 207 classes, 11, 36, 92, 157, 162, 175, 176, 178, 179, 181, 182, 186, 206, 208, 213, 214 classification, 187 classroom, 5, 16, 17, 20, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 30, 31, 34, 35, 36, 37, 91, 126, 127, 128, 129, 134, 144, 145, 154, 155, 157, 159, 162, 163, 169, 170, 171, 178, 187, 188, 206 CMC, 82, 179, 182, 183, 184, 188 CNN, 106 collaboration, 67, 102, 145, 175, 180, 187, 216 collectivism, 156 colleges, 1, 86, 94 communication, 4, 8, 11, 14, 19, 21, 25, 29, 35, 36, 40, 70, 77, 78, 83, 84, 85, 92, 95, 111, 112, 122, 170, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 182, 183, 184, 185, 192, 194, 195 communication skills, 11 communication technologies, 19, 25 community support, 36 composition, 199, 206 comprehension, 113, 115, 116, 120, 121, 122, 176, 179, 183

computer, 28, 48, 50, 64, 70, 91, 92, 98, 100, 136, 180, 207 computer labs, 100 computer skills, 70, 92, 100 computer software, 136 conference, 30, 42, 101, 130, 131 conflict resolution, 11 conscientiousness, 176 consensus, 77 conspiracy, 5, 70, 77 conspiracy theory, 5, 77 construction, 40, 48, 159, 179, 181 consumer choice, 38 consumer goods, 13 consumers, 5, 13, 14, 18, 32, 34, 35, 42, 127 consumption, 5, 15, 36, 37, 50, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 77, 90, 213 content analysis, 97 contextualization, 188 control group, 113, 114, 115, 117, 118, 124, 125, 127, 214 controversial, 63, 127, 169 conversations, 20, 43, 123, 126, 129, 169 cooperation, 26, 101, 102, 193, 196, 202, 209, 210, 212 corruption, 46, 67, 102, 125 cost, 87, 89, 100, 103, 135, 204 cost saving, 100 Council of Europe, 184 creative potential, 17 creative process, 179 creativity, 185 critical analysis, 28, 37, 96, 112, 183 critical thinking, 2, 11, 15, 21, 30, 31, 33, 96, 134 critical value, 54 criticism, 28, 61, 86, 87, 161 cultural differences, 179 cultural literacy, 23, 24 cultural values, 144 culture, 3, 4, 12, 14, 15, 18, 19, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 30, 32, 35, 40, 41, 42, 43, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 88, 94, 99, 103, 104, 107, 110, 112, 113,

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Index 130, 131, 135, 141, 151, 168, 169, 170, 172, 181, 191, 196 curricula, 17, 22, 29, 67, 75, 76, 77, 84, 85, 90, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 99, 101, 104, 105, 136, 137, 138, 170, 177 curriculum, vii, 1, 6, 7, 8, 11, 16, 19, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 40, 42, 45, 47, 60, 94, 116, 118, 119, 120, 121, 127, 133, 134, 137, 138, 139, 143, 144, 145, 205, 206, 213, 215, 216 cyberspace, 17, 59, 131

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D data analysis, 54, 97, 114 data collection, 29, 52, 118 decoding, 6, 180 deconstruction, 25, 28, 37 deductive reasoning, 118 democracy, 9, 11, 21, 24, 32, 65, 74, 76, 109, 112, 113, 122, 127, 130, 131, 134 democratization, 67, 71 demographic characteristics, 176 Department of Education, 4, 5, 171 dependent variable, 54 developing countries, 68 dichotomy, 67 digital divide, 101 digital technologies, 15, 18, 64, 100 directors, 197, 198, 203, 212, 213, 215 discrimination, 4, 89 discussion groups, 157 displacement, 74 distribution, 8, 15, 75, 117, 152 domestic violence, 156, 164, 170 dominance, 47, 79 dose-response relationship, 37 draft, 199, 207 drug abuse, 11 drugs, 32, 54

221

editing, 197, 198, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 213, 215 editors, 103 education expenditures, 65 education reform, 47, 48, 60, 78 educational institutions, 5 educational materials, 144 educational practices, 26 educational programs, 69, 178 educational research, 48, 51, 216 educational settings, 169 educational system, 3, 65, 75 educators, 2, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 30, 32, 35, 37, 40, 47, 65, 67, 75, 77, 78, 85, 93, 97, 101, 102, 105, 125, 126, 130, 136, 139, 177, 202 elementary school, 19, 29, 37, 40 elementary students, 202 e-mail, 186 empirical studies, 49 empowerment, 13, 25, 131, 134, 188 encouragement, 26, 37, 39 endorsements, 33, 34 English Language, 31 environment, 9, 23, 35, 45, 47, 50, 75, 94, 131, 152, 158, 175, 210 epidemic, 40 epistemology, 26 equality, 156 equipment, 64, 94, 97, 100, 200, 201, 204, 205, 210, 213, 216 everyday life, 137, 151, 171, 185, 209 evidence, 18, 35, 38, 41, 78, 97, 128, 169 evolution, 179, 182 exercise, 15, 113, 118, 180, 181, 183, 186, 187, 189 experimental design, 115 expertise, 75, 143, 145 exposure, 49, 114, 115, 116, 117, 121, 124, 127, 133, 141, 212 externalities, 114, 121 extracts, 140

E economic crisis, 78

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Index

222

F

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Facebook, 34 facial expression, 210 facilitators, 204 factor analysis, 217 families, 36, 38, 79, 145, 183, 196, 201 family members, 73 film grammar, 199, 204, 206, 207, 212, 213 filming, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 213, 215 filmmaking program, 20, 196, 205, 206, 207, 209, 211, 212, 214, 215 films, 3, 4, 27, 28, 30, 31, 43, 152, 154, 170, 173, 196, 197, 206, 208, 209, 211, 212 First Amendment, 42 focus groups, 29, 111, 113, 118, 125, 127, 131, 186 foreign language, 89, 90, 91, 92, 100, 104, 105 formal education, 138

G gender equality, 170 gender stereotyping, 26 general knowledge, 92, 93 genre, 184 global leaders, 127 global scale, 50 globalization, 6, 16, 70, 71, 183 governance, 9, 10, 15, 65, 66, 67, 68, 74, 78, 79 government policy, 19 governments, 2, 47, 63, 67, 74, 76, 77, 78, 79 grades, 29, 31, 38, 102, 119, 176, 186, 187 graduate education, 16 graduate students, 89, 97 grouping, 54, 58, 206 growth, 83, 110, 152 guidance, 35, 212

guidelines, 28, 29, 31, 34, 105, 129, 154, 157, 186

H handwriting, 167, 185 harassment, 67, 71 harmful effects, 4, 134, 139 health, 11, 13, 21, 26, 28, 31, 36, 37, 50, 61, 127, 128, 134 hegemony, 64 high school, 10, 20, 31, 48, 102, 134, 202, 211 higher education, 20, 77, 85, 86, 101, 104, 110, 122, 128, 129 historical overview, 152 history, 1, 3, 8, 11, 16, 26, 27, 28, 61, 63, 74, 85, 131, 136 homework, 24, 181, 182, 207 Human Development Report, 79, 81, 96, 106 human rights, 72, 73 hunting, 200 hybrid, 66, 184, 185 hypothesis, 52, 60, 119, 120, 121, 180 hypothesis test, 180

I ideology, 24, 28, 32, 49 illiteracy, 69, 71, 74, 101 image(s), 5, 9, 12, 72, 105, 133, 134, 136, 158, 159, 160, 161, 172, 189 immigration, 127 imperialism, 27 individuals, 3, 13, 15, 64, 110, 112, 122, 126, 135, 151, 163 industrialized countries, 4 industries, 5, 32, 34 industry, 6, 28, 46, 49, 88, 93, 96, 101, 103, 104, 125, 127, 178, 197 inequality, 66, 75, 156 information processing, 71 information sharing, 13

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Index institutions, 2, 5, 8, 15, 66, 67, 68, 76, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 90, 94, 95, 99, 101, 102, 138, 156, 178, 196 instructional methods, 143 integration, 16, 29, 101, 187, 188 intelligence, 112, 131 interference, 87, 98, 168 international communication, 93 international relations, 65 international standards, 94 internship, 93, 102, 103 interpersonal communication, 8 intervention, 163, 169 isolation, 67, 70 issues, 7, 9, 10, 11, 15, 18, 20, 21, 27, 28, 29, 33, 34, 36, 37, 45, 54, 64, 67, 72, 74, 76, 79, 82, 87, 88, 95, 96, 99, 101, 105, 112, 116, 126, 127, 154, 156, 158, 162, 164, 170, 171, 179, 197, 211

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J journalism, 4, 8, 10, 63, 68, 69, 70, 72, 74, 75, 76, 83, 84, 85, 88, 89, 92, 93, 95, 101, 103, 104 journalists, 68, 69, 70, 74, 92, 93, 94, 95, 101, 103, 104, 125 junior high school, 20, 51, 196, 197, 198, 199, 201, 202, 203, 205, 206, 211, 212, 213, 214

K kindergarten, 19, 136, 137, 140, 143, 145 knowledge acquisition, 134 knowledge-based economy, 137

L labour market, 65 lack of confidence, 143 landscape, 26, 69 language policy, 91 language skills, 89, 91, 105, 185

223

languages, 19, 31, 71, 85, 87, 91, 176, 177, 179, 182, 183, 184, 185 laptop, 68 laws, 67, 71, 75, 95, 102 laws and regulations, 102 learners, 49, 51, 180, 181 learning, 2, 13, 15, 19, 24, 28, 31, 37, 39, 40, 41, 61, 66, 71, 77, 101, 118, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 134, 137, 138, 139, 151, 152, 153, 167, 171, 176, 177, 179, 180, 181, 185, 187, 188, 193, 195, 197, 216 learning activity, 167 learning environment, 138, 139 learning outcomes, 126, 128, 129, 151, 171 learning process, 19, 177, 180, 181 learning styles, 31 legislation, 75, 164 leisure, 34, 36, 38, 39, 41, 182 leisure time, 34, 38, 39 liberalization, 63, 74 liberty, 67 light, 11, 65, 101, 103, 105, 110, 114, 125, 126, 127, 152, 191

M magazines, 30, 33, 46, 180 majority, 45, 46, 47, 66, 68, 69, 70, 71, 76, 91, 101, 114, 139, 181 marketing, 33, 34, 35, 37, 76, 178 marketplace, 33, 34, 35, 40, 41, 42, 135 mass communication, 3, 8, 9, 17, 47, 68, 85, 89, 95, 184 mass media, vii, 4, 8, 9, 11, 13, 17, 25, 46, 47, 54, 81, 133, 134, 139 media messages, 9, 10, 13, 14, 17, 96, 111, 112, 116, 127, 128, 136, 142 media texts, 5, 6, 13 MENA region, 63, 65 mental image, 161 messages, 3, 12, 13, 14, 15, 24, 113, 115, 116, 124, 128, 179, 181, 182, 183, 191, 196, 198, 211, 215 metaphor, 13, 50, 64

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Index

224 methodology, 45, 186, 196, 212, 213 Ministry of Education, 29, 45, 51, 62, 84, 108, 186 mobile device, 8 mobile phone, 175, 176, 178, 182 modern society, 9 modernity, 108 momentum, 3, 10, 26, 28 motivation, 178 multimedia, 14, 184, 206 music, 3, 24, 25, 30, 116, 129, 163, 201, 203, 204, 215 musicians, 204 MySpace, 14, 15

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N national identity, 137, 138 National Public Radio, 116 national security, 75 National Survey, 146 national traditions, 104 negative consequences, 102 negative effects, 13, 136, 167 negative influences, 5 negative outcomes, 87, 165 negativity, 123, 124, 125 new media, 2, 8, 14, 15, 19, 21, 24, 37, 49, 50, 61, 84, 93, 131, 178, 179, 181, 193 news coverage, 26, 78 no voice, 50 nobility, 185 NPR, 116 null, 119, 120, 121 null hypothesis, 121

O obesity, 35, 37, 40, 136 obstacles, 84, 98, 104, 143 online media, 101, 126 opportunities, 10, 35, 41, 47, 48, 91, 135, 136, 139, 183, 196 oppression, 71, 165, 167

optimism, 24, 104 organize, 15, 156, 157, 182

P parental participation, 36 parents, 14, 26, 27, 36, 37, 38, 39, 78, 137, 139, 140, 145, 172 participants, 17, 53, 67, 91, 113, 114, 116, 117, 118, 127, 157, 179, 198, 214 participatory democracy, 78, 112, 128 patriotism, 67 pedagogical device, 170 pedagogy, 5, 8, 15, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 34, 40, 41, 62, 176 peer conflict, 169 peer group, 40 personal communication, 88, 89, 94 personal computers, vii, 100 personal contact, 103 personal views, 60, 112, 118 poetry, 12, 24 policy issues, 35, 96 policy makers, 50, 51 policymakers, 136 political democracy, 110 political instability, 74 political legitimacy, 63 political parties, 65, 75, 79 political system, 77 politics, 1, 2, 9, 10, 12, 15, 41, 67, 72, 79, 81, 106, 110, 156 pollination, 152 population, 71, 78, 143 post-production, 197, 198, 199, 212 poverty, 69, 71, 74 primary school, 34, 37, 53, 54, 55, 58, 61 private schools, 90 problem-solving, 137 professional careers, 92 professional teacher, 212 professionals, 28, 85, 197, 204 programming, 26, 27, 37, 136, 162

Research in Media Education, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2012. ProQuest Ebook Central,

Index project, 21, 35, 36, 37, 68, 69, 97, 151, 154, 156, 168, 169, 175, 176, 179, 196, 197, 202, 209, 216 public affairs, 26 public education, 24 public health, 2, 8, 11 public interest, 43 public life, 79, 111 public opinion, 72 public schools, 15 public service, 27, 110, 135, 161 public support, 63, 196 publishing, 75, 99

Q qualifications, 93 quality assurance, 75, 76 questioning, 15, 25, 69 questionnaire, 34, 48, 52, 53, 115, 116, 139, 164, 166

Copyright © 2012. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

R racism, 26, 28, 54 radio, vii, 2, 8, 11, 81, 100, 109, 113, 115, 116, 119, 120 rating scale, 52 readership, 11 reading, 10, 23, 24, 38, 41, 50, 51, 66, 68, 107, 130, 134, 153, 180, 184, 186, 191, 199 reality, 13, 34, 64, 67, 74, 104, 125, 178, 186 reform, 47, 61, 63, 78, 79, 127, 129, 149, 215 regulations, 41, 98, 102, 104 relevance, 17, 61, 86, 87, 101, 118, 123, 144 reliability, 117 research facilities, 99 researchers, 48, 50, 52, 53, 89, 136, 155, 156, 162, 177

225

resources, 14, 18, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 34, 36, 39, 51, 65, 74, 77, 93, 97, 99, 103, 105, 112, 130, 143, 144, 145 rule of law, 78 rules, 19, 36, 175, 176, 179, 181, 182, 184, 191 rural areas, 77, 176

S safety, 36, 130, 208 scholarship, 87 school achievement, 24 school education, 196, 211, 214, 215, 216 school support, 175 schooling, 75, 133 science, 8, 11, 28, 31, 92, 152, 171 scientific knowledge, 176 scope, 40, 102, 104, 119, 129 screenwriting, 197, 199, 202, 204, 206 scripts, 155, 157, 167, 170 Second World, 2 secondary education, 18, 45 secondary schools, 5 secondary students, 5 secondary teachers, 30 sedentary lifestyle, 35, 36, 37, 40 self-confidence, 138 self-expression, 129, 168 seminars, 143 SMS, 15, 179, 181, 186, 188 social change, 48, 61 social circle, 138 social class, 66 social consequences, 95 social context, 13 social contract, 70 social development, 9 social education, 195, 196, 202, 204, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215 social inequalities, 7 social influence, 170 social influences, 170 social life, 135, 191 social movements, 79

Research in Media Education, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2012. ProQuest Ebook Central,

Index

226

social network, 14, 53, 64, 110 social order, 5 social participation, 17 social problems, 35, 95 social roles, 118 social sciences, 1, 3, 8, 16, 18, 97 social skills, 151, 171 social workers, 172 socialization, 23, 24, 26, 35, 42 society, 3, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 14, 16, 19, 21, 40, 46, 47, 67, 69, 71, 72, 74, 77, 80, 82, 85, 104, 110, 111, 113, 118, 122, 127, 129, 136, 139, 151, 158, 161, 163, 170, 171, 181, 183, 191, 196 sociology, 3, 8, 50, 85 software, 162, 204, 208 speech, 156, 191 statistics, 54, 55, 57, 59, 68, 108, 114, 118 stereotypes, 28, 144 stereotyping, 31, 32

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T teacher training, 14, 19, 28, 143, 144, 145 teaching experience, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 60, 176 teaching/learning process, 177, 179, 181, 184 technical support, 198 techniques, 2, 8, 9, 11, 25, 35, 69, 98, 162, 171, 197, 198, 209, 217 teens, 14 television stations, 46 tenure, 98 tertiary education, 18, 138 test scores, 115, 118, 119, 120, 121 testing, 30, 176, 186 textbook(s), 91, 94, 95, 100, 106, 152, 153 textuality, 122 training, 3, 9, 16, 19, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 34, 35, 39, 68, 71, 83, 84, 86, 87, 97, 103, 134, 143, 145, 172, 209 training programs, 19, 28, 39, 68 Tsukuchu Cinema Workshop, 196, 202, 204, 205, 206, 208, 211, 212, 213, 215

U UNESCO, 4, 41, 75, 80, 83, 84, 106, 134, 136, 146, 147, 149, 178, 184, 193, 194 United Nations Development Programme, 106 universities, 1, 17, 18, 75, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 90, 92, 93, 94, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 103, 104, 105, 178, 195 updating, 85, 92, 100 urban, 176, 188 urban areas, 176

V video games, 8 videos, 31, 33 violence, 3, 11, 54, 95, 134, 141, 155, 163, 164, 169, 170 vision, 65, 76, 78, 79, 94, 205, 213 visual environment, 180 visual images, 10, 32, 159 vocabulary, 203 vocational training, 49

W web, 12, 131, 186 websites, 15, 30, 180, 186 weight gain, 37 welfare, 156, 157, 160, 161, 164, 170 WMD, 125 workers, 97 working class, 24 working conditions, 75 workplace, 14, 112 workshop, 71, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 217 World Wide Web, 79 worldwide, 48, 49, 85, 133

Research in Media Education, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2012. ProQuest Ebook Central,

Index

Y

young people, 3, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 14, 15, 21, 40, 41, 133, 136, 141, 153, 162, 169, 175, 177, 178, 180, 184, 185, 187, 188 young teachers, 28

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Yemen, 65, 75, 89, 91, 102 young adults, 43, 123

227

Research in Media Education, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2012. ProQuest Ebook Central,