Reprints in Anthropology Volume 31 [31]

Table of contents :
TABLE OF CONTENTS

Preface

Introduction............................................................................................ i

Janet Spector

The Plains-Lakes Connection: Reflections from a Western Perspective.............................................................................................. 1

W. Raymond Wood

Vegetation History Along the Prairie-Forest Border in Minnesota ................................................................................................ 9

Eric C. Grimm

Late Prehistoric Selection of Wild Ungulates in the Prairie- Forest Transition...................................................................................31

C. Thomas Shay

A Structural Comparison of the Maplewood, Scott, and Lake Midden Sites............................................................................................ 65

Charles Watrail

Fitting People in the Late Prehistory of the Northeastern Plains........................................................................................................73

E. Leigh Syms

A Search for the Cree in the Archaeoethnology of the Northeastern Periphery......................................................................... 108

Jack Steinbring

The Problem of Teton Migration..........................................................131

Michael Michlovic

Early Mdewakanton Dakota Culture and Interpretations for Archaeology: A Re-evaluation, 1640 - 1780..................................... 146

Bryce Little The 17th Century Mdewakanton Dakota Subsistence Mode....................154

Elden Johnson

Ethnoarchaeology and Little Rapids: A New Approach to 19th Century Eastern Dakota Sites........................................................ 167

Janet D. Spector

Citation preview

Reprints In Anthropology Volume 31

Reprints In Anthropology Volume 31

By permission of the Department of Anthropology, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota.

Printed September 1985 by J & L R E PR IN T COMPANY 410 W EDGEW OOD D RIVE LINCOLN, N E B R A SK A 68510

Previous Issues of Reprints In Anthropology Vol. 1 Archeological Materials From The Vicinity of Mobridge, South Dakota, by Waldo R. Wedel Vol. 2 Observations on Some Nineteenth-Centuiy Pottery Vessels From the Upper Missouri, by Waldo R. Wedel The Direct-Historical Approach in Pawnee Archeology, by Waldo R. Wedel Archeological Remains In Central Kansas and Their Possible Bearing On The Loca­ tion of Quivira, by Waldo R. Wedel Vol. 3

Ash Hollow Cave, by John L. Champe

VoL 4 The Hagen Site, A Prehistoric Village on The Lower Yellowstone, by William Mulloy Vol. 5 Agriculture of the Hidatsa Indians: An Indian Interpretation, by Gilbert Livingstone Wilson Vol. 6

An Introduction to Pawnee Archeology, by Waldo R. Wedel

Vol. 7 The Plains-Ojibwa or Bungi From Hunters and Warriors of the Northern Prairies with special references to the Turtle Mountain Band, by James H. Howard Vol. 8 Selected Writings of Donald J. Lehmer Vol. 9 The Wild Rice Gatherers of the Upper Lakes, A Study in American Primitive Economics, by Albert Ernest Jenks Vol. 10 The Horse and the Dog in H idatsa Culture, by Gilbert L. Wilson Vol. 11 The Hidatsa Earth Lodge, by Gilbert L. Wilson Vol. 12 An Introduction to Plains Apache Archeology—The Dismal River Aspect, by James H. Gunnerson Vol. 13 Hidatsa Eagle Trapping, by Gilbert L. Wilson Vol. 14 Ankara Archeology: The Bad River Phase, by Donald J. Lehmer and David T. Jones VoL 15 Proceedings of the Fifth Plains Conference for Archeology, by John L. Champe Vol. 16 Selected Articles on Plains Woodland, by A. T. Hill and M. F. Kivett Vol. 17 Shabik’eshchee Village A Late Basket Maker Site In The Chaco Canyon, New Mex­ ico, by Frank H. H. Roberts, Jr. VoL 18 The Nebraska Phase: An Appraisal, by Donald J. Blakeslee and Warren W. Caldwell VoL 19 Big Bend Historic Sites, by G. Hubert Smith Vol. 20 The Dakota or Sioux Indians, A Study in Human Ecology, by James H. Howard VoL 21 An Illustrated Osteology of the Channel Catfish, by Raymond L. Mundell A Magnetic Survey of the Walth Bay Site, by John W. Weymouth VoL 22 Journal of an Expedition to the Mauvaises Terres and the Upper Missouri in 1850, by Thaddeus A. Culbertson Vol 23 The Material Culture of Pueblo Bonito, by Neil M. Judd Vol. 24 Essays in the history of Plains Archeology, by Waldo R. Wedel, as follows: William Duncan Strong and Plains Archeology, Toward a History of Plains Ar­ cheology, Some Early Euro-American Percepts of the Great Plains and Their In­ fluence on Anthropological Thinking, The Education of a Plains Archeologist. VoL 25 An Interpretation of Mandan Culture History, by W. Raymond Wood

Vol. 26 Prehistory and History of the Hermann Site (23GA142) Gasconade County, Missouri, Larry J. Schmits, Editor. Vol. 27 Caddoan Interaction in the Neches Valley, Texas, by Kathleen Kirk Gilmore. Vol. 28 Fort Esperance in 1793-1795: A Northwest Company Provisioning Post, by Daniel J. Provo, With An Appendix by W. Raymond Wood: Journal of John Macdonell, 1793-1795. Vol. 29 Remote Sensing the American Great Plains, by W. Raymond Wood, Robert K Nickel, and David E. Griffin. Vol. 30 Stone Tipi Rings in North Central Montana and the Adjacent Portion of Alberta, Canada: Their Historical, Ethnological, and Archeological Aspects, by Thomas F. Kehoe. The Direct Ethnographic Approach to Archaeology on the Northern Plains, by Thomas F. Kehoe and Alice B. Kehoe.

ARCHAEOLOGY, ECOLOGY AND ETHNOHISTORY OF THE PRAIRIE-FOREST BORDER ZONE OF MINNESOTA AND MANITOBA edited by Janet Spector and El den Johnson Department of Anthropology University of Minnesota 1985

Contributors Eric Grimm El den Johnson Bryce Li ttle Michael Mi chiovie C. Thomas Shay Janet Spector Jack Steinbring E. Leigh Syms Charles Watrail W. Raymond Wood

TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface Introduction............................................................................................ i Janet Spector The Plains-Lakes Connection: Reflections from a Western Perspective.............................................................................................. 1 W. Raymond Wood Vegetation History Along the Prairie-Forest Border in Minnesota ................................................................................................ 9 Eric C. Grimm Late Prehistoric Selection of Wild Ungulates in the Prai ri eForest Transition................................................................................... 31 C. Thomas Shay A Structural Comparison of the Maplewood, Scott, and Lake Midden S i t e s ............................................................................................ 65 Charles Watrail Fitting People in the Late Prehistory of the Northeastern Plains........................................................................................................ 73 E. Leigh Syms A Search for the Cree in the Archaeoethnology of the Northeastern Periphery......................................................................... 108 Jack Steinbring The Problem of Teton Migration..........................................................131 Michael Michlovic

Early Mdewakanton Dakota Culture and Interpretations for Archaeology: A Re-evaluation, 1640 - 1780..................................... 146 Bryce L i t t l e The 17th Century Mdewakanton Dakota Subsistence Mode....................154 El den Johnson Ethnoarchaeology and L i t t l e Rapids: A New Approach to 19th Century Eastern Dakota S i t e s ........................................................ 167 Janet D. Spector

PREFACE The northern North American prairie-forest border zone of Minnesota and Manitoba is a region of importance in understanding both human adaptation systems and dynamics of regional Native American culture history. The border shifted dramatically both east and west as climate fluctuated in the post-glacial period and as residents in the area intentionally set fires to maintain or a l t e r vegetation patterns to suit their subsistence needs. Since the beginning of sci entific research in the region in the 1900's, anthropologists and historians have asked a range of questions about how various groups adapted to and exploited this environment over time; about the nature of mobility patterns and inter-group contacts among forest and prairie occupants; and questions about the impact of Euro-American colonial expansion on the indigenous people of the region. In February of 1982, the UNIC-3 Conference, organized by the Department of Anthropology at the University of Minnesota, brought together scholars representing the fields of archaeology, paleoecology and ethnohistory to present their research on these per­ si st e n t themes and questions and to suggest directions for future study in the region. The conference, held at the Earle Brown Center on the U. of M. St. Paul campus, included 15 presentations. Ten of the papers were selected for inclusion in this volume and have been revised and updated in preparation for publication. We wish to express our appreciation to all of the contributors for th e i r patience and their cooperation during the time between the original presentation of their papers at the UNIC-3 Conference and t h e i r appearance in this volume. We also wish to thank the staffs of the Anthropology Department and the Earle Brown Center for th e ir assistance during the various phases of the conference and Mr. Lawrence Tomsyck of J & L Reprints for his help in preparation of this volume. Funding for the conference was provided by the Anthropology Department and College of Liberal Arts, University of Minnesota. The UNIC Anthropology conferences were instituted as a memorial to Dennis Pulestan, a talented and innovative University of Minnesota archaeologist whose career was prematurely ended by his tragic death in 1978. This specific conference, the third held to date, was dedicated to the memory of another prominent University of Minnesota archaeologist, Lloyd A. Wilford, who was born in 1894 and died in January, 1982. The lively, in te ll e c ­ tually stimulating atmosphere and presentations at the UNIC-3 Conference were much in keeping with the tenor and quality of Pulestan's and Wilford's work. We dedicate this volume to both of them.

INTRODUCTION Janet D. Spector W. Raymond Wood sets the stage for subsequent papers in this collection by providing an overview of the history of archaeo­ logical thinking and research in the region. Focussing on questions concerning the relationship between Indian cultures of the Northern Plains and those of the p r a ir ie -f o re s t border. Wood evaluates earTy research e ffo rt s and the assumptions underlying those studies in light of more recent archaeological findings. In addition, he suggests several directions for future research con­ cerning adaptation, migration, and interaction within the region. Wood strongly advocates combining ecological, ethnological, ethnoh i s t o r i c , and archaeological approaches to more adequately under­ stand problems of cultural relationships and influences among the various groups residing in the p r a ir ie - f o r e s t border zone and the Northern Plains. Without exception, the research presented in t h is volume reflects use of such multi-faceted approaches. Eric Grimm, C. Thomas Shay and Charles Watrall all employ eco­ logical approaches in t h e ir investigations of human adaptations in the pr a ir ie -f ore s t tra nsi tio n zone. Grimm examines regional vege­ tation history and human-vegetation interactions using mid-19th century survey records to reconstruct the environment prior to deforestation by Europeans. Through ethnohistoric sources, he documents Indian practices related to the ignition of fires as a means of controlling vegetation. Drawing upon archaeology, eth­ nography, ethnohistory, and palynology, Grimm clearly demonstrates the potential of and the necessity for using diverse data to i l l u ­ minate the human and climatic factors which have interacted to a ff e ct the environmental and cultural history of the p ra ir ie for est trans ition zone. Shay and Watrall emphasize animal rather than plant resources and exploitation patterns. On the basis of faunal data from a series of s it e s in Minnesota and Manitoba, Shay argues that people selectively exploited deer and bison over other ungulates. He looks at animal ecology, ungulate population density and produc­ t i v i t y , and human hunting strategies to account for and explain these archaeological observations. Watrall's research complements and supports Shay's. He examines the faunal assemblages from three prehistoric sites differing in geographic location, time, and cultural a f f i l i a t i o n , observing, as Shay does, that there are demonstrable si milarities in the over-all exploitation pattern of animal resources in the region despite differences among the pre­ h i s t o r i c populations studied.

Several papers in the collection employ what Leigh Syms refers to as ho li s ti c anthropological approaches to address archaeologi­ cal issues and questions. Syms argues that i t is p o l i t i c a l l y , educationally and intellectually essential for archaeologists of t h i s region to move away from the typological and chronological orientation which has generally characterized research and to develop methods which enable us to evaluate archaeological assemblages in terms of ethnic cultural categories. To do t h i s , Syms incorporates evidence from li n g uis tic s, physical anthropo­ logy, ethnohistory, and archaeology. In i l l u s t r a t i n g his method, he effectively reveals the intricacies and complications of learning about ethnicity in the past as i t might be expressed archaeologically. Jack Steinbring also examines the subject of identifying eth­ nicity on the basis of archaeological data. In his study he works with the thunderbird motiff, a major art symbol occurring in various temporal and geographic contexts throughout the north­ eastern periphery area, to explore the possible distinction s be­ tween the Cree and other Algonkian groups in the area. Although his work is s t i l l in the formative stage, i t does suggest new po ssibilitie s for approaching the general problem of ethnic iden­ ti f i c a t i o n in the archaeological record. Michlovic, L i t t l e , Johnson and Spector all combine archaeo­ logical and ethnohistoric methods and data in th e ir studies of Dakota people in the region. Michlovic challenges the tradi tio na l and s t i l l pervasive view of Dakota migrations which holds that the Teton migrated westward and adapted to the Plains environment in the early historic period. Through a re-evaluation of ethno­ historic and archaeological evidence he argues th a t this hypoth­ esis is flawed and proposes that the data more strongly suggest that people—probably Siouan—were utilizing the Plains in pre­ his toric times. Though additional research is needed to confirm his thesis, Michlovic's work undermines the arguments of many anthropologists and historians concerned with Dakota ecology and social organization which assume or take as given a re la tiv e ly recent Teton migration westward into the Plains. Working with materials from a somewhat later period of Dakota history, Bryce L i t t l e and Elden Johnson delineate ch ar ac te ris tic s of Mdewakanton culture at the time of early European contact. L i t t l e ' s paper summarizes some of the suggestive findings of his intensive ethnohistoric research about the organization and migra­ tion of the Mdewakanton between the mid-17th and mid-18th cen­ tu ri e s . Lit tle scrutinizes early documentary sources for in for ­ mation about specific locations of the Mdewakanton and neighboring

groups, the nature of relationships among these indigenous groups and between Indians and Europeans, and the specific kinds of material items diagnostic of the period which might be recovered archaeologically. Johnson's research on 17th century Mdewakanton subsistence patterns uti liz es floral and faunal data collected archaeo­ logical ly at sites in the Mi l i e Lacs Lake area of east-central Minnesota. At all of these sites French trade goods are found in direct association with late prehistoric archaeological materials in an area reportedly occupied by the Mdewakanton at the time of e a r li e s t European contact. The s it e data reveal that the Mdewa­ kanton in the late prehistoric and early historic periods adapted to a variety of vegetation zones extending east and west of Mille Lacs. The subsistence pattern emerging from Johnson's analysis of plant and animal remains suggests util iz at io n of food resources from the loc ality, seasonal exploitation of resources from the fores t-pr airi e mosaic zone, and incursions into the western grass­ lands to procure large mammals. These findings contradict the commonly held view of a "forest” or "woodland" orientation for the early Mdewakanton with subsequent changes in subsistence as people moved west under the pressure of expanding Euro-American coloniza­ tio n . But Johnson's research results are consistent with Wood's and Michlovic's suggestions, discussed in this volume, of con­ siderable time depth for a Dakota subsistence orientation toward prairie-plains habitats. Spector's paper focusses on the Eastern Dakota as they were in the 1830's, the date of occupation at the L it tle Rapids si te lo­ cated along the Minnesota River Valley in southeastern Minnesota which was excavated in the early 1980's. Spector's work, like that of several of the contributors to this volume, uses ethnohis toric and ethnographic resources in conjunction with archaeo­ logical data to define the likely material expressions of Indian culture or behavior patterns. In this case, ethnohistoric research was used to identify various types of sites occupied by Eastern Dakota people as they undertook the ir annual round of a c ti v it ie s in the 1830's. Using documentary evidence, Spector defines specific material and spatial properties of each type through analysis of si te -s pe c ifi c activity patterns and compares the actual archaeological assemblage from L i tt le Rapids to the hypothesized s it e stypes. Her work shows the importance of deter­ mining how any one s it e f i t s into the over-all subsistence and settlement pattern of a group before using s it e data as the basis for generalizations about cultural dynamics of the period. Taken together, this collection of papers addresses numerous questions and topics concerning l i f e in the pra ir ie -f o re s t border

zone before and a f t e r European colonization. While many archaeological problems remain to be solved within this region, the research s tr a te g i es presented here provide clear direction and stimulus for future e f f o r t s .

THE PLAINS-LAKES CONNECTION: REFLECTIONS FROM A WESTERN PERSPECTIVE W. Raymond Wood The subject of t h i s section is one of the oldest problems in the anthropology of the mid-continent, and is simultaneously one of the le as t understood topics in Plains anthropology: that i s , precisely what is the nature of the relationships between the Indian cultures of the Northern Great Plains and those of the p r a i r i e - f o r e s t border in present day Minnesota and Manitoba? Recent research, reported in the following papers, offers new and exciting insights into this question. From the standpoint of one who is interested in the matter, but not dir e c tly involved in research in the p r a i r i e - f o r e s t border, these insights are a ll but revolutionary, and open the way for new interpretations of culture history and culture process th a t overturn anthropological beliefs held for decades. Nevertheless, work is fa r from complete, for no other area of the Plains is more in need of basic research than the Northeastern Plains. Our knowledge of the basic outlines of i t s culture history is s t i l l rudimentary; our comprehension o f the native lifeways there i s , for all practical purposes, confined to the his tor ic period; and our understanding o f cultural processes in the region is even more elementary than our grasp of the preced­ ing topics. Why do we have so far yet to go? As late as 1938, in his Cultural and Natural Areas o f Native North America, A. L. Kroeber was s t i l l quoting with approval Edward Sapir's 1916 analysis of the non-Plains origins of Plains culture "in a sentence" (Kroeber 1938: 76). Matters were to change quickly. A summary of William Duncan Strong's 1938 fieldwork in North Dakota was published two years l a t e r in his class ic paper, "From History to Prehistory in the Northern Great Plains" (Strong 1940). This paper, together with his Introduction to Nebraska Archeology and other studies (Strong 1933, 1935) was to destroy the myth of a nearly empty Plains into which the his tor ic horse-mounted nomads swept on the eve of Euro-American contact. That i s , the myth was destroyed in the Central Plains; i t was much more tenacious in the Northern Plains. I t is a simple matter to see how the early view of the Plains as a near-vacuum developed, especially considering the r a r i t y of sound ethnographic and archaeological data a t the time. Authors of the f i r s t version o f the Handbook o f North American Indians W. Raymond Wood, Department of Anthropology, University of Missouri, Columbia MO 65211.

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(Hodge 1907-10), basing t h e i r conclusions largely on native t r a d i ­ tions and on very limited historical accounts, implied that only five of the nineteen major h is to ric ethnic groups living on the Northern Plains were residents in the area before Euro-American contact. That i s , nearly 75 per cent of the Northern Plains t r i b e s were thought to be late immigrants to the area. CPerhaps because the popular conception o f Minnesota is one o f forests and lakes, the vast pra iri e s and prairie-lak e region o f 4 western and southwestern Minnesota seem to have been overlooked. But as the following papers document, the "forests" contributed only s lig htly to the late h is to ric tribes in the Northern Plains — probably, in fa c t, only the Plains Cree and the Plains Ojibway. The remaining peoples, the Cheyenne, Arapaho, Atsina, Assiniboin, and the various Dakota bands, lived in the f o r e s t - p r a i r i e border in Minnesota and Manitoba, or well to the west, in the p r a i r i e s o f Minnesota and adjacent parts of North and South Dakota. In spite of the obvious derivations of so many of the Northern Plains groups from the northeastern rim of the Plains, a number o f prob­ lems that concern them are vexing —not the le a s t of which is the rarity of archaeological data from the region. There are of course simple historical reasons for t h i s . Much of the archaeology in the Northern Plains was for years concen­ trated on the village cultures along the Missouri River, an empha­ sis bolstered by the post-World War II dams b u i l t along the mainstem of that river. Investigations in the p ra iri e s east o f the Missouri River, on the other hand, were conducted for years by a very thin veneer of archaeologists indeed. Only in the past dec­ ade has work accumulated to the degree that we no longer must con­ tinue to c i t e , as primary documents, the pioneer works t h a t estab­ lished the archaeological significance of the area, but which are such limited u t i l i t y for modem studies. ‘^^sTo begin with, the Northeastern Plains were mis-named. Waldo R. Wedel, in his overview of Plains prehistory (Wedel 1961), named this subarea the "Northeastern Periphery" —a view brought about by his feeling that the area reflected more "Woodland" than "western" influences, and which was no doubt supported a t the time by the fact that most reported archaeological remains there were from Woodland burial mounds. But Scott Anfinson thoroughly documents the point that the area was "occupied during much o f the p r e h is to r ic period by what-are generally.considered to be Plains cu ltu re s. " For this reason he proposed that the term "periphery" be abandoned (Anfinson 1982: 67), a recommendation that most local archaeolo­ gists endorse. The term "periphery" implies that the area is only marginally related to Plains cultures —a concept th at is demon­ strably false, as the papers in the Northeastern Plains symposium a t the 39th Plains Conference have shown (Schneider 1982a: 63). Environmentally, of course, the area is clearly Plains in

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that i t has been a grassland for the l a s t 9000 years. During the Late Archaic, Anfinson believes, "a cultural tradition developed... that remained substantially unaltered until the end of the Wood­ land Period, a t l e a s t with respect to subsistence and settlement patterns. Many aspects of th is settlement-subsistence system were adapted to or adopted by the Plains Village and Oneota groups that occupied the region during la te prehis tor ic times'*(Anfinson 1982: 81). We are going to be severely hampered in our ef fo rt s to t e s t this hypothesis, however, until f a r more Archaic data are available. For some areas, indeed. Archaic s it e s have yet to be found, as for example along the James River in eastern North Dakota. This is especially puzzling, since so much o f the work along the James has been along the ri v e r bank i t s e l f (Schneider 1982b: 114). Along the Red River, Archaic materials are believed to be buried deeply in alluvial deposits (Michlovik 1983: 26), a phenomenon noted in many areas along the eastern margin o f the Plains. For whatever reason, most of the data from the Northeastern Plains r e l a t e to the Wood­ land period and l a t e r occupations. I t is obvious that we must learn where to look for the e a r l i e r s i t e s , a task that is going to demand close cooperation between archaeologists and geologists. Contrary to the picture we have of the protohistoric and hi s to ri c periods, not a ll of the influences were moving solely from east to west. Pr ehis tori cally , fiftee n per cent o f the l i t h i c sam­ ple from a survey along the Red River is of Knife River f l i n t and other western Dakota raw materials, as Michlovik (1983: 25) has noted. In the prehistoric James River valley, Schneider (1982b: 117-125) found th at Knife River f l i n t dominated both the chipped stone a r t i f a c t s and the debitage, with s it e s having 36 to 85 per cent of this stone represented in chipped stone tools. Schneider points out, however, th a t Knife River f l i n t in eastern North Dakota ;j was gradually displaced over time, so that by about-A.D. 1300 i t * j f was a minority raw irate r i a l , —an observation that is paralleled in * village s ite s along the Missouri River i t s e l f in South Dakota, which l i e much nearer to the Knife River f l i n t quarries in western North Dakota. On the other hand, a t the protohistoric Biesterf e ld t s i t e , on the Sheyenne River in southeastern North Dakota, Knife River f l i n t was the dominant variety of stone among the sam­ ple retained by the excavator (Wood 1971). The s im il a ri ti e s between the Bi esterfeldt s i t e , believed to be of Cheyenne Indian origin, and the village cultures along the Missouri River also intimate close ti e s between these areas on the protohistoric level, as does the Hintz s i t e , on the James River, whose closest ti e s seem to be with the Hidatsa (Wheeler 1963). Furthermore, Sonota Complex burial mounds of the Middle Woodland period, as well as linear mound groups o f uncertain prehistoric age, occur both along the Sheyenne and other rivers in eastern North Dakota and along the Missouri River to the west (Hewes 1949;

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Neuman 1975; Chomko and Wood 1973). I t therefore seems obvious that the relationships between the Northern Plains and the Northj eastern Plains were intimate from a t le a s t Late Woodland times to \ the full h i s to ri c period. ; This relationship i s especially il lu s tr a te d by the association | of Late Woodland Sandy Lake ceramics with the his tor ic Mdewakanton ■ Dakota by Elden Johnson, in his paper following. Sandy Lake pot­ tery is found in many parts of eastern North Dakota, especially along the Red River, and at some sites along the Sheyenne and Janies rivers. I f i t s association with the Mdewakanton Dakota can be extended to other Dakota groups, there would be good reason to believe that many of the Late Woodland si te s along the northeastern rim of the Northeastern Plains represent a substantial la t e prehis ­ to ri c Dakota occupation. In other words, the Dakota were probably already living in the Northeastern Plains and were therefore a l ­ ready living a Plains lifeway in late prehistoric times, well before^ t h e ir acquisition of the horse. When the Dakota began to expand t h e ir range westward a fte r obtaining th at animal, they did so from ; within the Northeastern Plains, not from some "woodland" point in • central Minnesota. The protohistoric Cheyenne also moved into southeastern North Dakota from s it e s along the Minnesota River — which flows through the prairies of southwestern Minnesota. Although there are now some groups for which we can find ante­ cedents in the Minnesota area in the archaeological record, for many other groups this record is s t i l l s il e n t. We cannot as yet physically trace the Cheyenne east of the Biesterfeldt s i t e and, a s far as I am aware, there are simply no s it e s that we can even ten­ tatively associate with the Arapaho or Atsina. Perhaps deeper j mining of the ethnohis tori cal sources will eventually provide clues to their histories beyond the traditional data we now have. A fu ll er archaeological and ethnohistorical record should a l s o ; assist us in finding answers concerning two major questions in the [ Northern Plains: what factors were responsible for the westward expansion of protohistoric and h is to ric Native Americans over the ; Northern Plains; and what may now be a pseudo-question: what were ? the forces that acted to "homogenize" the his tor ic Northern Plains Indians, who were formerly believed to be of such diverse origi ns? The f i r s t question is one which will demand intensive ethno­ historical research. Did the horse open new vis ta s, th at i s , to b e tt e r exploit the bison, or did ownership of this animal provide j a means to escape eastern neighbors who were b e tte r armed with Euro-American weapons? Perhaps the correct response is th at both were important. In any event, these and other explanations have been advanced to explain the western expansion of the groups in the Northeastern Plains, but there is far from being consensus on the matter. The second question, as to the forces that acted to "homoge­ nize" the Northern Plains Indians, now appears to be a meaningless

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one. Symmes Oliver (1962) and many other anthropologists have long believed th a t some of the "non-Plains" groups that were thought to have become Plains dwellers were origi nal ly hunter-gatherers, whereas others had a t le a s t horticultural supplements in th ei r die ts, and they were believed to have had very diverse origins. As Fred Eggan conmented, tribes coming into the Plains with d iffere n t backgrounds and social systems ended up with sim ilar kinship systems. I t seems probable th at the conditions of Plains l i f e favored a rather amorphous and mobile type of social organization which could vary to meet changing conditions (Eggan 1955: 93). Both William D. Strong and A. L. Kroeber were inclined to view the uniformity among his to ri c tribes in the Northern Plains as "largely the r e s u lt of hi s to ri c factors rathe r than the re s u lt of environ­ mental control" (Eggan 1952: 39), but Clark Wissler had a more simplistic view of ecological factors and t h e i r e f f e c t on human cultures (Oliver 1962: 7). Oliver himself found a combination of his toric al fac tors , plus environmental ones — principally relating to cyclical patterns of bison concentration and dispersal, and the effe ct s o f the horse — as most convincing. Furthermore, What really seems to have happened on the Plains was th at tribes o f diff eren t cultural backgrounds moved into a similar or shared ecological situa tio n. . . . The fact th a t there were Folsom or other Early Man horizons on the Plains, and that they had a considerable time depth, does not a l t e r the basic facts for the his to ri c Plains tribes who were rela ­ tive newcomers to the region. I t may be granted th a t there were resemblances between the pre-horse Plains hunters and the l a t e r Plains t r i b e s . . . Both, a f t e r a l l , were hunting the same animal. But this is cer tainly not to say that these cultures were the same. The introduction of the horse crea­ ted a differ ent ecological situation which required new sociocultural arrangements (Oliver 1962: 14). Unfortunately for this argument, there is no reason to evoke s ig ­ n if i c a n t adaptation on the part of the "newcomers" i f we are cor­ rect here in assuming that most of the groups that Eggan and Oliver were considering were already Plains residents o f long standing. The real message that Oliver has for us is th a t, as archaeol­ og is ts , we may sometimes pay too much attention to "new sociocul­ tural. arrangements" based on the horse in our e f f o r t to under­ stand the prehistoric past. The h i s t o r i c , or horse, period d i f ­ fers starkly from the prehistoric era on the Plains. Wissler argued th a t the differences were of degree, not of kind —a con­ clusion th a t Kroeber (1938: 77) and Oliver (1962) found impossible to accept. The his to ri c period in the Northeastern Plains, in other words, is one in which there is a new and st ru c tu ra ll y d i f ­ ferent settlement-subsistence system — a system which effectively sets i t apart from e a r l i e r adaptations, and which we are fated to

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see in the archaeological record as thin, transient occupational s i t e s l i g h t l y sprinkled with native and Euro-American goods. A systematic review of Native American trade items in the Northern Plains would provide a useful guide for developing hypo­ theses relevant to intergroup relations through time. For example the sources o f the "Southern Cult" a rt if a c ts from some eastern North Dakota mounds remain enigmatic, although some of them may well be proto hi sto ri c, as Howard (1953) suggests. Other prehis­ to ri c trade goods in eastern and central North Dakota include c a t l i n i t e from the southwestern Minnesota-eastern South Dakota area; conch or whelk shell frpm the Gulf Coast; copper from the Great Lakes area; and Anculosa fresh water snail shell beads from ri v e rs in the American southeast. Leigh Syms's (1977) co-influence sphere model, developed in precisely the geographic setting we are discussing here, suggests that h is to ric as well as prehistoric peoples in the Northeastern Plains made use of multiple resources in varied environments throughout the year. A given ethnic group might therefore share a t e rr it o ry with a second group during one season, and another t e r r i tory with yet a third group at s t i l l another time, but not neces­ sa ri ly consistently over the years. This circumstance, combined with the fluid movements of groups in his tor ic times, has undoubt­ edly contributed to the complexity in material culture seen in so many archaeological sites in the Northeastern Plains. I t is not unreasonable to suggest that this kind of a ct i v it y would have been an excellent means for exchanging ideas relating to social i n s t i t u tions as well, thereby acting as an early agent for the "homogeni­ zation" of Northern Plains groups. Tribal movements, even those which resulted in migrations, did not consist of one wave of peopl followed by another, but were complex scenarios in which i n t e r ­ tribal relations and resource a v ai la bili ty (especially of bison for humans and pasturage for horses) were paramount. There is no question but that the co-influence sphere model will be a helpful device for viewing cultural int eractions, but applying this model in a consistent manner to taxonomically complex settings is l i k e l y to prove very d if f ic ul t. The Northeastern Plains, in summary, is as much in need of basic ethnohistorical research as i t is of fresh archaeological data. The work done to date has provided a sign ificant check on e a r l i e r errors and misconceptions, and promises to of f er s t i l l more exciting contributions. One of the most crucial tasks is the reassessment - including new transcriptions, when necessary — of original historical documents. The discovery that clan organi­ zation among the eastern Dakota was not part of the material in Jonathan Carver's original journal, but was added (probably by the editor) to expand the narrative for publication (Stipe 1971) is bui one example of the necessity for this kind of basic hist ori ca l assessment. Needless to say, ethnohistorical research will help

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bridge the gap between the time the basic adaptive patterns in the area s t i l l e s s e nt ia ll y refl ec ted the pre-horse and gun period, and the time when the "new sociocultural arrangements" of the his to ri c period typified the Northern Plains. REFERENCES CITED Anfinson, Scott 1982 The Prehistoric Archaeology of the P rair ie Lakes Region: A Summary from a Minnesota Perspective. Journal o f the North Dakota Archaeological Association 1: 65-90. Chomko, Stephen A., and W. Raymond Wood 1973 Linear Mounds in the Northeastern Plains. Archaeology in Montana 14 (2): 1-19. Eggan, Fred 1952 The Ethnological Cultures and t h e i r Archeological Back­ grounds. In Archeology o f Eastern United S ta tes, edited by James B. Griffin, pp. 35-45. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. 1955 The Cheyenne and Arapaho Kinship Systems. In Social Anth­ ropology o f North American Indian Tribes, by Fred Eggan, pp. 39-95. University o f Chicago Press, Chicago. Hewes, Gordon W. 1949 Burial Mounds in the Baldhill Area, North Dakota. American Antiquity 14 (4): 322-328. Hodge, Frederick Webb 1907-10 Handbook of North American Indians North of Mexico. Bureau o f American Ethnology, B ulletin 30. Howard, James H. 1953 The Southern Cult in the Northern Plains. American Antiq­ u ity 19 (2): 130-138. Kroeber, A. L. 1938 Cultural and Natural Areas o f Native North America. Uni­ versity of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles. Michlovik, Michael G. 1983 The Red River Valley in the Prehistory o f the Northern Plains. Plains Anthropologist 28 (99): 23-31. Neuman, Robert W. 1975 The Sonota Complex and Associated Sites on the Northern Great Plains. Nebraska State H istorical Society, Publications in Anthropology 6. Oliver, Symmes C. 1962 Ecology and Cultural Continuity as Contributing Factors in the Social Organization of the Plains Indians. U niversity o f California, Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 48 (1). Schneider, Fred E. 1982a Symposium: Recent Research in the Northeastern Plains. Journal o f the North Dakota Archaeological Association 1: 63.

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1982b A Model of Prehistoric Cultural Developments in the Jame River Valley o f North Dakota. Journal o f the North Dakota Archaeological Association 1: 113-133. Stipe, Claude E. 1971 Eastern Dakota Clans: The Solution of a Problem. America Anthropologist 73 (5): 1031-1035. Strong, William Duncan 1933 The Plains Culture Area in the Light of Archaeology. Ame can Anthropologist 35 (2): 271-287. 1935 An Introduction to Nebraska Archeology. Smithsonian Misc laneous Collections 93 (10). 1940 From History to Prehistory, in the Northern Great Plains. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 100: 353-394. Syms, E. Leigh 1977 Cultural Ecology and Ecological Dynamics o f the Ceramic Period in Southwestern Manitoba. Plains Anthropologist, Memo12. Wedel, Waldo R. 1961 Prehistoric Man on the Great Plains. University o f Okla­ homa Press, Norman. Wheeler, Richard P. 1963 The Stutsman Focus: An Aboriginal Culture Complex in the Jamestown Reservoir Area, North Dakota. Bureau o f American Ethnologyj Bulletin 185: 171-234. Wood, W. Raymond 1971 Biesterfeldt: A Post-Contact Coalescent Site o.n the North eastern Plains. Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology 15

VEGETATION HISTORY ALONG THE PRAIRIE-FOREST BORDER IN MINNESOTA Eric C. Grimm An understanding of p r e h i s t o r i c human populations must take into account the e c o l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s between t h e s e populations and t h e i r environment. A major component of the environment is vegetation: i t provides food, d ir e c tly in the form of e d ib le plan ts and i n d i r e c t l y in the form of h a b i t a t and food for*game animals. Different vegetation types support different kinds and s iz e s of animal popula tions and consequently have different values to human pop ula tio ns . P r e h i s t o r i c Indians in the Upper Midwest exploited the resources of two very different vegetation formations — p r a i r i e and f o r e s t . The primary game a n im a ls , bison, deer , and e l k , favored p a r t i c u l a r kinds of ve get a tio n for food and cover. I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the resource base of prehistoric human populations thus requires knowledge of the prehistoric vegetation. The vegetation in the pra iri e-fo res t border region of Minnesota has undergone continual change throughout the Holocene. The h i s t o r y of t h i s change as well as an understanding of human-vegetation interactions are necessary ingredients for an understanding of prehistoric cultures in this region. In t h i s paper I desc rib e the known h i s t o r y of ve get at ion change along the pr a ir ie -f ore s t border in Minnesota, examine the f a c t o r s c o n t r o l l i n g ve get at ion and ve get a tio n change in t h i s region, and discuss the human influence on vegetation by means of fire. VEGETATION IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY Although historical descriptions of Minnesota date from the seventeenth century, descriptions of vegetation were very scant until the mid-nineteenth century. At this time the federal land surveyors recorded a wealth of veg etatio na l d a ta , da ti n g from immediately before s e t t l e m e n t and d e f o r e s t a t i o n by Europeans. These data make pos sible a very d e t a i l e d r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the mid-n inete en th century vegetation and of the f a c t o r s t h a t controlled i t . Two major kinds of f o r e s t , d i f f e r e n t i a t e d by to le ra n c e to f i r e , occurred along the p ra ir ie - f o r e s t border — f i r e - t o l e r a n t oak-aspen scrub and f i r e - s e n s i t i v e "bigwoods" (Fig. 1) (Grimm 1981, 1984). The dominant species in oak-aspen scrub were bur oak (Quercus macrocarpa), jack oak (£. el 1i p s o i d a l i s ), and aspen ( Populus Eric C. Grimm, Limnological Research Center, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN. 55455

9

FIGURE 1.

PRESETTLEMENT VEGETATION OF MINNESOTA.*

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tremuloides). These species are very r e s is ta nt to fi r e. Aspen and jack oak are easily top-k illed, but resprout vigorously. Bur oak has t h i c k , corky bark, making i t very r e s i s t a n t to f i r e damage; i t a lso re s p r o u ts a f t e r any f i r e damage i t may s u f f e r (Curtis 1959). Many f i r e - r e s i s t a n t shrubs also occurred in this v e get a tio n type. Hazel (Cory!us ame r i c a n a ) and pri c k ly ash (Zanthoxylurn americanum) were p a r t i c u l a r l y abundant. Other important taxa were Prunes, C ratae gus, Cornus, Rhus, Ribes, Rubus, P a r t h e n o c i s s u s , V i t u s , C el as tr u s scandens, and Pyrus ioensis. Oak occurred mainly on well-drained soils in h ill y or sandy areas. The physiognomy of the oak-dominated vegetation was generally dense scrub or a mosaic of scrub and pra ir ie , although in some places oaks were widely .scattered in a grassland. Only this l a t t e r type of vegetation was re a ll y savanna, although this term has been loosely used to re fer to all of the oak-dominated v e g e ta ti o n . Aspen occurred mainly on l e v e l , poorly-drained s o i l s , where i t formed t h i c k e t s with dense u n d e r s to r ie s of shrubs. As opposed to scrubby, f i r e - r e s i s t a n t scrub of oak and aspen, bigwoods was composed of f i r e s e n s i t i v e t r e e s in a f o r e s t physiognomy. The dominant t r e e s were elm (Ulmus) on poorlydrained soils and sugar maple (Acer saccharum), ironwood (Ostrya v i r g i n i a n a ), and red oak (Quercus boreal i s ) on w el l- d ra in e d s o i l s . Basswood (T i l i a a me ri can a) was common on both poorly drained and well-drained s oils . The largest area of bigwoods was "The Big Woods" extending from about St. Cloud to Mankato.

FACTORS CONTROLLING THE PATTERN OF VEGETATION At the time of European s e t t l e m e n t , a complex i n t e r a c t i o n among f i r e , physiography, and the geographical arrangement of lakes and rivers controlled the overall pattern of vegetation in the pr a ir ie -f ore s t border region. The single factor most highly correlated with this pattern was fire-probability, which was high in pr a ir ie , intermediate in oak-aspen scrub, and low in bigwoods. The p r a i r i e - f o r e s t border i t s e l f was sharply d e li m it e d by natural firebreaks -- water bodies and physiographic breaks. In many places prairie and forest were separated only by a river and occurred on si te s having identical topography, s o i l s , and climate (Grimm 1981, 1984). Both p r a i r i e and f o r e s t have st ro n g p o s i t i v e feedback r e l a t i o n s h i p s with f i r e t h a t promote t h e i r p e r s i s t e n c e once e s t a b l i s h e d . P r a i r i e becomes highly flammable every year and burns very readily, thereby inhibiting forest invasion. On the

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other hand, deciduous forest is not very flammable. The trees do not burn well, ground-level fuel supplies tend to be low, and the m ic ro c lim a te is damp. Thus, f i r e frequency is low, and only patchy ground f i r e s normally occur. These f i r e s may k i l l or injure seedlings and saplings of the more fire sensitive t r e e s , but g e n e r a l l y do not sev erely damage e st a bli s he d t r e e s . Oakaspen scrub had f ir e frequencies intermediate between prairi e and forest — high enough to prevent invasion by more fi r e- se n si ti v e bigwoods tre e s, but low enough to prevent conversion to p ra iri e .

VEGETATION HISTORY During the Holocene the position of the pra iri e -f orest border has changed co ntinually. P r a ir ie f i r s t appeared in Minnesota about 9000 years ago and advanced northeastward until about 7000 years ago, reaching its maximum extent. By at least 5000 years ago f o r e s t began to reinvade p r a i r i e , and the p r a i r i e - f o r e s t border gradually moved southwestward (Wright 1968; Bernabo and Webb 1977). The area of g r e a t e s t p r a i r i e advance, r e l a t i v e to the presettlement position of the pra irie-f orest border, was the comparatively level region of south-central Minnesota, including the Big Woods and the Anoka Sand Plain. Here the p r a ir ie - f o r e s t border of 7000 years ago lay 100-150 km n o rt h e a s t of i t s nineteenth century position (Cushing 1963). In the Itasca region of northwestern Minnesota, where the p r a i r i e - f o r e s t border is presently strongly established along a major system of h i l l y end moraines, the greatest advance of prairie was only a few tens of kilometers east of i t s nineteenth century posi tio n (McAndrews 1966). However, sandy outwash plains east of this moraine system were prairie during the mid-Holocene (J. C. Almendinger personal communication), and islands of f o r e s t , much l i k e the f o r e s t on the Turtle Mountains today, may have e x is t e d in h i l l y mo rainic areas that now form the p r a i r i e - f o r e s t border. The h i s t o r y o f the p r a i r i e - f o r e s t bo rd e r in th e Lake Agassiz b a s i n o f northwestern Minnesota is e s s e n t i a l l y unknown. However, i t is likely that most of the basin now containing extensive bogs was prairie during the mid-Holocene. Because only a few widely scattered sites have been studied by pollen a n a l y s i s , the h i s t o r y of the p r a i r i e - f o r e s t border is known only in general. The history of individual sit es tends to be unique, and a much l a r g e r number of s i t e s is required for a d e ta i le d rec on str uct io n on a statewide s ca le . Studies do in d ic a te strong re la t i o n s h i p s between physiography and the po si tio ns of p r a i r i e and f o r e s t , and these r e l a t i o n s h i p s can

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FIGURE 2. POLLEN DIAGRAM FROM WOLSFELD LAKE HENNEPIN COUNTY, MINNESOTA.

_L

X X

Percent

WOLSFELD

LAKE

i

*Data and s it e description in Grimm (1981, 1983)

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suggest hypotheses of vegetational history in unstudied areas- I have suggested (Grimm 1983) t h a t the f o r e s t did not simply reinvade p ra ir ie as an evenly moving front, but moved in a series of jumps, developing in h ill y areas before level areas, sometimes ahead of the main prairie- fo res t border. In fact, in some h i l l y areas a lso pro te ct ed from f i r e by large lak es, such as north of Lake Minnetonka, woodland persisted throughout the mid-Holocene " p r a i r i e period." By the mid-nineteenth century, the p r a i r i e f o r e s t border was strongly est ab lis he d along major morain ic systems and river valleys. The prairies west of the border were very level with few obstructions to spreading f i r e s and, consequently, very d if f ic u l t for trees to invade. During much of the Holocene the p r a i r i e - f o r e s t . b o r d e r was probably much more diffuse, with islands of forest persisting on h ill y areas west of the main prairie-forest border. The n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y p a t t e r n of woodland v e g e t a t i o n developed only about 300 years ago, coincident with the L i t t l e Ice Age, a time of generally cooler world c li m a te . The mixed hardwood forest of the Big Woods developed very rapidly at th is time from from an oak-dominated vegetation type (Fig. 2). An increase in p r e c i p i t a t i o n , which would have lowered f i r e f r e q u e n c y , .appears to be the most l i k e l y cause f o r t h i s vegetational change (Grimm 1983). Palynological studies have not revealed any large areas of bigwoods existing before 300 yrs B.P. The bigwoods taxa c e r t a i n l y e xis te d in the a re a, probably in small habitats w e ll- pro te c te d from f i r e , but the deciduous woodland occurring between the prairie and conifer forest appears to have been predominantly oak. Pollen analytical studies have not been undertaken in a l l of the c r i t i c a l a r e a s , however, and the existence of extensive bigwoods before 300 yrs B.P. remains an unsettled question. Two important implications of this vegetational history e x i s t for archaeologists. The f i r s t is t h a t the nin et een th c e n tu r y vegetation map of Minnesota repre se nts th a t century only. The vegetation only a few ce ntu ri es e a r l i e r was quite d i f f e r e n t in many places. The second is that reconstructing the vegetation for local s i t e in Minnesota on the f o r e s t side of the p r a i r i e f o r e s t border requires palynological evidence from appropriate basins near th a t s i t e (Jacobson and Bradshaw 1981). The vegetational history of a site only a few tens of kilometers away can be substantially different

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THRESHOLD MODEL FOR VEGETATIONAL CHANGE IN THE PRAIRIE-FOREST REGION Although established vegetation types tend to persist because of p o s i t i v e feedback r e l a t i o n s h i p s with f i r e , veget at ion al changes have occurred n e v e r t h e l e s s . Climate appears to be the only te mp ora lly varying na tu ra l f a c t o r t h a t could cause these changes. Woodland invasion of p r a i r i e tended to be rapid in local a r e a s , su ggesting t h a t a c l i m a t i c th re s hol d had been crossed, triggering a vegetational sh if t. However at different s i t e s , f o r e s t invasion occurred a t a d i f f e r e n t times (Grimm 1983). Because d i f f e r e n t s i t e s are prot ec ted from f i r e in varying degrees by waterbodies and topography, the c l i m a t i c th re s h o ld for woodland invasion of p r a i r i e va rie s s p a t i a l l y . Thus, woodland invasions in d i f f e r e n t areas may have been t r i g g e r e d by d i f f e r e n t values of c l i m a t i c v a r i a b l e s and by diff erent amounts of climatic change. Both a fluctuating climate and a g ra du a ll y changing c li m a te could cross t h re s h o ld s for woodland invasion in various parts of the landscape. Important implications of this model are that a rapid vegetational change evidenced in pollen diagram does not n e c e s s a r i l y re p re s e n t a dramatic change in climate (although i t may) and that the speed and amount of c l i m a t i c change must be evaluated from other evidence.

CLIMATIC HYPOTHESES FOR CULTURAL CHANGE Griffin (1960a, 1960b, 1961), noting a correlation between New World cultural changes and climatic changes in other parts of the world, proposed the hypothesis t h a t c l i m a t i c changes had caused p r e h i s t o r i c c u l t u r a l changes in North America. This hypothesis remains v ia bl e . Valid support for i t has two a s p e c ts . F i r s t , evidence for cl imatic change must e x i s t from the general region of the culture — a cultural change can always be found to correlate with a climatic change somewhere; and time control must be e x c e l l e n t . Second, a c a u s e - e f f e c t mechanism must be found; a simple c o r r e l a t i o n is not enough. Several r e c en t authors (e.g. McGhee 1981; Ingram et a l . 1981) have e mp has iz ed the d i f f i c u l t y o f e s t a b l i s h i n g c a u s e - e f f e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p s for climate-human c o r r e l a t i o n s . Ingram et a l . (1981) charged:

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The importance of climatic influence cannot be assumed. I t is t o t a l l y inadmissable to demand either explicitly or im p li c itl y t h a t the burden of proof should l i e with those who doubt the importance of c l i m a t i c e f f e c t s , or to use methods of 'pro of' which e s s e n ti a l ly re s t on an implicit assumption of the social and economic significance of climatic variations. An example of such an unacceptable method of proof is the demonstration of a space-time coincidence between c li m a ti c v a r i a t i o n s and a d v e r s e or b e n e f i c i a l economic, s o c i a l or p o l i t i c a l developments. Unfortunately, t h i s method recurs again and again in the l i t e r a t u r e ; i t is time th a t i t was u n i v e r s a l l y recognized tha t, as a method of proof, i t is valueless. In the Upper Midwest, several investigators have attempted to i n t e r p r e t v i r t u a l l y a l l cu ltu ral change in terms of changing climate, for which l i t t l e valid evidence exists, while neglecting othe r possible hypotheses. The c li m a ti c hypothesis remains in t r i g u i n g and valid and has not been r e je c te d . However, as Caldwell (1978) has pointed out, with regard to the Middle Missouri tradition, climatic hypotheses for cultural change have l i t t l e support because the climatological data are "so scarce and so inexact." Bowden (1981) emphasized th a t in a d d i t i o n to natural causes of cu ltu ra l change, such as c l i m a t e , two o th e r categories of possible explanations must be considered: (1) human causes external to the local system and (2) human causes internal to the local system. In Minnesota, there is vir tu ally no palynological evidence for climatic change for the c r i t i c a l period of 2000-300 yrs B.P., which encompasses the r i s e and f a l l of the M is s is si p p i a n tradition. Pollen diagrams existing from southern Minnesota are remarkably quiescent during t h i s time period. Because of the threshold nature of the vegetational response to c l i m a t e and because of the relative paucity of investigated s i t e s , this lack of evidence does not n e c e s s a r il y support a hypothesis of no c li m a tic change. Nevertheless, hypotheses for cultural change based on clim at ic change are suspended by a th in t h r e a d , and other hypotheses have equal viability. Disregarding the lack of evidence for c l i m a t i c change, the mechanisms for climatic influences on a culture remain a problem. One argument is t h a t short-term droughts, which may not be evidenced in a pollen record, caused f a i l u r e of a g r i c u l t u r a l crops. But the evidence is that prehistoric Indians in southern Minnesota raised crops on floodplains -- s i t e s p a r t i c u l a r l y buffered a gai ns t drought s t r e s s . Moreover, c u l t u r e s along the Missouri River in the Dakotas were s u c c e s s f u ll y based on an agricultural economy, and this area is much drier than southern

16

Minnesota. Mean annual precipitation along the Missouri River-in central South Dakota is about 40 cm, considerably lower than the 70-75 cm in south-central Minnesota (Gale Research Company 1978). The mean value for central South Dakota is about the same as that for the 1930s drought i n - s o u t h - c e n t r a l Minnesota (Baker et a l . 1967). Thus, r e l a t i v e l y severe droughts in southern Minnesota may have been no more severe than normal yearly variations along the Missouri, where fl o o d p l a in a g r i c u l t u r e was su c c e ss fu l. Perhaps spring floods or e a r l y f r o s t s would have been more damaging to crops than droughts. In any c as e , the pollen evidence does show that the vegetation changed l i t t l e during this time period, and inasmuch as animal populations were a function of the v e g e t a t i o n , c l i m a t i c changes would not have st ro n g ly affected meat resources. INDIAN USE OF FIRE I t is well documented t h a t Indians in the Upper Midwest s t a r t e d many f i r e s (e.g. C urt is 1959; Moore 1972; Grimm 1981; Pyne 1982). The n a r r a t i v e s and jo u r n a l s of e a r l y e xplo re rs and s e t t l e r s contain abundant accounts of Indian caused fi r es . In Minnesota, Indians were the major cause of f i r e i g n i t i o n . For the area of grassland including southern Minnesota, Moore (1972) found that out of 247 historical accounts of prairie fires giving source of i g n i t i o n , a l l but one were a sc ri be d to Indians. Lightning was an in fr eq u e n t cause of f i r e in t h i s region. The f a l l and spring f i r e seasons are c h a r a c te r iz e d by dry weather. Thunderstorms are in fr e q u e n t during these seasons, and are u s u a l l y accompanied by heavy r a i n s . (Schroeder and Buck 1970). Indians had many reasons for i g n i t i n g the v e g et a tio n. Keating (1824, vol. 2:40) summarized: The causes of these c onf la g ra ti o n s are numerous. The Indian fr e q u e n tl y s e t s the p r a i r i e s on f i r e in order to d i s t r a c t the p u r s u i t of his enemies by the smoke, or to de str oy a l l tr a c e of his passage; to keep the country open, and thus invite the buffalo to i t ; to be able to see and chace his game with more f a c i l i t y ; as a means of communicating i n t e l l i g e n c e a t a d is ta nce with a view to give noti ce to his friends of his approach, or to warn them of the presence of an enemy. The t r a d e r s often burn the p r a i r i e s with the same view. Independent of th e s e , the f i r e s of encampments frequently spread in dry weather, and burn away the grass to a

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great d is ta nc e . Signalling is a commonly mentioned purpose for lighting the p r a i r i e on f i r e . In order to contact the local Indians, Lewis and Clark would go ashore s t a r t a p r a i r i e f i r e . Clark recorded (Thwaites 1904, vol. 1:111): "Set the P r ai r ie s on f i r e to bring the Mahars & Soues i f any were near, t h i s being the useal Signal." N ic o ll e t recorded in 1838 (Bray and Bray 1978:57): "I changed the plan of my route during the night.... In order to get word to [our young Indian] as soon as possible we set f ir e to all the p r a i r i e s on our route which were s t i l l covered.with dry grass." P r a i r i e f i r e s a t t r a c t e d a t t e n t i o n . H. H. Sibley (1847) on a hunting t r i p with the Sioux in 1839 wrote: I t was quite evident th a t the party [of Sac or Fox] had perceived the smoke a r is in g from the f i r e s kindled in the prairie....by some of the Sioux, and [two scouts] had been de spa tc hed to a s c e r t a i n how t l ie s e f i r e s o r i g i n a t e d . Perceiving our camp, they had, doubtless, taken in for granted that we had set f i r e to the gra s s, and had returned to give information.

Certainly, i f natural events caused s u b s t a n t i a l numbers of prairie fires, they would not have attracted so much a t te n ti o n , and they would not have been much good as a signal. Probably the most important purpose for burning the vegetation was to aid the procurement of meat. Keating mentions the twofold nature of this purpose: (1) to improve game habitat and pasturage and (2) to aid hunting. This purpose is the most commonly mentioned in h i s t o r i c a l accounts, of which the re are a g r e a t many. For example: Indians set fire for fresh pasture for deer. [William Clark to N. Biddle (Jackson 1962:507)] Smokey all Day from the burning of the plains, which was set on f i r e by the Hi n e t a r r i e s for an e a r ly crop of Grass, as an enducement for the Buffalow to feed on.... [William Clark 1805 (Thwaites 1904, vol. 1:269)]

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The f i r e s in the barrens are g e n e r a ll y kindled by the Indians...to enable them to approach game without noise, and also to insure a good crop of grass for the next summer. CBourne 1820] ...the burning of the surrounding p ra iri e s , annually practised by the savages and whites, for the benefit o-f the hunt, as the ground is thus cle a re d of a heavy crop of withered grass, prepared for an early vegetation in the succeeding spring, and also assisted in i t s growth by. the stimulating effects of the alkaline ashes CNuttall 1905 (1821):234] ...all the p r a i r i e s watered by the M is s is s ip p i and the Missouri are the work of the Indians who destroy by fire the ri c h ve ge ta tio n to assure themselves animal food. [ N ic olle t 1838 (Bray and Bray 1976) ] ...the p r a i r i e and f o r e s t were both enveloped in a widespreading, sky-reddening blaze, which the hunters had kindled to drive out and s t a r t the game. [Faux 1904 (1823):2103 I f the woods be not burned as u s ual , the hunter finds i t impossible to kill the game, which alarmed at the great noise made in walking through the dry grass and leaves, flee in all directions at his approach. [Wells 1819] Firing the vegetation was a great method for flushing, confusing, and di rect ly injuring or killing game. Also, burning as large an area as po ssi ble concentrated the game in unburned areas . Schoolcraft (1953 [1821]:185) wrote regarding buffalo hunting: ...on the upper Mississippi, where [the Indians] are de stitute of ho rs es, they make amends for t h i s de fic ie nc y by several ingenious stratagems. One of the most common of these is the method of hunting with fir e. For this purpose a great number of hunters dis pe rs e themselves around a large p r a i r i e where herds of buffalo happen to be feeding, and setting fir e to the grass encompass them on a l l s ide s. The buff al o, having a great dread of f ir e , r e t i r e towards the centre of the prairie as they see i t approach, and here being pressed to ge the r in

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great numbers, many are trampled under foot, and the Indians rushing in with t h e ir arrows and musketry, slaughter immense numbers in a s h o rt period....These pra c tic e s are le s s common now than formerly, the introduction of fire arms among most o f the t r i b e s , pu tt in g i t into the power of almost ev ery individual to kill sufficient for the support of his family. Hennepin (1938 [16833:203) recorded a similar method of hunting: We saw the flames of the plains s et a f i r e by the Indians to f a c i l i t a t e th e k i l l i n g of b u f f a l o e s . . . . T h e Miami h u n t buffaloes a t the end of autumn in the following manner: ...They s e t f i r e to the grass a ll around these animals e xce pt for one passage l e f t on purpose. That fires were effective is documented by several accounts. Alexander Henry wrote in 1804 (Coues 1897:253): Plains burn in every d ir e c ti o n and blind buffalo seen every moment wandering about. The poor beasts have a l l the h a i r singed of f ; even the skin in many places is s h ri v e le d up and t e r r i b l y burned, and t h e i r eyes are swollen and closed f a s t . It is r e a l l y p i t i f u l to see them staggering about....In one spot we found a whole herd lying dead. Featherstonhaugh (1847:337) related: "8uffaloes also perish, for when surrounded by raging volumns of flame, the smoke f i r s t blinds then suffocates them." The Indians' weapons were p r i m i t i v e , and the use of f i r e to aid hunting was a matter of survival. Fire not only f a c i l i t a t e d game harvest; i t also improved the h a b it a ts of game a n im a ls . Burning often improves pasture and browse for game animals, and that these animals often prefer recently burned areas (Vogl 1967; Vogl and Beck 1970; Mellars 1976). Mellars (1976) has discussed four major ways in which burning increases the e f f i c i e n c y in which animal populations can be exploited: burning (1) increases t o ta l biomass and productivety of animal herds, (2) i n f l u e n c e s the distribution and movement of animals, (3) reduces the amount of time, e ffo rt , and energy expended in harvesting animals, and (4) reduces the uncertainty involved in harvesting animals. The sum of these e f f e c t s v i r t u a l l y demanded t h a t Indians burn the vegetation.

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The best deer habitat in the p ra irie -f o re s t border region was the area of oak scrub and park lan d , which occurred between p r a i r i e and c o n ife r or n o rthern hardwoods f o r e s t . The Indians naturally favored these areas for hunting, and continually fought over them (Pond 1908; Hickerson 1962, 1965, 1970, 1074a, 1974b; Kay 1979). Hunting in th is vegetation must have been d if f ic u l t because of the dense cover afforded the deer and because of noise made walking through i t . Ig n itin g the v e g e ta tio n flushed the game, c l e a r e d u n d e r b r u s h , and f a c i l i t a t e d game h a r v e s t . Moreover, the scrubby v e g e ta tio n was m aintained by frequent f i r e s . The Indians must have known t h i s , and t h e i r burning of the vegetation was based on sound ecological principles. Although the Indians had many good reasons for burning the p r a i r i e s , in c in e r a t in g very la rg e t r a c t s o f p r a i r i e must have reduced winter food supplies available to grazing animals. Bison populations were apparently lower in the ta il-g r a s s prairies than in the more w estern m id-grass p r a i r i e s (Shay 1978). This a t f i r s t seems e n ig m a tic , inasmuch as t a i l - g r a s s p r a i r i e is more productive; but i f fir e more completely burned o ff the ta il-g ra s s p ra irie s , because of higher fuel loads, then winter food supplies would have been lower in the t a l l grass p r a i r i e during t h i s c r i t i c a l season. Furtherm ore, f i r e s in the t a i l - g r a s s p r a i r i e s might have been more dangerous for bison, who by all accounts had a g r e a t fe a r o f i t . Thus, Indians may have had to use f i r e to k i l l b iso n , but consequently maintained t h e i r populations at lower numbers. All of the various Indian t r i b e s in the Upper Midwest h a b itu a lly burned the v e g eta tio n (Moore 1972; Pyne 1982). Although cultural trad itio n s involving the use of fire probably varied, burning the vegetation was such an important element of s u r v i v a l t h a t a l l t r i b e s did i t . In f a c t , a common c h arac te ristic of Indians throughout North America and, indeed, aboriginal peoples throughout the world is the propensity to burn the v e g eta tio n (Sauer 1950, 1975; Stew art 1951, 1956, 1963; M e lla r s 1976; Pyne 1982). A b o rig in a l use o f f i r e in the grasslands of Australia (Luke and McArthur 1978) and southern A frica (Rose Innes 1972; West 1972), for example, was as intensive and for the same reasons as in North America. Indians must have burned the vegetation in North America as long as they were here.

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INFLUENCE OF INDIAN BURNING ON VEGETATION If fir e was a major factor controlling the vegetation in the p ra irie -fo re s t border region and i f Indians were the major cause of fir e ignitions, then an inescapable conclusion is that Indians strongly controlled the Holocene vegetation in midwestern North America. This idea is not new. Some recent authors (e.g. Deevey 1969; Pyne 1982) and many nineteenth century writers ascribed the p r a i r i e s of the Midwest to Indian burning. N ic o lle t wrote in 1838 (Bray and Bray 1976:66): ...a ll the p r a i r i e s watered by the M ississip p i and Missouri are the work of the Indians who destroy by fire rich vegetation to assure themselves of animal food. Let vast and shorn prairies that we cross remain untouched and forests, with time, will reappear.

the the the the

Many historical records describe forest invading p rairie once the burning ceased (Grimm 1981). To some, the hypothesis th a t pre-Colombian humans significantly influenced the vegetation on a continental scale seems far-fetched. Others reje ct the idea that Indian burning exceeded that which would have occurred naturally. One argument a g a in st a strong I n d ia n - f ir e in flu en ce on vegetation has been the c o rre la tio n between major v e g eta tio n a l formations and c lim a tic v a ria b le s (e.g. Borchert 1950; Ford 1981). Borchert showed the c le a r c o r r e la tio n between the position of the prairie-peninsula a wedge of dry continental a ir th a t extends into the reg io n , e s p e c ia ll y during drought y e a rs. However, this correlation with climate does not in any way negate a significant Indian-fire influence, and likewise the Indian-fire influence does not reduce the importance of c lim a tic c o n tr o l. Both climate and f i r e i n t e r a c t to control the v e g e ta tio n . Climate influences which species can survive in the region and the range of possible vegetation types. However, more than one vegetation type may be p o ssib le ; in other words, an eco lo g ical system may e x is t with m u ltip le s ta b le s t a t e s of v e g e ta tio n . Climate determines the bounds of the system, but f i r e c o n tro ls which vegetation-state exists. In some places along the p ra irie forest border in Minnesota, forest and prairie have existed sideby-side, separated by a firebreak, for several thousand years, in e x ac tly the same clim a te - - strong evidence th a t a system of m u ltip le s ta b le s t a t e s does e x is t (Grimm 1983). In d i f f e r e n t climatic regimes, a different range of stable states or perhaps

22

o n ly one s t a t e i s p o s s i b l e . In any c a s e , a c o n t i n e n t a l correlation of vegetation with climate will ex ist. I f n a tu ra l causes were the only source o f f i r e i g n i t i o n , the vegetation would not have burned as frequently. Humans, however, were a v e ry r e g u l a r and p r e d i c t a b l e s o u rc e o f i g n i t i o n . Moreover, they started fire s during the annual dry seasons and during d ro u g h ts, tim es not c h a r a c te riz e d by thunderstorm s and lightning, but times when the vegetation is especially flammable. In fact the very predictable anthropogenic source of ignition may very well have increased the correlation between climate and fire frequency, because t h i s source in creased the p r o b a b ility th a t flammable vegetation was burned. Thus, the correlation between f i r e frequency and c li m a t i c v a ria b le s does not in any way show that humans were an unimportant cause of fir e s .

HUMANS AS A CAUSE OF VEGETATIONAL CHANGE A major question presented by the im p o rtan t I n d ia n - f ir e influence on the vegetation is whether past vegetational changes could have been human caused. McAndrews (1968) suggested as an a ltern ativ e to a clim atic cause that a reduction in Indian-caused f i r e s , because o f c u ltu r a l or population changes, caused the development of the Big Woods 300 years ago. Thus, the question becomes whether cultural or population changes would have been lik e ly to have caused sig n ifican t variation in fir e frequency. Inasmuch as burning was a common c u ltu r a l t r a i t among the various t r i b e s , c u ltu r a l s h i f t s may not have a l t e r e d the frequency of anthropogenic fire s . Changes in population numbers are more p ro b lem atic; f i r s t , because population d e n s i t i e s throughout the Holocene in the p ra irie -fo re s t border region are not very well known; second, because burning frequency is not n e c e s s a r ily c o rre la te d with population d e n sity . Technological advancements, such as a g r i c u l t u r e or methods of s to r in g wild ric e , were major factors supporting higher populations. Inasmuch as burning was a sso c iate d with hu n tin g , however, a la r g e r population of a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s may not have increased burning p ressure over th a t of a s m aller population of hunters and gatherers. The Dakota Indians, who lived in the p ra irie -fo re s t border region during h i s t o r i c a l tim es and who had b a s i c a l l y a h u n tin g -g ath e rin g mode of s u b s is te n c e , c e r t a i n l y maintained a high burning intensity. Thus, I suggest the hypothesis th at the anthropogenic variable in fire frequency is e sse n tially dichotomous: absent or present. V ariability in fire frequency may be quite negligible compared to

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the quantum difference in fire frequency depending on whether or not humans are present. Thus, once humans enter the system th e ir influence is e s s e n t i a l l y c o n s ta n t, and clim atic change remains the major tem porally f lu c tu a tin g v a r i a b l e , and th e re fo re the major cause vegetational change. If th is hypothesis of constant human in flu e n c e , a l b e i t a la rg e in flu e n c e , is c o r r e c t , then climatic reconstructions from fossil pollen data remain valid, as long as humans are present.

ORIGIN AND PERSISTENCE OF THE PRAIRIES An issue often confused is that of the origin of the prairies versus the persistence of the prairies. These are not the same. A variety of evidence show that the early- to mid-Holocene was d r i e r and warmer than p re s e n t (W right 1976). This more xerothermic climate must have strongly encouraged the development of p r a ir ie and i t s advancement to the n o rth e a st. Human caused f i r e s may very wel 1 have f a c i l i t a t e d the expansion o f p r a i r i e , but this expansion would probably not have occurred wfthout the dryer climate. Once prairie became established, its persistence in spite of increasingly moister climate may very well have been the direct result of human caused fires. It was widely observed throughout the p rairie peninsula that tre e s rap id ly invaded p r a ir ie a f t e r the c e s s a tio n of p r a i r i e f ir e s (Grimm 1981). These h i s t o r i c a l o b serv atio n s are mainly from the t a i l - g r a s s p r a i r i e region. Farther w est, where i t is dryer, trees apparently did not invade prairie so readily. Even here, however, e sta b lis h e d tr e e s are able to survive in fire d protected sites (Wells 1965, 1970), but the reduced capability of tre e s to invade d r ie r p r a ir ie s lowers the frequency of f i r e required to maintain them. Thus, a low rate of natural fires may have maintained the p r a i r i e during the dryer mid-Holocene. In the late Holocene, however, tall-g rass prairie probably would not have p e rs iste d in the absence of human caused f i r e s . Woodland occurred in the lee of f i r e b r e a k s . throughout the t a i l - g r a s s p r a i r i e and ra p id ly spread follow ing the c e s s a tio n o f p r a i r i e fire s . Near Lake West Okoboji in northwestern Iowa, one of the few sites in the tail-g rass prairie investigated palynologically, woodland developed about 3200 years ago (Van Zant 1979). This may mark the approximate time when, c lim a tic ally , oak woodland could invade p r a ir ie s u c c e ss fu lly in the absence of f i r e and p e rsist once established. However, the propensity of the p ra irie to burn, the level topography favoring the spread o f f i r e , a climate with seasonal dry periods, and a regular human ignition

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source formed a p o s itiv e feedback system th a t maintained high fire frequencies and consequently maintained the prairie. CONCLUSIONS The p r a i r i e - f o r e s t border region has been a focal point of human a c t i v i t i e s , largely because of the d iv ersity and abundance of reso u rces in the region. However, the border region has changed through the Holocene, and consequently the areas of con cen trated Indian a c t i v i t i e s may have changed. Increased knowledge of the v e g e ta tio n a l h is to r y o f the p r a i r i e - f o r e s t border in Minnesota should aid in terp retatio n of archaeological finds and may a lso help p r e d ic t where arch ae o lo g ic al evidence should be. The arrival of humans added a new variable to the vegetational system o f North America. This v a ria b le may very well have s i g n i f i c a n t l y a l t e r e d the v e g e ta tio n , to the point th a t i t was q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t from what i t would have been in the absence of humans. The human f a c t o r , however, does not reduce the importance o f o th e r f a c to r s such as s o i l s , c lim a te , and topography. During the Holocene climate was probably the primary temporally varying factor causing vegetational change. However, the v e g etatio n o f the Holocene may have been s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from t h a t o f o t h e r i n t e r g l a c i a 1s , owing to anthropogenic burning. This is an important research question. Another very intriguing question concerns when humans arrived in North America. Assuming that humans burned the vegetation i f i t was flammable, t h i s question might be resolved with charcoal studies a t appropriate s ite s .

REFERENCES CITED Baker, D. G., D. A. Haines, and J. H. Strub, J r. 1967 Cl imate o f Minnesota. Part P r e c i p i t a t i o n , F acts, Normals, and Extremes. Technical B u lle tin 254, Minnesota Agricultural Experiment Station, St. Paul. Bernabo, J. C., and T. Webb II I 1977 Changing P attern s in the Holocene Pollen Record of N ortheastern North America: A Mapped Summary. Quaternary Research 8:64-96.

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B orchert, 0. R. 1950 The Climate of the Central North American G rassland. Annals o£ t t e Association of American Geographers 40:1-39. Bourne, A. 1820 On the P r a ir ie s and Barrens of the West. American Journal of Science and Arts ( f i r s t series) 2:30-34. Bowden, M. J ., R. W. Kates, P. A. Kay, W. E. Riebsame, R. A. W arrick, D. L. Johnson, H. A. Gould, and D. Weiner 1981 The Effect of Climate Fluctuations on Human Populations: Two Hypotheses. In Climate and H istory: Studies in Past Climates and Their Impact on Man, e d ited by T. M. L. Wigley, M. J. Ingram, and G. Farmer, pp. 479-513. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, England. Bray, E. C., and M. C. Bray (e d ito rs and t r a n s l a t o r s ) 1976 Joseph N^ N ic o lle t on the Plains and P r a ir ie s : The Expeditions of 1838-39 with Journals, Letters, and Notes on the Dako~ta~ Indians. Minnesota Historical Society Press, St. Paul. Caldwell, W. W. 1978 The m iddle M isso u ri t r a d i t i o n in r e t r o s p e c t . Transactions of the Nebraska Academy of Sciences 6:131-134. Coues, E. (editor)1897 New Light on th e E arly Hi s t o r y o f th e G r e a t e r Northwest: The Manuscript Journals of A1 exander Henry...and" of David Thompson.. 1799-1814. F. 0. Harper, New York. C urtis, J. T. 1959 The Vegetation o f Wisconsin: An Ordination o f Plant Communities. University of Wisconsin Press, Madison. Cushing, E. J. 1963 Late-Wisconsin Pol 1en S tratig ra p h y in East-C entral Minnesota. Ph.O d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n iv ersity of Minnesota, Minneapolis. Deevey, E. S. 1969 Coaxing h is to ry to conduct experim ents. Bioscience 19:40-43. --------------Faux, W. 1904 Cl8233 Memorable Days in America: Being a Journal of a Tour to the Uni ted S ta te s ... (“Early We ste rn Travel s , vol. 11, eUTted "By rT G"I T hw aites ). The A rth u r H. C lark Company, Cleveland. Featherstonhaugh, G. W. 1847 A Canoe Voyage u£ the Minnay Sotor. 2 vols. Richard Bentley, London.

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Ford, R. I. 1981 E t h n o h i s t o r y in North A m erica: An H i s t o r i c a l Phytoqeographic P e rsp e ctiv e . Canadian Journal of Botany 59:2178-2188. Gale Research Company 1978 Climates o f the S t a t e s . 2 v o ls. Gale Research Company, Detroit. G r i f f i n , J. B. 1960a Climatic Change: A Contributory Cause of the Growth and D e clin e o f N o rth e rn H o p e w e llia n C u l t u r e . VIi scons in Archaeologist 41:21-33. 1960b A hypothesis for the P re h is to ry o f the Winnebago. In C ulture in Hi s t o r y , e d ite d by S. Diamond, pp. 809-868. Columbia University Press, New York. 1961 Some C o rre la tio n s of C lim atic and C ultural Change in Eastern North American P r e h is to ry . Annals of the New York Academy of Science 95:710-717. Grimm, E. C. 1981 An Ecological and Paleoecological Study of the Vegetation in the Big Woods Region of Minnesota. Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n . University of Minnesota, Minneapolis. 1983 Chronology and Dynamics o f Vegetation Change in the Prairie-Woodland Region o f Southern Minnesota, U.S.A. New Phytologist 93:311-350. 19"54 F ire and O ther F a c to r s C o n t r o l l i n g th e Bigwoods Vegetation of Minnesota in the M id-nineteenth Century. Ecological Monographs 54:291-311. Hennepin, L. 1938 [1683] Father Louis Hennepin's Description of Louisiana Newly Discovered to the Southwest of New France by Order of the King (M. E. C ross, e d ito r and t r a n s l a t o r ) . U n iv e rsity of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis. Hickerson, H. 1962 The Southwestern Chippewa: An E th n o h isto ric a l Study. American Anthropological Association Memoir 92. 1965 The V irginia Deer and I n t e r t r i b a l Buffer Zones in the Upper Mississippi Valley. In Man, Culture, and Animals: The Role of Animals in Human Ecological Adjustments, edited by A. Leeds and A. P. Vayda, pp. 43-65. AAAS P u b lica tio n 78, American A s s o c ia tio n f o r th e Advancement of Science, Washington, D.C. 1970 The Chi ppewa and Thei r Ne i g h b o r s : A Study in Ethnohi story. Holt, Rinehart and* Winston, Inc., Hew YorK. 1974a Chippewa Indians IV: Ethnohistory of Chippewa in Central Minnesota. Garland Publishing Inc,., New York.

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1974b Sioux Indians I : Mdewakanton Band o f Sioux In d ia n s, Garland Publishing Inc., New York. Ingram, M. J ., G. Farmer, and T. M. L. Wigley. 1981 Past Climates and Their Impact on Man: A Review. In Cl imate and Hi s to ry : Studies i n Past Cl imates and Their Impact on Man, e d ite d by T. M. L. Wigley, M. J. Ingram, and G. Farmer, pp. 3-50. Cambridge U n iv ersity P ress, Cambridge, England. Jackson, 0. (editor) 1962 Letters of the Lewis and Clark Expedition with Related Documents 1785^1854. University of Illin o is Press, Urbana. Jacobson, G. L., and R. H. W. Bradshaw 1981 The Selection of S ite s fo r Paleovegetational Studies. Quaternary Research 16:80-96. Kay, J. 1979 Wisconsin Indian Hunting P a tte rn s , 1634-1836. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 69:402-418. Keating, W. H. 1824 Narrative of a£ Expedition' to the Source of the St. Peter's River, CTke Winnepeek, Lake o f the Woods ,.♦. 2 vol s. H. C. Carey & I. Lea, P hiladelphia. Luke, R. H., and A. G. McArthur 1978 Bushfires i£ Australia. Department of Primary Industry, Forestry and Timber Bureau, CSIRO Divison of Forest Research, Canberra, Australia. McAndrews, J. H. 1966 Postglacial History of P r a i r i e , Savanna, and Forest in Northwestern Minnesota. Memoirs of the Torrey Botanical Club 22:1-72. 1968 Pollen Evidence for the Protohistoric Development of the "Big Woods" in Minnesota (U.S.A.). Review of Palaeobotany and Palynology 7:201-211. McGhee, R. 1981 Archaeological Evidence fo r C lim atic Change During the Last 5000 years. In Cl i mate and Hi s to ry : Studies i n Past Cl imates and Their Impact on Man, e d ite d by T. M. L. Wigley, M. J. Ingram , and G. Farm er, pp. 162-179. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, England. Mellars, P. 1976 Fire Ecology, Animal Populations and Man: A Study of Some Ecological Relationships in Prehistory. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 42:15-45. Moore, C.- T. 1972 Man and Fire in the Central North American Grassland 1535-1897T A Docume n t a r y H ist o r i c a l Geography. Ph.D. d issertatio n . University of California, Los Angeles?

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N u tta l1, T. 1905 [1821] A Journal o f Travels in to the Arkansa T e r r ito r y Puring the Year 1819, With Occasional Observations on the Manners o f the Aborigines ( Early Western T ra v e ls , v o l. 13, e d ite d by R. 6. Thw aites). The Arthur H. Clark Company, Cleveland. Pond, S. W. 1908 The Dakotas or Sioux in Minnesota as they were in 1834. Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society 12:319-501. Pyne, S. J. 1982 Fire in America: A Cultural History of Wildland and Rural Fire. Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey. Rose Innes, R. 1972 Fire in West African V egetation. Proceedings Tal 1 Timbers Fire Ecology Conference 11:147-173. Sauer, C. 0. 1950 Grassland Climax, F ir e , and Man. Journal of Range Management 3:16-21. 1975 Man's dominance by use of fir e . Geoscience and Man 10:113. S c h o o lc ra ft, H. R. 1953 [1821]. N a r r a t i v e J o u rn a l o f T r a v e ls Through th e Northwestern Regions o f the Uni ted S t a t e s ... (ed ited by M. L. Wi11iam s). The Michigan S ta te College P ress, East Lansing. Schroeder, M. J, and C. C. Buck 1970 Fire Weather: A Guide for Application of Meteorological Information to Forest Fire Control O p eratio n s. A g ric u ltu re Handbook 360, United States Department of Agriculture, Forest Service. Shay, C. T. 1978 Late P r e h is to r ic Bison and Deer Use in the Eastern Prairie-Forest Border. Plains A nthropologist Memoir 14:194212. S ib ley , H. H. [Hal, a Dakotah ] 1847 Huntinq in the western p rairies. S p irit of the Times 17 (17 April ):87. S te w a rt, 0. C. 1951 Burning and Natural Vegetation in the United S ta te s . Geographical Review 41:317-320. 1956 Fire as the First Great Force Employed by Man. In Man’s Role in Changing the Face o f the E a rth , e d ite d by W. L. Thomas, J r . pp. 115-133. U n i v e r s i t y o f Chicago P r e s s , Chicago.

29

1963 Barriers to Understanding the Influence of Use of Fires by Aborigines on Vegetation. Proceedings Tall Timbers Fire Ecology Conference 2:117-126. Thwaites, R. G. (editor) 1904-1905 Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition 1804-1806. 7 vols. Dodd, Mead J Company, New York. Van Zant, K. 1979 Late G la c ia l and P o s t g l a c i a l P o llen and P la n t M acrofossils from Lake West Okoboji, Northwestern Iowa. Quaternary Research 12:358-380. Vogl, R. J. 1967 Controlled burning for w ildlife in Wisconsin. Proceedings Tall Timbers Fire Ecology Conference 6:47-96. Vogl, R. J., and A. M. Beck 1970 Response of W h ite -ta iled Deer to a Wisconsin W ild fire . American Midland Naturalist 84:270-273. Wells, P. V. 1965 Scarp Woodlands, Transported Grassland Soils, and Concept of Grassland Climate in the Great Plains Region. Science 148:246-249. 1970 P ostglacial Vegetational History of the Great Plains. Science 167:1574-1582. Wells, R. W. 1819 On the Origin of P r a ir ie s . American Journal of Science and Arts ( f ir s t series) 1:331-337. West, 0. 1972 Fire, Man and Wildlife as Interacting Factors Limiting the Development of Climax Vegetation in Rhodesia. Proceedings Tall Timbers Fire Ecology Conference 11:121-145. Wright, H. E., J r. 1968 History o f the P r a ir ie Peninsula. In The Quaternary of I l l i n o i s , e d ited by R. E. Bergstrom, pp. 78-88. U niversity of I l l i n o i s College of A griculture Special Publication 14, Urbana. 1976 The Dynamic Nature of Holocene Vegetation: A Problem in P a le o c lim a to lo g y . B iogeography, and S t r a t i g r a p h i c Nomenclature. Quaternary Research 6:581-596.

30

LATE PREHISTORIC SELECTION OF WILD UNGULATES IN THE PRAIRIE-FOREST TRANSITION C. Thomas Shay Two great biomes, p ra irie and fo r e s t, merge in Manitoba and Minnesota to form a d is tin c tiv e tra n s itio n (Fig. 1). East of the tra n s itio n there are boreal, conifer-deciduous and deciduous fo r e s ts . In the west, mixed grass and t a l l grass p ra irie s pre­ dominate. The tra n s itio n i t s e l f grades from a parkland of aspen groves and p ra irie in the northw est to oak savanna and deciduous fo re st in the southeast. Historical accounts reveal th a t both p ra irie and fo rest were well endowed with game. Before intensive settlement, p ra irie ungulates included bison (Bison bison), elk or Wapiti (Cervus elaphus), mule deer (Odocoileus hemionus) and pronghorn antelope (AntiIoca.pra americana). White-tailed deer (Odocoileus v ir ­ gin ianu?) .moose (Alces a lc e s ) and woodland caribou (Ttahgifer tarandus) inhabited the f o r e s ts . Historic and ethnographic evidence also reveals the human use of these ungulates. Bison was the main animal hunted in the p ra irie , white-tailed deer served as the staple in the deciduous fo rests and moose was important in the mixed conifer-deciduous and boreal fo re s ts . Both bison and deer were hunted in the tra n s itio n . In the winter, both p ra irie and boreal fo rest trib e s hunted bison in the aspen parkland of Manitoba and elsewhere in western Canada (Ray 1974). The prairie-dwelling Dakota and forest-dwelling Ojibwa claimed access to the abundant deer in the tra n s itio n in southern Minnesota (Hickerson 1962, 1965). The use of these ungulates during late preh isto ric times in the region has interested several authors. Wattrall (1976) argued th a t bison hunting was the main pursuit in the p r a ir ie fo rest tra n sitio n in western Minnesota during th is period, while Michlovic (1980) f e l t th a t a variety of game was used. In 92 late prehistoric s ite s in the Midwest, faunal remains were domi­ nated by e ith e r bison or deer (Shay 1978). Moose remains prevailed in the mixed and boreal fo rests, those in deciduous fo re st were characterized by deer and bison dominated p ra irie s i t e s . Based on th e ir estimated population densities and productivity, bison and deer were apparently selectively hunted over other species in t h e ir respective areas. C. Thomas Shay, Department of Anthropology, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, Manitoba R3T 2N2.

31

S r x s w '& r s r j s w t

Late prehistoric game selection might be explained by the ecological c h a rac te ristic s of the ungulate game, human behavioral fa c to rs, or both. For example, bison and deer may be more produc­ tiv e than other ungulate species, they may be easier to hunt because of th e ir seasonal patterns of aggregation and dispersal, or they may be favored for th e ir non-food uses or for other reasons. This paper explores la te p reh isto ric ungulate selection in the region in terms of the ecological c h a ra c te ris tic s of ungulate population density and productivity, and the human e ffo rt expended in hunting. It (1) predicts the degree of specialized hunting (diet breadth) expected in faunal .samples throughout the region, (2) summarizes the region's environment, (3) reconstructs the probable range, productivity and population density of bison, elk, deer, pronghorn, moose and caribou, (4) i l l u s t r a t e s the re la tiv e abundance of these ungulates in 20 la te p reh isto ric s ite s and (5) re la te s ungulate population density and productivity to diet breadths derived from the faunal samples. PREDICTION OF SELECTIVE HUNTING The need for predictive approaches in the study of faunal remains from archaeological s ite s was noted by Smith (1974). In his study of late prehistoric Middle Mississippi groups in the central Mississippi River valley, he found th a t hunting selection could be predicted using population d e n s i t i e s and t h e seasonal aggregation of deer and other species. His reasoning was th a t dense and localized populations can be hunted more e f f ic ie n tly . Predictive models dealing with optimal foraging behavior are primarily concerned with efficiency and maximum retu rn . These models were developed by animal ecologists (e.g.. Krebs 1978). They assume that natural selection has led to maximum return for the time and energy expended in the acquisition of energy and n u trie n ts. Based on th is assumption, an optimal model should be able to predict an animal's actual d ie t in terms of costs and benefits of various food choices. Such models have been successfully applied to the study of human behavior, e.g. in analyzing the foraging behavior of hunters and gatherers (see review by Smith 1982). Optimal foraging approaches have also become popular among archaeologists (e.g. Bettinger 1980, Reidhead 1981, Keene 1981) although i t is argued th a t there are d if f ic u l tie s in validating them (Keene 1981, Oochim 1983). Animal ecologists have shown th a t overall prey density and productivity are the primary factors jn determining the re la tiv e importance of prey in a predator's d ie t. In highly productive habitats where food is abundant, predators tend to

33

Hunting Effort

FIGURE 2. GAME POPULATION DENSITY AND HUNTING EFFORT. An idealized curve a fte r Krebs (1978: F ig u r e 2 .1 2 ), Holsworth (1973) and Crete e t a l . (1981: Figure 4).

I_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ Game Population Density

34

specialize in one or tv/o species. In less productive habitats with low prey d e n sitie s , predators are obliged to be generalists and use a variety of resources. The relationship between habitat productivity ( i . e . prey population density) and specialization may be understood in terms of hunting e f f o r t (Holsworth 1973, Krebs 1978, Crete e t al 1981, Hayden 1981). At high d en sities, e ffo rt reaches a minimum level so th a t a predator can afford to specialize in one or two species (Fig. 2). At intermediate d e n sities, hunting e f f o r t is roughly proportional to density. At low d e n sitie s, e f f o r t increases sharply as numbers decline. For example, in Quebec, the number of hunter-days per moose killed rose 10-fold as the density of moose km-2 decreased from 0.3 to 0.1 (Crete e t al. 1981). Although these figures involve hunting with firearms, the general principle also applies to aboriginal techniques. THE REGION'S ENVIRONMENT The region, including the p ra ir ie - f o r e s t tra n s itio n and adjacent biomes, encompasses 175,000 km2 of Manitoba (Barto and Vogel 1978) and a ll of Minnesota (218,000 km2 ). I t is thus diverse in climatic conditions, landforms, s o i l s , vegetation and fauna. The region was subdivided into general habitats in order to estimate ungulate ranges and populations (Fig. 3). Manitoba was divided into 17 physiographic areas (Weir 1960) and Minnesota into 18 ecological regions (Kratz and Jensen 1977) based on 19th century vegetation mapped by Marschner (1974). The areas th a t contain the 20 late prehistoric s ite s are lis te d in Table- 1 together with the estimated productivity and population densities of the seven ungulate species. The region lies within the cold humid climate type of Thornthwaite (Gates 1972) with long cold winters and s.hort hot summers. Aonual ra in fa ll varies from 800 mm in southeastern Minnesota (Baker et a l . 1967) to 430 mm in extreme western Manitoba (Weir I960). Growing degree days (the cumulative temperature over 5°C summed over the growing season) range from 2100 in southern Minnesota to 1275 in west-central Manitoba (calculated from USDA 1941 and Weir 1960 using the formula in Longley 1972). Similarly, southern Minnesota has 150-160 fro st-fre e days annually compared with 80-90 in west-central Manitoba. These climatic differences imply a range in annual plant productivity of 1400 g m-2 year -1 in the south to 900 g m -2 year-1 in the northern part of the tra n s itio n region (Leith 1975, Sharpe 1975). Landforms and parent materials of the region were formed during the Pleistocene. Rolling t i l l plains are interspersed with h illy moraines, outwash features and extensive glacial lake

35

plains (Weir 1960, Wright 1972). The resulting variation in soil texture and nutrients influences plant productivity and the d istrib u tio n of vegetation. For example, the shallow acidic so ils of the Precambrian shield of northeastern Minnesota and eastern Manitoba are much poorer in nutrients than so ils to the south and west which are derived from Cretaceous and Paleozoic rocks (Haisey n.d.,Manitoba Department of Agriculture n.d'.). Vegeta­ tion patterns are also influenced by drainage. Poor drainage in parts of northern Minnesota and southeastern Manitoba has created extensive bogs and fens. Conversely, excessive drainage accen­ tuates the arid ity of parts of western Manitoba. The 19th century vegetation of the region varied from boreal to deciduous fo rest and from parkland and savanna to p ra irie (Fig. 1). During late prehistoric times (A.D. 900-1700), geograph­ ical variations in vegetation, climate and ungulate populations were probably similar to those of the 19th century. According to pollen analysis (Webb e t al.1983) the major vegetation change was in the position of the p ra irie -fo re s t border in southern Minnesota; during A.D. 900-1700, the p ra irie -fo rest border was probably several tens of km east of its present position. The species composition of mixed forest habitats may also have been somewhat d ifferen t due to plant migration and changes in the frequency of fo rest fir e s (Swain 1973, Webb e t al.1983). LATE PREHISTORIC UNGULATE RANGE, PRODUCTIVITY AND DENSITY Late prehistoric ranges of the seven ungulates were inferred from historical sources (Appendix Table 1). The range of a species is closely related to the distribution of its h ab itat. Hence, urigulate ranges during A.D. 900-1700 were probably similar to those in h isto ric times. However the westward expansion of the p rairie-fo rest border and sh ifts in forested habitats would suggest th at the p ra irie ungulates (bison, elk, mule deer and pronghorn)would have extended somewhat further eastward at the expense of white-tailed deer, moose and woodland caribou. Deer, moose and caribou ranges may also have changed slig h tly in response to habitat sh ifts in the mixed fo rests. Late prehistoric productivity was extrapolated from modern studies of ungulate ecology (Tables 1 and 2). Productivity, the to tal biomass km“^ year-1 th a t could be harvested on a sustained basis, was a rb itra rily estimated at half the percent annual growth increment (Table 2). This allowed for losses due to disease and predation by other animals. Percent annual growth increment, however, is not a fixed quantity. It varies with the size, structure and reproductive rate of the breeding population as well as the rate a t which animals are removed (Gross 1969).

36

TABLE 1. LATE PREHISTORIC SITES AND ESTIMATED GROWING DEGREE DAYS, UNGULATE DENSITIES AND PRODUCTIVITY IN .THE PRAIRIE-FOREST TRANSI­ TION REGION OF MANITOBA AND MINNESOTA. (See Tables 2, 3 and Appen­ dix Table 1). „ CSIJ >V00 h>»— « Q l-H >> h- C\J VEGETATION C_> I

^ LU 5 c* < C O S 1 O 3 Location and Physiographico GC< W o Ixl ac oo ecological area h- Q a. cn BOREAL AND MIXED FORESTS Manitoba L-l Interlake-Westlake Plain S-l Precambrian Drift Plain! L-4 Southeast Section J Minnesota C-2 Glacial Lake Agassiz Lowland C-3 Laurentian Divide! C-4 Tamarac Lowlands J PRAIRIE AND PARKLAND Manitoba W-8 Lake Souris Plain W-9 Tiger Hills n W-l1 Boissevain Till Plain] Minnesota G-l Red River Valley (N) DECIDUOUS FOREST Western Minnesota D-5 Leaf Hills PRAIRIE G-3 Minnesota River Valley (N) G-3 Minnesota River Valley (S) G-3 Minnesota River Valley! G-4 Coteau des Prairies J G-4 Coteau des Prairies PRAIRIE-SAVANNA-DECIDUOUS FOREST G-5 Southern Oak Barrens G-5 Southern Oak Barrens! D-l Blufflands J

37

5

1,2

1275 1300

2.6 2.6

70.2 70.2

7,8 9

1650 1500

3.1 4.0

79 92.5

3 4

1475 1500

10.5 9.0

256.8 224.5

6

1675

7.5

210.6

10,11

1850

11.0

267.0

12 15,19 17,18

2100 2100 2100

12.0 14.0 12.5

327.6 312.0 324.0

16

2100

13.5

360.6

13,14 20

2075 2075

15.0 15.0

302.0 302.0

TABLE 2. WEIGHTS AND PRODUCTIVITY ESTIMATES FOR SEVEN UNGULATE SPECIES IN THE PRAIRIE-FOREST-BORDER REGION. Harvestable Yield3 %

Species

Average weight kg

Bison Elk Pronghorn Mule deer White-tailed deer Moose Woodland caribou

450 240 48 70 70

20 20 30 30 40

10 10 15 15 20

300 150

20 10

10 5

Estimated net annual increment %

a - Harvestable yield a rb itra rily reduced to half of net annual gro increment. - Sources Net annual increment Weight Bison Telfer 4 Scotter Telfer 4 Scotter 1975:175 1975:175 Elk Telfer 4 Scotter Telfer 4 Scotter 1975:175 1975:175 Pronghorn Mitchell 1980:50 Mitchell 1980:142 (intermediate between hunted and non-hunted populations) Mule deer Banfield 1974:389 Taber and Dasmann 1974:297 (estimated from average annual population loss) White-tailed Petraborg 4 Burcalow Petrides, Golley 4 Brisbin deer 1965:19-20 1968:16 (reduced from 50%) Moose Telfer 4 Scotter Hudson 4 Burnell 1980:213 1975:175 (lower range) Woodland Fashingbauer Hudson 4 Bunnell 1980:213 Caribou 1965:150 (from barren ground caribou)

38

For example, mild predation may increase productivity. Producti­ vity estimates for each species were obtained as follows: average weight (kg) was multiplied by harvestable biomass (% year -1) and by population density (no. km-1. ). For example, productivity of bison in the western uplands of Manitoba was: 450 kg (weight) x 10% (harvestable biomass) x 4 km~2 (density) = 180kg km-2 year"*. When productivity estimates fo r deer, elk and pronghorn were added to t h i s , the to ta l was 256.8 harvestable biomass km"2 year "1 (Table 1). This represents about a quarter of the theoretical upper lim it in Elk Island National Park, Alberta where bison, moose and elk are now being managed (Telfer and Scotter 1975) but i t is higher than most northern- grazing systems (Hudson and Bunnell 1980). Late p reh isto ric game d en sities were estimated on the basis of carrying capacity, the a b ility of a h ab itat to support a minimum number of animals of a given species (Edwards and Fowle 1974). Although hazardous i f rig id ly applied, carrying capacity remains a valuable working concept fo r w ild life bio lo g ists (Taylor 1979, Potvin and Hout 1983). The Canada Land Inventory c l a s s i f i ­ cation fo r w ild life carrying capacity (Perret 1969) includes such c r i t e r i a as forage and cover, soil n u trie n ts , drainage and winter weather. Densities of elk and moose were estimated in the forested parts of Manitoba using Canada Land Inventory maps of wild ungu­ late carrying capacity (scale 1:250,000) and game surveys. In northern Minnesota, surveys of deer and moose (e.g. Joselyn and Spoolman 1981) Were compared with recent fo rest inventories (e.g. Jakes 1980). Population densities for p r e s e n t agricultural areas were extrapolated from comparable habitats elsewhere. For bison, mule deer and pronghorn which are now e ith e r rare or absent from th is general region, estimates were based upon compar­ able habitats in western North America. Density estimates cited are lower than those fo r managed game populations. The range (Figs. 4-5) and density of each ungulate species is described below. Bison had disappeared from most of the region before ob­ servers adequately recorded th e ir abundance and seasonal movements. Herds wintered in the parklands of western Canada (Hind 1860, Ray 1974) and likely also in the oak savannas of southern Minnesota. In the forested areas to the east and north of the tra n s itio n , they probably occurred only sporadically and in low numbers. Their original density in the p ra irie was estimated a t two to six animals km- ^ based on contemporary North American herds (Shay 1978, Hudson and Bunnell 1980).

39

Elk could be found in a variety of h abitats but today they live only in parts of the western uplands and interlake of Mani­ toba and in northwestern Minnesota. Historic accounts indicate th a t th e ir range formerly extended into southern and central Minnesota (Swanson e t al 1945). Elk were probably never as abundant as bison. There are at present fewer than two elk km- 2 in most of Riding Mountain National Park, Manitoba, an area of mixed forest and p ra irie (Goulden et a l. 1972, Rounds 1982). Former densities in similar Manitoba h abitats were estimated at 1-1.5 elk km-2. Densities in the savannas of southern Minnesota may have reached 3 km-2. The lowest densities (0.5 elk km"*) were in boreal and mixed conifer-deciduous fo rests in Manitoba and Minnesota. White-tailed deer inhabit fo rest edges and openings (McCaffery and Cree 1969, Thomas 1979). Because they are adapted to such habitats and are capable of rapid colonization of new areas, they have extended th e ir range with the expansion of agriculture and logging in many areas, including Minnesota (Gunderson and Beer 1953) and northwestern Ontario (Peterson 1957). They are said to have been very rare in the mixed conifer-deciduous fo rests of northern Minnesota before about 1860 (Petraborg and Burcalow 1965). White-tailed deer probably occurred in the p ra irie areas of Minnesota although the former northern extent of th e ir range is conjectural (Fig. 5 ). They may have been absent from Manitoba until the 1880's (Seton 1909). Although the remains of deer have been recovered from a number of Manitoba archaeological s ite s , i t is uncertain whether these represent white-tailed or mule deer as the two species cannot be distinguished on the basis of most bones (Hurlburt 1977). At the edge of th e ir probable late prehis­ toric range in northern Minnesota, the density of w hite-tailed deer was estimated at 1 animal krrf^. In the best habitats in the region in southern Minnesota there may have been up to 10 deer km~2. Moose are denizens of the boreal and mixed forests but p rio r to the 19th century, they also occupied deciduous riverine fo rests in southern Manitoba (Canada Land Inventory wild ungulate capabi­ li t y maps). They too have expanded northward in recent times in Minnesota (Idstrom 1965) and northwestern Ontario (Peterson 1957). Their apparent absence from southern Minnesota (Swanson e t a l . 1945) may be due to the meningeal worm of w hite-tailed deer which is fa ta l to moose (Saunders 1971). The best moose hab itat in northern Minnesota and Manitoba probably supported one animal km-2, in the Red River valley at the western edge of th e ir range they may have occurred at half that density.

4Q

FIGURE 3. SELECTED SUBDIVISIONS (LI, SI e t c . ) OF THE PRAIRIEFOREST TRANSITION REGION IN MANITOBA AND MINNESOTA SHOWING 20 LATE PREHISTORIC SITES (1, 2 e t c . ) . See Table 1 for key to subdivision and Table 3 for l i s t of archaeological s i t e s .

41

Woodland caribou are re s tric te d to coniferous fo rests in extreme northern Minnesota and eastern Manitoba. They formerly occurred throughout the boreal and mixed fo rests of Manitoba and Minnesota (Canada Land Inventory wild ungulate capability maps, Fashingbauer 1965a). Woodland caribou are not abundant and during late prehistoric times th e ir density was probably not more than about 0.1 caribou km-2. Mule deer were formerly found in the p ra irie and tra n s itio n a l parklands and savannas although they probably also ranged into the boreal forests of Manitoba (Seton 1909, Canada Land Inventory wild ungulate capability maps). They were aoparently absent from southeastern Minnesota where p o p u l a t i o n s of w h ite - t a i l e d d e e r were high (Petraborg and Burcalow 1965). Numbers in the Manitoba and Minnesota p rairies were probably not above 6 deer km "2 (Van Dyne e t al. 1980). In the southern boreal forests th ere may have been 0.5 deer'km - 2. Pronghorn antelope were common only in western Manitoba although they may also have occurred in extreme western Minnesota (Fashingbauer 1965b). Recent antelope densities in Alberta during a population peak ranged from 0.4-2.5 animals km-2 (Mitchell 1980). A conservative estimate for late prehistoric Manitoba and Minnesota populations is from 0.5-1.5 pronghorn km~2. LATE PREHISTORIC FAUNAL REMAINS The 20 late prehistoric s ite s (Fig. 3, Table 3, Appendix Table 2) span the extremes of game density and productivity in the p rairie-fo rest tran sitio n region. Sites date between A.D. 900-1700 although half of them were also occupied in e a r lie r times. Where possible, early and late components were analyzed separately. Counts varied from 7 to 500 ungulate bone elements, representing a minimum of 2-16 individuals per s i t e . The relationships between numbers of bones and human d ie t are complex. The number of bone elements or minimum number of individuals only crudely re fle c ts the animals selected by a s i t e 's inhabitants. Counts of bone elements tend to over-represent abundant species while the minimum number of individuals approach over-represents rare species. The link between bones and animals may also be influenced by the length and type of s ite occupation. For example, several short-term camps may each contain remains of a few species, thereby falsely suggesting specialization. The twenty s ite s considered here include both villages and camps with a range of sample sizes and estimated lengths of occupation so caution should be used in interpreting individual s i t e s . In addition, butchering practices, selective preservation and recovery

42

TABLE 3 . LATE PREHISTORIC ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES IN THE PRAIRIE-FOREST TRANSITION OF MANITOBA AND MINNESOTA No.

Agea

Name S ite b type C Grand Rapids Aschkibokahan C

1. 2.

I-V IV-V

3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Ill I-V I-III II-III Ill

C C C C

8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

II II III-IV Ill III-IV IV Ill Ill

c c c c c c

16. I l l 17. I I - I I I 18. I l l 19. I l l 20. II

c

V V V

c c

V

c

Lukens Snortland-Coles b-Nicholson Balcom Cherry Point Joyes Avery Buchner Bjorklund Anfinson e t al Lake Bronson a-Lukens Smith b-Lugenbeal Lukens McKinstry mounds 1 & 2 Lukens White Oak Point Wattral1 Maplewood Michlovic Dead River Lukens Saienga mound Gibbon Sheffield Lukens Bryan villag e a-Lukens Cambria b-Wattrall Lukens Great Oasis v illag e a-Lukens Mountain Lake b-Shane Lukens Fox Lake Lukens Humphrey village Lukens Tudahl rock sh elter

Notes: a - Age ranges

Source:

I = 1500 B.C. - 300 B.C. II = 300 B.C. - A.D. 900 III = A.D. 900 - A.D. 1300 IV = A.D. 1300 - A.D. 1700 V = a fte r A.D. 1700 Norquist (1967) and references above.

b - Site types Source:

Reference(s)

C = Camp V = Village Norquist (1967) and references above.

43

(1970) (1979) (1978) (1976) (1969) (1982) (1978) (1963) (1976) (1963) (1963) (1976) (1979) (1963) (1973) (1963) (1963) (1974) (1963) (1S63) (1978) (1963) (1963) (1963)

may d i s t o r t the relationship between bones and d ie t (see Grayson 1979, Styles 1981, Gilbert and Singer 1982). Some species may be under-represented because certain bones (vertebrae, fo r example) were often deposited at the butchering s i t e . Selective preserva­ tio n and recovery also cause serious d isto rtio n where the r e la ­ tiv e ly fra g ile remains of small mammals, birds and fish are included. In th is study, however, the problem is minimized by the sim ilarity in size and density of ungulate bones. Overall, the 20 faunal samples are not entirely comparable but they are su ffic ie n tly numerous and widely spaced to show any regional trends in the abundance of ungulates. Bison remains occurred in 18 of the 20 s ite s , deer (white­ ta ile d and/or mule) in 17, elk in 12, moose in seven and caribou in six . No remains of pronghorn antelope were found. The geo­ graphical d istribution of the top four ungulates roughly coincides with th e ir h isto ric ranges (Figs. 4-5). Bison had the greatest geographical range as well as the largest representation in the faunal samples (Fig. 4). In th e p ra irie they made up over 75%of the remains in five site s and over 50% in eight. Elk were widespread in the p rairie tra n sitio n but nowhere comprised more than 50% of ungulate remains (Fig. 4). Deer were found primarily in the deciduous forests and p ra irie s of southern and central Minnesota but in only three site s did they comprise over 75% of the ungulates (Fig. 5). The deer remains in site s beyond th e ir h isto ric distribution in the boreal and mixed forests suggest th at the late prehistoric range of white-tailed and/or mule deer was more extensive than th e i r historic range (Fig. 5). Moose were confined to boreal and mixed forest sites (Fig. 5). Woodland caribou (no map) occurred in low numbers in five of six northern s ite s within th e ir h is to ric range. LATE PREHISTORIC UNGULATE DENSITY, PRODUCTIVITY AND DIET BREAOTH Total game density in late prehistoric times was probably as low as 2*6 animals km-2 in the boreal forests of central Manitoba and as high as 14-15 animals km-2 in southern Minnesota (Table 1). Harvestable yield of ungulates varied from 70-90 kg live weight knr2 y e a r '1 in the north to 300-360 in the south. On the basis of these differences, I predict a gradient in d ie t breadth from specialization in the south to generalization in ungulate hunting in the n o rth .. Diet breadth was calculated with the formula used fo r d iets

44

45

46

o f contemporary hunters and gatherers (Hardesty 1977) and for faunal remains from eastern North American s ite s (Christenson 1980): d ie t breath = ______1 n

where is the proportion of species i , and n is the to ta l number of resources, in th is case ungulate remains. The index simultaneously expresses the variety of resources and th e ir "evenness." High values presumably r e f le c t broad diets and concommittant even selection of ungulates. Diet breadth has a minimum value of 1.00, indicating th a t 100% of the d ie t is supplied by one species. For three species, each evenly represented, the maximum d ie t breadth is 3.00; for four species the maximum is 4.00. Diet breadth indices were calculated fo r 34 faunal samples from 20 archaeological s i t e s (T ab le 4 , Appendix Table 2). Indices based on the minimum number of individuals ranged from 1.00 to 2.90 while those based on element counts ranged from 1.00 to 2.56. The number of ungulate species found per s ite varied from one to five with an average of th ree. Though the average differences in d ie t breadth are not g re a t, archaeological s ite s in the northern part of the region, where game d en sities and productivity were low, showed broader d ie ts than in the extreme southeast where densitie's and producti­ vity were 3-5 times higher. For example, d ie t breadths for six s ite s in the boreal and mixed forests averaged 2.00 (n=4) for the number of individuals and 1.70 (n=8) for element counts. Breadths ra n g e d from 1.31-2.90 fo r individuals and 1.25-2.38 fo r element counts. The fauna of these site s included moose, elk, caribou, bison and deer. In contrast, three sites in southeastern Minnesota showed breadths of 1.43 for individuals (n=l) and 1.24 for the number of elements (n=3; range 1.09-1.47). Deer dominated these site s. The d ie t breadths of other areas of estimated high game density and productivity were more variable. Six s ite s in the p ra irie s of the Minnesota River valley and Coteau des Prairies had average breadths of 1.47 for individuals (n=3; range 1.00-1.82) and 1.69 fo r elements (n=9; range 1.00-2.56). Two s ite s were dominated by bison but four showed relativ ely broad diets with near-equal proportions of bison and deer or elk. In two deciduous fo re s t s ite s in western Minnesota, average d ie t breadth, based on the number of individuals, was 2.25. Bison and deer were about

47

TABLE 4. ESTIMATED LATE PREHISTORIC UNGULATE DENSITY, PRODUCTIVITY, AND DIET BREADTH IN THE PRAIRIE-FOREST TRANSITION. Diet breadth Ungulate Mean, range (sample Density Prod. -2 kg km_2 s iz e ) . no. km VEGETATION and location EL u MNI (archaeological s ite s) year"* BOREAL AND MIXED FORESTS 1.63 1.97 1.491.31Manitoba 1.79 2.90 (n=3) 70 (n=3) 2.6 (s ite s 1,2,5) 1.77 2.00 80Minnesota 3.1(1.2590 4.0 (n=l) (site s 7-9) 2.38) (n=5) PRAIRIE AND PARKLAND 1.00 W. uplands of Manitoba and 7.52101.17 1.00N. Red River Valley 10.5 255 (n=l) 1.37 (site s 3,4,6) (n=3) D ECIDUOUS FOREST ) 2.25 11.0 265 Western Minnesota (2.00, (s ite s , 10,11) 2.50) (n=2) PRAIRIE 12.03101.47 1.69 Minnesota R. Valley and 14.0 360 1.001.00Coteau des Prairies 1.82 2.56 (site s 12, 15-19) (n=3) (n=9) PRAIRIE-SAVANNA-DECIDUOUS FOREST 1.43 1.24 15.0 300 (n=l) (1.09S.E. Minnesota 1 (site s 13,14,20) (n=3) A V \

Notes Densities from Appendix Table 1. Productivity calculated from densities and percent harvestable biomass (Table 2). Diet breadth calculated from faunal data in Appendix Table 2 using formula in Hardesty (1977) a- Minimum number of individuals, b- Number of bone elements.

48

equally abundant in each of these s i t e s . P rairies of the Red River Valley and the western uplands of Manitoba had late p reh isto ric game d en sities of 7.5-10.5 animals km " S intermediate betweeru north and south. However, the annual productivity of 210-255 kg km-* year" was closer to southern figures. Three faunal samples from these p ra irie areas were dominated by bison. Their d ie t breadths implied s p ec ia liz atio n , ranging from 1.00-1.37. As predicted, northern hunters in unproductive habitats with low game d e n sities tended to be g en eralists while many of those in areas of moderate to high ungulate density had narrower d ie ts , dominated by e ith e r bison or deer (Table 4 ). The remaining s ite s in these productive areas displayed a more even representation of bison and deer or elk. The v a ria b ility in faunal assemblages in the p ra irie of southwestern Minnesota is not easily explained. Recent analyses of fauna from other s ite s in the same area show a sim ilar uneven pattern with e ith e r bison dominance or more equal representation of bison, deer and elk (Anfinson, pers. comm.). Thus, where bison, deer and elk ranges overlap, i t is d i f f i c u l t to predict which of these species will be favored and to what extent. The apparent tendency toward game specialization in rich habitats would help explain the absence of pronghorn from p ra irie s ite s where they were expected, as well as the low representation of elk throughout the p ra irie fo rest tra n s itio n . In a review of midwestern archaeological faunas, pronghorn occurred only in mixed p r a ir ie s ite s where they made up less than 7% of ungulate remains (Shay 1978). In the same region, average percentage of elk bones varied from 0.2% in the northern forests to 8% in the p r a ir ie - f o r e s t tra n s itio n . In the present study, elk were found in over h a lf the s ite s but at only two did they constitute more than 15% of ungulate remains. Elk were also scarce in p rehistoric s ite s elsewhere in North America (McCabe 1982;. Their scarcity can probably be a ttrib u ted to th e ir relatively low population density and productivity in relation to the other ungulates. Specialization has been observed elsewhere in habitats of high density and productivity. For example, white-tailed deer was apparently the single most important source of meat throughout p re h is to ric eastern North American (Waselkov 1978). However, the re la tiv e importance of deer remains in eastern North American archaeological sites increased over time. Deer remains reached th e ir highest r e la tiv e abundance during the Mississippian period of a g ric u ltu ra l expansion (A.D. 1000-1750).

49

SUMMARY The region under review is large and diverse in game re­ sources. Although i t was inhabited by seven species of wild ungulates in h isto ric times, only three were important: bison in the p r a ir ie , white-tailed deer in the deciduous fo rests and moose in the boreal and mixed fo re s ts . The three also dominated la te prehistoric faunal assem blages at archaeological s ite s in th e i r respective areas. Mule deer occurred throughout the p ra irie and tra n sitio n in h isto ric times and the species may be represented in some late prehistoric s i t e s . Unfortunately, faunal remains of mule and white-tailed deer are not. easily distinguished. The absence or low representation of the other three ungulate species may be due to eith e r re s tric te d range or low population density. Pronghorn antelope were re stric ted to the extreme western part of the region in h isto ric times and th is was prob’ably also true in late prehistoric times. H istorically, elk were present in the tran sitio n in low numbers. Assuming th is was also true in late prehistoric times, th e ir low percentages in archaeo­ logical s ite s are not unexpected. Woodland caribou were h i s t o r i ­ cally , and probably p reh isto rically , restricted in both range and population density. Within th is pattern of varying d ensities, there was a te n ­ dency for site s in unproductive northern habitats to contain a wider range of ungulate remains implying relatively broad d ie ts . Faunal assemblages in productive habitats, however, were e ith e r dominated by bison or deer (narrow diets) or had more or less even representation of bison and deer or elk. Acknowledgements. The UNIC-3 Conference organizers Elden Johnson, Janet Spector and Guy Gibbon are to be congratulated for making the event both stimulating and enjoyable. For help in compiling data for the paper I thank Sheila Bradford, Heidi den Haan, Barry Greco and Pamela Smith. Numerous people contributed information including Scott Anfinson, Barbara Coffin, Chuck Dixon. Blair Joselyn, Harvey Paine, Rick Riewe, Richard Rounds and Merlin Shoesmith. Kathy Frego, Marion Kepkin, William P r u itt, Jennifer Shay, Janet Spector and Herbert Wright, J r. commented on the manuscript. Text and tables were typed by Anita GagnonKowalczuk and Irene Sexton. Carolyn Trottier drew the i l l u s t r a ­ tio n s.

50

C 03

asoow

o o o o

gaaaa

in•m•o•o•

CVJ

.2

uostg

•p 03

= adoiaq.uB g tuoijBuojd

in•o•m■o• CVJ « r- ^T-

i in •• in• o o

a-. a> *o

O• O• O• O•

o o o

o

O O ^C V J

*3- CO CsJ

CO

CO 0 0 ID CO

in in in in o o o o

o•o•o•

o

Kj- CO 0 0

CO

o•o•o•o• m in co

in o on ^ >

to sa

CD CD
«l oc 0 u .

fjt to —• •*-« XZ

CO = > * t: 0 S ZD CD O —1 >—1 0 jn 111 0 0

to

CD

• n .h (o a : o c +j 0 to 03 03 to (D • P +-> CD *0 0 0 c to to C =3 0 ) (D -r-i 03 C C S I CD LU C C -P 1 .,_ i ._ i 0 a : s : 2 : CD c j M 1 < CO CO CO OC CD CD CD CD a .

a Mule and white-tailed deer

E U.

CVJ co

_ -

I

cvj

O O' f'x

CVJ CVJ CO

PRAIRIE-SAVANNA-DECIDUOUS FOREST G5 Southern Oak Barrens G5-D1 Southern Oak Barrens-Blufflands

APPENDIX TABLE 1. ESTIMATED LATE PREHISTORIC POPULATION DENSITIES OF SIX UNGULATES IN 14 AREAS OF THE PRAIRIE-FOREST TRANSITION OF MANITOBA AND MINNESOTA.

CVI

o o in in

o•o•in«

co•co•*—•o•

yCq.isuap i*V>i

APPENDIX TABLE 1: NOTES. UNGULATE SPECIES DISTRIBUTIONS AND DEN­ SITIES WERE ESTIMATED FROM THE FOLLOWING: Species

General

Manitoba

Minnesota

All ungulates

Peterson (1957) Hudson and Bunnell (1980) Van Dyne e t al. (1980)

Seton (1909) Canada Land Inven­ tory Wildlife Capabi­ l i t y : wild un­ gulates Goulden e t a l. (1968) Goulden et a l. (19 72) Wrigley (1979)

Herrick (1892) Swanson e t al. (1945) Stenlund (1955) Gunderson and Beer (1953) Moyle (1965)

Antelope

Mitchell (1980)

Bison

Meagher (1973) Moodie and Ray (1976) Morgan (1979) Roe (1970) Shay (1978)

Nutting (1893)

Deer

Menzies (1979) Goulden and Goulden (1969)

Elk

Rounds (1982)

Moose

Peterson (1955)

Rounds (1982)

52

Floyd e t a l . (1979) Minn. Dept, of Nat. Res. (1979, 1981)

Berg and Phillips (1974)

APPENDIX TABLE 2. FAUNAL DATA FROM 20 LATE PREHISTORIC SITES IN THE PRAIRIE-FOREST TRANSITION % of total ungulates a < OD

b

C