Religious Publishing and Print Culture in Modern China: 1800-2012 9781614514992, 9781614512981, 9781501500190

Table of contents :
Introduction: Print Culture and Religion in Chinese History
Chapter One: The Colportage of the Protestant Bible in Late Qing China: The Example of the British and Foreign Bible Society
Chapter Two: Publishing Prophecy: A Century of Adventist Print Culture in China
Chapter Three: Navigating the Sea of Scriptures: The Buddhist Studies Collectanea, 1918–1923
Chapter Four: Printing and Circulating “Precious Scrolls” in Early Twentieth-Century Shanghai and its Vicinity: Toward an Assessment of Multifunctionality of the Genre
Chapter Five: The Xiantiandao and Publishing in the Guangzhou-Hong Kong Area from the Late Qing to the 1930s: The Case of the Morality Book Publisher Wenzaizi
Chapter Six: Morality Book Publishing and Popular Religion in Modern China: A Discussion Centered on Morality Book Publishers in Shanghai
Chapter Seven: Illuminating Goodness – Some Preliminary Considerations of Religious Publishing in Modern China
Bibliography
Contributors
Index

Citation preview

Religious Publishing and Print Culture in Modern China

Religion and Society

Edited by Gustavo Benavides, Kocku von Stuckrad and Winnifred Fallers Sullivan

Volume 58

Religious Publishing and Print Culture in Modern China 1800–2012

Edited by Philip Clart and Gregory Adam Scott

DE GRUYTER

ISBN 978-1-61451-499-2 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-1-61451-298-1 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-1-5015-0019-0 ISSN 1437-5370 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication on the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2015 Walter de Gruyter, Inc., Boston/Berlin/Munich Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck ♾ Printed on acid-free paper Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com

Table of Contents Gregory Adam Scott and Philip Clart Introduction: Print Culture and Religion in Chinese History

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George Kam Wah Mak Chapter One: The Colportage of the Protestant Bible in Late Qing China: The 17 Example of the British and Foreign Bible Society Joseph Tse-Hei Lee and Christie Chui-Shan Chow Chapter Two: Publishing Prophecy: A Century of Adventist Print Culture in 51 China Gregory Adam Scott Chapter Three: Navigating the Sea of Scriptures: The Buddhist Studies 91 Collectanea, 1918 – 1923 Rostislav Berezkin Chapter Four: Printing and Circulating “Precious Scrolls” in Early Twentieth-Century Shanghai and its Vicinity: Toward an Assessment of 139 Multifunctionality of the Genre Yau Chi-on (Translated by Philip Clart) Chapter Five: The Xiantiandao and Publishing in the Guangzhou-Hong Kong Area from the Late Qing to the 1930s: The Case of the Morality Book 187 Publisher Wenzaizi Wang Chien-Chuan (Translated by Gregory Adam Scott) Chapter Six: Morality Book Publishing and Popular Religion in Modern China: A Discussion Centered on Morality Book Publishers in Shanghai 233 Paul R. Katz Chapter Seven: Illuminating Goodness – Some Preliminary Considerations of 265 Religious Publishing in Modern China Bibliography Contributors 325 Index

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Introduction: Print Culture and Religion in Chinese History¹ From the earliest known uses of printing in China, religious works represented some of the largest and most culturally significant examples of printed material. Canonical collections of sacred texts, individual scriptural editions, commentaries and exegetical analyses, books advocating moral behavior, divinely revealed texts, and other religious works all emerged as major aspects of the centurieslong print culture that flourished in China from the medieval period onward. Religious publications were not only ubiquitous, they were also widely believed to possess unique numinous powers, such as the ability to generate positive merit, or to protect their possessor from physical harm.² The introduction of new print technologies in the nineteenth century and their development in the early twentieth century, however, rapidly revolutionized the realm of print, transforming both the requirements of and the possibilities offered by the publishing enterprise. The chapters in this book examine the impact of this new print culture on religious groups in modern China, exploring how changes in the way that printed materials were assembled, edited, collected, produced, distributed, consumed, and understood, were related to changes in religious thought and practice. Rather than attempt a comprehensive survey of such a complex and multifaceted phenomenon, the essays that follow focus on a handful of religious groups that were mostly based in the vicinity of Shanghai, and offer some representative examples of how such interactions between print culture and religious culture occurred in modern Chinese history from the second half of the nineteenth century onwards. The people and institutions explored below were all inheritors to the legacies of pre- and early-modern Chinese religious publishing, but they were also keenly adept at navigating the new conditions generated by modern print culture. In embracing new print technologies and practices, they helped change the field of religious publishing in modern China. Yet in  This essay is based in part on the introduction to Gregory Adam Scott, “Conversion by the Book: Buddhist Print Culture in Early Republican China” (PhD diss, Columbia University, 2013.)

 On the related religious practice of “cherishing lettered paper” see Adam Yuet Chau, “Script Fundamentalism: The Practice of Cherishing Written Characters (Lettered Paper) (xizizhi 惜字紙) in the Age of Literati Decline and Commercial Revolution,” in Chinese and European Perspectives on the Study of Chinese Popular Religions / 中國民間宗教民間信仰研究之中歐視角, ed. Philip Clart (Taipei: Boyang wenhua chuban gongsi, 2012), 129 – 167.

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doing so, they were often transformed themselves, adopting new religious ideas and practices as a result of their engagement with print. It is this bidirectional influence between print and religious groups that is at the core of our inquiry. The term ‘print culture’ denotes the particular set of cultural processes involved in the use of printing press technology, processes that have a unique type of impact on the producers and consumers of printed information. Print culture can be thought of as encompassing two related components: print artifacts, and the social processes of print. ³ Print artifacts are the physical products of the printing press: books, periodicals, series, advertisements, posters, ephemera and so on. As artifacts, they are invaluable as sources of information on their material construction, publication information, internal references to other printed works, editorial structure, page layout, character set, and other related factors. They are the material evidence of the publishing enterprise, and sometimes also give clues regarding reading habits, as in the case of marginalia. The second component, the social processes of print, refers to the people and institutions involved in the writing, editing, publishing, printing, distributing, and reading of print artifacts. As print technologies impose certain material, capital, and skill requirements on their use, they help initiate the formation of social organizations such as publishing houses, printer’s guilds, and bookstores. These organizations are important as they represent new types of social structures brought about by print technology, as well as conduits through which people’s involvement with print can have a reflexive impact on their own identity, composition, and relationship to others. Print technology thus not only gives rise to new types of media artifacts, but also new types of social and institutional structures, creating opportunities and challenges for those who engaged with, or were engaged by, new forms of print culture. Some of the earliest scholarly attempts to address the impact of print on history were focused on social factors, as with Lucien Febvre and Henri-Jean Martin’s pioneering 1957 book L’apparition du livre, which applied the long-term and sociological historical approach of l’École des Annales to the effects of print technology on medieval society.⁴ Another early work, Marshall McLuhan’s

 This definition was coined by Professor Greg Downy of the School of Journalism & Mass Communication and the School of Library & Information Studies at the University of WisconsinMadison in a conference presentation, and published in his blog “Uncovering Information Labor,” available at .  Lucien Febvre and Henri-Jean Martin, L’apparition du livre (Paris: E´ditions A. Michel, 1958). Published in English as The Coming of the Book, translated by David Gerard (London, New York: Verso, 1997[1976]).

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1962 The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man, explored how media technologies affect the function of human senses and the organization of societies, looking back from McLuhan’s own time, which he saw as the dawn of an electronic age, to the early effects of movable type and alphabetic printing on Western culture.⁵ In both of these studies, print and media were given a new prominence in the study of social history. A major turning point in print culture theory came in 1979 with The Printing Press as an Agent of Change by Elizabeth Eisenstein, in which she examined the impact of movable type technology in the history of ideas.⁶ Her main argument in this study was that the scientific revolution of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was facilitated by the widespread availability of printed books, with the printing press leading intellectual development, using the publication career of the Danish astronomer Tycho Brahe (1546 – 1601) as her central example. Critics of this approach, such as Adrian Johns, pointed out that Brahe was in fact an atypical figure during his time. Johns suggests that rather than view the printing press as the prime mover behind the intellectual and social revolutions connected to print culture, we ought instead to emphasize the role of human agency in constructing print culture itself.⁷ His work is characterized by a focus on the different modes of labor required to produce printed materials, and how their authoritative power was developed by those who participated in print culture rather than emanating from the inner logic of print technology itself.⁸ Critiques such as these have been part of a recent move to shift the focus of print culture studies toward more specific, local, and microhistorical subjects, and away from the large-scale narratives of print’s impact on history. One such subject has been print’s role in transforming religious thought and practice. Early print culture studies recognized that religion, Protestantism in Western Europe in particular, played an important role in the initial spread of movable-type technology and its print products. The English editor John Foxe

 Marshall McLuhan, The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1971 [Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1962]).  Elizabeth Eisenstein, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change: Communications and Cultural Transformations in Early-modern Europe, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991 [1979]). Citations here refer to the paperback edition of 1997, in which both volumes are combined into a single book. Eisenstein, Printing Press, 3 – 8, 17, 32– 40, 43. Eisenstein’s work was later revisited in Sabrina Alcorn Baron, Eric N. Lindquist, and Eleanor F. Shevlin, eds., Agent of Change: Print Culture Studies after Elizabeth L. Eisenstein (Amherst and Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 2007).  Adrian Johns, The Nature of the Book: Print and Knowledge in the Making (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1998), 17– 18.  Johns, Nature of the Book, 19 – 20, 29 – 31, 42– 46.

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(1517– 1587), for example, employed Biblical allegories of light and darkness to describe the influence of Protestant book culture and printing; other religious authors in early-modern Europe, representing a number of denominations and nationalities, also used printing to give expression to their religious ideas.⁹ During the Enlightenment, the printing press made possible the expansion of a book culture that gave rise to both a surge of skepticism over the divine provenance and superhuman authority of the Bible, as well as the intellectual work required to reinvent the Bible as a storehouse of European cultural ‘heritage.’¹⁰ More recently, scholars have begun to examine the relationship between print and Asian religious cultures. Shawn McHale’s account of the rise of the literary public sphere in modern Vietnam describes a flood of Vietnamese Buddhist publications that were produced in the urban centers of Hanoi and Saigon by Buddhists who envisioned a religious revival, and who advocated that readers “move from an oral understanding of texts to critical approaches based on written and printed texts.”¹¹ Anne Ruth Hansen has addressed the relationship between Buddhist modernism and publishing in Vietnam and Cambodia, describing how they participated in the larger historical movement of literary modernism, reconnecting with Buddhist textual traditions and publicizing their innovative ideas through compendia and critical translations. Their work was strongly influenced by European Orientalist scholarship, and in many cases elicited a hostile response from more traditional monastics.¹² These and related studies have begun to unearth the deep connections between the development of print cultures in the modern era and changes in many aspects of religious culture, including new roles for and understandings of sacred texts, the formation of religious identities through shared participation in print, and its role as a medium in the new public sphere of mass print media.¹³

 John N. King, “‘The Light of Printing’: William Tyndale, John Foxe, John Day, and Early Modern Print Culture,” Renaissance Quarterly 54, no. 1 (Spring, 2001): 52– 53, 77– 78, 83. See also Kate Peters, Print Culture and the Early Quakers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 1– 12, 91– 123.  Jonathan Sheehan, The Enlightenment Bible: Translation, Scholarship, Culture (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2005), x – xiv, and passim but especially chapter one.  Shawn Frederick McHale, Print and Power: Confucianism, Communism, and Buddhism in the Making of Modern Vietnam (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2004).  Anne Ruth Hansen, How to Behave: Buddhism and Modernity in Colonial Cambodia, 1860 – 1930 (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2007), 1– 3, 8 – 10, 14– 15, 79 – 84, 103 – 105, 142– 147.  See, for example, J.B.P. More, Muslim Identity, Print Culture and the Dravidian Factor in Tamil Nadu (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 2004), especially Part II, pp. 69 – 140; Ulrike Stark, An Empire of Books: The Naval Kishore Press and the Diffusion of the Printed Word in Colonial India (Ranikhet: Permanent Black, 2008), 29 – 106; Daniel Vaca, “Book People: Evangelical Books and

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As mentioned above, print and religion in East Asia have historically been intimately interconnected. The earliest print products in East Asia were religious works, including the earliest dated printed work, the Diamond Sūtra scroll of 868, as well as undated and possibly older dhāraṇī scrolls from Korea and Japan. They were also among the largest and most significant publications of later eras, as with the massive scriptural canon printings from the tenth to the twentieth centuries.¹⁴ They were mainly printed with what was the dominant print technology for most of East Asian history: xylography, also called woodblock printing. Xylographic printing uses flat wooden printing blocks onto which characters and images are carved in relief, which are inked and used to transfer the image to paper. The medium is flexible as it accepts both depictions and text, aesthetically pleasing since it can reproduce fine calligraphy, and with minor maintenance can produce a total of twenty-five to forty thousand impressions before the block must be retired. Blocks can also be stored indefinitely between printings, barring rot, fire, or insect damage.¹⁵ Xylography remained the mainstream print technology in East Asia up to the early part of the twentieth century. Religious works were one component of a complex and varied print culture that evolved through medieval and early-modern Chinese history. Large-scale xylographic publications in China were first undertaken in the Song 宋 dynasty (960 – 1279), when the technology was still limited to a handful of temples and urban centers, but by at least the middle of the Ming 明 dynasty (1368 – 1644),

the Making of Contemporary Evangelicalism” (PhD diss., Columbia University, 2012); Thanapol Limapichart, “The Emergence of the Siamese Public Sphere: Colonial Modernity, Print Culture and the Practice of Criticism (1860s – 1910s),” South East Asia Research 17, no. 3 (Nov., 2009): 361– 399.  L. Carrington Goodrich, “The Development of Printing in China and Its Effects on the Renaissance under the Sung Dynasty (960 – 1279),” Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 3 (1963): 36 – 43; Denis Twitchett, Printing and Publishing in Medieval China (London: The Wynkyn de Worde Society, 1983), 13 – 23; Lothar Ledderose, Ten Thousand Things: Module and Mass Production in Chinese Art (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), 151– 152; Timothy H. Barrett, The Woman Who Invented Printing (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008). This Diamond Sūtra printing is held in the British Library, item Or.8310/P.2.  Our understanding of how xylography was practiced is based on studies of surviving tools and materials, the terminology used, records produced by foreign observers, and the accounts of craftspeople that were gathered in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The description offered here is thus most accurate for this later period. Tsien Tsuen-Hsuin 錢存訓, Paper and Printing, in Science and Civilisation in China, Volume 5: Chemistry and Chemical Technology, ed. Joseph Needham (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 194– 201, 370. For a first-hand account of xylographic printing in Beijing in 1949, see Hedda M. Morrison, “Making Books in China,” Canadian Geographical Journal 38 – 39 (1949): 232– 243.

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printing and the book market had become much more widespread.¹⁶ During this early modern period, imperial courts sponsored several xylographic printings of the Buddhist canon (yiqie jing 一切經; da zangjing 大藏經), each one of which involved teams of people, thousands of blocks, and years to produce. As Indian Buddhist texts were brought to China and translated, they arrived from a variety of doctrinal schools and there was no single, unified system readily available for determining the authority or even the proper classification of scriptural texts. One model for doing so was found in the native body of standardized statecraft texts used for the civil service examinations, and thus the term ‘classic’ (jing 經) came to be applied to Buddhist scriptures. Introduction into the Buddhist ‘canon’ occurred when a text was added to an authoritative library, establishing the precedent of an open and flexible canon of Buddhist texts. This ex bibliotheca origin for notions of the Chinese Buddhist canon can be seen in the key term for ‘canon’ (dazang 大藏), in use from the Song dynasty onward, which originally denoted a ‘great library’ or ‘storehouse’.¹⁷ As eminent monks wrote their own compositions discussing and explicating scriptural texts, a number of secondary genres also made their way into the canon, such as treatise (lun 論), comprehensive commentary (shu 疏), interlinear commentary (zhu 注/註), and exegesis (shi 釋). Bibliographic studies of the sixth and seventh centuries themselves also became incorporated into this open Buddhist canon.¹⁸ Daoist scriptures, in contrast, were catalogued several times from the fifth century onward, but unfortunately few of these early lists survive. A major printing of the Daoist canon was undertaken in 1244 as the Xuandu baozang 玄都寶藏 (Precious Canon of the Mysterious Metropolis), but the printing blocks and nearly all copies of the printed texts were later destroyed. These early compilations and collections were likely strong influences on the Zhengtong daozang 正統道 藏 (Zhengtong Daoist Canon), also called the Da Ming dao zangjing 大明道藏

 Cynthia J. Brokaw, “On the History of the Book in China,” in Printing and Book Culture in Late Imperial China, ed. Cynthia J. Brokaw and Kai-wing Chow (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005): 3 – 54.  Lewis Lancaster, “The Movement of Buddhist Texts from India to China and the Construction of the Chinese Buddhist Canon”, in “Buddhism Across Boundaries”, Sino-platonic Papers, 222 (March 2012), edited by John R. McRae and Jan Nattier: 226 – 238.  Genre name translations based on the Digital Dictionary of Buddhism (http://www.budd hism-dict.net/ddb/). Lancaster, “Construction of the Chinese Buddhist Canon,” 235 – 236. Shi Dao’an 釋道安, Zhongguo dazangjing diaoke shihua 中國大藏經雕刻史話 ([s.l.]: Zhonghua dadian bianyinhui, 1978); Kristofer Schipper, “General Introduction,” in The Taoist Canon: A Historical Companion to the Daozang, volume one, ed. Kristofer Schipper and Franciscus Verellen (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2004), 1– 52.

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經 (Daoist Canon of the Great Ming), completed in 1445.¹⁹ Sacred texts of popular religious traditions, on the other hand, were most often produced locally and by manuscript, although from the sixteenth century onward some genres, such as baojuan 寶卷 (precious scrolls), were printed in xylography. Religious publishing was motivated by a number of considerations: the widespread belief that their reproduction would generate incalculable amounts of merit for those who sponsored it, the social prestige accrued to their sponsors and owners, the will to impose orthodoxy on a vibrant and heterogeneous religious landscape, and the desire to expand the reach of proselytization with mass-produced texts. These factors can be found in a number of religious traditions, and images, tropes, narratives, figures, and genres were also widely shared between different types of religious texts. By the Qing 清 era (1644 – 1911) the publishing world had expanded greatly, and consisted of a large number of regional workshops, a nationwide network of printer-retailers, and a core of best-selling titles that was being sold to a much broadened readership. This expansion and homogenization of print culture in the Qing likely made a positive contribution to the spread of education, functional literacy, and a shared public literary culture during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, even if for the majority of people their knowledge of texts and ability to read characters were both still rather limited.²⁰ Canonical and scriptural publishing continued, as with for example the Buddhist Longzang 龍藏 canon printed between 1735 and 1738, and the work of numerous temple scriptoria (jingfang 經房), where monastic publishers drew upon extensive temple libraries and storehouses of printing blocks to compile their new editions of scriptural texts.²¹  See Judith M. Boltz, “Daozang and Subsidiary Compilations,” in The Encyclopedia of Taoism, edited by Fabrizio Pregadio (London: Routledge, 2008), vol. 1, 28 – 33. Zhengtong refers to the era name spanning 1436 to 1449. The English translation of Xuandu baozang used here is based on Boltz’s. An excellent guide to related research resources is available at the Daoist Studies 道較研 究 website, .  Brokaw, “History of the Book in China,” 27– 30; Cynthia J. Brokaw, “Commercial Woodblock Printing in the Qing (1644– 1911) and the Transition to Modern Print Technology,” in From Woodblocks to the Internet: Chinese Publishing and Print Culture in Transition, circa 1800 to 2008, ed. Cynthia J. Brokaw and Christopher A. Reed (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2010), 40 – 44; Cynthia J. Brokaw, Commerce in Culture: The Sibao Book Trade in the Qing and Republican Periods (Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Asia Center, 2007), 559 – 570. Note that scholars have had to adapt the largely Eurocentric print culture theory to the study of late-imperial Chinese history. See Tobie Meyer-Fong, “The Printed World: Books, Publishing Culture, and Society in Late Imperial China,” The Journal of Asian Studies 66, no. 3 (August 2007): 787– 817.  Shi Dao’an, Zhongguo dazangjing diaoke shihua, 123 – 132, 144– 149; Jiang Wu, Enlightenment in Dispute: The Reinvention of Chan Buddhism in Seventeenth-Century China (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 25.

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While no officially-sponsored new Daoist canon was published during the Qing, a number of massive new text collections were compiled and printed by both clerics and lay Daoists, with the Daozang jiyao 道藏輯要 (Essentials of the Daoist Canon, early nineteenth century) as perhaps the voluminous among these anthologies.²² The popular moral and religious texts known as shanshu 善書 (morality books) were widespread during this era. They advocated an ecumenical morality, combined several different traditions of textuality, and encouraged readers to reprint and redistribute copies in order to generate further positive merit. In contrast to manuscript works, where exclusivity and rarity added to the object’s power, the merit gained through their production meant that printed religious works often functioned as both message and as means of salvation.²³ By the middle of the nineteenth century, the xylographic printing technology used to reproduce most religious works was well-established in China, and was being deployed by a wide range of state, commercial, private, and templebased presses to produce printed materials. Printing expertise was available through local craftspeople and specialist workshops, literacy was relatively common, and religious communities had established their own open corpus of texts, bibliographic studies, and catalogues of canonical works. Within a generation, however, this culture would be revolutionized by a wave of new technologies, and new social and intellectual practices of print. Movable type had first been used in China as early as the eleventh century, but the difficulty of carving sufficient type for the wide variety of Chinese characters and its relative expense compared to xylography meant that typeset printing was never put into widespread use.²⁴ It was only with the introduction to  Monica Esposito, “The Daozang Jiyao Project: Mutations of a Canon,” Daoism: Religion, History and Society 1 (2009): 95 – 153. In spite of its title, the Daozang jiyao does not consist exclusively of excerpts from the Ming canon, but also contains many works not found there. Other Qing-period Daoist collections include the Daozang xubian 道藏續編 (Sequel to the Daoist Canon, eighteenth century) and collected writings of various immortals and deities, such as the Lüzu quanshu 呂祖全書 (Complete Writings of Patriarch Lü, eighteenth century). See Lai Chi-tim 黎志添, “Qingdai sizhong Lüzu quanshu yu Lüzu fuji daotan de guanxi” 清代四種《呂祖全書》 與呂祖扶乩道壇的關係, Zhongguo wenzhe yanjiu jikan 中國文哲研究集刊 42 (2013): 183 – 230; Monica Esposito, “Il Daozang xubian, raccolta di testi alchemici della Longmen,” Annali dell’Instituto Universitario Orientale 52, no. 4 (1992): 429 – 449.  Catherine Bell, “‘A Precious Raft to Save the World’: The Interaction of Scriptural Traditions and Printing in a Chinese Morality Book,” Late Imperial China 17, no. 1 (1996): 158 – 200, especially 160 – 163, 183, 190.  See Kai-wing Chow, Publishing, Culture, and Power in Early Modern China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004), 15 – 17, 57– 64. Chow notes that wooden movable type was used from the mid-1400s to print a few large works, and was prefered in the Qing for some small-run works (pp. 67– 69). While this book focuses on printed texts, it is important to remember that manu-

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China of mechanized printing presses and cast type in the nineteenth century that movable type, along with other modern print techniques such as lithography and planography, gradually became a viable means of large-scale printing. This modern print revolution in China was largely initiated by Christian missionaries, who established presses to print English- and Chinese-language Bibles, tracts, and other religious works. From about 1807 to 1876, mechanized printing in China was the exclusive domain of missionaries and their converts based along the South China coast, a period during which Protestant and Catholic mission groups founded dozens of printing houses.²⁵ Mission newspapers and journals were among the earliest mass-market periodicals printed in China, with one of the longest-running being The Chinese Recorder and Missionary Journal. Founded in Fuzhou in 1868, revived in Shanghai in 1874, the Recorder stood as the publication of record for mission personnel in China until its closure in 1941. Mission publications in China were also instrumental in publicizing new intellectual movements and diffusing knowledge about science, technology, and current events across the globe.²⁶ Commercial firms soon joined the mission presses, and their publications played a key role in mediating many of the political and cultural movements of the late-Qing and early Republican-era reforms. Shanghai quickly became the nexus for the Chinese commercial press, with newspapers such as Shenbao 申報 (Shanghai News, 1872– 1949), Zilin hubao 字林滬報 (Chinese Edition of the North-China Daily News and Herald, 1882– 1900), and Xinwen bao 新聞報 (The News, 1893 – 1945) functioning as public venues for debates on social, cultural, intellectual, and political issues, protected

scripts also remained a popular and culturally significant means of reproducing texts, as they manifested the individual touch of their creator. Brokaw, “History of the Book in China,” 8 – 10, 15 – 16. On the religious significance of manuscripts as opposed to printed texts, see James Robson, “Brushes with Some ‘Dirty Truths’: Handwritten Manuscripts and Religion in China,” History of Religions 51, no.4 (2012): 317– 343.  See, for example, Gilbert McIntosh, The Mission Press in China: Being a Jubilee Retrospect of the American Presbyterian Mission Press, with Sketches of Other Missions Presses in China, as well as Accounts of the Bible and Tract Societies at Work in China (Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1895); Christopher A. Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai: Chinese Print Capitalism, 1876 – 1937 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2004), 28 – 52. For a list of mission presses that published in Chinese, see Fan Muhan 范慕韓, Zhongguo yinshua jindai shi (chugao) 中國印刷近代史(初稿) (Beijing: Yinshua gongye chubanshe, 1995), 71– 105.  Kathleen L. Lodwick, “Introduction: History and Description of the Chinese Recorder,” in The Chinese Recorder Index: A Guide to Christian Missions in Asia, 1867 – 1941, ed. Kathleen L. Lodwick (Wilmington: Scholarly Resources Inc, 1986), vol. 1, xi-xii. See also Shuang Shen, Cosmopolitan Publics: Anglophone Print Culture in Semi-Colonial Shanghai (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2009); R.S. Britton, The Chinese Periodical Press 1800 – 1912 (Shanghai, Hong Kong, and Singapore: Kelly & Walsh, 1933).

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from state censorship by operating in the international settlement zones of Shanghai.²⁷ By the early twentieth century, several Chinese entrepreneurs, many of whom had apprenticed in mission presses, established independent commercial publishing houses in Shanghai, presses that would grow to dominate the Chinese book market for the remainder of the Republican era. The Commercial Press (Shangwu yinshuguan 商務印書館) was founded in 1897, and built its reputation and fiscal health as a textbook publisher after the civil service exams were abolished in 1905. It was joined by China Books (Zhonghua shuju 中華書 局) in 1912 and World Books (Shijie shuju 世界書局) in 1917.²⁸ The appearance of these types of commercial presses and the new print technologies they deployed transformed print culture in modern China. Mechanization allowed for the rapid casting and setting of type, the efficient production of lithographic plates, and the mass production of ink and paper to be used as printing materials. This in turn made possible the mass production of printed materials for a much lower cost than had been possible using xylography. Yet to undertake such an enterprise on a significant scale required a great deal of capital, specialized physical plant, the presence of a machine industry to produce and repair the presses, and the availability of skilled engineers to operate and maintain them. Where these elements combined, as in Shanghai and a handful of other urban centers, however, the result was a host of new opportunities and possibilities for religious groups interested in publishing, either through hiring commercial presses to print religious materials, or by establishing one’s own independent, specialist religious press. In this book we examine how these revolutionary new developments in Chinese print interacted with religion in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. During this era, religion itself was being redefined and reconstructed. Zongjiao 宗教, the term that has come to denote ‘religion’ in modern Chinese, first appeared in the writings of reform-minded intellectuals as a reverse loan-word  Britton, Chinese Periodical Press, 51, 63 – 71, 74– 75. See also Chen Yushen 陳玉申, Wanqing baoye shi 晚清報業史 (Ji’nan: Shandong huabao chubanshe, 2003), 115 – 169; Zhu Ruiyue 朱瑞 月, “Shenbao fanying xia de Shanghai shehui bianqian (1895 – 1927)” 申報反映下的上海社會變 遷 (1895 – 1927) (Master’s thesis, National Taiwan Normal University, 1990); Weipin Tsai, Reading Shenbao: Nationalism, Consumerism and Individuality in China, 1919 – 1937 (Basingstoke, UK; New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010); Eugenia Lean, Public Passions: The Trial of Shi Jianqiao and the Rise of Popular Sympathy in Republican China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007).  Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai. Also see Reed’s “Introduction,” in From Woodblocks to the Internet, 8 – 10; Li Jiaju 李家駒, Shangwu yinshuguan yu jindai zhishi wenhua de chuanbo 商務印 書館與近代知識文化的傳播 (Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2005).

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from Japan, where it had been coined as shūkyō to translate the word ‘religion’ from European-language texts.²⁹ Zongjiao was at the center of a series of intellectual and political struggles in modern China; while some criticized it as a form of mixin 迷信 (errant belief or superstition) and an impediment to the establishment of a modern society, others saw the establishment of ‘modernized’ or ‘patriotic’ religion as an essential part of the nation-building process.³⁰ During the Republican era, in spite of the constitutionally protected freedom of religious belief, many state authorities exerted regulatory and legal control over zongjiao/religion and mixin/superstition. Reform-minded elites of the late Qing and early Republic also seized upon these notions to advance programs of political, cultural, and spiritual renewal. The extent to which the government was actually able to exert such control, however, varied widely; attempts to organize religious groups into legally recognized and regulated bodies often produced only paper entities, obscuring a much more complex reality on the ground.³¹ Print culture was thus a key component of the rapidly evolving intellectual and cultural worlds of the Republic, and the central medium through which people participated in the public sphere. Print was one of the key areas where religious groups could establish themselves in the public sphere, and new genres such as the periodical and technologies such as mechanized movable type and lithography facilitated such strategies with unprecedented scale and speed. Publications were

 Federico Masini, The Formation of Modern Chinese Lexicon and Its Evolution Toward a National Language: The Period from 1840 to 1898 (Berkeley, CA: Project on Linguistic Analysis, University of California, 1993), 149 – 151, 222; Lu Yan, Re-understanding Japan: Chinese Perspectives, 1895 – 1945 (Honolulu: Association for Asian Studies and University of Hawai‘i Press, 2004), chapters 1 and 2; Lydia He Liu, Translingual Practice: Literature, National Culture, and Translated Modernity – China, 1900 – 1937 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1995), appendices B and C. On Japan, see Jason Ananda Josephson, The Invention of Religion in Japan (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2012).  Yoshiko Ashiwa and David Wank, “Introduction,” in Making Religion, Making the State: The Politics of Religion in Modern China, ed. Ashiwa and Wank (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2009), 6 – 9; Yoshika Ashiwa, “Positioning Religion in Modernity: State and Buddhism in China,” in Making Religion, Making the State, 45 – 47; Vincent Goossaert, “1898: The Beginning of the End for Chinese Religion?,” The Journal of Asian Studies 65, no. 2 (May, 2006): 307– 336; Vincent Goossaert and David A. Palmer, The Religious Question in Modern China (Chicago, London: The University of Chicago Press, 2011), 43 – 89.  Zhonghua minguo linshi yuefa 中華民國臨時約法 (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1916); Rebecca Nedostup, Superstitious Regimes: Religion and the Politics of Chinese Modernity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2010). On the earlier history of orthodoxy and heterodoxy, see B.J. ter Haar, The White Lotus Teachings in Chinese Religious History (Leiden, New York: E.J. Brill, 1991); J.J.M. De Groot, Sectarianism and Religious Persecution in China, a Page in the History of Religions (Amsterdam: J. Müller, 1903 – 1904).

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also important means of communication within the large and growing religious communities, as they began to organize themselves into local, regional, and national associations. *** The present volume originates from a conference panel on “Publishing Religion, Negotiating the Party-State: New Perspectives on Religion in Modern China,” held at the 2011 annual meeting of the American Academy of Religion. The word “originates” needs to be stressed, as this book does not simply reflect the panel proceedings. The panel papers by Philip Clart and Paul P. Mariani were not included in this volume as they had already been published elsewhere;³² those chapters that are based on the 2011 panel paper presentations (i. e., those by Berezkin, Katz, Lee & Chow, Mak, and Scott) have been thoroughly revised, and have in some cases undergone a shift in their thematic focus; finally, the volume has been enriched by two new chapters by authors who had not been part of the original panel (Wang and Yau). What connects this book to the 2011 conference panel is the impulse to bring together scholars working on a variety of Chinese religious traditions, and to utilize the insights generated by the above-cited general studies of late-imperial and Republican period printing, publishing, and media usage on the one hand, and the religious field on the other, to address the interaction of both through specific case-examples. This restrictive pattern obviously precludes any claim to comprehensive coverage; that, however, is not the aim of the present book, as we do not seek to construct a unified narrative or a theoretical model of the interactions of religion and media technologies. Instead we aim to counteract a modernist discourse of the decline of religion in modern China by focusing on the vibrant world of religious print culture in the late Imperial and Republican periods, to explore how religious groups made use of publishing and new print technologies, and how religious ideas and practices were transformed as a result of their engagement with modern print culture. Thus, each of the chapters that follows explores one facet of this developing relationship between religious groups and publishing in modern China. The first two chapters look at Christian efforts to publish the Bible and other religious writings as part of Christian proselytization in China. In his “The Col-

 Philip Clart, “Mediums and the New Media: The Impact of Electronic Publishing on Temple and Moral Economies in Taiwanese Popular Religion,” Journal of Sinological Studies / 漢學研究 學刊 3 (2012): 127– 141. Paul P. Mariani’s presentation was a summary of and introduction to his monograph Church Militant: Bishop Kung and Catholic Resistance in Communist Shanghai (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011).

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portage of the Protestant Bible in Late Qing and Republican China: The Example of the British and Foreign Bible Society,” George K.W. Mak looks at the role played by Chinese colporteurs in the distribution of Bibles in China, how they fit into mission strategies of book production and sales, and what the Western members of their Bible society thought of them. Although colporteurs were an essential part of Bible distribution networks in China, previously they have seldom been the subject of critical scholarly research. Mak finds that just as the Bible was a key focus of Protestant mission efforts in China, Chinese colporteurs were at the center of its distribution to potential converts. Not only were they vital links between missionaries and the Chinese mission field, they were also often the public face of Protestantism for new converts, the first Chinese Christians they might encounter. “Publishing and Theologizing Prophecy: The Seventh-day Adventists in Modern China,” by Joseph Tse-Hei Lee and Christie Chui-Shan Chow, examines the role of publication and distribution of printed materials by Seventh-day Adventists from their earliest presence in China up to the present day. For their movement, print media was an indispensable means of evangelization in a field of varied and competing denominations, all vying for the attention of the Chinese public. The institutional networks created to sustain their publishing enterprise were also an important facet of their presence in China, and helped support their conversion efforts. In both of these chapters, we see previously understudied aspects of the print culture of the China mission field come to the fore, and reveal themselves to be significant examples of religious activity. The next two chapters deal with Buddhist publications and the baojuan 寶卷 (precious scroll) genre of popular religious scriptures, respectively. In his chapter, “Navigating the Sea of Scriptures: The Buddhist Studies Collectanea, 1918 – 1924,” Gregory Adam Scott explores the landmark Buddhist book series that incorporated annotated scriptural texts, books for beginners, and a dictionary of Buddhist terms translated from the Japanese. While Chinese Buddhists in the late Qing were focused on publishing scriptures to replace those lost in the conflagration of the Taiping rebellion, Ding’s concern was rather that the Buddhist canon was too vast and complicated for most people to understand. In response, he crafted a number of publications that drew upon well-established modes of religious education but also current scholarship among Japanese Buddhists to produce a series to guide readers through the turbid “sea of scriptures.” In doing so, however, he helped shift the focus of many people’s religious engagement from one centered on personal and institutional relations toward one typified by independent, self-directed textual learning. Rostislav Berezkin, in his “Printing and Circulation of ‘Precious Scrolls’ in Early Twentieth-Century Shanghai and its Vicinity: Towards an Assessment of Multifunctionality of the Genre,”

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focuses on how new print technologies changed the organization, circulation, and impact of baojuan as they were produced by a number of publishers and bookstores. His argument is that shifts in the types of print technologies used to reproduce baojuan were accompanied by changes in their content and in the way they were used. As the number and variety of baojuan in circulation increased in the early twentieth century, their publication was partially commercialized, and they began to be used for private reading as well as public presentation and performance. These two chapters explore how the structure, construction, and reception of specific printed materials interacted with larger shifts in religious thought and practice in these two central streams of Chinese religious tradition. Several chapters in this volume examine the publication of morality books (shanshu 善書) and sectarian texts, particularly in connection with the types of popular religious groups who were newly emboldened in the changing political climate of the late Qing and Republican eras. In “The Xiantiandao and Its Publishing Activities in Guangzhou and Hong Kong from the late Qing to 1940s: The Case of the Morality Book Publisher Wenzaizi,” Yau Chi-on 遊子安 discusses how the Wenzaizi 文在茲 publisher in Guangzhou 廣州 functioned to help the Xiantiandao 先天道 movement expand into the south of China, and eventually to Hong Kong and to Chinese communities overseas. Yau’s chapter also reveals that the adoption of modern print technologies is not a necessary corollary of religious vibrancy; Wenzaizi and other printer-publishers in the Chinese Xiantiandao network continued to employ xylography, or a variation thereof in the form of cast metal type plates mounted on wooden blocks, well into the 1940s, with cottage-industry printing still being carried out by Xiantiandao temples in Singapore in the 1950s. The low capital outlay of this traditional technology probably made it well-suited for the specialized “morality bookstores” (shanshuju 善書局) whose income depended upon donations from book sponsors rather than retail sales. Modernizing conditions in the form of accelerated Chinese migration to Southeast Asia and the establishment of an efficient domestic and overseas postal service, however, still were major factors in this particular religious publishing business model. The modern distribution network built by the Shanghai publisher Mingshan shuju (see below) is mirrored on a smaller scale by the sectarian network of Xiantiandao related temples and bookstores in South China and Southeast Asia. An important publisher and bookstore active in Shanghai from 1931 to 1949, the Mingshan shuju 明善書局 (Illuminating Goodness Bookstore), is the subject of two chapters. Wang Chien-chuan 王見川, in his “Morality Book Publishing and Popular Religion in Modern China: A Discussion Centered on the Scriptural Publications and Texts of the Tongshanshe,” first places the publisher in the

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broader context of Shanghai morality book publishers, and then focuses on how it functioned as a branch of the Tongshanshe 同善社 (Fellowship of Goodness), printing morality books and scriptural texts sacred to the group. For the Tongshanshe, which had an uncertain legal status throughout the Republican period, the bookstore provided a convenient means of producing and distributing its sacred texts under the rubric of publishing morality books. Through its bookstore, the group was able to extend its influence nationally and even to Chinese communities outside the Chinese mainland, as evidenced by the section on the role played by Taiwan’s non-sectarian publisher-bookseller Lanji Bookstore 蘭記書局 in redistributing morality books published in Shanghai. The distribution network of Mingshan Books allowed it to spread the sectarian message to a broader audience than was otherwise possible, for example, for the Wenzaizi bookstore described in Yau Chi-on’s chapter, which was largely limited to locations that were part of its own sectarian network. In “Illuminating Goodness: Some Preliminary Considerations of Religious Publishing in Modern China,” Paul R. Katz approaches the topic from a different angle, focusing on the publisher’s place in the larger context of religious publishing of the time. Again, the Mingshan shuju appears as a decidedly more ambitious venture than the Wenzaizi bookstore in Guangzhou; its adoption of mechanized printing allowed for a larger output of titles, which in turn were distributed through the mail and a national network of branch stores, and advertised by means of independently circulating catalogues. This went along with a rationalization of the Mingshan shuju’s range of print products, as evidenced by the product categories in its catalogues. Each chapter thus throws light on specific aspects of the interplay among religious groups and individuals, rapid developments in print technology and publishing business models, evolving mass communication and transportation, and subtle concurrent shifts and changes in the “modalities of doing religion.” These chapters are pieces of a mosaic of religious life in modern China—a mosaic whose contours have only recently begun to emerge more clearly, as the hegemony of secularization theory with its master narrative of an inevitable decline of religion in the modern age has been weakened and scholars have taken a fresh look at religious modes of constructive engagement with modernity in twentiethcentury China. While the present volume adopts a historical perspective and focuses primarily on phenomena of the Republican period, its editors cherish the hope that it will stimulate further study of religions’ engagement with the next and still ongoing phase of technological and socio-cultural change in the Digital Age. The findings of the research presented here seem to suggest that religions will again find novel ways of utilizing and appropriating the new media—and that in the process they will be changed by them.

George Kam Wah Mak

Chapter One: The Colportage of the Protestant Bible in Late Qing China: The Example of the British and Foreign Bible Society 1. Introduction In The Bible and the Third World, R.S. Sugirtharajah commented that biblical scholarship has rarely made any serious attempt to study the circulation of the Bible and its effect on ordinary people, especially those who sold them.¹ Scholarship on the Chinese Bible testifies to Sugirtharajah’s comment. Published in 1934, The Bible in China by Marshall Broomhall (1866 – 1937) of the China Inland Mission was the first book-length work discussing Chinese Bible translation and circulation.² Its section about Chinese Bible circulation, however, is largely a hagiographic tribute to Bible sellers. Unfortunately, since then not much research has been done on the same subject. Despite relying on published primary materials, Daniel Choi’s appendix to his Chinese translation of The Bible in China ³ published in 2000 can only be regarded as an introductory text to the themes of Broomhall’s work. There is plenty of room for more in-depth, critical studies on how the Chinese Bible has been circulated since the Protestant mission to China began.

 R.S. Sugirtharajah, The Bible and the Third World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 140. In this chapter, “the Bible” refers to “the Protestant Bible.” Both terms are used interchangeably.  Daniel K.T. Choi (Cai Jintu 蔡錦圖), “Yizhe xu” 譯者序, in Marshall Broomhall, Dao zai Shenzhou: Shengjing zai Zhongguo de fanyi yu liuchuan 道在神州：聖經在中國的翻譯與流傳, trans. Daniel K.T. Choi (Hong Kong: International Bible Society, 2000), ix. The English original is Marshall Broomhall, The Bible in China (London: British and Foreign Bible Society, 1934).  Choi, “Zhongwen Shengjing de liuchuan” 中文聖經的流傳, in Broomhall, Dao zai Shenzhou, 239 – 278.

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Figure : A Chinese colporteur selling Chinese Bibles in Beijing⁴

In the late-Qing period of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the British and Foreign Bible Society (BFBS), the first Bible Society to enter China,⁵ was the largest Chinese Bible distributor.⁶ Founded in London in 1804  The Bible in the World, a Record of the Work of the British and Foreign Bible Society 1905, 333. Reproduced by permission of the Bible Society’s Library, Cambridge University Library.  According to Su Ching (Su Jing 蘇精), from 1811 to 1823 the BFBS offered grants which amounted to a total of £7,000 for Robert Morrison’s work of translating the Bible into literary Chinese and the printing and circulation of his biblical translation. Su Ching, Zhongguo, kaimen! Ma Lixun ji xiangguan renwu yanjiu 中國，開門！馬禮遜及相關人物研究 (Hong Kong: Christian Study Centre on Chinese Religion and Culture, 2005), 280. The figure provided by Su is based on the data in the BFBS’s annual reports. Jost Zetzsche suggested that the total amount was £7,439, although he did not mention how he arrived at that figure. Moreover, Zetzsche claimed that the BFBS started subsidizing Morrison’s work in 1811, whereas other sources indicate that 1812 was the year. Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China: The History of the Union Version or the Culmination of Protestant Missionaries Bible Translation in China (Nettetal: Steyler Verlag, 1999), 44 n. 103; D. MacGillivray, ed., A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807 – 1907) Being the Centenary Conference Historical Volume (Shanghai: The American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1907), 553.  In addition to the BFBS, the American Bible Society (ABS) and the National Bible Society of Scotland (NBSS) were also involved in Chinese Bible distribution. In its centenary year (1904),

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and still in existence today, the BFBS is an interdenominational Protestant organization encouraging the wider circulation of the Holy Scriptures, “without note or comment.”⁷ In addition to providing financial support to Chinese Bible translation projects, the BFBS advocated Chinese Bible circulation through its distribution network relying on colporteurs,⁸ a corps of traveling Bible sellers who carried “God’s Book from door to door and pass[ed] it from hand to hand.”⁹ Their aim was to “ensure every Chinese has a Bible in his hands.”¹⁰ The BFBS believed that “no method of circulating the Scriptures is more intimate and more effectual” than colportage.¹¹ Colporteurs were honored by the BFBS as “the noblest jewel in the crown” regarding its global enterprise.¹² Their work was regarded as “humble in appearance, but none the less far reaching in its

the BFBS’s annual circulation of Chinese Bibles exceeded a million copies for the first time. The ABS and the NBSS had yet to achieve the same. James Moulton Roe, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society 1905 – 1954 (London: the British and Foreign Bible Society, 1965), 139; MacGillivray, ed., A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807 – 1907), 573, 580. In 1937, the China Bible House was established by integrating the agencies of the ABS and the BFBS in China. Roe, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society 1905 – 1954, 354– 361.  Law I, “Laws and Regulations of the British and Foreign Bible Society,” The Ninth Report of the British and Foreign Bible Society (1813), the Archives of the British and Foreign Bible Society (hereafter abbreviated as BFBS Archives) BSA/G1/1. For the sake of brevity, BFBS Report (Year) will be used hereafter to refer to the BFBS’s annual reports. The materials from BFBS Archives are used with the permission of the Bible Society’s Library, Cambridge University Library. In the earliest version of the Law I, the phrase “without note or comment” was applicable to the King James Version only. The BFBS altered the Law I in 1811 to clarify that the phrase was indeed for all Bibles distributed by the society. In 1984, the BFBS altered its main objectives by adding the use of the Holy Scriptures to its long-standing commitment to the circulation of the Holy Scriptures. Roger Steer, “‘Without Note or Comment’: Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow,” in Sowing the Word: The Cultural Impact of the British and Foreign Bible Society 1804 – 2004, ed. Stephen Batalden, Kathleen Cann, and John Dean (Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix Press, 2004), 75.  The word “colporteur” derives from the two French words col (neck) and porter (to carry) and implies the carrying of something that is suspended from the neck or shoulder. Originally and especially in France, the word had a slightly derogatory meaning since it was used to denote a peddler or hawker. Later, “colporteur” became a word in English denoting almost exclusively to a man who is engaging himself in selling or distributing the Bible. A.M. Chirgwin, A Book in His Hand: A Manual of Colportage (London: United Bible Societies, 1954), 6.  The Word Among the Nations: A Popular Illustrated Report of the British and Foreign Bible Society for the Year MCMVIII-IX, 65, BFBS Archives BSA/G1/2.  Wen Xianli 文顯理 (G.H. Bondfield) and Ma Junfu 馬君甫, “Zhonghua shengshu yiben ji faxingkao” 中華聖書譯本及發行考, in Zhonghua Jidujiaohui nianjian 中華基督教會年鑑 1914 – 1936, vol. 1 (Taipei: Zhongguo jiaohui yanjiu zhongxin; Ganlan wenhua jijinhui, 1983), 111.  The Word Among the Nations, 65.  George Browne, The History of the British and Foreign Bible Society: From Its Institution in 1804, to the Close of Its Jubilee in 1854, vol. 1 (London: Bagster and Sons, 1859), 418.

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results.”¹³ Frequently the first Protestants encountered by their customers, BFBS colporteurs undoubtedly played a significant role in shaping Chinese perceptions of Protestantism. Inspired by Sugirtharajah’s work, this chapter explores how colportage promoted Chinese Bible circulation during the late Qing era through a case study of the BFBS. The author of this chapter is well aware of the growth of China-centered church history over recent decades.¹⁴ Nevertheless, a missionary-oriented approach is adopted in the case study, because missionary sources on the topic of this chapter are more abundant and more accessible than their Chinese counterparts. While such an approach undoubtedly limits the extent of critical appraisal of missionary and imperialist efforts, this chapter still seeks to make a significant contribution to our understanding of the history of Protestantism in late Qing China, as its findings will lay the foundation for future investigations of the Chinese responses to colportage activities as a means to introduce Protestantism to China. This chapter first examines the institution and mechanism of the BFBS’s colportage system in China. Looking into the published accounts of BFBS colporteurs in China, it analyzes BFBS colporteurs’ sales strategies and the images created by the BFBS of its Chinese colporteurs, a group of Chinese Protestants who constituted the core of the BFBS’s colportage system in China. Finally, this chapter delves into the biblical ideology underlying the BFBS’s colportage, and the discrepancy between the BFBS’s ideal and its practice.

2. The Institution and Mechanism of the BFBS’s Colportage System in China 2.1 The BFBS’s Colportage in China during the Pre-agency Era The origin of the BFBS’s colportage in China can be dated back to as early as the time of Robert Morrison (1782– 1834), since the BFBS offered grants for not only Morrison’s work of translating the Bible into literary Chinese but also the printing and circulation of his biblical translation.¹⁵ Morrison’s case was a typical ex-

 The Word Among the Nations, 83.  R.G. Tiedemann, “Introduction,” in Handbook of Christianity in China, Volume 2, 1800-present, ed. R.G. Tiedemann (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2010), xv.  MacGillivray, ed., A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807 – 1907), 553 – 554.

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ample of how the BFBS indirectly promoted Chinese Bible circulation before the establishment of its agency in Shanghai in 1863. Without any permanent staff in China, the BFBS had to rely on Protestant missionaries who received its financial support to distribute Bibles to the Chinese on its behalf. Colportage was conducted by missionaries themselves depending on their work agendas, while, if possible, they would hire native converts to be colporteurs. Upon the missionaries’ requests, the BFBS occasionally supplied printed copies of the Chinese Bible to them for distribution.¹⁶ The BFBS also explored the possibility of carrying out colportage work in China under its direct command. Encouraged by the results of Karl Gützlaff (1803 – 1851), W.H. Medhurst (1796 – 1857), and Edwin Stevens’ (1802– 1837) coastal voyages of Bible distribution during 1831 and 1835, the BFBS appointed George T. Lay (ca. 1800 – 1845) in 1836 as its first agent to China, even though the Qing imperial edict prohibiting the distribution of Christian literature was still in force. Lay obtained 9,928 volumes of Bibles, Testaments, and single Gospels in Malacca to distribute in China through coastal voyages. The mission was not successful, since the only available ships at that time were in some degree engaged in the opium traffic, and as a BFBS agent, Lay was prohibited from being connected with the trade. He finally returned to England in 1839, after three years of endeavoring to complete his work with slim prospects.¹⁷ In spite of this early setback, the BFBS established local corresponding committees in Shanghai 上海 in 1849, Hong Kong (Xianggang) 香港 in 1854, Guangzhou 廣州 in 1855, and Tianjin 天津 and Beijing 北京 in 1861.¹⁸ Functioning as

 For example, in 1845 the BFBS published an edition of Morrison’s translation of Luke and Acts slightly revised by William Charles Milne (1815 – 1863). It furnished 1000 copies of this edition to the London Mission Society and 500 copies to the Church Missionary Society. BFBS Report 1846, xcix. Until its fiftieth anniversary in 1854, the BFBS had offered £830 to cover the expense of the Bibles distributed by individual correspondents and missionaries. Missionaries from the London Missionary Society had even received a grant of £2972 for preparing and producing Chinese Bibles. William Canton, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, vol. 1 (London: John Murray, 1904– 1910), 403 – 404. In the third volume of his history of the BFBS, Canton mentioned that it was in 1857 for the first time that Chinese Christians were sent out alone on a tour of some hundreds of miles to distribute Bibles. This contradicts his claim in the second volume that Chinese Protestants who belonged to Karl Gützlaff’s Chinese Union had already conducted colportage tours alone in the late 1840s. Canton, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, vol. 1, 402, vol. 3, 436.  MacGillivray, ed., A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807 – 1907), 555; BFBS Report 1836, lxiii-lxiv; Canton, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, vol. 2, 391– 393.  MacGillivray, ed., A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807 – 1907), 557. Canton gave different dates of the formation of Hong Kong and Guangzhou Corresponding Committees, suggesting that the dates should be 1855 and 1856 respectively. Canton, A History of the British

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liaison and advisory bodies concerning the BFBS’s work in China, these local corresponding committees included missionaries from different denominations and helped administer the BFBS’s colportage work. In addition to distributing Chinese Bibles to the Protestant missions that had purchased them from the BFBS, the local corresponding committees used the BFBS’s grants to print copies of Chinese Bibles and employ Chinese colporteurs to work under their command on behalf of the BFBS.¹⁹ The following extract of a letter from William Muirhead (1822– 1900), a London Missionary Society missionary stationed in Shanghai, to the BFBS gives us some idea of how the BFBS’s colportage operated under the direction of local corresponding committees: Meanwhile, four native Colporteurs have been employed for the past six weeks, in connection with the Committee [i. e. the BFBS Shanghai Corresponding Committee]. They have been engaged inside and outside the neighbouring city, visiting the different shops and places of concourse, specially under my own superintendence. Their journals are revised, and I meet them several times a week for prayer, reading of the Scriptures, and conversation about their work. As occasion offers, I accompany them with a view to encourage and direct them how to act.²⁰

Chinese Protestants were recruited as colporteurs and sent to distribute Chinese Bibles according to their missionaries’ assigned routes. The period of service was irregular, ranging from a few weeks to one year. Besides roaming the streets in towns and cities for Bible distribution, Chinese colporteurs were usually commissioned to make colportage trips to inland districts, where missionaries were only allowed after the conclusion of the Second Opium War (1856 – 1860). They were sometimes asked to retrace the routes of missionaries’ previous trips and distribute Bibles where missionaries had previously preached. They also accompanied missionaries on trips for the same purpose, and in this way missionaries worked as colporteurs themselves. Besides giving moral and spiritual support, as Muirhead mentioned, missionaries at times provided guidance on colportage work to their colporteurs and were responsible for compiling colportage reports based on the colporteurs’ journals. After receiving such reports, the local corresponding

and Foreign Bible Society, vol. 3, 439. By 1892 five more corresponding committees were set up in Taiyuan 太原, Fuzhou 福州, Xiamen 廈門, Shantou 汕頭, and Taiwan 台灣. G.H. Bondfield, “Notes on the Position & Work of the B. & F. Bible Society in China,” BFBS Archives BSA/D8/4/5/ 1/1.  BFBS Report 1860, 127– 128. For example, the BFBS voted to transfer a total of £1125 to its Shanghai Corresponding Committee during its first five years of operation. Canton, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, vol. 2, 403.  BFBS Report 1863, 179.

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committees generated annual reports of colportage in their regions, which were then submitted to the BFBS’s headquarters in London.²¹ The BFBS’s colportage in China during the pre-agency era was not a great success. Up to the end of 1853, the BFBS had only printed a total of 135,135 Chinese Bibles, Testaments, and portions of scriptural texts.²² During the following decade, the BFBS’s annual circulation in China was on average some 30,000 copies.²³ The ineffectiveness of the BFBS’s colportage once resulted in the stockpiling of nearly 200,000 volumes in Shanghai before Alexander Wylie (1815 – 1887) was appointed the BFBS’s agent in China in 1863.²⁴ The number of Chinese Bibles distributed within China during the pre-agency era might have been less than the estimates claimed, as many Chinese Bibles were in fact distributed to Chinese communities in South East Asia. Indeed, before Emperor Daoguang 道光 issued an edict in 1844 of toleration for the “religion of the Lord of Heaven,”²⁵ the Qing government’s prohibition on Christianity had created an unfavorable political condition for colportage in China. This point is well illustrated by the case of Liang A-fa (Liang Fa) 梁發 (1789 – 1855), who was ordained by Robert Morrison as the first Chinese Protestant minister. In 1834, the BFBS offered Liang a grant at his request for printing and distributing 5,000 copies each of Psalms, Matthew, Acts, Philippians, Thessalonians, and Romans in literary Chinese. This was the first BFBS colportage activity in China initiated and conducted by the Chinese. While some of the materials were successfully printed and distributed, the Qing government put Liang under arrest for attempting to spread Christianity. Liang had to take refuge first in Macau 澳門 and finally fled to Malacca with his family.²⁶ Colportage was also  BFBS Report 1863, 179 – 182.  Canton, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, vol. 2, 470.  Canton, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, vol. 3, 436; MacGillivray, ed., A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807 – 1907), 558.  Canton, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, vol. 3, 436.  In the edict, the “religion of the Lord of Heaven” referred to Catholicism. In 1845, the Qing government agreed that the “religion of the Lord of Heaven” included Protestantism, thanks to Qiying’s 耆英 interpretation in his communications to Paul S. Forbes, United States Consul in Canton, and John Francis Davis, British Plenipotentiary and Chief Superintendent of Trade in China. Wen Qing 文慶, Jia Zhen 賈楨, Bao Jun 寶鋆, et al., eds., Chouban yiwu shimo 籌辦夷務始 末, vol. 3 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1995), 114; Wang Qingcheng 王慶成, “Qingdai xijiao zaihua zhi huanjing: Kang Yong Qian Dao Xian chao ruogan xijian wenxian kaoshi” 清代 西教在華之環境：康雍乾道咸朝若干稀見文獻考釋, Lishi yanjiu 歷史研究 6 (1997): 46 – 47; The Chinese Repository 14, no. 12 (December 1845): 587– 589.  George Hunter McNeur, China’s First Preacher: Liang A-Fa, 1789 – 1855 (Shanghai: Kwang Hsueh Publishing House; Oxford University Press, China Agency, [1934]), 72– 74, 84; BFBS Report 1836, lxi; “British and Foreign Bible Society,” in MacGillivray, ed., A Century of Protestant Mis-

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limited by the Qing government’s seclusion policy towards foreign powers, which severely curtailed Protestant missionaries’ mobility within China. Despite the aforementioned Emperor Daoguang’s edict, the Qing government had not legalized missionary activities in inland areas until 1858, when the Treaties of Tianjin were signed. Before that Protestant missionaries were confined to treaty ports, Hong Kong, and Macau, where they were subject to the hostility of their Catholic counterparts.²⁷ Moreover, the BFBS faced shortages of both missionaries to serve as colportage organizers, and Chinese Protestants to work as colporteurs. When Liang conducted his colportage, less than ten Protestant missionaries were stationed within the Qing Empire, including the then critically-ill Robert Morrison.²⁸ At the beginning of the 1850s, the number increased to seventy-three, of which American missionaries constituted the majority.²⁹ However, as Su Ching (Su Jing 蘇 精) argues, since during the translation of the Delegates’ Version in the 1840s British and American missionaries were split on the question of translating the term “God” as Shangdi 上帝 or as Shen 神, American missionaries in China were naturally reluctant to assist in distributing the BFBS-sponsored Delegates’ Version. ³⁰ Su’s argument is supported by the fact that no accounts on colportage work organized by American missionaries were found in the BFBS’s annual reports from the late 1850s to 1863.³¹ Indeed, throughout the second half of the nineteenth century, national preference among Protestant missionaries remained an important criterion for choosing which Bible society to be their

sions in China (1807 – 1907), 555 – 556. Although MacGillivray did not mention who wrote the article, according to the 1907 issue of The Bible in the World, a publication of the BFBS giving accounts of its overseas work, the author should be the then BFBS’s agent in China, G.H. Bondfield. The Bible in the World 1907, 320, BFBS Archives BSA/G1/3.  To explore more opportunities for colportage, however, some Protestant missionaries visited inland areas illegally with native colporteurs. In the late 1840s, for example, it was reported that a native colporteur traveled with some missionaries from Shanghai as far as 150 miles inland. They claimed to have encountered no obstruction and were encouraged by the willingness of the Chinese to receive the Bible. Canton, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, vol. 2, 401.  “A List of Missionaries to China (1807– 1843),” in MacGillivray, ed., A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807 – 1907), Appendix II, 2– 3.  “List of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, with the present position of those now among them,” The Chinese Repository 20, nos. 8 – 12 (August to December 1851): 513 – 545.  Su Ching, Shangdi de renma: shijiu shiji zaihua chuanjiaoshi de zuowei 上帝的人馬：十九世 紀在華傳教士的作為 (Hong Kong: Christian Study Centre on Chinese Religion and Culture, 2006), 218 – 219.  For example, the BFBS’s report in 1860 on the colportage work in China focused exclusively on those initiated by British missionaries, except for one organized by German missionaries in Southern China. BFBS Report 1860, 125 – 131.

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Bible supplier.³² The small population of Chinese Protestants also posed a problem, as by the mid-nineteenth century Protestant missionaries had only converted a handful of Chinese. Throughout his time in China, Morrison only baptized four Chinese converts.³³ Although his successors’ endeavors led to a growth in the number of communicants to 350 in 1853 and about 2,500 in 1863,³⁴ the number of Chinese Protestants was still very small compared with the huge population of the Qing Empire, which then stood at about 350 to 400 million.³⁵ Lastly, during the pre-agency era the BFBS usually distributed Bibles written in literary Chinese, which negatively affected the effectiveness of colportage, since most of the Chinese at that time were illiterate. Improvements were made after the Nanking Version (1856/1857), the first Protestant New Testament written in Mandarin, began to be distributed on a large scale, because when read aloud, a Mandarin Bible could be understood by an illiterate audience. For preachers, a Mandarin Bible saved them from the trouble of doing onsight translation, which involved converting the formal, literary Chinese of the printed Bible into the spoken language.³⁶ In addition, starting in the 1850s small editions of scriptural texts written in local dialects were, from time to time, printed upon missionaries’ request.³⁷

 As Eric M. North of the ABS pointed out, for instance, during the last decade of the nineteenth century, “the missionaries to whom the Society [i. e. the ABS] was so related were of all the American missions and a few other missions. (The BFBS and the NBSS also at work served the missionaries of their nationality and some others.)” Eric M. North, “ABS Historical Essay #15, Part V-F-2. Distribution Abroad 1861– 1900. China,” 42, American Bible Society Archives. Materials from the American Bible Society Archives are used with the permission of the American Bible Society Library and Archives, New York.  For the biographical sketches of these Chinese Protestants, see Su, Zhongguo, kaimen!, xiii.  “Growth of Mission Work in China,” Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7 – 20, 1890 (Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1890), 735; MacGillivray, ed., A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807 – 1907), 558.  “Growth of Mission Work in China,” Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7 – 20, 1890, 735; MacGillivray, ed., A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807 – 1907), 558; John Bowring, “The Population of China. A Letter Addressed to the Registrar-General, London,” Journal of the Statistical Society of London 20 (1857): 41.  Although the term “Nanking Version” has never been the version’s official name, I follow Jost Zetzsche’s practice for reasons of clarity. Zetzsche, The Bible in China, 143 n. 26.  Several local dialect versions had come out before the Nanking Version, such as John in Amoy (1852), Genesis in Shanghainese (1854), and the New Testament in the Fuzhou dialect (1856). “Table of Dialects and Vernacular Versions of Scripture,” Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7 – 20, 1890, 706; Hubert W.

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2.2 The Systematization of the BFBS’s Colportage Work in China In the early 1860s, the BFBS believed that the situation of China would soon become more favourable for the reception of the Bible, since the Treaties of Tianjin in 1858 and the Convention of Peking (Beijing) in 1860 gave missionaries the right to conduct missionary work and build churches inland respectively. Moreover, the huge fund raised in Britain through the “Million Testaments for China” scheme in the 1850s provided ample resources for the expansion of the BFBS’s work in China,³⁸ making the BFBS “naturally anxious to find adequate means for expending those funds in a way which may best subserve the wishes of the benevolent Contributors.”³⁹ In 1863 the BFBS established its permanent agency in Shanghai and appointed Alexander Wylie as its full-time agent in China, “who shall traverse the country, wherever accessible, with a view of organizing a system of extensive Colportage, and initiating such other practicable schemes, as shall conduce to the circulation of the Scriptures on a far larger scale than has hitherto been attained.”⁴⁰ As indicated in Wylie’s appointment letter, the BFBS maintained a positive outlook regarding its prospects in China:

Spillett, A Catalogue of Scriptures in the Languages of China and the Republic of China (London: British and Foreign Bible Society, 1975), 122.  Initiated in 1853, the Million Testaments for China scheme aimed at printing one million Chinese-language New Testaments of the Delegates’ Version and distributing them among the Chinese, since the BFBS believed that the outlook of the Taiping Rebellion seemed to be favourably disposed to Protestantism and would make the rapid evangelization of China a very real possibility. The scheme had an impressive beginning, as by the end of February 1854, the BFBS had already received enough donations for printing 1.1 million Chinese New Testaments. As recommended by the BFBS Shanghai Corresponding Committee in November 1853, 250,000 New Testaments of the Delegates’ Version were to be printed first. The printing was expected to begin in early 1854 and to be completed in eighteen months. According to Su Ching’s investigation, however, only 125,000 copies were printed, as the Anglo-Chinese College and the Anglican Bishop of Victoria in Hong Kong failed to complete their parts of the printing. The scheme was not successful, owing to the difficulties encountered in Bible production and distribution, together with the downfall of the Taiping Rebellion. Nevertheless, the BFBS continuously received donations for the scheme until 1870. The total donations received for the scheme amounted to £52,368, which provided for the BFBS’s entire expenditure in China for twenty years (1854– 1874). Canton, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, vol. 2, 449, vol. 3, 434; MacGillivray, ed., A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807 – 1907), 557– 558; Su, Shangdi de renma, 203 – 222.  “Instructions to Mr. A. Wylie Proceeding as Agent of the Society to China,” BFBS Archives BSA/F3/Wylie/4.  BFBS Report 1863, 177. Wylie served from 1863 to 1877.

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The country in which you are to labour is one towards which the interest and sympathy of British Christians have been powerfully drawn. When the magnitude of China is considered together with the almost incalculable extent of its population–the facilities of access to so many parts of the empire, the disposition so widely apparent to receive the Scriptures, and the increasing range of Missionary operation, there is no land which presents such claims to vigorous action on the part of Christians to diffuse among its degraded millions the enlightening and saving truths of the Inspired Volume.

Heralding the establishment of its permanent agency in China, the BFBS’s annual report published in 1863 included uplifting comments such as “the stiff and ignorant prejudices of those in authority, so often experienced in former periods, are gradually yielding to the softening influence of foreign intercourse” and “personal safety is rarely or ever endangered in penetrating the interior of the country.”⁴¹ Unfortunately, these comments would be proved to be over-optimistic just three years later, when Samuel Johnson (d. 1866), the first BFBS European colporteur in China, was killed in Anhui 安徽 during his colportage journey, an incident that required the intervention of the British consuls and ministers at that time, such as W.H. Medhurst Jr. (1822– 1885) and Thomas Wade (1818 – 1895), in dealing with the Qing government.⁴² To establish a system of extensive colportage under his superintendence,⁴³ one of the steps taken by Wylie was the recruitment of European colporteurs. Besides conducting personal colportage journeys, they were entrusted to supervise and travel with Chinese colporteurs. However, in the first year of his service Wylie was only able to recruit one European, and for the whole of Wylie’s tenure, only five European colporteurs served his agency. Except for J. Mollmann (d. 1890), none of them worked for more than four years. Wylie’s European colporteurs appear to have also worked under the local corresponding committees. In his report on the BFBS’s colportage in China in 1874 Wylie stated that Mollmann worked “under Shanghae & Fuchow [Fuzhou 福州]” local corresponding committees.⁴⁴ The short periods of service of European colporteurs also haunted Wylie’s successor, Samuel Dyer Jr. (1833 – 1898), who served from 1877 to 1895. The rank of European colporteurs was terminated altogether in 1895 and superseded by the rank of sub-agents, who were the BFBS’s representatives in a given

 BFBS Report 1863, 176.  Letter from A. Wylie to S.B. Bergne, 3rd May 1873, BFBS Archives BSA/D1/7/146; BFBS Report 1869, 234– 237; Canton, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, vol. 3, 444.  As Wylie’s appointment letter stated, “…so far as it can be done, you will exercise a personal superintendence in reference to Colportage operations.” “Instructions to Mr. A. Wylie Proceeding as Agent of the Society to China.”  Letter from A. Wylie to S.B. Bergne, 11th February 1875, BFBS Archives BSA/D1/7/146.

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region of China. They mainly assisted the BFBS’s agent in China in managing colportage within their regions, but sometimes personally traveled with the Chinese colporteurs too.⁴⁵ Several factors explain the difficulty of recruiting European Protestants as colporteurs in China. First of all, Europeans at that time had difficulty adapting to the climate in China, which made colportage work physically exhausting to them. For example, in 1874, both of Wylie’s only European colporteurs fell ill, and one of them eventually had to leave China due to illness.⁴⁶ Johnson’s death reminded prospective colporteurs that the position might cost them their life, as anti-Christian riots broke out in various parts of China from the 1860s to the 1890s, which partly explained why Mollmann was the only BFBS European colporteur in China from 1875 to 1880.⁴⁷ Moreover, the salary of a BFBS European colporteur was not very attractive. The salary of £120 per annum in the late 1880s was comparable to that of a craftsman in the building industry in England.⁴⁸ It seemed that not many European Protestants would be interested in working as colporteurs in China, unless they had great evangelical zeal. Protestant missionaries thus remained an integral part of the BFBS’s colportage system in China. The BFBS understood that their help in employing and overseeing Chinese colporteurs was still frequently needed.⁴⁹ Soliciting help from missionaries was a pragmatic and cost-effective approach, as the number of Prot-

 MacGillivray, ed., A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807 – 1907), 562, 566.  Letter from A. Wylie to Charles Finch, 15th August 1874, BFBS Archives BSA/D1/7/146.  MacGillivray, ed., A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807 – 1907), 566. Some Catholic and Protestant missionaries made use of their favoured legal position granted by unequal treaties to intervene on behalf of Chinese Christians in local legal conflicts with their nonChristian neighbors. Being discontented with foreign missionaries encroaching on their power and influence, some literati and even high-ranking officials wrote anti-Christian tracts and started to circulate them in the early 1860s. These tracts often demonized Christianity as seditious and unorthodox. They, together with the aftermath of the Taiping Rebellion, contributed to anti-Christian riots in China from the 1860s to the 1890s. For details, see Lu Shih-chiang (Lü Shiqiang 呂實強), Zhongguo guanshen fanjiao de yuanyin (1860 – 1874) 中國官紳反教的原因 (一 八六〇－一八七四) (Taipei: Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica, 1966); Lu Shihchiang, “Zhou Han fanjiao an 周漢反教案 (1890 – 1898),” Bulletin of the Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica 2 (1971); Paul A. Cohen, China and Christianity: The Missionary Movement and the Growth of Chinese Antiforeignism 1860 – 1870 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1963).  “Replies of the Agents in China to the Questions of the Committee,” BFBS Archives BSA/D8/ 4/5/1/1. The comparison is based on the information provided by the online currency converter of the National Archives, United Kingdom, .  “Instructions to Mr. A. Wylie Proceeding as Agent of the Society to China.”

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estant missionaries in China continued to rise from about 124 in 1867 to 3,445 in 1907, whereas in 1905 there were only twenty-five BFBS European staff members in China, and even this small number was the result of an expansion.⁵⁰ Missionaries’ volunteering enabled the BFBS to maintain a small full-time staff in China. In 1879, the BFBS entered into an agreement with the China Inland Mission by which some of its missionaries “should combine the duties of colportage with those of their own special work.”⁵¹ At the turn of the twentieth century, already half of the missionary societies in China were providing direction to BFBS Chinese colporteurs.⁵² G.H. Bondfield (1855 – 1925), who was the BFBS’s agent in China from 1895 to 1923, even introduced a subsidy scheme which helped missionaries to employ evangelist-colporteurs, bringing “substantial relief to the Mission treasury.”⁵³ Missionaries were also invited to help manage Bible depots for the BFBS. For example, before joining the BFBS as its agent, Bondfield had assisted as a London Missionary Society missionary in managing the BFBS’s Bible depot in Hong Kong.⁵⁴ On the other hand, the function of BFBS local corresponding committees in China gradually shifted to become merely advisory as a result of the development of the BFBS’s agency in China.⁵⁵ Given the agency’s insufficient manpower during its nascent period, these committees had shared with the agency the organizing and overseeing work of the BFBS’s colportage in China. In 1874, for instance, there were twenty-one Chinese colporteurs fully or partially employed by the BFBS in China. All but three worked under local corresponding committees.⁵⁶ However, as the agency was set up with the intention of serving a similar function as these committees with regard to colportage, the problem of duplication and overlap drew the attention of Bondfield, during whose tenure executive

 MacGillivray, ed., A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807 – 1907), Appendix II 1; Records: China Centenary Missionary Conference Held at Shanghai, April 25 to May 8, 1907 (Shanghai: Centenary Conference Committee, 1907), 770.  MacGillivray, ed., A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807 – 1907), 560.  Canton, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, vol. 5, 176.  BFBS Report 1907, 254, 259.  Minutes of BFBS China Sub-Committee, 11th June 1894, BFBS Archives BSA/C1/2/3. During his final years in the BFBS, the title of Bondfield’s position was changed to “General Secretary for China.” In the BFBS’s publications, Bondfield and his successors were sometimes simply called the BFBS’s secretary in China. BFBS Report 1919, 180; The Bible in the World 1927, 59, BFBS Archives BSA/G1/3; Roe, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society 1905 – 1954, 337– 338.  MacGillivray, ed., A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807 – 1907), 562.  Letter from A. Wylie to S.B. Bergne, 11th February 1875.

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power on matters of colportage was centralized to the BFBS’s agent in China.⁵⁷ As sub-agents were allocated in provincial cities of importance, these committees gradually ceased to direct the policy or methods of colportage work. Greatly outnumbering their European counterparts, Chinese colporteurs came to constitute the main part of the BFBS’s colportage system in China. Yet there were not many Chinese colporteurs working under the command of the BFBS’s agency in China at the beginning. Only about five were recruited when Wylie started his service.⁵⁸ Gradually expanding in size, however, the BFBS’s Chinese colporteur team finally became the largest group of colporteurs in the BFBS’s global enterprise in the late 1880s. The average number of full-time BFBS Chinese colporteurs increased from about 20 in 1875 to 102 in 1889.⁵⁹ They maintained the leading position in the following years, as the annual average number of full-time BFBS Chinese colporteurs reached about 250 to 300 in the first decade of the twentieth century.⁶⁰ In spite of this, the BFBS China Agency was at its heart a foreign-dominated structure throughout its history. There were no Chinese serving at a managerial level during the late Qing period. Moreover, there was a considerable discrepancy between the salaries of Chinese colporteurs and those of their European counterparts. In the late 1880s, for example, while a European colporteur could receive £120 per annum, the salary of a Chinese colporteur was set at £8.8s to £14.14s per annum according to experience and ability.⁶¹ The BFBS’s treatment of its Chinese colporteurs was hardly commensurable with their toil and the important role they played in the organization, showing that the BFBS, like many

 Shortly before assuming his office as the BFBS’s agent in China, Bondfield already suggested that the BFBS’s local committee in Shanghai “should not be called upon to discuss the affairs of other committees, neither should it be allowed to direct the policy or methods of the Society.” “Notes on the Position & Work of the B. & F. Bible Society in China,” Letter from G.H. Bondfield to the China Sub-Committee of the B. & F. Bible Society, 2nd November 1894, BFBS Archives BSA/ D8/4/5/1/1.  Canton, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, vol. 3, 441.  Letter from A. Wylie to C. Jackson, 23rd February 1876, BFBS Archives BSA/D1/7/146. In 1889, China ranked first with India and Ceylon on the list of “Average Number of Colporteurs at Work.” BFBS Report 1890, 420. “Average Number of Colporteurs at Work” refers to the number of full-time colporteurs on average. Among the Chinese colporteurs employed by the BFBS, there were some who worked on a part-time basis or only for a short period of time.  Canton, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, vol. 5, 176; BFBS Report 1907, 258; BFBS Report 1908, 292. According to the BFBS, in 1908 “more than half of the Bible Society’s colporteurs are brown men in India or yellow men in China.” The Word Among the Nations, 79.  “Replies of the Agents in China to the Questions of the Committee.”

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other missionary organizations in the nineteenth century, was reluctant to promote or adequately remunerate native converts.⁶² It is noteworthy that BFBS Chinese colporteurs were all male. Female BFBS Bible sellers did exist but were called “Biblewomen.” However, the term “Biblewomen” should be understood as a term with a dual meaning in the context of Chinese Protestantism. In the mission church setting, the term “Biblewomen” was often used as a synonym for female evangelists whose work was very wide in scope, including house-to-house visiting, teaching Sunday schools, supervising younger volunteers, visiting the sick, and taking long country journeys both with missionaries and independently.⁶³ The term “Biblewomen” describes the work of female BFBS Bible sellers more accurately, as they specialized in reading the Bible to other women, teaching them to read the Bible by themselves, giving explanations necessary to understand the meaning of the Bible, and promoting Bible circulation among those they visited. BFBS Biblewomen were not allowed to be engaged in teaching catechisms and hymns, or in preaching or teaching the doctrine as the Biblewomen in church did.⁶⁴ The BFBS’s idea of recruiting its Biblewomen among the so-called “Oriental peoples,” including the Chinese, was inspired by the situation it faced in India. There, women were often of low social status or lived in social seclusion. Contacts with men other than their husbands were deemed inappropriate according to social convention. Biblewomen could thus do what male colporteurs could not in this context. The BFBS started recruiting female Chinese Protestants to be Biblewomen in 1885.⁶⁵ Despite functioning as a unique channel of distributing Chinese Bibles, they formed only an auxiliary part of the BFBS’s colportage system in China. For instance, the annual average number of BFBS Chinese Biblewomen

 Susan Thorne even argues that such reluctance actually increased, rather than diminished, as the century wore on. Susan Thorne, “Religion and Empire at Home,” in At Home with the Empire: Metropolitan Culture and the Imperial World, ed. Catherine Hall and Sonya O. Rose (Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 159.  Ella C. Shaw, “The Work of Bible Women in China,” China Mission Year Book 6 (1915): 344, cited in Kwok Pui-lan, “Chinese Women and Protestant Christianity at the Turn of the Twentieth Century,” in Christianity in China: From the Eighteenth Century to the Present, ed. Daniel H. Bays (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 202– 203.  British and Foreign Bible Society. Report of the China Agency for the year ending December 31st, 1898, 106, BFBS Archives. For the sake of brevity, BFBS China Agency Report (Year) will be used hereafter to refer to the annual reports of the BFBS’s agency in China; G.H. Bondfield, “Grants for Biblewomen,” June 1904, in Dr Ritson’s Black Books vol. 33, BFBS Archives BSA/D2/14/33.  MacGillivray, ed., A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807 – 1907), 563; Canton, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, vol. 5, 85 – 86.

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was about thirty from the late 1890s to the 1910s.⁶⁶ Their sales were not impressive; even the best record made in 1917 was only 8,325 volumes of the Chinese Bible, New Testament, and portions of Scripture.⁶⁷ The BFBS nevertheless did not judge a Biblewoman’s work by her sales, since “her sphere is the home rather than the street, and her time is occupied in imparting a knowledge of the Scriptures rather than in selling them.”⁶⁸ The notable value of BFBS Chinese Biblewomen was their role as Bible readers and as teachers of Chinese women, people who were inaccessible to male colporteurs. In the 1910s, on average, they read the Chinese Bible to more than 3,000 Chinese women per month, and with their help about 185 Chinese women annually learnt or were learning to read the Bible.⁶⁹ The replacement of the practice of free Bible distribution with that of selling low-priced Bibles was another far-reaching measure of the BFBS’s China agency. It was believed that Chinese Bible purchasers would be more likely to value what they had paid for, whereas misuse would more frequently be the result if Chinese Bibles were distributed free of charge.⁷⁰ Although Wylie is often said to have initiated the practice of selling low-priced Bibles, the BFBS had indeed contemplated introducing it to China before he was appointed as the BFBS’s agent. In 1857, Muirhead, who had succeeded Medhurst as secretary of the BFBS Shanghai Corresponding Committee, already ventured to depart from the custom of free distribution.⁷¹ The BFBS shared Muirhead’s view and in 1863 instructed Wylie that: The principle hitherto adopted in the distribution of the Scriptures in China has been to disperse the copies gratuitously to all who are willing to accept them. The Committee are quite ready to admit that this probably was the only plan on which the work could have been done to any extent, and they will not object to the continuance of the same course, if it is deemed to be the most feasible and efficient, but it may form matter for consideration whether the time may not soon arrive when the principle of sale at a very low price should be attempted at least experimentally. If separate Gospels or Epistles are still given away freely, might not an effort be made to obtain some return for a complete Bible or New Testament.⁷²

 “Bible Women,” BFBS China Agency Report 1898 – 1919.  “Bible Women,” BFBS China Agency Report 1898 – 1924.  BFBS Report 1908, 292.  “Bible Women,” BFBS China Agency Report 1910 – 1919.  Samuel Dyer, “Bible Distribution-Its Method and Results,” Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7 – 20, 1890, 118.  Canton, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, vol. 3, 436.  “Instructions to Mr. A. Wylie Proceeding as Agent of the Society to China.”

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Thus while selling low-priced Bibles was Wylie’s personal preference, it was also his duty to wait for the proper time before implementing it. Regardless, Wylie ought to be credited for the successful implementation of this new practice, even though it was not until 1876, one year before his departure for England and subsequent retirement, that the practice of free Bible distribution was wholly abandoned. The delay was because the old practice had been the rule for so many years in southern provinces like Guangdong.⁷³ Free Bibles were still given away in some circumstances, such as in missionary work in prisons and schools, in giving gifts to officials, or to replace a church’s Bibles that had been destroyed by floods or riots. Before its abolition in 1905, the imperial civil service examination (keju 科舉) was one of the most important occasions for free Bible distribution, since the BFBS believed that that was the time when “the most influential section of the nation can be reached, as in no other way.”⁷⁴ As Muirhead explained, the candidates were thought as “the most appropriate class” in China to whom Bibles should be distributed, as they could “most readily understand it” and “may exert an influence over the scholars under their care, and in the communities around them.”⁷⁵ Jost Zetzsche has argued that in the nineteenth century Chinese Protestants were mostly given Bibles by the missionaries of their respective mission stations instead of choosing them themselves.⁷⁶ This argument does not describe the situation following the late 1870s, when the “principle of sale at a very low price” was successfully put into practice. For instance, in the 1870s, a single Gospel was sold for just 6 copper cash, while a copy of Sanzi jing 三字經 (Three-character Classic) could cost 7.5 cash.⁷⁷ In the mid-1900s, the BFBS was selling a New Testament at about 44 to 70 cash (1.25 – 2 pence) and a single Gospel at 7 cash (ca. 0.25 pence) to about 17.5 cash (0.5 pence), when a coolie’s wages in most of the provinces were around 210 to 245 cash per day. A well-bound complete

 Canton, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, vol. 3, 441; BFBS Report 1869, 246.  BFBS Report 1860, 126 – 127; BFBS Report 1907, 259; BFBS Report 1908, 293; The Conquests of the Bible: A Popular Illustrated Report of the British and Foreign Bible Society for the Year 1902 – 3, 81, BFBS Archives BSA/G1/2; Seed Corn for the World: A Popular Illustrated Report of the British and Foreign Bible Society for the Year 1904 – 5, 72, BFBS Archives BSA/G1/2.  BFBS Report 1860, 126. The Welsh Baptist missionary Timothy Richard (1845 – 1919) was among the pioneers of targeting the educated and religiously-active in China for missionary work. See Andrew T. Kaiser, “Encountering China: The Evolution of Timothy Richard’s Missionary Thought, 1870 – 1891” (PhD diss., University of Edinburgh, 2014).  Zetzsche, The Bible in China, 107 n. 142.  Letter from Hudson Taylor to S.B. Bergne, 15th April 1874, BFBS Archives BSA/D1/7/146; Cynthia J. Brokaw, Commerce in Culture: The Sibao Book Trade in the Qing and Republican Periods (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2007), 516.

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Bible was sold for around 210 cash, while a well-bound Chinese book which was as thick as the complete Bible at that time would be considered cheap if it was sold at 3 shillings 6 pence, i. e., more than 1 tael.⁷⁸ These low prices for Chinese Bibles were described in R.H. Mathews’s Kuoyü Primer vividly with a Chinese idiom bansong banmai 半送半賣 ([the Bible is so cheap that] it can be seen as a gift even though it is being sold).⁷⁹ In defending such a practice, Dyer commented that “[t]he poverty of the people in most cases can scarcely be so great that they are unable to afford the five to eight cash for a Gospel, especially so where money is spent day by day on things unnecessary.”⁸⁰ As the BFBS’s colportage system in China was steadily developed, the colportage sales of Chinese Bibles expanded greatly, making China the largest market in the BFBS’s global enterprise of colportage from the 1880s. For example, in 1875 only about 30,000 copies were sold through the BFBS’s colportage in China, but after a decade that number had increased to more than 206,000.⁸¹ Although colportage work was seriously impacted by the Boxer Rebellion, it rebounded afterwards. In the first few years of the twentieth century, BFBS sub-agents, native colporteurs, and cooperating missionaries in China distributed more than 900,000 copies of the Chinese Bible annually, a number that includes various editions of the whole Bible, the New Testament, the Old Testament, and portions thereof. This number exceeded one million in 1907 and increased to over three million in 1919.⁸²

3. Colporteurs’ Sales Strategies BFBS Chinese colporteurs employed a variety of strategies to maximize the effectiveness of their work. This was not only a result of their religious zeal, but was

 Letter from Hudson Taylor to S.B. Bergne, 15th April 1874; The Bible in the World 1905, 269 – 270, BFBS Archives BSA/G1/3; BFBS Report 1907, 258; Brokaw, Commerce in Culture, 516. In 1906, one Haikwan (Haiguan) 海關 tael was equal to 3 shillings 3.5 pence (i. e. 39.5 pence). Hsiao Liang-lin, China’s Foreign Trade Statistics, 1864 – 1949 (Cambridge, MA: East Asian Research Center, Harvard University, 1974), 191. The publication of cheap Chinese Bibles was heavily subsidized by the BFBS. For example, a single Gospel sold at 7 cash in the mid-1900s was claimed to cost more than 50 cash to produce. The Bible in the World 1905, 269 – 270.  “Reading Lesson, (Vocabulary 19) Seeing the Sights,” in R.H. Mathews, Kuoyü Primer: Progressive Studies in the Chinese National Language (Shanghai: China Inland Mission, 1938), 294.  Dyer, “Bible Distribution-Its Method and Results,” 118.  Letter from A. Wylie to C. Jackson, 17th February 1876, BFBS Archive BSA/D1/7/146; BFBS Report 1886, 400.  BFBS Report 1907, 257; BFBS Report 1908, 290; BFBS Report 1920, 166, 170.

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also influenced by the need to meet the sales targets set by the agent. For example, in 1904 the target was on average eight or ten Bibles a day for every full-time colporteur.⁸³ Colporteurs would visit places and events that were known to be frequently crowded with people in towns and cities to distribute their Bibles. As reported in the BFBS’s publications, they made a good number of sales in markets and teahouses.⁸⁴ They even visited Chinese temples, whether they were Buddhist, Daoist, or those of folk religions, to do their work among the pilgrims there.⁸⁵ In Fuzhou, through the hands of missionaries from the Church Missionary Society, the BFBS distributed its Chinese New Testaments to the monks of the Gushan Monastery (Gushan Yongquan chansi 鼓山湧泉禪寺).⁸⁶ Train stations in large cities were strategic points that colporteurs could not ignore. It was reported that a colporteur sold nearly 19,000 copies of the Chinese Bible at the railway-terminus in Beijing in 1911.⁸⁷ Knowing the influence of village elders on their communities, BFBS colporteurs in Guangdong entered the ancestral halls of villages to approach the elders and conversed with them on the Creation and the Ten Commandments, paving the way for the reception of the Bible there.⁸⁸ The imperial civil examination, as mentioned above, was an important occasion for the BFBS. The following account given by W.S. Horne (ca. 1865 – 1933) of the China Inland Mission describes how colportage work took place among the candidates: Some time previous to the great examination in our city for the Chinese first degree (‘Siu tsai’=budding genius), preparations were made for distributing portions of Scripture. 2500 packets were neatly done up and bound by a red paper wrapper, with the characters ‘May you be successful in all your examinations’ printed on each. The officials kindly lent us every help, allowing our native brethren inside the large gate, and the students, with very few exceptions, received the books with pleasure and courtesy. The native Christians were so delighted with the reception that the books and themselves met with, that they dis-

 G.H. Bondfield, “Regulations for the Employment of Colporteurs under Missionary Supervision,” in Dr. Ritson’s Black Books vol. 33, BFBS Archives BSA/D2/14/33.  See the illustrations in The Bible in the World 1907, 115 – 116.  R.J. Gould, “Bible-Selling beyond the Great Wall,” The Bible in the World 1905, 219. Also, see the illustration between pages 72 and 73 in The Seekers: A Popular Report of the British and Foreign Bible Society for the Year MCMXXIV-XXV, BFBS Archives BSA/G1/2.  Llewellyn Lloyd, “Distributing Testaments at the Kushan Monastery,” The Bible in the World 1907, 53.  More Golden Than Gold: A Popular Illustrated Report of the British and Foreign Bible Society 1911 – 1912, 62, BFBS Archives BSA/G1/2.  BFBS Report 1860, 128.

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tributed 1000 more packets at their own charges. Many of these students came afterwards to us for some explanation of the books.⁸⁹

Distributing Chinese Bibles among the examination candidates was a well-planned operation. Wrappers with auspicious characters were used to pack the Bibles, one example of adaptation to Chinese culture in colportage. Colporteurs were not working alone, as they were always sent to wait at “the several gates and doors” of the examinations halls with Chinese Bibles and distribute them together with missionaries and native Protestants. Colportage here served a double purpose: while the examination candidates would have portions of the Bible placed in their hands, the local Protestant church was “stirred to a fine enthusiasm.”⁹⁰ Once Chinese colporteurs obtained access to a mass of people, they next tried to attract people to come and buy Bibles. In China there had been a long tradition of storytelling in public places dating back to the Song dynasty (960 – 1279 CE). Based on their prompt books, storytellers recounted historical events, the content of novellas, and Buddhist stories. The Chinese during the Qing dynasty were also accustomed to the practice of officials publicly reading out the emperor’s exhortations such as Shengyu guangxun 聖諭廣訓 (Sacred Edict with amplified instruction). Making use of this embedded tradition, colporteurs often carried out public scripture reading to arouse people’s interest. Easily understood passages were chosen for this purpose, such as passages of the parables and miracles in the four Gospels, and “carefully selected portions of the Old Testament” such as the life and social customs of the Jewish patriarchs and kings.⁹¹ Once people were attracted by public reading, the next step was to make them interested in buying a Bible. Colporteurs knew the importance of acting according to circumstances, because they often confronted a diverse audience, among which there could be the agnostic, the sceptic, the aged, the weak, or the sad. As R.T. Turley, the BFBS’s assistant agent in Manchuria, mentioned, “The Muhammadan can be won, at least to friendship, by the Book of Genesis; the Confucianist, by the laws of Moses; the serious or earnest Taoist or Buddhist, by the teachings of the prophets.”⁹² Here colporteurs attracted non-Protestants to buy Chinese Bibles by taking advantage of the similarities between Protestantism and other religious beliefs in terms of their teachings and how they were    

The Bible in the World 1905, 363. The Bible in the World 1905, 363. R.T. Turley, “The Colporteur in the Far East,” The Bible in the World 1905, 150. Turley, “The Colporteur in the Far East,” 150.

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transmitted. Genesis was chosen to arouse Muslims’ interest in the Bible, as it shares with the Quran such themes as the Creation and the Human Fall, and characters such as Adam, Noah, Abraham, and Joseph.⁹³ Confucians, for example, would find the verse “Honor your father and your mother” in the Ten Commandments compatible with the Confucian teaching of filial piety. Chinese Buddhists might associate the Israelites receiving God’s revelations from their prophets with how they inherited the teachings from the Buddha, the Bodhisattvas, and the Buddhist patriarchs. Similarly, Daoists might relate biblical prophets to the deified heroes they revered. Although BFBS Chinese colporteurs could receive guidance and supervision from missionaries and their European companions during their colportage trips, no formal training for colporteurs was provided by the BFBS until July 1904, when H.O.T. Burkwall (1881– 1957), then the BFBS’s sub-agent in Guangzhou, organized a Bible School for Chinese colporteurs. The program included addresses on the duties of a colporteur and talks on the biblical passages that were felt to be especially useful when conversing with objectors or inquirers. The event appears to have been successful, as in the summer of 1905 a similar colporteurs’ conference was organized in Tianjin for BFBS colporteurs working in North China, and Bondfield was inspired to arrange similar training activities in each of his sub-agencies.⁹⁴

4. The Qualities and Images of BFBS Chinese Colporteurs What kind of Chinese Protestants were employed as colporteurs? E.J. Eitel (1838 – 1908), a London Missionary Society missionary who served as secretary of the BFBS Hong Kong Corresponding Committee, provided some indication in his report on Chinese colporteurs in 1873: The colporteur I employed out of these funds last year resigned because he found inland work with unavoidable long marching across country too hard for him. I then got a far better man and he realized all my hopes on two trips he made, but when he was to start on his

 For the theme of Creation by God, see Genesis 1:1– 2:3 and Quran 32:4– 9; for the theme of the Human Fall, see Genesis 2:15 – 3:24 and Quran 7:11– 27. Andrew Wilson, ed. World Scripture: A Comparative Anthology of Sacred Texts (New York: Paragon House, 1995), 80 – 82, 301– 302; Malise Ruthven, Islam: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 23.  BFBS China Agency Report 1904, 20; The Bible in the World 1905, 23; The Bible in the World 1906, 43; BFBS Report 1907, 262.

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third trip his heart failed him and as I could not just then find a second trustworthy man to accompany him he also resigned. The reason is I prescribe the route in general, but strongly object to the colporteurs travelling on the large waterways in a snug boat where Missionaries and others have been spreading Bibles before. My constant aim is to send the Colporteurs to inland districts where no foreigner or Bible Society’s colporteur has been before. Soon after this man resigned I found two very reliable men, stupid but thoroughly honest men and warm-hearted Christians.⁹⁵

Missionaries recommended that Chinese colporteurs ought to be physically strong, reliable, thoroughly honest, warm-hearted, and enthusiastic about colportage. The BFBS did not ask for cleverness nor scholarship, as it realized that “the educated and more capable men in the missions are needed as pastors and preachers.”⁹⁶ Integrity, however, was the most important criterion. Dyer once commented that “the more earnest and true-hearted he is the better.”⁹⁷ As noted by the BFBS’s staff in China, the means to test the accuracy of colporteurs’ return of sales, receipts, and traveling expenses were “practically very little.”⁹⁸ Such a problem had long plagued Bible distribution in China; as reported in the 1840s, some Chinese colporteurs from Gützlaff’s Chinese Union sold their Bibles to printers and then told their missionaries that the Bibles had been distributed.⁹⁹ Hence the BFBS advised its agent in China to appeal to missionaries for assistance in selecting and appointing “persons on whose faithfulness reliance can be placed.”¹⁰⁰ At the beginning of the twentieth century these criteria remained more or less the same, except that the BFBS also asked native church councils to put forth recommendations for suitable candidates, which reflected the BFBS’s response to the rise of self-supporting native churches that had begun in the late nineteenth century.¹⁰¹ The qualities of BFBS Chinese colporteurs were emphasized in the BFBS’s publications, because the stories of their journeys, sufferings, and successes

 Letter from E. J. Eitel to S.B. Bergne, 5th September 1873, BFBS Archives BSA/D1/7/146.  BFBS China Agency Report 1904, 20.  Dyer, “Bible Distribution-Its Method and Results,” 119.  “Replies of the Agents in China to the Questions of the Committee.”  Su, Shangdi de renma, 65.  “Instructions to Mr. A. Wylie Proceeding as Agent of the Society to China.”  Turley, “The Colporteur in the Far East,” 148; Yamamoto Sumiko, History of Protestantism in China: The Indigenization of Christianity (Tokyo: Tōhō Gakkai, 2000), 25 – 26. The number of fully self-supporting churches was 18 in 1877, but rose to 94 in 1890. Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 10 – 24, 1877 (Shanghai: Presbyterian Mission Press, 1878), 486; Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7 – 20, 1890, 735.

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“formed an effective feature of the Society’s appeal to its supporters in Britain and throughout the British Empire at this time, as is evident from its reports and magazines.”¹⁰² BFBS Chinese colporteurs’ stories were thus carefully selected for publication in order to portray them as a group of humble and faithful Protestant workers who labored with tenacity and resilience. Chinese colporteurs not only served the BFBS as frontier workers but also as its ambassadors. They contributed to the BFBS’s coffers directly by selling Chinese Bibles and indirectly by soliciting donations through their stories. In the BFBS’s publications, Chinese colporteurs are often said to be of humble origins. Before engaging themselves in colportage, they had been in low-level occupations such as soothsayers, professional beggars, or Buddhist priests.¹⁰³ Their background was appropriated in portrayals of them in order to foreground the greatness of the power of God, showing the reader how God had used these humble people to achieve great things. In one example, having been rejected and beaten by his neighbors for selling “foreign books,” through perseverance a former fortune-teller in Shandong 山東 finally convinced them to buy Chinese New Testaments. He was even requested to bring a Bible expositor to his village.¹⁰⁴ Sometimes, readers of the BFBS’s annual reports would find that Chinese colporteurs were self-denying men like one Chan Min-chi in Guangdong, who had refused to be a colporteur merely because of his sense of incompetency to fulfill the required duties. Of course, his refusal was overruled by the local corresponding committee, and he eventually became a colporteur.¹⁰⁵ Although faithfulness was regarded by the BFBS as one of the prime qualities of a colporteur, it was his faithfulness to God rather than to his supervisor that was highlighted. The following account given by C. Reinhardt, a BFBS European colporteur in China during the 1880s and 1890s, regarding his Chinese colleagues depicts their staunch faith in the face of adversity, and their eventual reward from God: Two of our colporteurs were in the village when the dawn broke. They went on the top of their house, and the flood reached their feet…One of the colporteurs said, “Today is the Lord’s day; let us take our Bibles and read His Word and pray. If we die, we will die in His service. We know God will not cast us away.” So they looked not on the terrible water-desert which surrounded them; they read the promises of Him who knows His children. After six hours the water fell; they were saved.¹⁰⁶

    

Roe, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society 1905 – 1954, 138. More Golden Than Gold, 70; The Conquests of the Bible, 70. More Golden Than Gold, 72– 73. BFBS Report 1860, 128. The Bible Society Monthly Reporter 1890, 143, BFBS Archives BSA/G1/3.

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With their supposed steadfast faith in God, Chinese colporteurs as depicted in the BFBS’s publications became so courageous that they showed no fear even when leaping into the abyss of death. According to William Canton’s official BFBS history, “grown bold in the strength given him from above,” the old colporteur Han Yih-shan preached to the Boxers, telling them how little they knew if they thought they could end Christianity by burning churches. Han proclaimed, “In three years there would be three times as many Christians and chapels in Yenshan [in Hebei].” The Boxers then laid him under a straw cutter and killed him.¹⁰⁷ Their courage, however, was not reckless; readers of the BFBS’s publications could see that Chinese colporteurs would not risk their lives senselessly. In a colportage visit to a village in Xiamen 廈門, upon seeing that the crowd surrounding them was becoming threatening, BFBS Chinese colporteurs very wisely left and proceeded on their way to other places for colportage.¹⁰⁸ Chinese colporteurs were also portrayed as a group of resilient Protestant workers in spite of their physical exhaustion. The following description of Chinese colporteurs from J. MacGowan (1835 – 1922), who helped the BFBS supervise Chinese colporteurs in Xiamen, is an example of how the BFBS presented the commendable character of its Chinese colporteurs through the words of missionaries in order to impress its supporters: I have often been struck by the good humour and smiling faces with which they have bid me goodbye to commence a journey, and the hearty and jolly way in which they would recount their adventures, when, after three months’ absence, weary and worn, they would tell me the story of their wanderings.¹⁰⁹

While BFBS Chinese colporteurs were depicted as heroic figures working hard to complete their mission in spite of all adversity, behind the scenes their European counterparts or supervisors might not have such favorable opinions of them as was described in the BFBS’s publications. We should not rule out the presence of “black sheep” among Chinese colporteurs. What merits our attention here, however, is the stereotyping of Chinese colporteurs as inferior to Europeans. In an unpublished confidential report to the BFBS, Alexander Kenmure (1856 – 1910), the BFBS’s agent in South China during the 1880s, commented on the BFBS’s colportage in China:

 Canton, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, vol. 5, 182.  The Bible Society Monthly Reporter 1889, 37, BFBS Archives BSA/G1/3.  The Bible Society Monthly Reporter 1895, 178, BFBS Archives BSA/G1/3.

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There is danger of underestimating the difficulty, apart from its value, of the service rendered by Superintendents [i. e. European colporteurs]. Wandering about week after week, month after month, and year after year, meeting trial and hardship, wearied by stupid and unfaithful native Colporteurs, harrassed [sic] by curious crowds, sometimes contemptuously humourous, sometime viciously illnatured, it takes all the grace and strength a man has to bear up.¹¹⁰

Although Kenmure’s comment was made in the hope of securing better salaries and benefits for European colporteurs in China, it also seems that he was prejudiced against Chinese colporteurs. Kenmure’s image of Chinese colporteurs was contradictory to those created and promoted in the BFBS’s publications. In the same report, Kenmure even regarded “native Colporteurs” as “the most unsatisfactory class of Christian workers in China.” While recognizing Chinese colporteurs’ contributions to the success of the BFBS’s colportage in China, the BFBS’s European staff members believed that the key to success was European guidance. When assessing the expansion of the BFBS’s colportage work during Wylie’s time, Bondfield argued that next to Wylie’s personal journeys in many parts of China “the main factor in this extension was the employment of Europeans as colporteurs.”¹¹¹ Also, Canton argued that when anti-Christian riots initiated by officials and gentries took place in China during the late 1870s, “native colportage in such circumstances was too uncertain and too timorous to be of much use without European guidance and companionship.”¹¹² Nonetheless, it is questionable whether European colporteurs alone could have protected themselves from attack. Canton’s assessment seems to greatly overestimate the importance and ability of Europeans in colportage work.

5. Colportage and the Bible’s Self-Sufficiency All Chinese Bibles published or distributed by the BFBS had to comply with the principle of “without note or comment,” which was the BFBS’s means of soliciting support from different Protestant denominations by avoiding any theological or sectarian controversy.¹¹³ Because of its importance as “Law I” in the BFBS’s constitution, the principle was steadfastly implemented by the BFBS.¹¹⁴

    

“Replies of the Agents in China to the Questions of the Committee.” MacGillivray, ed., A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807 – 1907), 559. Canton, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, vol. 3, 450. Browne, The History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, vol. 1, 3. Canton, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, vol. 1, 17.

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Its work in China was no exception to this. When Wylie was appointed the BFBS’s agent in China, the BFBS instructed him clearly to circulate Bibles without admixture of any other books or writings, no matter “how good and excellent soever in themselves.”¹¹⁵ Wylie followed this policy to the letter, claiming at a missionary meeting in Shanghai in 1868 that since his agency’s commencement he had never distributed a page of other matter alongside the Bible.¹¹⁶ The principle of without note or comment was underpinned by the BFBS’s view on the idea of the self-sufficiency of the Bible, one of the central beliefs of evangelicalism.¹¹⁷ To the BFBS, “sufficiency” had a twofold meaning. First, that the Bible contains all things necessary for salvation. In N.T. Wright’s words, “Nothing beyond the Bible is to be taught as requiring to be believed in order to be saved.”¹¹⁸ Second, that the Bible is its own interpreter. The Bible’s main messages are sufficiently clear to its unprejudiced readers, and that the Bible’s clearest passages provide all the light necessary to illuminate more obscure verses.¹¹⁹ The BFBS can be regarded as one of the most steadfast supporters of this principle of the Bible’s self-sufficiency, as reflected by its strong opposition to the appeal of Protestant missionaries in nineteenth century China to publish Chinese Bibles with annotations.¹²⁰ Based on their hands-on experience, Protestant missionaries found that without any notes or comments, it would be difficult for the Chinese people to understand the Bible, owing to the cultural and religious discrepancies between Chinese society and the societies depicted in the Bible. As C.G. Sparham (1860 – 1931) of the London Missionary Society explained, “The Bible and the Bible only” is a cry often raised, and quite rightly, in our own lands, where we come to it with the training of the Sunday school or of Christian homes. But when we give even a simple Gospel to a heathen man, who has heard no preaching, re-

 “Instructions to Mr. A. Wylie Proceeding as Agent of the Society to China.”  Alexander Wylie, Chinese Researches (Shanghai: [s.n.], 1897), 108.  Alister E. McGrath, Christian Theology: An Introduction (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996), 111.  N.T. Wright, Scripture and the Authority of God (London: SPCK, 2005), 53.  R. Kendall Soulen, “Protestantism and the Bible,” in The Blackwell Companion to Protestantism, ed. Alister E. McGrath and Darren C. Marks (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2003), Blackwell Reference Online.  For details of the debate between the BFBS and Protestant missionaries in China on the insertion of annotations into the Chinese Bible, see George Kam Wah Mak, “To Add or not to Add? The British and Foreign Bible Society’s Defence of the ‘Without Note or Comment’ Principle in Late Qing China,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (forthcoming).

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ceived no instruction, it is absolutely necessary that we help him, in some such way as that suggested, to a clear understanding of the book.¹²¹

From the 1870s onward, Protestant missionaries had from time to time urged inclusion of explanatory notes in Chinese Bibles distributed by the Bible societies in China, i. e. the BFBS, the American Bible Society, and the National Bible Society of Scotland. Alexander Williamson (1829 – 1890), who founded the Society for the Diffusion of Christian and General Knowledge among the Chinese (later known as the Christian Literature Society for China), even raised the criticism that refusing to provide Bibles with annotations was like “sending a man to work with one arm tied behind his back,” and that missionaries were “handicapped” by this.¹²² In spite of these suggestions and criticisms, the BFBS allowed no compromise on this issue. William Wright (1837– 1899), BFBS Editorial Superintendent, stated at the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China in 1890 that We as a Society believe in the inspiration of the Scriptures. We do not define its modes. It is enough for us to circulate the Word that has gone forth out of God’s mouth. We believe in the sufficiency of the Scriptures to carry light to the soul.¹²³

This demonstrates that the BFBS believed that its duty was to distribute the Bible as widely as possible, and that the biblical text itself would do the rest.¹²⁴ In addition to reiterating that the BFBS had to be loyal to its objective and constitution, Wright even made a provocative reply to the missionaries attending the conference, implying that they should solicit help from other societies: The work of my Society, in giving the Bible to the world, is sufficiently gigantic without entering into competition with the Religious Tract Society and the Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge. Why should we take the bread out of other people’s mouths? or incur the odium of leaving our own proper sphere and doing the work that others are both willing and able to do?¹²⁵

 Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7 – 20, 1890, 134.  Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7 – 20, 1890, 106.  The Bible Society Monthly Reporter 1891, 151, BFBS Archives BSA/G1/3.  Leslie Howsam, Cheap Bibles: Nineteenth-Century Publishing and the British and Foreign Bible Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), xiv.  Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7 – 20, 1890, 369.

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Facing the threat of losing support from missionaries and increasing competition with the National Bible Society of Scotland, which had published and distributed annotated Chinese Gospels and Acts since the 1890s, the BFBS amended its stance somewhat in 1910, when it appointed an ad-hoc committee to draft a set of explanatory readings called “translational helps” for the Gospel of Matthew in Chinese.¹²⁶ However, the BFBS emphasized that its translational helps “must not be of the nature of [doctrinal or theological] interpretation.”¹²⁷ In fact, the resultant translational helps are simply very brief descriptions of biblical characters, places and cultural peculiarities that were unfamiliar to Chinese readers. And in not a few cases, the chapter and verse numbers of the biblical reference concerned are the only information provided by the annotation. By distributing Chinese Bibles without notes or comments of a doctrinal or theological character, BFBS colporteurs in China were indirectly involved in inculcating the idea of the completeness and correctness of the Bible’s text itself as the means to instruct the readers in every aspect of Protestantism. Stories filed by BFBS colporteurs in China often include statements to the effect that the Bible speaks for itself and overpowers its readers according to God’s will. Simply reading the Bible would lead one to learn the message of God’s redeeming love.¹²⁸ Moreover, the exclusion of notes or comments from the Bible reified the BFBS’s view that the right of interpreting the Bible should only be accorded to the individual reader. In Sugirtharajah’s words, the BFBS’s colportage privileged individual over institutional reading.¹²⁹ Nevertheless, it is doubtful whether BFBS colporteurs in China promoted the idea that the whole of the Bible could be self-interpreted by individuals, since in practice they showed a preference for the New Testament, especially the Gospels. Although Sugirtharajah argued that it was the BFBS’s intention to give equal importance and authority to all passages in the Bible,¹³⁰ in late-Qing China the BFBS distributed mostly portions of the Chinese Bible rather than complete editions. Of the 135,135 Chinese Bibles, Testaments, and portions printed for distribution during the BFBS’s first fifty years, only 5,000 copies were complete Bibles, while 101,629 were New Testaments and 28,506 were portions.¹³¹ New Testament portions began to gain dominance in the BFBS’s colportage in

 “Memorandum on Translational Helps,” BFBS Archives BSA/E3/5/2/1.  Minutes of BFBS Editorial Sub-Committee, Special Meeting 11th January 1911, BFBS Archives BSA/C17/1/37– 38.  Sugirtharajah, The Bible and the Third World, 154.  Sugirtharajah, The Bible and the Third World, 164.  Sugirtharajah, The Bible and the Third World, 152.  Canton, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, vol. 2, 470.

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China after Wylie became the BFBS’s agent. For example, in 1875, out of the approximately 30,000 copies of the Chinese Bible sold through colportage, only about 600 were Old Testaments while more than 27,000 copies were New Testament portions.¹³² Indeed, most of these New Testament portions were Gospels.¹³³ The popularity of the New Testament was attributed to the fact that prior to the Republican era (1912– 1949), the New Testament was regarded as the only requisite text for a Chinese Protestant. Public sermons or addresses were almost always based on the New Testament.¹³⁴ Single Gospels’ dominance over other editions of the Chinese Bible could also have been influenced by economic factors. As the cost of printing a Gospel was much lower than printing a complete Bible, the BFBS was able to set the price of a single Gospel at a very low level that was affordable to even the poor. In the 1900s, the cheapest single Gospel from the BFBS just cost 7 cash, which was equivalent to about 3 % of a coolie’s daily wage.¹³⁵ In addition, the lightweight Gospels much relieved the physical burden of colporteurs, as they frequently had to carry Bibles to villages or the countryside without any animal or vehicular transport. The number of books carried by a colporteur would thus be greater if his pack were loaded with Gospels instead of complete Bibles. Underlying these practices, however, was the belief among the BFBS’s staff in China that not every Chinese could read the whole Bible. As mentioned earlier, Protestant missionaries understood that the Bible’s self-sufficiency as its own interpreter was questionable with regard to the Chinese people. That everyone, regardless of his ability, could understand or interpret the Bible on his own was simply an ideal. For instance, in his submission to The Chinese Recorder and Missionary Journal in 1869, F.S. Turner (1834– 1916) of the London Missionary Society highlighted the need “to apprehend clearly that to the heathen the argument, ‘the Bible says so,’ is simply naught.”¹³⁶ Moreover, Williamson rightly pointed out that self-interpreting is a relative term:

 Letter from A. Wylie to C. Jackson, 17th February 1876.  Letter from A. Wylie to C. Jackson, 23rd February 1876; British and Foreign Bible Society. A Report of the North China Agency for the year ending November, 30. 1891, 15 – 16, BFBS Archives; G.H. Bondfield, “A Hundred Years of the Bible in China,” The Bible in the World 1924, 86, BFBS Archives BSA/G1/3. This situation remained unchanged in the Republican era. For example, in 1919 about 3.3 million Chinese Bibles were distributed by the BFBS. Over 3.2 million of them were portions of the Bible, mainly Gospels. BFBS Report 1920, 166 – 167.  BFBS Report 1935, 225.  BFBS Report 1907, 258.  F.S. Turner, “On the Best Method of Preaching the Gospel to the Chinese-Chapter VI: What is not the Gospel,” The Chinese Recorder and Missionary Journal 2 (6/1869 – 5/1870): 151– 153.

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Others have argued that “the Bible is self-interpreting.” So it is to any one equipped for the task. But “self-interpreting” is a relative term. A text book, say of chemistry, is self-interpreting, but not to the unlearned. So the Bible may be said to be “self-interpreting” to one who can (1) read, and (2) has also some preparatory knowledge of its contents.¹³⁷

In addition to appealing for insertion of annotations into the Chinese Bible, some Protestant missionaries suggested that Bible societies should not distribute all parts of the Bible indiscriminately, but rather selectively to avoid misunderstandings of biblical teachings resulting from individual misinterpretation. In his article “The Prospects of the Bible in China,” published in 1905 in the BFBS’s publication The Bible in the World, Timothy Richard (1845 – 1919) proposed that “the complete Bible will be carefully studied by more advanced Chinese Christians, by native pastors and teachers, and by theological experts.” He argued that several parts of the Old Testament should not be distributed since they “have been terribly misread by the uninstructed Chinese. For example, the destruction of the Canaanites was understood by the Taiping rebels as justifying the wholesale destruction of human life in their own day.”¹³⁸ As we might expect, the BFBS did not entertain any such ideas. To reiterate the BFBS’s stance, the editor of The Bible in the World added a special remark at the end of Richard’s article: It will be seen that Dr. Richard advocates what would be a departure from the policy hitherto pursued by our Society in China. The judgment of so eminent and experienced a missionary must command serious consideration, whether his counsel be carried out or not.¹³⁹

While the BFBS unequivocally proclaimed that “the whole church has to teach the whole Bible,” this stance was not shared by all of the BFBS’s staff members in China.¹⁴⁰ Miwa Hirono rightly reminded us that “individual belief” is sometimes different from “organizational belief” in the case of international religious agencies in China.¹⁴¹ In his article Richard wrote that “the best agents” of the  Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7 – 20, 1890, 107.  Timothy Richard, “The Prospects of the Bible in China,” The Bible in the World 1905, 103. For more on Richard and his approach to mission work, see Kaiser, “Encountering China.”  Richard, “The Prospects of the Bible in China,” 103.  For Such a Time as This: A Popular Report of the British and Foreign Bible Society for the Year MCMXVII-XVIII, 2, BFBS Archives BSA/G1/2. The ABS had a similar motto called “the Whole Bible for the Whole World.” Eric M. North, “ABS Historical Essay #16, Part V-A. Text and Translation. A. Principles and Problems, 1901– 30,” 17, American Bible Society Archives.  Miwa Hirono, Civilizing Missions: International Religious Agencies in China (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2008), 9.

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BFBS in China knew the situation well and aimed at “the circulation of the New Testament among the heathen rather than other parts.”¹⁴² While the BFBS tried to dissuade the readers of The Bible in the World from thinking that it agreed with Richard, one of its staff members in China expressed his agreement with him in the same issue of the publication. Describing the mission of his colporteurs, R.T. Turley wrote, “As a pioneer the colporteur proves invaluable. He goes in front of the regular evangelists, breaking up the fallow ground for them, planting carefully and systematically the Gospels and Old Testament portions, noting any who show interest, and in due time persuading them to purchase the complete New Testament.”¹⁴³ Some years later Turley honestly confessed that “no Bibleagent sells complete Bibles to an unenlightened heathen, but urges him to buy a gospel to begin with.”¹⁴⁴ The BFBS thus did not completely live up to its own ideals in China. Sugirtharajah argued that the BFBS’s relation to the Bible “stands within the Reformation tradition. Scripture is so perspicuous that an unbiased, simple human being who pays attention to its words should be able to grasp its meaning.”¹⁴⁵ This could be misleading, since the recognition of an individual’s right of interpreting the Bible had already diminished in the early era of the Reformation. According to Alister McGrath, “the early Reformation was characterized by the optimistic belief that it was possible to establish exactly what the Bible said on everything of importance.” To Erasmus, for example, the ploughman may read the Bible and understand it without any great difficulty.¹⁴⁶ However, after the German Peasants’ Revolt in 1525, magisterial reformers such as Martin Luther changed their stance. To Luther, German peasants should not have contemplated revolt against their oppressive masters, as in this they “not only suppress God’s word, but tread it underfoot, invade his authority and law.” Luther was convinced that individual believers were not capable of interpreting the Bible.¹⁴⁷ By the 1530s it was believed that ordinary believers could be relied upon to understand the Bible only if they were fluent in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin and were familiar with the complexities of linguistic theories.¹⁴⁸ With regard to this, Turley’s position

 Richard, “The Prospects of the Bible in China,” 103.  Turley, “The Colporteur in the Far East,” 149.  R.T. Turley, “Waste Paper in China,” The Bible in the World 1910, 120, BFBS Archives BSA/ G1/3.  Sugirtharajah, The Bible and the Third World, 154.  Alister E. McGrath, Reformation Thought: An Introduction (Oxford; Malden, MA: Blackwell, 1999), 161.  McGrath, Reformation Thought: An Introduction, 165, 226.  McGrath, Reformation Thought: An Introduction, 162.

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is better described as an amended view on an individual’s right of interpreting the Bible as promoted in the early Reformation.

6. Conclusion Watts O. Pye (1878 – 1926), a missionary of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, made the following comment on colportage work in China: This phase of the Church work in China is seldom emphasized… The colporteur is the man who goes into an untouched region into which no Christian preacher has ever been before, and through tactful ways of presenting the Gospel by personal conversation and public speech, seeks as wide a sale of the Scripture portions as possible. He is the vanguard of the Christian army of occupation.¹⁴⁹

Although colportage might not have been emphasized by Protestant missionaries in late-Qing China, the BFBS believed that if no reference were included to colportage, even the briefest summary of its history would be incomplete.¹⁵⁰ While the BFBS actively sponsored Chinese Protestant Bible translation and was involved in publishing its products, the success of the BFBS’s work in China greatly depended on colportage, since through this the Bible became available to the Chinese masses and thus the BFBS’s objective of encouraging “the wider circulation of the Holy Scriptures” could be realized. It was of such importance that upon the establishment of the BFBS’s agency in China, recruiting colporteurs was at the very top of Wylie’s agenda. From its humble beginnings, the BFBS’s colporteur team in China was gradually developed to become the backbone of the BFBS’s work in China and an integral part of the BFBS’s global enterprise. Far outnumbering their European counterparts and always working as pioneers, BFBS Chinese colporteurs could be regarded as “the backbone of the backbone.” They were not, however, treated commensurately. Apart from salaries that were significantly lower than those of their European counterparts, they were stereotyped as unfaithful and stupid behind the rosy scenes depicted in the BFBS’s publications. Even though the BFBS was an organization promoting Protestantism, whose teachings include treating fellow believers as brothers and sisters, it could not help taking up the “white man’s burden” when judging its Chinese brothers.

 The Seekers, 56 – 57.  Roe, A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society 1905 – 1954, 11.

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Leslie Howsam argued that the BFBS’s business of circulating cheap Bibles could be regarded as a commercial concern with an evangelical object.¹⁵¹ This serves as a concise summary of the nature of the BFBS’s colportage in China. As shown in this chapter, while the BFBS emphasized cost-effectiveness by fostering the cooperation with Protestant missionaries in supervising Chinese colporteurs, it also set the prices of its Chinese Bibles far below their cost to make them affordable to ordinary Chinese people, which meant the income generated from colportage would never cover its costs. Such a practice could only be acceptable to a commercial concern with a non-commercial objective. The BFBS’s marketing of its Chinese colporteurs as a group of exemplary Protestant workers was also a type of commercial behavior. To appeal for the support of Protestant churches in Britain, the BFBS projected Chinese colporteurs as a group of faithful and humble Protestant workers who laboured with tenacity and resilience, raising their status to that of “folk-hero.”¹⁵² While high intelligence was not a required quality of BFBS Chinese colporteurs, through the accounts of their sales activities, readers of the BFBS’s publications would have gotten the impression that BFBS Chinese colporteurs nevertheless had tactful ways to maximize the effects of their work. Pye’s impression of colporteurs seeking “as wide a sale of the Scripture portions as possible” illustrates that the BFBS was, in the end, unable to live up to its optimistic view that all parts of the Bible are self-interpreting. When the absolute majority of Chinese biblical texts distributed by the BFBS were portions, particularly Gospels, the actual colportage practice of the BFBS in China seems incompatible with its idea that “the whole church has to teach the whole Bible.” In the eyes of the BFBS’s staff in China, only the enlightened could interpret the Bible correctly by themselves, while most of the Chinese people were still unenlightened.

 Howsam, Cheap Bibles, 203.  Sugirtharajah, The Bible and the Third World, 144.

Joseph Tse-Hei Lee and Christie Chui-Shan Chow

Chapter Two: Publishing Prophecy: A Century of Adventist Print Culture in China There are many places in which the voice of the minister cannot be heard, places which can be reached only by our publications—the books, papers, and tracts filled with the Bible truths that the people need. Our literature is to be distributed everywhere….The [Adventist] press is a powerful means to move the minds and hearts of the people….The press is a powerful instrumentality which God has ordained to be combined with the energies of the living preacher to bring the truth before all nations, kindreds, tongues, and peoples. Ellen Gould Harmon White, Colporteur Ministry ¹

1. Introduction When Ellen G.H. White (1827– 1915), the prophetess of the Seventh-day Adventists in America, institutionalized the literature ministry (i. e., the work of printing and distributing religious pamphlets and books) in the early twentieth century, she could hardly imagine that within a few decades Adventist missionaries would have established a vast print media to propagate doctrinal ideas and practices worldwide. This chapter examines the role of religious publishing and print culture in the Adventist movement in modern China. At the turn of the twentieth century, Adventist missionaries and their Chinese workers decided that the time was right to try to reach everyone in that large country through the medium of print. They founded the Signs of the Times Publishing House, initially based in Henan 河南 province and later relocated to Shanghai 上海, to produce Adventist literature and to propagate the doctrines of Sabbath-keeping, the second

 Ellen Gould Harmon White, Colporteur Ministry (Mountain View, CA: Pacific Press, 1953), 4, 148.

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coming of Jesus Christ, biblical prophecies, and health reform. Drawing on archival materials and organizational reports, this study demonstrates that the Adventist print media was a large-scale operation as it published and disseminated its prophetic and healthcare literature across the country. The Adventists placed printed religious messages into the hands of a wide range of people and attracted them to Adventist congregations. Using modern printing technologies and nationwide church networks, they succeeded in handing out tens of thousands of Adventist tracts and periodicals in areas not yet visited by any Protestant missionaries. The success of the Adventist print media is significant on at least two levels. First, Protestant missionary enterprises became increasingly diversified in China after the failure of the Boxer Uprising (1899 – 1901). In a new era of global Christian revival, numerous evangelistic groups were determined to establish a presence in such a huge country, and many independent missionaries were not affiliated with or funded by any established denominations.² The Seventh-day Adventists, however, represented a systematic attempt to gain access to the China mission field, and religious print media served as an indispensable vehicle for its evangelistic efforts. Second, the Adventist publishing enterprise produced remarkable institutional networks to circulate its literature, through which many Chinese readers were moved to accept the Adventist prophecy as a reliable description of their current situation. In studying the development of religious print and prophetic literature in early modern Europe, the historian Jonathan Green argues that “[p]rophecy cannot fail; it can only fail to find the right readers.”³ Upon receiving Christian prophetic literature, each generation of European readers contextualized the text in a broad temporal narrative that spanned from Creation to the Last Judgment. When they drew upon biblical prophecies to articulate a new vision of the future, they in turn reinterpreted the present according to the Scripture. This was also true for the spread of Seventh-day Adventism in China. One of the most frequently expressed fears in Adventist literature was that of sociopolitical disorder and an institutional void. The symbiotic relationship between end-time expectations and popular concerns about present turmoil attested to the primal hopes and fears of early-Republican Chinese society, a society that was trapped in a perpetual cycle of regime change, warlord conflicts, and natural disasters. The content of prophetic literature touched on all types of unpredictable crises that might happen to Chinese  R. G. Tiedemann, “The Origins and Organizational Development of the Pentecostal Missionary Enterprise in China,” Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 14, no. 1 (January 2011): 108 – 146.  Jonathan Green, Printing and Prophecy: Prognostication and Media Change, 1450 – 1550 (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2012), 154.

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churches, ranging from Christians’ struggle and survival in numerous world-ending disasters to their ultimate victory. When Chinese Christians of different denominations read prophetic literature, many were converted to Seventh-day Adventism and became transmitters of the prophecies themselves, with a duty to proclaim the religious message both aloud and in writing. The circulation of Adventist literature reveals a chain of colporteurs-readers who were both broadcasters and recipients of the religious message. After 1949, the Chinese Communists co-opted the Adventist Church into the state-controlled Three-Self Patriotic Movement, yet most Adventists resisted this move and organized themselves into a diffuse network of house churches.⁴ One important strategy of resistance was to mass-produce Adventist literature through the eras of Mao Zedong 毛澤東 (1893 – 1976) and Deng Xiaoping 鄧小平 (1904 – 1997). This literature not only made Seventh-day Adventism accessible to the public by showing them the relationship between Adventist theology and the daily lives of Christians, but also laid the foundation of a religious revival in the Reform period of the late 1970s and 1980s.⁵ Beginning with a historical account of the Adventist missionary expansion into China, this study highlights the patterns of literature evangelization and church growth that set the Adventists apart from other Chinese denominations. It then focuses on the publication of Fuyin xuanbao 福音宣報 (The Gospel Herald) and Shizhao yuebao 時兆月報 (Signs of the Times), two widely circulated periodicals, and examines some of their contents that reflect Adventist concerns with Sabbath observance, the end-time, and health reform. The chapter concludes with a reflection on the continued use of print media to theologize the Adventists’ struggle in present-day China.

2. The Seventh-day Adventist Missionary Expansion into China Seventh-day Adventism began as a Christian millenarian movement in nineteenth-century America. It adopted mainstream Protestant beliefs and the spiritual writings of its prophetess, Ellen G. H. White (1827– 1915), as doctrinal author-

 Joseph Tse-Hei Lee, “Co-optation and Its Discontents: Seventh-Day Adventism in 1950s China,” Frontiers of History in China 7, no. 4 (2012): 582– 607.  Joseph Tse-Hei Lee and Christie Chui-Shan Chow, “Christian Revival from Within: SeventhDay Adventism in China,” in Christianity in Contemporary China: Socio-Cultural Perspectives, ed. Francis Khek Gee Lim (Milton Park, UK: Routledge, 2013), 45 – 58.

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ity. Adventists firmly believed in the second coming of Jesus Christ. They lived according to what they understood to be the correct understanding of biblical laws and dietary restrictions, especially the Ten Commandments, so that they would be separated from the mundane world and prepared for the end of days, whenever it should come. Adventists were thus expected to live in the world, but to be not of the world: they strove to distinguish themselves from mainstream society. For example, they observed the seventh-day Sabbath, also known as the biblical Sabbath, on Saturday (i. e., the original seventh day in the Judeo-Christian calendar) rather than on Sunday, and abstained from alcohol, stimulants, tobacco, and meat. These doctrines attracted many adherents from other Protestant denominations across the United States.⁶ Since Adventists were scattered across the country, they came together through the shared bond of church newspapers. With the improvements in printing technology and postal services, the early Adventist movement was built on the flow of written communication, and Adventist editors published church papers and pamphlets in order to spread their doctrine.⁷ In 1887, Abram La Rue (1822– 1903) traveled to the British colony of Hong Kong and became the first Adventist missionary to reach China. Using Hong Kong as a base, he visited Canton (Guangzhou 廣州) and Shanghai, distributing religious tracts to English sailors and bilingual Chinese. In 1891, he hired a Chinese to translate the pamphlet, The Judgment, and printed 2,500 copies. A year later, he had that colleague translate “The Sinner’s Need for Christ,” a chapter about repentance and confession from Steps to Christ, a popular book written by Ellen G. H. White. Circulating religious literature was thus part of the mission strategy from the outset of the Adventist missionary movement in China. In 1902 the American Adventist mission board sent Jacob N. Anderson (1867– 1958) and his wife to Hong Kong. The following year, Anderson established a mission station in Guangzhou, marking the beginning of the Adventist presence in South China. Another group of Adventist missionaries arrived in north China through the help of Eric Pilquist (18??–1920), a Swedish-American missionary who had come to China in 1891 with the Scandinavian Alliance Mission and then worked in Henan province for the British and Foreign Bible Society, a nondenominational publisher aimed at making the Bible available in all languages, and who had joined the Seventh-day Adventists in early 1903. Pilquist helped the medical missionaries Harry W. Miller (1879 – 1977), Arthur Selmon,

 Gary Land, ed., Adventism in America (Berrien Springs, MI: Andrews University Press, 1998).  Bladur Ed. Pfeiffer, The European Seventh-Day Adventist Mission in the Middle East, 1879 – 1939 (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1981), 13 – 25.

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Carrie Erickson, and Charlotte Simpson to establish a new station at Shangcai 上 蔡 in Henan. These two groups of Adventists simultaneously carried out evangelistic work in North and South China. Before long, many other missionaries arrived and built schools and seminaries to train native evangelists. Miller and Selmon also established a small printing house to produce religious literature, and set up clinics to offer free medical services in Shangcai. A typical Adventist mission station had four functions: working for the conversion of souls, publishing religious materials, educating the minds of the local people, and healing their bodies through medical treatment. This became an established pattern of evangelistic outreach for Adventists. As latecomers to China among Christian missionaries at the turn of the twentieth century, these Adventists benefited greatly from the work of earlier Protestant missions. They converted members of other denominations, whom they called “the lost sheep of the house of Israel,” and who kept the Christian Sabbath on Sunday instead of the biblical one of Saturday.⁸ They introduced Adventist doctrines to local Protestant churches and mission stations, recruited their pastors and mission school teachers as new converts, and supported them in founding new Adventist congregations. Many Protestant missionaries criticized Seventh-day Adventists as “sheep-stealers,” who sought to convert members of other denominations. The Adventists distributed printed materials among existing churches, won people over through persuasion, and encouraged them to switch their membership to an Adventist congregation. American Presbyterian missionary C. Stanley Smith frowned upon this practice when he received reports from Taiyuan 太原, where the Adventists did “more proselyting than evangelizing” and took away many Presbyterian congregants.⁹ The Chinese joined the Adventists for a variety of complex reasons. In 1914, American Baptist missionary Ellison Story Hildreth (1884– 1962) reported that the Adventists had “succeeded in unsettling a good many of Baptists” in Dengtang 登塘 market outside Chaozhou 潮州, a prefectural city along the South China coast. As one woman confessed, “I am a member of this [Baptist] church and I am faithful to it; but if it is necessary to keep the sixth day to be saved, I am willing to keep that as well as the worship day; is there any objection to doing that?”¹⁰ Keeping the sev-

 Jomo Smith, “Christianity with Chinese Characteristics: Adventist Adaptation to Changing Patterns of State Behavior” (Master’s thesis, University of Michigan, 2007), 9 – 10.  The China Christian Year Book (Shanghai: Christian Literature Society, 1936), 98. We thank Prof. R. G. Tiedemann for sharing with us this reference.  Ellison Story Hildreth, “Letter from Shantou,” December 5, 1914. RG 8, Box 8, the Ellison S. Hildreth Papers, Yale Divinity School Library, China Records Project Miscellaneous Personal Papers Collections.

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enth-day Sabbath gave this Chaozhou Baptist woman an assurance of salvation that she lacked, and this practice became an indication of her true conversion. The Adventists also recruited Hong Zijie 洪子杰 (1864 – 1936), an ordained elder in charge of a Baptist congregation in Chaozhou, forty kilometers north of the treaty port of Shantou 汕頭. Although Hong was said to be “deficient in some of his morals” and later left the ministry, he maintained good contacts with the local Baptist communities. Hong met Guo Ziying 郭子穎, a Presbyterian educator from Xiamen 廈門 and a recent convert to Adventism. They debated doctrine, and Guo converted Hong.¹¹ Hong then became an enthusiastic Adventist preacher and worked “to win away Baptists and Presbyterians from their allegiance.”¹² A crucial component of the Adventist mission strategy was to make their publications easily accessible to the public. Christian print media had had a prominent presence in China since the nineteenth century, and the Adventists had to compete with a whole range of Protestant publications in the media marketplace.¹³ In 1903 Harry W. Miller and Arthur Selmon founded a small press to produce evangelistic tracts and The Gospel Herald (Fuyin xuanbao 福 音宣報; figure 1). Each issue of The Gospel Herald had sixteen pages and subscriptions were twenty-five cents per year. In 1909 the missionaries relocated the printing operation to Shanghai and renamed it the Chinese Seventh-day Adventist Press. Later in the same year, they renamed The Gospel Herald to Signs of the Times (Shizhao yuebao 時兆月報), changing to a format of twenty pages per issue, with the annual subscription fee being thirty-five cents. As the Signs of the Times became a popular periodical, the Adventists renamed the Chinese Seventh-day Adventist Press to the Signs of the Times Publishing House (Shizhao baoguan 時兆報館) in 1911, and moved the office to 721 Baoxing Lane, North Henan Road in Shanghai (河南北路寶興里721號), an area that was rapidly developing into the publishing center of China.¹⁴ The strategic location of Shanghai as a springboard to the rest of China was a crucial factor. At that time, Shanghai was the capital of modern publishing in China and its native machine shop proprietors and technicians were well-familiar with Western printing machinery.

 The Chinese Union Mission (comp.), Zhonghua shenggong shi 中華聖工史, vol. 2, (Hong Kong: The Chinese Union Mission of the Seventh-day Adventists, 2002), 513.  Ellison Hildreth, “Letter from Shantou,” December 5, 1914; Joseph Tse-Hei Lee, The Bible and the Gun: Christianity in South China, 1860 – 1900 (New York and London: Routledge, 2003).  John T. P. Lai, Negotiating Religious Gaps: The Enterprise of Translating Christian Tracts by Protestant Missionaries in Nineteenth-Century China (Sankt Augustin, Germany: Institut Monumenta Serica, 2012).  “Shizhao baoguan 時兆報館,” in Zhonghua shenggong shi, 301– 305.

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With the use of new printing technology, newspapers, periodicals and books were widely circulated among an urban and suburban readership.¹⁵ In the mid-1930s, 260 publishers were registered in Shanghai, and throughout the 1920s and 1930s, as many as 1,200 Chinese and dozens of foreign newspapers were printed in the city.¹⁶ Of all the Adventist publications, the Signs of the Times emerged as the most widely circulated Christian periodical in twentieth-century China. In 1916, for example, missionaries received 10,000 subscriptions for this magazine, and the total value of subscriptions and book sales was $3671.97 (USD) in 1916, compared with $564.79 (USD) in 1914.¹⁷ Two decades later, in 1937, over 70,000 copies of the Signs of the Times were being sold monthly, and the number was much higher for some of its special issues.¹⁸ This success was credited to the effective use of the postal system to reach areas not yet visited by the missionaries, and to the dedication of the colporteurs: travelling salesmen of devotional literature, who promoted subscriptions among Christian and non-Christian readers in the same way as did the Bible distributors described in George K. W. Mak’s chapter in this volume. It was through print media that many Chinese initially heard of Seventh-day Adventism, and some would go on to invite colporteurs to visit their homes, congregations, and townships. The Adventist Mission in Anhui 安徽 province had a particularly impressive track record of literature ministry. Twenty-six of its fortyone Chinese staff members were colporteurs and evangelists, and the rest were school teachers and office helpers. Whenever these colporteurs from Anhui proselytized, they “adopted the tent meeting method of preaching the truth in new places” and handed out religious tracts among the audiences (Figure 2).¹⁹ Before

 Christopher A. Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai: Chinese Print Capitalism, 1876 – 1937 (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2004).  Chieko Nakajima, “Health and Hygiene in Mass Mobilization: Hygiene Campaigns in Shanghai, 1920 – 1945,” Twentieth-Century China 34, no. 1 (November 2008): 55.  “Report of East China Mission for Biennial Period Ending December 31, 1916.” Box 3, folder 3, Frederick Griggs Papers (collection 15), Adventist Heritage Center, James White Library, Andrews University, Berrien Springs, MI.  Xie Jingsheng 謝景升, Zhongguo jiaohui duiyu xin Zhongguo jianshe de gongxian 中國教會對 於新中國建設的貢獻 (Beijing: Yenching Christian Fellowship, 1940), 8. For a later study of this Adventist magazine, see Wang Runze 王潤澤, “Shisu yu shenxing de chongtu yu xietiao: Minguo Jidujiao baokan Shizhao yuebao” 世俗與神性的冲突與协調：民國基督教報刊《時兆月報》, Beida xinwen yu chuanbo pinglun 北大新聞與傳播評論, no. 4, (2009).  “Report of East China Mission for Biennial Period Ending December 31, 1916.” The tent meeting method of evangelization refers to a gathering of Christian worshippers in a tent which was erected specifically for religious revival, preaching, and healing. The size of this meeting

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Figure 1: A Chinese Adventist Publisher in Shangcai, Henan Province, 1900s

the Adventist missionaries came to Qufu 曲阜, the home town of ancient sage Confucius in Shandong 山東 province, they first dispatched two colporteurs from the Anhui Mission to sell religious literature. In 1916 the colporteurs sold large numbers of books and collected 1,800 subscriptions for the Signs of the Times in Shandong alone. Many subscribers in Qufu and nearby areas were fascinated by Adventist teachings and decided to invite the missionaries to come and build churches.²⁰ A similar pattern of evangelization took place in Wenzhou 溫州 in southern Zhejiang 浙江 province, where the colporteurs attracted two groups of believers. The first group belonged to an old independent church. After they read the Adventist publications, they decided to observe the Saturday Sabbath and invited evangelists to teach them. The second group held regular Sabbath on Saturday and studied religious materials together at the home of an Adventist believer.²¹ ranged from a small tent holding a dozen of people to a large tent able to accommodate several hundred worshippers.  “Report of East China Mission for Biennial Period Ending December 31, 1916.”  “Report of East China Mission for Biennial Period Ending December 31, 1916.”

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Figure 2: An Adventist Colporteur-Evangelist, 1910s

When Adventist colporteurs first made their way to different corners of China, they were put into direct competition with colporteurs of other Protestant denominations. An innovative business model, however, ensured a steady increase of magazine subscriptions and book sales: the American Adventist missionaries simply transplanted the longstanding model of literature ministry from home. They first recruited Chinese young men from Adventist schools and seminaries as colporteurs through a scholarship program, and assigned them to coastal cities and inland areas to sell religious books and periodical subscriptions. The colporteurs usually traveled alone or in pairs. They carried sample materials with them or picked up publications that were sent in the post from Shanghai to local congregations and post offices. They began their work by visiting other denominational churches and mission schools in the area where they could easily find prospective periodical subscribers and book readers. They then deducted their salaries and travel expenses from the collected subscription down payments and profits from sales of books, and sent the remainder along with the mailing addresses of subscribers to the Signs of the Times Publishing House in Shanghai. The profits not only supported the colporteurs but also aided other types of ministry at the central office, thus resolving the vexed question of

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labor and capital—the colporteurs furnishing the labor, and the subscribers and book purchasers providing the capital. The story of Chen Jinghu 陳鏡湖 (Tan KiaOu) is illustrative of this phenomenon.²² A Chaozhou dialect-speaking native from Raoping 饒平 district, Chen Jinghu came from a Baptist family. His third uncle, a zealous Adventist, introduced Jinghu to Seventh-day Adventism. After being baptized by Benjamin L. Anderson (1873 – 1962), Jinghu earned a scholarship to attend the Adventist school in Xiamen. During the semester break, Jinghu traveled to the interior of Guangdong 廣東 province to sell religious literature. When he left the Chaozhou dialect region, he carried handbills with Chinese characters: “Saving one-tenth of a cent per day enables you to read the Signs of Times for one year.”²³ Since Jinghu did not speak the Cantonese or Hakka dialects, the handbills bridged linguistic barriers and attracted many new customers. During the 1910s, Jinghu covered many districts in the Pearl River Delta and became a successful colporteur. He earned substantial profits to pay off his student debts to the Adventist Mission and to relatives who had sponsored his education. On one occasion, Jinghu met Chen Yixi 陳宜禧 (Chan Ngee-Hee, 1844– 1929), the famous founder of the Sun Ning Railway Company 新寧鐵路, and published a long interview with this Cantonese entrepreneur. Chen was so pleased with Jinghu that he ordered ten subscriptions to the Signs of Times and bought a dozen copies of Health and Longevity (Yannian yishou 延年益壽), a popular healthcare treatise written by Harry W. Miller, to give to his relatives and business partners.²⁴ In the 1920s, Jinghu took several trips to French Indochina where he achieved record-breaking sales of Adventist literature.²⁵ He thus succeeded in using his interpersonal and entrepreneurial skills to distribute Adventist publications among Chinese merchants in the Pearl River Delta and Southeast Asia. None of the Adventist missionary initiatives could have succeeded without the support of their Chinese colleagues. The early involvement of colporteurs as pioneering evangelists demonstrated their religious commitment for the service of the Adventist Mission (Figure 3). But they faced serious difficulties when rival warlords exercised control over much of the country during the period between the death of Yuan Shikai 袁世凱 (1859 – 1916) and the Northern Expedition of 1927. Being outsiders, they did not speak the local dialects and were suspected

 Tan Kia-Ou, Bibles and Blessings in Old China: A Personal Testimony (Singapore: Malaysian Signs Press, 1972), 14– 20.  At that time, the annual rate of subscription was thirty-five cents. Tan, Bibles and Blessings in Old China, 14.  Tan, Bibles and Blessings in Old China, 16.  Tan, Bibles and Blessings in Old China, 21– 35.

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by the warlords of being military spies. In 1915 one colporteur was imprisoned and mistreated by soldiers in Shandong province for two weeks, and another colporteur was a casualty of a battle.²⁶ In 1929 Chen Jinghu, the successful colporteur mentioned above, was kidnapped by bandits in the Hakka-speaking interior of Guangdong province and was only freed after spending several months as a hostage. More tragic were the deaths of two devoted colporteurs, Zeng Xiangfu 曾湘甫 and Bai Jinjian 白金鑒, who volunteered for a two-year evangelistic assignment to the Muslim-majority Xinjiang 新疆 province in February 1929. They both perished in the Kumul Uprising in February 1931, when Uyghurs rebelled against the authoritarian rule of the Xinjiang governor Jin Shuren 金樹仁 (1879 – 1941) and many Han Chinese were massacred. After receiving the news of their deaths, the missionaries in Shanghai were shocked to receive their final work report and a box of dried fruits, which had been dispatched by them only a few days before the massacre.²⁷ Some colporteurs nevertheless managed to reach out to soldiers in military outposts and to appeal to them with the Adventist gospel. Edwin R. Thiele (1895 – 1986) mentioned a courageous colporteur who had visited some war zones controlled by Communist rebels in the interior during the 1930s. On his way, the colporteur fell into a river and all his pamphlets and copies of Signs of the Times were soaked through. After he got out of the water, he encountered a Nationalist colonel and talked with him about Seventh-day Adventism. The colporteur professed his faith and asserted that the Gospel would transform people’s hearts and minds and contribute to the spiritual salvation of China. The colonel was so impressed by the conversation that he immediately paid the colporteur the annual subscription fee for Signs of the Times. He also instructed other junior officers to follow suit and gave the colporteur a letter of introduction to other Nationalist colonels in nearby areas.²⁸ Thiele also recalls the story of another colporteur surnamed Fan 樊 from Hubei 湖北 province. A cloth peddler, Fan earned enough to support his family and never gave any thought about the meaning of life. He once passed through an Adventist congregation and “some mysterious, irresistible force” took hold of him. Afterward he attended the Sabbath regularly, became converted, and used his peer social networks to distribute religious tracts. He once visited the commander of a military outpost in his home district and sold three hundred copies of Signs of the Times among the soldiers.²⁹

 “Report of East China Mission for Biennial Period Ending December 31, 1916.”  Zhonghua shenggong shi, vol. 2, 689; Ezra L. Longway, Dangerous Opportunity (Washington, DC: Review and Herald, 1974), 43 – 52.  Box 33, Folder 6, Edwin R. Thiele Papers.  Box 33, Folder 6, Edwin R. Thiele Papers.

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Figure 3: An Adventist Youth Evangelistic Band, 1910s

Colporteurs also played an indispensable role in assisting newly-arrived American missionaries in founding new stations in the periphery of China. For example, John Nevins Andrews (1891– 1980) and his wife Dorothy (1903 – 1979) were assigned to Tatsienlu (Daqianlu; Tachienlu) 打箭爐, now called Kangding 康定, a town situated in the Garzê Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture of western Sichuan 四川 province. Many Tibetan and Han Chinese residents there were not receptive to the spread of Christianity.³⁰ Andrews and the colporteurs first distributed religious tracts among members of the old China Inland Mission (CIM) church and invited them to observe the Sabbath on Saturday. When one  Dorothy Andrews, Tatsienlu, Sichuan, September 30, 1919, Box 8, Andrews/Spicer Papers (Collection 250), Adventist Heritage Center, James White Library, Andrews University, Berrien Springs, MI. John Nevins Andrews (1891– 1980) was a missionary pioneer to Western China and Tibet from 1916 to 1931. His grandfather, also John Nevins Andrews (1829 – 1883), was the first official missionary sent by the American Adventist mission board to a foreign land, Switzerland, in 1874. Tatsienlu is the Chinese transliteration of the Tibetan name Dartsedo. Located in a valley of the Tibetan Plateau about 210 km southwest of Chengdu, Tatsienlu was a major commercial town where porters carried Chinese brick tea from Chengdu to trade for Tibetan wool.

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Madam Duan left the CIM for the Adventists, she brought along her carpenter husband, her mother, and two boys. Dorothy Andrews saw in this “a victory over prejudice” against Seventh-day Adventism.³¹ On another occasion, John Nevins Andrews went on an evangelistic trip with a colporteur to Guiyang 貴陽, where they preached outdoors and distributed pamphlets. They carried “a little sign talking about healing cases at 50 cash each,” and treated many patients along the way. Upon arrival at Zunyi 遵義, they visited the local CIM station, which had been there for forty years but which had very few members. When the Adventists described themselves as being chosen by God to spread His message, the CIM asked why the Adventists did not go to places not yet visited by any other missions. The Adventists defended the decision to seek access to major cities so that they could hand out religious tracts to everyone.³² One year later, the steward of a Tibetan prince walked into the Adventist mission compound with a tract in his hand. John Nevins Andrews welcomed the visitor and explained to him the doctrines of the second coming of Jesus Christ and the path toward salvation. The steward asked John for a Tibetan Bible so that he could study it himself and show it to his master.³³ The Adventist emphasis on Sabbath observance and spiritual discipline, and their belief in the second coming of Jesus Christ, appealed to people from all walks of life, including Chinese soldiers, entrepreneurs, women, other denominational church members, and Tibetans. The Adventist gospel also spoke to the sense of collective fear and insecurity pervasive in China during warlord conflicts of the 1910s, the Anti-Japanese War (1937– 1945), and the Chinese Civil War (1945 – 1949) (Figure 4).

3. The Transmission of Seventh-day Adventism by the Printing Press From its very beginning, Seventh-day Adventism was disseminated through printed materials, and this prompted its missionaries to prioritize the literature ministry over other activities. As Edwin R. Thiele reflected on the Adventist publishing enterprise in China on the occasion of its thirtieth anniversary on March 13, 1935, he wrote that the Signs of the Times began as a “humble little journal” known as The Gospel Herald in 1905:

 John Nevins Andrews, Kweiyang, March 28, 1918, Box 8, Andrews/Spicer Papers.  John Nevins Andrews, Kweiyang, March 28, 1918, Box 8, Andrews/Spicer Papers.  Dorothy Andrews, Tatsienlu, Sichuan, May 6, 1919, Box 8, Andrews/Spicer Papers.

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Figure 4: An Adventist Meeting’s Flyer in Beijing, 1910s A wonderful work it is that was started in that distant little hamlet in Honan [i. e., Shangcai, Henan province] these three decades ago, and that has grown into our present highly organized literature producing and distributing machine—an organization that has sent our books, tracts, and papers into every province of China, and in many cases into every hsien [county] of every province, and far off into distant Sinkiang, Mongolia, and Tibet. ….This vast stream of literature has poured from our presses and has gone over mountain and desert and sea. It has been carried by wheelbarrows and camel caravans, by leisurely junks and speeding airplanes, on the backs of coolies or in modern railroad trains. It has found its way into the stately homes of proud mandarins, Buddhist monasteries, and the humble abodes of shopkeepers, farmers, and fishermen.³⁴

The Gospel Herald set out to compete with other Protestant periodicals and to promote Seventh-day Adventism among both Christian and non-Christian readers. A closer study of this publication reveals the importance of the materiality of Adventist printed texts and images. As shown in many extant issues from 1908, the unique style of its cover design and the conventions of typography and lay-

 Box 33, folder 17, “Signs of the Times Publishing House Board of Directors and Constituency, Minutes of Meeting, March 13, 1935,” Edwin R. Thiele Papers.

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out were all invested with theological meaning (Figure 5). The Chinese word fu 福 (fortune) was beautifully printed in the four corners of the cover. The periodical title was printed in bold with the words fuyin 福音 (gospel) on the right and xuanbao 宣報 (herald) on the left. The Chinese characters xuanbao (proclamation) might not be identical in meaning to the English word, herald, but the translators chose xuanbao to convey a similar sense. There are also two overlapping circles drawn between fuyin (gospel) and xuanbao (herald). At the center of the inner circle is the Bible (shengjing 聖經), and the outer circle has a biblical verse in classical Chinese, stating that the gospel of God would bring salvation to all (Romans 1:16). In the middle of the magazine cover is a balance scale. The top bar of the scale has a verse on each side. On the right is Romans 7:12 (“The law is holy, and the commandment is holy, righteous and good”), and on the left is Romans 3:22 (“For all have sinned and fall short of the glory of God, we fall short of His Glory”). Two dishes hang from each end of the scale, with the right side slightly lower. In correspondence to Romans 7:12, in the right dish are listed the Ten Commandments (shijie 十誡) of Exodus 20. In reference to the concept of sin in Romans 3:22, the left dish shows people of all nationalities, with Chinese standing with American, English, French, German, Russian, Turkish, and Native Indian peoples at the back and with Japanese, Korean, and Indian persons kneeling at the front. The vertical bar of the scale refers to Ecclesiastes 7:23, asserting that adherence to the Ten Commandments signifies the acceptance of Christian orthodoxy (daduan 大端). When the Adventists promoted the belief in God’s law (jieming 誡命), they proclaimed it to embody the correct doctrine of Christianity. The bottom stand mentions verses from James 2:12 and Acts 10:34, suggesting that God looks after those who follow the Ten Commandments faithfully, and that God shows no favoritism among those sinners standing on the left dish. The magazine’s cover image blends together the textual and visual messages of Seventh-day Adventism. Similar to the yin-yang symbol, both sides of the scale have complementary biblical messages. The top metal bar, the vertical bar, the hanging dishes, and the bottom stand correspond to each another in a geometric pattern. On the right, the Gospel, God’s sacred law (shengjie 聖誡), the Ten Commandments, and freedom for those abiding by the biblical teachings are impressed upon the readers as the proper steps toward salvation, whereas on the left, sin is shown to permeate the world, but God is portrayed as accepting people from both East and West. The primary focus on the observance of the Ten Commandments summarizes the core Adventist values. The target audience of The Gospel Herald was those devoted members of other denominations who had adequate literacy skills and doctrinal knowledge to reflect on the biblical verses presented therein. With respect to its contents,

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Figure 5: The Gospel Herald, No. 16 (October 1908)

many earlier issues of The Gospel Herald carry photos of the young Chinese emperor Puyi 溥儀 (1906 – 1967) and other members of the imperial family. The periodical often begins with a few reports on the latest developments in global politics, especially regarding the interactions between the Ottoman Empire and various European powers.³⁵ This would have appealed to the literati, who were curious about similar military struggles then occurring between China and the West. After this, the magazine shifts the focus of attention to two distinctive Adventist doctrines, namely the belief in the imminent, premillennial, and visible return of Jesus Christ, and the observance of the Sabbath on Saturday. Many Protestant denominations share the belief in the second coming of Jesus, but the specific Adventist apocalyptical belief was pre-millenarianism: the idea that Jesus’s return would be followed by a thousand-year period when his followers, mostly Adventists, would live with him in heaven (Figure 6, Figure 7).

 Giray Fidan, “Chinese Intellectual Kang You Wei and Ottoman Modernization,” European Journal of Social Sciences 28, no. 2 (2012): 196 – 199.

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This contrasts with the views of many social gospel missionaries, who were postmillennialist and who believed that the second coming of Jesus could not take place until the world corrected its socioeconomic evils through human effort.

Figure 6: Photo of Emperor Puyi, The Gospel Herald, No. 25 (July 1909)

Fundamental to these doctrines was the need for believers to uphold God’s law, which the Adventists associated with observing the Sabbath on Saturday and following the Ten Commandments strictly. This interpretative approach separated salvation by works from salvation by grace, and linked the former to Seventh-day Adventism. For anyone to uphold the heavenly commandments, one should have first acquired sufficient doctrinal knowledge and memorized relevant biblical verses. By placing the Bible at the top center of the magazine cover over a balance scale, the Adventists demonstrated a strong sense of rationalism and legalism. The pursuit of correct doctrine and the adherence to God’s law gave rise to an intellectualized faith that likely seemed at odds with the quest for spiritual revival widespread in China at the time. Influenced by the Second Great Awakening of the early nineteenth century, prominent revivalists like Dora Yu 余慈度 (1873 – 1931), Watchman Nee 倪柝聲 (1903 – 1972), John Sung 宋 尚節 (1903 – 1972), and Wang Mingdao 王明道 (1900 – 1991) paid less attention to

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Figure 7: Importance of the Biblical Sabbath, The Gospel Herald, No. 25 (July 1909)

the strict adherence to the Ten Commandments than did the Adventists. Emphasizing an experiential faith through a definitive conversion experience, these revivalists drew upon the ideas of chengyi 稱義 (justification by faith) and chengsheng 成聖 (sanctification) to depict the reception of the Holy Ghost as a transformative force in one’s life, and urged people to confess their sins, reconcile with their enemies, and demonstrate heightened religious fervor.³⁶ In any case, the intellectualized sentiment remained strong among Chinese Adventists. The Adventists were so committed to Bible study that they defined what it meant to be an Adventist in terms of understanding the Bible.³⁷ In the late twentieth century some independent churches in Shiping 石坪 in southern Zhejiang province referred to the Adventists as the Christian faction obsessed with biblical knowledge (zhishi pai 知識派).³⁸

 Daniel H. Bays, A New History of Christianity in China (Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012), 132– 140.  Eva Keller, The Road to Clarify: Seventh-Day Adventism in Madagascar (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 117.  Communication between Christie Chui-Shan Chow and an Adventist church leader in Shiping, Zhejiang province, on November 16, 2012.

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4. Recasting the Idea of Time through the Adventist Calendar and Sabbath Observance The Adventist publishing enterprise benefited considerably from the diligence of its Chinese staff. The appointment of qualified Chinese editorial staff was the most obvious form of sinicization in the church, especially among theologians, writers, and artists. During the lunar new year and other festivals, the editorial team often decorated the magazine covers with traditional paintings. When indigenization became a major issue in Catholic and Protestant circles during the 1920s, the editors redoubled their efforts to integrate the Adventist doctrines and practices into Chinese society. What follows is an overview of these endeavors. One possible measure of worshippers’ religiosity is their willingness to observe sacred time. As the religious scholar You Bin 游斌 points out, the Christianization of sacred time was central to the conversion process in China.³⁹ The idea of Sabbath-keeping was significant for Chinese Adventists on two levels. On an individual and daily level, Sabbath observance affirmed a regular practice of communicating with God at specific times, symbolizing “daily devotions and self-surrender to Christ.”⁴⁰ On a communal and weekly level, the Adventists celebrated God’s creation by gathering together on the seventh day of the week, which lasted from sunset on Friday to sunset on Saturday. Through a “literal and historical” reading of Genesis 1 and 2, the Adventists interpreted the seventh day as God’s final “conclusion to Creation week,” a day set aside by God to bless and sanctify humans with His grace.⁴¹ This theological understanding of the Saturday Sabbath affirmed a sacred relationship between the Adventists and God. In theory, the Adventists defined Sabbath-keeping as an irreversible mark of religious transformation. In reality, they encountered difficulty in maintaining this practice because the Adventist understanding of “rest” was often in conflict with that of society at large. In countries with a substantial Adventist presence, the Church usually provided institutional support by petitioning on behalf of its members for ex-

 You Bin, “Literacy, Canon and Social Reality: Socio-Cultural Dimension of the Reception of the Bible among Ethnic Groups in Southwest China,” Ching Feng, New Series 6, no. 2 (2005): 179 – 192.  Kenneth A. Strand, “The Sabbath,” in Handbook of Seventh-Day Adventist Theology: Commentary Reference Series, ed. Raoul Dederen, vol. 12 (Hagerstown, MD: Review and Herald, 2003), 528.  William H. Shea, “Creation,” in Handbook of Seventh-Day Adventist Theology, 450.

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emption from taking part in any public activities held on Saturday. But the Adventists in China had no one to speak on their behalf, and they often faced a difficult situation when public activities were scheduled on Sabbath. The Chinese lunar calendar was based on agrarian rhythms and followed the cycle of seasonal farming activities, market days, and temple festivals. Since the lunar calendar had no weeks and people in rural areas had never heard of weekly divisions, it was a daunting task to talk of keeping the Sabbath. As with the Seventh-day Baptists who arrived in Shanghai during the late 1840s, Adventists found it difficult to comprehend the meaning of a seven-day weekly cycle and the Chinese terminology then used to describe the various days of the week. In the weekly cycle adopted by both Catholic and Protestant missionaries, Saturday or the Adventist Sabbath was made the sixth day (libai liu 禮拜六) to mark the end of the week, and Sunday was widely known as the day of worship (libai ri 禮拜日). Many Protestant denominations used libai ri and anxi ri (Sabbath 安 息日) interchangeably and seldom distinguished the two days. The challenge for the Adventists was to instruct the Chinese that anxi ri and libai ri were not synonymous, and that people ought to uphold the fourth commandment of keeping the Sabbath on Saturday (shou anxi ri 守安息日).⁴² The only way to effectively do so was to distribute the Adventist calendar (yuefen pai 月份牌) in which they highlighted the Saturday Sabbath in red and encouraged people to worship on that day either at home or at nearby congregations (Figure 8). Whenever the colporteurs circulated religious pamphlets, they included a sheet printed with the lunar and solar dates for the Sabbath throughout the year. The Adventist calendar reminded Christians to set aside Saturday, not Sunday, for family or church worship, and to refrain from doing any work on that day. Ever since the Adventist missionaries propagated the belief that God’s law required the observance of the Sabbath on Saturday, Chinese churches had taken this practice as a unique marker of their religious experience. Keeping the Sabbath collectively distinguished the Adventists from Catholics and other Protestants, even though this religious commitment often ran against the conventional culture of utilizing time for one’s economic gains.⁴³ Since knowing the exact dates of Saturday for Sabbath observance was crucial to the identity of Adventists, the missionaries

 John Oss, “Chapter 19. Early Work of the Seventh-Day Baptists in China,” The Week and the Sabbath in China, ms., ed. John B. Youngberg and Samuel H. Hsiao, March 2001. Box 8, folder 1, John Oss Papers (Collection 67), Center for Adventist Research, James White Library, Andrews University, Berrien Springs, MI.  Christie Chui-Shan Chow, “Guanxi and Gospel: Conversion to Seventh-Day Adventism in Contemporary China,” Social Sciences and Missions 26, no. 2– 3 (2013): 167– 198.

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devoted more resources to producing their own religious calendar as opposed to the Chinese lunar and Western solar calendars then in print.

Figure 8: A Sabbath Calendar, 1936

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5. Reframing the Reality of Social Chaos through Eschatology The process of religious translation is often controversial because it tends to add creative meaning to newly introduced concepts in the Chinese context. Lydia Liu characterizes translation as a trans-lingual practice in which terms and ideas from outside are reconstituted in the new host language.⁴⁴ This innovative process of religious transmission can be seen in the spread of Adventist eschatology in China. The Adventist missionaries believed strongly in the imminence of the end time and in the influence of supernatural forces on world events. Their eschatology (moshi guan 末世觀) was based on the Books of Daniel and Revelation. Convinced that the demise of the Ottoman Empire would herald the Second Coming of Jesus, Adventists worldwide monitored closely the Eastern Question, a series of political and diplomatic crises which arose from the contest for control among European powers over former Ottoman territories and which preceded the outbreak of the First World War (1914– 1918). When the world entered a new technological era of the arms race among European states leading up to the war in 1914, the Adventists framed these developments in modern warfare and global politics in eschatological terms. While they never attempted to predict the precise date of the Second Advent and the end of the world, they continually broadened their eschatological framework to justify further delays in Jesus return.⁴⁵ Authors soon found that the most effective way to popularize Adventist eschatology was to reconstruct graphically the theological debate between Daniel and God. When the editors depicted the biblical story of Daniel receiving a revelation from God, they stressed the performative and dialogic modes of religious transmission by showing Daniel’s vulnerability and his eventual submission to the divine will. The editors added many theatrical elements to dramatize these prophetic conversations, showing how Daniel overcame his emotional struggle and relied on God for help. Such representations were designed to make readers witness the intensity of conversations between Daniel and God, and to reaffirm the necessity of obeying the divine will. The end purpose of Daniel’s story was to instruct readers to uphold the scriptural teachings.

 Lydia Liu, Translingual Practice: Literature, National Culture, and Translated Modernity in China, 1900 – 1937 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1995), 26.  Malcolm Bull and Keith Lockhart, Seeking a Sanctuary: Seventh-Day Adventism and the American Dream (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2007), 52– 68.

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Pedagogically the Adventist print used images, illustrations, and photos as graphic supplements to the texts for readers. This draws our attention to the combined use of word and image, argument and icon as alternative modes of religious transmission. Print reinforced the traditional function of word and image: the less educated reread the text to better understand the images, and the educated might be prompted to modify their views based on inspiration from images.⁴⁶ The images were more than reminders of textual prophecies; the images constituted the core of the prophecies themselves, and indeed the text was dispensable. The prophetical images enabled readers to participate in allegorical interpretation. On the surface, print promoted and instilled fear by focusing on descriptions of immanent disasters. It challenged readers to maintain a godly Christian orderliness through keeping the biblical Sabbath and obeying the Ten Commandments. Far from promoting a sense of pessimism, Adventist publications expressed the hopes, anxieties, and fears of a society deeply in crisis. Many articles portrayed quite graphically all that might happen to Christians, from their struggle in the coming end-time disasters to their ultimate victory. The writings documented much good that one ought to do, and condemned the evil that one ought to despise. The religious press also discussed the breakdown of law and order in detail, and this accurately captured Chinese worries about disorder. The early Republican society that the Adventist print reflected was one in disintegration. The chaos and disorder that had resulted from constant regime changes made people feel anachronistic and insecure. The collapse of the dynastic order and the founding of the new Republic did not bring peace and stability as many revolutionaries had promised, and the dream of building a strong republican state was tarnished by the politics of warlordism. The country degenerated into a period of military rivalries without a functioning unified government between 1916 and 1928. As political anarchy and moral decay plagued society, people no long felt as certain as did their ancestors about the resilience of a Confucian cosmological and sociopolitical order.⁴⁷

 Harvey Whitehouse, Arguments and Icons: Divergent Modes of Religiosity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000).  Odoric Y. K. Wou, Militarism in Modern China: The Career of Wu P’ei-Fu, 1916 – 39 (Canberra, Australia: Australian National University Press, 1978); David Strand, An Unfinished Republic: Leading by Word and Deed in Modern China (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2011).

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6. Christianizing the Idea of Human Body through Health Reform While Adventist missionaries talked a great deal about the imminent end of the world, they also worked tirelessly to improve Chinese society through health reform. They applied the biblical imagery of the sanctuary to promote preventative healthcare. By characterizing the human body as a temple of God according to the biblical metaphor of 1 Corinthians 6:19, the Adventists emphasized a parallel between the divine quality and individual well-being. This is best demonstrated in a number of special issues of the Signs of the Times on healthcare, hygiene, and the dangers of alcoholism, opium, and narcotics. Working in an inspirational mode, the Adventists popularized many types of basic healthcare knowledge and Christian teachings for tired and stressed-out modern people, weaving Adventist teachings in with the everyday experiences of urban readers. What most concerned many missionaries was the widespread practice of drug abuse among Chinese urbanites. In the early twentieth century, morphine was highly fashionable not only as a cheap substitute for opium for addicts but also as a modern medical product. Equally popular were other narcotic products like heroin powders and pills, cocaine, codeine, and other drugs. These products were far easier to ingest than raw opium. Appealing to people from all walks of life, the pills were sold ready for consumption and required no laborious preparation to use. People could consume as few as ten pills or up to a thousand pills daily. But without adequate testing and supervision, these narcotic substances led to economic hardship, serious health problems, and drug abuse. Popular belief in the medical benefits of narcotics contributed to a rise in their consumption.⁴⁸ Meanwhile, the widespread use of the syringe provided an affordable and effective way of delivering precise dosages deep into the human body. The Western origin of the syringe conferred status and prestige, and hence contributed to the popular consumption of narcotic substances.⁴⁹ In view of the boom in the use of narcotics, in July 1926 Edwin R. Thiele of the Signs of the Times commissioned the Shanghai municipal laboratory to analyze the components of several anti-opium pills. The laboratory test discovered significant amounts of morphine and heroine in these pills. The pills contained a form of opium residue known as opium dross, a residue that was  Lars Peter Laamann, “Pain and Pleasure: Opium as Medicine in Late Imperial China,” Twentieth-Century China 28, no. 1 (November 2002): 1– 20.  Frank Dikötter, “A Cultural History of the Syringe in Modern China,” Twentieth-Century China 28, no. 1 (November 2002): 37– 56.

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usually scraped from the pipe and kept for future use. When dissolved in water or wine, opium dross could be drunk by the addict to control the addiction.⁵⁰ In September 1926, the Adventists published a special issue of the Signs of the Times on narcotics. Three interesting features can be discerned in this issue. First, the editors drew upon Western biomedical evidence to correct the popular misconception of narcotics as being a pure and effective modern medicine. They published essays written by Chinese and American Adventist doctors to discuss the deterioration of health among narcotic users and to critique the use of the syringe to administer narcotic drugs. The Adventist medical practitioners juxtaposed the anti-narcotic message with their teachings on religion and health. For example, the medical missionary R. W. Paul used a metaphor of qualified and mediocre physicians to promote the Adventist emphasis on preventive care and a healthy lifestyle. The former cured disease by addressing the causes of illness, while the latter relied on heavy narcotics to relieve the symptoms of illness. The Adventist approach to healthcare was thus to help addicts reduce their dependence on narcotics and to restore their spiritual, mental, social, and physical well-being.⁵¹ Second, Adventists framed the spread of narcotic consumption as a threat to the collective well-being of the national citizenry (guomin 國民) rather than solely to the health of individuals: Because our national citizens pay no attention to the dangers of narcotic consumption, there has been little progress in drug suppression. The problem actually gets worse. Narcotics become very popular partly because there is no public outcry, and partly because there is no strong media support of the official anti-drug campaign. Our periodical is determined to awaken all citizens (guomin) about the severity of narcotic consumption. We believe in the power of print in enlightening the public and urging them to act against narcotics. We are building on the success of a previous special issue on the dangers of opium addiction, which circulated as many as 540,000 copies across every corner of China. 國民並不熱心，以致滅毒的事，非但沒有進步，反每年只見擴大。如此擴大，即因不出力 抵抗，又無強固的輿論作其後盾。本報覺有喚醒國民注意此事的必要，故發行本期特刊， 分給各界人士。此外，本報深信印刷文字，足以引起群眾注意麻醉劑的危險，起而抵抗。 去年本報鴉片特號，共印五十四萬冊，散播中國各處。⁵²

Signs of the Times argued that it was the duty of citizens to safeguard the national body against the widespread consumption of narcotics. When the Adventists drew on the contemporary discourse of nationalism to frame their discussion,

 Box 31, folder 3, “Anti-Opium Campaign, 1926,” Edwin R. Thiele Papers.  Signs of the Times, A Special Issue on Narcotics (September 1926): 21.  “The Editorial,” Signs of the Times, A Special Issue on Narcotics (September 1926): 6.

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they favored a collectivist reading of the dangers of narcotics and the undertones of their discourse were closely linked to concepts regarding the strength of the nation-state. This marketing approach made the special issue on narcotics very appealing to urban residents across China. By the end of September, a month after its publication, Thiele had received as many as 340,937 orders for the special issue. The majority of issues were sold in cities along the major railways lines such as Beijing 北京, Shenyang 瀋陽, Changchun 長春, Shanghai, Changsha 長沙, Wuhan 武漢, Guangzhou, Xiamen 廈門, and Shantou 汕頭. Some copies were mailed to Chinese readers in Malaysia, the Songhua River Basin in Mongolia, and even Portland in Oregon.⁵³ No early twentieth-century Chinese Christian periodical reached as many readers worldwide as did the Signs of the Times. ⁵⁴ By reaching out to domestic and overseas Chinese markets, this Adventist magazine integrated readers in China proper and abroad into a common Christian print culture and reading community. Third, the Adventist editors supplemented the articles with many striking black-and-white illustrations and colloquial poems to make an impression on readers. Two full-page illustrations depict opium, morphine, and other narcotic drugs as a tiger biting a Chinese man and as a venomous snake occupying China, respectively (Figure 9; Figure 10). A half-page illustration characterizes narcotic addiction as equally bad as a tsunami flooding a Chinese city. This representation blamed the problem of narcotic addiction for causing serious illnesses, persistent poverty, rising crime and violence, and for threatening the elimination of the entire Chinese race (Figure 11). A cartoon (lianhuan tu 連環圖) was added to illustrate the metaphor of qualified and mediocre doctors in R. W. Paul’s article. In Figure 12, the first frame pictures a poor man burdened with opium addiction and a mediocre physician coming to his aid; frame two portrays the physician lifting the burden of opium addiction from the man; frame three depicts the physician placing a larger burden, opium-curing pills, on the addict; and frame four shows the helpless man crying for help as he is crushed by the pills, while the physician does nothing to help. The implication being that due to greed and a lack of compassion among physicians, many addicts were never treated properly; they were given narcotics to manage the pain of narcotic withdrawal. The back cover has a lively poem condemning narcotic addiction: Opium, opium With severe danger

 “Report of Orders Received, Anti-Narcotics Special,” September 1926. Edwin R. Thiele Papers, Box 33, folder 15.  Xie Jingsheng, Zhongguo jiaohui duiyu xin Zhongguo jianshe de gongxian, 8.

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Ignorant people don’t realize They drug themselves everyday Swallowing clouds and breathing out mists As excited and as crazy First smoke opium to cure illnesses Then smoke opium to sleep Eventually become addicted Incapable of controlling the addiction Addiction leads to illness Extremely difficult to get rid of The body looks like a skeleton Almost like a ghost Waste the family fortune on smoking Have no shame and no honor Have no money to buy opium Become critically ill When faced with drug cravings Just like dying in hell Tyranny is more dangerous than a tiger. But opium is the worst. Don’t you ever try it! Don’t make the same mistake again. 鴉片鴉片，害實非淺；庸人不悟，終日流連。吞雲吐霧，如狂如癲；初吸治病，再吸安 眠。終吸成癮，不能變遷；癮成病發，戒之為難。形容枯槁，如鬼一般；家產吸盡，鮮恥 寡廉。無錢購買，病勢奄奄；煙毒發動，命喪黃泉。虎患雖烈，難與比肩；君勿嘗試，前 車可鑑。⁵⁵

Written by an anonymous author, this lively poem adopts a vernacular style of using colloquial language and phrasings from everyday life (Figure 13). The last few phrases refer to the ancient Confucian metaphor about tyranny being more dreadful than a dangerous tiger (kezheng mengyu hu 苛政猛於虎). The prose is so clear that even people with limited literacy would have been able to understand it easily. Closely connected with these campaigns for the improvement of physical health was the nurture of one’s spiritual well-being. In this regard, the Adventists fully supported the Nationalist government’s campaigns against superstition in the 1920s and 1930s. After the Nationalists established their government in Nanjing 南京, they employed the ideology of secularism to recast religious principles and practices in political terms and to organize an anti-superstition campaign  Back cover, Signs of the Times, A Special Issue on Narcotics (September 1926).

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Figure 9: Signs of the Times, a special issue on narcotics (September 1926)

aimed at reshaping urban and rural religious spaces. This ambitious social and cultural engineering project entailed attacks not only on local cults and templebased religions but also on all devotional and liturgical forms of ritual practice. The Nationalists believed that they needed to control religions that fostered localism, kinship loyalty, and ethnic pride in order to maintain national unity among the diverse population. In the name of science and progress, they condemned the religious teachings and rituals of certain groups as superstitious, threatening the political and social order of the modern state, and used suppressive and co-optative measures to restrict proselytizing activities at major Buddhist and Daoist institutions in the Lower Yangtze Valley, force the registration of religious property and personnel, and regulate ceremonial rituals and customary practices. Rebecca Nedostup, Shuk-Wah Poon, and Tong Lam, however, argue that the Nationalists were largely ineffective in remapping the religious

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Figure 10: Signs of the Times, a special issue on narcotics (September 1926)

landscape according to their desired order of social conformity and political loyalty.⁵⁶ During the frenzy of the anti-superstition campaigns, Adventist publishers shared the Nationalists’ vision of redefining the religious landscape, and wholeheartedly supported the government efforts to accommodate the protection of religious freedom with the need of eradicating superstition. The Adventists criticized a whole range of community religious celebrations and rituals as incompatible with modernity. They even drew upon biblical vocabulary to dismiss many Chinese practices such as fengshui, fortune telling, and spirit posses-

 Rebecca Nedostup, Superstitious Regimes: Religion and the Politics of Chinese Modernity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2009); Shuk-Wah Poon, Negotiating Religion in Modern China: State and Common People in Guangzhou, 1900 – 1937 (Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 2010); Tong Lam, A Passion for Facts: Social Surveys and the Construction of the Chinese Nation-State, 1900 – 1949 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2011).

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Figure 11: Signs of the Times, a special issue on narcotics (September 1926)

sion as heterodox and in conflict with the official creed of the churches.⁵⁷ Furthermore, the Adventists incorporated many state school textbooks into their literature evangelization. On January 14, 1934, the Adventist missionaries recommended the translation and re-publication of several textbooks for female converts, especially those designed to help students learning to read at both elementary and advanced levels.⁵⁸ One common reading habit at that time was to circulate Adventist materials through family, peer, and native-place networks. In the process, many female readers participated in the distribution of literature

 Luo Daoyuan 羅道源, “Lun fengshui zeri zhi miu” 論風水擇日之謬, Signs of the Times (January 1925): 7– 18; Zhao Chen 趙晨, “Zhanzheng, ku’nan, jiushu: Jidu fulin anxirihui yu Zhongguo di Shizhao wenhua (1921– 1951)” 戰争·苦難·救贖: 基督復臨安息日會與中國的時兆文 化 (1912– 1951), unpublished essay, 2013.  Box 32, Folder 4, Minutes of the China Division Executive Committee, Officer’s Report, January 12– 23, 1934, 186th to 192nd Meeting, 428. Edwin R. Thiele Papers.

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Figure 12: Signs of the Times, a special issue on narcotics (September 1926)

and the circulation of its evangelistic content, and they helped to make the Adventist prophecies known to others.

7. The Church-State Conflict in Maoist China After the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War (1937– 1945), the Signs of the Times Publishing House relocated to Western China with the Nationalist government in 1938 and spent the wartime years printing religious tracts, periodicals, and books in Chongqing 重慶, then part of Sichuan 四川 province. When civil war erupted in 1946, many Adventist church leaders could not avoid supporting the Nationalist regime even though they were frustrated with its failures of economic policy. In 1950, the Adventists confronted a new reality, as they came under the rule of a powerful Communist state that was willing to intervene in the spiritual affairs of the church. The Communists launched the Three-Self Patriotic Movement to integrate the diverse Protestant denominations into the new

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Figure 13: Signs of the Times, a special issue on narcotics (September 1926)

Socialist order. The term “Three-Self” describes a mission policy that had organized native Christians in Africa and Asia into self-supporting, self-governing, and self-propagating churches. The Maoist state embellished the “Three-Self” slogan with “Patriotic Movement.” On the surface, the movement called for the ecclesiastical autonomy of Chinese churches, but its core goal was to force Christians to

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sever their institutional ties with foreign missionary enterprises in particular and with foreigners in general. The official infiltration of Adventist institutions began at the Signs of the Times Publishing House in Shanghai, where printing workers and young editors were more receptive to Communism than were church leaders, and thus became essential elements in the building of an incipient party structure within Adventist circles. Most printing workers came from Anhui province, while the editors were largely Cantonese and Shanghaiese. In 1950, the Shanghai municipal government urged the Adventist printing workers to unionize themselves as part of the larger policy to create pro-government labor unions across the city. None of the Adventist editors, however, supported unionization. The labor union organizers recruited Gu Changsheng 顧長聲, a native of northern Jiangsu 江蘇 province and a junior member of editorial staff, then in his early thirties. Gu came from a relatively poor family and had received help from missionaries to attend the China Training Institute (Zhonghua sanyu yanjiushe 中華三育研究社), the Adventist junior college at Qiaotouzhen 橋頭鎮 in Jiangsu. He had also worked as an interpreter for American soldiers in wartime Chongqing. After the end of the war, he joined the Signs of the Times Publishing House in Shanghai and translated two popular Adventist texts written by Arthur Maxwell, The Atom Bomb and the End of the World and The Last Page of History, propagating the idea that the end of the world was near, and that God intended to use American atomic bombs to destroy the world. The translation project made Gu a rising star in the Press.⁵⁹ When the tide turned against the missionaries, he switched to the anti-Christian camp. Once the Communists infiltrated the Signs of the Times Press, they utilized native place and ethnic ties to recruit supporters and channel existing grievances into anti-imperialist sentiments. To align with the state was an irresistible attraction for the printing workers and junior church staff, because they were motivated by the general war propaganda to display loyalty to the new regime. They were also becoming radicalized, mastering new political vocabularies in order to condemn the missionaries. Another important Communist powerbuilding tactic was to organize the frustrated church workers into a new core that would pit itself against the current leadership. The Communists paid a great deal of attention to leadership training, and formed the Seventh-day Adventist ThreeSelf Reform Preparation Committee (Jidu fulin anxirihui sanzi gexin choubei weiyuanhui 基督復臨安息日會三自革新籌備委員會) to undermine the existing church leadership. It assigned Nan Xiangqian 南祥謙, a union organizer at the

 Gu Changsheng, Awaken: Memoirs of a Chinese Historian (Lexington, KY: Author House, 2009), 49 – 50.

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Signs of the Times Press, to chair the accusation committee and Gu Changsheng to be its secretary. Shortly after the accusation meetings began, the state instructed the newlyformed Seventh-day Adventist Three-Self Reform Preparation Committee to take control of all Adventist institutions. This process of co-optation involved a combination of top-down and bottom-up power-building tactics. The top-down tactics refer to the government’s efforts to recruit supporters for the Three-Self Patriotic Movement. The bottom-up tactics included infiltrating Adventist circles, radicalizing print workers, and replacing the current leaders with collaborators. Some pro-government Adventists joined the Three-Self movement partly out of self-interest, and partly in the hope of ameliorating the harshness of the anti-religion measures and the forced indigenization of the church. As they reconciled their personal agendas with the constraints imposed on them by the state, they justified their mode of survival and fashioned a means for self-aggrandizement and personal gain.⁶⁰ In this hostile environment, the congregants found themselves in a dilemma, torn between the public need to support the state and their private life of upholding their faith and continuing to participate in religious activities at home. When the Adventists were no longer permitted to hold regular religious activities outside of Three-Self affiliated churches, they embraced activism and created a self-sustaining Christian community rather than abandoning their faith. Those accused church leaders with strong convictions remained defiant and supported their words with acts of resistance and circumvention. They strengthened the faith of their flock against Communist influence in part through religious publishing. In 1954 David Lin 林大衛 (1917– 2011), the former national secretary of the Chinese Adventist Church, partnered with a group of dedicated youth from the Huzhong Church 滬中教會 in Shanghai to translate five of the major spiritual writings of Ellen G. H. White into Chinese, including Patriarchs and Prophets, Prophets and Kings, The Desire of Ages, The Acts of the Apostles, and The Great Controversy. ⁶¹ The translations were later called the Conflict of the Ages Series (Lidai douzheng congshu 歷代鬥爭叢書). The graphic account of spiritual battles in these works provides the readers with an eschatological lens through which to interpret their own personal experiences: justification through confession of faith, sanctification by enduring persecution, and gaining of the promise of salvation. The entire set of translations was smuggled into the British colony of  Lien-Chieh Tsao, “The Development and History of the Seventh-Day Adventist Church in China Since the Communist Takeover” (Master’s thesis, Loma Linda University, 1975); Lee, “Cooptation and Its Discontents.”  Zhonghua shenggong shi, vol. 1, 136, and vol. 2, 546.

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Hong Kong and most chapters were printed in multiple issues of the local Adventist periodical, Last Day Shepherd’s Call. Yet in Maoist China, the Communists restricted any form of private publishing. The Adventists had to use limited, smallscale technologies to produce the literature, using mimeograph-printed copies (youyin ben 油印本) or hand-copied volumes (shouchao ben 手抄本).⁶² Nonetheless, this translation project was of great significance, because it helped to standardize Adventist doctrine and instilled a sense of spiritual identity among congregants in the early 1950s. As a result, readers internalized church doctrine for themselves, self-theologized their everyday experience, and became local agents of religious change. In China, where literacy was regarded as a sign of power and status, giving local believers the ability to write and read was important to the spread of Adventism, because it transformed them into a group of reading congregants and earned them respect in their social circles. Paralleling advances achieved through Bible translation in Africa during the same period, as chronicled by the historian Lamin Sanneh, this development put the power of religion into the hands of ordinary people so that they could interpret the Gospel for themselves.⁶³ This pattern of evangelization fit well with more widespread ideas of self-propagation, sustainable church development, and spiritual renewal. When the Maoist government arrested the pastors and sent them to labor camps for political re-education, many Adventist congregants in Wenzhou, Xiamen, Guangzhou, and rural townships stepped in to continue the religious movement. Using their homes as small printing houses, the congregants circulated the spiritual writings of Ellen G. H. White, and gathered in secret to reflect on the words of their prophetess. In Wenzhou, the female evangelist Huang Meide 黃美德 (1925 – 2010) hand-copied most of White’s books and gave them as gifts to non-Adventist Christians, thus converting many of them to Adventism. Huang was later arrested and jailed in 1960, but her literature ministry continued on without her. A number of recipients of her books faithfully carried out Huang’s ministry until the end of the Cultural Revolution.⁶⁴ As China entered the Reform era, the Adventists resurfaced and sought to make the spiritual writings of Ellen G. H. White again accessible to the public. David Lin re-edited all the previous translations of White’s works in the Conflict of the Ages Series and asked the Shanghai Chinese Christian Council for permis-

 Perry Link, The Use of Literature: Life in the Socialist Chinese Literary System (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000), 6.  Lamin Sanneh, Whose Religion Is Christianity? The Gospel Beyond the West (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2003), 95 – 103.  The Diary of Huang Meide, acquisition of Christie Chui-Shan Chow.

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sion to distribute these books. In the end, the Three-Self patriotic church officials only permitted the public circulation of The Desire of Ages, which talks more about the life of Jesus Christ than Adventist eschatology. The Adventists continued to appeal to the Chinese state for the right to print and distribute their denominational literature as they had done before 1949. Because the officials in charge of religious affairs needed to censor any published church materials, the Adventist leaders were reluctant to compromise by modifying the theological contents of their writings and reducing the number of copies circulated. The Taiwan-based Signs of the Times Publishing Association tried to bypass the censorship regime by working with a commercial press in Wuhan to reprint and sell the Adventist publications legally. Yet today many overseas Adventist materials still have to be smuggled into China. Throughout the 1990s, Mainland Adventists developed at least two underground book distribution networks based in Guangzhou and Xiamen. In 2000 the Hong Kong-based Chinese Union Mission produced simplified character editions of The Last Day Shepherd’s Call and The Ministry (Chuandao zhe 傳道者), both periodicals for Chinese Adventists to exchange ideas with each other and to share their conversion testimonies. In 2010 that office compiled a series of all of Ellen G. H. White’s writings in Chinese, and distributed them among congregants in China.⁶⁵ Despite these institutional obstacles, many Mainland Adventists followed their conscience and produced tracts and periodicals in spite of the restrictions imposed by the state. Beyond these overt acts of defiance, Adventist writers and readers also creatively engaged with prophetic and theological literature. In Wenzhou, a popular preacher named Zhao Dianren 趙典仁 wrote several biblical commentaries for many officially registered and house churches. During the 1990s he published his sermons and essays, The Salvation Book Series (Jiu’en xilie congshu 救恩系列叢書) and The Pebbles Collection (Shizi ji 石子集), all of which had been previously distributed to Adventist congregations by mail.⁶⁶ In 2010 some well-educated Adventists in Beijing’s Gangwashi Church 缸瓦市教 堂 recognized the need to address specific moral and cultural issues facing an increasingly materialistic Chinese society. They enthusiastically embraced online publishing and launched a quarterly magazine titled The Cedar (Xiangbai shu 香 柏樹) without government approval. They also produced Best-Life to promote Adventist healthcare, and The Bible Says (Shengjing shuo 聖經說) to interpret bibli-

 Communication between Christie Chui-Shan Chow and a Wuxi Adventist in Hong Kong in May 2012.  Zhao Dianren, The Salvation Series, Vol. 1 – 5 (Jilin: Jilin Jidujiao liang hui, 2001); The Pebbles Collection, Vol. 1 – 3 (Jilin: Jilin Jidujiao liang hui, 1999).

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cal teachings.⁶⁷ Perhaps most remarkable was that they also posted these magazines online to reach out to more people. They envision the Internet as an invisible highway that transcends the physical barrier between publishers and readers, and that will allow readers to forward the divine message electronically to their peers. The call to counter secular culture by publishing online and offline took precedence over any concern for official regulations. The editorial of the first issue of The Cedar in 2010 justified their decision to publish by referring to the spiritual insights of Ellen G. H. White: We believe in the power of the written word. The popular literature in our age is full of confusion and filth. Our people desire words of purity. In commenting on literature evangelism, Ellen G. H. White once described the great objective of our publications as being an instrument to exalt God and to draw attention to His Word. God calls upon us to lift up, not our own banner, not the banner of this world, but His banner of truth. 我們相信文字的力量，相信在這個被混亂和不潔的文字充斥著的時代人們對純淨文字的渴 望，懷愛倫在談論文字事工時說：『上帝所召我們揚起的並不是我們自己的旗幟，也不是 這個世界上的旗幟，而是他真理的旗幟。』⁶⁸

These remarks reflect a strong theological critique of the censorship regime and a powerful defense of the right to freedom of expression. In 1994 Adventists in Wuxi 無錫 published Eden (Yidian yuan 伊甸園), a monthly magazine for young people. Two years later, the Wuxi municipal authorities instructed them to suspend the publication, but the congregants remained defiant and Eden remains in print today. As one of the editorial members explained, “The religious publishing situation is better now than it was ten years ago. The government is still tolerant, but the officials can always intervene. What we are doing is technically outside the law.”⁶⁹ The whole editorial team was prepared to face more pressure from the state. Adventist media took a new trajectory in post-reform China; it not only worked to strengthen the faith of readers but also to provide a platform for Adventist leaders to discuss theological differences and resolve internal divisions. Since the 1980s, Zhejiang province has witnessed a series of schisms concerning Adventist doctrines, liturgies, and leadership succession. The need to articulate an authentic Seventh-day Adventist faith motivated many factional leaders to de-

 Communication between Christie Chui-Shan Chow and an Adventist from the Gangwashi Church of Beijing in Hong Kong in May 2012.  The Cedar, no. 1 (2010): 1. Retrieved on May 1, 2013 from .  Communication between Christie Chui-Shan Chow and a Wuxi Adventist in Hong Kong in May 2012.

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velop different programs of literature evangelism. The vast amount of literature they produced suggests that media remains the most popular way to consolidate the Adventist faith, and that religious publishing enables these factional leaders to communicate their theological agendas to followers and to argue against the views of their opponents. The story of Liang Shihuan 梁世歡 is instructive. A third-generation Adventist in Cangnan 蒼南 district in southern Zhejiang, in 2009 Liang Shihuan published The Wheatfield Gospel Quarterly (Maitian fuyin jikan 麥田福音季刊), a highly popular print and electronic magazine, to engage in theological discussion with religious inquirers and to project a more intellectual image of Adventism. With these innovative technologies, Liang Shihuan presents himself as a cosmopolitan preacher and church leader, and has successfully converted many college students and young urban professionals in Cangnan district.⁷⁰

8. Conclusion As latecomers to the China mission field, the Seventh-day Adventist missionaries distinguished themselves from other Protestant denominations in two major respects. First, despite its strong belief in the imminent end of the world, the Adventist missionary enterprise embraced the modernizing elements of the West. When the missionaries first arrived in China, they quickly identified potential converts from other denominations and appealed to them with a sharp and clear message about Sabbath observance. They founded the Signs of the Times Publishing House in Shanghai to launch a nationwide printing program that competed with other Protestant presses and supported evangelization at the grassroots level. This publishing enterprise maximized its limited resources and succeeded in disseminating the Adventist message across the country. Through the program of literature ministry, the Adventists assigned countless colporteurs as frontline evangelistic pioneers to sell religious literature, to proselytize in areas not yet visited by Protestant missionaries, and to prepare the way for Seventh-day Adventism. Once Adventist literature had reached the hands of ordinary readers, it had the potential to make a long-lasting impact on the recipients. Many Adventist missionaries were convinced of the ability of Christianity to transform human minds. Wherever Christianity spread, it was understood to eventually find its own momentum in various contexts. Andrew F. Walls sees religious conversion as resembling a translation process that turns “the pre-exist-

 Lee and Chow, “Christian Revival from Within,” 51– 53.

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ing materials of thought” of native converts toward Christ. This Christological perspective implies “a change, not of substance, but of direction” in the converts’ or tract readers’ worldviews.⁷¹ When faith-seekers come to grips with the Adventist gospel, they accommodate it within their pre-existing values. Second, the missionaries made print media the cornerstone of the Adventist movement in China, to the point that it became an essential part of the denomination. After the Communists expelled all foreign missionaries and took over church institutions in the early 1950s, many Chinese Adventist leaders turned to the longstanding model of literature ministry and mass-produced the spiritual writings of Ellen G. H. White to empower the congregants to resist state control. The mimeographed and hand-copied volumes of Adventist literature provided many worshippers with the spiritual strength and resources to resist the pressures of the Maoist regime and to cope with the confusion and uncertainty of living in a tightly-controlled authoritarian society. This development placed the liberating power of religion directly into the hands of people to enable them to draw upon Adventist theology to analyze the world around them. As a result, there was a substantial divide between the Adventists’ lived experience and the government’s vision of a state-controlled Three-Self Patriotic Movement. To those Adventists who upheld the independence of their faith and who continued to hold religious activities at home, the post-denominational emphasis of the Three-Self propaganda had little relevance. Far from abandoning their belief, many Adventists rejected the subservient role that the Three-Self church leaders had imposed on them. As with other Protestants, they effectively ignored what they could not change in terms of national policy, while making use of the situation to preserve their strength and defend what they could of the church’s independence. They reflected on Adventist printed materials, liberated themselves where possible from the patriotic religious institutions, and established autonomous worship communities according to their needs, despite persistent interference and systematic controls applied by the state. Entering the early twenty-first century as an indigenous Christian body, the Adventist movement continues to flourish in a religious space outside the statecontrolled patriotic institutions. Similar to the missionary mentors in early twentieth-century China, most Adventists today are motivated by a strong conviction that religious publishing serves as a powerful instrument to win over the hearts and minds of people. The last two decades have witnessed the proliferation of Adventist literature directed specifically at the masses. The continued growth

 Andrew F. Walls, The Missionary Movement in Christian History: Studies in the Transmission of Faith (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1996), 26 – 54.

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of Adventist groups in urban and rural areas, the expansion of their publishing activities and networks, and the rise of lay activism reflect the variety of innovative resources and strategies that the Adventists have employed to strengthen themselves. Those American missionaries who had launched The Gospel Herald and Signs of the Times a century ago and who stayed in China until their expulsion after the outbreak of the Korean War would likely be impressed by the blossoming of Adventist publishing culture today.

Gregory Adam Scott

Chapter Three: Navigating the Sea of Scriptures: The Buddhist Studies Collectanea, 1918 – 1923¹ 1. Introduction By the end of the 1910s, Buddhist publishing in China had undergone a substantial revival, one that combined the well-established print technology of xylography (woodblock; muban 木版) with the introduction of innovative publishing organizations such as the scriptural press (kejingchu 刻經處) and the Buddhist scripture distributor (Fojing liutongchu 佛經流通處), and the new genre of the Buddhist periodical printed by modern commercial presses.² Chinese Buddhist print culture in the first decade of the Republic featured extensive networks of text distribution and supply, and print catalogues listing over a thousand titles, yet most of these books would have been difficult for readers to comprehend without specialized training and the guidance of a capable teacher, owing to the linguistic particularities of their places and eras of composition, and the specialized semantics of Buddhist-classical Chinese. Without the skills to understand what they were reading, the texts would have a limited impact on readers, and while some introductory books and textbooks intended for classroom use did exist, they were few in number and their use in organized instruction was still very limited.³ The book series Foxue congshu 佛學叢書 (Buddhist Studies

 This chapter is adapted from the fourth chapter of Gregory Adam Scott, “Conversion by the Book: Buddhist Print Culture in Early Republican China” (PhD diss., Columbia University, 2013). I am deeply grateful to my co-editor Philip Clart for his input and guidance, to the anonymous reviewer of this volume for their insightful suggestions, and to the participants and audience at the panel on “Publishing Religion, Negotiating the Party State: New Perspectives on Religion in Modern China,” held at the 2011 annual meeting of the American Academy of Religion.  See Scott, “Conversion by the Book,” chapters 1– 3.  The catalogue of the Beijing Gengshen Scripture Distributor 北京庚申佛經流通處 from 1920 lists approximately 1152 entries. Fojing liutongchu mulu 佛經流通處目錄 (Beijing: Beijing Gengshen Fojing liutongchu, 1920), reprinted in Zhongguo jindai guji chuban faxing shiliao congkan 中國近代古籍出版發行史料叢刊, ed. Xu Shu 徐蜀 and Song Anli 宋安莉, vol. 27 (Beijing: Guojia tushuguan chubanshe, 2003), 560 – 714. The lay Buddhist publisher Yang Wenhui 楊文會 (Yang Renshan 楊仁山, 1837– 1911) compiled a textbook for his Jetavana Hermitage 祇洹精舍 school, called Fojiao chuxue keben 佛教初學課本 (Textbook of Buddhism for beginning students). See Gregory Adam Scott, “The Publishing of Buddhist Books for Beginners

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Collectanea), initially published in Shanghai between 1918 and 1923, was intended to address this need for guidance in Buddhist reading practices, teaching readers how to interpret and study the Buddhist scriptural canon for themselves, without the need of personal instruction. The editor and publisher of Foxue congshu, Ding Fubao 丁福保 (Ding Zhongyou 丁仲祐, 1874– 1952), combined a love of reading, a background in textual exegesis and translation, and subtantial experience in publishing to produce works that would enable readers to navigate the “turbid sea” of Buddhist scriptural texts. Ding’s series marks a turning point in the development of Chinese Buddhist print culture in the early twentieth century, when authors began to increasingly focus on producing textual studies that empowered the reader to make use of the exegetical scholarship of the past, and helped to transform the text into the reader’s instructor in the study of Buddhism. Ding’s background in kaozheng 考證 (evidential) textual scholarship, an academic movement of the mid-to-late Qing that sought to uncover the original meanings of classical texts prior to later interpretations, led him to focus specifically on the lexicography of the Buddhist scriptures and the network of semantic relationships linking together scriptural and commentarial texts.⁴ The composition and structure of the series was strongly informed by three main features of Ding’s understanding: 1. That reading is a personal experience that brings the reader into direct contact with the author, and connects them to historical experiences of the past; 2. That religion functions as a type of medicine, prescribing treatments for diseases of the spirit, just as medicine treats diseases of the body; and 3. That reading religious texts functions as a type of self-education, for which the reader-as-student requires certain types of reference and guidance materials. As will be described in the following section, each of these perspectives was quite clearly derived from Ding’s particular background as a bibliophile, physician, and publisher, but they also evidently resonated with several of his peers, with whom he collaborated on the editorship and composition of the works in his series. In this series we see how Chinese Buddhist authors and publishers in the early Republic began to embrace new roles for texts as teachers, and read-

in Modern China from Yang Wenhui to Master Sheng Yen 中國近代歷史上的佛學入門書籍出版 事業 – 從楊文會居士至聖嚴法師而言,” Shengyan yanjiu 聖嚴研究 5 (forthcoming, 2014).  On kaozheng see Benjamin A. Elman, From Philosophy to Philology: Intellectual and Social Aspects of Change in Late Imperial China ([Cambridge, MA]: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1984).

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ers as students, roles that would only grow in importance in the decades to follow.

2. Ding Fubao’s Background and the Structure of His Series A lifelong book collector and bibliophile, Ding Fubao is best-known for his publishing and editing work.⁵ While many of his early publications were translations of medical texts from the Japanese, his initial scholarly training was in the study of Chinese classical texts. By 1929 he had amassed a personal collection of some 150,000 books, and it is estimated that from 1901 to 1941 he wrote, edited, translated, or annotated over three hundred titles.⁶ This extensive background in textual study and working with print was part of the foundation for his personal engagement with Buddhism, as well as the structure of his Buddhist collectanea. This book series includes several genres of texts, all of which are intended to help the reader comprehend Buddhist teachings through reliance on the texts alone. Such a pedagogical orientation also made his Buddhist series attractive

 Ding used the style name Chouyin jushi 疇隱居士 (Layman who Cultivates the Concealed), as well as the courtesy name Shouyi zi 守一子 (He who Guards the One). The reprint edition of the Foxue congshu series I consulted is Ding Zhongyou 丁仲祐 [Ding Fubao], Dingshi Foxue congshu 丁氏佛學叢書, collected by Cai Yunchen 蔡運辰 (Taipei: Beihai chuban shiye, 1970). The original pages are marked “Wuxi Dingshi cangban” 無錫丁氏藏版 (Edition in the Collection of Ding from Wuxi). Principle sources on Ding’s biography include: Ding Fubao, Chouyin jushi ziding nianpu 疇隱居士自訂年譜 (1929), in Qingdai minguo cangshujia nianpu 清代民國藏書家年譜, ed. Zhang Aifang 張愛芳 and Jia Guirong 賈貴榮, vol. 6 (Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2004): 291– 424; Ding Fubao, Chouyin jushi xueshu shi 疇隱居士學術史, in Qingdai minguo cangshujia nianpu, vol. 6: 425 – 658; Shi Dongchu 釋東初, Zhongguo Fojiao jindai shi 中國佛教近代史, in Dongchu laoren quanji 東初老人全集, ed. Shi Dongchu, vol. 1 (Taipei: Dongchu, 1974), 647– 650. Note that this last account by Dongchu relies exclusively on information presented in the introduction to the reprint edition of Ding’s series, written by Cai Yunchen.  Wang Xinsheng 王新生, “Wuxi jihui jinian Ding Fubao” 無錫集會紀念丁福保, Zhongguo qianbi 中國錢幣 (Jan., 1993), 74; Yang Qi 楊杞, “Jicang juanzhu wei yishen de cangshujia Ding Fubao” 集藏捐著為一身的藏書家丁福保, Dangdai tushuguan 當代圖書館 (Feb. 1995), 61. In the 1930s Ding donated over 58,000 books to universities in Shanghai. Chen Yuanlin 陳元麟 (1945–), whose father Chen Sanzhou 陳三洲 distributed Ding’s books through his Bolan Press 博覽書局, recalls that in 1949, the then 75-year-old Ding was still active in the publishing world. See Chen Yuanlin 陳元麟, “Wo jiandaoguo de Ding Fubao” 我見到過的丁福保, Shiji 世紀 (Century) (March, 2007), 71– 72. Ding also popularized the use of the zhengkai 正楷 font invented by the Commercial Press. Christopher Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai: Chinese Print Capitalism, 1876 – 1937 (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2004), 310fn120.

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both to those who may not have an interest in Buddhism but who valued the study of Chinese literature, and to those Buddhists who were seeking to reform education for monastics and laypeople. Although Ding’s project of editing and compiling Buddhist texts followed a model that had been part of Chinese textual culture since ancient times, his dual backgrounds in interpreting texts from the classical past and in publishing texts for the contemporary book market combined to produce a series that matched scriptural content with exegesis directed to a contemporary reader.⁷ Ding was from Wuxi 無錫 in Jiangsu province, and thanks to his family’s scholarly background he had an interest in books from an early age. In 1894 he worked as an instructor in a private school (shu 塾) run by the well-known book collector Lian Nanhu 廉南湖 (1868 – 1931), from whom he learned book collecting and textual exegesis. The next year he began studying at the Nanjing Academy 南菁書院 in Jiangyin 江陰, Jiangsu province, and while there received guidance from Wang Xianqian 王先謙 (1842– 1917) on annotating classical texts.⁸ Eventually he began work as a teacher, but finding it difficult to live on a teacher’s salary, in 1902 he returned to school to study Chinese medicine under Zhao Yuanyi 趙元益 (1840 – 1912) at a Shanghai dongwen xuetang 東文學堂 (Japaneselanguage academy).⁹ In 1909 Ding placed first in the medical exams held in

 Daojie 道階 (1866 – 1934) lists the following as precedent examples to Ding’s works: Fayuan zhulin 法苑珠林 (Forest of pearls from the garden of the Dharma, 668 CE); Dazang yilan 大藏一 覽 (The Tripiṭaka at a glance, Ming dynasty or earlier); Zongjing lu 宗鏡錄 (Record of the axiom mirror, tenth century); Jinghai yidi 經海一滴 (One drop of the Dharma sea, 1735); Zongjing dagang 宗鏡大綱, (Outline of the axiom mirror, 1734). Ding, Foxue congshu, 1360.  The Nanjing Academy was established in 1884 by Huang Tifang 黃體芳 (1832– 1899) and supported by Zuo Zongtang 左宗棠 (1812– 1885). Mentioned briefly in Volker Scheid, Currents of Tradition in Chinese Medicine, 1626 – 2006 (Seattle: Eastland Press, 2007), 237, 460fn43. Wang Xianqian was a scholar of classical literature and in 1915 published a definitive edition of Qingdynasty scholarship on the subject. See Jeffrey Riegel, “Eros, Introversion, and the Beginnings of Shijing Commentary,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 57, no. 1 (1997): 146 – 147.  Jiang Qingbo 江慶柏, “Ding Fubao de cangshu guannian ji cangshu shijian” 丁福保的藏書觀 念及藏書實踐, Tushuguan xue yanjiu 圖書館學研究 (Feb. 2000), 96 – 100; Howard L. Boorman, ed., Biographical Dictionary of Republican China, vol. 3 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970), 269 – 270; Ding, Chouyin jushi ziding Nianpu, 305; Yu Lingbo 于凌波, Zhongguo jinxiandai Fojiao renwu zhi 中國近現代佛教人物志 (Beijing: Zongjiao wenhua chubanshe, 1995), 423 – 424; Zhao Pushan 趙璞珊, “Ding Fubao he ta zaoqi bianzhu fanyi de yishu” 丁福保和他早期編著翻 譯的醫書, Zhong-Xi yi jiehe zazhi 中西醫結合雜誌 10, no. 4 (1990), 248. Zhao Yuanyi was a major translator of his generation, had previously collaborated in translating works on Western medicine, and attained the juren 舉人 degree in 1888. See David Wright, “The Translation of Modern Western Science in Nineteenth-Century China, 1840 – 1895”, Isis 89, No. 4 (Dec., 1998), 665; David Wright, “Tan Sitong and the Ether Reconsidered”, Bulletin of the School of Oriental

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Nanjing, which for the first time were based on a mixture of Chinese and Western medicine; his success was likely due at least in some part to his experience as a student translating books on Western medicine from the Japanese. Dispatched to Japan by the Qing government, he observed their medical system and purchased medical texts, but the Republican revolution occurred before he could submit his findings to the Qing court.¹⁰ When Ding returned to Shanghai he set up his own medical practice and began republishing edited and annotated versions of other authors’ works, including texts he had brought back from Japan. His books were initially issued through Wenming shuju 文明書局 (Wenming Books), the publishing house he had founded in 1902 with two fellow translators and editors, and which had gotten its start by publishing translations from European languages and the Japanese.¹¹ His series of translated medical texts Yixue congshu 醫學 叢書 (The Medical Collectanea) was published by Wenming Books from 1908 to 1911, but from 1914 onward he used the imprint of Shanghai yixue shuju 上 海醫學書局 (The Shanghai Medical Press), which he would continue to use for most of his later publications.¹² Income from his successful medical practice allowed Ding to acquire more rare and important books for his collection, helping to supply more source material for his publishing work. Extant biographical sources describe a variety of circumstances behind Ding’s initial turn toward Buddhism. Although these stories range from the prosaic to the dramatic, a few key areas of contact between them make it possible to construct a tentative outline of his early engagement with Buddhism. Most accounts state that it occurred thanks to a meeting with the Buddhist lay publisher Yang Wenhui 楊文會 (Yang Renshan 楊仁山, 1837– 1911) in Nanjing in 1903, and one source describes how in the following year a chance encounter with a copy

and African Studies, University of London 57, no. 3 (1994), 567. Japanese-language academies were set up in the late Qing to prepare Chinese students to study abroad in Japan.  Ding, Nianpu, 32; Zhao Pushan, “Ding Fubao,” 248.  Lufei Kui 陸費逵 (1886 – 1941), who would later found Zhonghua shuju 中華書局, one of the three largest Chinese publishers of the Republican period, co-edited some unpublished textbooks with Ding and later joined the staff at Wenming from 1906 to 1908. Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 227– 228.  Ding, Nianpu, 316 – 317, 325 – 326; Zhao Pushan, “Ding Fubao,” 248. Ding identifies Hua Chunfu 華純甫 and Li Jinghan 李靜涵 as his compatriots in the early days of Wenming Books. Earlier in 1906 Ding had founded a translation and publishing house called the Translation Society (Yishu gonghui 譯書公會) in his hometown of Wuxi through which he published a number of medical texts, but it folded after a property dispute in early 1908. For one catalogue of the Shanghai Medical Press’ published works, see Shanghai tushuguan 上海圖書館, ed., Zhongguo jindai xiandai congshu mulu 中國近代現代叢書目錄 (Shanghai: Shanghai tushuguan, 1979), 13 – 15.

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of the book Shishi yulu 釋氏語錄 (Recorded sayings of the Śākyas) planted the seeds of an interest in Buddhism. His chronological autobiography (ziding nianpu 自訂年譜), however, instead recalls the influence of a devout Buddhist whom he had employed to instruct his children in 1911. By that time he had already acquired a number of Buddhist scriptures as part of his book collecting and read them often, but he had not yet put their teachings into practice.¹³ There is no evidence that Ding took formal refuge as a lay Buddhist (guiyi 皈依) at the age of 40 sui 歲 (i. e. 1913), as narrated in one of the prefaces to his series, but Ding does note that it was in that year that he came to an important realization: for all his learning and erudition, he was not making any progress in the study of the Way (dao 道).¹⁴ The year 1913 was a turning point for several facets of his life and work. He would later recall that from this year he resolved to devote his energies to medicine and seek to make a lasting contribution in that rather than any other field, and he resolved to put all his efforts into publishing medical works and running his medical practice. Alongside his medical focus, however, Buddhism became a significant and growing interest. It was also from this year that he started to collect a great number of Buddhist scriptures and began to compile a lexicon of Buddhist terms. By the following year he was keeping a vegetarian diet, something he appears to have maintained for the rest of his life.¹⁵ Ding thus came to be interested in Buddhism primarily through reading and textual study, but unlike many others who had experienced a sudden and dramatic “conversion by the book” while reading a scriptural text, there does not appear to have been a single dramatic moment of realization that marked his turn toward

 Ding, Chouyin jushi ziding Nianpu, 318, 330. Yu, Zhongguo jinxiandai Fojiao renwu zhi, 424– 425. The teacher was one Shen Bowei 沈伯偉 (Shen Zufan 沈祖籓, 1875 – 1918). Yu Lingbo claims that Ding had been publishing Buddhist scriptures as early as 1912, but I have not found any other evidence of this. Some accounts of Ding’s turn toward Buddhist studies are mentioned in Jan Kiely, “Spreading the Dharma with the Mechanized Press: New Buddhist Print Cultures in the Modern Chinese Print Revolution, 1866 – 1949,” in From Woodblocks to the Internet: Chinese Publishing and Print Culture in Transition, 1800 – 2008, ed. Christopher Reed and Cynthia Brokaw (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2010), 193. Ding further notes in his preface to Foxue qixin lun 佛學起信論 (1919) and elsewhere that it was from the age of 40 sui that he became fond of reading Buddhist scriptures.  Ding, Chouyin jushi xueshu shi, 522. Ding, Foxue congshu, 29. Yu Lingbo writes that a bout with a serious illness in 1914, along with the death of his mother in the same year, forced Ding to reconsider his orientation to “worldly matters,” but Ding’s autochronology instead records his mother dying in March 1920. Ding, Chouyin jushi ziding Nianpu, 381.  Ding, Chouyin jushi ziding Nianpu, 357. Yu, Zhongguo jinxiandai Fojiao renwu zhi, 427; Ding, Chouyin jushi ziding Nianpu, entry for 1929.

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Buddhist teachings.¹⁶ Indeed he never committed himself exclusively to Buddhism, and would later shift the focus of his textual studies and publishing efforts to other religious traditions. Ding’s engagement with Buddhism through the 1910s and early 1920s culminated in the compilation of his Buddhist Studies collectanea, first published from 1918 to 1923. Ding had published a number of book series before, including his medical collectanea mentioned above, as well as two other collections: Wenxue congshu 文學叢書 (The Literary Collectanea, d.u.), and Jinde congshu 進德叢 書 (The Advancing Morality Collectanea, 1912?–1925?). Of these, the Medical Collectanea was likely the largest, with forty-six titles that can be dated to 1918 or earlier.¹⁷ His Buddhist collectanea consists of annotated Buddhist scriptures, books for beginners, dictionaries, and printed images, and was initially published through his Shanghai Medical Press. The series eventually grew to number thirty core titles, based on those listed in Ding’s preface and afterword to the series, and those included in the 1970 reprint edition edited by Cai Yunchen 蔡運辰 (Cai Niansheng 蔡念生, 1901– 1992). Most of these titles were first issued between 1918 and 1921, and Ding continued to add new titles and imprints to the series as late as 1923.¹⁸ For the most part, the content of the collectanea was originally composed by other authors, with Ding’s contribution being mainly editing, annotation, and his extensive prefatory and commentarial notes. With an ever-growing personal collection of books, a keen eye for rare and important texts, and his background in textual and translation studies, Ding was well-suited to this type of compilation. In his earlier series, Ding had translated and annotated Japanese medical knowledge; in his Buddhist series, he either translates the difficult and  See the introduction to Scott, “Conversion by the Book,” for more on this trope in Chinese Buddhist biographies.  Shanghai tushuguan, ed., Zhongguo jindai xiandai congshu mulu, 13 – 15. Many of the books in the Medical Collectanea are translations of Japanese texts, which were themselves originally translations from European-language works. Ding’s editing and translation work emphasized the importance of making these cutting-edge medical and scientific concepts easier for the reader to understand. See Zhao Pushan, “Ding Fubao,” 248 – 249.  Cai selected the titles to include in his reprint edition based on the 1918 series catalogue appended to Fojing jinghua lu jianzhu 佛經精華錄箋註 (Annotated essential records of Buddhist scriptures), reproduced on p. 1520 in the reprint edition of Foxue congshu. The catalogue also lists planned titles in the series that would be published in the years to follow. See Ding, Foxue congshu, preface, 5. For a later published catalogue of the series, see “Foxue congshu” 佛學叢書, Shijie Fojiao jushilin linkan 世界佛教居士林林刊 1 (1923), reprinted in Huang Xianian 黃夏年, ed., Minguo Fojiao qikan wenxian jicheng 民國佛教期刊文獻集成, vol. 14 (Beijing: Quanguo tushiguan wenxian suowei fuzhi zhongxin, 2006) 397– 404. Huang is hereafter cited as MFQ. Cai did not include Foxue da cidian in his reprint due to its size and the fact that the Huayan Lotus Society (Huayan lianshe 華嚴蓮社) in Taiwan had by that time already issued a reprint edition.

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often obscure language of the Buddhist scriptures, or presents evidentiary material cited from the textual corpus in order to support the doctrines of those scriptures. Table 1: Works published in Ding’s Buddhist Studies Collectanea from 1918 to 1925 Year

Title¹⁹

 Badaren jue jing jianzhu 八大人覺經箋注 Annotated sūtra of the eight meditations of the great ones

Location of Source in Canon²⁰

Bibliography Entries and Reprint Editions²¹

T no. 

Fo yijiao jing jianzhu 佛遺教經箋注 Annotated sūtra of the deathbed injunction

T no. 

Sishier zhang jing jianzhu 四十二章經箋注 Annotated sūtra in forty-two sections

T no. 

Fojing jinghualu jianzhu 佛經精華錄箋注 Annotated essential records of Buddhist scriptures

S

Guanshiyin jing jianzhu 觀世音經箋注 Annotated Avalokitêśvara sūtra

S

Gaowang guanshiyin jing jianzhu 高王觀世音經箋注 Annotated Avalokitêśvara sūtra of King Gao

T no. 

Yulanpen jing jianzhu 盂蘭盆經箋注 Annotated ullambana sūtra

T no. 

 Title translations based on those in the Digital Dictionary of Buddhism 電子佛教辭典, , or those currently in common use.  T refers to locations in the Taishō Canon, X in the Xu zangjing 續藏經 (Extended Canon). Based on the Chinese Buddhist Electronic Text Association 中華電子佛典協會 index, .  References item index numbers in the Digital Catalogue of Chinese Buddhism, .

Chapter Three: Navigating the Sea of Scriptures: Buddhist Studies Collectanea

Year

Title¹⁹

Location of Source in Canon²⁰

Amituo jing jianzhu 阿彌陀經箋注 Annotated Amida sūtra

T no. 

Wuliangshou jing jianzhu 無量壽經箋注 Annotated Sūtra of Immeasurable Life

T no. 

Guan wuliangshou Fojing jianzhu 觀無量壽佛經箋注 Annotated contemplation Sūtra²²

T no. 

Wuliangyi jing jianzhu 無量義經箋注 Annotated sūtra of unlimited meanings

T no. 

Guan puxian pusa xingfa jing jianzhu 觀普賢菩薩行法經箋注 Annotated sūtra of meditating on Samantabhadra Bodhisattva

T no. 

Jin’gang bore poluomi jing jianzhu 金剛般若波羅蜜經箋注 Annotated diamond sūtra

T no. 

Bore poluomiduo xin jing jianzhu 般若波羅蜜多心經箋注 Annotated heart sūtra

T no. 

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Bibliography Entries and Reprint Editions²¹

S

 Foxue qixin bian 佛學起信編 Awakening of faith in Buddhist studies Foxue zhinan 佛學指南 Guide to Buddhist studies

S

Liudao lunhui lu 六道輪迴錄 Records of transmigration through the six kinds of rebirth

 Worldcat has an entry with a preface dated to 1924, but I have not been able to track down its original library catalogue source. Online Computer Library Center (OCLC) no. 33955802.

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Title¹⁹

Location of Source in Canon²⁰

Bibliography Entries and Reprint Editions²¹

T no.  Liuzu tanjing jianzhu 六祖壇經箋注²³ Annotated platform sūtra of the Sixth Patriarch S

Foxue xiao zidian 佛學小辭典 Concise dictionary of Buddhist studies²⁴ Foxue da cidian xuli 佛學大辭典序例 Preface and notes on the great dictionary of Buddhist studies

S, reprint S

 Foxue cuoyao 佛學撮要 Essentials of Buddhist studies Foxue chujie 佛學初階 Initial stages in Buddhist studies Foxue zhi jichu 佛學之基礎 Foundations of Buddhist studies

S

Xue Fo shiyan tan 學佛實驗譚 Discourse on studying Buddhism experimentally Guanshiyin pusa ganying lu 觀世音菩薩靈感錄 Record of the miraculous response of Guanshiyin Bodhisattva Xinjing xiangzhu 心經詳注 Detailed annotated heart sūtra

T no. 

Ru Fo wenda 入佛問答 Questions and answers on beginning Buddhism

 Full title of the original text: Liuzu dashi fabao tanjing 六祖大師法寶壇經.  Cited bibliographic entry is for the fifth edition published in 1926.

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Jingzuo fa jingyi 靜坐法精義 Essential meaning of the method of quiet sitting X no.  Shijia rulai chengdao jizhu 釋迦如來成道記注 Annotated record of the Tathāgata Śākyamuni attaining the way Wuchang jing 無常經 Sūtra of impermanence

T no. 

佛像 Buddha Images –  types²⁵  Xue Fo jiejing 學佛捷徑 Shortcut to studying Buddhism S

Foxue da cidian 佛學大辭典 Great dictionary of Buddhist studies²⁶ Fahua jing jujie 法華經句解 Phrasal understanding of the lotus sūtra

T no. 

T no.  Yuanjue jing lüeshu 圓覺經畧疏 Brief outline of the sūtra of perfect enlightenment Weimo jing zhu 維摩經注 Annotated Vimalakīrti sūtra²⁷

T no. 

 Unfortunately I have not been able to find any examples or descriptions of these images. A later catalogue from 1934 lists 16 types of printed images for sale. Chuban mulu 出版目錄, no. 7 ([Shanghai]: Shanghai yixue shuju, Sept. 1934), in Minguo shiqi chuban shumu huibian 民國時期 出版書目彙編, ed. Liu Hongquan 劉洪權, vol. 14 (Beijing: Guojia Tushuguan Chubanshe, 2010), 744– 745.  Cited bibliographic entry is for a 1925 edition.  Full title: Weimojie suoshuo jing 維摩詰所說經.

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Title¹⁹

Location of Source in Canon²⁰

Du dasheng qixin lun jiejue 讀大乘起信論捷訣 Key to reading the awakening of Mahāyāna faith

T nos. , 

Fojiao zongpai xiangzhu 佛教宗派詳注 Detailed annotated schools and sects of Buddhism

Bibliography Entries and Reprint Editions²¹

S

Xiuzhenben Fojing congkan 袖珍本佛經叢刊 Pocket edition of Buddhist sūtras series Xiuzhenben ru Fo wenda leibian 袖珍本入佛問答類編 Pocket edition of questions and answers on beginning Buddhism, arranged by subject  Xinjing jingyi 心經精義 Essential meaning of the heart sūtra Sihou zhi shenpan 死後之審判 The judgment after death  Dabei zhou jianzhu 大悲咒箋注 Annotated dhāraṇī of great compassion Fojiao ganying pian 佛教感應篇 Essays on miraculous response in Buddhism Sanzang fashu 三藏法數 Categories of dharmic concepts in the Buddhist tripitaka

The structure and style of the volumes in the series reflect Ding’s orientation toward engaging with Buddhism as a form of education, a theme that was very much at the forefront of Chinese Buddhist publishing of the late-Qing and early-Republican periods. Ding’s publishing house and his earlier medical series both incorporate the term yixue 醫學 (medical studies, medicine), while many of

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the titles in his Buddhism series use Foxue 佛學 (Buddhist Studies). Both terms were then newly introduced to Chinese, and both had initially appeared as reverse loan-words from the Japanese, in the case of yixue as a translation for foreign terms meaning “medicine.” The origins of Foxue date back to around 1895 in Japan, and 1902 in China.²⁸ It is one of a number of words adopted from the Japanese in the decade that followed the First Sino-Japanese war (1894 – 1895), when many Chinese scholars studied in Japan in order to learn the techniques by which Japan was able to modernize its military, economy, and political system.²⁹ The short-lived Foxue yanjiuhui 佛學研究會 (Association for Buddhist Research) established in 1910, and the periodical Foxue congbao 佛學叢報 (Buddhist Studies Magazine) first issued in 1912 both used the term, but otherwise it is not often seen in Buddhist titles until the publication of Ding’s series.³⁰ Ding does not explicitly address his use of this term, but by denoting his subject with Foxue rather than an alternative term such as Fojiao 佛教, Fofa 佛法, or Fohua 佛 化, he may have been trying to avoid some of the negative associations that lateQing scholars had attached to these latter terms in their criticisms of Buddhism and other religions as corrupt and superstitious.³¹ By giving Buddhism the connotation of a field of study, Ding adroitly links it to an educational milieu, placing it on the same semantic field as science (kexue 科學), mathematics (shuxue 數學), and medicine. Modern education and fields of knowledge had a great deal

 Read as futsugaku, 佛學 was first used in Japanese as a combination phonetic-semantic term (parallel to rangaku 蘭學) meaning French Studies, with the first character used for its sound and devoid of any connection to Buddhism. The first instance of the term being used as butsugaku (Buddhist studies) that I have found is Saeki Hōdō 佐伯法導, Butsugaku sansho: kakushū hikkei 佛學三書 : 各宗必携 (Kyōto: Hōzōkan 法藏館, Meiji 28 [1895].) The earliest use of foxue in the title of a Chinese book that I have found is the 1902 catalogue from Yang Wenhui’s Jinling Scriptural Press, Foxue shumu biao 佛學書目表. See Yang Wenhui 楊文會, Zhou Jizhi 周 繼旨, ed., Yang Renshan quanji 楊仁山全集 (Hefei: Huangshan shushe, 2000): 344– 368. Also see Gabriele Goldfuss, Vers un bouddhisme du XXe siècle. Yang Wenhui (1837 – 1911), réformateur laïque et imprimeur (Paris: Collège de France, Institut des Hautes Études Chinoises, 2001), 60 – 67. Given Yang’s close association with Nanjō Bunyu and with Japanese Buddhist texts, he may have been a key point of transmission for this term to enter the Chinese lexicon.  Federico Masini, The Formation of Modern Chinese Lexicon and Its Evolution Toward a National Language: The Period from 1840 to 1898 (Berkeley, CA: Project on Linguistic Analysis, University of California, 1993), 149 – 151, 222; Lu Yan, Re-understanding Japan: Chinese Perspectives, 1895 – 1945 (Honolulu: Association for Asian Studies and University of Hawai‘i Press, 2004).  On the Foxue yanjiuhui see Goldfuss, Vers un bouddhisme du XXe siècle, 215 – 216. Foxue congshu is discussed in Scott, “Conversion by the Book,” chapter 3, section 2.  Vincent Goossaert, “1898: The Beginning of the End for Chinese Religion?,” The Journal of Asian Studies 65, no. 2 (2006): 320 – 328.

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of cultural power in the late Qing and early Republic as the centuries-old examination system was abolished and public and private schools proliferated, and it was especially important for Chinese publishers, the largest of which built their business on textbook publishing.³² The prefaces written for Ding’s Buddhist Studies Collectanea, of which there are five written from 1918 to 1920, reflect this orientation toward pedagogy both in their content and in the background of their authors.³³ Li Xiang 李詳 (Li Shenyan 李審言, 1859 – 1931) was a prolific author who, like Ding, was associated with kaozheng scholarship of the late Qing.³⁴ In his preface he argues that the messages of the Buddhist teachings are at their core no different from those of the six classics of the sages, but notes that while scholars have given a great deal of careful attention to explicating the latter, before the advent of Ding’s series, Buddhist scriptures had not been studied in the same exacting manner.³⁵ Li does not present himself as a Buddhist believer, but instead lends his support to Ding’s use of textual exegesis to interpret Buddhist scriptural texts. Little is known about Chen Jiadun 陳嘉遯 (d.u.) and Wu Baozhen 吳保真 (d.u.), authors of the following two prefaces. Chen wrote a handful of articles for Buddhist periodicals in the 1920s, and in his preface he mentions ordering some two hundred copies of Ding’s books, while Wu also wrote a preface to Ding’s Buddhist dictionary, discussed below.³⁶ The author of the fourth preface, Chanding 禪定 (1874–?), was a monk in the Tiantai tradition who began his monastic career in Shanghai, and who later studied at Guanzong Lecture Temple 觀宗講寺 in Ningbo 寧波, which was under the leadership of the Tiantai patriarch Dixian 諦閑 (1858 – 1932), as well as at temples in Shaanxi 陝西 and Liaoning 遼寧.³⁷ His preface evokes the images of the agada medicine (ajiatuo yao 阿伽陀藥), a powerful panacea mentioned in Buddhist scriptures, to link Ding’s medical practice to the salvific powers of Buddhist scriptures, saying that his published works serve to heal the body as well as the mind. This trope of “Buddhism as medicine”

 Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai. Also see Reed’s “Introduction” to From Woodblocks to the Internet, 8 – 10.  These prefaces introduce the series as a whole, while individual titles often have their own prefaces, notes, and other prefatory and explanatory material.  On Li, see Li Xiang 李詳, Li Zhifu 李稚甫, eds., Li Shenyan wenji 李審言文集 ([S.l.]: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1989), 1447– 1481.  Ding, Foxue congshu, 1– 8. Li’s preface was also annotated by Ding with interlinear exegetical notes.  Ding, Foxue congshu, 9 – 24.  Fang Zuyou 方祖猷, Tiantai zong guanzong jiangsi zhi 天台宗觀宗講寺志: 1912 – 1949 (Beijing: Zongjiao wenhua chubanshe, 2006), 54– 55. Yu Lingbo 于凌波, ed., Xiandai Fojiao renwu cidian 現代佛教人物辭典 (Sanchong: Foguang, 2004), 1666 – 1667.

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would be invoked throughout the works in the series.³⁸ Chanding also notes that Ding follows the classical model of exegesis to annotate Buddhist texts, and that the act of reading these texts represents the first step in a process of acquiring religious knowledge that will lead one toward understanding, contemplation, and finally a confirmation of one’s insight. Chanding himself was just then in the process of acquiring a set of the complete Buddhist canon from Beijing for the Guanzong Temple.³⁹ Several prominent religious, literary, and political figures of the day contributed prefaces to individual titles in the series. The monk Yinguang 印光 (1862– 1940) wrote a number of prefaces to books for beginners in the series; Dixian, mentioned above, contributed to two annotated sūtras, and Daojie 道階 (1866 – 1944) wrote one for the scriptural compilation Fojing jinghua lu jianzhu 佛經精華錄箋註 (Annotated essential records of Buddhist scriptures, 1918). These three figures were all very active in Buddhist circles of the time, Daojie being especially well-known for his international connections with Buddhists overseas and Dixian for his teaching and voluminous writing.⁴⁰ A number of figures without any particular connection to Buddhism also contributed prefaces for individual works in the series. These include Wu Zhihui 吳稚暉 (1865 – 1953), eminent scholar, elder statesman of the Guomindang, and driving force behind the promotion of the zhuyin zimu 注音字母 phonetic writing system; Meng Sen 孟森 (1868 – 1937), who served briefly in the early Republican government before teaching at National Central and Peking Universities; and Sun Yuyun 孫毓筠 (1869 – 1924), a member of the Tongmenghui 同盟會 in Japan who later supported the monarchist aspirations of Yuan Shikai 袁世凱 (1859 – 1916).⁴¹ In their prefaces, each contributor highlights different aspects of the series: Wu Zhihui praises Ding’s erudition and compassion, puzzles over problems of semantics when dealing with terms translated from the Sanskrit, and discuss-

 See the end of the following section for more on this.  Ding, Foxue congshu, 27– 28. The agada medicine is mentioned in Zhiyi’s Mohe zhiguan 摩訶 止觀 (Great Tranquility and Contemplation, Taishō no. 1911) and the Huayan jing 華嚴經 (Avataṃsaka Sūtra). See Digital Dictionary of Buddhism, [阿伽陀藥]; Foguang da cidian bianxiu weiyuanhui 佛光大辭典編修委員會, ed., Foguang da cidian 佛光大辭典 (Gaoxiong xian: Foguang chubanshe, 1988), 3617. Chanding’s preface to the series was also printed in Haichao yin 海潮音 (Voice of the Sea Tide) in August 1921, MFQ 151:119 – 120.  On Dixian see: Dongchu, Zhongguo Fojiao jindai shi, 2:757– 761; Yu, Xiandai Fojiao renwu cidian, 2:1621– 1624. On Daojie see: Dongchu, Zhongguo Fojiao jindai shi, 2:825 – 828; Yu, Xiandai Fojiao renwu cidian, 2:1386 – 1388.  See section three below for more on Mei. Also see Boorman, Biographical Dictionary of Republican China, vol. 3, 416, 432– 434.

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es the place of Buddhist scriptures in the history of civilizations;⁴² Meng Sen focuses on the filial piety expressed in the Foshuo yulanpen jing 佛說盂蘭盆經 (Ullambana Sūtra);⁴³ Sun Yuyun lauds Ding’s work in providing solid scriptural evidence for the teachings in a time of End-Dharma (mofa 末法) and aberrant teachings (moshuo 魔說).⁴⁴ The literary, historical, and cultural value of the Buddhist texts in Ding’s series is, at least in the context of their contributed prefaces, clearly held in high regard even by those with no particular personal connection to Buddhism. In August 1920, some seven years after his “turning point” that led him to focus on medicine and Buddhist scriptures, and at a time when the first titles in the series were coming off the presses, Ding composed a preface and an afterword for his series reflecting on the path that brought him to undertake such a project.⁴⁵ In it he relates the story outlined in his autobiographical chronology mentioned above that at the age of forty sui (i. e. late 1913 to early 1914) he realized that in spite of his studies of medicine, mathematics, literature and other subjects, “the Way was not illuminated, and virtue not established.”⁴⁶ He thus turned to the study of Buddhism. He collected more than ten thousand fascicles of Buddhist texts, books that, he claims, hold meanings which mundane (shijian 世間) works could not express.⁴⁷ Ding’s account of reading Buddhist scriptures describes a vivid and experiential immediacy with their messages: I often contemplated and saw with my own eyes, recollecting how after Śakyamuni attained the way he preached the Avatamsaka Sūtra for thirty-seven days. … At the time of his parinirvāṇa, he preached the Nirvana Sūtra for one day and one night. It was if I saw these matters with my own eyes, heard their voices with my own ears, and directly faced their pronouncements. After the Buddha entered nirvana, for a period of seven days and nights Mahākāśyapa, Ānanda, and others along with the five hundred Arhats assembled the tripiṭaka of scriptural texts at Vulture Peak.⁴⁸ I also saw everything distinctly as if it were

 Ding, Foxue congshu, 1231– 1232, 1251– 1254, 1303 – 1304.  Ding, Foxue congshu, 1605 – 1606.  Ding, Foxue congshu, 1523 – 1524. Translation of moshuo from Digital Dictionary of Buddhism. On Buddhist notions of cosmic epochs, the decline of the Dharma, and historical time, see Jan Nattier, Once Upon a Future Time: Studies in a Buddhist Prophecy of Decline (Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1991), 15 – 26.  Ding, Foxue congshu, 29 – 32, 3007– 3008.  『道不明, 德不立』, a reference to the Daxue 大學 (Great Learning).  The length of a fascicle (juan 卷) in characters or pages is not fixed, but roughly corresponds to a chapter of a modern work.  In Buddhist scriptures, Mahākāśyapa 摩訶迦葉 and Ānanda 阿難 are two of the chief disciples of the Buddha, and are said to have helped assemble the Buddha’s teachings into written form as described.

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the personal instruction of a teacher. It was also as if I entered the rooms of Kumārajīva and Xuanzang, and saw them translate the language of Brahma Heaven into the language of the lands of China, explaining the meaning and structure of the texts, then wetting the tip of their brush with the tip of their tongue and composing their thoughts.⁴⁹ I also entered the rooms of all the great exegetes and compilers since the Sui and Tang dynasties, discussed with eminent monks young and old, and I could hear their voices. All of these absurd thoughts often appeared during a dawn storm, in the liminal time between darkness and light, and though I wished to dispel them I was unable to do so. 余時時冥思諦觀, 追憶釋迦成道後, 於三七日說華嚴經. … 滅度時, 於一日一夜, 說涅槃經. 吾如目見其事, 耳聞其聲, 而面領其誥誠也. 佛滅度後, 經七日夜, 迦葉阿難等與五百羅漢, 在耆闍崛山中結集三藏經典. 吾亦無不歷歷在目, 若承其耳提而面命也. 吾又如入鳩摩羅什 玄奘法師之室, 見其翻梵天之語, 成漢地之言, 發凡起例, 含毫而屬思也. 又入隋唐以來諸 註疏家之室, 與諸高僧, 上下其議論, 而親接其謦咳也. 凡此種種妄想, 往往發現於雞鳴風 雨, 若明若昧之際, 欲排遣之而不可得.⁵⁰

Although Ding uses a non-committal tone regarding the reality of his visions, calling them “absurd thoughts,” they are nonetheless evocative descriptions of his experience of reading, one that he wished to bring to a wider audience by sharing these scriptural texts with the world. This was an experience of immediate communication with the authors and characters in the texts, coming into direct contact with the teacher of the past through the act of reading. Yet Ding then goes on to recall his concern that the sheer number of printed works and the complexity of their content would overwhelm novice readers, causing them to give up before making any real progress. This prompted him to make a personal vow (si shiyuan 私誓願) to produce annotated editions of scriptural texts, as well as introductory books for beginners (chuxue rumen 初學入門) so that one need not become a specialist to engage in the study of Buddhism.⁵¹ The motivation for producing his Buddhist Studies series, as he describes it, was thus a religious rather than a commercial one, and indeed Ding did not seek to derive any profit from the sale of his Buddhist books, instead reinvesting any excess funds back into the printing enterprise. Most of the funds to print the books came from donations, and the retail price of the books was usually only enough to cover one third of the cost of their production.⁵²  Kumārajīva 鳩摩羅什 (334– 413) was a Central Asian translator monk who translated a number of important Buddhist scriptures into Chinese. Xuanzang 玄奘 (ca. 602– 664) was a Chinese monk who made pilgrimage to India and brought back Buddhist scriptural texts to be translated.  Ding, Foxue congshu, 29 – 30.  Ding, Foxue congshu, 29 – 30.  See Yu, Zhongguo jinxiandai Fojiao renwu zhi, 425; “Ding Fubao qishi” 丁福保啟事, Haichao yin, vol. 2, no. 3 (Feb. 20, 1921), MFQ 150:118.

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Ding thus felt that he could not simply start reprinting original Buddhist texts as scriptural presses had done, since in their basic form they were simply too complex for most people to comprehend. This became the central problematic that propelled his editing and exegetical work on his Buddhist book series. He explores this issue at some length in his preface to Foxue zhinan 佛學指南 (Guide to Buddhist Studies), published as part of the series in 1919: In our country, since the time of Emperor Ming of the Eastern Han dynasty when the scriptures were brought to the Eastern lands on the back of a white horse, there was the Kaiyuan Bibliography of Buddhist Teachings written by Zhisheng 智昇 [669 – 740] in the tenth year of the Kaiyuan era of the Tang [713 – 714], which listed 5,418 fascicles of scriptures, vinaya, and commentary. This was the beginning of numbering the contents of the canon. Afterward there was the Song canon of 5,714 fascicles, and the Yuan canon of 5,397 fascicles. Since the Song dynasty, there have been more than 20 additions to this among state and private publishers…. Recently the canon printed by the Kalaviṇka Hermitage has 8,416 fascicles. Also the Japanese Extended Canon has more than 7,800 fascicles. … Numerous, numerous! The sea of scriptures! Take one step into it, and it’s a vastness without a shore. All who see the vast sea of work to be done simply sigh with despair. It is as if we are in a boat on the ocean and encounter a sudden storm of angry waves. One glimpse at the limitlessness, and all the passengers look at each other in fear. But the boatmen who know where it is peaceful, and who in calm control finally lead the boat to the other shore, how could they not have something called a compass [zhinan zhen 指南鍼]? Piloting a boat is like this, so how could navigating the sea of scriptures be any different? 吾國自東漢明帝時, 白馬䭾經, 來茲東土. 有唐開元十年, 沙門智昇著開元釋教目錄, 詮次經 律論章疏, 總維五千四十八卷. 此大藏定數之始也. 爾後宋藏五千七百十四卷, 元藏五千三百 九十七卷. 自宋以來, 官私刻版, 多至二十餘副. … 近頻伽精舍所刊大藏經, 八千四百十有六 卷. 又日本續藏經七千百餘卷, 可謂盛矣. … 浩浩乎. 經海哉. 驟涉其津, 茫無涯涘. 未有不望 洋而興嘆者. 譬夫吾人航海, 遇驚風怒濤, 一望無際, 乘客相顧失色. 而舟子神識恬靜, 操縱 自如, 卒循航線而達彼岸者, 豈非有所謂指南鍼者在歟. 航海如是, 探經海者何獨不然.⁵³

After listing some of the major collections of Buddhist scriptures, including the then very recent Kalaviṇka Hermitage (1913) and Japanese Zoku zōkyō (1912) editions, Ding laments that all of this publication work has only made it more difficult for ordinary readers to engage with the texts of the Buddhist canon.⁵⁴ While scriptural publishers like Yang Wenhui had been concerned that there were insufficient good-quality copies of the Buddhist sūtras in circulation, from Ding’s perspective, the most urgent problem was how to teach people to read and understand them in such a way that they would not be overwhelmed

 Ding, Foxue congshu, 377.  On the Kalaviṇka Canon and other then recently published editions of the Buddhist canon, see Scott, “Conversion by the Book,” chapter two.

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by their complexity. This sentiment is echoed in the prefaces contributed by Dixian and Daojie, mentioned above. Both of them, while aware of the many attempts in the past to provide guides to and interpretation of the scriptures, were glad to see this new effort to address the “differing capacities of sentient beings” and to “bridge the sea” of scriptures.⁵⁵ The relationship of Ding’s work to the concerns and interests of a wider social sphere of Chinese Buddhists is thus reflected in the prefatory notes by writers such as Dixian and Daojie. Ding also maintained written correspondence with Yinguang while the latter was living on Putuoshan 普陀山, in which Yinguang offers his advice and opinion on several aspects of Ding’s series.⁵⁶ The correspondence begins in 1917, when Ding was still studying Buddhist scriptural texts and completing manuscript versions of some of the works that would later be published as part of his collectanea. There are several instances in the letters where Yinguang mentions receiving draft copies of Ding’s works, including his lexicon and Foxue chujie 佛學初階 (Initial stages in Buddhist studies), several years before they were to be published. Yinguang offers some advice regarding where certain scriptural texts might be found; an indication that Ding had asked for his help in tracking down the location and provenance of Buddhist texts. Yinguang also observes that although Fayu Temple 法雨寺 on Putuoshan had a Southern Ming (Nanzang 南藏) and a Qing (Longzang 龍藏) canon, few people ever actually read them.⁵⁷ There are instances of subtle criticism as well, as when he notes that the publication of scriptures is an endeavour that takes much more careful thought than, say, publishing newspapers. When he contrasts the work of monks in ancient times, who would spend a decade or an entire lifetime annotating a single text, to Ding’s voluminous output in the past three years, one may detect a hint of caution beneath Yinguang’s polite language.⁵⁸ Yet Yinguang also displays an keen understanding of at least some aspects of modern print technology, as well as knowledge of the concrete factors behind the production of printed texts. In one of his letters to Ding, Yinguang mentions how a group in Fuding 福鼎, north of Fuzhou 福州, were then having trouble arranging dharma lectures and getting people to continue attending, but if they

 Ding, Foxue congshu, 1361, 1654.  Ding, Chouyin jushi ziding Nianpu, 375 – 376. Yinguang was known for his emphasis on scriptural study in addition to the recitation of Buddha’s name (nianfo 念佛). See Yu, Xiandai Fojiao renwu cidian, vol. 1, 284– 288.  Shi Yinguang 釋印光, Yinguang fashi wenchao sanbian 印光法師文鈔三編 (Taipei: Fotuo jiaoyu jijinhui, 2007), Yinguang to Ding Fubao, Letter 5, 964– 966.  Yinguang to Ding, Letter 1, 958 – 960; Letter 5, 964– 966.

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were instead to give people one of Ding’s books to read, then that might be a much more effective strategy for spreading the Dharma.⁵⁹ In another letter, Yinguang relates the story of how he had first become known beyond the confines of Putuoshan thanks to a series of his articles that had appeared in the Buddhist magazine Foxue congbao 佛學叢報.⁶⁰ Yet he also critiques movable-type printing because “the ink has a lot of compounds added to it, and will fade eventually,” whereas traditional woodblock printing results in a text that will last through the ages, something that he had discussed in correspondence with the publishers of Foxue congbao. ⁶¹ Even in the relative isolation of Putuoshan, Yinguang was still connected to the rapidly developing Buddhist print culture of the early Republic; critical of some aspects, but enthusiastically supportive of others. Connections such as this indicate that Ding’s project was indeed part of broader conversations about publishing among lay and monastic Chinese Buddhists, and that in spite of his lack of a formal Buddhist institutional or master-disciple relationship, Ding was receptive to input from Buddhists through his social connections.

3. Illuminating Scriptures with Exegesis, Awakening Faith with Evidence Seeking to help those who wished to navigate the turbid sea of Buddhist texts, Ding produced two types of texts for his series: editions of Buddhist scriptures with punctuation, annotation, and explanations added by Ding; and books for beginners, which are primarily collections of evidentiary tales that describe people experiencing the truth of the Buddhist teachings first-hand. In the annotated scriptures, Ding provides an extensive exegesis that cites Buddhist and other classical texts to explain the meaning of passages and terms that would be unfamiliar to a novice reader. As editor and exegete, Ding refrains from presenting any personal insight into the doctrines expressed in the text, preferring instead to let the texts illumenate each other. In the evidentiary tales, Ding addresses the

 Yinguang to Ding, Letter 2, 960 – 961.  Described in Scott, “Conversion by the Book,” chapter three.  Yinguang to Ding, Letter 3, 961– 962. 『鉛印雖便，究非久遠之計。以鉛印墨中，多加藥 汁，久必褪落。宜刊木版，方可傳遠。印光上佛報館書，正為此事。』 Based on an original copy of Foxue congbao that I consulted in the library of the Institute of Chinese Literature and Philosophy at Academia Sinica 中央研究院中國文哲研究所, Yinguang’s concern may have been misplaced, since its text appears as vibrant and bold as it likely was when it was printed. Its pages, however, have become brittle from the presence of acidic materials used in the paper making process.

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doubts he expects readers will have when encountering descriptions of supernatural phenomena in the Buddhist scriptures. To do so he cites passages selected from a wide variety of sources that describe the original author’s personal experience with phenomena such as rebirth and karmic retribution. Buddhist scriptural texts accompanied by Ding’s annotations and exegetical notes (jianzhu 箋注) make up the core of his Buddhist collectanea, both in terms of primacy—these were the earliest works published in the series—and majority.⁶² If we omit the multi-volume dictionary Foxue da cidian 佛學大辭典 (Great dictionary of Buddhist studies), annotated scriptural texts make up the bulk of the collection; in the reprint edition they fill two of the three largest volumes, and of all the titles published in the series between 1918 and 1924, just over half are annotated scriptures. The texts selected for annotation and republication are some of the most central works in the East Asian Buddhist canon, including Bore poluomiduo xinjing 般若波羅蜜多心經 (the Heart Sūtra), Jin’gang bore poluomi jing 金剛般若波羅蜜經 (the Diamond Sūtra), Liuzu tanjing 六祖壇 經 (the Platform Sūtra of the Sixth Patriarch), and scriptures relating to Amitābha Buddha 阿彌陀佛 and Guanshiyin 觀世音 and Puxian 普賢 Bodhisattvas. Most of these texts had already been published by Buddhist scriptural presses in the late Qing, but they rarely included a modern author’s exegetical gloss.⁶³ At its core this was not a novel approach – annotated scriptures and commentaries on scriptural texts were already an established part of Buddhist literature, but usually the interpretation was highly informed by the author’s insight or realization. In his series, Ding instead presents his annotations by drawing upon a vast textual corpus and letting the interpretations of past exegetes and commentators speak to the reader, a product of his background in bibliographic and kaozheng scholarship. In his essay “Jinggao zhu Fojing zhi jushi” 敬告注佛經之居士 (A Respectful Notice to Gentlemen Annotating Scriptures), published in 1921 as part of the prefatory material to his dictionary Foxue da cidian, Ding outlines his approach to annotation and his preferred techniques of interpreting and editing scriptural texts. He lists seventeen points that annotators are urged to follow, some of

 Ding preferred 注 over the alternate form 註, since it was the former that was used in the classics. See Ding, “Jinggao zhu Fojing zhi jushi” 敬告注佛經之居士, in Ding Fubao, Foxue da cidian 佛學大辭典 (Shanghai: Yixue shuju, 1921), prefatory material, 1.  See, for example, the 1902 catalogue Foxue shumu biao 佛學書目表 in Yang Wenhui, Yang Renshan quanji, 344– 368. Based on that catalogue, the Heart Sūtra, the Sūtra of the Deathbed Injunction, the Diamond Sūtra, the Amida Sūtra, the Sūtra of Unlimited Meanings, and the Sūtra of the Meditation on the Buddha of Immeasurable Life had all already been reprinted by Yang’s Jinling Scriptural Press 金陵刻經處.

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which specifically address Buddhist scriptures, others of which apply to all classical texts. Some of the central points are: do not make forced interpretations of the text, do not indulge in empty speculation, use scriptural sources to verify scriptural content, avoid spurious scriptures, don’t argue with the ancients, and don’t argue with contemporaries.⁶⁴ The central theme of these comments is that editors should interfere as little as possible with the content of the texts, and that their personal influence on their interpretation should be minimized. While some Buddhist exegetes are mentioned in the explanations of these guidelines, for the most part he quotes from and refers to famous scholars of the Confucian classics, treating the exegetical task of annotating Buddhist scriptures as being equivalent to that of working with other classical texts. Ding references many of these points in his “Jianjing zaji” 箋經雜記 (Miscellaneous notes on annotating [the] scripture), a series of essays that precede many of the annotated scriptures, in which he discusses bibliographic and interpretive issues relating to the text that they accompany. Of the twenty annotated scriptural texts in the series, Jin’gang bore poluomi jing jianzhu 金剛般若波羅蜜經箋注 (The Diamond of Perfect Wisdom Sūtra, annotated and explained), stands as one of the most preeminent texts in the East Asian Buddhist tradition, and Ding’s edition of it will be examined here as a representative example of the structure of most of the other annotated scriptural works in the series. The work opens with a preface that introduces the theme of the scripture and highlights bibliographic considerations such as different extant translations, followed by Ding’s notes on annotation that outline the larger exegetical context, a record of miraculous events (lingyiji 靈異記) associated with the sūtra, and finally the annotated text itself.⁶⁵ The preface first guides the reader through the historical and interpretive context of the sūtra, providing bibliographic information on the six most commonly-cited translations of the text.⁶⁶ Ding writes that much confusion and misunderstanding has arisen from

 The full list of points is as follows: 『定書名宜法古人; 注佛經宜用儒書內傳體; 注佛經宜戒 穿鑿; 注佛經宜戒空談; 注佛經宜取法李善文選注; 注佛經宜考索名物典故; 注佛經宜梳櫛音義; 注佛經宜以經證經; 注出處有古畧而今詳者注有前後互異者; 箋注宜講文筆; 注佛經宜先通句讀; 注佛經宜講校讐之學; 注佛經宜闢偽經; 注經不可與古人相爭; 注經不可與今人相爭; 經注宜在每 句下用雙行小字; 結論.』 Punctuation added. Ding, Foxue da cidian, pp. 25 – 42.  Ding’s Foxue da cidian defines lingyi 靈異 as “an abstruse, inconceivable phenomenon.” In using this term to signify miraculous events associated with Buddhist teachings rather than the more conventional ganying 感應, he may have been following the ninth-century Japanese text Record of Miracles in Recompense to Good and Evil Manifesting in Japanese Lands (Nihongoku genhō zenaku ryōiki 日本国現報善悪霊異記). See Foguang da cidian, 1452.  Ding also notes another translation in one fascicle cited in the Lidai fabao ji 歷代法寶記 (Record of the Dharma-Jewel through the Generations) which is no longer extant.

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focusing on any translation other than that of Kumārajīva (Jiumoluoshi 鳩摩羅 什, 344 – 413), which is the one that he has consulted, but nevertheless all of the extant translations must be compared to each other in order to properly understand the text. The central theme of the Diamond Sūtra is that conventional, discriminatory perception does not reflect ultimate reality, and that words and concepts must be set aside so that one may attain the perfection of wisdom (prajñāpāramitā). Ding guides the reader in their interpretation of the text by identifying the three concepts at the core of the scripture: benti 本體 (essence), xiuxing 修行 (practice), and jiujing 究竟 (the final [goal]).⁶⁷ He further explains these with reference to the three types of Buddha nature postulated by Zhiyan 智儼 (602– 668) in his exegesis of the Huayan jing 華嚴經 (the Avataṃsaka Sūtra), giving copious citations of places in the Diamond Sūtra where these concepts might be found.⁶⁸ With the core concepts of the scripture outlined, Ding proceeds to describe to the reader his own role in annotating and explaining the text. He writes that while he worked he maintained a purified mind and body, cut off all extreme thoughts, and took great care with each individual character and meaning. He expresses the hope that in doing so he has not only improved on the annotations of the past, but has also preserved the teachings passed down by the ancients without corrupting them with his own words. This is followed by the scripture’s annotation notes (jianjing zaji), where he observes that in the past annotated editions of the scripture were either good but relied too much on specialized Buddhist vocabulary, or were easy to understand but full of mistakes. In either case, they were too confusing for a beginning student of Buddhism. Finally he offers a series of stories under the title “Jin’gang jing lingyiji” 金剛經靈異記 (Record of Diamond Sūtra miracles), in which stories are cited from historical sources that demonstrate the power of the sūtra to produce miracles and unusual occurrences in response to reciting or possessing the scripture, ranging from the extension of one’s lifespan, to the granting of sons, to banishing ghosts and protection from weapons.⁶⁹ The examples include stories from Tang- and Songdynasty collections of anecdotes, grouped under fourteen subject headings. As will be discussed in the latter part of this section, collections of evidence arguing for the reality of scriptural claims would be the central theme of most other titles in the series, but shorter pieces like this also appear as part of the annotated scriptures. In the prefatory material to his annotated Diamond Sūtra, Ding has  Ding, Foxue congshu, 2575.  Ding, Foxue congshu, 2576 – 2578. Zhiyan was later recognized as a patriarch in the Huayan school of Chinese Buddhism.  Ding, Foxue congshu, 2578 – 2579, 2586 – 2610.

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thus summarized the main ideas of this scripture and linked them to other important scriptural texts, and he has also drawn the reader’s attention to the importance of understanding not only the terminology of this and other canonical texts, but also the history of their translation and interpretation. Following these extensive prefatory notes is the annotated scriptural text itself. The exegesis and annotation in Ding’s works are presented in the form of interlinear notes printed in a smaller font arranged in dual half-columns (shuanghang xiaozi 雙行小字) that follow the phrase being discussed, a standard method that had already been widely used in xylographic annotated classical texts. In his preface to the series, Ding notes that his annotation is modeled upon the xungu 訓詁 (classical gloss) style employed for the Chinese classics, following editions of the Erya 爾雅 (The Literary Expositor), an early dictionary and encyclopedia dating from the third century BCE, and the Maoshi 毛詩 (Book of Songs with Mao Prefaces), in citing passages from a wide array of sources in order to explicate the main text.⁷⁰ The similarity of Ding’s annotation style to that of annotated classical texts was apparently quite well-known and was used as a selling point in at least one advertisement and book catalogue.⁷¹ In Ding’s annotated scriptures, each phrase of the original text, sometimes as short as a single character, is directly followed by Ding’s explanation of the phrase’s terms and meaning, with passages in related texts cited in support of the interpretation. These referenced texts include other canonical scriptures, commentaries and other annotated editions, often noting the division or section (pin 品) of the work where the cited passage can be found; since standard printed editions such as the Taishō Canon had not yet come into widespread use, page numbers are not used in citations. Ding’s exegesis is quite thorough, and assumes little to no previous knowledge on the part of the reader. For example, the first few phrases of the first section of the Diamond Sūtra in Chinese and in Charles Muller’s translation are as follows: 如是我聞。一時佛在舍衛國祇樹給孤獨園。與大比丘衆千二百五十人倶。 Thus I have heard. Once, the Buddha was staying in the Jetavana Grove in Śrāvastī with a community of 1250 monks.⁷²

 Yu, Zhongguo jinxiandai Fojiao renwu zhi, 425.  “Foxue congshu” 佛學叢書, Shijie Fojiao jushilin linkan 世界佛教居士林林刊 3 (1925), MFQ 141:215.  Chinese text from Chinese Buddhist Electronic Text Association. English translation from .

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Figure 1: Sample page from Ding’s Annotated Diamond Sūtra. Scanned from Foxue congshu, 2612.

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With Ding’s added interlinear notes, these two lines occupy about a full page in the reprint edition, with approximately 460 characters of exegesis used to explicate twenty-nine characters of scriptural text.⁷³ The extensive notes explain how the community of monks, led by Ānanda, assembled after the death of the Buddha to compile the scriptures based on what they had heard him preach; how the Fodi jinglun 佛地經論 (Treatise on the Buddha-bhūmi Sūtra) interprets the word “once” in two different ways;⁷⁴ that “the Buddha” refers to Śākyamuni Buddha; that Śrāvastī was a city in northern Kośala in central India, and so on. In addition, he offers a pronunciation guide for uncommon characters and readings of characters, such as 祇 (qi) when it appears as part of “Jetavana,” by noting a homophonous character, in this case 奇 (qi). The annotations included here also differ from those that would later be collected in Ding’s Buddhist dictionary Foxue da cidian, indicating that in his annotation work, he sought to explicate each term within the context of the particular text rather than in the more broad and generic sense favored in a lexicographical study.⁷⁵ In total, Ding’s annotated Diamond Sūtra runs to forty-five double pages, representing three quarters of the volume, with the rest being prefatory notes, but curiously the edition omits the thirty-three character zhenyan 真言 (mantra) that normally appears at the end of the text.⁷⁶ In total, Ding published fourteen annotated scriptures in 1918, the first year of the series’ publication, with several more published in the years that followed. From 1919 onward this genre of text is first joined by, then eclipsed in number by another, the introductory book (rumenshu 入門書) or book for beginning study (chuxueshu 初學書). With the inclusion of these titles, which are primarily collections of tales describing experiences of Buddhist merit, karma, and retribution manifesting themselves in the lives of the narrators, Ding demonstrates his concern with proving to the reader that the scriptures have had concrete effects in

 See Ding, Foxue congbao, 2612– 2613. Even this level of detail is only an average; sometimes a single phrase of classical text is followed by over a full page of exegesis. In the 1920 work Xinjing xiangzhu 心經詳註 (The Heart Sūtra, annotated in detail), Ding supersedes an earlier annotated version of the scripture, which he felt was too brief, with an even more detailed version where a single phrase is usually followed by several pages of annotations. See Ding, Foxue congshu, 2475 – 2478 for the preface to this work.  Specifically, as meaning either that the speaking and the hearing of the sūtra were separated by only a instant (chana 剎那), or that they occur at the extact same time.  The dictionary definition for yishi 一時, for example, cites instead the first fascicle of Guan wuliang shou Fojing shu 觀無量壽佛經疏 by Shandao 善導 (613 – 681).  The mantra is rendered phonetically, and is included in the Taishō canon edition of the scripture: 『那謨婆伽跋帝 缽喇壤 波羅弭多曳 唵 伊利底 伊室利 輸盧馱 毘舍耶 毘舍 耶 莎婆 訶。』 T08.235 p.752 c05 – 07.

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the world throughout history. Similar thematic collections of miracle tales had been produced in medieval China by Daoxuan 道宣 (596 – 667) and other authors, collections which themselves were often assembled from a range of other sources.⁷⁷ Ding presents these tales for the novice reader in order to, as one of the titles in the series terms it, “awaken faith in Buddhist Studies.”⁷⁸ To Ding, publishing Buddhist texts was thus not only a matter of making them legible and comprehensible to the readers, but also of establishing their relevance as objects embodying a very real super-normal power. Buddhist books written for novices and based on the model of the educational textbook had begun to appear in the late Qing with Fojiao chuxue keben 佛教初學課本 (Primer of Buddhism for beginning students), published by Yang Wenhui in 1906, and was followed by brief articles in the Buddhist magazine Foxue congbao such as “Foxue qianshuo” 佛學淺說 (Elementary explanation of Buddhist Studies) in issue 1 (1912), and Yang’s “Shizong lüeshuo” 十宗 畧說 (Brief explanation of the Ten Schools) in issue 4 (1913).⁷⁹ More recently, commercial presses in Shanghai had begun to publish their own introductory Buddhist books. Foxue dagang 佛學大綱 (Outline of Buddhist studies) by Xie Meng 謝蒙 (Xie Wuliang 謝無量, 1884– 1964), published by Zhonghua Books in 1916, has one volume that surveys the history of Buddhism from the life of Śakyamuni to the formation of the Chinese Buddhist schools, with the second volume focusing on the foundations of Buddhist doctrine, epistemology, and ethics. Foxue yijie 佛學易解 (Simple explication of Buddhist studies), published in Shanghai by the Commercial Press (Shangwu yinshuguan 商務印書館) in 1917 and later reprinted in 1919 and 1926, was another example of this genre, written by Jia Fengzhen 賈豐臻 (fl. 1910s–1930s) who later also published an introductory book on philosophy and a history of lixue 理學 (Neo-Confucian

 See Koichi Shinohara, “Dao-xuan’s Collection of Miracle Stories about ‘Supernatural Monks’,” Chung-Hwa Buddhist Journal 3 (April 1990): 319 – 379.  The title is Foxue qixin bian 佛學起信編, which Ding references in his preface to Foxue da cidian as representative of the books for the beginners in general. The use of qixin in the title is likely a reference to the well-known text Dasheng qixin lun 大乘起信論 (Awakening of Mahāyāna Faith).  MFQ 1:41– 8, 2:21– 27. Yang’s textbook continued to be reprinted and sold through the 1940s. See for example Foxue banyuekan 佛學半月刊, issues 217 and 233, reprinted in Huang Xianian 黃夏年, ed., Minguo Fojiao qikan wenxian jicheng bubian 民國佛教期刊文獻集成補編, vol. 65 (Beijing: Zhongguo shudian, 2008), 108, 377. This collection is hereafter cited as MFQB. For a broader survey of Buddhist books for beginners that includes part of the discussion presented here, see Scott, “The Publishing of Buddhist Books for Beginners.”

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scholarship).⁸⁰ These works were intended for use not in a classroom setting, as with a textbook, but rather as self-study guides for the independent reader. As such they assumed minimal background knowledge on the part of the student. Ding’s books for beginners were structured in much the same way, with each title presenting a similar body of material in a different style, rather than building upon each other like a series of textbooks each designed for a different level of student or pedagogical stage. Two lay Buddhist authors contributed to Ding’s books for beginners. The first, Mei Guangxi 梅光羲 (Mei Xieyun 梅擷芸, 1880 – 1947), had studied under Yang Wenhui from 1902, and was later made one of the trustees of the Jinling Scriptural Press after Yang’s death. In 1903 Mei was sent by then-Viceroy of Huguang 湖廣 Zhang Zhidong 張之洞 (1837– 1909) to Japan to receive a military education, and after his return worked as a government official in various posts throughout the country. He had also been a member of a scriptural recitation society in Beijing, and was a co-founder of the Beijing Scriptural Press 北京刻經處 along with Xu Weiru 徐蔚如 (1878 – 1937); he later became well-known for his studies of the Consciousness-only (weishi 唯識) school of Buddhist philosophy.⁸¹ Mei was well-connected to the network of publishers and authors that had grown out of Yang’s press, but by the time Ding’s series was published he had moved to Ji’nan 濟南 in Shandong province, somewhat removed from the Buddhist publishing centers of Shanghai, Nanjing, and Beijing. Although he was not directly involved in the project, Wan Jun 萬鈞 (Wan Shuhao 萬叔豪, fl. 1921– 1936) is credited as the source of many of the stories included therein. Little is known of his biography, but Wan was active as an author and publisher; he was the an Xie was a schoolteacher and scholar of Chinese literature and Buddhist history. See the very short introduction to the reprint edition of his book in Lan Jifu 藍吉富, ed., Xiandai Foxue daxi 現代佛學大系 (Taipei: Mile chuban she, 1984), vol. 46. Xie uses 心理學 to describe the second field covered in the latter volume, and although this term is used to denote psychology in modern Chinese, I have translated it as epistemology because the section deals with theories of the dharma-lakṣaṇa 法相, prajñā 般若, and tathāgata-garbha 如來藏 schools. Zhu Ziqing 朱自清 mentions Jia’s book in his article “Maishu” 買書 (Buying Books) in Shuixing 水星 (Mercury) 1, no. 4 (Jan. 10, 1935.) Jia also wrote an article on religion in education that was published in 1927 in the Buddhist periodical Dayun yuekan 大雲月刊. See MFQ 138:120 – 126.  See Scott, “Conversion by the Book,” chapter 1; Dongchu, Zhongguo Fojiao jindai shi, vol. 2, 650 – 660; Yu, Xiandai Fojiao renwu cidian, 1002– 1004. See also the short eulogy by Fan Gunong 范古農 published in 1947, MFQ 89:235. Haichao yin published a short article in 1945 on the occasion of his sixty-fifth birthday, MFQ 202:113 – 114. One of Mei’s best-known works is Xiangzong gangyao 相宗綱要 (Essential outline of the Faxiang school), first published in 1920 in Ji’nan 濟南 where Mei was posted at the time, and subsequently in 1921 by the Commercial Press. See Fozang jiyao 佛藏輯要, vol. 21 (Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 1993), 113 – 164. A supplementary volume later appeared in 1926.

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notator of the edition of Yang’s Fojiao zongpai xiangzhu 佛教宗派詳註 (Detailed annotated Buddhist schools and sects) that was published by the Shanghai Medical Press in 1921.⁸² He was also the founder of the Central Scriptural Press 中央 刻經院 in Beijing in 1926.⁸³ Most of the editing and annotations, however, are credited to Ding alone. One of the earliest of the eight introductory texts in the series, Foxue qixin bian 佛學起信編 (Awakening of Faith in Buddhist Studies, 1919), includes a preface by Ding that outlines the reasoning behind collecting the material for this genre of book: As preface I will say that the aspects of the Buddhist scriptures that most cause people to doubt them are causality spanning the three periods [past, present, and future], and rebirth in the six realms. Because of these, when beginners read the scriptures, they usually have suspicions. If they don’t take them to be myths of high antiquity, then they interpret them as parables of the philosophers. Among those whose mind of faith (xinxin 信心)⁸⁴ is not strong, there are many who stop halfway along the path. If one wishes to plumb the abstruse teachings of the Buddhist scriptures, one must take a mind of faith as one’s basis. Further, those who wish to obtain a mind of faith cannot but first seek proof of causality spanning the three periods and rebirth in the six realms. This type of evidence is not something that can be satisfied by empty words, nor something that one could exhaustively obtain even after decades of reading. One must, from the writings of the great scholars of the past several hundred years, those such as Wang Yuyang 王漁洋 [1634– 1711], Ji Xiaolan 紀曉嵐 [1724– 1805], Yuan Zicai 袁子才 [1716 – 1797], Yu Quyuan 俞曲園 [1821– 1907], Bo Shuyun 薜叔耘 [d.u.], and other masters, seek out the evidence which is sufficient to aid us in giving rise to correct faith in beginning students. [One must] organize and collate it, verify and categorize it, and only then can one person obtain the reading experience of several hundred years. 叙曰, 佛經中之最足以起人疑者, 曰三世因果, 曰六道輪迴. 故初學驟閱經典, 輒生疑竇. 非 以為太古之神話, 即以為哲學家之寓言. 所以信心不堅, 半途中止者為不少也. 夫欲深通佛 經之奧旨者, 必以信心為本. 然欲得信心者, 非先求三世因果六道輪迴之實證不可. 此種證 據, 非空言所可塞責. 非一人在數十年中之閱歷所可盡知. 必在近世數百年中之大學問家, 如王漁洋紀曉嵐袁子才俞曲園薜叔耘等諸先生之筆記中, 搜尋其足以佐我之證據以起初學 之正信者, 分類而滙錄之, 據事而類推之, 則一人而有數百年之閱歷矣.⁸⁵

 Note that the entry in Yu, Xiandai Fojiao renwu cidian, for 萬鈞 refers to the pen name of a different individual.  See Scott, “Conversion by the Book,” chapter five, section four.  Possibly a direct reference to Xinxin ming 信心銘 (Inscription of Faith in Mind) attributed to Sengcan 僧璨 (d. 606). See Sheng Yen, Faith in Mind: A Guide to Chan Practice (New York: Dharma Drum Publishing, 1987).  Ding, Foxue congshu, 2:147– 148.

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Ding identifies a lack of belief in karma (yinguo 因果) and rebirth (lunhui 輪迴), two of the central doctrines underpinning Buddhist ethics, cosmology, and eschatology, as a major problem facing those who try to begin Buddhist studies. The solution is for readers to find evidence for these doctrines, but such evidence is scattered among countless texts and would require a lifetime to acquire; luckily, scholars of the past have already collected such evidence for us, and Ding suggests that if we rely on their insights then we can indeed find the evidence we need to foster a mind of faith. The difficulties Ding sees among novice students of Buddhism are precisely those that he himself had faced during his initial foray into reading Buddhist scriptures. Later in this preface he relates how after he became fond of reading scriptures in 1914, he searched for textual evidence to support those concepts that were difficult to believe, and how in this and other works he has collected relevant proofs from the scholars and literati of ages past to provide the reader with sufficient evidence to cultivate a “mind of faith.” Indeed, the books for beginners in his series are overwhelmingly focused on these types of evidentiary questions. Apart from offering evidence for causality and rebirth as mentioned in the preface above, the books offer stories as proof for the existence of different types of spirits, the underworld, and rewards for filiality and generosity, with most themes appearing in several titles. They also include several sections that explore the historical development of Buddhism in Indian and Chinese history; a different type of “evidence” than that provided by narrative tales, but one which would become increasingly important in Buddhist publications.⁸⁶ Additionally, most of these books offer suggestions for further reading, either by listing the titles and abstracts of Ding’s annotated scriptures as in Foxue chujie 佛學 初階 (Initial stages in Buddhist Studies, 1920), or even more directly through advertisements for other publications by Ding’s press, including the dictionaries Foxue da cidian, and Foxue xiao cidian 佛學小辭典 by Sun Zulie 孫祖烈.⁸⁷ These issues of belief in the existence of spirits and the need for textual evidence are explicated most pointedly in the first chapter of Foxue cuoyao 佛學撮  For example, the entire second section (bian 編) of Foxue zhinan 佛學指南 (Guide to Buddhist Studies, 1919) is a series of surveys of the historical and doctrinal outlines of Buddhism. See Ding, Foxue congshu, 356 – 374, 433 – 488. Histories of Buddhism written by Chinese Buddhist authors would begin to appear in the 1920s and 1930s, with two of the most comprehensive being Jiang Weiqiao 蔣維喬, Zhongguo Fojiao shi 中國佛教史 (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1933) and Huang Chanhua 黃懺華, Zhongguo Fojiao shi 中國佛教史 (Changsha: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1940).  Starting to read Yiyue jingdian 宜閱經典 (Scriptures suitable for reading) is actually the eighth “stage” of beginning Buddhist studies described in the book. Ding, Foxue congshu, 755 – 766. Advertisements appear on pp. 680, 890.

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要 (Elementary outline of Buddhist Studies), a brief but pithy title in the series first published in 1920 and later reprinted in 1935. A publisher’s note on the inside cover states that the book was being offered for sale at four cents each, half the normal price, to help recoup the costs of printing the 4000 copies, and that reprinting and distributing the book would bring measureless merit, indicating that it was not intended to produce a financial profit for Ding’s press, but rather fits into the model of meritorious publishing.⁸⁸ The first chapter explains the genesis of the book through a rhetorical conversation between Ding and fellow Wuxi native Han Xuewen 韓學文, and this conversational mode is sustained throughout the rest of the text, with Han posing questions and Ding offering responses supported by selected textual passages.⁸⁹ Han brings up a passage from one of Ding’s published books on medicine which states that no spirit exists after death, and uses this to argue that the teachings of the Buddhist scriptures, and indeed of all religions, are false superstitions that ought to be swept away. Ding replies that he edited that book some twenty-five years previously, and that back then his experience and learning were so narrow as to cause that mistaken view; he then cites a number of experts in different fields of learning who all believe in the existence of spirits, saying that only those who are still at an early stage of study would deny their existence.⁹⁰ As for the claims that such beliefs are superstition, Ding points out that superstitions are only so if they are not true, whereas spirits, karma, and rebirth all have definite evidence to prove their existence, and encourages Han to read certain books to see such evidence for himself. After a night of study, Han is converted from his erroneous views, and asks Ding to guide him further in the reading of Buddhist scriptures, saying “Sir, you first used medicine to treat my body, then used scholarship to treat my soul. Once the body is exhausted, the soul lasts forever, how can I repay you!”

 On publishing for merit, see also the chapters by Wang and Katz in this volume.  Ding, Foxue congshu, 33 – 39. The frontispiece notes that the costs of printing were 160 yuan, of which 100 yuan remained to be raised. This is close to but slightly different from the story told in the opening chapter, mentioned below. One bibliographic entry for this title, S0194 in the Digital Catalogue of Chinese Buddhism, is listed as being a seventh printing, raising the possibility that this or a similar work had been in print for some time, perhaps privately, before being published through the Shanghai Medical Press. Whether Han was a historical person is as yet unknown.  Han also mentions that those who study new learning are all calling out loudly to expel these “absurd doctrines,” and that there are some who publish printed material that is spread to every province. The experts Ding mentions in response include one Yu Zhonghuan 俞仲還, who twenty years previously had established the Three Equalities Academy 三等學堂 in Chong’an Temple 崇安寺, and who later also helped establish Wenming Books, the publishing house through which Ding had issued many of his early works.

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Ding instructs Han to read four other works that appear in the Buddhist Studies series, as well as the essentials from Dengbudeng guan zalu 等不等觀雜錄 (Miscellaneous records of observing equality and inequality) by Yang Wenhui. The chapters that follow this exchange continue this theme of presenting evidence for the existence of spirits and other supernatural phenomena in order to satisfy Han’s questions regarding Buddhist doctrines.⁹¹ Ding’s books for beginners are thus focused, not on issues of language and explication as in his annotated scriptures, but rather on the problem of lack of belief and the need for evidence to support the claims made in the scriptural texts. These claims described phenomena that went beyond the material world described by science, the existence and nature of which were then subjects of intense and public debate in modern China. While the May Fourth era of the nineteen-teens brought calls for the study of “Mr. Science” (Sai Xiansheng 賽 先生), in the open intellectual environment of the early Republic many groups were dedicated to the study of spiritualism (lingxue 靈學), inspired partly by its popularity in late-Victorian Europe and North America.⁹² From 1918 to 1920 Zhonghua Books published the periodical Lingxue congzhi 靈學叢誌 (Journal of Spiritualism) for the Shanghai lingxuehui 上海靈學會 (Shanghai Spiritualist Society), and advertisements and articles relating to the society appear in the Buddhist periodicals Jueshe congshu 覺社叢書, Haichao yin 海潮音, and Foxue yuekan 佛學月刊. This group, with which Ding Fubao was directly involved, sought to investigate and document spiritual phenomena by drawing upon a multitude of East Asian and European textual sources, and reflects a widespread openness toward the supernatural among the cultural and political elite of Republican China.⁹³ The Buddhist monk Taixu, in contrast, remained opposed to recognizing the supernatural aspects of the Buddhist tradition and stressed instead its human and social elements, a stream of thought that would later develop into Humanistic Buddhism (renjian Fojiao 人間佛教). Ding, like the spiritualists, insists on the truth of Buddhism’s extra-material aspects, and recommends that anyone who doubts them need look no further than the evidence recorded

 The texts are Foxue chujie 佛學初階, Foxue qixin bian 佛學起信編, Foxue zhi jichu 佛學之基 礎, and Foxue zhinan 佛學指南. On Dengbudeng guan zalu, see Goldfuss, Vers un bouddhisme du XXe siècle, 231.  For a discussion of how scientific discourses of evidence impacted understandings of spiritualist phenomena in Victorian England, see Peter Lamont, “Spiritualism and a Mid-Victorian Crisis of Evidence,” The Historical Journal 47, no. 4 (2004): 897– 920.  See Huang Kewu 黃克武, “Minguo chunian Shanghai de lingxue yanjiu: yi Shanghai lingxuehui weili” 民國初年上海的靈學研究：以「上海靈學會」為例, Zhongyang yanjiuyuan jindai shi yanjiusuo jikan 中央研究院近代史研究所集刊 55 (2007): 99 – 136.

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in textual sources. “Chuyue Fojing zhi xiashou chu” 初閱佛經之下手處 (Where to start when beginning to read Buddhist scriptures), a list of titles in his series accompanied by short précis, is appended at the end of Foxue cuoyao. The listed books include quoted endorsements by Yinguang—“This book is indeed able to open one’s mind and stimulate the thinking of the next generation; of all the books that [Ding] has written, the benefits of this one are the most comprehensive”—and one by Daojie, and each listing of an annotated scripture is accompanied by an outline of its content and history.⁹⁴ Books in the series similarly refers the reader to other titles in the series, either through references in the prefatory matter, or more directly through book lists such as this appended to the text. While annotated scriptures and books for beginners were both already important genres within the Buddhist textual corpus, in Ding’s series they were reinvented and intended to play new types of roles. The annotations in the scriptural texts rely not on the editor’s personal insight, but rather on guiding the reader toward cross-checking terms and teachings across several Buddhist texts, and investigating matters for themselves rather than following the religious guidance of an instructor. The Buddhist teachings, according to Ding, were inherent in the texts themselves, existing in the connections and relationships between the content of many different texts, and the core problem in understanding them lay in their great number and complexity. His exegesis sought to hew as close as possible to the grain of the text, even writing in formal, classical language rather than in print colloquial (baihua 白話), which was quickly spreading as an accessible print language in China.⁹⁵ His books for beginners, on the other hand, focused on problems of belief and evidence, rather than introducing the reader to a few select parts of the canon, or laying out the structures and patterns of the Buddhist tradition in easily understood terms, as earlier textbooks like Yang Wenhui’s had done. In this he pursued a parallel course to that of his earlier studies of medicine, where truth was to be found not in one’s interpretation of the material, but in studying what others had discovered and the evidence they have recorded to support their claims. In several instances Ding’s works liken Buddhism to a medicine for the mind, and the connection to hygiene and health was at times made much more directly: appended to Foxue cuoyao, for example, is a brief essay entitled “Weisheng yaoyu shize” 衛生要語十則 (Ten essential phrases for protecting life) that lists ten practices

 『此書洵足以發聾振聵, 啓迪後人, 疇隱所著各書, 惟此為益最溥。』 Ding, Foxue congshu, 131– 140.  A book from 1925, for example, presented the Diamond Sūtra with colloquial explanations, and was surtitled xinshi biaodian 新式標點 (punctuated in the new style). See its entry in the Digital Catalogue of Chinese Buddhism, S0474.

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that address physical and mental health: sleeping eight hours per night, deep breathing exercises, moderation in carnal desires, brisk walking exercises, and so on.⁹⁶ The books in Ding’s series were thus oriented toward providing the individual reader the tools they needed to study Buddhism for themselves, to apprehend the teachings of the Buddhist scriptures without the help of an outside instructor, and to build up their own hermeneutic strategies based on material that Ding has selected from the Buddhist textual canon. The effect would be like medicine on people’s minds, empowering them toward greater health and understanding. This overall orientation is best exemplified in Ding’s dictionary of Buddhist Studies, the largest single work in the series and the first of its kind in modern China.

4. Buddhist Lexicography Lexicography was at the core of Ding’s decade-long involvement with Buddhist studies. As a bibliophile and book collector, he began compiling his own lexicon of Buddhist terms to help him read and understand the scriptures that he was adding to his collection. Textual exegesis is a central topic throughout his annotated scriptures and books for beginners, and the publication of his Foxue da cidian 佛學大辭典 (Great dictionary of Buddhist studies) in 1921 marked not only the completion of the core of his Buddhist collectanea, but also the beginning of a shift in his interests toward other religious traditions. His dictionary has since become a key source for the study of Chinese Buddhist lexicography, having been reprinted a number of times, most recently as a digital edition online.⁹⁷ Apart from its legacy as a scholarly reference book, the dictionary is important for a number of reasons. Like annotated scriptures and books for beginners, lexicographical works were already part of the Chinese Buddhist textual corpus, but the provenance and structure of Ding’s dictionary were both unprecedented in this context, introducing new organizational and exegetical features. Additionally, the influence of Japanese Buddhist scholarship was a new factor, as Ding’s

 Ding, Foxue congshu, 141– 142.  Ding Fubao, Foxue da cidian 佛學大辭典, 16 vols. (Shanghai: Yixue shuju, 1921). Included in the dictionary is Ding’s autobiographical chronology, Chouyin jushi ziding nianpu 疇隱居士自訂 年譜. A third edition was issued in 1929. The first post-1949 reprint was issued by the Huayan lianshe 華嚴蓮社 in Taipei in 1956 in 4 volumes, and many reprints have followed. An HTML version of the dictionary is maintained by the Shizi hou 師子吼 (Lion’s Roar) Buddhist Studies Group of National Taiwan University at , also currently mirrored at .

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work is essentially a translation of a Japanese-language Buddhist dictionary first published in 1917. Previously, Buddhist texts from China had been widely disseminated in Japan, but for Japanese Buddhist scholarly works to make their way into China was, until the early Republic, much more rare. Finally, the dictionary was closely tied to Ding’s persona as an author and scholar, and more than any other work in the series seeks to exemplify the values and techniques that Ding saw as constitutive of “Buddhist Studies.” The variety of methods, source texts, and exegetical strategies used by different Chinese translators of Buddhist texts in different eras gave rise to a large number of newly-coined and re-purposed Chinese terms through the Eastern Han 東漢 (25 – 220) to the Tang 唐 (618 – 907) dynasties. One of the first efforts to standardize the meaning and pronunciation of this emergent Buddhist Hybrid Chinese was Yiqie jing yinyi 一切經音義 (Sounds and meanings for all [the words in the] scriptures, 810 CE) by Xuanying 玄應 (fl. mid. 7th c.) and Huilin 慧琳 (737– 820). This lexicon provides explanations for individual characters and terms from 1,220 different Buddhist texts, corrects mistaken translations that were then in use, and provides phonetic Sanskrit original terms for specialist Buddhist words.⁹⁸ Similar types of lexicographic studies were produced throughout medieval and early-modern Chinese history, up to the compilation of Wuyi hebi jiyao 五譯合璧集要 (Essential collection of comparative translations from five languages), published during the Qianlong 乾隆 era (1735 – 1796) of the Qing dynasty. Reflecting the polyglot nature of the Qing state, this text presents translations of key Buddhist terms in Sanskrit, Tibetan, Manchurian, Mongolian, and Chinese.⁹⁹ In the nineteenth century no new major compilations of Buddhist lexicography were produced in East Asia, but from the first decade of the twentieth century Japanese Buddhist scholars began to publish dictionaries and other

 Tso Sze-bong [Cao Shibang] 曹仕邦, “Lun Chen Yuan: Zhongguo Fojiao shiji gailun” 論陳垣: 《中國佛教史籍概論》, Chung-Hwa Buddhist Journal 中華佛學學報, no. 3 (1990): 268 – 270. . Xuanying, who assisted the great translator-monk Xuanzang 玄奘 (ca. 602– 664) in his translation work, starting compiling a lexicon but died before it could be finished, leaving a 25-fascicle manuscript. Huilin expanded Xuanying’s work and incorporated material from other authors, compiling it into his Huilin yinyi 慧琳音義 in 100 fascicles. The work appears as T 54 no. 2128. Translation of title adapted from that in the Digital Dictionary of Buddhism.  This dictionary was reprinted as Pentaglot Dictionary of Buddhist Terms in Delhi in 1961. See the entry in the Glossaries for Buddhist Studies collection of Dharma Drum Buddhist College, , which also has a digital edition that omits the Tibetan for download.

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types of specialized Buddhist reference books.¹⁰⁰ One of the earliest was Kaisetsu bongogaku 解說梵語學 (Explication of Sanskrit linguistics), published in 1907 by the Jōdo-Shinshū-affiliated Buddhist Scholar Sakaki Ryōzaburō 榊亮三郎 (1872– 1946). Scholarly publications were part of a concerted effort on the part of Meijiera Japanese Buddhists to argue for Buddhism’s status as a valid academic and scientific subject, and these dictionaries were one aspect of a much larger set of historiographical, philosophical, and exegetical works then being published in Japan. Modern dictionaries differed from earlier lexicographical works in having a more developed organizational structure, with indices so that readers can quickly find a particular term, and in the citation of a wide range of source texts as evidence for the editor’s interpretation. Ding already had had a great deal of experience in translating Japanese-language medical texts when he selected Bukkyō daijiten 佛教大辭典 (Great dictionary of Buddhism, 1917) to translate as the basis for his Buddhist dictionary.¹⁰¹ Its author, Oda Tokunō 織田得能 (1860 – 1911), was, like many other Japanese Buddhist scholars of his era, a Jōdo Shinshū 淨土真宗 priest and a member of the Higashi Honganji 東本願寺 sub-sect. He traveled to different Buddhist lands, studying in Thailand from 1888 to 1891, visiting China in March 1900 and from there heading to India, returning home to Japan in April of the following year. He later applied his lexicographical skills to other projects, publishing an annotated translation of a commentary by Fazang 法藏 (643 – 712) on the Dasheng qixin lun 大乘起信論 (Awakening of Mahāyāna Faith) in 1910.¹⁰² His dictionary, however, which he began to compile in 1898 while still working abroad, was his magnum opus. A fictional and fairly melodramatic stage play based on his final days portrays Oda neglecting his priestly duties, his wife’s attentions,

 For an outline of some of these early works, as well as those that followed later in the Shōwa and Heisei eras, see Yu Chongsheng 余崇生, “Riben Fojiao gongju shu bianji tese lüeshu” 日本佛教工具書編輯特色略述, Fojiao tushuguan guankan 佛教圖書館館刊, no. 47 (June 2008): 98 – 102.  Oda Tokunō, Bukkyō Daijiten 佛教大辭典 (Tokyo: Ōkura shuten 大倉書店, 1917). An expanded and corrected twelfth edition was published in 1929, an original copy of which I was able to consult at the National Taiwan University library. The 1962 reprint edition has the same content and pagination as this edition in a smaller page and font size.  Richard M. Jaffe, “Seeking Śākyamuni: Travel and the Reconstruction of Japanese Buddhism,” Journal of Japanese Studies 30, no. 1 (2004): 84fn47; Yoshimoto Takaake, “On Tenkō, or Ideological Conversion” in Translation in Modern Japan, ed. Indra Levy (Oxon and New York: Routledge, 2010), 119fn7. “Shikō sōzu Oda Tokunō shi ryakushi” 嗣講僧都織田得能師略歷 in Oda, Bukkyō daijiten, unpaginated prefatory material. For an English translation of Dasheng qixin lun, see Aśvaghosha, attrib., The Awakening of Faith, attributed to As´vaghosha. Translated, with commentary, by Yoshito S. Hakeda (New York & London: Columbia University Press, 1967.)

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and his health to work on his manuscript.¹⁰³ The dictionary is a massive text: the 1929 expanded and corrected edition runs to over two thousand pages. Entries are ordered by the first syllable of their Japanese pronunciation, with an alphabetical index of Romanized terms, followed by a stroke-order index at the end. Sadly, however, Oda would die before its completion, leaving it to his friends and colleagues Takakusu Junjirō 高楠順次郎 (1866 – 1945), Haga Yaichi 芳賀矢一 (1867– 1927), Ueda Kazutoshi 上田萬年 (1867– 1937), and Nanjō Bunyu 南条文 雄 (1849 – 1927) to complete and publish the work. Oda’s dictionary was a major production; Takakusu and Nanjō were two of the leading figures of Japanese Buddhist scholarship of that day, and Haga and Ueda were prominent scholars of kokugaku 國學, the study of nativist Japanese history, literature, and language.¹⁰⁴ Oda himself figures large as the authorial persona behind the work. An inset image in the prefatory material to the 1929 edition of his dictionary depicts him on pilgrimage to ancient ruins while revising his manuscript, a sample sheet of which is pictured in the background. In China, the first decade of the Republic was a foundational era for modern scholarship on Chinese lexicography, and in publishing dictionaries for scholarly, official, professional, and general use.¹⁰⁵ Two important publications were both issued in 1915: Zhonghua da zidian 中華大字典 (Great Zhonghua dictionary), published by Zhonghua shuju 中華書局 (Zhonghua Books), lists the meaning and pronunciation for some 48,000 characters, and is based on the contents of the Kangxi zidian 康熙字典 (Kangxi dictionary) of 1716. The other, Ciyuan 辭源 (Origins of words), published by Zhonghua’s competitor Shangwu yinshuguan 商 務印書館 (The Commercial Press), focuses on the definition of words of two or more characters, and includes more encyclopedic content. The appearance of these publications reflects both the ability of the print technology of the time to handle very large, complex, and dense texts, as well as the emergence of a

 Chigiri Kōsai 知切光歲, “Tokuno Oda,” in Buddhist Plays from Japanese Literature, translated by Umeyo Hirano (Tokyo: CIIB [Cultural Interchange Institute for Buddhists]; Kenkyusha Printing Co., 1962), 60 – 74.  Takakusu was later involved in compiling and publishing the Taishō Canon; Haga and Ueda both served as president of Kokugakuin University 國學院大學 in Tokyo; Nanjō is mentioned in connection with Yang Wenhui in Scott, “Conversion by the Book,” chapter 1. Before Ding’s translation was published, Oda’s dictionary was not unknown in China. A brief translated section of preface and a few sample entries appear in the periodical Jueshe congshu 覺社叢書, no. 2 (Jan., 1919) and no. 4 (July, 1919), MFQ 7:249 – 250, MFQB 1:68 – 71.  For a related discussion on how Republican-era Chinese scholars “rediscovered” the Songdynasty architectural manual Yingzao fashi 營造法式 (Treatise on Architectural Methods, 1103), see Li Shiqiao, “Reconstituting Chinese Building Tradition: The Yingzao fashi in the Early Twentieth Century,” Journal of the Society of Architectual Historians 62, no. 4 (2003): 470 – 489.

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Figure 2: Oda Tokunō as depicted in his Bukkyō Daijiten. Cropped image, scanned from a photocopy of the original supplied by the National Taiwan University Library.

growing market of literate readers in need of a guide to word meanings and origins. In the first decades of the twentieth century Chinese Buddhists, however, had not yet embraced lexicography as had Buddhists in Japan, and works such as Fanyi mingyi ji 翻譯名義集 (Compilation of translated Buddhist terms) by the Song-dynasty monk Fayun 法雲 (1088 – 1158) were still being reprinted.¹⁰⁶ Just three years before the publication of Ding’s dictionary, Fo Erya 佛爾雅 (The Buddhist literary expositor), written by the Qing jinshi 進士 official Zhou Chun 周 春 (1729 – 1815), had been reprinted in Shanghai by the Guoxue fulunshe 國學扶 論社 (Society to Support Discussion of National Learning). Like its classical namesake Erya 爾雅 (The literary expositor), Fo Erya is a dictionary-encyclopedia with pithy explanations of Buddhist terms and phrases grouped by type.¹⁰⁷

 One edition of Fanyi mingyi ji 翻譯名義集 was printed by the Jinling Scriptural Press in 1878. See Digital Catalogue of Chinese Buddhism, S2108.  The term mohe 摩訶, for example, is glossed simply as ‘big’ da 大. Zhou Chun 周春, Fo Erya 佛爾雅 (Shanghai: Guoxue fulunshe, 1917 [original preface dated 1791]). Before this reprint was

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Works such as these were valuable resources for the study of Buddhist lexicography, but they lacked the valuable indices of new-style dictionaries, and did not reflect the latest scholarship on textual origins, sources, and translation. Missionary and Orientalist scholars, meanwhile, were among the pioneers of compiling multilingual Chinese dictionaries to help in their publishing and research efforts. The groundbreaking Chinese-English dictionary by the AngloScottish missionary Robert Morrison (馬禮遜, 1782– 1834) was first published in Macao from 1819 to 1823 and reprinted in Shanghai in 1865, and Hua-Ying zidian 華英字典 (A Chinese-English Dictionary) by Herbert Giles (翟理斯, 1845 – 1935) was published in Shanghai in 1892 and in London in 1912.¹⁰⁸ By the late 1910s European and North American scholars were producing dictionaries specifically for religious terminology such as Xinyue Xi-Han-Ying zidian 新約希漢 英字典 (Greek-Chinese-English Dictionary of the New Testament) by John Leighton Stuart (司徒雷登, 1876 – 1962).¹⁰⁹ While studies of Chinese lexicography were proliferating among Chinese and foreign presses, dictionaries were playing a central role in the growth of general literacy among the citizens of the new republic, and in the development of guoxue 國學 (National Learning). By the 1920s there were a few people who began to suggest that a newly-compiled Buddhist lexicon would be of great use to Chinese Buddhists, and that the lexicographical works of dynasties past were no longer sufficient.¹¹⁰ Foxue da cidian, translated and edited by Ding Fubao, was the first major newly-produced Chinese-language Buddhist dictionary since the mid-Qing. The work consists of several prefaces by Ding and others, a note on annotating scriptures,¹¹¹ a series of four photographic images of Ding Fubao, the main section of lexicographic entries, an autobiographical chronology (ziding nianpu 自 訂年譜) covering Ding’s life up to 1921, a set of general remarks, and finally a

published, this text was mentioned briefly in Fojiao yuebao 佛教月報, no. 2 (June, 1913), MFQ 5:442– 443.  Robert Morrison, A Dictionary of the Chinese Language in Three Parts (Macao: East India Company, 1819 – 1823); Herbert Giles, A Chinese-English Dictionary (Shanghai: Kelly & Walsh, Ltd., 1892; London: B. Quaritch, 1912).  John Leighton Stuart, Xinyue Xi-Han-Ying zidian 新約希漢英字典 (Greek-Chinese-English Dictionary of the New Testament) (Shanghai: Presbyterian Mission Press, 1918). Stuart later served as the United States ambassador to the Republic of China.  In 1920 a contributor to the periodical Xin Fojiao 新佛教 (New Buddhism) suggested compiling a Fojiao xin ciyuan 佛教新辭源 (New origins of Buddhist words), and even included a number of example definitions with textual citations in their articles, but the proposed project was evidently never realized. Zhulin 竹林, “Fojiao xin cidian” 佛教新辭源, Xin Fojiao 新佛教, no. 2 (March 25, 1920), MFQ 7:330 – 331, 345.  Similar to those discussed in section 3, above.

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list of stroke-number sections and an index. The front matter was first published separately in 1919, and individual pieces also appeared reprinted in several Buddhist periodicals in the 1920s. Although there is no publication information included in the book, references in advertisements in Haichao yin indicate that it was first published between February and May 1921, with another edition or a later print run issued in 1925 that has since become widely-cited as the earliest edition.¹¹² The first edition was printed across sixteen volumes and ran to more than 1,700 pages, while the later 1929 expanded edition was issued in four larger volumes. The entries are printed in three columns with key terms indicated by both overdotting and being enclosed in brackets, while the definitions are punctuated with both pauses (、) and full stops (○). Sanskrit words are sometimes included, rendered phonetically in Roman letters. Twelve prefaces open the first volume, three of which were written by Ding, with others contributed by Xianyin 顯蔭 (1902– 1925), a disciple and student of Dixian and graduate of his Guanzong Research Society; Xu Shaozhen 徐紹楨 (1861– 1936), a revolutionary and official in the Guomindang; Wu Yanfang 伍延芳 (1842– 1922), legal scholar and former Qing diplomat; Wang Xinsan 王心三 (1882?–1950), a former publisher and Tongmenghui member who had turned to Pure Land practice upon reading Yinguang’s letters; and Yan Xishan 閻錫山 (1883 – 1960), who had studied in Japan, participated in the 1911 revolution, and was then in effective control of Shanxi province.¹¹³ Apart from Xianyin, who was only eighteen at the time, the contributors were all prominent figures in the political, publishing, and scholarly spheres of Republican China. Later in the prefatory materials are four photographic pages, each with an image of Ding in a different stage of his life. The earliest photograph depicts the author during his time of studying the humanities (wenxue 文學), and the accompanying caption explains his reasons in including these images of himself: that such has been the practice of recent literary collections, and in dictionaries written by authors both at home and overseas, and that by doing so he hoped to show how youth passes to maturity, and then to old age, in a mere instant

 A list of “new publications” in the supplement to the December, 1920 edition of Haichao yin lists a Fojiao da cidian 佛教大詞典 as part of a Foxue congshu 佛學叢書 series. MFQ 149:120. The book list for Shanghai Medical Press published in Haichao yin in February 1921 lists the dictionary as being “in press” 在刊, while an advertisement for the dictionary in the May 1921 issue lists it for sale at 12 yuan, plus 63 cents for postage. MFQ 150:52, 464. For the 1925 citation, see Digital Catalogue of Chinese Buddhism, S0154.  On Xianyin see Yu, Xiandai Fojiao renwu cidian, 1797– 1799. Wang was later better known as Wang Xinshen 王心湛. On him see Kuanlü 寬律, ed., Jindai wangsheng suiwen lu 近代往生隨聞 錄 (Taipei: Caituan faren Fotuo jiaoyu jijinhui, 1990), entry for Wang Xinshen 王心湛.

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Figure 3: Four Phases of Ding Fubao’s Life: Studying Literature, Studying Science, Studying Medicine, and Studying Buddhism. Ding, Foxue da cidian, vol. 1, unpaginated section. The four photographic pages have been combined here into a single image.

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(chana 剎那). The second photograph, picturing Ding during his studies of mathematics and physiology and posed with full-sized models of the human skeleton and internal organs, takes up the anatomical theme in referencing a well-known exchange regarding Bodhidharma’s disciples attaining the “skin” of his teachings.¹¹⁴ The last two images, showing Ding first as medical student and then as student of Buddhist Studies, have no captions, but they imply a progression both of his physical state and his intellectual development, from youth and literature to advanced age and Buddhism. The inclusion of the medical models hints at the pervasive theme of Buddhism as medicine. The parallel to the depiction of Oda Tokunō in his dictionary cannot be ignored, but there were also Chinese Buddhist precedents in the front matter of several periodicals, Foxue congbao and Fojiao yuebao 佛教月報 for example, which featured lithographic images of living Buddhists and famous sites.¹¹⁵ Secondary sources have often alluded to the fact that Ding’s work is a direct translation and adaptation of the content of Oda’s dictionary, but the brief comparison of a few sample entries outlined above demonstrates just how closely Ding followed the phrasing and terminology of the Japanese original. As illustrated in the table above, the key terms, part of speech, sentence flow, word order, and quoted passages are nearly identical except where grammatical differences between Japanese and formal written Chinese required an alteration. For the quoted passages, Ding simply removed the kaeriten 返り點 that had been added to the original which helped readers parse the phrases into Japanese word order.¹¹⁶ Above the level of individual entries, however, Ding did exercise an editorial influence; for example, he removed 「一人」, which in Oda which was a disambiguation entry for two other phrases, and added an entry on 「一人作虛」, which was not present in the Japanese original.¹¹⁷ Ding also excised several terms and phrases that were only used in scriptural texts composed in Japan. The core of Ding’s dictionary is thus derived from the lexicographical and bibliographic scholarship of Oda Tokunō, and only incidentally a product of his many years of researching Buddhist terminology, although it is this aspect of his experience that figures so prominently in several places in his published

 The full passage is:『道副法師曰: 不執文字, 不離文字, 而為道用.達磨祖師曰: 汝得吾皮. 嗚乎. 皮亦豈易得哉. 何况由皮而得肉, 由肉而得骨乎. 肉與骨尚可見, 而髓則不易見. 所以得髓者 愈難. 佛學大辭典者, 皮外之皮也. 余覩此圖之肉與骨, 而愈為惕然矣. 若云可作白骨觀猶淺之乎, 視此圖也.』 Punctuation added. Ding, Foxue da cidian, unpaginated prefatory section.  See Scott, “Conversion by the Book,” chapter 3, sections 2 and 3.  These marks are not reproduced in the table above.  An abbreviated form of “一人作虛萬人傳實,” a gongan 公案 from the Konggu ji 空谷集, a Song-dynasty collection. See Foguang da cidian, [空谷集].

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Table 2: Comparison of Sample Entries in Oda Tokunō and Ding Fubaoa Oda,  []

Ding,  []

佛〔術語〕 Buddha 佛陀の略。又、佛 陀、浮圖、浮頭、勃陀、勃駄、部陀、母 陀、沒駄。覺者又は智者と譯す、覺に覺察 覺悟の二義あり、煩惱を覺察して害を為さ しめざるそ世人の賊あるを覺知する如きを 覺察と云ひ、之を一切智と名く。諸法の事 理を覺知して了了分明なるそ睡夢の寤むる 如きを覺悟と云ひ之を一切種智と名く。自 ら覺し復た能く他を覺せしめ、自他の覺行 窮滿するを佛と名く、自覺は凡夫に簡び、 覺他は二乘に簡び、覺行窮滿は菩薩に簡異 す。 ()

【佛】 （術語）Buddha，佛陀之略，又作休 屠、佛陀、浮陀、浮圖、浮頭、勃陀、勃 駄、部陀、母陀、沒馱。譯言覺者、或智 者。覺有覺察覺悟之二義、覺察煩惱、使不 為害、如世人之覺知為賊者、故云覺察、是 名一切智。覺知諸法之事理、而了了分明， 如睡夢之寤、謂之覺悟、是名一切種智。自 覺復能覺他、自他之覺行窮滿、名為佛。自 覺者、簡於凡夫、覺他者簡於二乘、覺行窮 滿、簡異於菩薩。 ()

宗派〔術語〕 大聖出世して大小 半滿の諸教を說き一切の機緣を攝化す。滅 後の賢聖各教に依て宗を分ち、以て有緣を 化益す。今滅後三國の諸宗を列舉せん。 … ()

【宗派】（術語）大聖出世、說大小半滿之 諸教、攝化一切機緣。滅後賢聖各依教分宗 以化益有緣。今列舉滅後三國之諸宗如下。 … ()b

淨 土〔界名〕 聖者所住の國土な り。五濁の垢染なきが故に淨土と云ふ。梁譯 の [攝論八]に「所居之土無於五濁、如彼玻璃 珂等、名清淨土。」 [大乘義章十九]に「經中 或時名佛地、或稱佛界、或云佛國、或云佛 土、或復說為淨剎、淨首、淨國、淨土。」 ()

【淨土】 （界名）聖者所住之國土也。無五 濁之垢染、故云淨土。梁譯之攝論八曰： 「所居之土無於五濁、如彼玻璃珂等、名清 淨土。」大乘義章十九曰：「經中或時名佛 地、或稱佛界、或云佛國、或云佛土，或復 說為淨剎、淨首、淨國、淨土。」 ()

a The key term for each entry is here highlighted in bold for clarity. The page number in the original is given at the end of each entry. b Both entries are followed by similar passages defining Buddhist schools in India, China (Shina 支那), and Japan.

works. As mentioned above, when annotating Buddhist scriptures himself, Ding tended to formulate his own definitions and cite his own references rather than rely on those in Oda’s dictionary. Instead of forming the basis of Ding’s Buddhist scholarship, as one might assume given the size of the work and the importance of terminology in his series, it is more likely that his dictionary was instead composed primarily for others to help in their own self-directed studies. Foxue da cidian had a wide-ranging influence on contemporary and later Buddhist print media. It features in several Buddhist books and periodicals from the 1920s onward, in the form of reprinted sections, articles discussing

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the work, and in advertisements and lists of Buddhist books published by Ding’s Shanghai Medical Press. One of its earliest appearances is in the series title Foxue cuoyao (1920), wherein the dictionary is praised as “the mouthpiece of the scriptures, feast of the discourses, distinguishing large from small, both profound and historical.”¹¹⁸ A short advertisement appears over several issues of the periodical Haichao yin, and the dictionary’s General Remarks (liyan 例言), Ding’s first preface, and Xianyin’s preface are also reprinted in issues of Haichao yin from 1921 and 1922. At the time Ding’s Shanghai Medical Press, along with his Wenming shuju, were two of the three main distributors for the periodical in which the pieces appeared. Xianyin’s preface was also printed in the periodical Foguang yuebao 佛光月報 (Buddha light monthly), a publication of Huayan University 華嚴大學 based at Hardoon Gardens in Shanghai, and which was also retailed by the Medical Press.¹¹⁹ One series of articles by Xianyin on matters relating to Japan includes a short note on the relationship between Ding’s dictionary and esoteric Buddhist teachings: The prosperity of Esoteric Buddhism in Japan is truly admirable. Tiantai followers transmitted esoteric teachings called Taimi 台密, and thus most of their teachings are in fact Esoteric writings. Oda Tokunō’s Great Dictionary of Buddhism takes most of its content from Esoteric Buddhism. It goes without saying that our Chinese Esoteric studies have long since died out. Today, among those who wish to rejuvenate this path, there are many who take their materials from the Great Dictionary of Buddhism. This book has been translated and reprinted by Layman Chouyin [i. e., Ding Fubao]. I feel this is especially fine. It’s truly an extremely good reference book for those studying the Esoteric canon. … 日本密教之隆盛. 誠為可欽. 即天台家亦傳密教. 謂之台密. 故教相方面. 大半皆密教之著述 也. 織田得能所編之佛教大辭典. 其內容多採取於密教. 可想而知. 我華密學久絕. 今欲重光 斯道. 其取資於佛教大辭典者, 甚多. 此書經疇隱居士迻譯而重編之. 尤覺完美. 誠研究密藏 之極好參考書也.¹²⁰

 The full description is 『是書笙簧於羣經. 殽烝於衆論. 識大識小. 亦玄亦史. 莊嚴如入天府. 瑰麗如入都市. 大則黃鐘赤刀. 弘璧琬琰. 小則米鹽粟菽竹馬晬盤. 色色形形. 奇奇怪怪. 聞者動 心. 觀者駭目. 舉凡東西兩方與佛乗有關係之學說. 悉滙萃於斯. 洵是名理之淵府. 心王之遊苑. 霨 然為東西大小乗元氣浩汗之一切經之總注也. 其搜羅之廣博. 考據之精詳. 約此佛學小辭典多十 倍.』 Ding, Foxue congshu, 140.  Haichao yin articles and advertisements appear in MFQ 150:52, 77– 82, 464, 152:215 – 217, 236, 315 – 316, 470, 153:202, 347. The text of the first advertisement that features the dictionary on its own, that in the May 20, 1921 issue, MFQ 150:464, is very close in content to the précis printed in Foxue cuoyao. The Foguang article is from March 2, 1923, MFQ 12:82– 84. See the listing of 總代 發行所 on MFQ 150:119. The third distributor was Taidong Books 泰東圖書局, also located in Shanghai. Advertisements were also published in 1924 and 1925 in Shijie Fojiao jushilin linkan 世 界佛教居士林林刊, see MFQB 8:354, 9:66.  The latter part of the note, not translated above, is another indication that having a photograph of the author in a Chinese publication was still widely regarded as an oddity: 「丁氏

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Xianyin’s identification of Oda and Ding’s dictionary as a valuable source for students may simply be in service of his personal quest to revive Esoteric Buddhism in China, a mission cut short by his untimely death at a young age, but it does reflect the fact that this work was a ready resource for different types of scholarly and doctrinal agendas among Chinese Buddhists. The dictionary was widely advertised throughout the print run of Foxue banyuekan 佛學半月刊 (Buddhist studies biweekly), the periodical of Shanghai Foxue shuju 上海佛學書局 (Shanghai Buddhist Books), the largest specialist Buddhist press of the Republican era, which also sold the dictionary as part of its publication catalogue.¹²¹ The periodical ran from 1929 to 1941, and features advertisements both specifically for the dictionary and for the larger catalogue of Buddhist publications issued by the Medical Press. In January 1934 it also published an article by Chenkong 塵空 (1908 – 1979) that critiques and suggests corrections to the dictionary’s entry on ba jingjie 八敬戒 (the eight ethical precepts for nuns). Chenkong first quotes the entire entry, then points out that cited passage from Sifen lü 四分律 (The Four-Part Vinaya) is rendered incorrectly. He provides the correct passages from relevant sources, and argues that even if we put to one side the mistaken citation, the entry as published is still unclear, closing his article with a succinct list of each precept and an explanation of its meaning.¹²² Given Ding’s stated devotion to staying close to the original texts, the error described by Chenkong is quite surprising. Ordinarily a handful of mistak-

編佛學大辭典. 其卷首冠以肖影. 華人士多非議之者. 殊不知織田氏所編之佛教大辭典. 其卷首固 載有織田氏之肖影也. 且東人士之著述. 多冠肖影於卷首. 不足為異. 可笑華人士之少見多怪. 見 駱駝而曰馬腫背也.」Xianyin 顯蔭, “Liudong suibi” 留東隨筆, Haichao yin, year 5, no. 6 (July 21, 1924), MFQ 159:326 – 327.  On Shanghai Buddhist Books, see J. Brooks Jessup, “The Householder Elite: Buddhist Activism in Shanghai, 1920 – 1956” (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 2010), chapter 3; Meng Lingbing 孟令兵, Lao Shanghai wenhua qipa: Shanghai Foxue shuju 老上海文化 奇葩: 上海佛學書局 (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 2003); Gregory Adam Scott, “Pingheng gongde yu liyi – Shanghai Foxue shuju gufen youxian gongsi de jingli 平衡功德與利 益 – 上海佛學書局股份有限公司的經歷,” forthcoming in Gaibian le Zhongguo zongjiao de wushi nian 改變了中國宗教的50年, ed. Paul R. Katz and Vincent Goossaert (Taipei: Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica).  The Foxue banyuekan advertisements were published between 1932 and 1934, and appear in MFQ 47:294, where Shanghai Buddhist Books is listed as a distributor, and MFQ 48:11, 474, 49:67. Chenkong’s article is from July 1934, MFQ 61:348 – 350. The dictionary is mentioned only a few times during the turbulent period of the Second Sino-Japanese War, when few Buddhist periodicals remained in print. See for example MFQ 55:51, MFQB 65:243, 386. An announcement in December 1943 informs the reader that one Master Bianneng 徧能法師 intends to re-edit and publish the dictionary, while a very short advertisement for Ding’s edition appears the same month in the periodical Huideng 慧燈. MFQ 97:527, MFQB 74:134.

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en citations in a work of hundreds of pages should not be cause for concern, yet the fact that the entire entry was judged deficient is an indication, albeit an isolated one, that there were more systemic problems with Ding’s work in the eyes of some of his contemporaries. The dictionary did not spark an immediate flood of similar works, as sometimes occurred with successful publications in Republican China, and in fact for the remainder of the decade it would be older lexicons that would be reprinted most often. In 1923 in the same Buddhist Studies series, Ding published a reprint of Sanzang fashu 三藏法數 (Categories of Buddhist concepts from the Canon), a collection of definitions for numbered terms, such as the three realms (sanjie 三 界) and the five skandhas (wuyun 五蘊), that was first compiled in the fifteenth century.¹²³ The ninth-century lexicon Yiqie jing yinyi, mentioned at the start of this section, went through a number of reprintings and edited editions in the 1920s, including an indexed edition by Chen Zuolin 陳作霖 (1837–1920?) printed privately in Guangzhou in 1923 and in Shanghai by Ding in 1924, as well as reprints of the main and extended volumes also through Ding’s press, and another edition “with cited commentary and comments” by Tian Qian 田潛 (1870 – 1926) published in Beijing in the same year. Finally, in 1929 the Commercial Press, which printed very few Buddhist works under its own imprint, published the twelfth-century lexicon Fanyi mingyi ji 翻譯名義集 (Compilation of translated Buddhist terms) by Fayun 法雲 (1088 – 1158), also issuing a reprint in 1933.¹²⁴ There were a few newly compiled Chinese Buddhist dictionaries printed in the 1920s and 1930s. One of which, Foxue xiao cidian 佛學小辭典 (Concise dictionary of Buddhist studies) by Sun Zulie 孫祖烈 (Sun Jizhi 孫繼之, fl. 1910s– 1930s), was issued as part of Ding’s series. This work is an abbreviated and simplified version of Ding’s larger dictionary, sparing the extensive explanations and citations in favor of short, simple definitions for terms. Shanghai Buddhist Books, which retailed Ding’s larger dictionary, also published its own Shiyong

 Its full title is Daming sanzang fashu 大明三藏法數. Ding’s preface to the work was reprinted in Shijie Fojiao jushilin linkan, nos. 1 and 2 combined issue, [1925?], MFQB 7:78 – 79. See Digital Dictionary of Buddhism, [法數] for title translation.  Chen Zuolin, 陳作霖, Yiqie jing yinyi tongjian 一切經音義通檢 (Guangzhou: Jiangshi shenxiu shuwu, 1923; Shanghai: Wuxi Dingshi, 1924); Ding Fubao, ed., Yiqie jing yinyi zhengbian 一切經音義正編, and Xilin, 希麟, ed., Xu yiqie jing yinyi 續一切經音義 (Shanghai: Wuxi Dingshi, 1924); Tian Qian 田潛, Yiqie jing yinyi yinshuo wenjian 一切經音義引說文箋 (Beijing: Wenkai zhai juan, 1924); Fayun 法雲, Fanyi mingyi ji 翻譯名義集 (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1929). On the 1933 reprint, see Foxue banyue kan 佛學半月刊, no. 64 (Oct. 1, 1933), MFQ 48:474. Ding also published an ‘essentials’ edition of both volumes: Zheng xu yiqie jin yinyi tiyao 正續一切經音義 提要, reprinted in Dong Lianchi 董蓮池, ed., Shuowen jiezi yanjiu wenxian jicheng, xian-dang dai juan 說文解字硏究文獻集成 現當代卷, Vol. 8 (Beijing: Zuojia chuban she, 2008).

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Foxue cidian 實用佛學辭典 (Practical Buddhist studies dictionary) in 1934, issuing three more reprints before 1950.¹²⁵ Abroad the production of Buddhist dictionaries continued, particularly in Japan, with works such as Hōbōgirin 法寶 義林 (Forest of meanings of the Dharma jewels) by Sylvain Lévi (1863 – 1935) and Takakusu Junjirō, the first fascicle of which was published in Tokyo from 1929 to 1930, and a new Bukkyo daijiten 佛教大辭典 (Great dictionary of Buddhism) by Mochizuki Shinko 望月信亨, first published in 1932. Finally, Oda and Ding’s work would be one of main sources for the foundational English-language Buddhist dictionary translated by William Edward Soothill and Lewis Houdous published in 1937, and which since has been incorporated in digital form into the present Digital Dictionary of Buddhism edited by A. Charles Muller.¹²⁶ The origins, composition, and legacy of Ding’s dictionary reflect the importance of Buddhist lexicographic studies, both in the narrow context of his book series and in the wider development of East Asian Buddhist scholarship. Ding’s Foxue da cidian, however, like Oda’s dictionary, was more than simply a reference book. The tragic story of Oda’s devotion to his task and the photographic and biographic representations of Ding’s personas in his dictionary attest to the importance of these works as products of a personal scholarly and religious devotion. By collecting the very terms of the Buddhist teachings and attempting to lay their meaning bare for the reader to access, lexicography was an essential part of Ding’s mission to help readers experience the immediate contact with the teachers and exegetes of eras past, as he himself had experienced when reading the scriptures.

5. Conclusion Ding’s Foxue congshu series came to an end in 1924, when Ding felt that he had largely fulfilled the vow he made to reprint and distribute edited Buddhist texts.  Sun Zulie 孫祖烈, Foxue xiao cidian 佛學小辭典 (Shanghai: Yixue shuju, [1919?]). There may also be a fifth edition from 1926. Foxue shuju bianji bu 佛學書局編輯部, Shiyong Foxue cidian 實 用佛學辭典 (Shanghai: Foxue shuju, 1934, 1935, 1937, 1947). Note that the surtitle Shiyong is included in the title in some library and bibliographic catalogue entries but not others. ´dique du bouddhisme  Sylvain Lévi and Takakusu Junjirō, Hōbōgirin: Dictionnaire encyclope d’après les sources chinoises et japonaises (Tokyo: Maison Franco-Japonaise, 1929‐); Mochizuki Shinko 望月信亨, Bukkyō daijiten 佛教大辭典 (Tokyo: Bukkyō Daijiten Hakkōjo, 1932-[1936?]); William Edward Soothill and Lewis Hodous, A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms: With Sanskrit and English Equivalents and a Sanskrit-Pali Index (London: K. Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., Ltd., 1937).

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While a few more titles would later be added to the series, from this point onward Ding began to focus on other topics, including literature as well as Daoist religious texts.¹²⁷ He continued to involve himself in Buddhist matters, however, joining the board of directors for the Shanghai Foxue shuju 上海佛學書局 publisher, and his Buddhist book series remained in print, being widely advertised throughout the rest of the Republican period.¹²⁸ The series also continued to exert an influence on its readership. For example, after the death of his father in 1921, Cai Niansheng 蔡念生 received a copy of Foxue cuoyao from a monk, sparking his interest in Buddhism. Since he was working in the provincial government of Fengtian 奉天 at the time, far removed from the publishing heartland of the Jiangnan region, Cai ordered Buddhist books through the mail, later becoming a well-known lay scholar of Buddhism.¹²⁹ In a letter written in 1928, the Pure Land monk, scholar, and artist Hongyi 弘一 (1880 – 1942) praised the series and the dictionary, saying that they were especially suited for people who did not yet believe in Buddhism.¹³⁰ Like the earlier efforts of monastic authors and lay publishers, Ding aimed to guide the reader of Buddhist scriptural texts through a difficult semantic and lexicographic landscape. Yet Ding’s series sought to pursue a rather new direction in Chinese Buddhist print culture, drawing upon established methods of exegesis but addressing itself to the independent, skeptical, and exacting reader of the modern era.

 Ding, Nianpu, 326, 388; Boorman, Biographical Dictionary of Republican China, vol. 3, 270; Liu Xun, Daoist Modern: Innovation, Lay Practice, and the Community of Inner Alchemy in Republican Shanghai (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2009), 37.  See for example the advertisement in Luohan cai 羅漢菜 in October 1942, stating that free copies of Foxue cuoyao were available for the cost of postage, MFQ 88:241; another note regarding the distribution of the text appears in Jue youqing 覺有情, Oct. 1, 1942, MFQB 61:406.  See Yu, Xiandai Fojiao renwu cidian, 1583 – 1586; Yu, Zhongguo jinxiandai Fojiao renwu zhi, 431. Cai was the editor of the 1970 reprint of Ding’s series.  Lin Ziqing 林子青, ed., Hongyi fashi shu xin 弘一法師書信 (Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 1990), 225. The series was also the target of some criticism, as in a 1923 article by Tang Xueyun 湯雪筠 (d.u.) which argued that the content of Ding’s books was not Buddhist at all. See Tang Xueyun 湯雪筠, “Yu Ding Fubao jushi taolun Foxue congshu” 與丁福保居士討論佛學叢書, Foxue xunkan 佛學旬刊, no. 26 (Jan. 4, 1923), MFQ 8:175 – 177.

Rostislav Berezkin

Chapter Four: Printing and Circulating “Precious Scrolls” in Early Twentieth-Century Shanghai and its Vicinity: Toward an Assessment of Multifunctionality of the Genre¹ 1. Introduction This chapter deals with the printing and transmission of baojuan 寶卷 (precious scrolls) in Shanghai and its neighboring regions in the period between 1910 and 1940. Baojuan texts and their recitation have constituted an important part of the religious life of the folk in the Lower Yangtze region throughout the modern period. Baojuan are texts with a primarily religious content written in the style of alternating prose and verse, and which were originally intended for oral presentation. Baojuan as a literary form first appeared around the fourteenth century and was still flourishing at the beginning of the twentieth century. Baojuan had undergone a long process of transformation before they became a widespread form of storytelling art in the Lower Yangtze region around the year 1850.² Although there are several detailed studies of the content and performance of baojuan in this region,³ very few scholars have paid attention to the publishing of these texts in large urban areas and its impact on the dissemination of

 The original version of this chapter was presented in 2011 at the seminar of the Institute of Modern History of Academia Sinica, where the author was a postdoctoral fellow. The author would like to express his gratitude to Drs. Paul R. Katz, Lu Miaw-fen吕妙芬, Li Kai-kuang, Liu Wen-hsing and other scholars at the Institute of Modern History, as well as the anonymous reader for their critical comments, to Dr. Ma Xiaohe and other staff of Harvard-Yenching Library for the access to their materials and to Dr. Gregory Adam Scott for his numerous suggestions and editing work.  For an introduction to baojuan, see Sawada Mizuho 澤田瑞穗, Zōho hōkan no kenkyū 增補寶 卷の研究 (Tokyo: Dōkyō kankōkai, 1975); Daniel L. Overmyer, Precious Volumes: An Introduction to Chinese Scriptures from the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999); Li Shiyu 李世瑜, Baojuan lun ji 寳卷論集 (Taipei: Lantai chubanshe, 2007); Che Xilun 車錫倫, Zhongguo baojuan yanjiu 中國寶卷研究 (Guilin: Guangxi shifan daxue chubanshe, 2009).  The most important of which was fieldwork on modern baojuan performances conducted by Che Xilun, see his Zhongguo baojuan yanjiu, 240 – 432.

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baojuan. The methods of transmission of baojuan in Shanghai and its vicinity have not been discussed so far in studies on Chinese religions in the Republican period, although there are several works that deal with religious publishing of that time and its important social role.⁴ This chapter represents an attempt to fill this lacuna by discussing the multifaceted phenomenon of printing and dissemination of baojuan texts in Shanghai, and also by exploring the connection between the printing of baojuan and the art of their professional performance. At the beginning of the twentieth century a new technology, namely lithography (shiyin 石印), began to be used for printing baojuan. This shift in printing media also coincided with certain changes in the appearance and possibly even in the use of these texts. At the same time, there was also continuity with earlier stages of the development of baojuan texts. I will first analyze the nature of these changes and continuities and also demonstrate the significance of the lithographic mode of production for the history of baojuan; my aim is to re-consider the role of lithographic baojuan in modern China. In this essay, I mainly make use of information from original editions of baojuan, data that often appears in the form of prefaces, postfaces, publishers’ notes, and commercial advertisements, which the author studied in collections of baojuan editions in China, Taiwan, the United States, and Russia between 2004 and 2010.⁵ I also juxtapose them with relevant historical sources.

 On religious publishing in early twentieth-century China, excluding Western religions, see Rudolf Löwenthal (羅文達), The Religious Periodical Press in China (Peking: The Synodal Commission in China, 1940; reprinted by the Chinese Materials Center in San Francisco, 1978), especially 139 – 192, 282– 292; Xun Liu, Daoist Modern: Innovation, Lay Practice, and the Community of Inner Alchemy in Republican Shanghai (Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2009), 231– 271; Jan Kiely, “Spreading the Dharma with the Mechanized Press: New Buddhist Print Cultures in the Modern Chinese Print Revolution, 1865 – 1949,” in From Woodblocks to the Internet: Chinese Publishing and Print Culture in Transition, 1800 – 2008, ed. Christopher Reed and Cynthia Brokaw (Leiden, E.J. Brill, 2010), 185 – 210; Jan Kiely, “Shanghai Public Moralist Nie Qijie and Morality Book Publication Projects in Republican China,” Twentieth-Century China 36, no. 1 (January 2011): 4– 22.  The biggest of which are the rare book collections of the Fu Ssu-nien Library at Academia Sinica (中央研究院歷史語言研究所傅斯年圖書館, Taiwan), the Harvard-Yenching Library (originally in the private collection of Professor Patrick Hanan), Shanghai Library (上海圖書館), Fudan University Library (復旦大學圖書館, Shanghai), and the Institute of Literature of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences 中國社會科學院文學研究所. Baojuan from the Fu Ssu-nien Library were partly reprinted in Huang Kuanzhong 黃寬重 et al., eds., Suwenxue congkan: xiju lei, shuochang lei 俗文學叢刊: 戲劇類, 說唱類 (Taipei: Xinwenfeng, 2002), vols. 352– 361. For detailed lists of the baojuan from the Institute of Literature of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and the Harvard-Yenching Library, see Xu Yunzhen 許允貞, “Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan wenxue yanjiusuo guan cang baojuan fenlei tilu” 中國社會科學院文學研究所館藏寶卷

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In sections 6 and 7, which deal with the transmission of baojuan editions in the Republican period, I use historical and literary sources which do not necessarily refer to Shanghai, but mostly come from the southern part of China, as well as materials obtained from fieldwork in the areas of Jiangsu province that are close to Shanghai.

2. Lithographic Editions of Baojuan and the Question of the Transformation of Their Function First of all I would like to note that one can identify three major forms in which written baojuan appeared: manuscript, woodblock, and lithograph. Manuscripts were probably the earliest form of baojuan literature and they are still copied by baojuan performers in mainland China today. Starting in the sixteenth century, baojuan were often reproduced by means of woodblock printing (muke 木刻), and woodblock editions of baojuan persisted into the first half of the twentieth century. From the very end of the nineteenth century, however, baojuan also started to be reproduced by means of lithography. The print technology of the mechanized lithographic press was introduced to China by Westerners in the nineteenth century. Lithography uses an image drawn in wax or another hydrophobic substance applied to a stone or metal plate with a completely smooth surface as the medium to transfer ink to the printed sheet. Lithography makes use of a chemical process that allows a precise transfer of the drawn image, and also makes it possible to print more copies of the book at a lower cost than with woodblock printing. Lithographic printing became a popular medium for publishing in modern China, primarily in Shanghai; lithographic publishers flourished in the period from 1875 to 1905 and continued their activities afterwards.⁶ Numerous lithographic editions of baojuan were

分類題錄, in Xu, “Cong nüxing dao nüshen: nüxing xiuxing xinnian baojuan yanjiu” 從女性到 女神：女性修行信念寶卷研究 (PhD diss., Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, 2010), 116 – 213; and Huo Jianyu 霍建瑜, “Hafo Yanjing tushuguan cang Hannan suo zeng baojuan jingyanlu” 哈 佛燕京圖書館藏韓南所贈寶卷經眼錄, Shumu jikan 書目季刊 44, no. 1 (June 2010): 99 – 119. Baojuan editions from the Harvard-Yenching Library are digitized and available online: , accessed on May 7, 2011.  On them, see Christopher Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai: Chinese Print Capitalism, 1876 – 1937 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2004), 88 – 127.

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printed in Shanghai and the nearby cities of Ningbo 寧波, Hangzhou 杭州, and Shaoxing 紹興 between 1910 and 1940. In the latter part of this period, typeset editions of baojuan were also printed, but they were not as numerous as the lithographic editions. Baojuan publishing at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries, especially the printing of lithographic editions of baojuan, is under-studied in Chinese and foreign works on baojuan. The most authoritative specialists in baojuan studies, Sawada Mizuho 澤田瑞 穗 and Che Xilun 車錫倫, only briefly mention lithographic editions in their studies of the history of this genre.⁷ Xu Yunzhen 許允貞, who specifically studied baojuan texts collected at the Institute of Literature of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in Beijing, briefly discussed lithographic editions of baojuan printed in Shanghai in the overview of the history of baojuan manuscript copying and publishing included as part of her dissertation.⁸ Recent specialist studies of the print culture of modern Shanghai do not discuss lithographic baojuan. ⁹ I think that several questions posed in previous studies that mention the printing of baojuan in Shanghai still need more detailed analysis. These studies assert that the nature of baojuan texts was radically changed after they started to be printed by means of lithography in Shanghai and other cities: namely, that they evolved from scripts for recitation into reading materials.¹⁰ Xu Yunzhen, who has paid more attention to lithographic baojuan than other scholars, clearly identifies the connection between the use of lithographic print technology and the transformation of the main function of baojuan texts. She bases her argument on a comparison between the forms of woodblock editions from the end of the nineteenth century and those of lithographic editions from the beginning of the twentieth century, as well as changes in the literary forms and contents of the texts.¹¹ In her work, however, it remains largely unclear when exactly the transformation of baojuan from scripts for recitation into reading materials took place. I would therefore argue that the situation with regard to the use of baojuan editions in this period was a great deal more complex than it is usually presented. While I accept the general thesis suggested in previous studies that baojuan served as reading materials for the broadest category of readers at the beginning of the twentieth century, I would

 Sawada, Zōho hōkan no kenkyū, 80 – 81; Che Xilun, Zhongguo baojuan yanjiu, 223 – 224.  Xu Yunzhen, “Baojuan banben zhu wenti ji qi lishi–yi Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan wenxue yanjiusuo suo cang baojuan wei anli” 寶卷版本諸問題及其歷史——以中國社會科學院文學研究 所所藏寶卷為案例, in Xu, “Cong nüxing dao nüshen,” 77– 79.  See for example, Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai.  See Sawada, Zōho hōkan no kenkyū, 80 – 81; Che Xilun, Zhongguo baojuan yanjiu, 223 – 224.  Xu Yunzhen, “Baojuan banben zhu wenti ji qi lishi,” 78 – 79.

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like to question the assertion regarding the complete transformation of the use of baojuan editions at that time and look closer at available evidence about the circulation of these texts. The main questions that I pose in this study are: “In which forms did baojuan circulate in Shanghai and its vicinity at that time? Was there just one method of using baojuan editions or were there many?” A detailed analysis of historical evidence demonstrates that there was in fact a variety of forms in which baojuan circulated in Shanghai, including textual as well as oral transmission. This phenomenon fit well into the diverse culture of the city.¹² The printing of woodblock editions of baojuan also continued in Shanghai in the twentieth century, so in this chapter I will analyze the differences between the lithographic and woodblock baojuan printed at that time, and discuss the innovations related to the introduction of lithographic techniques in detail. I will also address the question of a more precise dating of the beginning of the use of baojuan as reading materials. Because lithographic editions of baojuan are more numerous than typeset editions and appeared earlier, in this study I limit my research to the lithographic mode of baojuan printing and do not discuss typeset editions. Furthermore, I primarily focus on the printing of baojuan by four representative publishers in Shanghai: Wenyi shuju 文益書局 (Profit from Culture Bookstore), Xiyin shuju 惜陰書局 (Cherishing Moments Bookstore), Yihuatang shanshuju 翼化堂善書局 (Morality Bookstore of Broad Transformation), and Hongda shanshuju 宏大善書局 (Great [Enterprise] Morality Bookstore).

3. Baojuan Publishers in Shanghai The situation with regard to baojuan publishers in Shanghai was quite complex. I have counted forty-seven publishers and organizations that printed baojuan in Shanghai between 1911 and 1940.¹³ They used woodblock, lithographic and typeset modes; however, most of them worked with lithographic print. Some of these publishers are included in the number presented by Christopher Reed in his work on the print culture of Shanghai, where he has noted at least 164 lithographic publishers about whom he had information that were active in the city during the Republican Era.¹⁴ Most publishers who produced baojuan can

 For recent research on cultural diversity in Shanghai, see Xu Jilin 許紀霖 et al., eds., Chengshi de jiyi: Shanghai wenhua de duoyuan lishi chuantong 城市的記憶: 上海文化的多元歷史 傳統 (Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 2011).  See appendix 1, at the end of this chapter.  Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 126 – 127.

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be found in the catalogues of the extant editions of literary and medical works that Reed primarily consulted for his statistics, and in other recent reference books about Shanghai publishing.¹⁵ Not all active publishers, however, were included in these lists. The publishers who printed baojuan in Shanghai in the twentieth century can be classified into two general types: “literary” commercial publishers and publishers of morality books (shanshuju 善書局). Publishers that I term “literary” specialized in literary works (mainly novels and tanci 彈詞) and combined the printing of baojuan with the printing of other types of books.¹⁶ Among the literary publishers there were those who printed a large number of baojuan: Xiyin, Wenyi, Wenyuan shuju 文元書局 (Primacy of Culture Bookstore), [He] Guangji shuju [何]廣記書局 (He Guang Bookstore), and Jiangchunji shuzhuang 蔣春記 書莊 (Jiangchun Book Village). Xiyin seems to have been a leader in baojuan production, with ninety-six titles catalogued.¹⁷ The second most prolific baojuan printer, with seventy-one titles, was Wenyi.¹⁸ Unfortunately, there is very little information about these two publishers, and it is difficult to determine even the dates when Wenyi and Xiyin were founded and operated. In the case of Wenyi, according to the “List of Shanghai publishers in 1911” (1911 nian Shanghai shuye minglu 1911 年上海書業名錄) reprinted in a recent reference book on Shanghai publishing, it was founded in 1911.¹⁹ However, there are lithographic baojuan editions by the same publisher that are dated earlier than 1911.²⁰ According to the dates in baojuan editions published by Wenyi, it was still operational in the 1920s and early 1930s, yet its name is not mentioned in lists of

 Mainly Zhongguo Zhongyi yanjiuyuan tushuguan 中國中醫硏究院圖書館, ed., Quanguo Zhongyi tushu lianhe mulu 全國中醫圖書聯合目錄 (Beijing: Zhongyi guji chubanshe, 1991); Wang Qingyuan 王淸原, Mou Renlong 牟仁隆, and Han Xiduo 韓錫鐸, eds., Xiaoshuo shufang lu 小説 書坊錄 (Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2002); Wang Yaohua 汪耀華, ed., Shanghai shuye minglu: 1906 – 2010 上海書業名錄：1906 – 2010 (Shanghai: Shanghai shudian chubanshe, 2011).  Tanci refers to “plucking lyrics” or chantefable, a form of storytelling popular in Jiangsu and Zhejiang at that time. Written texts were also circulated: see Mark Bender, Plum and Bamboo: China’s Suzhou Chantefable Tradition (Urbana: Illinois University Press, 2003).  I am basing this primarily on the information from Che Xilun’s catalogue published in 2000, which, as mentioned above, is incomplete. Xiyin’s advertisements in some of its editions say that this publisher produced more than 100 titles, but they do not provide a complete list of titles.  See appendix 2 at the end of this chapter.  Wang Yaohua, Shanghai shuye minglu, 9.  For example, one edition of Baojuan of the Pearl Pagoda (Zhenzhuta baojuan 珍珠塔寶卷, Che no. 1540) is dated to 1909. See Che Xilun, Zhongguo baojuan zongmu, 368. A “Che” number following a baojuan title refers to its index number in this catalogue.

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Shanghai publishers compiled after 1917.²¹ I was not able to determine the date of foundation for Xiyin based on the sources that I have. In available historical sources, Xiyin is first mentioned in “Survey of Shanghai bookstores of 1935” (1935 nian Shanghai shi shudian diaocha 1935 年上海市書店調查).²² Its name does not appear in the list of 1930, and thus it is tempting to conclude that Xiyin was founded sometime between 1930 and 1935. However, I cannot assert this with any certainty, as the lists and surveys that I have are clearly incomplete.²³ This feature of surveys becomes evident when we look at the cases of other publishers. For example, Hongda Morality Bookstore, which also printed lithographic baojuan, is first mentioned in the 1942 survey of the Shanghai publishing industry.²⁴ The lists dated to 1930, 1935, and 1939 do not mention Hongda, but it was certainly active during that era. Hongda published many religious works starting from 1921 at the latest and was active in the 1930s; there are several baojuan editions by Hongda that date to this period. The approximate date of Xiyin’s activities—the 1930s—is further evidenced by the dates in several lithographic editions of this publisher—Baojuan of Huang Huiru (Huang Huiru baojuan 黃慧如寶卷, Che no. 395), dated to 1933, and Guanyin and Twelve Fully Enlightened [Ones] (Guanyin shier yuanjue 觀音十二圓覺, Che no. 323), dated to 1938.²⁵ Most of Xiyin’s editions of baojuan are undated, but we can assume that they were also printed around the same time. As will be mentioned below, Xiyin remained active into the 1940s. There were also literary publishers who printed just one or two baojuan, often as part of collections of texts of popular literature.²⁶ As for the other categories of books printed by these literary publishers, relevant information often appears in the form of notes in baojuan editions. For example, a note by the head of Wenyi in the Complete Version of Baojuan of Miaoying (Miaoying baojuan quanji 妙英寶卷全集, Che no. 699, printed in 1914) says that “this publisher prints all kinds of baojuan and morality books, texts in de Wang Yaohua, Shanghai shuye minglu, 17.  Wang Yaohua, Shanghai shuye minglu, 44.  A publisher with the name Xiyin (in two variants: Xiyin xian 惜陰軒 and Xiyin shuju 惜陰書 局) appears in an advertisement published in the Shanghai newspaper Shenbao on Oct. 30, 1889. However, the ad says that this publisher operated in Hunan province and does not mention baojuan: Shanghai Shenbao guan 上海申報舘 ed., Shenbao 申報, vol. 35 (Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1982– 1987; originally printed Oct. 30, 1889), 4. It is not clear if this publisher was in any way related to the Shanghai publisher that printed baojuan.  Wang Yaohua, Shanghai shuye minglu, 81.  Che Xilun, Zhongguo baojuan zongmu, 95, 70.  These publishers are also listed in appendix 1.

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mand for the study halls [textbooks], collections of calligraphic inscriptions by famous masters, all kinds of letter-writing manuals, books on medicine and divination, as well as all kinds of novels and ‘leisure books,’ books of songs, pictures, and capital drama [Beijing drama] scripts.”²⁷ This list demonstrates the diversity of the production of this commercial publisher. According to publishers’ surveys from 1935 and 1939, Xiyin mainly printed novels and illustrated books.²⁸ The association of this publisher with novels in particular is asserted in the note in its baojuan editions’ covers, mentioned in section 5 below. Another publisher, Jiangchunji shuzhuang, printed mainly novels, classics, tanci, morality books, and traditional textbooks, as demonstrated by the catalogue of its books appended to the lithographic edition of Baojuan of Woman Liu Xiang (Liu Xiang nü baojuan 劉香女寶卷, Che no. 642, undated, in Harvard-Yenching Library).²⁹ Five out of forty-eight titles in this catalogue are baojuan. The printing of baojuan by these publishers is closely connected to the demand for these texts on the part of the reading public that consumed it along with the fiction and other popular texts. The second type of publisher that printed baojuan in Shanghai was the specialized publisher of morality books. As outlined above, morality books (shanshu 善書) do appear in the book lists of literary publishers; however, there were also publishers who specialized in printing these works. Printing of baojuan by these publishers in the twentieth century is rooted in the past, when during the last century of the Qing dynasty (1644 – 1911) a widespread association of baojuan with morality books was established. Morality books are a form of didactic literature that was considerably different from baojuan in terms of content and usage in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries. In the nineteenth century, however, many baojuan were considered to also be morality books, as they advocated traditional moral values. Sawada Mizuho has argued that the association of baojuan with morality books was established during the Jiaqing 嘉慶 (1796 – 1820)

 「本局批叢各種寶卷、善書、學堂應需讀本、名家法帖、各種尺牘、醫卜星相，以及各種 小說閒書、唱本、圖畫、京戲。」 Edition from the collection of the Fu Ssu-nien Library, reprinted in Huang Kuanzhong et al., ed., Suwenxue congkan, 354: 488. All Chinese citations in this chapter have had punctuation added by the author.  Wang Yaohua, Shanghai shuye minglu, 44, 69. The article in Shenbao of Dec. 1, 1947, says that Xiyin printed many comic books that were favored by school-aged children: Shenbao, vol. 395 (Dec. 1, 1947): 4. This is proof that Xiyin continued to flourish in the 1940s. We should also pay attention to the fact that Xiyin specialized in categories of books (such as illustrated novels and comic books) that constituted popular reading materials for children as well as for adults, a fact that contributes to our understanding of the place of baojuan in the literature market. See section 5, below.  This edition is not listed in Che Xilun’s catalogue.

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and Daoguang 道光 (1820 – 1850) reign periods.³⁰ He based this on the fact that several baojuan mostly containing moral injunctions were published by moralists at that time, one notable example being Baojuan of the True Self-Perfection (Zhenxiu baojuan 真修寶卷, Che no. 1550), discussed below in section 6. According to Yao Chi-on, specialist publishers of morality books appeared in the southern part of China beginning around the Xianfeng 咸豐 reign period (1850 – 1862).³¹ Several Shanghai publishers of morality books printed baojuan in the period between 1910 and 1940, the principal ones being Yihuatang, Hongda, and Dafeng shanshu kanxingsuo 大豐善書刊行所 (Morality Book Publisher of Great Abundance).³² Yihuatang and Hongda together printed the largest amount of baojuan titles. The catalogue of editions by Yihuatang dated 1933 lists ninetyseven baojuan, while the catalogue of Hongda’s editions dated 1933 lists nineteen baojuan. ³³ Some publishers of morality books used the lithographic press, the most notable example being Hongda, but others still used traditional woodblock printing. Yihuatang, for example, continued to print woodblock baojuan in the first half of the twentieth century. Yihuatang was a quite well-known publisher of morality books, located on Yuyuan Road 豫園路, behind the City God Temple  Sawada, Zōho hōkan no kenkyū, 37. For a different view, see Sakai Tadao 酒井忠夫, Zhongguo shanshu yanjiu (zengbu ban) 中國善書硏究(增補版), trans. Liu Yuebing 劉嶽兵, et al., vol. 2 (Nanjing: Jiangsu renmin chubanshe, 2010; original edition, Chūgoku zenshō no kenkyū 中國善書 の研究; revised edition, Tokyo: Kōbun dō, 1999), 708 – 714.  On morality books, see Cynthia Brokaw, The Ledgers of Merit and Demerit: Social Change and Moral Order in Late Imperial China (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); Sakai Tadao, Zhongguo shanshu yanjiu; Yau Chi-on [You Zi’an] 游子安, Quanhua jinzhen: Qingdai shanshu yanjiu 勸化金箴：清代善書研究 (Tianjin: Tianjin renmin chubanshe, 1999); Yau Chi-on, Shan yu ren tong: Ming-Qing yilai de cishan yu jiaohua 善与人同：明清以来的慈善与教化 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005). On shanshuju, see Yau Chi-on, Quanhua jinzhen, 152– 153, as well as the chapters by Katz, Wang, and Yau in the present volume.  On the publishers of morality books in Shanghai, see Yau Chi-on, Quanhua jinzhen, 153– 154; Yau Chi-on, Shan yu ren tong, 71– 87; and the chapter by Wang Chien-chuan 王見川 in this volume. Zhu Lianbao 朱聯保 in his memoirs on Shanghai publishing industry also mentions Hongda as a publisher specializing in religious works. See his Jinxiandai Shanghai chubanye yinxiang ji 近現代上海出版業印象記 (Shanghai: Xuelin chubanshe, 1993), 255.  Yangshan banyuekan 揚善半月刊 , no. 1 (Jan. 7, 1933): 13 – 14, reprinted in Yangshan banyuekan: xianxue zhuanmen zazhi 揚善半月刊 : 仙學專門雜誌 (Beijing: Quanguo tushuguan wenxian suowei fuzhi zhongxin, 2005). The Hongda catalogue was reprinted in Wang Chienchuan 王見川 et al., eds., Minjian sicang Zhongguo minjian xinyang minjian wenhua ziliao huibian, di yi ji 民間私藏: 中國民間信仰民間文化資料彙編. 第一輯, vol. 19 (Taipei: Boyang wenhua, 2011), 1– 31. This list is incomplete; based on the catalogues of baojuan and data from library collections, I can assert that Hongda printed twenty-two baojuan titles in total. See appendix 2, below.

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城隍廟, in the center of old Shanghai. It was established around 1857 by the philanthropist Zhang Weicheng 張韋承 (Zhang Xuetang 張雪堂, 1837– 1909) and was active for nearly eighty years, printing religious books of different traditions, including Daoist and Buddhist scriptures, morality books and baojuan, as well as periodicals.³⁴ The baojuan listed in the catalogue of editions by Yihuatang mentioned above are mostly woodblock editions.³⁵ However, Yihuatang switched to lithographic printing at a certain point in its history. In the later period, Yihuatang printed several lithographic baojuan, for example Ashoka King Baojuan (Ayuwang baojuan, 阿育王寶卷) with Bolanggong Baojuan (柏郞公寶卷, Che no. 46) appended, dated to 1924.³⁶ We can thus see that a considerable number of these two types of publishers were engaged in printing baojuan in Shanghai. Shanghai publishers of both types used lithographic technologies; even traditional publishers of religious works who operated primarily with woodblocks started to use lithography, a phenomenon that has to do with the advantages of new print technologies as well as changes in the use of baojuan texts. While baojuan texts circulated as commercialized materials for reading, the aesthetic quality of the editions became important, and lithography had significant advantages in this aspect.

4. Commercial Printing of Lithographic baojuan In this section I will discuss the modes of production and distribution of baojuan editions in Shanghai at the beginning of the twentieth century. The commercialization of the printing of baojuan was a significant innovation that took place around the turn of the century. It was largely this aspect that distinguished the lithographic and woodblock publishing of baojuan. Traditionally, baojuan printing followed the mode of printing Buddhist scriptures and morality books: printed with funds collected from worshippers, and distributed free of charge. A sponsor could order the printing of a given number of copies, and this information often appears in the colophons of

 On the history of Yihuatang, see Zhang Zhuming 張竹銘, “Yihuatang shanshuju zhi chuangshe ji ben kan faxing zhi yuanyin” 翼化堂善書局之創設及本刊發行之原因, Yangshan banyuekan, no. 13 (Jan. 1, 1934): 18 – 19; Wu Yakui 吳亞魁, “Hua shuo Yihuatang shanshuju” 話説 翼化堂善書局, Shanghai daojiao 上海道教, no. 1 (1995): 26 – 27; Yau Chi-on, Quanhua jinzhen, 153– 155; Liu, Daoist Modern, 234– 241, and also chapter six in this volume.  Apparently not all are extant now, as many of them are not listed in the catalogue of baojuan by Che Xilun.  Harvard-Yenching Library, 57260139.

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baojuan. ³⁷ Thus, publishers could have potentially profited from printing baojuan, but I have not found any indication that publishers in the Qing dynasty printed baojuan and offered them for retail sale for their own financial consideration. The situation with regard to the printing of most lithographic baojuan was different. Baojuan were printed by publishers who also sold the books themselves. The price lists of baojuan printed by a given publisher that indicate the price of each book often appear at the end of book editions; see for example the list of baojuan printed by Wenyi publisher dated to 1915 (Figure 1). Based on these listed prices, one can see that editions were quite cheap. The usual price of a baojuan edition by Wenyi in the year 1915 was around two jiao, or twenty Chinese cents.³⁸ This price is comparable with the prices of other commercial lithographic publishers in Shanghai during that period. Reed gives prices for lithographic editions of short works, comprised of two to twenty volumes from Saoye shanfang 掃葉山房 in 1917, which start as low as fifteen cents and do not usually reach as high as one Chinese dollar.³⁹ As previous studies have argued, these prices were quite affordable for a reader of a middle or even low economic status, so baojuan were indeed affordable as popular reading materials. Editions of Wenyi and Xiyin usually also feature a note regarding copyright (banquan suoyou 版權所有) and a prohibition against reproduction in their frontispieces. The intentions behind such notes appear to be completely opposite to those motivating the invitations to reproduce baojuan that appear in woodblock editions of the Qing dynasty. These notes testify to the fact that the publishers who printed baojuan embraced the concept of copyright, widespread in the Chinese print culture of the early twentieth century.⁴⁰ Here, I do not enter into a discussion of the question whether these copyright restrictions were actually observed. The mere fact of their appearance, however, does deserve notice. Publishers started to treat baojuan as a form of intellectual property, a phenomenon that is closely tied to the commercial value of these materials. Shanghai publishers were also interested in the rapid distribution of baojuan editions. For example, the frontispieces of lithographic baojuan by Wenyi have notes that this publisher had branch-stores (fenfasuo 分發所) in other cities: branches that were called Juyuantang Bookstore 聚元堂書局 in both Hangzhou and Shaoxing, and Juzhen Bookstore 聚珍書局 in Nanjing; the books were also

 On this type of baojuan printing, see Sawada, Zōho hōkan no kenkyū, 70 – 75.  Some cost one or three jiao.  On the prices of lithographic editions and a comparison with the overall prices in Shanghai, see Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 102.  Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 176 – 178.

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Figure 1: Commercial catalogue of baojuan printed by Wenyi. From the cover of the lithographic edition of Baojuan of Xiangshan printed in 1915, courtesy of Harvard-Yenching Library rare book collection (originally collection of Prof. Patrick Hanan).

sold in large bookstores in every province (ge sheng da shufang 各省大書坊).⁴¹ It is thus not surprising that lithographic baojuan by Shanghai publishers were widespread, and could be purchased as far away as Beijing.⁴² Lithographic as  See, for example, the frontispiece of The Complete Edition of Miaoying Baojuan, reprinted in Suwenxue congkan, vol. 354, 488.  On the distribution networks of both woodblock and lithographic publishers at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries, see Cynthia Brokaw, “Commercial

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well as woodblock baojuan were sold in Beijing even as late as the 1950s. Patrick Hanan had seventy-four baojuan editions, fifty-nine of which were lithographic editions, in his collection that was later donated to the Harvard-Yenching Library, and was originally purchased in 1957 and 1958 in Beijing bookstores. The message by the head of Wenyi, printed in the frontispiece of The Complete Edition of Miaoying Baojuan mentioned in section 3 above, also notes another means of distribution. It says that the customers could purchase books by mail: “for those in other regions [who would like] to purchase by mail, we shall send books to their addresses.”⁴³ The situation with regard to the second type of publishers—publishers of morality books—was quite different. Hongda and Yihuatang also retailed their books, but this may have been not for the purpose of profit, rather to support their publishing enterprise. In the prefatory note to the catalogue of titles printed by Yihuatang mentioned above in section 3, its managers explained that they charged only a minimal price for the editions, just a subsidy (jintie 津貼) to cover the expenses for printing blocks, paper, and workers’ labor.⁴⁴ This information appears in the catalogue of books printed by Hongda, a catalogue that includes baojuan. ⁴⁵ Furthermore, the same prefatory note to the Yihuatang catalogue states that customers could purchase its editions by mail and pay for their books by postal money transfer: by distributing editions by mail Yihuatang’s managers hoped to assist philanthropists in other provinces in their endeavor to propagate morality by the means of morality books.⁴⁶ Presumably, these moralists would purchase books and then distribute them in their locality free of charge. Therefore, one might characterize Hongda and Yihuatang as semipious, semi-commercial publishers.⁴⁷ While many publishers in Shanghai at the beginning of the twentieth century printed baojuan on a commercial basis, the semi-philanthropic semi-commercial publishing of these texts by philanthropic establishments that had started in the early modern period continued in this era as well. This situation was closely related to the role of baojuan in the literary market: while most people of that Woodblock Publishing in the Qing (1644– 1911) and the Transition to Modern Print Technology” in From Woodblocks to the Internet, ed. Brokaw and Reed, 53 – 56; Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 111.  「外埠函購, 原班回件.」 Suwenxue congkan, vol. 354, 488.  “Yihuatang shanshuju” 翼化堂善書局, Yangshan banyuekan 揚善半月刊 1 (Jan. 7, 1933): 7.  Wang Chien-chuan et al., Minjian sicang Zhongguo minjian xinyang minjian wenhua ziliao huibian, di yi ji, vol. 19, 2.  “Yihuatang shanshuju,” 7– 8.  For further information on the business model of this type of morality bookstore, see Paul R. Katz’s chapter in the present volume.

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time generally treated baojuan texts as a part of pious moralizing literature, at the same time consumers also valued the entertaining aspect of several categories of these texts. Both types of publishers retailed baojuan, which aided in the dissemination of traditional and newly composed texts throughout China. The commercialization of baojuan printing was also accompanied by the enrichment of the content of baojuan published by the two types of publishers. There were several significant innovations in this aspect.

5. The Range and Content of Baojuan Printed in Shanghai The repertoire of baojuan titles printed in Shanghai at the beginning of the twentieth century is very important for our understanding of the place of these texts in the literary market and its role in the culture of that time. Many lithographic editions of the twentieth century reproduced texts that had already existed in woodblock editions.⁴⁸ One should not overstate this fact, however, since many texts published as lithographs had not existed as woodblocks previously. According to my own incomplete statistics based primarily on the 2000 edition of the baojuan catalogue by Che Xilun, among ninety-six lithographic editions of baojuan printed by Xiyin, only twenty-nine texts had also existed as earlier woodblock editions. For Wenyi this figure is twenty-eight out of seventy-one titles, and for Hongda sixteen out of twenty-two.⁴⁹ In cases of texts that had previously existed as woodblock editions, the reprinted editions were usually executed with new calligraphy and illustrations.⁵⁰ The appearance and format of the two types of editions were substantially different, but many traditional texts were preserved in these new forms by Shanghai publishers.  Che Xilun, Zhongguo baojuan yanjiu, 223.  See appendix 2, below. I mainly base this on information from Che Xilun’s catalogue of 2000, but I also supplement it with other information I have gathered. For example, the information about baojuan printed by Hongda is based on this publisher’s catalogue: Wang Chien-chuan, et al., eds., Minjian sicang Zhongguo minjian xinyang minjian wenhua ziliao huibian, di yi ji, vol. 19, 1– 31. Some of the editions listed there are not registered in Che Xilun’s catalogue. Baojuan of the Miraculous Response of Bodhisattva Guanyin (Guanyin linggan baojuan 觀音靈感寶卷), printed by Hongda (Harvard-Yenching Library, 57264015), is not mentioned either in the publisher’s catalogue or in the Che Xilun’s catalogue.  For examples see Rostislav Berezkin, “The Lithographic Printing and the Development of Baojuan Genre in Shanghai in the 1900 – 1920s: On the Question of the Interaction of Print Technology and Popular Literature in China (Preliminary Observations),” Zhongzheng daxue zhongwen xueshu niankan 中正大學中文學術年刊 2011, no. 1 (cumulative no. 13): 340 – 342.

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As for baojuan texts published as lithographs that had not previously existed as woodblocks, a note explains the process of their production in the postface of Baojuan of Qilinbao (Qilinbao baojuan 麒麟豹寶卷, Che no. 864).⁵¹ There, editor Chen Runshen 陳潤身 says that he collected “the folk manuscripts” of this baojuan, presumably those used by professional performers, revised the text on the basis of these different versions, edited it, and then published it in a form written in calligraphic script and embellished with illustrations.⁵² Chen, who was from Wujiang 吳江 in southeastern Jiangsu province, is evidently a noteworthy person, because he is credited as editor in many editions printed by Xiyin.⁵³ Unfortunately, none of these editions is dated, but if we take into account a rough estimate of dates for Xiyin’s activities, the editing likely took place around the 1930s.⁵⁴ One editor associated with Wenyi was Li Jiezhai 李節齋.⁵⁵ He played a variety of roles in the publishing of baojuan; in some editions by Wenyi, such as Baojuan of the Lute (Pipa baojuan 琵琶寶卷, Che no. 788), his name appears as an editor, in others by the same publisher, such as Complete Version of Baojuan of Miaoying, mentioned above, as the calligrapher who inscribed the title.⁵⁶ Unfortunately, I have not been able to find any biographic information about these persons who edited baojuan. Judging by Chen Runshen’s postface, both the form of the text and their content underwent changes as part of the editing process. Many baojuan texts printed by Xiyin and Wenyi publishers have the words “illustrated” (xiuxiang 繡像, huitu 繪圖, zengxiang 增像) and “newly compiled (edited)” (xinbian 新編, xinchu 新出) in their titles.

 An undated edition by Xiyin. Qilinbao refers to the name of a legendary creature, a UnicornLeopard.  Huitu Qilinbao baojuan 繪圖麒麟豹寳卷 (Shanghai: Xiyin, n.d. [Fudan University library, 725041]), vol. 1, 12b. Also quoted by Sawada Mizuho in his Zōho hōkan no kenkyū, 80.  As a native of Wujiang, Chen Runshen may have been quite familiar not only with the written texts, but also with performances of baojuan. The Wujiang area has an old tradition of these performances that is still alive today, see Yu Qian 俞前 and Zhang Fanglan 張舫瀾, “Tongli xuanjuan gaishu” 同里宣卷概述, in Zhongguo Tongli xuanjuan ji 中國同里宣卷集, vol. 1 (Nanjing: Fenghuang chubanshe, 2010), 1– 6.  A book printed by Xiyin and compiled (perhaps edited?) by Chen Runshen, The Complete Collection of Four Admonishing Songs of Zheng Yuanhe Who Fell into Trouble (Zheng Yuanhe luonan si jiaoge quanji 鄭元和落難四教歌全集), is dated to 1933. It also is one proof that different baojuan editions edited by the same person were printed in the early 1930s.  There also was another editor associated with Wenyi, Xie Shaoqing 謝少卿 from Nanchang 南昌.  Baojuan of the Lute is an undated lithographic edition in Fu Ssu-nien Library; reprinted in Suwenxue congkan, vol. 351, 58. It retells the story of the famous drama Pipa ji 琵琶記 (The Lute) by Gao Ming 高明 (fl. 1345).

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We can better understand the balance of innovation and tradition in the work of the literary baojuan publishers Wenyi and Xiyin if we compare the lists of titles printed by them to those of the morality book publishers Yihuatang and Hongda.⁵⁷ I will compare the range of titles printed by representatives of the two general types of baojuan publishers who published a roughly similar number of baojuan: Xiyin and Wenyi on the one hand, and Yihuatang on the other. One should note that Yihuatang is an example of an old morality books publisher that continued printing from the late Qing period, and therefore represents a more traditional case with regard to baojuan publishing compared to other twentieth-century publishers. In this study I refer to the types of baojuan printed by Shanghai publishers based on the generally accepted classifications of baojuan texts that have been worked out in general studies on their content.⁵⁸ Baojuan texts have been classified into non-narrative or scripture-type texts, usually those preaching Buddhist or sectarian ideas; and narrative texts, containing stories of popular deities or ordinary people. Narrative texts appeared quite early in the history of the genre, but greatly increased in number in the nineteenth century. Later narrative texts often adopted the subject matter of novels, dramas, and other storytelling genres. Therefore, one can further classify narrative baojuan texts into “traditional narrative,” those that existed from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries, and “new narrative,” which appeared in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Wenyi and Xiyin together published more narrative baojuan than Yihuatang. Xiyin published ninety-two narrative baojuan out of ninety-seven, sixty-six of which are titles that had not previously appeared as woodblock editions; for Wenyi the corresponding number is sixty-eight out of seventy-one, with forty-two texts not based on an earlier woodblock edition. For Yihuatang the number of narrative texts is fifty out of a total of sixty-six texts listed in this publisher’s catalogue that can be identified with presently extant texts.⁵⁹ Among the narrative baojuan printed by Xiyin and Wenyi, many texts are newly composed, their content being secular stories adapted from other genres of popular literature, most notably tanci. ⁶⁰ The editors associated with these literary publishers, such as Chen Runshen and Li Jiezhai mentioned above, seem to have been responsible for the adaptation of other texts as baojuan; they did not necessarily use folk manuscripts of baojuan, but used those

 See appendix 2.  For the most detailed classification of baojuan texts, see Overmyer, Precious Volumes, 4– 5; Che Xilun, Zhongguo baojuan yanjiu, 5 – 16.  See appendix 2.  Che Xilun, Zhongguo baojuan yanjiu, 223, 574; Sawada, Zōho hōkan no kenkyū, 245 – 246, 206.

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of other literary forms as well.⁶¹ Editors of such works adopted complex narrative lines of traditional storytelling and related fiction for baojuan. Narrative baojuan therefore appeared similar in form and content to novels and written tanci narratives, and it is clear that they were oriented toward the fiction market.⁶² Yihuatang, in contrast, published a considerable number of scripture-type, non-narrative texts.⁶³ These do not narrate stories, but solely provide moral instruction and seem to have been printed for people who were searching for advice on spiritual cultivation rather than looking for entertaining reading. On the other hand, there was a significant amount of overlap between baojuan printed by literary publishers and those printed by publishers of morality books. Firstly, Yihuatang printed quite a few narrative baojuan that can be characterized as traditional narrative texts according to the classification system I have adopted here. These texts

 Examples of these adaptations are Baojuan of He Wenxiu (He Wenxiu baojuan 何文秀寶卷, Che no. 345), Baojuan of the Records on Dark Gold (Wujin ji baojuan 烏金記寶卷, Che no. 1197), Baojuan of the Ring with Plum Flowers (Meihuajie baojuan 梅花戒寶卷, Che no. 718), Baojuan on Fighting for the Plaques of Birth and Death (Qiang sheng si pai baojuan 搶生死牌寶卷, Che no. 847), Baojuan of the Japanese Robe (Wo pao baojuan 倭袍寶卷, Che no. 1201), Baojuan of [Diao] Nanlou (Nan lou baojuan 南樓寶卷, Che no. 763), Baojuan of Records of Karmic Retribution (Guo bao lu baojuan 果報錄寶卷, Che no. 289), Baojuan of the Crying Rooster (Ji ming baojuan 雞 鳴寶卷, Che no. 543). For the first text, see Che Xilun, Zhongguo baojuan yanjiu, 574. For the second to fourth, see Furuya Akihiro 古屋昭弘 et al., eds., Ukin hōkan: Eiin honji chūshaku 烏金 寶卷: 影印, 翻字, 注釈 (Tōkyō: Chūgoku koseki bunka kenkyūsho, 2003); Furuya Akihiro et al., eds., Baikakai hōkan: eiin, honji, chūshaku 梅花戒寶卷: 影印, 翻字, 注釈 (Tōkyō: Chūgoku koseki bunka kenkyūsho, 2004); Tsuji Rin 辻リン, ed., Shō sei shi fuda hōkan: eiin, honji, chūshaku 搶生 死牌寶卷: 影印, 翻字, 注釈 (Tōkyō: Chūgoku koseki bunka kenkyūsho, 2005). On the last three, see Sawada, Zōho hōkan no kenkyū, 245 – 246, 206.  There were mainly two types of tanci written-to-be read narratives: “Wu dialect tanci” (Wu yin tanci 吳音彈詞), which were much closer to the oral tradition and which preserved certain elements of the language of this tradition; and “Mandarin tanci narratives” (tanci xiaoshuo 彈詞 小説), written in standard Mandarin by women writers; see Bender, Plum and Bamboo, 4, 153. Both could be read and recited aloud. On both types, see also Nancy Jane Hodes, “Strumming and Singing the ‘Three Smiles Romance’: a Study of the Tanci Text” (PhD diss., Harvard University, 1990); Siao-chen Hu, “Literary Tanci: a Woman’s Tradition of Narrative in Verse” (PhD diss., Harvard University, 1994); Hu Xiaozhen (Siao-chen Hu) 胡曉真, Cai nü che ye wei mian: jindai Zhongguo nüxing xushi wenxue de xingqi 才女徹夜未眠: 近代中國女性敘事文學的興起 (Taipei: Maitian chuban, 2003); Ellen Widmer, The Beauty and the Book: Women and Fiction in Nineteenth-Century China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2006), 69 – 101. Lithographic baojuan stand closer to the Wu dialect tanci, as they also betray the influence of the Wu language.  For example, Baojuan of Master Pan Escaping from Disaster and Rescuing from Hardships (Pan gong mian zai jiu nan baojuan 潘公免災救難寶卷, Che no. 804), Baojuan of the Five Constancies (Wuchang baojuan 五常寶卷, Che no. 804), and Baojuan of the True Self-Perfection. These texts were also reprinted by Hongda.

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were printed by both types of publishers and are comprised of two categories, namely baojuan relating the stories of deities, and those containing stories of women’s self-cultivation.⁶⁴ These represent the majority among the twentyeight titles that were printed by both Xiyin and Yihuatang, and twenty-five titles that were printed by both Wenyi and Yihuatang.⁶⁵ Notably, these editions are reprints of earlier texts with a specific religious meaning, indicating that both types of publishers continued the tradition of printing older texts with strongly pronounced religious characteristics. At the same time Yihuatang also printed narrative baojuan that were adaptations of famous literary subjects and which appeared around the nineteenth century, such as Baojuan of the Lute, Baojuan of He Wenxiu, and Baojuan of the Pearl Pagoda, which were also popular with literary publishers. Additionally, literary publishers also printed several baojuan that ought to be categorized as “non-narrative,” such as Baojuan of the True SelfPerfection reprinted by Xiyin, and Baojuan of Fuyuan (Fuyuan baojuan 福緣寶卷, Che no. 279) printed by Wenyi.⁶⁶ In addition, as we have already seen, some publishers, as Wenyi and Jiangchun, printed morality books along with literary works. Literary publishers thus continued to reproduce many traditional texts, and genre specialization between the two types of publishers of baojuan in the twentieth century was not a clear-cut matter. Literary publishers in Shanghai who printed baojuan also treated them as forms of didactic literature. This is evident from the publishers’ notes that appear in baojuan editions. It is significant that the Wenyi’s manager listed baojuan together with the morality books in his note mentioned above in section 3. Another important piece of evidence is the note by the head of Xiyin (惜陰主人識), which

 On these categories, see Che Xilun, Zhongguo baojuan yanjiu, 5 – 9.  See appendix 2. The examples are Baojuan of Xiangshan (香山寶卷, Che no. 1290; the official title of this text is Abridged Version of the Sūtra of the Deeds of Bodhisattva Guanshiyin [Guanshiyin pusa benxing jing 觀世音菩薩本行經簡集]), Baojuan of Miaoying, Baojuan of Woman Huang (Huang shi [nü] baojuan 黃氏[女]寶卷, Che no. 914; the full title of which is Baojuan of Woman Huang’s Self-Perfection during Three Rebirths [San shi xiuxing Huang shi baojuan三世修 行黃氏寶卷]), Baojuan of Woman Liu Xiang, Baojuan of Mulian 目連寶卷 (Che no. 694 and 689), Baojuan of Prince Siddhartha (Xida taizi baojuan 悉達太子寶卷, Che no. 1314), Baojuan of the Fifth Patriarch Huangmei (Wu zu Huangmei baojuan 五祖黃梅寶卷, Che no. 1170), Baojuan of Xiuying (秀英寶卷, Che no. 1282). For a complete English translation of the first text, see Wilt L. Idema, trans., Personal Salvation and Filial Piety: Two Baojuan Narratives of Guanyin and Her Acolytes (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2008); for the third text, see Beata Grant and Wilt L. Idema, trans., Escape from Blood Pond Hell: the Tales of Mulian and Woman Huang (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2011), 11– 14.  The “Fuyuan” in the title of this work is a personal name.

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Figure 2: The cover of the lithographic edition of Illustrated Baojuan of the Phoenix Hairpin [Made of] Eight Treasures by Xiyin, undated, printed as part of the series “Recitation of Folk Stories, Exhorting Goodness.” Courtesy of Harvard-Yenching Library rare book collection (originally collection of Prof. Patrick Hanan).

usually appears on the cover of its editions, as illustrated in figure 2. The note explains their motive in printing of baojuan, stating that:

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Public morals are not [as good as] in antiquity; peoples’ hearts are sinister and crafty. [However], if you consistently exhort them toward goodness, there will be some improvement. In the past, this publisher promoted martial novels in this country, trying to encourage justice in peoples’ hearts, to advise the wise and the foolish on the customs of this world. Who could envisage that the readers misunderstood [these intentions], and on the contrary, these novels were enough to mislead the youth? Therefore, the publisher [now] regrets his previous mistakes, and has decided to get rid of militarization and change to moralization. [The aim] is to lead people to truth and to caution them about heresy, to advise peoples’ hearts and replenish public morals. 「世風不古，人心險詐，如能循循善誘，未嘗不可改進也。本局在昔向以武俠小說風行海 內，持公道人心，驚世俗賢愚。豈知閱者誤會，反足貽誤青年。本局慨念前非，決心去武 化，改求善化。引人以正，戒人以邪，略驚人心以補世風耳。」⁶⁷

This note is significant in several respects. First of all, it juxtaposes baojuan with martial-arts novels (wuxia xiaoshuo 武俠小說), a popular type of fiction in the book market of that time.⁶⁸ Secondly, this publisher’s note gives us a glimpse into the history of Xiyin, otherwise unknown. It seems that originally Xiyin specialized in martial-arts novels, but then changed to publishing baojuan, a process that is described as a movement from “militarization” to “moralization.” The publisher states that his original intention with printing martial novels was also to moralize, and by promoting baojuan he claimed to be continuing the task of moralization with the readers and audience of baojuan. The message of this preface is quite traditional, as the prefaces to martial-arts novels of the end of the nineteenth century also contain similar references to the didactic purpose of publishing.⁶⁹ However, we should note that baojuan were especially suited to moralization, possibly more so than martial novels, which had a close relation to outlaw characters and rebellious elements.⁷⁰ Following this logic, the change in the publisher’s preference is portrayed as being very appropriate. The aim of moralization is also strongly pronounced in the title of the Xiyin series “Recitation of folk stories, exhorting goodness” (Xuanjiang quanshan min-

 Ba bao shuang luan chai baojuan八寶雙鸞釵寶卷 (Shanghai: Xiyin, n.d.), cover.  On the development of the martial arts novel at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries, see Fan Boqun 范伯群, ed., Zhongguo jinxiandai tongsu wenxue shi 中國 近現代通俗文學史, vol. 1 (Nanjing: Jiangsu jiaoyu chubanshe, 2000), 439 – 614; Pieter Keulemans, “Sounds of the Novel: Storytelling, Print-Culture, and Martial-arts Fiction in NineteenthCentury Beijing” (PhD diss., University of Chicago, 2004).  See for example, the prefaces for The Cases of Judge Peng (Peng gong’an 彭公案) and The Storyteller’s Tale of Jigong (Pingyan Jigong zhuan 評演濟公傳), cited in Keulemans, “Sounds of the Novel,” 82, 84.  On such traditional associations, see for example Barend J. ter Haar, Ritual and Mythology of the Chinese Triads: Creating an Identity (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 1998), 9, 399, 443.

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jian gushi 宣講勸善民間故事). This title is inscribed on the covers of baojuan above the picture of the Bodhisattva Guan[shi]yin 觀[世]音 (Skt. Avalokiteśvara), depicted in figure 2.⁷¹ Guanyin is shown sitting on a mountainous island, evidently Putuoshan 普陀山, which was considered to be her abode in China, with her acolytes gathered around her: Good-in-Talent (Shancai 善才, Skt. Sudhana), Dragon Girl (Longnü 龍女, Skt. Nāgakanyā), and the White Parrot. This type of image, known as Guanyin of the South Sea (Nanhai Guanyin 南海觀 音) was very popular in China; and it was certainly quite appropriate for putting on the cover of baojuan editions: Guanyin appears as a character in several baojuan, and significantly, a few of them narrate popular stories about her origin.⁷² There are also baojuan devoted to the stories of all of the acolytes depicted in this image.⁷³ This cover picture appears on lithographic editions of all baojuan printed by Xiyin, including both traditional narrative texts and the more recent adaptations of literary subjects, and thus emphasizes the connection of all baojuan with religious piety, regardless of the degree to which the particular text is involved in the propagation of religious ideology. Through this didactic connection and the use of cover imagery, baojuan retained their traditional religious flavor while they were being printed with the new technology in Shanghai, and while new stories were being included in the repertoire of baojuan. One should also note that non-narrative, scripture-type baojuan and narrative baojuan had a great deal in common. Though this dichotomy may be useful as a hermeneutic device for understanding the history of this genre, these two types of baojuan often served the same goal of moralization and were performed by professional storytellers at the same religious assemblies. These performances still occur in several parts of Jiangsu province: Zhangjiagang 張家港, formerly part of Changshu 常熟 county under the jurisdiction of Suzhou 蘇州, the Shanghu 尚湖 and Baimao 白卯 districts of the modern Changshu city area, the Shengpu 胜浦 and Luzhi 甪直 districts of modern Suzhou city, Kunshan 昆山 and Wu-

 Full name: Guanshiyin 觀世音, Skt. Avalokiteśvara.  On Guanyin of the South Sea see Chün-fang Yü, Kuan-yin: The Chinese Transformation of Avalokiteśvara (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001), 438 – 448. On baojuan about Guanyin see Yü, Kuan-yin, 293 – 352, 449 – 486; Fang Zouyi 方鄒怡, Ming-Qing baojuan zhong de Guanyin gushi yanjiu 明清寶卷中的觀音故事硏究 (Master’s thesis, Hualian shifan xueyuan Minjian wenxue yanjiusuo, 2002).  On the acolytes, see Idema, Personal Salvation and Filial Piety, 30 – 41; Wilt L. Idema, “The Filial Parrot in Qing Dynasty Dress: A Short Discussion of the Yingge baojuan 鸚哥寶卷 [Precious Scroll of the Parrot],” Journal of Chinese Religions 30 (2002): 77– 96; Zheng Acai 鄭阿財, “Shiyusuo cang “Yingge baojuan” yanjiu—jianlun tongyi ticai zai ge lei suwenxue de yunyong” 史語所藏《鸚哥寶卷》研究——兼論同一題材在各類俗文學的運用, Chenggong daxue Zhongwenxi xuebao 成功大學中文系學報, no. 23 (Dec., 2008): 1– 26.

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jiang 吳江 cities, Wuxi 無錫 and Changzhou 常州 cities, and Jingjiang 靖江 city, now under jurisdiction of Taizhou 泰州. Baojuan performances in Zhangjiagang, Shanghu, and Jingjiang are known as “telling scriptures” (jiangjing 講經); in other places the term “scroll recitation” (xuanjuan 宣卷) is used. They take place during religious assemblies organized by believers, called hui 會, and in all these places professional performers of baojuan also exist, called “masters of telling scriptures” (jiangjing xiansheng 講經先生) in Zhangjiagang and Shanghu, “masters of scroll recitation” (xuanjuan xiansheng 宣卷先生) in Baimao, Suzhou and Kunshan, and Fotou 佛頭 (literally “Buddha heads”) in Wuxi and Jingjiang. Baojuan performers usually take on the role of religious specialists in the assemblies, and besides the recitation of texts, they also perform a variety of rituals.⁷⁴ In most of these places the professional performers divide baojuan texts into “sacred” and “secular” according to their content. In Zhangjiagang there is a division between sacred scrolls (shen juan 神卷 or sheng juan 聖卷, or “Buddhist scrolls,” Fo juan 佛卷) and secular scrolls (fan juan 凡卷); in Changshu the division is between “main scrolls” (zheng juan 正卷) and “entertaining scrolls” (baixiang juan 白相卷); in Jingjiang, between sacred scrolls (sheng juan 聖卷, or “main scrolls,” zheng juan 正卷) and worldly scrolls (cao juan 草卷).⁷⁵ Even though the performers of baojuan have established this division between these two categories, they are both used in the same performances.⁷⁶ The religious and entertaining aspects of modern baojuan recitation are difficult if not impossible to separate. We can surmise that the situation with regard to the professional performance of baojuan in Shanghai in the period between 1910 and 1940 was similar.⁷⁷ All texts labeled as baojuan printed in this period shared a common religious nature. At the start of the twentieth century the range of baojuan texts was enriched as Shanghai publishers printed many baojuan with new contents. However, in this aspect of baojuan transmission we can observe a strong continuity with the past state of affairs. Shanghai publishers  On the variety of religious assemblies and rituals in these places, see Che Xilun, Zhongguo baojuan yanjiu, 285 – 296, 386 – 389; Qiu Huiying 丘慧瑩, “Jiangsu Changshu Baimao diqu xuanjuan huodong diaocha baogao” 江蘇常熟白茆地區宣卷活動調查報告, Minsu quyi 民俗曲 藝, no. 169 (Sept., 2010): 195 – 214; Rostislav Berezkin, “Scripture-Telling (jiangjing) in the Zhangjiagang Area and the History of Chinese storytelling,” Asia Major 24, part 1 (June 2011): 7– 15.  Che Xilun, Zhongguo baojuan yanjiu, 302, 387, 403; Qiu Huiying, “Jiangsu Changshu Baimao,” 215 – 216.  Significantly, several Shanghai editions of “secular” baojuan also reached those performers. See section 7, below.  See section 7.

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preserved the traditional repertoire of texts, and as evident from the publishers’ remarks, new texts with an additional entertaining aspect were united with the more traditional ones into the category of didactic—which is to say religious—literature. From the point of view of the repertoire of editions, the difference between commercial literary publishers and semi-commercial semi-pious publishers of morality books does not appear to have been very significant. The major difference between them was thus not the range of texts printed, but rather the purpose and organization of the printing itself.

6. For the Eye, the Ear, or Both? On the Function of Lithographic Baojuan The publisher’s note on the Xiyin covers raises a further question: whether lithographic baojuan were designed to be read or recited. There is an apparent controversy over the question of how these editions were actually used. On the one hand, the note mentions readers, whom the publisher sought to moralize by means of baojuan texts. On the other hand, the term recitation in the title of Xiyin’s baojuan series points to their use as scripts in the performing arts. As mentioned in the introduction to this chapter, scholars argue that around the turn of the twentieth century baojuan evolved from scripts for recitation into reading materials. However, the situation with regard to the functioning of baojuan, especially their lithographic editions, was quite complex. Available evidence points toward a dual function for baojuan editions, as both reading materials and scripts for recitation. The particular features of lithographic baojuan noted above, such as detailed pictures on frontispieces and the beautiful calligraphy used for the text, a smaller character font and a generally smaller size of editions, all point to the fact that these editions were more suitable for individual reading rather than recitation by a professional performer.⁷⁸ In the previous section we have seen that publishers paid quite a bit of attention to illustrations in lithographic baojuan. Significantly, the lithographic technique was very suitable for the reproduction of pictures, and Reed argues that in the period from 1875 to 1905 lithography was so popular in China because it suited the visual aspects of book culture.⁷⁹ These features of lithographic baojuan made them appear different

 On the unique features of lithographic baojuan, see Berezkin, “The Lithographic Printing and the Development of Baojuan Genre,” 340 – 343.  Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 86 – 87.

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from the woodblock baojuan that had been printed in earlier and contemporary periods, editions that were primarily associated with recitation. These aesthetic factors do not, however, prove that lithographic baojuan were used exclusively as reading materials. As we shall shortly see, the form and content of these texts did not impede the use of lithographic baojuan for recitation by professional performers. Several features of narrative baojuan, including those originally based on secular subjects, such as moralizing content, incidents of supernatural interference as part of the narrative, and the inclusion of ritual elements, support their association with religious beliefs and practices, and additionally also make lithographic editions of baojuan suitable for ritualized performance.⁸⁰ These observations cast doubt on the assertion that baojuan scripts were completely transformed into reading materials at the beginning of the twentieth century. Firstly, the interplay of written and oral transmission is already evident with regard to traditional woodblock editions of baojuan dating back to the second half of the nineteenth century. These editions could also commonly be used for individual reading, especially after they started to be printed by the publishers of morality books around the middle of the nineteenth century. The key piece of evidence in support of this comes from a woodblock edition of Baojuan of the True Self-Perfection, printed by the morality book publisher Peibentang 培本堂 (The Hall of Cultivating the Fundamental) in Changzhou 常州 in 1876.⁸¹ It provides information on the dual use of this book as reading material and as script for recitation. The undated note on the frontispiece of this edition states: “If a gentleman cannot, following the teaching, make the precepts known everywhere, [then] he should distribute this scroll among village households, and make every family keep a copy. Then everybody will know the admonitions and precepts.”⁸² The effect of this would presumably be that literate persons would first read the book and then explain its contents to their illiterate relatives. On the other hand, there is another passage in this baojuan that references the oral mode of its transmission: When we traveled the country and roamed in the four directions, we saw that at the time when pilgrims got together in Buddhist and Daoist temples or on the pilgrimage boats,

 For details, see Berezkin, “The Lithographic Printing and the Development of Baojuan Genre,” 348 – 352.  Baojuan of the True Self-Perfection (alternative name: Baojuan of Piercing the Heart [Zhen xin baojuan 鍼心寶卷]) was also printed in woodblock by Yihuatang and in lithography by Xiyin and Hongda in Shanghai in the early twentieth century (see appendix 2).  「君子一應條教。不能誥戒周知。將此卷遍給鄉閭。使家置一編。共知勸戒.」 Reprinted in Pu Wenqi 濮文起, ed., Minjian baojuan 民間寳卷, vol. 13 (Hefei: Huangshan shushe, 2005), 360.

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there was often exhortation in form of recitation of [precious] scrolls, equated to the Buddhist gāthās and sermons.⁸³ This [recitation] is the best of all good deeds. However, the names and forms [of those scrolls] are not uniform, and many words and phrases are too profound. This leads to the situation where most illiterate people and women in the audience do not understand these texts. Only with this baojuan, as soon as you open your mouth [and recite it], it only [relates] obvious situations, true feelings, and true principles; it is not sloppy at all. When the recitation starts, its every phrase uses simple and coarse words, and everything is in the colloquial language. This will make the whole audience understand [its meaning]. If virtuous men and pious women of this world have intentions to earn the fields of merit,⁸⁴ they should grasp those simple and coarse words, and then they naturally will not be inclined to commit evil deeds. How could one not encourage this? 我等散遊海內，周流四方，看見庵堂廟宇中與凡燒香船上當香客聚會的時候，必將勸人為 善的卷宣歎，以為佛偈說法。此乃最好的好事。但其名色不一。話句亦多深刻。使不識字 人與婦女們聽者多不明白。只有這一編寶卷開口都是眼前的事體，實情實理, 毫不荒唐。 說起來句句都是粗言俗語，隨口的話。庶使聽者個個明白。世之善男信女有意掙福田，請 將此粗俗之言聽信，則一概惡事自然不肯去做矣。可不勉哉。⁸⁵

This passage references the traditional recitation of baojuan in the Lower Yangtze region in the nineteenth century. Significantly, the person who promoted this baojuan and made it known in the world (chuanshi 傳世), Liu Yinghua 劉暎華, was a native of Jiangsu province, as the note on the baojuan’s frontispiece states.⁸⁶ The passage quoted above is reflective of baojuan performances in that region. We know that in the nineteenth century, just as they are today, baojuan in Jiangsu were recited on the occasion of temple festivals and during pilgrimages.⁸⁷ Since in that region pilgrims usually travel by boat, Baojuan of the True Self-Perfection makes mention of pilgrimage boats. This passage gives us one indication that the primary use of this book was still as a script for recitation before an audience, the majority of which was illiterate. The mention of women in the audience should be particularly noted.⁸⁸ The dissemination of Baojuan of the True Self-Perfection as material for individual reading or recitation

 The Chinese translation of gāthā is ji 偈. Originally a form of poetry in Buddhist scriptures, songs labeled with this term also are recited in Jiangsu and Zhejiang today.  Skt. puṇya-kṣetra; dakṣinīya. This term originally referred to suitable recipient of pious behavior in Buddhism, usually the Three Treasures: the Buddha, the saṃgha and dharma, but also implies the merit obtained by such behavior. See its entry in C. Muller and G. Foulk, Digital Dictionary of Buddhism .  Reprinted in Pu Wenqi, ed. Minjian baojuan, vol. 13, 361– 362.  According to the preface of this baojuan written by Liu Yinghua in 1832, he received this text from a mysterious Daoist, but we can suppose that he himself was the author of this text.  Che Xilun, Zhongguo baojuan yanjiu, 216 – 222.  See section 7 below.

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among families does not preclude its use in oral performances at religious assemblies; these are merely presented as two different ways of using this edition. The interplay of the oral and written aspects of baojuan transmission is also evident with regard to later lithographic editions of baojuan. A piece of evidence comes from the postface of the lithographic Baojuan of Piercing the Heart printed by Hongda in 1919.⁸⁹ This postface, entitled “Eight Methods for the Spread of Baojuan” (Baojuan liutong ba fa 寶卷流通八法), mentions several means of transmitting baojuan editions, among which the method of recitation is still very important: Old men in the villages and ladies of inner chambers, when they have spare time, often enjoy telling stories and performances of tanci. If you spread this book for the sake of encouraging its recitation, either performing [the script] yourself, or transmitting it to other people [to have them read it], it will rectify the hearts of listeners, cause them to repent their sins and lead them to goodness as it enters their ears. When compared with all kinds of absurd storytelling, this recitation is superior [in morality] by ten thousand times. 鄉村父老、閨闥婦姑平居閒暇往往喜人講説故事，演唱彈詞。若將此書廣爲勸誦——或自 己演説，或轉送他人，使聽者入耳警心悔過遷善。較之各種無稽說詞自高萬倍。⁹⁰

This passage is important in several respects. First, the editor mentions “amateur” performances of baojuan, based on lithographic editions, since it encourages literate persons to recite it for a less sophisticated audience that includes illiterate women. Second, the distribution of the text implies that at least a portion of this potential audience, which included women, was literate and able to read them. Third, this passage indicates that publishers who printed this baojuan produced it having a partly female audience in mind. Women appear as one of the target audiences of recitation, and were likely also among the readers of baojuan texts. This final element has to do with the long-term association of baojuan performances and female audiences, a link that has existed since at least the end of the sixteenth century. The earliest detailed evidence of this kind comes from the novel Lyric Tale of Plum Flowers in the Golden Vase (Jinpingmei cihua 金瓶梅詞 話, later abbreviated as Plum Flowers, ca. 1594) by Lanling Xiaoxiao sheng 蘭 陵笑笑生 (The Scoffer of Lanling).⁹¹ At the beginning of the twentieth century,

 This is an alternative name of Baojuan of the True Self-Perfection, mentioned in section 3 above.  Zhen xin baojuan 鍼心寳卷 (Baojuan of Piercing the Heart) (Shanghai: Hongda, 1919; [Fudan University Library, 725053]), 12b.  For an English translation, see David Tod Roy, The Plum in the Golden Vase, or, Chin P’ing Mei (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1993‐), vols. 1– 4. On the baojuan performances in

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performances of baojuan by professional storytellers in the Lower Yangtze region attracted primarily female audiences as well, as contemporary scholars Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛 (1893 – 1980), Zheng Zhenduo 鄭振鐸 (1898 – 1958), Li Shiyu 李世 瑜 (1922– 2010), the author Zhou Zuoren 周作人 (1885 – 1967), and others observed.⁹² Present-day performances of baojuan in several parts of southern Jiangsu, as described in section 5 above, are also attended mostly by peasant women.⁹³ In “Eight Methods for the Spread of Baojuan,” there is also an interesting juxtaposition of baojuan and tanci performances from the point of moral value. The situation of women’s entertainment described in this text ought to be close to historical reality: we know that tanci also enjoyed a long-standing popularity among women as both oral texts and as written novel-type editions.⁹⁴ The negative attitude of moralists of the upper social classes towards tanci is un-

this novel, see Sawada, Zōho hōkan no kenkyū, 285 – 299; Katherine Carlitz, The Rhetoric of Chin P’ing Mei (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1986), 59 – 66; Che Xilun, Zhongguo baojuan yanjiu, 131– 132. There is also similar evidence from other sources: see Sawada, Zōho hōkan no kenkyū, 81– 82, 83 – 86.  Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛, “Suzhou jindai de yuege” 蘇州近代的樂歌, Geyao 歌謠 3, no. 1 (1937): 7; Zheng Zhenduo 鄭振鐸, Zhongguo suwenxue shi 中國俗文學史, vol. 2 (Beijing: Zuojia chubanshe, 1954 [Changsha: Commercial Press, 1938]), 311; Li Shiyu 李世瑜, “Jiang-Zhe zhu sheng de xuanjuan” 江浙諸省的宣卷 (1959), in his Baojuan lun ji, 24– 25; Zhou Zuoren 周作人, “Gua dou ji” 瓜豆集, in Zhou Zuoren quanji 周作人全集, vol. 4 (Taipei: Landeng wenhua shiye, 1992), 25. See also the overview of other evidence in David Johnson, “Mu-lien in Pao-chüan: The Performative Context and Religious Meaning of the Yu-ming Pao-ch’uan,” in Ritual and Scripture in Chinese Popular Religion: Five Studies, ed. David Johnson (Berkeley: Chinese Popular Culture Project, 1995), 59 – 60, 64– 69; and Tsuji Rin 辻リン, “Hōkan no rufu to Min-Seijosei bunka” 宝卷 の流布と明清女性文化, in Chūgoku koseki ryūtsūgaku no kakuritsu: ryūtsūsuru koseki, ryūtsūsuru bunka 中国古籍流通学の確立: 流通する古籍, 流通する文化 , ed. Chūgoku Koseki Bunka Kenkyūjo 中国古籍文化研究所 (Tokyo: Yūzankaku, 2007), 258 – 282.  The association of baojuan with women also has to do with the subject matter of these texts: as was mentioned in the previous section, many baojuan narrated stories relating to the religious practice of female protagonists. See Daniel L. Overmyer, “Values in Chinese Sectarian Literature: Ming and Ch’ing Pao-chüan,” in Popular Culture in Late Imperial China, ed. David Johnson et al. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985), 243 – 253; Beata Grant, “Patterns of Female Religious Experience in Qing Dynasty Popular Literature,” Journal of Chinese Religions 23 (1995): 29 – 58; Zheng Ruqing 鄭如卿, “Qingdai baojuan zhong de funü xiuxing gushi yanjiu” 清 代寶卷中的婦女修行故事研究 (Master’s thesis, National Hualien Normal Institute, Institute of Folk Literature, 2005); Chen Guixiang 陳桂香, “Funü xiuxing gushi baojuan yanjiu” 婦女修行故 事寶卷研究 (Master’s thesis, National Chungcheng University, Institute of Chinese Literature, 2006); Xu Yunzhen, “Cong nüxing dao nüshen.”  On the printing and readers of tanci in the nineteenth century, see, for example, Widmer, The Beauty and the Book, 86 – 88.

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derstandable, as tanci usually deal with love stories. There is no wonder then that those moralists encouraged substituting baojuan for tanci. The dual role of baojuan as both reading materials and scripts for recitation is not unusual if we consider it in the broader context of Chinese religious literature, such as morality books, which were long associated with baojuan as described above. There were certain types of morality books designed for individual reading and others designed for recitation. The growth of the recitation of morality books around the middle of the nineteenth century is associated with the influence of professional baojuan performances and the recitation of the “Sacred Edict” (shengyu 聖諭) promoted by the imperial government.⁹⁵ According to Yao Chi-on, at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, publishers in large urban areas printed several types of morality books for recitation, and notably several of them were printed in lithography by Shanghai publishers, which make them very similar in format to lithographic baojuan editions.⁹⁶ Recitations of morality books as a type of scripted performance existed in several places in China before 1949 and still continued until recently in Hong Kong, the Penghu Islands, Taiwan, and Hanchuan 漢川 county of Hubei province. In these traditions written— meaning printed—versions are often used for both recitation and individual reading, which make them a similar case to that of lithographic baojuan. ⁹⁷ Thus, in the nineteenth century woodblock baojuan were already being used as reading materials, although their role as scripts for professional recitation also continued. In the case of baojuan

 Yau Chi-on 游子安, “Cong xuanjiang shengyu dao shuo shanshu: jindai quanshan fangshi zhi chuancheng” 從宣講聖諭到說善書：近代勸善方式之傳承, Wenhua yichan 文化遺產 2008, no. 2 (cumulative no. 3): 49 – 58; Liu Shouhua 劉守華, “Cong baojuan dao shanshu: Hubei Hanchuan shanshu de tezhi yu meili” 從寶卷到善書 – 湖北漢川善書的特質與魅力, Wenhua yichan 文化遺產 2007, no. 1: 80 – 85; Li Lidan 李麗丹, “Yuan tong xing yi shuo chabie: Hanchuan shanshu yu baojuan zhi bijiao” 源同形異說差別：漢川善書與寶卷之比較, Hubei Minzu xueyuan xuebao (zhexue shehui kexue bao) 湖北民族學院學報（哲學社會科學報）6, no. 24 (2006): 45 – 48.  Yau Chi-on, “Cong xuanjiang shengyu dao shuo shanshu,” 54– 55.  Yau Chi-on, “Fu hua yu nei: Qing dai yilai Guandi shanshu ji qi xinyang de chuanbo” 敷化宇 內：清代以來關帝善書及其信仰的傳播, Zhongguo wenhua yanjiusuo xuebao 中國文化研究所學 報, no. 50 (Jan., 2010): 230 – 235; Wang Zhiyu 王志宇, Taiwan de enzhu gong xinyang: ruzong shenjiao yu feiluan quanhua 台灣的恩主公信仰: 儒宗神教與飛鸞勸化 (Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1997), 103 – 108; Chen Zhaonan 陳兆南, “Luantang xuanjiang de chuantong yu bianqian” 鸞堂宣講的傳統與變遷, in Yishi, miaohui yu shequ: Daojiao, minjian xinyang yu minjian wenhua 儀式、廟會與社區: 道教、民間信仰與民間文化, ed. Li Fengmao 李豐楙 and Zhu Ronggui 朱榮貴 (Taipei: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan Zhongguo wenzhe yanjiusuo, 1996), 99 – 124; Chen Zhaonan 陳兆南, “Xuanjiang ji qi changben yanjiu” 宣講及其唱本研究 (PhD diss., Zhongguo wenhua daxue Zhongguo wenxue yanjiusuo, 1992).

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editions of the early twentieth century, there is also an interesting interplay of different modes of consumption and recitation, and the interaction of several script-based performance traditions is also observable.

7. The Consumption of Baojuan Texts and the Popular Culture of the Republican Period To summarize the historical evidence outlined above regarding the ways of transmission of baojuan in Shanghai and its vicinity, I would classify baojuan reading practices of the early Republican period into three types: individual reading, amateur performances, and professional performances.⁹⁸ Significantly, available evidence points to the primary association of baojuan with female readers and audiences during that period. The first type of usage was silent reading for oneself. The fact that some women read baojuan texts for themselves was connected to the spread of female literacy in the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries, especially in urban centers. Literate women were a common phenomenon in well-to-do families in the late imperial period, and their number certainly increased at the beginning of the twentieth century, especially as state schools for girls were established.⁹⁹ Significantly, in many baojuan composed in the late imperial period that have female protagonists, heroines were literate enough to read Buddhist sutras. One could suppose that they also often read baojuan. It is difficult to establish a direct connection between the growth of female literacy in the Republican period and the development of baojuan publishing in Shanghai. We do not have much evidence that girls who went to state or private schools were reading baojuan. Baojuan were certainly not part of the school curriculum, and, if they were read by schoolgirls, they would have

 One should note that these reading practices were interrelated, and in certain cases it is difficult to draw a boundary between them.  On different views of women’s literacy in the Ming and Qing periods, see Evelyn S. Rawski, Education and Popular Literacy in Ch’ing China (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1979), 24; Wilt L. Idema, “Review of Rawski, Education and Popular Literacy,” T’oung Pao 66: 4– 5 (1980): 314– 324. On the literate women of the late imperial period, see also Dorothy Ko, Teachers of the Inner Chambers: Women and Culture in Seventeenth-Century China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1995); Susan Mann, Precious Records: Women in China’s Long Eighteenth Century (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997) and The Talented Women of the Zhang Family (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007); Widmer, The Beauty and the Book. On the state schools for girls, see Paul J. Bailey, Gender and Education in China: Gender Discourses and Women’s Schooling in the Early Twentieth Century (London, New York: Routledge, 2007).

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constituted extracurricular reading. In at least the two cases discussed below, however, there were girls who attended school and who also read baojuan for themselves or recited them aloud. Zhou Zuoren’s essay The Woman Liu Xiang (劉香女), written in 1934, which deals with Baojuan of Woman Liu Xiang mentioned in section 3 above, describes two cases of girls in the Shaoxing 紹興 area who were influenced by baojuan and the values these texts preached: one in the prefectural city (fucheng 府城) of which Zhou Zuoren was a native, and another in the Eastern district (城東鎮) of Shaoxing. The first account comes from Zhou Zuoren’s childhood memories from around the turn of the twentieth century, and the other from a newspaper from the early 1930s. In both cases two young girls were reading baojuan texts for themselves. In case of Zhou Zuoren’s neighbor during his childhood years, Baojuan of Woman Liu Xiang was “the girl’s favorite book.” In the case that took place in the mid-1930s the girl went to elementary school, but then abandoned her studies and stayed at home, where she read novels and baojuan. She was especially fond of Baojuan of Woman Liu Xiang, which she had read a hundred times. In the case of the first girl in Zhou Zuoren’s essay, her initial knowledge of baojuan came through oral performances of scroll recitation. She often listened to scroll recitations organized by her mother, who acted as a head of a religious assembly (huishou 會首) at which baojuan were recited.¹⁰⁰ Baojuan of Woman Liu Xiang influenced the two young girls in the way that they resisted the prospect of marriage and engaged in the religious practices of keeping a vegetarian diet and engaging in the recitation of Buddhist scriptures, and in the second case this ardent devotion to baojuan ideas eventually led to suicide.¹⁰¹ Zhou Zuoren notes that similar cases of obsession with baojuan were quite widespread at the beginning of the twentieth century. He writes: Besides [those two] I also have seen several ashen-faced women, and although the dimensions of their tragedies were different, they all were equally dull and depressed; they embraced the world-outlook of Lesser Vehicle Buddhism, regarded baojuan as the Confucian classics and histories, and took Buddhist nunneries as their refuge. 「此外也見過些灰色的女人，其悲劇的顯晦大小雖不一樣，但是一樣的暗淡陰沉，都抱著 一種小乘的佛教人生觀，以寶卷為經史，以尼庵為歸宿。」 ¹⁰²

 Zhou Zuoren, “Gua dou ji,” 25.  On the ideas propagated in Baojuan of Woman Liu Xiang, see Overmyer, “Values in Chinese Sectarian Literature,” 245 – 253.  Zhou Zuoren, “Gua dou ji,” 25.

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Here, Zhou Zuoren treats baojuan as the propagandist products of traditional religious culture, and also falsely connects them with so-called Lesser Vehicle Buddhism. While he evidently does not approve of the ideology they express, he still admits a certain value to these books. In his words, baojuan had the ability to provide support and conciliation for unhappy women. Especially noteworthy is Zhou Zuoren’s comparison of baojuan to the Confucian classics and histories, which were the most important books of traditional education in China. In other words, while men were studying classics and histories, women who were interested in learning often turned to baojuan, where they would find solutions to the problems they encountered in their family and social lives. One should note that although baojuan made use of many Buddhist ideas, they also relied heavily on the traditional moral values usually associated with the outlook of Confucian scholars. Zheng Ruqing 鄭如卿 in her study of Qing-dynasty baojuan with female protagonists has convincingly demonstrated that their injunctions for women were basically identical to those in the most famous morality books written for women, which were usually composed in the discourse of Confucian scholars-moralists.¹⁰³ Another similar piece of evidence comes from a book by Hu Shi 胡適 (1891– 1962), Writing about Myself at the Age of Forty (Sishi zi shu 四十自述): The mother-in-law of the second elder brother was quite literate, and she brought to the house morality books such as Transmission of the Jade Regulations, Scripture of the King Miaozhuang, and often told us [children] the story of how Mulian traveled to the underworld, how the princess Miaoshan (Guanyin), [a daughter] of the King Miaozhuang, left her family for self-cultivation, and other stories. I read all the books which she brought … and my mind was full of the terrifying images of hell. 「二哥的丈母頗認得字，带來了《玉歷鈔傳》，《妙莊王經》一類的善書，常給我們講說 目連救母游地府，妙莊王的公主 （觀音）出家修行等等故事。我把她带來的書都看了，… 所以腦子裏装满了地域的殘酷景象。」¹⁰⁴

Later on, he describes what those images of hell were. Hu Shi spent some time in Shanghai during his childhood, so he may be referring to editions printed in Shanghai in this piece. The first book mentioned in this passage is a popular morality book describing the underworld.¹⁰⁵ I have not been able to find any information on the second one, but since it relates the story of the princess Miaoshan and her father Miaozhuang, it was likely based on Baojuan of Xiangshan.

 Zheng Ruqing, “Qing dai baojuan zhong de funü,” 128 – 164.  Hu Shi 胡適, Sishi zi shu 四十自述 (Taipei: Yuandong tushu gongsi, 1992), 39 – 41.  Yau Chi-on, Quanhua jinzhen, 16 – 18.

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The story of Mulian rescuing his mother from hell was also very popular in baojuan literature, and several versions of baojuan about Mulian were printed in Shanghai at the beginning of the twentieth century.¹⁰⁶ It is therefore possible to suppose that Hu Shi was referring to baojuan texts but interpreting them as a type of morality book here, although he did not specify them by name. We can assume that the baojuan editions as well as the morality books, mentioned here by Hu Shi, were reading materials consumed by female and junior readers in well-to-do families. Quite a few baojuan, such as those about Miaoshan, Mulian, and other figures, dealt with themes relating to the underworld.¹⁰⁷ Stories about hell were also closely connected with religious ideas of retribution. It is thus not surprising that Hu Shi associated these books with hellish themes. Later in this passage he discusses the development of his atheism, and expresses a negative attitude towards morality books and baojuan as tools of religious propaganda. These references by Zhou Zuoren and Hu Shi provide us with some knowledge about the complex ways in which baojuan were apprehended by female and children’s audiences. In the case of Zhou Zuoren’s neighbor, the girl presumably listened to baojuan performances first while accompanying her mother to religious assemblies. Afterward she started to read baojuan editions herself. It might be the case that children learned about baojuan at the religious assemblies organized by their female family members, but then they became interested in reading baojuan editions themselves. In the account by Hu Shi, the literate elderly woman read baojuan for herself first, then she told the stories that she had learned from books to the children who were still unable to read. Finally the author himself read those books, and gained knowledge of their content. Here we can see that reading practices related to baojuan were closely interrelated and that there was a close interplay between the written and oral aspects of baojuan transmission in that period. Evidence that women were reading baojuan is also provided by the female writer Qijun 琦君 (Pan Xizhen 潘希珍, 1917– 2006), who had spent her childhood in the Quxi 瞿溪 area of Yongjia 永嘉 county in Zhejiang province. In her auto-

 Baojuan of Mulian was reproduced in lithography by several Shanghai publishers: it was reprinted by Xiyin (undated), Wenyi (1921), Hongda (1922), Jiangchun (undated), Wenyuan (1921), and the Zhenyuan Small Book Society 振園小書社 (1924). For a complete English translation, see Grant and Idema, trans., Escape from Blood Pond Hell, 35 – 145.  See also Beata Grant, “The Spiritual Saga of Woman Huang: From Pollution to Purification,” in Ritual Opera, Operatic Ritual: “Mu-lien Rescues His Mother” in Chinese Popular Culture, ed. David Johnson (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988), 225 – 236; Grant and Idema, trans., Escape from Blood Pond Hell, 17– 34.

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biographical story “Mom’s hands” (Mama de shou 媽媽的手) Qijun recalled how her literate mother read baojuan texts, in this case Baojuan of Flower Names (Hua ming baojuan 花名寶卷, Che no. 351).¹⁰⁸ She writes: After mom finished cleaning and fed the pigs, she usually poured hot water in a wooden basin and soaked her hands, soaked them for a very-very long time, and at that time the smile of satisfaction was on her face, this was the greatest pleasure for her… Then she would sit on the squeaky bamboo chair, light the oil lamp, screw up her short-sighted eyes, and read her Baojuan of Flower Names. This was the most relaxing moment in her whole day. 洗刷完畢，餵完了豬，這才用木盆子打一盆滾燙的水，把雙手浸在裏面，浸好久好久，臉 上掛著滿足的笑，這就是她最大的享受 …. 然後坐在吱吱咯咯的竹椅裏，就著菜油燈，眯 起近視眼，看她 的《花名寶卷》。這是她一天裏最悠閒的時刻。¹⁰⁹

As Qijun specifically makes note of the thin paper and small character font of this baojuan text, one can suppose that she was writing about a lithographic edition. Furthermore, from this passage we can see that reading baojuan provided entertainment even for a busy, hard-working housewife. Baojuan were therefore used as not only religious instructional materials, but also as a source of entertainment and leisure. The second type of baojuan reading was amateur recitation. We have already encountered it in “Eight Methods for the Spread of Baojuan” and in the preface to the 1876 edition of Baojuan of the True Self-Perfection quoted above, but there is also additional evidence in support of it. According to the Czech scholar Vena Hrdličková, her female colleague at the Chinese embassy in Prague, Yang Luoyun 楊洛雲, read Baojuan of Mulian at the request of her grandmother after she went to school and learned how to read, which was in the 1930s in northern China.¹¹⁰ In this way the girl was able to also practice her reading skills, demonstrating the potential educational role of baojuan. As has already been mentioned, Baojuan of Mulian was reproduced in lithography by several Shanghai publishers. We know that Shanghai lithographic editions circulated quite broadly, and that they reached northern China as described in section 4. It is thus quite possible that Yang Luoyun used one of these lithographic editions of Baojuan of Mulian. The status of lithographic baojuan as scripts for the ama-

 “Mom” was in fact her aunt Ye Menglan 葉夢蘭, as her birth mother had died while she was very young.  Qi Jun 琦君, San geng you meng shu dang zhen 三更有夢書當枕 (Taipei: Erya chubanshe, 1975), 42– 43.  Vena Hrdličková, “Tun-chuangské pien-weny o ‘oddaném synovi Mu-lienovi’,” Acta Universitatis Carolinae – Philologica 2 (1958): 273.

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teur performances may be quite characteristic of the Chinese popular literature on the whole, as there are theories that editions of storytelling-type literature in the late imperial period were designed primarily for being read aloud by amateurs rather than as silent reading for oneself. These theories were developed by Anne E. McLauren with regard to cihua 詞話 (chantefable) texts that survived from the fifteenth century, and by Margaret B. Wan for guci 鼓詞 texts of the nineteenth century.¹¹¹ These amateur performances of baojuan appear similar to the baojuan performances called “scroll recitation” (nianjuan 念卷) that have survived in several remote areas of northern China, namely Gansu 甘肅 and Shanxi 山西 provinces. There, professional performers of baojuan, if they ever in fact existed, have long since become very rare, and literate peasants have commonly recited texts in their leisure time, acting as amateur performers of baojuan. This feature constitutes an important point of difference between these northern traditions of baojuan performances and the southern traditions in Jiangsu and Zhejiang provinces mentioned in section 5. In western Gansu, in the region to the west of the Yellow River known as Hexi 河西, the recitation of texts usually takes place within the family and is conducted by a literate man. The performer does not ask for any payment except for the religious merit accrued by the act. Often peasants will ask a literate person of a different age and social standing to recite baojuan. ¹¹² The third means of transmitting baojuan was through professional performance. Baojuan performances were quite popular in the city of Shanghai as well as in its suburbs in the period between 1910 and 1940. Traditions of professional baojuan performance were introduced to the Shanghai city area from the neighboring areas of Suzhou and Ningbo at the end of the nineteenth century and remained popular there through the first half of the twentieth century.¹¹³ Chen Zhi-

 Anne E. McLaren, Chinese Popular Culture and Ming Chantefables (Leiden: Brill, 1998), 50 – 76; Margaret B. Wan, “Audiences and Reading Practices for Qing Dynasty Drum Ballad Texts,” in The Interplay of the Oral and the Written in Chinese Popular Literature, ed. Vibeke Børdahl and Margaret B. Wan (Copenhagen: NIAS, 2011), 61– 82.  Xie Shengbao 謝生保, “Hexi baojuan yu Dunhuang bianwen de bijiao” 河西寶卷與敦煌變 文的比較, Dunhuang yanjiu 敦煌研究 4 (cumulative no. 13, 1987): 81; Fang Buhe 方不和, “Hexi baojuan de diaocha” 河西寶卷的調查, in his Hexi baojuan zhenben jiaozhu yanjiu 河西寳卷真本 校註研究 (Lanzhou: Lanzhou daxue chubanshe, 1999 [1992]), 314– 315. On a similar situation with baojuan recitation in Jiexiu 介休 county of Shanxi see Li Yu 李豫, et al., Shanxi Jiexiu baojuan shuochang wenxue diaocha baogao 山西介休寶卷說唱文學調查報告 (Beijing: Shehui kexue wenjian chubanshe, 2010), 113 – 115.  Two traditions have therefore been termed “Suzhou scroll recitation” (蘇州宣卷) and “Siming scroll recitation” (四明宣卷). On scroll recitation in Shanghai at the end of the nineteenth

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liang 陳志良, who introduced baojuan performances in Shanghai to readers in a newspaper article published in 1936, notes that there were three types of people who specialized in baojuan performances.¹¹⁴ The first type was beggars, who could recite baojuan with the accompaniment of a “wooden fish” drum (muyu 木魚). They were individual performers who roamed the streets and sold their performances for alms. The second type was professional performers of baojuan. They were organized in teams, performed by invitation, and were better paid.¹¹⁵ The third type was religious specialists who recited Buddhist and Daoist scriptures, performed rituals aimed at the sponsors’ personal welfare, and also recited baojuan. The third type had the largest income compared to the other two types.¹¹⁶ The third type of performer described by Chen Zhiliang, namely religious professionals, were certainly similar to the modern performers in rural areas of Jiangsu that were mentioned in section 5. From this description, it is also evident that the traditional style of performance as a kind of folk ritual remained the mainstream one.¹¹⁷ In my view, professional performances and the printing of baojuan texts in Shanghai were certainly related. One of the notable features of baojuan performances has been their reliance on scripts. In most places in Jiangsu today, scroll recitation remains a scripted performance.¹¹⁸ During these performances, the storyteller places the text on a table and consults it during the performance.

century, see Che Xilun, Zhongguo baojuan yanjiu, 213 – 215. Several local schools of performers existed in the Shanghai suburbs, today all part of the urban district of Shanghai. Those in Chenhang 陳行 (Pudong 浦東) and Shangta 商榻 (Qingpu 青浦, Puxi 浦西) continued operation until recently, see Wei Jie 魏捷, “Shi tan xuanjuan” 試談宣卷, Shanghai wenhua shi zhi tongxun 上海文化史志通訊, no. 25 (1993): 61; Chen Quanming 陳全明, “Pudong Chenhang ‘xuanjuan’ zhi xingcheng yu xiankuang” 浦東陳行‘宣卷’之形成與現況, Shanghai wenhua shi zhi tongxun 上海 文化史志通訊, no. 19 (1992): 58 – 61.  This was one of the earliest discussions of baojuan published in the Chinese press.  Some of these performers developed more entertaining styles than the traditional recitation of baojuan in conjunction with the rituals, see Zhongguo quyi yinyue jicheng: Shanghai juan 中國 曲藝音樂集成: 上海卷, vol. 2 (Beijing: Zhongguo ISBN zhongxin, 1994), 1286, 1322.  Chen Zhiliang 陳志良, “Xuanjuan: Shanghai minjian wenyi man tan zhi yi” 宣卷：上海民 間文藝漫談之一, Da wan bao (di wu ban): Tongsu wenxue zhoukan 大晚報 （第五版）：通俗文 學周刊, no. 25 (Sept. 25, 1936), unpaginated.  Chen Zhiliang, “Xuanjuan: Shanghai minjian wenyi mantan zhi yi.”  Except for Jingjiang, where baojuan texts have primarily been transmitted orally. The disappearance of many scripts in the Suzhou area also has to do with the fact that they were destroyed during the Cultural Revolution. See Shi Lin 史琳, Suzhou Shengpu xuanjuan 蘇州勝浦 宣卷 (Suzhou: Guwuxian chubanshe, 2010), 37; Satō Yoshifumi 佐藤仁史 et al., eds., Chūgoku nōson no geinō: Taiko ryūiki shakaishi kōjutsu kirokushū 中国農村の藝能: 太湖流域社会史口述記 錄集 2 (Tōkyō: Kyūko shoin, 2011), 37.

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In this manner folk professionals imitate the performance style of scripture chanting by Buddhist and Daoist priests. This feature makes scroll recitation very different from other genres of storytelling in China, in which scripts are not used during performances. Performers of baojuan in Shanghai also used scripts, and as Chen Zhiliang notes, these were mainly manuscripts copied by the performers themselves.¹¹⁹ This is quite typical of baojuan performers, if we consider the modern cases of Zhangjiagang, Changshu, Kunshan, Suzhou, and Wuxi, where performers mostly use manuscripts.¹²⁰ Professional performers of baojuan, however, also used woodblock and lithographic editions. I do not have very much information about the repertoire of baojuan performers in Shanghai during the Republican period; nevertheless, it is known that some of them consulted printed texts. For example, Zhang Houtang 張後堂, the founder of the school of scroll recitation in Chenhang 陳行 in Pudong 浦東, Shanghai, first got acquainted with baojuan editions, and then became interested in their performances. Sometime during the Xuantong 宣統 reign (1909 – 1911) he purchased several editions in a bookstore in the nearby town of Zhoupu 周浦, such as Baojuan of the Flower Names, Baojuan of Extending Longevity (Yan shou baojuan 延壽寶卷, Che no. 1404), Baojuan of Huilang (Huilang baojuan 回郎寶卷, Che no. 336), and Baojuan of Chenxiang (Chenxiang baojuan 沉香寶 卷, Che no. 093).¹²¹ These texts were woodblock or lithographic editions of baojuan, and we know that all of them were reproduced by several publishers in Shanghai.¹²² There is also evidence in support of a connection between professional performances and printed editions of baojuan that comes from fieldwork conducted by local scholars in several areas of Jiangsu. Particularly noteworthy is the fact

 Chen Zhiliang 陳志良, “Baojuan tiyao” 寶卷提要, Da wan bao (di wu ban): Tongsu wenxue zhoukan 大晚報 （第五版）：通俗文學周刊, no. 35 (Nov. 25, 1936), unpaginated.  Che Xilun, Zhongguo baojuan yanjiu, 224– 231; Yu lian huan: Jinxi xuanjuan 玉連環: 錦溪宣 卷, in Kunshan minzu minjian wenhua jingcui, wenyi juan 昆山民族民間文化精粹: 文藝卷 (Shanghai: Renmin chubanshe, 2007), 20 – 22; Qiu Huiying, “Jiangsu Changshu Baimao,” 214– 215; Berezkin, “Scripture-telling (jiangjing) in the Zhangjiagang Area,” 30 – 34; Shi Lin, Suzhou Shengpu xuanjuan, 37– 42; Satō Yoshifumi et al., eds., Chūgoku nōson no geinō, 37– 39.  Chen Quanming, “Pudong Chenhang ‘xuanjuan,’” 58. Note that the last title was misspelled in this fieldwork report. Baojuan of the Flower Names, Baojuan of Pregnancy (Huai tai baojuan 懷胎寶卷), and other pieces probably related to scroll recitation, were collected in Pudong by Hu Zude 胡祖德 (1860 – 1939) and published in 1923 in his collection of Pudong folklore Hu yan wai bian 滬諺外編 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1989 [1923]), 97– 99, 139. Significantly, Baojuan of the Flower Names in the Hu Zude’s collection was an edition by Baoxiantang 寶賢堂 (Hall of Precious Virtues) in Changzhou.  See appendix 2.

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that baojuan performers used lithographic editions, which demonstrates that these texts were not exclusively used for individual reading. For example, lithographic editions were found in the possession of scripture-telling masters in Zhangjiagang. The titles published in two collections of baojuan texts from Zhangjiagang include eleven lithographs used by the scripture-telling masters.¹²³ In addition, it is known that these masters also made manuscript copies of woodblock and lithographic editions. There is, for example, a note to this effect in the colophon of Baojuan of Xu Miaoying (Xu Miaoying baojuan 徐妙英寶卷), a version of Baojuan of Miaoying still performed today in Zhangjiagang.¹²⁴ We know that this text was often printed by Shanghai publishers as outlined in appendix 2. One of the most popular texts still performed in Jinxi 錦溪 town, formerly called Chenmu 陳墓, in Kunshan county, Baojuan of the Jade Earrings (Yu lianhuan baojuan, 玉連環寶卷, Che no. 1476), which gave its name to a book on scroll-recitation masters in Jinxi, in its reprinted and edited form shows an affinity with the lithograph edition of the text with the same title printed by Xiyin in Shanghai around the 1930s.¹²⁵ One may surmise that the performer’s manuscript was originally copied from this edition. We can thus see that although editions of baojuan were in demand for individual reading and reading aloud by non-professionals, they were also used for recitation at religious assemblies. At this point we encounter an interesting interplay between the traditions of printing and oral performance of baojuan. Publishers sometimes printed texts based on folk manuscripts as described in section 5, but later those editions also reached folk performers of baojuan and were included in their repertoire. This phenomenon demonstrates that the printing of baojuan and the professional performances of these texts in Shanghai and its neighboring regions did not develop independently, and that there was in fact an interchange of ideas, practices, and texts, between them.

 Zhongguo Heyang baojuan ji 中國河陽寳卷集, vol. 2 (Shanghai: Shanghai wenhua chubanshe, 2007), 1492– 1505; Zhongguo Shashang baojuan ji 中國沙上寶卷集, vol. 2 (Shanghai: Shanghai wenyi chubanshe, 2011), 1265 – 1276. The examples are Baojuan of the Crying Rooster and Baojuan of Gu Dingchen and a Pair of Jade Pendants (Huitu Gu Dingchen shuang yujue baojuan 顧鼎臣雙玉玦寶卷, Che no. 309) printed by Wenyi in Shanghai in 1915 and 1916 respectively, Baojuan of He Xiangu (He Xiangu baojuan 何仙姑寶卷, Che no. 347) printed by Hongda in 1922, Guanyin and Twelve Completely Enlightened Ones printed by Xiyin in 1938.  Zhongguo Heyang baojuan ji, vol. 1, IV.  Yu lian huan: Jinxi xuanjuan, 115 – 122.

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8. Conclusion The printing of baojuan was a part of the growing print industry in early twentieth century Shanghai. Publishers who specialized in the printing of baojuan used the new lithographic print technology to produce well-decorated baojuan editions. There were two general categories of publishers who printed baojuan: literary publishers, who in addition to baojuan mainly printed literary texts, and morality book publishers. Baojuan editions provide very specific information on both types of these publishers, including their dates, agendas, and output. Several changes took place in the printing of baojuan by Shanghai publishers compared to the earlier printing of these texts in the same region. First, the printing of baojuan by literary publishers was commercialized, and morality book publishers operated on a semi-commercial, semi-philanthropic basis. Second, the aesthetic features of lithographic baojuan became more important than those of the traditional woodblock editions. Third, the range of texts printed in Shanghai was considerably enriched. Literary publishers, who specialized in narrative baojuan, printed a large portion of the new texts that were based on earlier folk versions (often with secular subjects). Morality book publishers continued to reprint didactic non-narrative texts; however, there were categories of texts printed by both types of publishers, therefore one should note that any differentiation between them in regard to the content of printed baojuan was not very rigid. In spite of the changes noted above, there was no drastic transformation of the form and content of baojuan texts at the beginning of the twentieth century. Woodblock editions continued to be printed and to be circulated. Many traditional features of baojuan texts were retained as they were printed with the use of lithographic technology. Most lithographic baojuan maintained the traditional religious aspect of the genre. Even in the case of literary publishers there existed a strong association of baojuan with morality books. One can also observe the constant interplay of the written and oral aspects of the transmission of baojuan texts in the Republican period. The dual function of baojuan texts as scripts for professional storytelling and as reading materials most probably continued from the “woodblock” period of baojuan transmission. Based on this evidence, one can see that the assertion that lithographic baojuan were used as materials for individual reading rather than as scripts for recitation, with the implication that there was a major change in the function of baojuan editions at the beginning of the twentieth century, is just too simplistic. There were several ways in which baojuan editions, both woodblock and lithographic, were used. These include reading for oneself, amateur performance, and professional performance.

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There were several types of professionals who recited baojuan in Shanghai in the early twentieth century; some of their performances were secular and others had a clear function as a religious ritual. It is an important fact that the traditional use of baojuan for recitation at religious assemblies continued in the twentieth century, and this oral tradition also was related to baojuan printing. Overall, the baojuan genre was quite multifunctional in the early twentieth century. Baojuan occupied a very specific position in the burgeoning market of popular literature in the early twentieth century. The printing of these texts required the existence of a specific readership and audience of religious believers, while the intellectuals who advocated the modernization of culture and education regarded baojuan as the products of a backward ideology. Their condescending attitude is well-pronounced in their brief mentions of baojuan texts that have been discussed in this chapter. Baojuan texts, however, multiplied and transmitted in the form of printed editions, played an important role in the popular culture of Shanghai and its vicinity in the early twentieth century. They also contributed to the education of less well-educated readers and audiences, such as women and children, and served as a means of both religious instruction and entertainment of these audiences. Table 1: List of publishers and organizations that printed baojuan in Shanghai (1910 – 1940)¹²⁶ Publisher

Address

Manager

Chunyin shuzhuang 椿蔭書莊

武定路祥興里號

殷德鴻（）

Dafeng shanshu kanxing suo 河南路拋球場北首（） 大豐善書刊行所 Daguan shuju 大觀書局

新疆路北公益里德霖里號 （） 北西藏路號 （）

喬露青（）

Daode shuju 道德書局

霞飛路號（）

鄔崇音（）

Dashan shuju 大善書局 Dazhi shuju 大志書局

 This list is based on the information of Che Xilun’s catalogue of baojuan (2000), and supplemented with information on several editions, not listed there, but seen by the author in the libraries in the USA, mainland China, and Taiwan. This list includes all publishers who produced baojuan (even one title), including baojuan printed in collections of popular literary texts. The additional information on publishers comes from Wang Yaohua, ed., Shanghai shuye minglu: 1906 – 2010 (lists of publishers of the years 1917– 1942).

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Publisher

Address

Manager

[He]guangji shuju [何]廣記書局

蒙古路晉康里號（） 四馬路麥家圈榮吉里 （）

何廣楠（, ）

Hongda shanshuju 宏大善書局

河南路中吉祥里口（河南路  – 號）（， ）

金友生（） 陳瑞祥（）

Huaiyin shanfang 槐蔭山房

蒙古路公益里號（） 耿隆祥（）, 劉延福 （）

Jiangchunji shuzhuang 蔣春記書莊

蔣春芳（）, 蔣祥生 鐵馬路（前） 海寧路裕興里號（， （） ，）

Duanji shuju 端記書局 Duiji shuju 兌記書局 Fojing liutongchu 佛經流通處

Juyuantang 聚元堂 Kaiming gongsi (shuju) 開明公司 (書局 )

福州路號（, ）

章錫琛（, ） 索非（）

海甯路裕興里弄號 （）

劉祿德（）

法租界愷子邇路號 （）

孫勉之（） 顧大孝（）

Liangyishe 兩宜社 Lianshi shuju 煉石書局 Liudeji shuju 劉德記書局 Mingjueshe Mingdetan 明覺社明德壇 Minyi yingji yinshua gongsi 民益熒記印刷公司 Mingshan shuju 明善書局 Putong shuju 普通書局 Renji shuju (shuzhuang) 仁記書局(書莊) Shanghai shuju 上海書局 Shenquanji shushe 沈全記書社 Shuncheng shuju 順成書局

白爾路太平橋東首（） 許介人（）

Chapter Four – Printing and Circulating “Precious Scrolls”

Publisher

Address

179

Manager

Taihua shuju 泰華書局 Taixingtang 太性堂 Wenduanlou shuju 文端樓書局

華沁齋（） 棋盤街（，, 周蔼如（, , ） ） 河南路號（, ）

Wenming shuju 文明書局

南京路號 () 河南路弄號（）

周掬忱（） 陸費達 ()

Wenyi shuju 文益書局

大東碼頭德安里 海甯路天保里（）

郭文英（）

Wenyuan shuju 文元書局 [Wenyuan shuzhuang 文元書莊]

四馬路（，） 麥家圈榮吉里念二號 （, ）

張孔宜（），張同升，張會 升，張孔宜（, , ）

Xiecheng shuju 恊成書局

閘北蒙古路北公益里號 （） 北西藏路號（）

周繼順（, ）

山東路號（）

朱錫泉（）

順征路號（） 發行所四馬路山東路 號；出版部海寧路天保里 （）

王知三（, , ）

Xingmin shuju 醒民書局 Xinhua shuju 新華書局 Xiuge shushe 秀歌書社 Xiyin shuju 惜陰書局

Xuanhuatang 宣化堂 Xucangji shudian 徐滄記書店 Yaowenhai shuju 姚文海書局

鐵馬路寶順里

Yihuatang shanshuju 翼化堂善書局

豫园路 – 號（， ）

華微閣（） 张竹铭 （）

派克路 號

張大椿（）

Yinyuji shuju 殷裕記書局 Yishan xizishe 一善惜字社 Yuanchang shuju 元昌書局 Zhenyuan xiao shushe 振園小書社

180

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Publisher

Address

Manager

Zhongjiao Fotang 中教佛堂 Zhujintang shanshuju 朱錦堂善書局

Table 2: Baojuan published in Shanghai between 1910 and 1940 Baojuan titles

○阿育王寶卷 ○八寶雙鸞釵寶卷 ○百鶴圖寶卷 ○百花臺寶卷 ●白蛇寶卷 （雷峰寶卷） ●白侍郎寶卷 ●辟邪歸正消災延壽立願寶卷 ○彩蓮寶卷 ●純陽祖師說三世因果寶卷 ●刺心寶卷 ○雌雄盃寶卷 ●達摩寶卷 ☆大乘寶卷（？） ○吊金龜 （雙釘記）寶卷 ●地藏菩薩寶卷 ○董永賣身寶卷 ○竇娥寶卷 ●（☆）度劫寶卷 (天降度劫經) ○福緣寶卷 ○福緣指迷寶卷 ○觀音靈感寶卷 ●觀音濟渡本願真經 觀音金鑑 （寶卷）(？） ●觀音十二圓覺寶卷 ○顧鼎臣雙玉玦寶卷 ● （☆）歸源還鄉寶卷 ○果報錄寶卷 ●韓湘子關藍寶卷 ☆荷花寶卷 （？） ○何文秀寶卷 ●何仙姑寶卷 ○紅樓鏡寶卷 ●懷胎報恩寶卷

惜陰書局 Xiyin shuju

文益書局 Wenyi shuju

+ + + +

+

翼化堂善書局 Yihuatang shanshuju

宏大善書局 Hongda shanshuju

+

+ +

+ + +

+ + +

+ +

+ + + +

+

+ + + + + + +

+ +

+ + +

+ + +

+ +

+

+ + + +

+

+

+ + +

+ + +

+

+

181

Chapter Four – Printing and Circulating “Precious Scrolls”

Baojuan titles

●花名寶卷 ○黃慧如寶卷 ○黃金印寶卷 ○黃糠寶卷 ●還鄉寶卷 ○歡喜寶卷 （懊惱祖師寶卷） ○還金鐲寶卷 （奎星寶卷） ●花閷寶卷 ○蝴蝶盃 （遊龜山）寶卷 ●護國佑民伏魔寶卷註解 ●回郎寶卷 ●回文寶卷 ●蔣五老寶卷 ●節義寶卷 ○雞鳴寶卷 ○金不換寶卷 ☆淨土寶卷（？） ○金牛太子寶卷 ☆九品陀台傳 （？） ●蘭英寶卷 ●梁皇寶卷 ○梁山伯寶卷 ○蓮英寶卷 ○李宸妃冷宮受苦寶卷（狸貓寶卷） ●菱花鏡寶卷 ○李三娘 （白兔記，磨房）寶卷 ●劉香女寶卷 ☆劉香女中卷 （？） ○龍鳳寶卷 ○龍鳳配寶卷 ○龍鳳鎖寶卷 （金鳳寶卷） ●龍圖寶卷 ○落金扇寶卷 ○洛陽橋寶卷 （受生寶卷） ○梅花戒寶卷 ○猛將寶卷 ●孟姜仙女寶卷 ●妙英寶卷 ○蜜蜂記寶卷 ☆木蘭孝女傳 (?) ●明宗孝義達本寶卷 ●目蓮救母寶卷 ☆南海香山寶卷 （？）

惜陰書局 Xiyin shuju

+ + +

+ + +

文益書局 Wenyi shuju

翼化堂善書局 Yihuatang shanshuju

宏大善書局 Hongda shanshuju

+

+

+

+

+ +

+ + +

+ +

+

+

+ +

+ + + +

+ + + +

+

+

+

+ +

+ + +

+ + + +

+

+ +

+ + + + + + + + + +

+

+ + + + + + +

+

+ +

+ + + + + +

+

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Rostislav Berezkin

Baojuan titles

惜陰書局 Xiyin shuju

○南樓寶卷 ●潘公免災救難寶卷 (潘公寶卷) ●龐公寶卷 ●琵琶記寶卷 （趙氏賢孝寶卷） ●普陀寶卷 ○搶生死牌寶卷 ○妻黨同惡寶卷 ○麒麟豹寶卷 ○清風亭寶卷 ●秦雪梅三元記寶卷 ●七七寶卷 ●（☆）七真寶卷 ●（☆）勸世寶卷 ○（☆）任湯寶卷 ●如如老祖寶卷 ○如意寶卷 ●（☆）三寶寶卷 ●三茅寶卷 ●三世修道黃氏寶卷 (黃氏寶卷) ●三世王氏寶卷 ●三祖行腳寶卷 ●善才龍女寶卷 ○善宗寶卷 ○殺子報寶卷 ☆生蓮寶卷 （？） ●昇蓮寶卷 ○十殿寶卷 ○十美圖寶卷 ●石延壽寶卷 ☆收圓普度忠義傳 （？） ○雙鳳寶卷 ○雙貴圖寶卷 ○雙花寶卷 ○雙剪髮寶卷 ○雙金錠寶卷 ○雙玉燕寶卷 ○雙珠鳳奇緣寶卷 ○四郎寶卷 ○四香緣寶卷 （八美圖寶卷） ●宋氏女寶卷 ○蘇鳳英藥茶記寶卷 ○太平寶卷 （趙素貞寶卷）

+

+ + + + + +

文益書局 Wenyi shuju

+ +

翼化堂善書局 Yihuatang shanshuju

宏大善書局 Hongda shanshuju

+

+

+ + +

+

+

+ + + + + +

+

+

+

+

+ + + + + +

+

+ + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + +

+ + + + + + + + + +

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翼化堂善書局 Yihuatang shanshuju

宏大善書局 Hongda shanshuju

Baojuan titles

惜陰書局 Xiyin shuju

○太平花寶卷 ○唐僧寶卷 ●歎世寶卷 ○天仙寶卷 ○啼笑姻緣寶卷 ○王昭君和蕃寶卷 ○晚娘 （紅羅） 寶卷 ○（☆）萬應衛生寶卷 ○倭袍寶卷 ○五常寶卷 ○烏金記寶卷 ●五祖黃梅寶卷 ●香山寶卷 ○仙女寶卷 （思凡寶卷） ○現世報養婦媳寶卷 ●現世寶卷 ●（☆）孝道寶卷 （指真寶卷） ○孝燈寶卷 （王月英寶卷） ☆小潘公寶卷 （？） ●孝心寶卷 （錢孝子寶卷） ●悉達太子寶卷 （雪山寶卷） ○西瓜寶卷 ●惜穀寶卷 ●杏花寶卷 ●醒心寶卷 ●希奇寶卷（二郎盡孝） ●秀女寶卷 ●秀英寶卷 （碧玉簪寶卷） ○雪梅寶卷 （陳世梅寶卷） ○徐子建雙蝴蝶寶卷 ☆楊黼盡孝卷 （？） ☆楊公寶卷（？） ☆閻羅寶卷 （？） ●延壽寶卷 （金本中） ☆延生寶卷 （金本中） ☆閻王經卷 （？） ●鸚哥寶卷 ☆因果經寶卷（？） ○岳飛寶卷 （精忠寶卷） ●魚藍寶卷 ○玉帶記 （劉文英）寶卷 ●玉露金盤 ☆玉律寶卷 （協天大帝）(？)

+ +

文益書局 Wenyi shuju +

+ + + + +

+ +

+ + + + + + +

+

+ +

+ +

+ + +

+ +

+ + +

+ + +

+ + +

+

+

+ + +

+

+ + + + + + + + +

+ + + + + + + +

+

+ + +

184

Rostislav Berezkin

Baojuan titles

惜陰書局 Xiyin shuju

文益書局 Wenyi shuju

翼化堂善書局 Yihuatang shanshuju

○玉連環寶卷 ●玉蜻蜓寶卷 ●玉英寶卷 ○再生花寶卷 ○再生緣寶卷 ●竈君寶卷 ☆張氏寶卷 （？） ●張氏三娘賣花寶卷 ☆張氏無常寶卷 （？） ●湛然寶卷 ○趙千金烈女寶卷 ○正德遊龍寶卷 ●真武寶卷 ●真修寶卷 （箴心寶卷） ●珍珠塔寶卷 ●（☆）指迷引真寶卷 ○忠良寶卷 ●眾喜粗言寶卷 ○珠花寶卷 ○姊妹花寶卷

+ + + + +

+ + +

+

+

+

+ +

+ + +

+ +

+

宏大善書局 Hongda shanshuju

+ + + +

+

+ + + +

+ +

+ + + +

Explanations for the table “Baojuan published in Shanghai between 1910 and 1940”: 1. The table above gives information on publishers who printed the biggest amount of baojuan titles in Shanghai in the period between 1910 and 1940. 2. The table is organized in the alphabetic order of the titles’ pinyin transcriptions. 3. A + symbol indicates that this baojuan was printed by a given publisher; ○ stands in front of baojuan that appeared first as the lithographic editions (no earlier woodblock editions are known); ● stands in front of baojuan that appeared first as the woodblock editions; ☆ are baojuan that have not been seen by the author. The titles highlighted in grey are baojuan of narrative type. 4. The sources for this table include the original catalogues by the publishers and Che Xilun’s catalogue of baojuan (2000). Several editions seen in the baojuan collections, but not included in the Che Xilun’s catalogue were also

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incorporated in the table. The titles given in the publishers’ lists have been identified with those listed in the Che Xilun’s catalogue. 5. Several editions listed in Yihuatang’s catalogue published in its periodical (1933) cannot be identified with the use of the Che Xilun’s catalogue. Those are followed by the question mark at the end. Some of these titles, especially those with the word zhuan 傳 at the end of title, may not be baojuan, if we judge them by their literary form. However, they were classified as baojuan by the compiler of the 1933 catalogue, and thus they are included in this table. The alternative titles of the same baojuan in the Yihuatang’s catalogue, as in the case of 真修寶卷 （箴心寶卷）were united into one entry. 6. Many baojuan listed in the Yihuatang’s own catalogue do not appear as printed by Yihuatang in Che Xilun’s catalogue. Apparently, these editions have not survived. 7. Baojuan printed by Xiyin, Wenyi, and Hongda are all lithographic editions; while baojuan printed by Yihuatang (those seen by the author) are mostly woodblock editions, with a few exceptions.

Yau Chi-on (Translated by Philip Clart)

Chapter Five: The Xiantiandao and Publishing in the Guangzhou-Hong Kong Area from the Late Qing to the 1930s: The Case of the Morality Book Publisher Wenzaizi 1. Introduction The increasing circulation of morality books during the last three hundred years is related to the rapid development of the Qing period printing business. During the Qing (1644 – 1911), print shops spread all over China and the number of books printed far exceeded all earlier periods, thus creating a printing and publishing network connecting center and periphery, workshops and households. Many popular texts, primers, novels, and libretti were primarily printed and distributed by bookstores. Although the production technology of such local producers was primitive, their output was large and their prices low, thus meeting the needs of the reading public.¹ As one sector in the publishing business, the printing of morality books was primarily predicated on the accumulation of merit. Morality books such as the Yinzhiwen 陰騭文 (Essay on hidden merit) and the Jueshijing 覺世經 (Scripture awakening the world) were reprinted for this purpose; printing costs and bookshop prices tended to be lower than for ordinary books. Larger bookstores could not sustain their business by morality book publishing alone, but some stores developed a relationship with charitable societies and temples, like the print shop of Chen Jude 陳聚德刻字店, which was commissioned by the charitable association Baoshantang of Changsha 長沙寶善堂 in Hunan province to print morality books.² Morality book printing was thus a key characteristic of the Qing publishing industry. From about the 1820s onwards, some bookstores responded to market demand by offering morality

 On the printing industry of the Qing dynasty, see Luo Shubao 羅樹寶, Zhongguo gudai yinshuashi 中國古代印刷史 (Beijing: Yinshua gongye chubanshe, 1993), 378 – 380.  On the morality books of the Baoshantang of Changsha, see Yau Chi-on 游子安, Quanhua jinzhen: Qingdai shanshu yanjiu 勸化金箴──清代善書研究 (Tianjin: Tianjin renmin chubanshe, 1999), 68 – 69, 148.

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book printing services to individuals. The Sanjingtang of Suzhou 蘇州三經堂 in Jiangsu province, for example, printed the Ganyingpian shuoding 感應篇說定 (Explanation of the folios on retribution) for a certain Shen Yifeng of Zhapu 乍浦沈義豐 in Zhejiang province, the Yinzhiwen guangyi 陰騭文廣義 (Expanded meaning of the Essay on hidden merit) for a Mr. Wu of Changzhou 常州吳氏 in Jiangsu province, and the Quanxiaopian 勸孝篇 (Treatise admonishing to filial piety) for Xu Baifang of Jiangxi province 江西徐白舫.³ Some stores specializing in morality books advertised this fact by calling themselves “morality bookstores” (shanshuju 善書局); Shanghai examples include the Yihuatang morality bookstore 翼化堂善書局, the Hongda morality bookstore 宏大善書局, and the Dafeng morality book print shop 大豐善書刊行所, while Beijing had such institutions as the Ronghuatang morality book shop 榮華堂善書鋪.⁴ The Yihuatang was particularly active, publishing more than a thousand titles between the 1850s and 1930s, comprised of Daoist, Buddhist, and general morality books.⁵ The Mingxingtang morality bookstore 明星堂善書局 in Guangzhou 廣州, located on Aozhou Outer Road south of the Pearl River 河南鰲洲外街, printed the Wendao yaoyan 聞道要言 (Important words concerning hearing the Way) in 1904; in the same city district, the Zhonghetang morality bookstore 中和堂善 書坊 outside the Golden Flower Temple 金花廟 had reprinted the Wuxing qiongyuan 悟性窮原 (Fundamentals of realizing one’s nature) in 1879. Both these titles were by Peng Yifa 彭依法, the “water patriarch” (shuizu 水祖) of the Xiantiandao 先天道 sect (Way of Former Heaven). Guangzhou only became a major publishing center in the late Qing dynasty, with most bookstores being established after the 1820s; Zhang Xiumin 張秀民 and other scholars count more than thirty bookstores for that period.⁶ If we extend our purview into the Republican period, more than a hundred stores are

 Wei Yinru 魏隱儒, ed., Zhongguo guji yinshuashi 中國古籍印刷史 (Beijing: Yinshua gongye chubanshe, 1984), 170 – 171.  This was a bookstore printing morality books and precious scrolls (baojuan 寶卷). See Li Shiyu 李世瑜, Baojuan zonglu 寶卷綜錄 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1961), 11– 12; Sawada Mizuho 澤田瑞穗, Zōho hōkan no kenkyū 增補寶卷の研究 (Tokyo: Kokusho kankōkai, 1975), 75 – 76.  “Shanghai Yihuatang shanshuju shumu” 上海翼化堂善書局書目, in Yangshan banyuekan, Xiandao yuebao quanji 揚善半月刊、仙道月報全集, vol. 1, ed. Chen Yingning 陳攖寧, Hu Haiya 胡海牙, Wu Guozhong 武國忠 (Beijing: Quanguo tushuguan wenxian suowei fuzhi zhongxin, 2005), 10. See also the chapter by Wang Chien-chuan in this volume.  Zhang Xiumin 張秀民, Zhongguo yinshuashi 中國印刷史 (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1989), 556; Qi Fukang 戚褔康, Zhongguo gudai shufang yanjiu 中國古代書坊研究 (Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2007), 270 – 273.

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known.⁷ Guangzhou general-purpose bookstores also printed morality books, one example being the Shengjing huizuan 聖經彙纂 (A compilation of sacred scriptures), published by the Yiwen print shop 以文刻字店⁸ in West Lake Street 西湖街 during the Jiaqing reign period (1796 – 1820).⁹ Aside from “Southern (Cantonese) music” (nanyin 南音), liturgical texts (muyushu 木魚書), medical texts, and divination slips (qianyu 簽語), the Yiwentang’s catalogue (Guangzhou Yiwentang shumu huibian 廣州以文堂書目彙編) also contained more than forty morality books, such as the Guansheng dijun mingsheng jing 關聖帝君明聖經 (The Thearch Sage Guan’s scripture on illuminating sageliness), the Lüzu gongguoge 呂祖 功過格 (Patriarch Lü’s ledger of merit and demerit), and the Mengxingpian 猛醒 篇 (Treatise on fierce awakening).¹⁰ Another publisher was the Xinjianzhai 心簡 齋, located outside the Guangdong Academy in the Jiuyao ward 九曜坊, which was in continuous operation from the early Qing dynasty into the Republican

 In 1935, Guangzhou had 104 bookstores, many of which, however, merely were retailers of books and stationery; publishers tended to be concentrated in specific areas of the city. Guangdongsheng difang shizhi bianzuan weiyuanhui 廣東地方史志編纂委員會, ed., Guangdong shengzhi: chubanzhi 廣東省志．出版志 (Guangzhou: Guangdong renmin chubanshe, 1997), 781– 783.  Also called Yiwentang 以文堂, see Andrew C. West, ed., Catalogue of the Morrison Collection of Chinese Books (London: University of London, School of Oriental and African Studies, 1998), xix.  During the Jiaqing period, Lu Qiaomu 陸喬木 collated the Taishang ganyingpian, the Yinzhiwen, the Jueshijing, the Yuli chaozhuan jingshi 玉曆鈔傳警世 (Records and tales of the jade regulations to warn the world), and other titles into one book named Shengjing huizuan 聖經彙 纂. The cover page gives the date of Jiaqing 21 (= 1816) and the information that the printing blocks were stored at the Yiwen print shop (copy held at the Départment des Manuscrits, division orientale, Bibliothèque Nationale de France). The front matter contains prefaces by Zhang Qinyun 張欽運 (Jiaqing 12 = 1807), Peng Yunxiu 彭允秀 (Jiaqing 11 = 1806), and Lu Qiaomu. See Yau Chi-on 游子安, Shanshu yu Zhongguo zongjiao: You Zi’an zixuanji 善書與中國宗 教：游子安自選集 (Taipei: Boyang wenhua chuban gongsi, 2012), 47– 48, and plate XXVI. From Lu Qiaomu’s preface we can glean information on the process of the Shengjing huizuan’s compilation, as well as the fact that the printing blocks were cut in Guangzhou: “ …. when I came to Guangzhou I brought this book along [i. e., the Yuli chaozhuan jingshi – author’s note], together with the Yanshoulu 延壽錄 (Records on prolonging life). In addition I have now obtained the Wudi zhongjing 武帝忠經 (The Martial Thearch’s scripture on loyalty) – these are all hitherto unknown texts, which I had printed with the active assistance of several likeminded companions”; see the preface to Yuli chaozhuan jingshi, in Shengjing huizuan, vol. 4, p. 4.  “Gekuan shanshu 各款善書,” in Guangzhou Yiwentang shumu huibian 廣州以文堂書目彙編, p.8. This catalogue is in the collection of Yung Sai-shing 容世誠, to whom I express my thanks for loaning it to me.

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period.¹¹ The missionary Robert Morrison (1782 – 1834), who arrived in Guangzhou in 1807, collected many morality books from Guangzhou bookstores, including more than thirty printed by Xinjianzhai between 1773 and 1821, among them annotated versions of the Sanshengjing 三聖經 (Scriptures of the three sages), ledgers of merit and demerit, and the Yuli chaozhuan jingshi 玉歷鈔傳 警世 (Records and tales of the jade regulations to warn the world).¹² Charitable associations (shantang 善堂) in Guangzhou also printed books; one example is provided by the Deyilu 得一錄 (Record of reaching the one [way]) published by the Aiyutang 愛育堂 during the Tongzhi reign period (1862– 1874). Larger publication projects, however, were usually left to the East Guangdong morality bookstore 粵東善書局. During the Guangxu reign period (1875 – 1908), merchants around the Shunde 順德 native Long Yuguang 龍裕光 borrowed printing blocks stored at the merit hall 功德院 of the Guangzhou temple Yuanmiaoguan 元妙觀 and established the East Guangdong morality bookstore; under that name the store published the Yidao huanyuan 醫道還元 (Returning to the origins of the way of medicine) in 1894. In 1906 the name of the publisher was changed to Mingyi shuju 明義書局; its publishing program was mostly comprised of morality books, medical and pharmacological texts, and primers.¹³ In her study of Daoist books published in Guangzhou, Wang Liying 王麗英 discusses two titles produced by Wenzaizi 文在茲, but also mentions twenty-four other bookstores, including Mingxingtang, Shoujingtang 守經堂, and Yiwentang.¹⁴

2. Morality Books and Sectarian Bookstores What are morality books? Put simply, they are vernacular reading matter admonishing to goodness and warning against evil; they fuse Confucian conceptions of virtue with Buddhist karmic retribution and Daoist notions of overcoming evil by the accumulation of good deeds. Best known are three texts collectively and respectfully referred to as the “Scriptures of the Three Sages” (Sanshengjing 三聖  Guangdongsheng difang shizhi bianzuan weiyuanhui, ed., Guangdong shengzhi: chubanzhi, 69, 93. For example, the Jie chanzu wen 戒纏足文 (Essay against foot-binding) was published by Xinjianzhai in 1897.  Andrew C. West, ed., Catalogue of the Morrison Collection of Chinese Books, xix, 213 – 231.  Morality books include, for example, the Quanshan’ge 勸善歌 (Songs to exhort to goodness) and Baixiao yanxing lu 百孝言行錄 (Record of words and deeds representing one hundred instances of filial piety). See Guangdongsheng difang shizhi bianzuan weiyuanhui, ed., Guangdong shengzhi: chubanzhi, 73 – 74, 88.  Wang Liying 王麗英, Guangzhou daoshu kaolun 廣州道書考論 (Wuhan: Huazhong shifan daxue chubanshe, 2010), 186 – 228.

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經),¹⁵ as well as works such as the Yuli chaozhuan 玉歷鈔傳 (Records and tales of the jade regulations). During the Qing, the circulation of morality books depended on members of the gentry and scholars compiling the texts, the faithful donating funds to sponsor their printing, and bookstores carving the blocks, printing, and distributing them. In the nineteenth century, some morality books recorded the methods of their circulation. For example, the Yinzhiwen zhuzheng 陰騭文註證 (Essay on hidden merits, with annotations and evidence) contains as an appendix a list of “twelve methods [and purposes] of circulating this book” (liutong shi shu shier fa 流通是書十二法): full sponsorship, half sponsorship, praying for blessings, repenting of sins, auspicious occasions, settling of disputes, sending by post, giving as a present, trading, book collecting, giving praise to good deeds, and carving printing blocks.¹⁶ “Half sponsorship” here refers to paying part of the cost of the paper, the printing, or the binding; “sending by post” means subsidizing the travel costs of pilgrims or merchants, who in return will deliver morality books to far away places.¹⁷ As part of its prefatory material, the Mengxingpian published by Wenzaizi in 1882 lists six circulation methods (puquan liutong liufa 普勸流通六法): full sponsorship, half sponsorship, praying for blessings, repenting of sins, auspicious occasions, and giving as a present.¹⁸ The Anshideng 暗室燈 (Lamp in a dark room) and the Taishang ganyingpian tushuo 太上感應篇圖說 (Illustrated explanation of the folios of the Most High on retribution) each contains an appendix with “fourteen methods of circulating morality books” (liutong shanshu shisi fa 流通善書十四法).¹⁹ These lists make the point that morality books can be promoted in different contexts, with different motivations, irrespective of one’s personal wealth. Among them, the methods of “carving printing blocks,” “book collecting,” “trading,” “persuading officials to print books,” and “sending by post” involve specific ad-

 Comprising the Taishang ganyingpian 太上感應篇 (Folios of the Most High on retribution), the Wenchang dijun yinzhiwen 文昌帝君陰騭文 (The Thearch Wenchang’s essay on hidden merit), and the Guansheng dijun jueshi zhenjing 關聖帝君覺世真經 (The Thearch Sage Guan’s scripture awakening the world).  全施、半施、祈福、懺罪、吉慶、息爭、郵寄、餽送、貿易、積書、讚歎、鐫板。  Yinzhiwen zhuzheng 陰騭文註證, in Wendi quanshu 文帝全書, ed. Liu Qiao 劉樵 (1876 ed.), juan 16, p. 46 – 47.  全施、半施、祈福、悔罪、吉慶、餽送。  These are largely similar to the methods listed in the Yinzhiwen zhuzheng and the Jingxinlu 敬 信錄 (Record of respect and faith), with only minor alterations such as the replacement of “settling of disputes” (xizheng 息爭) with “persuading officials to print books”; under the entry “sending by post” (youji 郵寄), the reference to pilgrims is deleted and only merchants are mentioned. For an introduction to the circulation of morality books in the late Qing and early Republic, see my Quanhua jinzhen, 149 – 152.

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dressees, namely bookstores, book collectors, officials, and merchants. Aside from such lists of methods, morality books often also contain an “explication of morality book circulation” (liutong shanshu shuo 流通善書說), usually stressing that circulating morality books is superior to other good deeds, because it is not limited to one place or time, but can reach a million locations and serve to admonish a million generations.²⁰ Catalogues of morality book publishers are an important resource for research; in addition to the Yihuatang catalogue, we also have one by the Mingshan shanshuju 明善善書局 (Illuminating Goodness Morality Bookstore), and the Gujin shanshu dacidian 古今善書大辭典 (Great dictionary of morality books new and old). The Hong Kong religious association Fok Hing Tong, Hong Kong Society for the Promotion of Virtue (Xianggang Daodehui Fuqingtang 香港道德會褔慶堂), possesses a book entitled Baofu queyan 保富確言 (True words on preserving wealth), which is attributed to Peng Dingqiu 彭定求 (1645 – 1719) and which was republished in 1903 by the Weijingtang on Tianping Street in Guangzhou 廣州天平街維經堂. Aside from its sixteen-item list of methods for generating merit, the most interesting feature of this book is its appended list of 221 morality books.²¹ Among them are many titles that circulated primarily in the Guangdong region, such as Shengjing huizuan, Xuanjiang jibian 宣講集編 (Collection of public lectures), Baibazhong 百八鐘 (108 bells), Yongyan shequ 庸 言涉趣 (Common words for public lecturing), Lingnan jishuo 嶺南集說 (Collected discourses of Lingnan), Jianguo huigan 諫果回甘 (The fruits of remonstration are sweet after all), and Jixianghua 吉祥花 (Auspicious flowers), the latter two works being edited by Shao Binru 邵彬儒. The already-mentioned Mingshan bookstore represents one example of a bookstore with a popular sectarian background. Located on the corner of Songshan Road 嵩山路 in Shanghai’s French Concession, it was one of two bookshops founded by the sectarian society Tongshanshe 同善社 to specialize in the publication of scriptures and morality books, the other being the Tianhua Press 天華印書館 in Beijing.²² The Tongshanshe was founded by Peng Huilong 彭迴龍 (1873 – 1950) and spread all over China in the 1920s; besides its relief and charity work, the printing of morality books was a core activity of the

 Huitu anshideng 繪圖暗室燈 (Illustrated lamp in a dark room, preface by Shenshan jushi 深 山居士, dated 1807) (Shanghai: Hongda shanshuju, 1915), 9b.  “Shanshu mulu” 善書目錄, in Baofu queyan 保富確言. See my Quanhua jinzhen, 232, 234– 236.  On the Mingshan bookstore see Yau Chi-on, Shan yu ren tong: Ming-Qing yilai de cishan yu jiaohua 善與人同──明清以來的慈善與教化 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005), 82– 86; see also the chapters by Paul R. Katz and Wang Chien-chuan in this book.

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Tongshanshe.²³ The Mingshan bookstore was established in 1929;²⁴ in its catalogue it advertised itself as “a famous domestic distribution center of morality books” and defined its mission as “circulating scriptures of the Three Teachings and supplying all kinds of morality books”:²⁵ The Mingshan bookstore values choosing the good ….. In acquiring our stocks, we search far and wide. Also, we print on commission to assist those with good intentions to choose the good and follow it. The Mingshan bookstore values doing good; the basis of good actions in one’s self-cultivation are the Eight Virtues; in their extension to others, they take the world as an object of public duty. All our activities rely on morality books to make them known; nothing has higher value than embodying them in oneself and carrying them out forcefully! …. Signed: The managing director of the Mingshan bookstore, Sun Mianzhi. ……明善事業，先貴擇善。……本局採辦此項書籍，博取旁搜，并代人印刷，以備海內有志 之士， 擇善而從。明善事業，尤貴行善，其修諸己者，以八德為本；其施諸人者，以天 下為公。種種事業，悉賴善書以發明之，可身體、可力行，其價為何如也！……明善書局 經理孫勉之謹啟。²⁶

The most significant difference between the Mingshan bookstore and other morality book publishers is its sectarian background. In order to further its objectives of instructing human minds and improving customs, the Mingshan bookstore emphasized morality books on the Eight Virtues (bade 八德), which were to  Wang Chien-chuan 王見川 points out that the Tianhua Press was founded in Beijing at a time, when the Tongshanshe was legal; the Press produced scriptures on internal alchemy and sacred texts of the Tongshanshe. After the Tongshanshe’s prohibition in 1927, the Tianhua Press apparently closed down and was replaced by the Mingshan bookstore in the French Concession of Shanghai. See Wang Chien-chuan 王見川, “Mingshan shuju yu Tongshanshe – jiantan Xuanling Yuhuangjing de liuchuan” 明善書局與同善社 – 兼談《玄靈玉皇經》的流傳, Mazu yu minjian xinyang: yanjiu tongxun 媽祖與民間信仰: 研究通訊 1 (2012): 1– 13. Also see his chapter in the present volume.  An example of an early book publication of the Mingshan bookstore is the Laozi shiyi: xinglixue luyao 老子釋義：性理學錄要 (Explanation of the Laozi: essentials for the study of nature and principle) (1929). See Zhang Zexian 張澤賢, Minguo chuban biaoji daguan xuji 民國出 版標記大觀續集 (Shanghai: Yuandong chubanshe, 2012), 320.  「海內著名善書流通處 ….. 流通三教經典，發行各種善書。」  Mingshan shuju disici chuban tushu mulu 明善書局第四次出版圖書目錄 (Shanghai: Mingshan shuju, [s.d.]), 32. The book’s cover calligraphy is dated 1932; I would like to thank Mr. Wu Jingxing 吳景星 for presenting me with this book. The Mingshan bookstore published many catalogues in the 1930s, two of which are included in a recent collection of primary sources. See “Mingshan shuju tushu mulu” 明善書局圖書目錄 and “Shanghai Mingshan shuju diliuci chuban tushu mulu” 上海明善書局第六次出版圖書目錄, in Minguo shiqi chuban shumu huibian 民 國時期出版書目彙編, vol. 20, ed. Liu Hongquan 劉洪權 (Beijing: Guojia tushuguan chubanshe, 2010). I thank Paul Katz and Liu Wenxing 劉文星 for pointing out this source to me.

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serve as the basis for cultivating oneself and carrying out good deeds. The Eight Virtues refer to xiaoti 孝悌 (filial piety and respect for one’s elders), zhongxin 忠 信 (loyalty and trustworthiness), liyi 禮義 (propriety and righteousness), and lianchi 廉恥 (honesty and shame); books dealing with them include, among others, Bade yanyi 八德衍義 (Expanded meaning of the Eight Virtues), Bade gongguoge 八德功過格 (Eight Virtues ledger of merit and demerit), Bade xuzhi 八德須 知 (Essential knowledge of the Eight Virtues), and Bade xin’ge 八德新歌 (New songs of the Eight Virtues).²⁷ The Gujin shanshu dacidian (Great dictionary of morality books new and old), compiled by He Jiancun 賀箭村 with entries for 169 morality books, was published by the Mingshan bookstore in 1935. This “dictionary” not only lists the titles of morality books, but also the stores where their printing blocks were kept and the general current state of their circulation. While the Mingshan bookstore is cited most often, the Yihuatang and Hongda morality bookstores in Shanghai and the Huishantang 會善堂 of Hechuan 合川 (Sichuan province) are also mentioned.²⁸ Among the morality books I have collected in recent years, quite a few originate from the Wenzaizi morality bookstore 文在茲善書坊. Wenzaizi was a morality book publishing concern in late-Qing and early-Republican Guangdong, which sought to promote the growth of the Way of Former Heaven in the Guangdong and Hong Kong area and overseas.²⁹ The Lixiantang 禮賢堂 branch of the sect was active in Guangdong, Hong Kong, Macao, and Singapore; the founder of the Wenzaizi, and one of the outstanding disciples of the Lixiantang, Tan Deyuan 談德元, helped connect up the six prefectures of the Way of Former Heaven,³⁰ acting as a pioneer in the modern publishing of morality books and sectarian scriptures. Mr. Tan believed firmly that “one can admonish people with the spoken word at a single time only, while one can admonish a hundred

 Mingshan shuju disici chuban tushu mulu, 13 – 16. Other books like Bade jueyuan 八德覺原 (Realizing the origins of the Eight Virtues) and Bade qianyan 八德淺言 (Easy discourses on the Eight Virtues) were also published by Mingshan bookstore. For a brief introduction see the appended “Gujin shanshu dacidian” in my Quanhua jinzhen, 256, 261, 269, 284. See also the chapters by Paul Katz and Wang Chien-chuan in the present volume.  For more information on the Mingshan bookstore, see the chapters by Paul R. Katz and Wang Chien-chuan in the present volume.  For an overview of the Wenzaizai morality bookstore, see my Shan yu ren tong, 74– 75.  The “six prefectures” (liufu 六府) refers to the six areas in Guangdong province dominated by the Xiantiandao branch of Chen Fushi 陳復始 and his disciples; these prefectures are Guangzhou, Zhaoqing 肇慶, Huizhou 惠州, Chaozhou 潮州, Nanxiong 南雄, and Shaozhou 韶 州. Four other prefectures served as the catchment area for the branch of Fu Daoxiang 傅道祥: Gaozhou 高州, Leizhou 雷州, Lianzhou 廉州, and Qiongzhou 瓊州. See Daomai yuanliu 道脈源 流 (Nanhai: Shanqingtang 善慶堂, 1933).

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generations with books” (yi shi quan ren yi kou, bai shi quan ren yi shu 一時勸人 以口，百世勸人以書). He regarded it as his duty to instruct the world, thereby letting the light of great merit shine: The light of great merit shines by means of establishing merit and cultivating virtue, without hoping for people’s approval, but only for that of Heaven. Such actions that benefit people and never do any harm can be a model for the whole world. The spoken word exhorts one generation, a book ten thousand generations. Writing scriptures and transmitting them to sentient beings—that is what is meant by letting the light of great merit shine. 大功德光者，大凡立功修德，不圖人知，只圖天曉。作此一事，實與人有益，終無敗弊， 可以為世法。一世勸人以口，萬世勸人以書。著經傳於眾生，是為放大功德光也。³¹

This chapter will focus on the Wenzaizi morality bookstore in Guangzhou, which was founded by Tan Deyuan of the Lixiantang sub-branch;³² in addition, I will discuss the founding of the Feixiadong 飛霞洞 temple in Qingyuan 清遠 by Mai Changtian 麥長天 (1842– 1929) and the Daodehui Fuqingtang 道德會褔慶 堂 temple in Hong Kong by Luo Weinan 羅煒南 (1879–after 1941), thus addressing the relationship between the Xiantiandao’s spread in the Guangdong and Hong Kong area from the late Qing to the 1930s and its publishing ventures. The establishment of the Wenzaizi morality bookstore and the Chengdetang 成 德堂 in Guangzhou during the Guangxu reign period, and the founding of the Feixiadong in Qingyuan and the Fuqingtang in Hong Kong in the early Republic are two important stages in the sect’s expansion in this region. Together they established a firm foundation for its further spread in Guangdong, Guangxi, and overseas. Especially in view of the fact that over the last twenty years many Xiantiandao temples in Hong Kong, Macao, and overseas have closed down, or have been converted into Daoist or Buddhist institutions, these scriptures and books published in Guangdong preserve evidence of a period of rapid growth in the history of the sect.

 “Chaoming duoanlun diyi” 超明墮暗論第一, in Pomi zongzhi 破迷宗旨, by Peng Haoran 彭 浩然 (Wenzaizi, no date), 4b-5a.  See table 2 in the appendix below.

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3. The Propagation of the Xiantiandao in the Late Qing and Early Republican Guangdong and Hong Kong Area The Xiantiandao worships the Eternal Venerable Mother (Wusheng Laomu 無生 老母), also called Golden Mother of the Jasper Pool (Yaochi Jinmu 瑤池金母) or Venerable Mother of the Non-Ultimate (Wuji Laomu 無極老母), as its highest deity. The sect proclaims the unity of the Three Teachings, enjoining its members to cultivate the way of Lord Lao, to keep the Buddhist precepts, and to practice Confucian rituals, maintain strict observance of the Three Refuges and Five Precepts, and keep a vegetarian diet. The purpose of their cultivation is to revert to their origins, thereby to return to Former Heaven and the Eternal Mother. Research has shown that the Xiantiandao emerged as an identifiable separate tradition with the ninth patriarch Huang Dehui 黃德輝 in the early Qing period. Official documents referred to it as the “Blue Lotus Teachings” (Qinglianjiao 青蓮 教) or the “Way of the Golden Elixir” (Jindandao 金丹道).³³ Sect leadership passed successively from Huang Dehui to the tenth patriarch, Wu Zixiang 吳紫 祥; the eleventh patriarch, He Ruo 何若; the twelfth patriarch, Yuan Zhiqian 袁志謙; and two men sharing the thirteenth patriarchate, Xu Ji’nan 徐吉南 and Yang Shouyi 楊守一. At a colloquy of seven deities (the Seven Sages, Qisheng 七聖) held in 1843 at Yuncheng 雲城 (Cloud City) it was decreed that the sect should henceforth be divided into five branches headed by patriarchs named after the five elemental phases (water, fire, wood, metal, and earth.) Xiantiandao texts often refer to the “Seven Sages of Cloud City”; according to the Yuncheng baolu 雲城寶籙 (Precious register of Cloud City), the Seven Sages are “the patriarchs in charge of universal salvation in the three world ages” (kaiban sanqi pudu zhi zu 開辦三期普度之祖), namely, the True Warrior Great Thearch, Grand Preceptor of Jade Purity (Yuqing Shixiang Zhenwu Dadi 玉清師相真武大帝); the Thearch of Reliable Succor, Grand Palace Councilor of Jade Purity (Yuqing Neixiang Fuyou Dijun 玉清內相孚佑帝君); Thearch Guan, Supreme Councilor of Jade  On the Blue Lotus Teachings see Asai Motoi 淺井紀, Min-Shin jidai minkan shūkyō kessha no kenkyū 明清時代民間宗教結社の研究 (Tokyo: Kenbun shuppan, 1990), 387– 423; Takeuchi Fusaji 武內房司, “Shin-matsu shūkyō kessha to minshū undō: Seirenkyō Ryū Gijun ha o chūshin ni” 清末宗教結社と民眾運動──青蓮教劉儀順派を中心に, in Chūgoku minshūshi e no shiza 中 國民眾史への視座, ed. Kanagawa Daigaku Chūgokugo Gakka 神奈大學中國語學科 (Tokyo: Tōhō shoten, 1998), 111– 133; Wang Chien-chuan, “Qinglianjiao daomai yuanliu xinlun: jiantan jiuzu Huang Dehui” 青蓮教道脈源流新論──兼談九祖黃德輝, Qingshi yanjiu 清史研究 2010/1: 20 – 26, 36.

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Purity (Yuqing Shangxiang Guandi 玉清上相關帝); Thearch Wenchang, Supreme Councilor of Jade Purity (Yuqing Shangxiang Wenchang Dijun 玉清上相文昌帝 君); the Ancient Buddha Guanyin (Guanyin Gufo 觀音古佛); the Perfected Man Yellow Dragon (Huanglong Zhenren 黃龍真人); and the Perfected Man Altar Master (Zhutan Zhenren 主壇真人).³⁴ The early centers of the Xiantiandao were principally in Jiangxi and Sichuan provinces; in 1860 the subsect headed by the “water patriarch” Peng Yifa 彭依法 was introduced to Guangdong from Hubei province by his follower Chen Fushi 陳復始.³⁵ Chen converted the scholar Lin Fashan 林法善 in Qingyuan, before withdrawing into retirement at Yichang 宜昌 in Hubei. In 1863, Lin Fashan founded the temple Cangxia Gudong 藏霞古 洞 (Ancient Grotto Storing the Mists) on Mt. Yuxia 嵎峽山 in Qingyuan county, which was the fountainhead of the Cangxia sub-branch and the starting-point of the Xiantiandao in Guangdong.³⁶ Lin Fashan had two principal disciples: Huang Benyuan 黃本源 (alias Daochu 道初) and Li Zhigen 李植根 (alias Jingquan xiansheng 淨泉先生, “Gentleman of the Pure Spring”). While the former took over the leadership of the Cangxia branch from Lin Fashan, the latter in 1871 founded the temple Jinxiadong 錦 霞洞 in Qingyuan. For the future regional development of the Xiantiandao the Cangxiadong and the Jinxiadong were both crucial, with the former spreading the sect northwards and the latter southwards (bei cang nan jin 北藏南錦).³⁷ Li Zhigen established eight branch temples of the Jinxiadong, known as the Eight Worthy Halls (Baxiantang 八賢堂) because their names all contain the

 “Pudu guitiao” 普度規條, chapter 1 of Yuncheng baolu 雲城寶籙 (Hankou: Wanquantang 萬 全堂, 1931), 8 – 9. The cover page gives the title Yungong baolu 雲宮寶籙 (Precious Register of the Cloud Palace); the book contains a 1930 preface by Yang Daozeng 楊道增.  On Peng Yifa and his works, see the fifth section of this chapter.  Daomai yuanliu ji 道脈源流記 (Singapore: Xingzhou Dafotang/Feixia jingshe 星洲大佛堂飛 霞精舍, 1949), 33. On the Xiantiandao in the Guangdong/Hong Kong area, see Ngai Ting Ming 危 丁明, “Xiantiandao ji qi zai Gang/Ao ji Dongnanya diqu de fazhan” 先天道及其在港澳及東南亞 地區的發展 (PhD diss., Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, 2010); Shiga Ichiko 志賀市 子, “Sentendō Ryōnan dōmyaku no tenkai” 先天道嶺南道脈の展開, Tōhō shūkyō 東方宗教 99 (2002): 18 – 42; Shiga Ichiko, “Xiantiandao Lingnan daomai de sixiang he shijian: yi Guangdong Qingyuan Feixiadong weili” 先天道嶺南道脈的思想和實踐：以廣東清遠飛霞洞為例, Minsu quyi 民俗曲藝, no. 173 (2011): 23 – 58; Yau Chi-on, “Xianggang Xiantiandao bainian lishi gaishu” 香港先天道百年歷史概述, in Xianggang ji Hua’nan Daojiao yanjiu 香港及華南道教研究, ed. Lai Chi-tim 黎志添 (Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju, 2005): 62– 95; Yau Chi-on, “Xianggang Xiantiandao de maiyuan yu fazhan: jianlun daotong zai Gang, Tai diqu zhi yanxu” 香港先天道的脈 源與發展──兼論道統在港、泰地區之延續, in Shanshu yu Zhongguo zongjiao: 305 – 333.  Cangxia benyuan ji 藏霞本源集 (preface dated 1945), 45.

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character xian 賢 (“worthy”).³⁸ The Jinxiadong maintained control over these groups and facilitated their cooperation, which helped spread the Xiantiandao in the northern six prefectures of Guangdong province. In 1885, Li Zhigen was promoted to the leadership position for both Guangdong and Guangxi province and his religious name was changed to Daorong 道榮.³⁹ The Eight Worthy Halls then became sources for new Xiantiandao groups and individual members all over Guangdong. For example, the Lixiantang transmitted the Xiantiandao to Mai Changtian of the Feixiadong in Qingyuan, Tian Shaocun 田邵邨 of the Wutong xiandong 梧桐仙洞 in Xin’an 新安 and the Taoyuandong 桃源洞 in Tai Po 大埔 in Hong Kong, and Zhang Ziqiao 張梓橋 and Luo Weinan 羅煒南 of the Shanqingdong 善慶洞 in Foshan. Chen Fuxian 陳褔賢 of the Yuxiantang 育賢 堂 founded the Zixiadong 紫霞洞 in Zijin 紫金, which became the basis for the sect’s spread into eastern Guangdong, with twenty-four branch temples in the Meizhou 梅州, Chaozhou 潮州, and Huizhou 惠州 areas. The master of the Lixiantang 禮賢堂, Wu Jiliang 巫濟良, was a skilled physician who used his clinic as a mission station; the temples Feixiadong, Tongshandong 桐山洞, Taoyuandong, and Foshandong 佛山洞 all go back to his proselytizing efforts.⁴⁰ In the Guangxu reign period, the Xiantiandao began to arrive in Hong Kong, as described in Tian Shaocun’s work Daomai zongyuanliu 道脈總源流 (Overview of the lineage of the Dao). Furthermore, the temples of the Eight Worthies network used their Cantonese connections abroad in the first half of the twentieth century to spread their religion to Southeast Asia and other overseas areas, where more than one hundred temples were founded: With transportation opening and improving in the late Qing and early Republic, more and more sect members traveled overseas. For the Cantonese and Fukienese, Hong Kong served as gate to the world; from there they journeyed to Vietnam, Siam, Burma, and Indonesia, as well as Singapore, Malaya, Borneo, the Philippines, Indonesia, Mauritius, and South Africa.

 These eight temples included: Huaxiantang 化賢堂, Yuxiantang 育賢堂, Jingxiantang 敬賢 堂, Aixiantang 愛賢堂, Jixiantang 集賢堂, Lixiantang 禮賢堂, Jinxiantang 錦賢堂, and Zaixiantang 載賢堂.  At a meeting in Sichuan in 1859 the Xiantiandao decided to rank religious names according to the duration of membership. Names would be ranked by the use of specific characters, namely (from highest to lowest): dao 道, yun 運, yong 永, chang 昌, and ming 明. The whole nation was divided into ten mission territories, one of which was constituted by Guangdong and Guangxi provinces. Hong Zhengxin 洪正心 compares these ten territories to Roman Catholic dioceses. See his “Xiantian daojiao huigu yu qianzhan” 先天道教回顧與前瞻, Dadao 大道 2 (1957): 6. This article was written in 1951; the magazine Dadao was published by the Xianggang Xiantiandao Hui 香港先天道會.  See the genealogical overview in the appendix (table 2). Tian Shaocun 田邵邨, Daomai zongyuanliu zhengben 道脈總源流正本 (Hong Kong reprint edition, 1982), 20, 23 – 24.

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By now all of these places have Xiantiandao temples (daoyuan 道院): more than forty in Hong Kong and Kowloon, more than seventy in Singapore and Malaya, more than sixty in Thailand, while there are more than ten each in Indonesia and Annam …. 降至清末民初，海運大開，交通益便，各地同人遠航海外者，日形加多……閩粵兩省，則 以香港為門戶，再由香港以進入越、暹、緬、印，以至星洲、馬來、婆羅洲、菲律賓、印 尼、模里斯、南斐洲等地，普遍發展。近年以來，約計各地現有道院，港九四十餘所，星 馬七十餘所，泰國六十餘所，印尼、安南各十餘所……。⁴¹

4. The Wenzaizi Morality Bookstore and Its Work on Behalf of the Xiantiandao The name Wenzaizi is derived from a passage in the Analects where Confucius asks rhetorically, “Is not culture now invested here in me?” (wen bu zai zi hu 文不在茲乎).⁴² By this allusion the bookstore expresses its sense of mission as a transmitter of culture. In the following sections I will discuss the store’s founder Tan Deyuan and his disciples, its publishing list, the types of morality books published by Wenzaizi, their circulation in Southeast Asia, and the store’s advertising efforts, so as to illuminate Wenzaizi’s role in propagating Xiantiandao in the Guangdong and Hong Kong area.

4.1 On Wenzaizi’s Founder Tan Deyuan and His Disciples Tan Deyuan 談德元 (1857– 1910), alias Mingze 明澤, hailed from Shatou 沙頭 town in Nanhai 南海 county; he was inducted into the Xiantiandao by Ji Peidao 紀培道, who in turn was a disciple of Wu Jiliang 巫濟良 of the Lixiantang. During the Guangxu reign period, he opened the Wenzaizi morality bookstore on Hongde Great Street 洪德大街 (today’s Hongde Road 洪德路) in the Dajitou 大基頭 neighborhood, outside the Yuantanmiao 元壇廟 (Temple of the Primordial

 “Xiantiandao jinkuang ji qi fenbu” 先天道近況及其分佈, Dadao 大道 1 (1956): 11.  Lunyu 論語 9.5: 子畏於匡。曰：「文王既沒，文不在茲乎？天之將喪斯文也，後死者不得 與於斯文也；天之未喪斯文也，匡人其如予何？」“The Master was surrounded in Kuang. He said, ‘Now that King Wen 文 is gone, is not culture (wen 文) now invested here in me? If Heaven intended this culture to perish, it would not have given it to those of us who live after King Wen’s death. Since Heaven did not intend this culture to perish, what can the people of Kuang do to me?’” Edward Slingerland, trans., Confucius / Analects, with Selections from Traditional Commentaries (Indianapolis: Hackett, 2003), 87.

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Altar), in the Henan 河南 district of Guangzhou.⁴³ In the late Qing period, several very popular temples existed in Wenzaizi’s vicinity, including, among others, the Haichuangsi 海幢寺 (Temple of the Ocean Pennant) and the Jinhuamiao 金花廟 (Temple of the Golden Flower).⁴⁴ The Wenzaizi used this location to make contact with potential converts by encouraging them to sponsor the printing of morality books. The Daoyuan zhaijin 道緣摘錦 (A tapestry of choice words on the destiny of the Way) contains an essay entitled “Si wen zai zi” 斯文在茲 (This culture is here), which describes Mr. Tan’s proselytizing activities: Mr. Tan Deyuan, with the sobriquet Mingze, hailed from Shatou in Nanhai. In the Henan district of Guangzhou he established the Chengdetang 成德堂 (Hall of Completed Virtue) and also opened the Wenzaizi morality bookstore; in the Upper Six Prefectures, he established many new karmic links by moral deeds, establishing 3000 merits and cultivating 800 karmic rewards. He is said to have uttered, “When I turn my head, there is the new world of the Pearl River—isn’t this better than stepping onto the isles of the immortals?” He transmitted the Way to Zhang Shanhao 張善豪 and Xiang Shanguang 香善光, and inducted four superior disciples, namely, Luo Shan’an 羅善安, Huo Shanjing 霍善鏡, Zhao Shanyuan 趙善垣, and Li Shancai 黎善材. 談公德元號明澤，南海沙頭人，在廣州河南開辦成德堂，又開文在茲善書坊，結上六府道 德緣，立三千功、修八百果，有「回首珠江新世界，何如踏步上瀛洲」之句。以道傳張善 豪、香善光，又調引得羅善安、霍善鏡、趙善垣、黎善材四位高弟。⁴⁵

 The Henan district was called Henan Fort (Henanbao 河南堡) in the Qing period. The Yuantanmiao was located in Nan’an Great Street 南岸大街 and was torn down during the street building projects of the 1920s. See Huang Renheng 黃任恆, Panyu Henan xiaozhi 番禺河南小志 (preface 1945; Guangzhou: Guangdong renmin chubanshe, 2012), juan 4, p.153.  The inhabitants of Guangzhou tend to call the districts south of the Pearl River, and more specifically today’s Haizhu ward 海珠區, “Henan”. The Guangdong xinyu 廣東新語 (New discourses on Guangdong; juan 2, “Diyu” 地語), a seventeenth-century work, notes “that to the south of Guangzhou there is a large island, fifty to sixty li in circumference, surrounded by river water on all four sides; it is called Henan [‘south of the river’]”; see Qu Dajun 屈大均, Guangdong xinyu 廣東新語 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985), 42. In 1928, Hongde Great Street was rebuilt as Hongde Road, with altogether eight side streets. The name Hongde derives from folk stories about the Vast Sage and King of the Southern Ocean Who Widely Provides Benefits (Nanhai Guangli Hongsheng Dawang 南海廣利洪聖大王), an ocean deity of whom it was said the “the vast sage spreads his virtue” (hongsheng bude 洪聖布德). See Guangdongsheng difang shizhi bianzuan weiyuanhui 廣東地方史志編纂委員會, ed., Guangdong shengzhi: dimingzhi 廣東省 志．地名志 (Guangzhou: Guangdong renmin chubanshe, 1999), 45.  Peng Nengyuan 彭能源, ed., Daoyuan zhaijin 道緣摘錦, vol. 1 (Guangzhou: Weixing yinshuachang 蔚興印刷場, 1933), 72. Also see “Guangdong shang liufu Baxiantang xiansheng” 廣 東上六府八賢堂先生, in Mingdao baozhen 明道寶箴 (Foshan: Chengshantang 成善堂, 1937), 55.

Chapter Five – The Xiantiandao and Publishing in Guangzhou-Hong Kong Area

201

As this passage shows, Tan Deyuan also established a Xiantiandao temple, the Chengdetang, under whose name he donated his own funds to print morality books. For example, in 1905 the books Yuanshi Tianzun zhengzong pian 元始 天尊正宗篇 (Treatise on the orthodox tradition of the Heavenly Worthy of Primordial Beginning) and Chuandenglu 傳燈錄 (Record of the lamp transmission) were printed with funds from the Chengdetang with printing blocks stored at Tongchengxin 同誠信; the Huangshigong sushu zhu 黃石公素書註 (Annotated edition of the Duke of the Yellow Stone’s book of simplicity) and the Siming baoxun 司命寶訓 (Precious instructions of the Overseer of Fate) were also sponsored by the Chengdetang, with the blocks being stored at the Wenzaizi morality bookstore.⁴⁶ Tan Deyuan’s disciple Zhang Ziqiao (religious name Shanhao), a man from Foshan in Nanhai, transmitted the Way to Luo Weinan from Rongzhou 溶州 in Nanhai, who received the religious name Shan’an.⁴⁷ Zhang and Luo both honored Tan Deyuan as their master; together they established the temples Chengshantang 成善堂 (Hall of Completed Goodness) and Chengqingtang 成慶堂 (Hall of Completed Blessings), the former for male, the latter for female members.⁴⁸ In 1915, followers from these two temples worked together to establish the Shanqing zutang 善慶祖堂 (Patriarchal Hall of Goodness and Blessings) in Zidong 紫洞 (Nanhai), the home district of Luo Weinan. The religious names of Tan Deyuan’s disciples all included the character shan 善 (goodness) and the temples founded by them all used the character qing 慶 (blessings) in their designations; Hong Kong examples are the Shanqingdong 善慶洞 (Grotto of Good Blessings) in Tuen Mun 屯門, as well as the Longqing fotang 龍慶佛堂 (Buddha Hall of Dragon Blessings) and the Xinqingtang 心慶堂 (Hall of Mind Blessings) in Kowloon, and the Guangqingtang 廣慶堂 (Hall of Wide Blessings) in Singapore. Later the temples in Hong Kong, Macao, and Singapore with the character qing in their names formed a loose network, which we might call the “Shanqing 善慶” line.⁴⁹

 See appended table 2.  See You Xinyi 游信溢, “Shizhong xianjue xiaozhuan” 史中先覺小傳 (1984; manuscript in the collection of the Xianggang Daodehui).  The Chengshantang was first located in Fengsheng Street 豐勝街 in the city (today’s Jianxin Road 建新路), but later moved to 15 Funing Road, above the Baochang used clothes store 褔寧路 15號寶昌故衣店樓上). The Chengqingtang was in Shan Street 杉街. See Foshanshi zongjiaozhi 佛 山市宗教志, ed. Foshanshi zongjiao shiwuju 佛山市宗教事務局 (Foshan: Foshanshi zongjiao shiwuju, 1990), 55 – 56.  For details see Binxia conglu 賓霞叢錄 (Hong Kong: Binxiadong 賓霞洞, 1949), 45 – 47; “Qingzitang lüeli: you Qingyuan Cangxiadong Baxianlu Lixiantang” 慶字堂略歷：由清遠藏霞 堂八賢廬禮賢堂, in Mingdao baozhen 明道寶箴 (Foshan: Chengshantang, 1937; 5th reprint 1959), 17– 20, 31– 33.

202

Yau Chi-on (Translated by Philip Clart)

4.2 Overview of the Wenzaizi’s Morality Books The Wenzaizi began publishing Xiantiandao scriptures, morality books, precious scrolls, and scriptures of the Three Teachings during the Guangxu reign period. The surviving books published by Wenzaizi and/or sponsored by the Chengdetang appeared between the 1880s and the 1930s. I have been able to gather the following titles in Xiantiandao temples in Hong Kong, Macao, and Vietnam, in the Guangdong Provincial Sun Yat-sen Library, and in private book collections. This list of thirty-nine titles printed or distributed by the Wenzaizi shows that sixteen titles were printed from the 1880s to 1909, nine from the 1910s to the 1920s, but only two were distributed in the 1930s, while for twelve titles we do not know the year of publication. Thus, the decades from the 1880s to the 1920s were the Wenzaizi’s heyday; its subsequent decline was probably related to Tan Deyuan’s death in 1910. Table 1: Overview of Morality Books Published in the Late Qing and Republican Periods by Wenzaizi and Chengdetang. Book title

Author or dated preface

Mengxingpian 猛醒篇 (Treatise on fierce awakening) Jin’gangjing 金剛經 (Diamond sutra) Qingjingjing zhu, Xuanmen bidu hekan 清靜經注、玄門必讀 合刊 (Combined edition of the annotated Scripture of Purity and Quiescence and the Essential Readings of Daoism) preface by Huang Qizhen yinguozhuan Yongliang 黃永亮, 七真因果傳 (Karmic dated  transmission of the Seven Perfected) Yidao huanyuan 醫道 還元 (Returning to the

Year of publication

Connection with Wenzaizi

 (reprint)

printed by Wenzaizi on commission

 (re-cut blocks)

printed by Wenzaizi morality bookstore on commission blocks cut by Wenzaizia)





blocks cut by Wenzaizib)



blocks cut by Wenzaizi;

Chapter Five – The Xiantiandao and Publishing in Guangzhou-Hong Kong Area

Book title

Author or dated preface

Year of publication

origins of the way of medicine)

Jingzi xianbaolu 敬字 顯報錄 (Record of manifested rewards for cherishing lettered paper) Guanyin dabeizhou 觀 音大悲咒 (Great compassion dharani of Guanyin) Lüzu sanshi yinguoshuo 呂祖三世因果說 (Patriarch Lü’s discourse on karmic retribution) Huangshigong sushu zhu 黃石公素書註 (Annotated edition of the Duke of the Yellow Stone’s book of simplicity) Siming baoxun 司命寶 訓 (Precious instructions of the Overseer of Fate) Chuandenglu 傳燈錄 (Record of the lamp transmission) Yuanshi Tianzun zhengzong pian 元始 天尊正宗篇 (Treatise on the orthodox tradition of the Heavenly Worthy of Primordial Beginning) Zhongxiao yonglie qinü zhuan 忠孝勇烈 奇女傳 (Biographies of extraordinary

 (newly carved blocks)

General rules (fanli 凡 例) by Zhang Mengrong 張孟榮; preface by Li Rongyao 黎榮耀 et al. (dated ) Preface by Fuyou dijun 孚佑帝君 (dated )

Duke of Yellow Stone (Han dynasty); annotations by Zhang Shangying 張商英 (Song dynasty)



203

Connection with Wenzaizi blocks for  edition cut by Hualian xianguan 華聯仙館, printed by Wenzaizi on commission blocks stored by Wenzaizi morality bookstore; advertisement D blocks cut by Wenzaizi; advertisement D

 (blocks re-cut by blocks stored by Wenzaizi morality bookWendetang 文德堂, store Hong Kong)

 (cutting of blocks sponsored by Chengdetang)

blocks stored by Wenzaizi morality bookstore

 (cutting of blocks sponsored by Chengdetang)

blocks stored by Wenzaizi morality bookstore

 (cutting of blocks sponsored by Chengdetang)  (cutting of blocks sponsored by Chengdetang)

blocks stored at Tongchengxin



blocks stored at Tongchengxin

blocks carved by Wenzaizi

204

Yau Chi-on (Translated by Philip Clart)

Book title women of loyalty, filial piety, and valor) Jin’gangjing 金剛經 (Diamond sutra)

Author or dated preface

Year of publication

blocks newly cut ; many reprints in  and  Preface by Hezu yuan-  (cutting of Rulai shidi xiuxing blocks sponsored by xueshan ji 如來十地修 jun 何祖元君 (dated Chengdetang) ) 行雪山記c) (Snow mountain record of the Tathāgatha’s cultivation in ten stages) Chandao yaoyan 闡道 Authored by Zhonghe Guangxu reign period 要言 (Important words shanren 中和山人, expounding the Way) corrected by Yiliao shanren 一了山人, recorded by Guibenzi 歸 本子 Huangu jindan 換骨金 Preface composed in  丹 (Elixir to exchange  by Dongchunsheng 洞春生 at your bones—title on cover) / Sangui wujie Mingshan shuwu 明善 書屋 (Library of Illu三皈五戒 (The three refuges and five pre- minated Goodness) cepts—title inside)  Sanpin miaojing 三品 妙經 (Marvelous scripture in three chapters)  Miaoying baojuan 妙 英寶卷 (Precious scroll of Miaoying)  colophon by  Wangshi nüzhenjing Tian Shaocun 田邵邨 王氏女真經 (Mrs. Wang scripture on female perfection)  (blocks cut by  preface comYushu shangxiang Wenzaizi) zhenjing 玉樞上相真 posed by Zheng 經 (Perfected scripture Shanguang 鄭善光 of the supreme coun- while sojourning in cilor of the jade pivot) Hong Kong; colophon by Wu Yusheng 伍雨生 Lü zushi jingchan 呂祖 blocks cut in  by 師經懺 (Scriptures and Yunquan xianguan at Xiqiaoshan 西樵山雲

Connection with Wenzaizi

blocks stored by Wenzaizi morality bookstore blocks stored by Wenzaizi morality bookstored)

blocks stored by Wenzaizi morality bookstore of Mr. Tan in Guangzhoue)

printed by Wenzaizi on commission; advertisement D

blocks stored by Wenzaizi

printed by Wenzaizi on commission blocks stored by Wenzaizi bookstore; advertisement C blocks stored at Feixiadong

Chapter Five – The Xiantiandao and Publishing in Guangzhou-Hong Kong Area

Book title

Author or dated preface

litanies of Patriarch Lü) Yufeng Qitian Dasheng douzhan shengfo zhenjing 玉封 齊天大聖斗戰勝佛真 經 (Perfected scripture of the Great Sage Equal to Heaven, Buddha Victorious in Strife, enfeoffed by the Jade Emperor) Daomai zongyuanliu zhengben 道脈總源流 正本 (Overview of the lineage of the Dao) Zhibaopian 至寶篇 (Most precious treatise) (alternative title: Zigui quanshu 字規全 書, Complete writings of regulations for written characters) Feixiadong guizhang quanji 飛霞洞規章全 集 (Complete collection of rules and regulation of the Grotto of Flying Mists)

泉仙館; re-cut by Wenzaizi in  “Preface on re-cutting block cutting [sponsored] by disciples of the images of the Great Sage scripture” the Chengqingtang, Chengshantang, 重刻大聖經像序, by He Nengzhong 何能中 Shanqingtang, and Tongqingtang () ()

Wuji lianhua zhou 無 極蓮花咒 (Mantra of the Limitless Lotus)

Year of publication

205

Connection with Wenzaizi

blocks cut by Wenzaizi

Tian Shaocun 田邵邨, block cutting sponalias Wutong shanren sored by followers of Mr. Tan’s Chengde梧桐山人 tang () Preface by Wang Yun-  huan of the Shangshantang in Huayi 花 邑上善堂王運煥 ()

printed by Wenzaizi; reprinted by Taoyuandong, Hong Kong,  printed by Wenzaizi on commission; blocks re-cut in Cholon 堤岸, Vietnam

Compiled by He Tingzhang 何廷璋

blocks stored at the Feixiadong in Qingyuan; distributed by Shijie shuju 世界書局 in Hong Kong; subdistributor: Wenzaizi bookstore in Guangzhou blocks stored at the Wujigong 無極宮, Hong Kong; the Wenzaizi is one among several listed distribution points printed by Wenzaizi morality bookstore on commission;



th ed.  reprinted 

Bazi jueyuan 八字覺原 annotations & preface no date (Perceiving the origins () by Cangzhouzi 滄州子 (Peng Haoran of the eight words) 彭浩然); postface, collation, and recutting of blocks by Wang Fushan

206

Yau Chi-on (Translated by Philip Clart)

Book title

Author or dated preface

Year of publication

Connection with Wenzaizi

Guanyin jidu benyuan zhenjing 觀音濟度本 願真經 (True scripture of Guanyin’s original vow of salvation) Shier yuanjue 十二圓 覺 (Guanyin and the Twelve Fully Enlightened Ones) Pomi zongzhi 破迷宗 旨 (Principles on breaking delusions) Jinhua zongzhi 金華宗 旨 (Principles of golden florescence) Xuanjiang jibian 宣講 集編 (Collected texts for public lecturing) Hexian baojuan 何仙 寶卷 (Precious scroll of the immortal He) Wendi yinzhiwen Taishang ganyingpian hece 文帝陰騭文太上 感應篇合冊 (The Literary Thearch’s Essay on hidden merit and the folios of the Most High on retribution, in one volume) Yulu jinpan 玉露金盤 (Golden basin of jade dew)

Authored by Guangye Laoren 廣野老人 (Peng Haoran)

no date

blocks cut by Wenzaizi; advertisement D

Authored by Peng Haoran

no date

blocks cut by Wenzaizi; advertisement B

no date Authored by Peng Haoran; preface by Yisanzi 易三子 preface by Yiliao no date; block-cutting shanren () sponsored by disciple Cheng Dezai 成德在 Compiled, corrected, no date and sponsored by Tan Zewen 談澤文 no date

no date

no date prefaces () by Yaochi Jinmu, Patriarch Lü, and Wudao Zhenren 悟道真人 no date Lüzu zhenjing 呂祖真 statement on the 經 (Perfected scripture cover: donated by the Cheng and Zhu famiof Patriarch Lü) lies 程朱氏 (or: Mrs. Cheng-Zhu) the front matter con- no date Dimujing 地母經 (Scripture of the Earth tains the following note: “scripture transMother) mitted by spirit-writing in the ninth year of

blocks cut by Wenzaizi; advertisement D blocks cut by Wenzaizi; advertisement B advertisements A & D

blocks cut by Wenzaizi; advertisement B distributed by Wenzaizi bookstore; blocks stored at the Shanqingdong 善慶洞, Hong Kong

blocks cut by Wenzaizi

blocks stored at the Wenzaizi bookstore

stored at the Meichengtang 美成堂 in Macaof)

Chapter Five – The Xiantiandao and Publishing in Guangzhou-Hong Kong Area

Book title

Yongyan shequ 庸言 涉趣 (Common words for public lecturing)

Author or dated preface

Year of publication

the Guangxu reign period [] at the Earth Mother temple in Chenggu county of Hanzhong prefecture in Shaanxi province” 光緒九年陝西漢中府 城固縣地母廟飛鸞傳 經 the front matter con- no date tains an essay “Liutong shanshu shuo” 流通善書說 (On circulating morality books), by Longxizi 隴西子

207

Connection with Wenzaizi

distributed by the Wenzaizi bookstore on Nanhua West Road in the Henan district of Guangzhou

a)

Wang Liying, Guangzhou daoshu kaolun, 189. There also exists a 1906 Wenzaizi edition of the Qizhenzhuan 七真傳 (Story of the Seven Perfected). See Zhu Yixuan 朱一玄, Ning Jiayu 寧稼雨, and Chen Guisheng 陳桂聲, eds., Zhongguo gudai xiaoshuo zongmu tiyao 中國古代小說總目提要 (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 2005), 725. c) The digital version produced by the Museum of World Religions is based on this 1907 Wenzaizi edition; see http://shanshu.im.tiit.edu.tw/ebooks/02178/default1.html (accessed on July 9, 2013). d) This text bears the following inscription on its cover: “This morality book is lent out by the Zuiletang (Hall of highest joy); it is to be returned without fail or damage within several days” 最 樂堂善書借看，數日收回勿瀆勿失 (copy held by the Zixiayuan in Shatin, Hong Kong 香港沙田 紫霞園). e) Copy held at the library of Chung Chi College of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. f) The Dimujing’s front matter contains a commendation by the Xianggang Daodehui. As the latter was founded in 1924, the reprinting of this edition of the Dimujing must have taken place after that date. b)

4.3 Types of Morality Books Published by Wenzaizi The above list contains Xiantiandao scriptures and sectarian histories as well as scriptures of Three Teachings, general morality books, and precious scrolls. The Xiantiandao scriptures include Pomi zongzhi, Bazi jueyuan, Yulu jinpan, Sangui wujie, Chuandenglu, Chandao yaoyan, Shier yuanjue, and Jinhua zongzhi, most of which belong to the branch of the Water Patriarch. According to the Zupai yuanliu 祖派源流 (Lineage of the patriarchal branches), this Water Patriarch

208

Yau Chi-on (Translated by Philip Clart)

was named Peng Yifa 彭依法, with the sobriquets Haoran 浩然, Cangzhouzi 滄州 子, Rutong Laoren 儒童老人, Suyi Laoren 素一老人, Shuiyi Laoren 水一老人, Guangye Laoren 廣野老人; he was said to be an “avatar of the Water Essence Ancient Buddha of the North (Beifang Shuijing Gufo huashen 北方水精古佛化身), who was to preach to the world by means of his writings; these include, among other titles, Xinyin miaojing zhenjie 心印妙經真解 (True explication of the marvelous mind-seal scripture), Wuxing qiongyuan, Shuaixing chanwei 率性闡微 (Detailed explanations on following one’s nature), Pomi zongzhi, and Bazi jueyuan. ⁵⁰ The Guangnantang 光南堂 (Hall Illuminating the South, founded 1920) in Ho Chi Minh City holds an undated copy of the Guanyin jidu benyuan zhenjing, printed by Wenzaizi.⁵¹ Wang Chien-chuan is of the opinion that this work is the result of revisions performed by Peng Yifa on a text authored by the thirteenth patriarch Yang Shouyi. Peng Yifa’s Bazi jueyuan is said to be to the “earliest and best book on the Eight Virtues.”⁵² In his preface dated 1824, Peng (writing as Cangzhouzi) expresses his hope that the “eight words,” namely, the eight virtues of “filial piety, respect for one’s elders, loyalty, trustworthiness, propriety, righteousness, honesty, and shame” will “one by one proclaim heavenly principles, justify human feelings, clearly distinguish success and failure, and point out calamities and blessings, [while the second part of the] book’s title, ‘perceiving the origins,’ serves to admonish the world and cause people to be enlightened ….. One who can carry out these eight words is a great doer of good.”⁵³ This book is the ultimate source of the different “Eight Virtues” morality books of the Republican period.⁵⁴

 Zupai yuanliu 祖派源流, blocks of the 1936 edition stored at the Wanquantang 萬全堂 in Hankou 漢口 (reprint edition, Kaohsiung: Gangshan wanquan guoshuguan 岡山萬全國術館, 1985), 42– 44. On Peng Yifa’s writings see Yang Jinglin 楊淨麟, “Qinglianjiao zupai yuanliu” 青蓮 教祖派源流, Zongjiao zhexue 宗教哲學 36 (2006): 40 – 60; Yang Jinglin, “Qinglianjiao zushi zhushu xinkao” 青蓮教祖師著述新考, Sichuan Daxue xuebao (zhexue shehui kexue ban) 四川大 學學報（哲學社會科學版） 2009/1: 111– 118.  Wang Chien-chuan and Lin Wanchuan 林萬傳, eds., “Daoyan” 導言, in Ming-Qing minjian zongjiao jingjuan wenxian 明清民間宗教經卷文獻 (Taipei: Xinwenfeng, 1999), 7– 8. The reprint included in this collection is based on a version printed in 1853.  Mingshan shuju disici chuban tushu mulu, 14.  「一一宣彰天理，剖白人情，辨明成敗，指實禍福，名曰覺原，用以勸世，使人覺悟 […]人 能行到八字，是大善人也。」 Bazi jueyuan 八字覺原 (Guangzhou: Wenzaizi), 2 (copy in the collection of the Guangdong Provincial Sun Yat-sen Library).  On Eight Virtues morality books see Sakai Tadao 酒井忠夫, Dōka, dōkyōshi no kenkyū 道家． 道教史の研究 (Tokyo: Kokusho kankōkai, 2011), 337– 344; also see the chapters by Paul R. Katz and Wang Chien-chuan in this volume.

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One example of a sectarian history is Daomai zong yuanliu zhengben; it is an important source for the study of Xiantiandao, as it records in some detail the development of the Xiantiandao, with particular attention to its history in Guangdong. Examples of scriptures of the Three Teachings are Jin’gangjing, Lü zushi jingchan, and Lüzu zhenjing; morality books are represented by such works as Mengxingpian, Wendi Yinzhiwen Taishang ganyingpian hece, Jingzi xianbaolu, and Zigui quanjuan. ⁵⁵ Tan Deyuan not only provided funds for the carving of the printing blocks of scriptures; for some works such as Xuanjiang jibian, he also served as editor and proofreader. Xiantiandao temples additionally printed many precious scrolls (baojuan). Examples of precious scrolls are Shier yuanjue (alternative titles: Shier yuanjue baojing 十二圓覺寶經, Guanyin huadu shier yuanjue baojuan 觀音化度十二圓覺寶卷), Miaoying baojuan, Hexian baojuan, and Zhongxiao yonglie qinü zhuan. The list of sponsors for the Hexian baojuan is of particular interest, as aside from Tan Deyuan’s donation of one silver dollar it also records a donation of two silver dollars from Yuan Jixing 袁濟興, the head of Zaixiantang 載賢堂, one of the Eight Worthy Halls. During the early years of the Republic, the Wenzaizi also served as distributor for morality books published elsewhere, such as the periodical Guocui zazhi 國粹雜誌 (National essence magazine) and the publications of the Juexingtang 覺性堂 (Hall Perceiving Human Nature). Guocui zazhi began to be published by the “General Study Society of the Three Teachings” (Sanjiao zongxuehui 三教 總學會) in Hong Kong in 1922; by 1936, forty-one issues had appeared in print. It was distributed in Hong Kong by the bookstore Wenming shuju 文明書局, and in Guangzhou by Wenzaizi and the Yuehuaxing yinwuju 粵華興印務局. The Xiantiandao temple Juexingtang was located in Penglai Gardens of Shek Kwu Lung village 石鼓壟村蓬萊園 in Kowloon; it was torn down when the airport was expanded in 1940. In 1910 the temple had established a “propaganda department” (xuanchuanbu 宣傳部) and invited the faithful to request scriptures from it. The Juexingtang printed more than twenty scriptures and books, imprinted with its own “Juexingtang morality book” logo featuring an elixir cauldron and the motto, “Study goodness, accumulate blessings, cultivate the Eight Virtues; take the highest joy in cultivating the mind in accordance with the Five Constant

 Jingzi xianbaolu and Zigui quanjuan both use karmic retribution stories to exhort people to cherish written characters; many books on this subject matter were published in the Qing dynasty, such as the Xizi yinguolu 惜字因果錄 (Records of karmic causes and effects related to the cherishing of written characters), engraved by Zhao Shenqiao 趙申喬, Xu Qian’s 徐謙 Guigongti 桂宮梯 (Ladder to cinnamon palace) and Qingyunti 青雲梯 (Ladder to the blue clouds), and others. See my Shan yu ren tong, 246– 248.

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Virtues” (學善積福修八德 最樂行心配五常).⁵⁶ Among them, the Wuji lianhua zhou was reprinted six times between 1928 and 1936; the extant 1938 reprint bears an inscription that the “printing blocks were stored at the Wujigong” (see the table above). Aside from Wenzaizi, the Juexingtang’s known distributors include the Feiluan yinwuguan 飛鸞印務館 (Flying Phoenix Printery) in Kowloon and the Mingxingtang shanshuju (Bright Star Hall Morality Bookstore) on Aozhou Outer Street in the Henan district of Guangzhou 廣州市河南鰲州外街明星 堂善書局. The Wuji lianhua zhou contains in the back the following statement on the religious purpose of printing morality books: We hope that Buddhist and Daoist monasteries all over the country, followers of the Dao who burn incense and cultivate themselves, the faithful who accumulate merit, and the gentlemen of morality bookstores will exert themselves in carving blocks, printing and selling [morality books] so as to carry out the Way on behalf of Heaven and circulate them across the whole world. Thus all will cultivate merits and attain transformation by reciting them, transcending [this world and reaching the realm of] bliss; they shall each transmit and remember them, thereby together realizing the Lotus Land and enjoying the boundless longevity of sages. The scripture, mantra, and litanies of the Limitless Lotus can be published together or separately. 普願各省府縣佛門道觀、焚修道眾、積德善信、善書局君子極力刻板印售，代天行道，流 傳宇宙。俾得人人修積誦化，超昇極樂；個個傳念，同證蓮邦，共享聖壽無疆。無極蓮花 經、咒、懺，代天普度，均各皆可出版。⁵⁷

By comparing Wenzaizi publications over the years, we also learn that the bookstore changed its location. In the Jin’gangjing of 1884 the address is given as Wanjing Great Street 晚景大街;⁵⁸ after that the aforementioned address in Hongde Great Street continues to be listed, until in 1930 the store was renamed simply Wenzaizi bookstore (instead of “morality bookstore”) and moved to 40 Nanhua West Rd. in the Henan district 河南南華西路40號.⁵⁹

 Babao jindan 八寶金丹 (Kowloon: Juexingtang, 1939), inside cover.  Wuji lianhua zhou 無極蓮花咒 (reprint, Hong Kong: Juexingtang, 1938).  Jin’gangjing (1884), copyright page and p.29b. Wanjing Great Street corresponds to the present southern section of Daihe Rd. 帶河路.  Feixiadong guizhang quanji, 94.

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4.4 The Circulation of Wenzaizi Publications in Southeast Asia and Macao Most late-Qing and early-Republican Xiantiandao publications surviving today in Hong Kong, Macao, and Southeast Asia were published by Wenzaizi and Feixiadong, which were both linked with the Lixiantang of the Water Patriarch.⁶⁰ According to my research in Hong Kong, Macao, and Vietnam, Wenzaizi publications were circulated among Xiantiandao temples of the Water Patriarch’s branch in Hong Kong and Macao, and among those of the Metal Patriarch’s branch in Vietnam. In 1920, the latter’s Chaoyuandong temple teamed up with coreligionists from the Jiledong to establish the Guangnantang in Vietnam, while the Feixia branch founded the Feixiadong Yuegengtang 飛霞洞月庚堂.⁶¹ Many Wenzaizi editions are preserved in the Guangnantang and the Sanzongmiao 三宗廟 (founded 1924) in Ho Chi Minh City. In the former I discovered the Yuanshi tianzun zhengzong pian (1905), the Jin’gangjing (1907), the Huangu jindan, the Guanyin jidu benyuan jing, and others. The Sanzongmiao holds two editions of the Zhibaopian (alternative title: Zigui quanjuan), one of them printed by Wenzaizi in 1886, the other a reprint produced in Cholon (Vietnam) in 1926. The sponsors of the reprint are named as Wu Xiumei 吳秀梅, Wu Xiuju 吳秀 菊, and Wu Xiuzhu 吳秀竹; in the Vietnamese edition the original preface by Wang Yunhuan 王運煥 is replaced with a note by Wu Xiuzhu of Cholon, dated 1925. The Sanzongmiao also holds a copy of the 1913 Wenzaizi edition of Huangu jindan. ⁶² The Wenzaizi edition of Daomai zong yuanliu was reprinted in Ho Chi Minh City in 1998 by Guo Daoci 郭道慈 of the Cangxia jingshe 藏霞精舍 (Stored Clouds Vihara). In Macao, a number of Wenzaizi editions such as the Guanyin dabeizhou and the Dimujing are preserved at the Meicheng Tang 美成堂 (Hall of Beautiful Completion), which had received them from a closed Xiantiandao temple, the Mianqingtang 綿慶堂. The latter had been founded in 1927 and had been headed by Tan Deyuan’s disciple Zhao Dongyuan 趙棟垣.

 Other common titles (such as Guanyin jidu benyuan zhenjing and Yulu jinpan) were published by the Chaoyuandong in Luofushan and the Jiledong in Hong Kong, which were associated with the branch of the Metal Patriarch. The books of this branch will be dealt with in a separate publication.  On the founding of Xiantiandao temples in Vietnam, see my “Daomai nanchuan: cong Lingnan dao Yuenan Xiantiandao de chuancheng yu bianqian.”  Information on the many Xiantiandao books at the Sanzongmiao in Ho Chi Minh City was provided by David Palmer. On March 3, 2013, I myself visited the Sanzongmiao and made a record of the extant editions.

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4.5 Information on the Wenzaizi’s Founding Gleaned from Advertisements There is no direct record of the date of the Wenzaizi morality bookstore’s founding, but we have four kinds of indirect information. First, since Wenzaizi was founded by Xiantiandao followers it must postdate the introduction of the sect by Chen Fushi in 1860. Second, Wenzaizi’s founder Tan Deyuan was born in 1857 and came to join Xiantiandao in his youth; when he opened Wenzaizi he was more than twenty years old. Third, the earliest surviving Wenzaizi publication is the reprinted Mengxingpian of 1882. Fourth, some data can be gleaned from the Wenzaizi’s advertisements, although these have been misinterpreted by some scholars. For example, the Republican-period reprint of the Dimujing contains the following promotional statement: The Wenzaizi bookstore of Fulong Rd. in the Henan district was founded by Tan Deyuan more than forty years ago. At first it distributed morality books and sutras to our compatriots inside and outside of China. Its printing blocks and books are fine and regular, only the best-quality paper is chosen and well-known master craftsmen are employed. Truly, its products are well-made and the prices are reasonable; we will deliver to your door and guarantee your satisfaction. 河南福龍馬路 始創善書佛經 揀選上等紙張 派伴沿門送到

文在茲善書舖 談德元祖遺下 四十餘年老號 普及同胞起見 中外大行其道 原板書籍玲瓏 特聘名師製造 的確貨真價實 如蒙善士定印 包你滿意妥當

This text was inserted at the time of the book’s reprinting by the Xianggang Daodehui Fuqingtang, which was founded in 1924; counting the mentioned “more than forty years” backwards, it is reasonable to assume a founding date in the early Guangxu period. As indicated in table 1 above, Wenzaizi’s publication contains four different advertisements, here marked A through D: Advertisement A (from the 1888 Xuanjiang jibian): The printing blocks are stored at the Wenzaizi morality bookstore in Hongde Great Street in the Dajitou neighborhood, outside the Yuantanmiao (Temple of the Primordial Altar), in the Henan district of the capital of Guangdong province. We accept commissions and conduct retail sales. Please visit our premises—our products are well-made, the prices are reasonable, and all customers will be dealt with honestly. For a fair price, we print all kinds of morality books to exhort the world, broadsheets to awaken the world, as well as scriptures on hidden merit. We often carve new blocks and sell all kinds of morality books by retail.

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Illustration 1: Page from the Republican-period Dimujing (copy held at the Meicheng Tang in Macao)

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板藏粵東省城河南元壇廟前大基頭洪德大街文在茲善書坊，承辦發兌，諸君光顧，請移玉 步，貨真價實，童叟無欺。本店平價承辦各款勸世善書、醒世單張、陰騭經文，常有新 刻，各款善書發兌.

Advertisement B appeared in a number of undated editions (such as the Shier yuanjue, Jinhua zongzhi, and Hexian baojuan): Public notice: Our store is number one among the morality book and scripture publishers of Guangzhou, well-known in China and abroad. Our paper is of top quality, the editorial work flawless, the printing craftsmanship excellent, our products well-made, and our prices reasonable. Recently a shameless fellow reprinted books under our store’s name; these works are littered with typographical errors and show poor workmanship. We ask our customers to pay attention to our store’s trademark [in any books they seek to buy]. Mr. Tan, owner of Wenzaizi in Hongde Great Street in Henan 公啟者：本號為廣州創辦善書經文第一家，中外馳名，紙選上等，校對無訛，印刷工良， 貨真價實。近有無恥之徒，假冒翻刻本號書籍，每每錯字及工料糊塗。諸君光顧，請認明 本號招牌為記。此佈 河南洪德大街談文在茲主人披露

Advertisement C appears in the 1916 Wangshi nüzhenjing and is identical to Advertisement B, except for an additional heading, “Those who do good should pay attention” (weishan zhuyi 為善注意). See Illustration 2. Advertisement D appears in Jingzi xianbaolu, Guanyin dabeizhou, Guanyin jidu benyuan zhenjing, Pomi zongzhi, and Yushu shangxiang zhenjing under the heading “a venerable store in business for more than forty years” (laopu kaizhang sishiyu nian 老鋪開張肆拾餘年) (see Illustration 3): Public notice: Our store is number one among Chinese publishers of global morality books and sutras of the Three Teachings of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. It is wellknown in China and abroad. Our paper is of top quality, the editorial work flawless, the printing craftsmanship refined, our products well-made, and our prices reasonable. Recently a shameless fellow reprinted books under our store’s name, reducing paper and print size, and employing poor workmanship with a view towards earning a profit. We ask our customers to pay attention to our store’s trademark [in any books they seek to buy]. Mr. Tan of Wenzaizi in Hongde Great Street in the Henan district of Guangzhou 啟者：本號為中國始創統辦寰球善書、儒釋道三教佛經第一家，中外馳名，揀選上等紙 張，精工印刷，貨真價實。近有無恥之徒翻刻本號書籍，改矮紙張，縮為細字，工料糊 塗，希圖射利。諸君光顧，請認本號招牌為記。此佈。 廣州河南洪德大街文在茲談氏披 露.

When we compare advertisements B and C, we can see that the store’s purview has widened to all of China and to the “global” provision of morality books. Guan Jinhua 關瑾華 has misread the advertisement’s heading, “a venerable

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Illustration 2: Advertisement from the Wangshi nüzhenjing, published by Wenzaizi in 1916; copy held at the Guangdong Provincial Sun Yat-sen Library.

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Illustration 3: Advertisement in Pomi zongzhi; copy held at the Guangdong Provincial Sun Yatsen Library. .

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store in business for more than forty years,” and calculated that Wenzaizi had already been founded in the Daoguang reign period.⁶³ Even though the dating of some of the books in which the advertisements appear is unclear, the evolution of the advertisement’s text together with the known founding date of the Xianggang Daodehui Fuqingtang in 1924 (see above) points to a date in the 1920s for the composition of advertisements B through C, which then allows us to fix the founding date of Wenzaizi in the early Guangxu period.

5. On the Publishing Activities of Xiantiandao Temples in Hong Kong, Taking the Fuqingtang as a Case Example The Xianggang Daodehui Fuqingtang was founded in 1924 by group of Tan Deyuan’s disciples to continue their teacher’s emphasis on spreading the teachings, public lecturing, and printing morality books. The group included Luo Weinan 羅煒南, Ye Huawen 葉華文, Wu Xingcha 吳星槎, and Zhao Dongyuan 趙棟垣.⁶⁴ The “Shizhong xianjue xiaozhuan” 史中先覺小傳 (Brief biographies of earlier awakened ones in history) yields the following information on Luo Weinan: Luo Weinan, who had the religious names Shan’an and Chang’an, hailed from Rongzhou in Nanhai. He honored Tan Deyuan as his teacher; after Tan’s demise, Luo received the true transmission of unity from his fellow-disciple Zhang Ziqiao [religious name: Changzhao]. Thereafter he made a vow to save the world and one after the other headed the following temples: Chengshantang in Chanshan, Mingqingtang in Shajiao, and the Fuqingtang in Hong Kong. He had numerous disciples in China and abroad and was grandmaster to an entire generation. 羅公煒南道號善安，晉引任號昌安，南海溶州人，禮談公德元為師，師歿，承師兄張公梓 橋昌照授以一貫真傳，由是發願度世，先後主持禪山成善堂、沙滘明慶堂、香港福慶堂， 桃李遍海內外，蔚然一代宗師。

 Guan Jinhua 關瑾華 wrongly assumes a founding date of 1840; see Guan Jinhua, “Yueban baojuan yu Yuedi shanshufang chutan” 粵板寶卷與粵地善書坊初探, Tushuguan luntan 圖書館 論壇 2010/6: 176.  On the Xianggang Daodehui, see Yau Chi-on 游子安 and Ngai Ting Ming 危丁明, “Xiantiandao de zun Kong chong Dao: Xianggang Daodehui Fuqingtang, Shanqingdong de yuanliu he bianqian” 先天道的尊孔崇道：香港道德會褔慶堂的源流和變遷, Minsu quyi 民俗曲藝, no. 173 (2011): 59 – 99.

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The same source gives the following information on Luo’s disciple Ye Huawen, who set up the Longqingtang 龍慶堂 in Kowloon: His religious names were Xuerong and Changrong. He hailed from Zidong in Nanhai. When the Shanqing patriarchal hall was founded, he served as a planchette medium and attended to Luo Chang’an. Later he inherited the leadership of Luo Guoqing’s [religious name: Changcheng] branch …. and established and headed the Longqingtang.⁶⁵ 道號學榮，晚號昌榮，南海紫洞人。創善慶祖堂，出為鸞侍，道護羅翁昌安，後承羅公國 卿昌誠教派，……設龍慶堂而主之.

The patriarchal Shanqing Hall in Zidong was the fount of Xiantiandao temples in the southern Guangdong area, including the Chengdetang in Guangzhou, the Tongqingtang in Yimin 宜民市同慶堂, the Yongqingtang in Shuiteng 水藤永慶 堂, the Deqingtang in Shiqiao 市橋德慶堂, the Fengqingtang in Daliang 大良 鳳慶堂, the Mingqingtang in Shajiao 沙滘明慶堂, the Fuqingtang in Hong Kong, and the Mianqingtang in Macao. Ye Huawen’s Longqingtang was established in 1931; it later became a key founding member institution of the Hong Kong Taoist Association (Xianggang Daojiao lianhehui 香港道教聯合會), and also participated in the establishment of the Hong Kong Xiantiandao Home for the Aged (Xianggang Xiantiandao anlaoyuan 香港先天道安老院). The flourishing of the Xiantiandao in the pre-war years can be seen in a 1932 list of sixteen temples that donated 2800 morality books.⁶⁶ The main altar of the Fuqingtang is dedicated to Confucius; in front of his image is placed the spirit tablet of Patriarch Lü, which is flanked on the left and right respectively by the tablets of the “Measureless Ancient Buddha of Former Heaven, Zhang Zhaocai” (Xiantian wuliang gufo Zhang Zhaocai 先天無量古 佛張兆才) and the “Benevolent and Compassionate Ancient Buddha of Former Heaven, Wang Fuxian” (Xiantian renci gufo Wang Fuxian 先天仁慈古佛王福 賢). On the left wall of the main sanctuary hangs a painted portrait of Tan Deyuan, with a rhymed laudatory inscription by Liang Shaoji 梁少伋 (religious name Yunxian 運憲, head of the Xianggang Daodehui Shanqingdong 香港道德 會善慶洞 from 1949 to 1950): Tan Mingze, with the sobriquet Deyuan, in his youth piously believed in the Xiantiandao. His karmic roots were deep and thick, by means of the Wenzaizi [book]store he created good karmic affinities.

 You Xinyi 游信溢, “Shizhong xianjue xiaozhuan” 史中先覺小傳 (MS held by the Xianggang Daodehui, 1984).  Daode qianshuo 道德淺說 (Hong Kong: Xianggang Daodehui, 1932), 92.

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He abandoned his former business concerns; instead through his morality books he sought to avert the imminent dangers. By promoting and selling morality books he hoped to warn the world; his charity and generosity were perfect. The patriarch collected scriptures to commend virtue: as a respected teacher, Tan Mingze made honoring the Way his only concern. He converted six worthy disciples, who transmitted the marvelous Way in the temples of the Qing network. On the day Master Tan’s merit was complete, a summons was sent down for him to return to Jasper Heaven. As Ancient Buddha Xiaoyao he achieved enlightenment and he ascended to sit on a jade lotus.⁶⁷ 談公明澤號德元，少年篤信道先天。 具有夙根深且厚，文在茲店結良緣。 棄卻原來諸巨業，善書搜索挽危顛。 推售善書期警世，佈施慷慨亦方圓。 家長累經嘉美德，尊師重道甚心專。 化得六名賢弟子，慶字堂中妙道傳。 談師果滿功圓日，丹為下詔返瑤天。 佛號逍遙成正覺，〔船足〕膝飛昇坐玉蓮。

In a spirit-writing revelation received during a séance on Confucius’ birthday in 1938, the group of deities descending into the planchette included Tan Deyuan under his divine title Xiaoyao Gufo, as well as his disciple Zhang Ziqiao, with the divine title Yongyao Gufo 永遙古佛.⁶⁸ Spirit-writing was for the Shanqing branch of the Xiantiandao a method of “cooperation between gods and humans” (shenren heban 神人合辦). The practice started with Zhang Ziqiao: His efforts at universal salvation and wide store of merit moved the Great Sage Equal to Heaven (Qitian Dasheng) to descend onto the altar. This began a period of intensive teaching by means of spirit-writing, whereby the tradition of the Way was continued and many new followers were recruited. From this auspicious location emerged the Qing network of over eighty temples. It was the beginning of the cooperation between gods and humans.⁶⁹ 倡扶普度，廣積善功，感格齊天大聖降壇，大闡飛鸞，繼承道統，門牆鼎盛一時。復由張 善豪、羅善安集合同侶，倡建善慶祖堂於南海紫洞墟，由此發祥之地，而產生慶字道堂八 十餘處。乃神人合辦之奠始也。

 Recorded on March 17, 2007, at the Xianggang Daodehui Fuqingtang.  Daode zhenyan 道德真言 (Hong Kong: Zidong Shanqingtang, Xianggang Daodehui, Tuen Mun Shanqingdong, Kowloon Longqingtang, 1941), juan 13, pp. 23 – 15, 27.  “Shenren heban” 神人合辦, in Mingdao baozhen, 55 – 56.

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Illustration 4: Portrait of Tan Deyuan in Fuqingtang (Hong Kong)

These more than eighty temples “each made a great beginning and carried out the orders of the masters Zhang and Wang—this was what is called ‘cooperation between Heaven and humans’” 各堂宏啟，均奉張、王二師之命進行，此所謂

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「天人合辦」.⁷⁰ The emphasis on spirit-writing was characteristic of the Shanqing branch of the Xiantiandao; this and the particular veneration for the deity Qitian Dasheng is discernible in the scripture Yufeng Qitian Dasheng douzhan shengfo zhenjing, which was revealed by this deity at the Shouzhen xianguan 守真仙館 in Foshan, and printed by Wenzaizi in 1923 through the joint efforts of members of four Xiantiandao temples. In the Fuqingtang the publication of morality books represented a long-term commitment with the purpose of spreading its teachings. Its publications include sectarian scriptures such as the Pomi zongzhi,⁷¹ the Daode qianshuo 道 德淺說 (Easy discourses on the Way and virtue),⁷² and the Dadao zhimi zhibian 大道指迷直辨 (Straightforward distinctions to direct those confused about the Great Way); ⁷³ it also published collections of spirit-written texts and general morality books. One example of a spirit-writing collection is Daode zhenyan 道 德真言 (True words on the Way and virtue). Xiantiandao temples from the Shanqingtang in the late Qing period up to the Fuqingtang prior to the 1960s relied heavily on spirit-written revelations to obtain guidance on the establishment of new temples and the conferral of religious names. Of Ye Huawen it was said that “he served as a planchette medium” and “was adept at using the planchette to convert people.”⁷⁴ In the 1930s and 1940s, spirit-written texts were gathered into the Daode zhenyan series, the publication of which reached thirteen volumes by 1941. In the preface to volume thirteen, Luo Weinan wrote: … [The gods] therefore shirked no pain to expound transformation by means of the flying phoenix over these several decades. The first temple was opened in Zidong, followed by others in Chanshan, Guangzhou, Hong Kong, Macao, Singapore, and in the Chinese countryside. With bitter words from a compassionate mind, they issue warnings by means of sandy notes. They expound the Way and speak of virtue, propagating [the teachings] by means of the wooden stylus. Their lofty and precious instructions teach nothing but filial piety, brotherliness, and loyalty; their stern and sacred scriptures convey nothing but wisdom, benevolence, and courage. … I collated the phoenix texts and entitled the collection “True Words on the Way and Virtue” to have them printed some day. Here are now collected

 Daoyuan zhaijin, diyiji, 73.  Reprinted by the Xianggang Daodehui Fuqingtang, including a “Preface” and an “Original Colophon”; in the author’s collection.  Reprinted by the Xianggang Daodehui in 1932. This text is reproduced in Lin Wanchuan 林萬 傳, Xiantian dadao xitong yanjiu 先天大道系統研究 (Tainan: Tianju shuju, 1986), 606 – 634.  Reprinted by the Xianggang Daodehui in 1927. This text is also reproduced in Lin Wanchuan 林萬傳, Xiantian dadao xitong yanjiu, 693 – 728. The printing-blocks of Dadao zhimi zhibian were stored at Xianggang Daodehui Fuqingtang, the printing was carried by Shoujingtang 守經堂 in Guangzhou; see Wang Liying, Guangzhou daoshu kaolun, 189.  Hong Xueyong 洪學庸, ed., Binxia conglu 賓霞叢錄 (Hong Kong: Binxiadong, 1949), 46.

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in volumes thirteen and fourteen the revelations received in [1938, 1939, and 1940], to be freely printed and distributed.⁷⁵ ……（仙真佛聖）故不憚煩勞，飛鸞闡化，垂數十載。始而堂開紫洞，繼而禪山羊城、港 澳星洲、內地四鄉，陸續啟辦。苦口婆心，藉沙箋而誥誡；講道論德，假木筆以宣傳。巍 巍寶訓，無非教孝教悌教忠；凜凜聖經，都是施智施仁施勇。……吾人編輯鸞文，顏曰 《道德真言》，刊贈有日。茲編戊己庚三載訓示，為十三四兩卷，印送流傳。

As for general morality books, between the 1920s and 1940s the Fuqingtang published many morality books to counter the perceived moral decline of society, as described in the following inscription at the temple: Of late, human minds are not like those of the ancients, and the ways of the world go further astray day by day. Competition for power and profit never ceases; extravagance and falsehood never stop. The accumulation of such perversity causes huge calamities; it is impossible to ignore that the meaning of the Way perishes. We believe that in this season of internal worries and external threats we must embrace the call to love our nation and rescue people, and thereby coordinate our efforts to promote morality and study and cultivate the sacred principles.⁷⁶ 晚近人心不古，世道日非，權利競爭，無時或已，奢侈詐偽，靡所底止，戾氣所鐘，釀成 巨禍，道義淪亡，無庸為諱。同人等以為際茲內憂外患之秋，須抱定愛國救人之旨，用是 糾合同志，提倡道德，研修聖理.

Morality books propagated by the Fuqingtang include a 1926 reprint of Xizhan 息 戰 (Ending war);⁷⁷ the Daode nanzhen 道德南針 (Compass of morality), co-published in 1928 with sister societies in Guangdong and Macao; the Taishang tianlü ganyingpian jizhu 太上天律感應篇集註 (Folios of the Most High on celestial statutes and retribution, with collected annotations, 1928); and a 1940 reprint of the Biyuan tanjing 碧苑壇經 (Platform sutra of the azure garden).⁷⁸

 “Bianyan” 弁言, in Daode zhenyan, juan 13, pp.1– 2.  “Xianggang Daodehui beiji” 香港道德會碑記, composed in 1940 by the head of the association, Qu Lianquan 區廉泉. Transcribed from a rubbing taken by the author.  Authored by Jiang Xizhang 江希張 (1907– 2004) and published by the Wanguo Daodehui 萬 國道德會, which was founded in 1921. The title page states that “this book is to end the poison of war all over the globe, to save the people of all nations, to harmonize the Five Religions, and to continue the Way of the Sages. Thus the peace and happiness of the family can be preserved and body and mind of the individual can be protected ….” 此書乃息全球戰毒，救回萬國生民，調和 五教無諍，復繼聖道大行，可保一家安樂，庇蔭自己身心.  Alternative title Longmen xinfa 龍門心法 (Mind method of the Dragon Gate), based on a 1933 edition by the Shanghai Xuanxuehui 上海玄學會.

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Zhao Dongyuan followed his teacher Tan Deyuan’s tradition in “widely printing morality books so as to save people.”⁷⁹ In 1930 he had Xiaoyin guobaolu 孝淫果報錄 (Record of karmic retribution for filial piety and lewdness) printed, and in 1941 he authored Fenming shan’e geyanji 分明善惡格言集 (Collection of sayings to distinguish good and evil).⁸⁰ In addition, in the early period of the Xianggang Daodehui, Luo Weinan, Wu Xingcha, and Zhao Dongyuan acted as public lecturers. The surviving public lecturing textbooks include Xuanjiang bowenlu 宣講博聞錄 (Record of broad knowledge concerning public lecturing) and Xuanjiang jibian. ⁸¹ Public lecturing was a key mission of late Qing and early Republican temples and charitable halls. For example, an important function of the Aiyu Charitable Hall 愛育善堂 in Guangzhou were lectures on the Sacred Edict (Shengyu 聖諭); the Tongshantang 同善堂 in Macao had its roots in public lecturing activities, registered with the government as a “society propagating teachings,” and held public lectures on the Sacred Edict on its premises. According to the Xuanjiang jibian’s preface, the book consists of material collected at public lectures in the year 1872. The Fuqingtang credits its lecturing activities with attracting several hundred new members within a few years of its establishment.⁸²

6. On Morality Book Publishing by the Temple Feixiadong in Qingyuan The Feixiadong temple of Qingyuan in Guangdong province has already been mentioned several times; some morality books of Feixiadong were printed and distributed by Wenzaizi, but it also cooperated with other bookstores. This section will examine its publishing program. The Feixiadong was founded in 1911 and completed in 1928 by Mai Changtian 麥長天 (1842– 1929), a disciple of Ji Peidao 紀培道, who in turn was a student of Wu Jiliang 巫濟良 of the Lixiantang. Similar to Tan Deyuan’s Shanqing branch, the Feixiadong spawned its own network of temples in Hong Kong, Singapore, and Malaysia. I visited the site of the Feixiadong in October of 2002. The  Daoyuan zhaijin, vol. 1, p.74.  Fenming shan’e geyanji 分明善惡格言集 (Hong Kong: Meilun yinwu, 1941). The book has a 1941 preface by Zhao Dongyuan; in the back, the contact address is given as “Zhao Dongyuan, Mianqingtang, Macao” 澳門綿慶堂趙棟垣.  The Xuanjiang bowenlu was printed in 1888 by the Tiaoyuan shanshe on the basis of an edition by the Yunquan xianguan of Xiqiao 西樵雲泉仙館刻本，光緒十四年調元善社刊. The Xuanjing jibian is a Wenzaizi publication, see table 2.  “Xianggang Daodehui beiji.”

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complex consists of six layers, each containing shrines to different deities. In the back of the complex is the Changtian Pagoda 長天塔, the highest building of the complex, erected in 1934. The mummified body of Mai Changtian was kept on the pagoda’s third floor, but is reported to have been destroyed during the Cultural Revolution. Near the front of the pagoda is the “Pavilion of Master Ji” 紀公亭, also erected in 1934, which houses the tomb of Ji Peidao.⁸³ Aside from his main temple, Mai Changtian also initiated the establishment of the so-called “Eight Virtues Halls” 八德堂, i. e., eight temples each named after a particular virtue; six of these were in different Guangdong locations, one (the Xingdetang 行德堂) beside the Kowloon walled city, and one (Shudetang 恕德堂) in Macao. Mai Changtian’s chief disciple was He Mingxian 何明 顯, who in turn had two main followers, Mai Taikai 麥泰開 and Hong Xueyong 洪學庸. Hong Xueyong once was assistant manager of the Feixiadong, before establishing the Binxiadong 賓霞洞 in Kowloon in 1935. The Feixiadong championed the unity of the Three Teachings,⁸⁴ and its members emphasized lecturing on the Way, collecting scriptures, and authoring books. A number of works note that “the printing blocks are stored at the Feixiadong.” For example, the blocks of the Yushu shangxiang zhenjing and the Tianren milu 天人秘籙 (Secret registers of Heaven and humans) were carved at the behest of the Feixiadong head Mai Changtai 麥昌泰; the Zhongyijing 忠義鏡 (Mirror of loyalty and righteousness) is based on a Feixiadong edition.⁸⁵ Rule 15 in a list of twenty-seven rules for the Feixiadong (bendong dagang ershiqi zhang 本洞 大綱二十七章) notes under the heading “lecturing on the Way” (jiangdao 講 道): “All lecturers need to follow the scriptures selected and determined by this temple and must not follow their private opinions and muddled ideas, so as not to disturb the realm of the Way” 凡同人演講，須依本洞所選定之經 文，任便宣講不得私意偏見、亂講雜說，以免紛擾道界. Within the temple complex there also was a “room for scripture reading” (yuejingshi 閱經室) and a “house for storing books” (chushulou 儲書樓). The purpose of the latter is explained as follows: “Nothing is more precious to us than scriptures and books. Therefore, we have erected a house for the storage of scriptures and books of the Three Teachings. We provide them for the perusal of men and women from all walks of life, so as to embody and follow the mind of Heaven,

 See my “Daomai mianyan hua cangxia–cong Qingyuan dao Xianggang Xiantian daotang de chuancheng” 道脈綿延話藏霞──從清遠到香港先天道堂的傳承, in Jiewang erbian 結網二編, ed. Zhou Liangkai 周樑楷 (Taipei: Dongda, 2003), 267– 283.  For details see Shiga Ichiko, “Xiantiandao Lingnan daomai de sixiang he shijian.”  He Tingzhang 何廷璋, Zhongyijing 忠義鏡 (Hong Kong: Xianggang sanjiao zongxuehui Feng Qizhuo 香港三教總學會馮其焯, 1922); 1921 preface by Tian Shaocun 田邵邨.

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and share goodness with others” ……吾輩無以為寶，經書以為寶。故吾人大致 三教之經書，特置樓閣以藏儲，更體法天心善與人同，以便各界士女參閱.⁸⁶ Mai Taikai, the second head of the Feixiadong, also ran a temple in Guangzhou, the Judetang 居德堂 (Hall of Residing in Virtue), which was located close to the Wenzaizi bookstore in Hongde Great Street. When Wenzaizi suffered a shortage of capital, Mai Taikai invested in the store and also had it print morality books of the Feixiadong,⁸⁷ such as the 1919 Yushu shangxiang zhenjing mentioned in table 1 (see Illustration 5). Another example is He Tingzhang’s Feixiadong guizhang quanji (1934), whose printing blocks were stored at Feixiadong and which was distributed by the Hong Kong Shijie shuju, with Wenzaizi and another Guangzhou bookstore as secondary distributors. The size of the Feixiadong’s compound points to the economic and managerial success of its leaders. Mai Changtian, who hailed from Sanshui 三水 in Guangdong province, worked as a merchant in his youth and had a good understanding of the needs of the times and of the human mind. In a period characterized by insecurity and instability he attracted many followers among officials, gentry, the military, and merchants, to whom he offered spiritual support. One source of the Feixiadong’s income were ritual services; it also operated a “scripture recitation association” (jingshenghui 經生會).⁸⁸ In the late Qing and early Republic, Mai Changtian’s nephew often traveled to Southeast Asia and there established the foundation for the sect’s overseas development.⁸⁹ The Feixiadong’s second head, Mai Taikai 麥泰開 (religious name Changyuan 昌 源, 1896 – 1962), continued the sect’s expansion, founding temples in Guangzhou, Hong Kong, Vietnam, Rangoon, Singapore, Kuala Lumpur, Penang, and Ipoh.⁹⁰ Mai Taikai actively engaged in commerce to support this expansion economically, typically in the form of vegetarian restaurants, bookstores, and other shops. By the time of his death in 1962, more than eighty temples in Hong Kong, Vietnam, Malaysia, and other areas of Southeast Asia were under his leadership.

 He Tingzhang, Feixiadong guizhang quanji, 11– 13, 79 – 80.  Interview with the Hong Kong sect leader He Yunzhen 何運鎮 on 17 February 2013, in Huiyuan 慧園.  Mai Taikai 麥泰開, Feixiadong jingshenghui zizhi xiuyang guizhang 飛霞洞經生會自治修養規 章, 1936. I am indebted to Dr. Shiga Ichiko for sharing this document with me.  Zhang Kaiwen 張開文, “Gu zhuchi Mai Changtian xiansheng xingshu” 故主持麥長天先生行 述, and “Longpo jushi Mai Taikai xiansheng xingshu” 龍坡居士麥泰開先生行述, in Feixiadong zhi, shangji 飛霞洞志, 上集, juan 2 (Guangzhou: Yuehua xingyinji yinwuju, 1931): 35, 41– 43.  This information follows the inscription “Fotang jingshe shichuangren Mai Taikai daohao Mai Changyuan shifu zhi jianshi” 佛堂精舍始創人麥泰開道號麥昌源師父之簡史, composed by Li Junjie 李俊傑, penned by Zhang Meide 張美德 and Peng Pinmei 彭聘美, 1974. Mirror inscription at the Jinhua jingshe 金華精舍 (Golden Flower Vihara) in Ipoh, Malaysia.

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Illustration 5: Yushu shangxiang zhenjing (Wenzaizi 1919; blocks stored at Feixiadong).

For the present chapter, his investment in the book trade is of particular interest. Mai Taikai operated the Shijie shuju 世界書局 (World Books) branch stores in Hong Kong and Singapore. There were two stores in Hong Kong, one on Hong Kong island on Hollywood Road, and one in Kowloon. These served as distributing agents for morality books published by temples in the Feixia network; from the 1930s, the Shijie shuju acted as publisher and wholesaler of Feixiadong

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texts for overseas markets, helping to spread the sect abroad⁹¹ – one example is the aforementioned Feixiadong guizhang quanji, which was published by Shijie shuju in 1934. The Feixiadong zhi published in 1931 contains a lengthy list of books published by Feixiadong; the majority of these titles were edited by Mai Changtian’s disciple He Tingzhang 何廷璋.⁹² He Tingzhang (alias He Qimei 何綺梅, Qianzhenzi 乾貞子, religious name Changda 昌達) hailed from Dongguan 東莞 in Guangdong province. He was a tribute student (gongsheng 貢生) under the Qing dynasty, but became a promoter of modern education, teaching at the government-run Hong Kong Chinese Women Teachers’ College (Guanli Xianggang Hanwen nüzi shifan xuetang 官立香港漢文女子師範學堂), which operated from 1920 until 1941.⁹³ He also acted as a planchette medium for the Xiantiandao,⁹⁴ and one of the works edited by him is a substantial collection of spirit-written texts, the Tianren milu 天人秘籙. The scope and impact of the publishing activities of the Feixia network can be gauged from a book donation made in 2008 by the Feixia jingshe 飛霞精舍 (Flying Mists Vihara) in Singapore to the Singapore National Library: more than 300 volumes of books, all printed in Singapore before 1950 from blocks produced by the Feixiadong.⁹⁵

7. Conclusion Morality book publishing was a specialized section of the Qing dynasty publishing world, with its own rules and regulations, advertising techniques, and its own catalogues. Specialized morality bookstores included the Yihuatang, Hongda, and Mingshan morality bookstores in Shanghai, and the Wenzaizi bookstore

 Ngai Ting Ming 危丁明, “Xiantiandao ji qi zai Xianggang ji Dongnanya diqu de fazhan,” 225 – 226.  Feixiadong zhi, shangji, juan 1, p.26; xiaji, juan 4, p.85.  Feixiadong zhi, shangji, juan 1, p.31, 64– 65.  Tianren milu 天人秘籙 (Feixiadong, 1916), preface, pp.2b-4b.  “The Feeha Cheng Seah Temple (now also an Old Folks Home) located off Balestier Road has donated some 300 metal plates mounted on wooden blocks, as well as wood-carved blocks to the National Library, two sets of which are currently on display in the Donors Gallery. A number of the printing plates and blocks were used for the printing of Chinese religious literature – Buddhist, Taoist, Confucian and even Chinese syncretic religion (三教, literally “Three Religions”, referring to the three aforementioned religions). Dating from the 1950s, these are significant because the printing was done in Singapore. In the 1950s, Chinese language religious literature was mainly published overseas and imported into Singapore.” See http://donors.nl.sg/ A6_intro.asp, and http://donors.nl.sg/A6_1.asp (accessed on July 12, 2013).

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in Guangzhou. While the first two represent the traditional, non-sectarian type, the latter two had sectarian affiliations: Mingshan with the Tongshanshe, Wenzaizi with the Xiantiandao. Wenzaizi’s heyday was the decades between 1880 and 1920, while Mingshan was most active in the 1930s. After Wenzaizi’s waning, other institutions in the Guangdong area took over its functions of publishing and distributing religious texts for the various Xiantiandao networks; particularly active in this regard were the Feixia network and its affiliated bookstores. For these sectarian groups, the publishing of morality books and other religious texts was one of their “seventeen great lights” (yishiqi da guangming 一十七大 光明), namely, “letting the light of great merit shine” (fang da gongde guang 放大功德光): “The spoken word exhorts one generation, a book ten-thousand generations. Writing scriptures and transmitting them to sentient beings–that is what is meant by letting the light of great merit shine” 放大功德光所言：一 世勸人以口，萬世勸人以書。著經傳於眾生，是為放大功德光也. The propagation of morality combined inner cultivation with external merit and was thus firmly integrated into the sect’s belief system. During the years of the late Qing and the early Republic, Xiantiandao sectarians actively founded temples in the Qingyuan, Luofushan, Guangzhou, and Hong Kong area, and further transmitted their Way to Southeast Asia. Wenzaizi printed and distributed many of their texts, thus occupying a crucial node in the sectarian networks from the late Qing until the 1930s. Its books, as well as those published by other Guangdong-based organizations such as the Chaoyuandong of Luofushan and the Feixiadong of Qingyuan, reached Singapore, Malaysia, and Vietnam, and thus allow us to trace the sect’s spread in Southeast Asia. They are also evidence of the intensity and impact of the sect’s development during the last hundred years.

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附表一: 先天道嶺南禮賢堂道脈及談德元師承源流簡表 Note: This is a simplified table of the Lixian branch of the Xiantiandao in southern China and the immediate disciples of Tan Deyuan 參考資料: Sources: 1. Wutong shanren 梧桐山人, ed., Daomai zong yuanliu zhengben 道脈總源流正本 (Overview of the lineage of the Dao), 1924. 2. Peng Nenghai 彭能源, ed., Daoyuan zhaijin 道緣摘錦 (A tapestry of choice words on the destiny of the Way), 1933. 3. Binxiadong 賓霞洞, Binxia conglu 賓霞叢錄 (Collected records of the Guest Mists grotto), 1949. 4. Daomai yuanliu tu 道脈源流圖 (Illustrated overview of the lineage of the Dao), Shanqingtang 善慶堂, 1933. Collection of the Macao Meichengtang 澳門美成堂藏. 5. Shiga Ichiko 志賀市子, “Sentendō Ryōnan dōmyaku no tenkai” 先天道嶺南道脈の展開, Tōhō shūkyō 東方宗教 99 (2002): 18 – 42.

Wang Chien-Chuan (Translated by Gregory Adam Scott)

Chapter Six: Morality Book Publishing and Popular Religion in Modern China: A Discussion Centered on Morality Book Publishers in Shanghai 1. Introduction Since the mid-Ming Dynasty, the publishing industry in China has undergone substantial development, with a great number of books circulating throughout the entire nation. Among them, the publishing of popular fiction, books for everyday use, and morality books has attracted the most attention. For the genre of morality books, this was its first period of peak publishing activity, when titles such as Yinzhiwen 陰騭文 (Essay on hidden merit), Liaofan sixun 了凡四訓 (The four [family] instructions of [Yuan] Liaofan), and Gongguoge 功過格 (Ledger of merits and demerits) could be found everywhere, and when they influenced the thought and behavior of a great number of people.¹ The second peak came in the modern period of Chinese history, 1874– 1949, a period that was bookended by the introduction of lithographic print technology and the establishment of the People’s Republic of China. During this period “morality-encouraging” (quanshan 勸善) activities were thriving. Apart from benevolent societies taking an active part in charitable and disaster relief activities,² the most significant of such phenomena was the spread of morality books across China, encouraging people to behave morally and urge others to do the same. According to an as yet incomplete compilation of statistics, during this period publishers and

 For more, see Sakai Tadao 酒井忠夫, Zōho Chūgoku zensho no kenkyū 增補中國善書の研究 (Tokyo: Kokusho kankōkai, 1999).  Wang Chien-chuan 王見川, “Jindai Zhongguo de fuji, cishan yu mixin: yi Yinguang wenchao wei kaocha xiansuo” 近代中國的扶乩、慈善與迷信:以印光文鈔為考查綫索, in Disijie guoji hanxue huiyi lunwenji: xinyang, shijian, yu wenhua tiaoshi 第四屆國際漢學會議論文集: 信仰, 實 踐, 與文化調適 (Academia Sinica, June, 2013), 525 – 562. Wang Chien-chuan 王見川, “Wanqing Beijing Tianjin yidai de jitang yu shantang: jiantan Yihetuan yundong hou Liu E de zhenzai yundong” 晚清北京天津一帶的乩堂與善堂:兼談義和團運動後劉鶚的賑災活動, Taiwan zongjiao yanjiu tongxun 台灣宗教研究通訊 10 (2012): 131– 159.

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bookstores published at least one thousand titles, and many millions of copies of morality books.³ One might thus call it the golden age of morality book publishing, and Shanghai-based morality book publishers were firmly in the lead of this surge in printing. In this chapter, drawing upon the research findings of Sakai Tadao 酒井忠 夫, Yau Chi-on 游子安, and others, as well as published sets of religious texts and the author’s private collection of morality books,⁴ I will first attempt to categorize these books and analyze their characteristics. Secondly, based on this collection of titles I will introduce some of the most important morality book publishers, such as Yihuatang 翼化堂, Hongda bookstore 宏大書局, Daode bookstore 道德書局, and Wenhua Morality Book Distributor 文華書局善書流通 處. Next, based on the case of Mingshan shuju 明善書局 (Illuminating Goodness Bookstore), a Shanghai morality book publisher founded by the Tongshanshe 同 善社 (Fellowship of Goodness),⁵ I will analyze the relationship of mutual influence between popular religious sects and morality book publishing. Finally I will present a comprehensive analysis of the connections between morality book publishing, distribution, and publishers on the one hand, and the development of popular religious groups in modern China on the other.

 Wang Chien-chuan 王見川, “Jindai Zhongguo chuban de shanshu minglu” 近代中國出版的善 書名錄, Mazu yu minjian xinyang: yanjiu tongxun 媽祖與民間信仰: 研究通訊 5 (2014): forthcoming.  Sakai Tadao 酒井忠夫, Zōho Chūgoku zensho no kenkyū; Yau Chi-on 游子安, Quanhua jinzhen: Qingdai shanshu yanjiu 勸化金箴: 清代善書研究 (Tianjin: Renmin chubanshe, 1999); Yau Chi-on 游子安, Shan yu ren tong: Ming-Qing yilai de cishan yu jiaohua 善與人同:明清以來的慈善與教化 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005); Wang Chien-chuan, Lin Wanchuan 林萬傳, ed., Ming-Qing minjian zongjiao jingjuan wenxian huibian 明清民間宗教經卷文獻彙編 (Taipei: Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi, 1999); Wang Chien-chuan, Che Xilun 車錫倫, et al., eds., Ming-Qing minjian zongjiao jingjuan wenxian xubian 明清民間宗教經卷文獻續編 (Taipei: Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi, 2005); Wang Chien-chuan, Li Shiwei 李世偉, et al., eds., Taiwan zongjiao ziliao: Minjian xinyang, minjian wenhua huibian 台灣宗教資料:民間信仰、民間文化彙編, vols. 1– 2 (Taipei: Boyang wenhua chuban gongsi, 2009 – 2010); Wang Chien-chuan, Hou Chong 侯沖, et al., eds., Zhongguo minjian xinyang minjian wenhua ziliao huibian 中國民間信仰民間文化資料彙編 (Taipei: Boyang wenhua chuban gongsi, 2011).  On the author’s initial research into this topic, see Wang Chien-chuan, “Mingshan shuju yu Tongshanshe: jiantan Xuanling yuhuang jing de liuchuan” 明善書局與同善社:兼談《玄靈玉皇 經》的流傳, Mazu yu minjian xinyang: yanjiu tongxun 1 (2011): 1– 13.

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2. Types of Morality Books in Modern Chinese Publishing and Shanghai Morality Book Publishers Based on presently available sources, morality books published in modern China can generally be divided into the following content categories: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

8.

Behavior to influence merits and demerits, e. g., Gongguoge 功過格 Using the author’s experiences to exhort others, e. g., Zhongxi baojuan 眾喜寶卷 (Precious scroll of universal happiness) Performing good deeds to save the age of the End Dharma, e. g., Wugong jing 五公經 (Scripture of the five thearchs) Karmic retribution, e. g., Yuli baochao 玉歷寶鈔 (Precious records of the jade regulations) Divine manifestation urging moral behavior, e. g., Guanyin quanshan wen 觀音勸善文 (Writings of Guanyin for admonishing people to do good) Spirit-writing texts (luanshu 鸞書), e. g., Quanshi guizhen 勸世歸真 (Urging the world to return to perfection), Jueshi xinxin 覺世新新 (Novelties for awakening the world) Sectarian ritual canons, e. g., Guanyin shier yuanjue 觀音十二圓覺 (Guanyin and the Twelve Fully Enlightened Ones), Guanyin jidu benyuan zhenjing 觀音濟度本願真經 (True scripture of Guanyin’s original vow of salvation) Spreading sectarian teachings, e. g., Yulu jinpan 玉露金盤 (Golden basin of jade dew)⁶

Compared with the types of morality books that had circulated previously, in modern China two new types emerged: Spirit-writing texts and those that spread sectarian teachings. The former was a product of new religions (xin zongjiao 新宗 教), a term that here refers to religious groups that rely upon spirit-writing,⁷ and the latter was related to the appearance of specialist morality book-stores. These were bookstores and publishers who specialized in printing and selling morality books, for whom profit-making was an important consideration. An important example is the Yihuatang in Shanghai, which was founded in the Xianfeng 咸 豐 era (1850 – 1862).⁸ Through these specialist morality book-stores, scriptures from the legally proscribed “evil cults” (xiejiao 邪教) were repackaged as morali-

 An early, tentative classification scheme can be found in Yau, Quanhua jinzhen, 25 – 32.  For details on how spirit-writing became a central practice of modern religions, see Wang Chien-chuan, “Jindai Zhongguo de fuji, cishan yu ximin: yi Yinguang wenchao wei kaocha zhongxin.”  Yau, Quanhua jinzhen, 33.

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ty books and were able to be openly distributed, thereby spreading the teachings and rituals of their sects. There were thus many types of morality books available, but how were they published, and how were they distributed? I believe that one possible method of determining this is through an examination of how one particularly popular morality book was published and issued. I have selected Guandi mingsheng jing 關帝明聖經 (The Thearch Sage Guan’s scripture on illuminating sageliness) as my indicative example work. This morality book was published beginning in the Qianlong 乾隆 (1736 – 1795) and Jiaqing 嘉慶 (1796 – 1820) eras, gained substantial popularity after the Xianfeng era, and continues to be popular today in Chinese societies around the world.⁹ According to previous research, published book sets, and personal collections,¹⁰ we now understand there to have been at least twenty editions of Guandi mingsheng jing in circulation in Chinese societies: Number Title

Year Published

Publisher / Imprint





Xiangyang: Renyitang 襄陽仁義堂

 

Hanyang: Xiaoshi 漢陽蕭氏刻本 Shanghai: Yihuatang上海翼化堂



Shanghai: Wenzhengtang 內題 《關帝明聖經註解》，上洋¹¹大東 門外鹹冬街中市文正堂出版

 



Mingsheng jing 明聖經 (The scripture on illuminating sageliness) Mingsheng jing 明聖經 Guansheng dijun mingjing zhujie 關聖帝君明經註解 (The Thearch Sage Guan’s scripture on illuminating sageliness, annotated and explained) Mingsheng jing zhujie 明聖經註解 (The scripture on illuminating sageliness, annotated and explained)

 Wang Chien-chuan, “Jindai Guandi, Yuhuang jingjuan yu xuanmen zhenzong wenxian daoyan” 《近代關帝、玉皇經卷與玄門真宗文獻》導言, in Jindai Guandi, Yuhuang jingjuan yu xuanmen zhenzong wenxian 近代關帝、玉皇經卷與玄門真宗文獻, ed. Wang Chien-chuan, vol. 1 (Taipei: Boyang wenhua gongsi, 2012), 1– 11.  These include the personal collections and edited volumes of Sakai Tadao, Yau Chi-on, Fang Guangchang 方廣錩, Yang Yongzhi 楊永智, and others, and those catalogued on pp. 1– 2 of Jindai Guandi, Yuhuang jingjuan yu xuanmen zhenzong wenxian. For details see “Jindai Guandi, Yuhuang jingjuan yu xuanmen zhenzong wenxian daoyan,” 1– 2. Also see Yang Yongzhi 楊永智, Jianjin zhigu kanban hua 鑑今知古看版畫 (Nantou: Taiwan sheng wenhua jijinhui, 2006), 170 – 172.  Shangyang 上洋 here refers to Shanghai 上海.

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Number Title

Year Published

Publisher / Imprint





Xiudetang 修德堂



Shanghai: Wenmozhai 上海文墨齋 刻本



Xiamen: Daowenzhai 廈門道文齋



Quanzhou: Qiwenju 泉州綺文居



Wenling shanshuju 溫陵善書局



Quanzhou: Chengwentang 泉州成 文堂



Miaoli: Shanshuju Yahuatang 苗栗 善書局雅化堂





















Mingsheng zhenjing zhushi 明聖真 經註釋 (The true scripture on illuminating sageliness, annotated and explicated) Mingsheng jing 明聖經 (The scripture on illuminating sageliness) Guandi mingsheng jing 關帝明聖經 (The Thearch Sage Guan’s scripture on illuminating sageliness) Guandi mingsheng jing 關帝明聖經 (The Thearch Sage Guan’s scripture on illuminating sageliness) Guansheng mingsheng zhenjing 關 聖明聖真經 (The Thearch Sage Guan’s true scripture on illuminating sageliness) Guandi mingsheng jing 關帝明聖經 (The Thearch Sage Guan’s scripture on illuminating sageliness) Guandi mingsheng jing 關帝明聖經 (The Thearch Sage Guan’s scripture on illuminating sageliness Guansheng dijun yingyan taoyuan shengjing 關聖帝君應驗桃園明聖 經 (The Lord Thearch Sage Guan’s responsive scripture on illuminating sageliness of the peach orchard) Guansheng mingsheng zhenjing 關 聖明聖真經 (The Sage Guan’s true scripture on illuminating sageliness) Guansheng dijun taoyuan mingsheng jing 關聖帝君桃園明聖經 (The Thearch Sage Guan’s peach orchard scripture on illuminating sageliness) Guansheng mingsheng jing 關聖明 聖經 (The Sage Guan’s scripture on illuminating sageliness)

Xiamen: Wendetang 廈門文德堂 Guangxu era ( – )



Xiamen: Wendetang 廈門文德堂

Late-Qing

Yunnan 雲南



Shanghai: Shanshu liutongchu 上 海善書流通處

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Number Title

Year Published

Publisher / Imprint



Republican Era

Shanghai: Jinzhang shuju 上海錦章 書局

Republican Era

Shanghai: Hongtai shanshuju 上海 宏泰善書局



Shanghai: Xie Wenyi yinshuasuo 上 海謝文益印刷所



Shanghai: Hongda shanshuju 上海 宏大善書局



Shanghai: Guangyi shuju 上海廣益 書局



Dali: Wubentang 大理務本堂











Taoyuan mingsheng jing 桃園明聖 經 (The peach orchard scripture on illuminating sageliness) Guansheng dijun taoyuan mingsheng jing 關聖帝君桃園明聖經 (The Lord Thearch Sage Guan’s peach orchard scripture on illuminating sageliness) Guansheng dijun taoyuan mingsheng jing 關聖帝君桃園明聖經 (The Lord Thearch Sage Guan’s peach orchard scripture on illuminating sageliness) Guandi mingsheng jing 關帝明聖經 (The Thearch Guan’s scripture on illuminating sageliness) Guandi mingsheng jing 關帝明聖經 (The Thearch Guan’s scripture on illuminating sageliness) Guandi mingsheng zhenjing 關帝明 聖真經 (The Thearch Guan’s scripture on illuminating sageliness)

Among the different editions of Guansheng dijun mingsheng jing, some were printed privately or by the scripture societies of religious groups such as Tiangong Temple 天公廟 in Tiantan 天壇, Tainan 台南, while others were printed by local bookshops or benevolent societies. Others were printed with woodblock or lithographic printing by urban benevolent societies and bookshops, although the greatest number were printed by Shanghai publishers or woodblock printers.

2.1 Publishers and Morality Book Publishers in Modern Shanghai that Published Morality Books According to research sources, since Shanghai was opened as a treaty port in 1842, through its period of growing prosperity, up to the end of the Guangxu 光緒 era (1908), there were numerous bookstores printing and selling books. According to Wanqing yingye shumu 晚清營業書目 (Book catalogue of late-Qing

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businesses) by Zhou Zhenhe 周振鶴, there were at least some twenty-odd publishers and bookstores in operation, including Shenbao Press 申報社, the Commercial Press 商務印書館, Saoye shanfang 掃葉山房, and others.¹² Those that published morality books are listed below: Number Publisher/Bookstore

Era

Published Morality Book(s)



Tongwen shuju 同文 書局

LateQing



Shiwanjuan lou 十萬 卷樓

LateQing



Shenchang shuju 申 昌書局

LateQing



Liwenxuan 理文軒



Jingxiangge 經相閣



Guxiangge 古相閣

LateQing LateQing LateQing

Taishang baofa 太上寶筏 (Precious raft of the Most High) Chuanjia bao 傳家寶 (Family treasures) Zuohua zhiguo 坐花誌果 (Jottings resulting from sitting amongst the flowers) Huitu yuli chaozhuan 繪圖玉歷鈔傳 (Illustrated records and tales of the jade regulations) Huitu zuohua zhiguo 繪圖坐花誌果 (Illustrated jottings resulting from sitting amongst the flowers) Chuanjia bao 傳家寶 (Family treasures) Taishang baofa 太上寶筏 (Precious raft of the Most High) Chuanjia bao 傳家寶 (Family treasures) Zuohua zhiguo 坐花誌果 (Jottings resulting from sitting amongst the flowers) Xuanjiang shiyi 宣講拾遺 (Found pieces concerning public lecturing) Dasheng mojie zhenjing 大聖末劫真經 (The Great Sage’s true scripture of the end times) Bu ke lu 不可錄 (What cannot be recorded)



Guangbai song zhai 廣百宋齋 Shaoji shuzhuang 韶 記書莊





LateQing LateQing

Xingji hongwen shuju Late星記鴻文書局 Qing

Xuanjiang bowen lu 宣講博聞錄 (Record of broad knowledge concerning public lecturing) Xingxin jian 省心鑑 (Mirror of examining the mind) Zuohua zhiguo 坐花誌果 (Jottings resulting from sitting amongst the flowers) Anshideng 暗室燈 (Lamp in a dark room) Taishang ganyingpian 太上感應篇 (Folios of the Most High on retribution) Mingsheng jing 明聖經 (The scripture on illuminating sageliness) Xuanjiang shiyi 宣講拾遺 (Found pieces concerning public lecturing) Taishang baofa 太上寶筏 (Precious raft of the most ultimate)

 Zhou Zhenhe 周振鶴, Wanqing yingye shumu 晚清營業書目 (Shanghai: Shudian chubanshe, 2005), 124.

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Number Publisher/Bookstore

 

Era

Cuiwenzhai 萃文齋

LateQing Wenyi shuju 文宜書局 LateQing



Yuanji shuzhuang 源 記書莊

LateQing



Jiangzuo shulin 江左 書林

LateQing

Published Morality Book(s) Xuanjiang shiyi 宣講拾遺 (Found pieces concerning public lecturing) Yuli zhibao chao 玉歷至寶鈔 (Most treasured records of the jade regulations) Yuli zhuan 玉歷傳 (Tales of the jade regulations) Taishang ganyingpian 太上感應篇 (Folios of the Most High on retribution) Jieyin cunwo lu 戒淫存我錄 (Record of how giving up vice saved me) Guandi qian 關帝籤 (Divination slips of thearch Guan) Zaojun qian 灶君籤 (Divination slips of the Stove God) Anshideng 暗室燈 (Lamp in a dark room) Shili jindan 十粒金丹 (Ten grains of the golden elixir) Bu ke lu 不可錄 (What cannot be recorded) Sansheng jing 三聖經 (Scriptures of the three sages) Xingshi jindan 醒世金丹 (Golden elixir to awaken the world) Xuanjiang shiyi 宣講拾遺 (Found pieces concerning public lecturing) Shengsheng shu 生生數 (Enumerating many lifetimes) Xuanjiang shiyi 宣講拾遺 (Found pieces concerning public lecturing)

For many of these publishers, the core of their print catalogue was made up of classics, histories, biographies, and collected series (jing shi zi ji 經史子集), while a much smaller portion was made up of new scholarship, and morality books were even less prominent, with usually only a perfunctory mention.¹³ Nevertheless, from looking at Zuohua zhiguo, Taishang baofa, and Xuanjiang shiyi, which were printed by several different publishers, we can see that there was indeed a market for morality books, and that they were reprinted by different publishers within a very short period of time. Taishang baofa in particular demands additional explanation. Originally called Ganyingpian tushuo 感應篇圖說 (Illustrated explanation of the folios on retribution), its title was changed when it was printed by the eminent Shanghai magnate and philanthropist Shi Shanchang 施善昌 (1828 – 1896), one of the founders of the Renji Benevolent Society 仁濟善堂.¹⁴ The editions of Taishang baofa printed by these publishers may thus have

 Zhou Zhenhe, Wanqing yingye shumu, 175 – 644.  Yau, Shan yu ren tong, p. 326 has an image of Taishang baofa 太上寶筏 with calligraphic inscription by Shi Shanchang 施善昌, printed in lithography by Hongda in 1918.

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been commissioned either as reprints or adaptations of the work by Shi Shanchang. During this era, there were two publishers in Shanghai that specialized in printing and selling morality books: Wenzhengtang shufang 文正堂書坊 and Yihuatang 翼化堂. Records indicate that Wenzheng had published Jingzao quanshu 敬竈全書 (Complete collection of works regarding making obeisance to the Stove God) by 1868 at the latest,¹⁵ while Yihuatang is known to have published a great number of morality books. By the Republican era, there were many more specialized morality book publishers in Shanghai, at least nine.¹⁶ Below is an introduction to them ordered by the date of their founding.

2.2 A Brief Outline of Morality Book Publishers in Modern Shanghai 2.2.1 Yihuatang Morality Book Publisher 翼化堂善書局¹⁷ In the past, several people believed that the Yihuatang publisher had been founded by the late-Qing philanthropist Yu Zhi 余治, since he had founded an “Yihuatang” himself and had also published numerous morality books. In terms of chronology, Yu Zhi’s Yihuatang was very close to the Shanghai Yihuatang, to the point that even Jing Yuanshan 經元善 (1841– 1903) believed that he was also the founder of the Shanghai institution, writing that “the Shanghai Yihuatang was founded by Mr. Yu Liancun 余蓮村 [Yu Zhi] from Liangxi 梁溪, and sells more than two or three hundred titles of morality books.” 「上海翼 化堂係梁溪余蓮村先生創設，印售善書多至二三百種.」¹⁸ This was the standard understanding until the research of Wu Yakui 吳亞魁 pointed out that the Shanghai Yihuatang was located in Yu Garden 豫園 next to the City God Temple 城隍 廟, and that its founder was in fact Zhang Xuetang 張雪堂 (1837– 1909). With sources stating that Zhang, “believing that the age was approaching that of the End Dharma, and that people’s minds were in danger of falling into evil,

 Yau, Shan yu ren tong, 181.  Apart from the eight described here, there was also a Shanghai Yuanyi Morality Book Publisher 上海元益善書局, which has not been included due to a lack of sources.  On the Yihuatang, see the pioneering research of Wu Yakui 吳亞魁 cited below, and Yau Chion, in Yau, Quanhua jinzhen, 153 – 155.  See the chart “Yu shang quanshan kanbao huishuo lüe zhangcheng” 余上勸善看報會說略章 程, in Yu Heping 虞和平, Jing Shanyuan ji 經元善集 (Wuhan: Huazhong shifan daxue chubanshe, 1988), 269. Also see Yau, Quanshan jinzhen, 154– 155.

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thus distributed morality books that would improve the morals of the world, and made ‘doing good’ his purpose” 「因時值末劫，人心險惡，故發行有益世道之 善書，以善化為宗旨.」,¹⁹ it was proven that Yu Zhi in fact had no connection to the Shanghai Yihuatang.²⁰ Primary sources document that the Shanghai Yihuatang was founded in 1857, and though they do not mention the “two or three hundred titles” claimed by Jing Yuanshan, by 1912 it had published nearly one hundred morality book titles in lithography and woodblock, including Yulu jinpan 玉露金盤 (Golden basin of jade dew), Dimu zhenjing 地母真經 (True scripture of the earth mother), and Xianliangci 賢良詞 (Poems on the worthies.)²¹ In July 1933 it founded the periodical Yangshan banyuekan 揚善半月刊 (Biweekly to promote the good), and in 1939 began printing Xiandao yuebao 仙道月報 (Immortals’ way monthly) in cooperation with the well-known Daoist Chen Yingning 陳攖寧. Famous for printing and selling morality books from Buddhist, Daoist, and other religious traditions, in total it printed about 850 morality books, and was still in operation as late as 1946.²² It was one of the largest and most diverse morality book publishers in modern China.

2.2.2 Shanghai Morality Book Distributor 上海善書流通處 This publisher was located in the British concession zone of Shanghai on Park Road. By 1915 it had published at least sixty morality book titles, including Guandi mingsheng jing 關帝明聖經 (The Thearch Guan’s scripture on illuminating sageliness), Xietian dadi jiujie wen 協天大帝救劫文 (Essay on the heaven-aiding thearch saving from calamities), and Dasheng jin’gangjing pangjie 大乘金剛 經旁解 (Mahāyāna Diamond Sūtra with marginal explanations), the latter of

 Wu Yakui 吳亞魁, “Huashuo Yihuatang shanshuju” 話說翼化堂善書局, Shanghai daojiao 上 海道教 1/1995: 26 – 27. Thanks to Prof. Hou Chong for providing this source.  Yau, Quanhua jinzhen, 154. Previously, Yau’s doctoral thesis written while in the history department of the Chinese University of Hong Kong had stated that Yu Zhi 余治 founded the Yihuatang, and the author of this chapter wrote a letter to point out that the two were unrelated.  Yau, Shan yu ren tong, 324.  This account is based on Yau, Quanhua jinzhen, 154. According to my research, after Zhang Xuetang’s death Yihuatang changed managers, and the press moved from Yu Garden 豫園 Road to its new location “within the City God temple” 城隍廟內. By 1933 at the latest, Zhang Zhuming 張竹銘 had taken over from Xuetang as manager, had changed the bookstore’s name to Yihuatang Morality Bookstore 翼化堂善書局, and had moved the publisher back to its original location on Yu Garden Road. On Chen Yingning and Daoist periodical publishing in Republican China, see Liu Xun, Daoist Modern: Innovation, Lay Practice, and the Community of Inner Alchemy in Republican Shanghai (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2009).

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which included a preface by “Ji Fozu from Nanping” 南屏濟佛祖序. Among these titles, some were published under the rubric of “all types of morality books [issued] by the Shanghai Yuanyi Morality Book Distributor.” 「上海元益善書流通 處各種善書歸併.」 At that time, the publisher had the following local retailers:²³ Retailer

Location

Saoye shanfang, Wenruilou shufang 掃葉山房文瑞樓書坊 Meida shanshu liutongchu 美大善書流通處 Wenhua shuju 文華書局 Zhangfuji shuju 章福記書局 Huiwentang shuju, saoye shanfang 會文堂書局掃葉山房 Guangyi shuju 廣益書局 Huiwentang shuju 會文堂書局 Guangyi shuju 廣益書局 Huiwentang shuju 會文堂書局 Deji shuju 德記書局 Luyintang shufang 綠蔭堂書坊 Yuxin shuju 育新書局

Qipanjie, Shanghai 上海棋盤街 Yangmeizhu xiejie, Beijing 北京楊梅竹斜街 Hebei da hutong, Tianjin 天津河北大胡同 Gulou beishou, Fengtian 奉天鼓樓北首 Huangbeijie, Hankou 漢口黃陂街 Shufangjie, Kaifeng 開封書店街 Nanyangjie, Changsha 長沙南陽街 Fuzhengjie, Nanchang 南昌府正街 Shuangmendi, Guangdong 廣東雙門底 Taipingfang, Hangzhou 杭州太平坊 Changmenjie, Suzhou 蘇州閶門街 Shuichengqiao, Shaoxing 紹興水澄橋

As late as the 1930s, the publisher was still publishing Sansheng dijun zhenjing 三聖帝君真經 (True scripture of the three sacred lord thearchs), printed by the

 This is based on reorganized data from the catalogue Shanghai shanshu liutongchu chuci chuban shumu 上海善書流通處初次出版書目 appended to Dasheng jin’gangjing pangjie 大乘金 剛經旁解, printed ca. 1915 by the Shanghai Morality Book Distributor 上海善書流通處 and currently part of the collection of the Yuanguang Buddhist Research Center 圓光佛學研究所.

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Wenruilou Publishing Company in Shanghai 上海文瑞樓書局, and retailed by the Lanji bookstore in Taiwan 台灣蘭記圖書局.²⁴

2.2.3 Hongda Morality Book Publisher 宏大善書局 In his Jinxiandai Shanghai chubanye yinxiang ji 近現代上海出版業印象記 (Record of impressions of Shanghai publishing in the modern era), Zhu Lianbao 朱聯保 mentions Hongda saying: “This publisher was located on Henan Middle Road, south of Beijing Road, continued to exist in the 1930s, and printed superstitious books such as Yuli zhibao chao 玉歷至寶鈔 [Most treasured records of the jade regulations], Taishang baofa tushuo 太上寶筏圖說 [Illustrated explanation of the Precious raft of the Most High], and Dongming ji 洞冥記 [Records of penetrating the underworld].”²⁵ There are several problems with this description. Based on my research, Hongda was initially founded at the end of the Qing as a printer called Hongda zhihao 宏大紙號, which by 1904 at the latest had already published Yuli zhibao chao. ²⁶ According to the catalogue Gezhong shanshu jiamu yilan biao 各種善書價目一覽表 (Comprehensive chart of prices for every type of morality book) appended to the end of that title, at that time the Hongda publisher included both a book distribution and a printing branch (Hongda zhihao 宏大紙號), so it would appear that it combined printing, distribution, and sales under one roof. It was located in the British concession zone, south of the Wusong river bridge at the entrance to the Jixiang 吉祥 neighborhood, already had a telephone number, and was publishing about 176 morality book titles, including Jiusheng chuan 救生船 (Boat for rescuing living beings), Foshuo dingjie jing 佛說定刼經 (Scripture of settling calamities, expounded by the Buddha), Wanfo jiujie jing 萬佛救刼經 (Scripture of the tenthousand buddhas saving from calamities), Xishan xiansheng da kewen: fu Tongshanshe shuoming shu 西山 先生答客問:附同善社說明書 (Mr. Western Mountain answering questions posed by his guest: with an explanation volume by the Fellowship of Goodness), Guanyin quanshan wen 觀音勸善文 (Writings of Guanyin for Admonishing People to do Good), and Nanhai dashi jiujie xianfang 南海大士救刼仙方 (The Mahasattva of

 Based on copyright and publishing information from the author’s copy of the morality book Sansheng dijun zhenjing 三聖帝君真經, printed by the Shanghai Morality Book Distributor and sold by Lanji bookstore 蘭記圖書局 in Taiwan.  Zhu Lianbao 朱聯保, sel. and ed., Jinxiandai Shanghai chubanye xinxiang ji 近現代上海出版 業印象記 (Shanghai: Xuelin chubanshe, 1993), 255.  Wang, Hou, et al, eds., Zhongguo minjian xinyang, minjian wenhua ziliao huibian dier ji, vol. 34, 6 – 7.

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the South Sea’s immortal prescriptions saving from calamity).²⁷ According to sources, its book production was impressive, having printed nearly one thousand titles by 1925. Due to lack of workshop space, in its catalouges it posted notices seeking a printer for works such as Jizu jing 濟祖經 (Scripture of patriarch Ji) and Pili yisheng 霹靂一聲 (A single thunderbolt).²⁸ By 1922 at the latest the publisher was located in a two-story, Western-style building, and a sign on the second story read “We print all types of sacred scriptures and morality books, we sell account books made with brand-name paper from East and West” (承印各種聖經善書， 發售中西名紙帳簿).²⁹ In 1932 Hongda was located on Henan road in the British Concession, north of the race track, and its manager was one Jin Yousheng 金友 生 from Zhenhai 鎮海.³⁰ It continued to publish into the 1930s, and was retailing more than 300 morality books, including Xunnü baozhen 訓女寶箴 (Precious admonitions for the instruction of women), Huitu dongming ji 繪圖洞冥記 (Illustrated records of penetrating the underworld), Rumen jiushi jindan 儒門救世金丹 (The golden elixir of the Confucians to save the world), Huilong shizun zengding Wanfo jing: houfu Sansheng jing 迴龍師尊增訂萬佛經:後附三聖經 (Scripture of ten thousand Buddhas with additions and corrections by Venerable Master Huilong: appended by the scripture of the three sages), Xiaojie shiquan hui shu 消刼 十全會書 (Book of the assembly [that practices the] ten types of charity to relieve disasters), Dingben pudu huangjing 訂本普度皇經 (August scripture on universal salvation, corrected edition), Wanfo jiujie jing, Huitu dazi xinban zhongwai pudu huangjing 繪圖大字新頒中外普度皇經 (August scripture on universal salvation in China and abroad, illustrated in large print and newly published), Longpiao 龍票 (Dragon Tickets), Caise Jigong xiang 彩色濟公像 (Color image of Lord Ji), and Caise Guangong xiang 彩色關公像 (Color image of Lord Guan).³¹

 Wang Chien-chuan, ed., Jindai Guandi, Yuhuang jingjuan yu xuanmen zhenzong wenxian, vol. 1, 274– 277.  Hongda shanshuju zong mulu 宏大善書局總目錄, reprint edition of 1933, in Wang, Hou, et al., eds., Zhongguo minjian xinyang, minjian wenhua ziliao huibian, vol. 19, 23 – 31.  Xiuxin baolu 修心寶錄, internally titled Xiushenlu xinxiang hebian 修身錄心相合編 (Shanghai Hongda shanshu faxingsuo, reprint edition of 1922), content pages and p. 13. In the author’s copy of this book, at the bottom of the inside cover there are announcements and advertisements for the Han Literature Distributor 漢籍流通處 located on Zongye Street 總爺街 in Chiayi 嘉義, Taiwan.  Hongda shanshuju zong mulu (1933), 1– 2.  Hongda shanshuju zong mulu (1933), 6 – 19.

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2.2.4 Daode Bookstore 道德書局 In 1936, the eminent and well-known monk Yinguang 印光 (1862– 1940) wrote that “the founder of Daode bookstore was Wu Chongyin 鄔崇音, also called Hanshizi 寒世子, who was from Fenghua 奉化 in Zhejiang.” 「上海道德書局的創辦 人是鄔崇音，別號寒世子，浙江奉化人.」³² In the morality books printed by the publishing house of Hushengbao 護生報 (Reports for protecting life), founded by Wu Chongyin, however, he is described as “Hanshizi from Taiyuan, who founded Hushengbao in 1932.” 「太原寒世子，於民國壬申創辦《護生報》.」 Since Husheng bao was a publication of Daode bookstore, we can surmise that it was in operation at least as early as 1932.³³ Sources state that the bookstore was located at the intersection of Xiafei 霞飛 and Songshan 嵩山 roads, had a telephone line, and by 1937 had published such titles as Guandi lingganlu 關 帝靈感錄 (Record of miraculous response from thearch Guan), Tianhou shengji tuzhi 天后聖跡圖誌 (Illustrated account of the Empress of Heaven’s miracles), Yulü baochao 玉律寶鈔 (Precious writings on the jade statutes), and collections such as Daode congshu 道德叢書 (The morality collectanea). Among their most unique publications were images of deities and Buddhas, and prints of calligraphy by famous persons, including Zuijin Shanghai shixian Lüzu zhenying lichou 最近上海示現呂祖真影立軸 (Scroll image of the true likeness of Ancestor Lü, being the latest manifestation in Shanghai), Zuijin Shanghai shixian Jigong zhenying lichou 最近上海示現濟公真影立軸 (Scroll image of the true likeness of Jigong, being the latest manifestation in Shanghai), Zuijin Beijing shixian Guansheng dijun zhenying lichou 最近北京示現關聖帝君真影立軸 (Scroll image of the true likeness of lord thearch master Guan, being the latest manifestation in Beijing), and images of Guanyin, as well as calligraphic couplets on lord thearch master Guan, Shugu laoren fashu bade 述古老人法書八德 (Eight moral phrases inscribed by the Master who discusses antiquity), and others by Wang Yiting 王一亭.³⁴

 Yinguang fashi wenchao sanbian 印光法師文鈔三編, fascicle 3, “Fu Baizhu jushi shu si 復拜 竹居士書四” (Taichung: Qinglian chubanshe, 1994).  Yau, Quanhua jinzhen, 269.  Daode shuju mulu ershiliu nian chun chongding 道德書局目錄二十六年春重訂, in the collection of the Shanghai Library. My thanks to Prof. Fan Chunwu 范純武 for providing me with a copy of this source.

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2.2.5 Xie Wenyi Printers 謝文益印刷所 Founded by Xie Jinqing 謝晉卿 (Xie Quan 謝荃), this printer had its head office on Fujian Road in the British Concession. Its main retail store was on Shandong Road, also in the British concession, and functioned as a branch office. In 1923 it began to print and sell morality books, and the following year issued Quanshan zazhi 勸善雜誌 (Exhorting to goodness magazine), with calligraphic inscriptions contributed by Wang Yiting, Jiang Zhaozhou 江肇洲, Sun Yuxianzi 孫玉仙子 (Sun Qiang 孫鏘), and others.³⁵ It was published monthly, printed on B5-sized paper, and averaged about ninety pages in length. From extant copies of Quanshan zazhi, it appears that there were at least seven issues published,³⁶ its general editor was one Xu Jinfu 許廑父, and its contents included fiction, discussions of karma, quotes from famous figures in China and abroad, and information regarding spirit-writing shrines (jitan 乩壇). The director of the company believed that the general moral condition of the world was declining daily, that the government was corrupt, and he wanted to “correct people’s minds and make sincere [their] conduct, and honor morality so as to support [proper] governance.” 「正人心而敦風俗。崇道德以敷政治.」³⁷ Its publications run to seventeen titles such as Bukelu 不可錄 (What cannot be recorded), Xingshi zhimi 醒世指迷 (Pointing out delusions to awaken the world), Sansheng jing lingyan tuzhu 三聖經靈驗圖註 (Scripture of the three sages, with its spiritual efficacy illustrated and annotated), Wenchang dijun gongguoge 文昌帝君功過格 (Record of merits and demerits of lord master Wenchang), Guandi mingsheng zhenjing 關帝 明聖真經 (The Thearch Guan’s scripture on illuminating sageliness), Jiating jianghua 家庭講話 (Household discussions), and Haosheng jiujie 好生救刼 (Saving from calamities to benefit living beings). Its local retailers included Saoye shanfang in Shanghai 上海掃葉山房, Jilezhai on Eastern Street 東街吉樂齋, the Sun Weicai Hospital on Ningbo Road 寧波路孫緯才醫院, Chaoji shuzhuang 朝記書 莊, and Meida tushuguan 美大圖書館 in Beijing. It also collaborated with the Beijing-based Meida Morality Book Distributor 美大善書流通處.³⁸

 Quanshan zazhi 勸善雜誌, no. 2, Jiazi 甲子 year [1923]. On Sun Qiang 孫鏘, see Wang, Jindai Zhongguo de fuji, cishan yu mixin: yi Yinguang wenchao wei kaocha zhongxin.  Copyright page of Quanshan zazhi, no. 7 (1923).  Quanshan zazhi, no. 2 [1923], p. 88 to the copyright page.  Quanshan zazhi, no. 2, pp. 1– 2.

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2.2.6 Wenhua Bookstore Morality Book Distributor 文華書局善書流通處 This distributor was located at the corner of North Fujian 福建 and Qipu 七埔 Roads, an area commonly known as “Tang Family Lane” 唐家弄, and by 1920 at the latest had published several works, such as Zenghui quantu yuli baochao quanshi wen 增繪全圖玉歷寶鈔勸世文 (Precious record of the jade regulations to exhort the world, fully illustrated with additional images), all in lithography. The core idea behind the distributor was expressed quite clearly in its inaugural statement: “Generally, since 1912 the habits of the world have not been those of antiquity, the morality of the people degenerates daily, the people’s minds worsen daily, and evolve into the present situation of a myriad evils. … If this trend is not now reversed, what kind of world will remain in the future?” 「慨 自民國以來，世風不古，民德日益墮落，人心日益變壞，演變成萬惡之現 狀」。「斯時若不挽此潮流，將來尚復剩何世界.」 Luckily, there were knowledgeable ones then spreading morality books, and promoting charitable activities for the sake of saving the world: “The head of this publisher came to realization through shame … and thus especially printed and distributed all types of books that promote morality” 「本局主人自慚後覺」，「特刊佈各種勸善之 書」 to lend a hand. This bookstore not only printed its own morality books, but in a similar fashion also cooperated with the head of the Chongdetang 崇 德堂, printing and distributing morality books on its behalf. Based on presently available information, it helped the Chongdetang print at least eight morality book titles, including Anshideng 暗室燈 (Lamp in a dark room), Yuli chaozhuan 玉歷鈔傳 (Records and tales of the jade regulations), and Guansheng mingsheng jing 關聖明聖經 (The Sage Guan’s scripture on illuminating sageliness). At that time, they were also helped in printing and distributing morality books by the long-standing Guangyi bookstore 廣益書局 on Qipan Street 棋盤街.³⁹

2.2.7 Dafeng Morality Book Publishers 大豐善書刊行所 This bookstore was located at numbers 150 to 155 Henan Road, north of where Nanjing Road meets the public park. It had a telephone line, and was founded some time in the 1930s. It declared that publishing morality books was not a forprofit business, instead being “for the sake of upholding morality and recovering public morals,” and they thus set low retail prices for their books. They publish-

 Zenghui quantu yuli baochao quanshi wen 增繪全圖玉歷寶鈔勸世文 (Shanghai: Wenhua shuju shanshu liutongchu), content pages 1– 2, final page to the end of the inner cover.

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ed over forty morality book titles, including Xingshiyan 醒世言 (Words to awaken the world), Guansheng mingsheng jing fuqian 關聖明聖經附籤 (The Sage Guan’s scripture on illuminating sageliness, with divination slips appended), and Wenwu ersheng jiujie zhenjing 文武二聖救劫真經 (The true scripture of the literary and martial lords saving from calamities).⁴⁰

2.2.8 Hongtai Morality Book Distributor 上海宏泰善書流通處 Preparations for establishing this bookstore first came together in August 1927. It was located at the intersection of Ningbo and Shanxi Roads, and kept its prices quite low to attract customers. Its morality books were initially bought by people seeking to do meritorious work by redistributing them locally, and it later published over sixty titles of its own, including Qizhen zhuan 七真傳 (Transmission of the seven perfected), Jiujie huisheng 救刼回生 (Saving from calamities and returning to life), Guansheng mingsheng jing 關聖明聖經 (The Sage Guan’s scripture on illuminating sageliness), and Guanyin quanshan wen 觀音勸善文 (Writings of Guanyin for admonishing people to do good).⁴¹

3. Mingshan Bookstore and the Fellowship of Goodness (Tongshanshe)⁴² Of the morality books published by Shanghai morality book publishers outlined above, several titles were reprinted by different publishers, a result of there being either no copyright applied to the works, or the printers applying an open copyright and welcoming reprints. Another possible factor was that the printing of morality books was profitable and encouraged others to follow the trend.⁴³ In addition, a portion of these morality books was printed or published on behalf of religious groups of the time, among whom the Fellowship of Goodness (Tongshanshe 同善社) was particularly active; in 1923, for example, they had Jinke  Xingshiyan 醒世言 (Shanghai: Dafeng shanshu kanxingsuo, [1930s]), content pages 1– 2. The address and telephone number printed in this book indicate a publication date in the 1930s.  “Shumu” 書目, in Sansheng jing duben 三聖經讀本 (Shanghai: Hongtai shanshuju, 1928), final page. On a copy of this book in the author’s collection, there is a seal imprint from Lanji bookstore on the cover, indicating that it was imported from Shanghai and sold by Lanji.  Compare also the discussion in Paul R. Katz’s chapter in the present volume.  On the economic side of Mingshan bookstore’s operations (pricing policies) see Paul R. Katz’s chapter, section 4.

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jiyao 金科輯要 (Essential elements of the golden code) printed through Zhonghua books 中華書局 in Shanghai.⁴⁴ Up to the 1930s, scriptural and ritual texts by the society could be found in the catalogues of the Shanghai-based Hongda and Mingshan morality book publishers, as the two publishers openly helped distribute the society’s literature. Presently available sources verify that Hongda Morality bookstore and the Fellowship had no institutional connections other than simply printing and selling their works. What about the relationship between Mingshan bookstore and the Fellowship of Goodness? First let us briefly examine the history of the publisher:

3.1 The Date of Mingshan Bookstore’ Founding According to the “declaration” (xuanyan 宣言) in Mingshan shuju tushu mulu 明 善書局圖書目錄 (Catalogue of Mingshan books, 1932), Mingshan bookstore was founded some time between the Mukden Incident on September 18, 1931, and the end of that year. It was established by Sun Mianzhi 孫勉之 from Haiyan 海鹽 in Zhejiang province and his compatriots, who were organizing charitable relief after a series of floods and other natural disasters. Mingshan bookstore was involved in two types of business: the first was independently compiling and publishing texts, mainly compendia of texts from the three main religious teachings of China; the second was printing scriptural texts on behalf of other religious groups.⁴⁵ Regarding the latter point, manager Sun Mianzhi offered some additional elucidation at the beginning of an announcement printed in Mingshan’s books: The words “illuminating goodness” derive from Confucian texts, yet all books belonging to the Three Teachings have been written with the goal of admonishing people to do good. Confucianism is for ruling the world, Buddhism for converting it, and the [Way of the] Immortals [i. e. Daoism] for saving it. All of this represents the same principle. People of the Three Teachings have guided innumerable sentient beings and expounded all the Dharmawords; the kind ones who have followed them elucidate their meaning. If one wishes to cultivate one’s inner abilities, one must first establish one’s outer abilities. Their books all take goodness and humanity as their core platform. Thus this organization was established to distribute morality books, and any that are concerned with this central task are all welcomed. …

 Yau, Shan yu ren tong, 125.  Mingshan shuju tushu mulu 明善書局圖書目錄 (1932), in Minguo shiqi tushu chuban shumu huibian 民國時期圖書出版書目彙編, vol. 20 (Shanghai: Renmin chubanshe, 2010), 193 – 194. Also see Paul R. Katz’s chapter in this volume.

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明善二字，出於儒書，然三教諸書，皆為勸善而作，儒治世，佛渡世，仙救世，其理一 也。三教人，化導無量有情，說諸法語，後之慈善家，闡發其義，欲修內功，先立外功， 其書皆以善與人同為宗旨。故本局之設藉以流通善書，凡關此項業務，無不歡迎。⁴⁶

A similar announcement appears in Jiyangdian wenda bian 寂陽殿問答編 (Collected questions and answers of the Jiyang palace), published by Mingshan in the winter of 1931, so we can see that this was established as its platform not long after its founding.⁴⁷ At that time Mingshan also founded the periodical Cishan huibao 慈善彙報 (Collected Reports of Philanthropy), which was published on the first and fifteenth of every month for twenty-four issues per year, and which serialized collected stories on moral guidance such as Bade jishi 八德紀 事 (Stories of the eight virtues).⁴⁸ The full announcement by Sun Mianzhi is quite important, as it demonstrates that Mingshan bookstore: 1) saw reciting scriptures as a Confucian activity; 2) recognized the message of Mile zhenjing 彌勒真經 (The true scripture of Maitreya) and other works that Maitreya will be born on the earth and save humankind, and saw it as a Buddhist message; 3) affirmed planchette-written works, works encourging moral behavior, and similar works, especially the former, as being a form of “manifestation-body dharma preaching” (xianshen shuofa 現身說法) and as representing objective religious messages; 4) valued the traditional Eight Virtues (bade 八德), and used them as its moral compass; and 5) was quite familiar with societies such as the lifereleasing and philanthropic associations then active in China.⁴⁹ Based on the Mingshan bookstore’s catalogue from 1932, the publisher did indeed value the popularization of the Eight Virtues, as it published at least twenty-five items (both books and religious artifacts) containing the term, including Bade xuzhi 八德須知 (Essential knowledge of the Eight Virtues) in four volumes, Bade zhinan 八德指南 (Guide to the Eight Virtues), Bade duilian xiangzhu 八德對聯詳註 (Couplets on the Eight Virtues, with detailed annotations),

 Shanghai Mingshan shanshuju diliu ci chuban tushu mulu 上海明善書局第六次出版圖書目錄 (1935), in Minguo shiqi tushu chuban shumu huibian 民國時期圖書出版書目彙編, vol. 20, 231. Also see Yau, Shan yu ren tong, 83 – 84, and Katz’s chapter in this volume.  Jiyangdian wenda bian 寂陽殿問答編 (Shanghai: Mingshan shuju, Winter 1931), prefatory material. Based on the author’s photocopy of this book, this announcement does not appear to be by the publisher’s manager Sun Mianzhi.  Jiyangdian wenda bian, prefatory material.  Shanghai Mingshan shanshuju diliu ci chuban tushu mulu 上海明善書局第六次出版圖書目錄 (1935), 1. On the Society for the relief of sentient beings (Jishenghui 濟生會), see Wang Chienchuan, “Qingmo Minchu Zhongguo de Jigong xinyang yu fuji tuanti: jiantan Zhongguo jishenghui de youlai” 清末民初中國的濟公信仰與扶乩團體：兼談中國濟生會的由來, Minsu quyi 民俗曲藝, no. 162 (2008): 152– 162. See also Paul R. Katz’s chapter, section 2.

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and Bade yanyi 八德衍義 (Expanded meaning of the Eight Virtues).⁵⁰ This last title was written in part by the chair of the Hunan provincial government, He Jian 何鍵 (1887– 1956), but apart from the material in this book, the remainder is taken from the “spreading righteousness” sections of the latter three volumes of Bade xuzhi. The titles Bade xinjian 八德信箋 (Letters on the eight virtues) and Bade duilian are part of a series of “Books by the Old Man Discussing Antiquity.” The “Old Man” in question refers to one of the leaders of the Tongshanshe, Peng Huilong 彭廻龍, who also used the style names “Old Man of Longfeng Mountain Discussing Antiquity” (龍鳳山述古老人) and “Pure and Clear Man of the Way.” (清靜道人)⁵¹ Mingshan catalogues list a great many examples of his calligraphy, including “Weishan weibao 惟善為寶” (Only goodness is a treasure), “Songxia zhongtang 松下中堂” (The central hall beneath the pines), “Xiaoti pingtiao 孝 悌屏條” (Set on filiality and fraternal devotion), “Tizi duilian 悌字對聯” (Couplet on the word “ti” [fraternal devotion]), “Xiaozi duilian 孝字對聯,” (Couplet on the word “xiao” [filiality]), “Geyan duilian 格言對聯” (Couplet of maxims), “Zhuying duilian 竹影對聯” (Couplet on bamboo shadows), “Ruyi tu 如意圖” (Depiction of a ruyi implement), and “Foguang puzhao 佛光普照” (Buddha light illuminates the universe), all penned in 1930, demonstrating the close relationship between Mingshan bookstore and the Tongshanshe.⁵² These close ties can also be seen in the following passage from the preface to Bade xuzhi: … Mr. Huang Jigu from Fujian, based on the original twenty-four examples of filiality, compiled his Bade xuzhi, and perusing the additional sections, I was moved to sorrow. … thus we have children learn at the feet of their ancestors, classifying and organizing in the usual way, and when needed we supplement with lessons from history … these fine words and honorable actions of the ancients include simple works with great complexity, not simply the twenty-four maxims; I visited my master the Old Man who Discusses Antiquity for three universal salvation ceremonies where he opened wide the Great Way. People in times to come who practice these eight virtues cannot surpass him. … For those places in the text where there are errors, I implore you august gentlemen to correct them, as this would be a great blessing. Sincerely written by Cai Zhenshen from Huzhou, the tenth lunar month of 1930. ……今福建黃繼谷先生，本舊有二十四孝之例，編為八德須知，披覽之餘，觸動悲感…爰 將童年受教於先考者，循例分編，不足則依史傳補之…夫古人嘉言懿行，簡冊甚繁，不僅

 Shanghai Mingshan shuju diliu ci chuban tushu mulu, in Minguo shiqi tushu chuban shumu huibian, vol. 20, 293 – 296.  Wang Chien-chuan, “Tongshanshe zaoqi lishi (1912– 1945) chutan” 同善社早期歷史 (1912– 1945)初探, Minjian zongjiao 民間宗教 1 (Taipei: Nantian shuju, second printing of first edition, 1996), 59 – 60. See Paul R. Katz’s chapter (section 2) for further information on Peng Huilong.  Shanghai Mingshan shuju diliu ci chuban tushu mulu, pp. 1, 6, 8 – 11, 32– 40, in Minguo shiqi tushu chuban shumu huibian, vol. 20, 237– 276.

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二十四則，恭逢我師述古老人三期普度，大道宏開，將來八德之人，不可勝數。…其篇中 誤記之處，尚祈諸大君子予以糾正，尤深幸焉。歲在上章敦牂陽月湖州蔡振紳謹識.⁵³

From the reference to “my master the Old Man who Discusses Antiquity” we can deduce that Cai was a member of the Fellowship of Goodness. This is also indicated by the fact that he was selected to write a preface for such a high-ranking member of the Fellowship.⁵⁴ After the publication of Bade xuzhi was well-received, second, third, and fourth volumes were published successively, followed by a collected edition of all four volumes. In another preface to that book, Chen Jinwen 陳錦文 writes on the relationship between Bade xuzhi and the Mingshan bookstore:⁵⁵ Recently I heard that Mr. Huang Zongyu 黃宗瑀 of Fujian had researched and collected materials, and compiled them into a book called Bade xuzhi. When its contents were finally finished, one Mr. Ping traveled from the Gan river in Jiangxi to Shenjiang, following the river for a thousand li. At that time, Cai Liulong 蔡六龍 attained a copy and constantly kept it close to his breast. Recalling how children had received such teachings from his ancestors, he was moved to express his sadness. At that time he happened to be in a hut built by a friend on Tiantai, and collecting admonishments for women to follow the model of the ancestors, selected a series of 192 maxims divided into sections and organized by topic. Nowadays, women prattle on wantonly, and the order of “inner” and “outer” is overturned, so thinking to turn back this trend, he added more encouragement for women, calling it volume two of Bade xuzhi. … He also asked Mr. Zhang Jingyi 張精一 for the exemplar manuscript calligraphy, which he provided free of charge. Each maxim was paired with a commentary phrase, and followed by an illustration. The manuscript was respectfully presented to Zhang Xuanlao 張公喧老 and edited by myself. The titles for the annotation sections were soon aquired by Mr. Xia from Hubei who was visiting Shanghai, who took the manuscript to Sichuan, and knocking at the master’s door and requesting calligraphy for the sections, was also granted a six-phrase true explication poem. … There were some thirty thousand copies of the second volume printed. Less than two years after its printing, the Japanese invaded the area north of the [Shanghai] city wall. Bullets flew like rain and explosions raged. Nine out of ten buildings were destroyed, and nine out of ten walls were breached, all in the area in the north where this publisher is located. Thanks to the protection of the gods and spirits, we were not harmed. Seeing the wasteland that is now the residential area of Qiujiang Road, there is now only this small part remaining undamaged. … Chen Jinwen, seventh lunar month of 1933 ……近聞福建黃氏宗瑀兮，蒐軼事以成編，書名八德須知兮，義蘊畢宣，自贛江平君以達 申江兮，千里相沿。時有蔡君六龍兮，得之而服膺拳拳。憶幼歲曾受教於先人兮，動明發

 Author’s preface, Bade xuzhi 八德須知, volume one (copy of Wang Diqing, 1971), 7– 8.  For further information on Cai Zhenshen (alias Cai Liulong 蔡六龍), see Paul R. Katz’s chapter, section 2.  “Bade xuzhi chu er san si ji quanshu zongxu” 八德須知初二三四集全書總序, in Bade xuzhi, volume one, 2– 4.

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之懷而悽然，適值天台友之造盧兮，囑集女子以續前，爰採壹儀百九十二則兮，分別義類 以名篇。慨今女子之侈談開放兮，內外之序倒顛，思力挽其頹風兮，特從坤道而加鞭，乃 定名為八德須知二集兮。並請張精一君恭楷謄真兮，免費鈔錄之金錢，每則各繫題句兮， 俟圖成而後填，謹呈張公喧老而予鑒定兮，為分書節錄等字以題箋，旋經湖北夏君之蒞滬 兮，攜稿本而入川，叩師門而請求品題兮，賜偈言六句之真詮…計二集之書三萬有奇兮， 出版不踰乎二年，猝遭日兵之侵犯關北兮。彈如雨而火燀，棟宇十而夷燬兮，牆壁十而九 穿，此書方在關北造作之場兮…幸神靈之呵護兮，得不罹其烽煙。觀虬江路之廬舍成墟 兮，巍然獨留此一廛… 癸酉孟秋中浣之吉 諸暨俟廬陳錦文拜撰行書…⁵⁶

Earlier in 1933 Chen Jinwen had written the cover calligraphy to Sansan guiyi 三 三歸一 (The three threes return to the one)⁵⁷ and Zupai jiexiao 祖派揭曉 (Uncovering the ancestral lineage), and was also a Fellowship of Goodness member. The “Zhang Xuanlao” mentioned in the quote is Zhang Xuanchu 張暄初, also called Zhang Zaiyang 張載陽 (1873 – 1945).⁵⁸ According to the preface by Chen, “knocking at the master’s door” refers to visiting Peng Huilong in Sichuan. In the year this was written, 1933, Mingshan bookstore had been in operation for less than two years, and had already published four volumes of Bade xuzhi. For the second volume, manager Sun Mianzhi had requested that an artist provide the cover calligraphy, and after receiving Zhang’s approval accompanied him to Sichuan, where they requested that Peng Huilong pen the cover, after which they printed more than 30,000 copies. Owing to the Shanghai Incident of 1928 (Yierba shibian 一·二八事變), when Japanese forces bombed the French Concession, the area around Mingshan bookstore was completely destroyed, and only the press building remained standing. The press and members of the Fellowship saw this good fortune as a direct result of publishing the second volume of Bade xuzhi, and quickly planned to publish an additional two volumes so that the cosmic forces of yin and yang would continue to be balanced. Later, thanks to the editing work of Jiang Lü 姜履 and others, a complete edition of all four volumes in one was published. Jiang was from Haiyan 海鹽 county in Jiaxing 嘉興, Zhejiang province, and shared a native place with Sun Mianzhi. He had previously edited works by Tang Guangxian 唐光先, also known as the Xin’an Ascetic 心菴頭陀, such as Liaodao milu 了道秘錄 (Secret records of comprehending the Way) and Huixiang yulu 回鄉語錄 (Recorded quotations after returning home). At that time he also worked at Mingshan, had authored a piece called Gaibian tushu mulu liyan 改編圖書目錄例言 (Notes on the revised  “Bade xuzhi chu er san si ji quanshu zongxu,” in Bade xuzhi, volume one, 2– 4.  Refering to the Three Realms (sancai 三才), the Three Teachings (sanjiao 三教), and the Three Eras (sanqi 三期).  For further information on Zhang Xuanchu, see Paul R. Katz’s chapter, section 2.

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book catalogue),⁵⁹ and in 1935 he also helped Cai Zhenshen edit Bade nü’er tonghua 八德女兒童話 (Children’s stories for [teaching] girls the eight virtues).⁶⁰

3.2 Scriptural Texts of the Fellowship of Goodness published by Mingshan Bookstore Based on the 1932 catalogue Mingshan shuju tushu mulu, of the early works published by Mingshan bookstore only a few were from the Fellowship of Goodness; apart from Bade xuzhi, and the calligraphic couplets and sayings mentioned above, only Dongming baoji 洞冥寶記 (Precious records of penetrating the underworld), Xunnü baozhen 訓女寶箴 (Precious proverbs for instructing women), and Erke bidu 二科必讀 (Essential readings in the two subjects) fall into this category.⁶¹ By 1936, however, Mingshan was publishing a great number of the Fellowship’s scriptural and other texts. It began in 1935’s Mingshan shuju diliu tushu mulu 明善書局第六次圖書目錄 (Sixth edition of the book catalogue of Mingshan books), where four general categories of Fellowship of Goodness works can be discerned:⁶² 1) Histories describing the origin of the Fellowship, namely Zupai jiexiao 祖 派揭曉 (Uncovering the ancestral lineage) by Yang Jindong 楊覲東. Yang was the leader of the Fellowship’s Yunnan branch, and his book was edited by He Jing’an 賀靜安 and approved by Peng Huilong as a historical lineage record for the Fellowship. This is to say that Zupai jiexiao was an internally-approved textbook for teaching the history of the Fellowship of Goodness. 2) Works by Tang Guangxian 唐光先, leader of the Fellowship in Haiyan county. These books, such as Huixiang yulu, are edited versions of discussions that Tang had had with Peng asking for his instruction. 3) Scriptural and other texts specific to the Fellowship. These include Xuanling yuhuang jing 玄靈玉皇經 (Scripture of the mysterious and numinous jade emperor), Wanfo jing 萬佛經 (Scripture of ten thousand buddhas), and Wangsheng fabao 往生法寶 (Dharma treasure of rebirth in the Pure Land).

 Shanghai Mingshan shuju diliu ci chuban tushu mulu, pp. 1– 2, in Minguo shiqi tushu chuban shumu huibian, vol. 20, 277– 278.  A copy held by the family of Wang Chien-chuan.  Mingshan shuju tushu mulu, pp. 4– 7, in Minguo shiqi tushu chuban shumu huibian, vol. 20, 200 – 206.  Shanghai Mingshan shuju diliu ci chuban tushu mulu, pp. 7– 9, 14– 15, in Minguo shiqi tushu chuban shumu huibian, vol. 20, 285 – 287, 292– 293.

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4) Works by the head of the Fellowship, Peng Huilong, such as Shugu laoren chanyu zhenjing 述古老人禪語真經 (True scripture of the dhyana teachings of the master discussing antiquity).⁶³ The book Xuanling yuhuang jing mentioned above is worth particular attention. The 1935 catalogue cited above states that “since 1932 it has been recited morning and evening, and is just as important as Wanfo jing,” 「自壬申年奉 諭朝暮虔誦，與萬佛經同重」, referring to Peng Huilong’s order of that year that all Fellowship members ought to recite Wanfo jing and this text twice per day. The importance of these two texts in the Fellowship is quite evident. This addition to the Fellowship’s practices was a significant change. Originally, most people that the Fellowship accepted as members venerated Guandi 關帝, and later after being influenced by Dongming ji 洞冥記, accepted the story of Lord Guan being identified with the Jade Emperor (關聖帝君當玉皇), referring to him as the Martial and Wise Heavenly Emperor 武哲天皇. Later they coined the title Xuanling gaoshang di 玄靈高上帝 (Mysterious and numinous supreme thearch on high) and composed the Xuanling yuhuang jing, adding it to the collection of texts for member recitation: Zengding wanfo jiujie jing 增訂萬佛救劫經 (Expanded and corrected scripture of ten thousand buddhas saving from calamities).⁶⁴

3.3 The Founders of Mingshan Bookstore In his collected writings, Yinguang states that “all the scriptures produced by Mingshan bookstore, the publisher founded by Cai Zhenshen, Zhang Zaiyang and others, are apocryphal.” 「蔡振紳、張載陽等所開之明善書局所著之經 書，皆屬偽造」⁶⁵ Evidently Yinguang felt that the majority of the works published by Mingshan fell outside the realm of Buddhist traditional or revealed scriptural texts.⁶⁶ But was Mingshan indeed founded by Cai and Zhang? As mentioned previously, Cai, also called Cai Liulong 蔡六龍, was definitely a

 See Paul R. Katz’s chapter (section 3) on Mingshan bookstore’s own classification systems for its publications.  Wang, Cong Guandi dao Yuhuang tansuo, 119 – 121. Wang Chien-chuan, Soo Khin Wah 蘇慶 華, and Liu Wenxing 劉文星, Jindai de Guandi xinyang yu jingdian: jiantan qi zai Ma, Xin de fazhan 近代的關帝信仰與經典：兼談其在馬、新的發展 (Taipei: Boyang wenhua gongsi, 2010).  Shi Yinguang, “Fu Zhou Shanchang jushi shu si” 復周善昌居士書四, Yinguang fashi wenchao sanbian 印光法師文鈔三編, fascicle one (Taichung: Qinglian chubanshe, 1994), 182.  On additional factors affecting Yinguang’s attitude to the bookstore, see Paul R. Katz’s chapter, section 2.

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Fellowship of Goodness member, and according to Lu Zhongwei 陸仲偉, he “was the head of the Ding Fengxiang branch in Hangzhou, and in 1941 set up an office in Shanghai.”⁶⁷ Zhang, on the other hand, according to the recollections of a Fellowship member, was the Zhejiang provincial governor, and in 1918 had established the “Fengxiang office” 豐祥號 in Hangzhou.⁶⁸ In actuality, Zhang had established the Zhejiang office of the Fellowship, and only in 1934 was its name changed to “Ding Fengxiang Office” 鼎豐祥號. As the Northern Expedition of the Nationalist army was progressing, the Nationalist government suppressed the Fellowship of Goodness, and the Zhejiang group was forced to move to the French Concession in Shanghai.⁶⁹ Based on this information, it is thus quite possible that Zhang established Mingshan bookstore in Shanghai as a cover for the new location of the Zhejiang branch of the Fellowship of Goodness. This possibility is supported by writings such as Husheng shiwen 護生詩文 (Poems and essays on protecting life) that Zhang contributed to the press, and the fact that Cai was the Fellowship member in charge of publishing. It is thus likely that they were in fact the founders of the press. Regarding Sun Mianzhi, mentioned above as the author of Mingshan’s “announcement” (xuanyan 宣言), at that time he was the manager of Mingshan bookstore, responsible for the general management of the press. Some have suggested that he was the well-known economist Sun Zhifang 孫治方, but not only is there no evidence of Sun Zhifang being involved with publishing morality books, he was born in Shaoxing, not in Haiyan county, and he was born in 1908, whereas Sun Mianzhi is recorded as being born in 1901. Regardless of these points, the Sun Mianzhi that is sometimes identified with Sun Zhifang is not the same person as was involved with Mingshan, and this is simply a coincidence of identical names.⁷⁰ Sources indicate that Sun Mianzhi was succeeded in the role of Mingshan bookstore manager by Gu Daxiao 顧達孝. According to Dingyin dabei zhou jieshi fangming lu 定印大悲咒解釋芳名錄 (Record of donor names for the publishing of the great compassion dharani, explained and ex-

 Lu, Tongshanshe, 198.  Mao Changyao 毛昌堯, Cai Jiao 蔡蛟, “Tongshanshe shi fandong huidaomen” 同善社是反動 道會門, in Zhejiang wenshi jicui: shehui minqing juan 浙江文史集粹：社會民情卷, ed. Zhejiang sheng zhengxie wenshi ziliao weiyuanhui 浙江省政協文史資料委員會 (Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin chubanshe, 1996): 551. In 1922, Zhang Zaiyang 張載陽 was the chair of the Zhejiang provincial legislature. On the Fellowship’s use of commercial designations for its branches, see Paul R. Katz’s chapter, section 2.  Hu Zhulong 胡珠龍, “Wo yu Tongshanshe” 我與同善社, in Zhejiang wenshi jicui: 559.  Wang, “Mingshan shuju yu Tongshanshe,” 2, 11.

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pounded) published in 1940,⁷¹ Gu had joined the press by at least that year, and his position was below that of Sun. In 1948 he became the press’ public representative. The above evidence shows that Mingshan bookstore was indeed the press for the Fellowship of Goodness. Cai Fei 蔡飛, a former local Fellowship leader who was responsible for opening up the Southeast Asian region for the Fellowship, thus wrote: “Of the publishers established by the Fellowship of Goodness, in Beijing there is the Tianhua Press 天華印書館, and in Shanghai there is Mingshan bookstore.”⁷² Originally, while the Fellowship was still legally allowed to operate openly, it had established the Tianhua Press in Beijing, printing inner alchemy practice texts and Fellowship scriptures. Books such as Wanfo jing and Jinke jiyao were published by this press. Several years after the Fellowship was proscribed by the Republican government in 1927, Beijing also fell under the government’s control, and some time after it published Tianlü shengdian 天律聖典 (Sacred canon of the celestial statutes) by Shugu laoren 述古老人 in 1931, it appears to have ceased operation. The Fellowship selected Shanghai, which at that time was becoming the center of both the Chinese economic and publishing worlds, for the location of Mingshan bookstore. By building their press in the French Concession, they hoped to evade the attention of the Republican government, and by using the term mingshan in their name and publishing morality books, they sought to cover the fact that they were openly spreading the teachings of the Fellowship of Goodness in their publications. Presently we are aware of the following local retailers that distributed Mingshan publications in the early 1930s:⁷³ Retailer

Location

Morality Book Distributor 善書流通處

 Zhongshan South Road, Quanzhou, Fujian 福建泉州中山南路號 Haodusi Street, Xuanhua county, Chahar 察哈爾宣化縣郝都斯街 Gongsi Street, Yuangan, Yunnan 雲南省垣甘公祠街 Linjiang Road, Nanmen wai, Anqing 安慶南門外臨江路

Xuanhua Distributor 宣化流通處 Baoshan bookstore 寶善書局 Zhonghe bookstore 中和書局

 Dabeizhou jieshi 大悲咒解釋 (Shanghai: Mingshan shuju, 1938, 1940), 52. Collection of the author.  Wang, “Mingshan shuju yu Tongshanshe,” 10.  Minguo shiqi chuban shumu huibian, vol. 20, 333. Also cited in Paul. R. Katz’s chapter in the present volume.

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Retailer

Location

Morality Book Distributor 善書流通處

 Jizhi alley, Changsha 長沙機織巷四十四號 Xiaodong Street, Guisui County, Suiyuan 綏遠歸綏縣小東街 Xisi Road, Changchun 長春西四馬路 Sheng county, Zhejiang 浙江嵊縣 Yipu Street, Zizhong county, Sichuan 四川省資中縣衣舖街 Zixin Street, Andong 安東自新街  Xushanmen, Yuyao, Zhejiang 浙江餘姚緒山門七號

Mingshan bookstore 明善書局 Chongde Philanthropic Association 崇德慈善 會 Tongxing Morality bookstore 通行善書館 Morality Book Distributor 善書流通處 Morality Book Distributor 善書流通處 Morality Book Distributor 善書流通處

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In addition, in 1936 Mingshan bookstore set up a branch location in Chongqing 重慶.⁷⁴ Using this wide network of distribution, the publications of the Fellowship of Goodness gradually made a deep impression on the minds of the people.

4. The Distribution of Morality Books Published by Mingshan Bookstore: Taking the Case of Taiwan’s Lanji Bookstore as Example Given the distribution networks outlined above, how precisely were morality books that were published in Shanghai distributed to Chinese communities across China and abroad? My personal view is that the role played by local retailers was the most important factor. To support this I will briefly look at the prolific Chinese-language publisher Lanji bookstore 蘭記書局 in Taiwan as an example, to show how other publishers might have distributed morality books printed in Shanghai.⁷⁵ Sources record that Lanji was founded near the West Gate of Jiayi 嘉義, and that its founder was Huang Maosheng 黃茂盛. Huang was born in 1901, was a native of Douliu 斗六 in Yunlin 雲林, and used the cour-

 On the copyright page of Bade nü’er tonghua 八德女兒童話, edited by Cai Zhenshen 蔡振紳 (1936), it lists “Mingshan bookstore, 120 Xiubi Street, Chongqing” as a local retailer: 『分發行 所，重慶繡壁街一百二十號明善書局』.  See Paul R. Katz’s chapter for an account of Lanji’s competitor, Ruicheng bookstore 瑞成書 局 of Taichung 臺中, as well as for additional data on Lanji bookstore.

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tesy name Songxuan 松軒. After his father died when he was young, his family moved to the West Gate of Jiayi, and when he was six years old he began attending a private academy studying classical literature. He later entered the public school in Jiayi, and after graduation worked for the Jiayi credit union. Under the influence of his classical scholar uncle Lin Yushu 林玉書 (Lin Woyun 林臥 雲), he became fond of studying Chinese literature. In 1920, with the help of a distant relative living in Japan, he began retailing Chinese books printed by Shanghai publishers.⁷⁶ According to the account of Huang’s wife, in 1922, not long after the two were married, he formally opened the Lanji Book Department 蘭記圖書部 in the West Gate neighborhood of Jiayi. This narrative has some problems, since the Taiwan nichinichi shinpō 台灣日日新報 (Taiwan new daily) reports instead on Huang’s Han Literature Distribution Society 漢籍流通會. At around the same time, Huang set up a Fiction Distribution Society 小說流通會 and a Morality Book Distributor 善書流通處. Regarding the Han Literature Distribution Society, it proclaimed that: This society purchases classics, histories, biographies, collections, poetry, memoirs, monthly periodicals, all types of morality books that benefit humankind, and famous writings from ancient and modern times, many thousands of titles, expressly for the purpose of members borrowing and reading them (outside the city, an additional shipping fee applies). The yearly membership fee is only one yen ten sen. We print a book catalogue and a society handbook which are mailed out promptly. This society (the Han Literature Distribution Society, 31 Zongye Street, Jiayi) retails the periodical Aiguo bao 愛國報 [Patriotism] on behalf of the Chinese Sacred Teaching Society, which is issued twice a month, twenty-four issues per year. Its price is three yen, and those interested in subscribing are asked to contact this society, which will mail each issue as it is published. 本會購置經史子集、詩文筆記、月刊雜誌、暨各種益世善書，古今名著小說計數千種專供 加入者任意取歸觀覽（市外加入者郵便寄奉），全年會費只收參圓六拾錢。印有圖書目錄 及詳細會章函索即寄。（嘉義總爺街三十一漢籍流通會）本會代理中華聖教總會愛國報月 出兩期，全年廿四冊，報費參圓，希望訂閱者請通知本會，自當逐期郵寄。⁷⁷

From this passage we see that apart from advocating Confucianism and promoting the study of classical literature, he also gave consideration to economic matters, and thus when those in the Han Literature Distribution Society collected

 Huang Chen Ruizhu 黃陳瑞珠, Chen Kuntang 陳崑堂, corr., “Lanji shuju chuangban ren Huang Maosheng de gushi” 蘭記書局創辦人黃茂盛的故事, in Jiyi li de youxiang: Jiayi Lanji shuju shiliao lunwen ji 記憶裡的幽香：嘉義蘭記書局史料論文集, ed. Feng Deping 封德屏 (Taipei: Wenxun zazhi, 2007): 3 – 4.  This advertisement appears in Wang Chien-chuan, gen. ed., Jindai Guandi, Yuhuang jingjuan xuanmen zhenzong wenxian, vol. 2, 520.

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funds, it was not solely a philanthropic activity. The purely not-for-profit, religion-centered organization, on the other hand, was his Morality Book Distributor. The objective of this group was as follows: It is said that “a myriad evil transgressors can be led toward goodness by a hundred doing filial deeds.” We have seen how the course of karmic retribution has not been clear, that the morals of this world decline daily, that morality has degenerated, and that instances of disobedience and licentiousness are piling up. Among those who have realized this, there are none who are not concerned. Since the establishment of this center, it has specialized in distributing morality books that benefit humanity on the entire island. It has sought to cause everyone to read them, come to know our admonition, and to spread word of it further. Endeavoring to improve morals and change customs, and to return together to the correct path, this is our sincere wish. 語云萬惡淫為首，百行孝為先。歷觀循環報應不爽，際此世風日下，道德淪亡，忤逆奸淫 層見叠出，有心人莫不隱憂，回想敝處創設以來，專辦益世善書流通全島，俾一般人士閱 此，知所警惕，並望廣推斯舉，務期移風易俗，同歸正道，是所切禱。⁷⁸

Through establishing this Morality Book Distributor as part of Lanji bookstore, Huang wanted to establish a better world through the donation of morality books. Some of these books came from Shanghai-based philanthropic associations and publishers, and thus some must have come from Shanghai-based morality book publishers. At present it appears that the earliest morality books distributed by Lanji bookstore were mainly those of the Chinese Sacred Teaching Society (Zhonghua shengjiao hui 中華聖教會), based in Shanghai.⁷⁹ Apart from this, Huang also imported publications from Hongda bookstore and other publishers, as stated in Chongshan yuebao 崇善月報 (Venerating goodness monthly): In the past years, the head of Lanji bookstore, Huang Maosheng, has, apart from his regular business affairs, made a significant contribution to philanthrophic causes. Adapting to circumstances, not wasting effort, his character is much admired by the local people. Last autumn, he left Tainan and made a tour of famous sights in Jiangnan. On a detour to Shanghai, he made a special trip to the Qianqingtang 千頃堂 Bookstore to buy a great number of morality books, such as Qingnianjing 青年鏡 [Mirror for the young], Jueshijing 覺世經 [Scripture awakening the world], and Geyan jinghua 格言精華 [Essential maxims], more than ten titles in all. All of them were excellent books that discourage people from evil and encourage them toward good. He reprinted two thousand copies of each, and brought

 Appears in Wang, Jindai Guandi, Yuhuang jingjuan xuanmen zhenzong wenxian, vol. 2, 471.  Sources indicate that this group was founded ca. 1923, primarily by Hong Kong-based Confucianists, and its main centers were in Hong Kong and Shanghai. Hong Kong provided the capital, and Shanghai was responsible for its publishing, which included Aiguo bao 愛國報 and several other Confucian writings. The chief editor of Aiguo bao was one Liang Bozhao 梁伯趙.

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them home to give out to his close friends. Within three months, the bookshop had received a telegram from Huang, requesting more than a thousand additional copies of these books, and to have them sent as soon as they were printed. I have heard that Huang has distributed no less than fifty thousand copies of morality books. 蘭記圖書館主人黃茂盛氏年來，除從事商業外，對於慈善事業，頗多贊助。應行應輟，不 遺餘力，素為地方人士所欽佩。客年秋，由臺南下，遊覽江南名勝。便道之滬，特向千頃 堂書局，購就大批善書。如青年鏡、覺世經、格言精華等十餘種，均為勸人去惡崇善之良 本。各印二千冊，攜往該埠分贈親友。未及三月，該局又接黃氏來電，再購青年鏡等各千 餘冊繼續分送。聞黃氏所送善書，不下五萬冊以上。⁸⁰

It was not long before Huang Maosheng also “printed all types of book encouraging morality, collected maxims, and morality books, numbering many tens of thousands.” 「印行各種勸善格言善書等，總計在數萬冊以上」⁸¹ Subsequently the interactions between Huang and the Shanghai publishing world, publishers, and Confucian groups gradually increased. During the early Shōwa 昭和 era (1926 – 1989), thanks to an introduction by the practitioner of Chinese medicine Qian Jiyin 錢季寅, Huang joined the Shanghai philanthropic group Zhongguo liangxin chongshan hui 中國良心崇善會 (The Chinese Conscientious Advocating Virtue Society), deepening his contribution to philanthropic activities in Taiwan and mainland China.

5. Conclusion Not only were there a multitude of morality books published in modern China, but the number of copies that were printed is astonishing. Their main promoters were Shanghai-based publishers, which included not only conventional publishers who printed morality books, but also well-known institutions such as Zhonghua bookstore 中華書局, Jinzhang bookstore 錦章書局, and Qianqingtang bookstore 千頃堂書局, all of which published morality books.⁸² Apart from the personal religious motivations of key figures working at the publishers, the most important motivating factor for producing morality books was expected

 “Lanji zhuren chongshan wei le” 蘭記主人崇善為樂, Chongshan yuebao 崇善月報, no. 55, p. 31.  “Lanji zhuren zanzhu benbao zhixie” 蘭記主人贊助本報誌謝, Chongshan yuebao, no. 57, p. 26.  On morality books published by Zhonghua bookstore, see Wang Chien-chuan, “Lufei Kui, Sheng Detan yu lingxuehui: jiantan minchu Shanghai de lingxue fengchao” 陸費逵、盛德壇與 靈學會:兼談民初上海的靈學風潮, paper presented at Kexue yu wenhua de bianzou guoji yantaohui 科學與文化的變奏國際研討會, Yilan, Taiwan, Oct. 2– 3, 2012.

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profit. In modern Shanghai there emerged a few specialist morality book publishers, another reflection of this phenomenon. At present we know of the Yihuatang and the Wenzhengtang in the late Qing, and in the Republican period there was Shanghai Morality Book Distributor, Hongda Morality bookstore, Daode bookstore, Xie Wenyi Publisher, Dafeng Morality Book Publisher 大豐善書刊行 所, Mingshan bookstore, and others. Of these, Yihuatang, Hongda, and Mingshan are most deserving of attention. In terms of the length of time they were in operation, Yihuatang was the longest, ceasing operation in 1946 after close to ninety years in business, having published a total of 850 titles. In terms of the number of titles and copies printed, Hongda was the largest, with more than 1000 titles and several hundred thousand copies. Mingshan, on the other hand, was notable for the variety of its publications, which included, among others, morality books, photographs of saintly figures, divinely-authored calligraphy and paintings, calligraphy by famous figures, and was also known for the religious nature of its products. Apart from traditional morality books, the publications of these morality book and conventional publishers also included spiritwriting texts (luanshu 鸞書) and scriptures from religious sects, which had then recently been composed. Texts valued in Xiantiandao 先天道 teachings, such as Guanyin jidu benyuan zhenjing 觀音濟度本願真經 and Yulu jinpan 玉 露金盤, were particularly well represented. We can thus see that the activities of commercial enterprise and morality book distribution formed a pipeline for the open distribution of sectarian teachings in the form of scriptural texts. If we argue that in the late Qing religious sects could only spread their scriptures through indirect means, then during the Republican period when religious groups received legal protection, they were able to directly distribute their own religious texts or those accepted in their religious community. Presently we know that among those groups who took full advantage of this situation, in the early Republic there was the Fellowship of Goodness, and in the later period there was the Yiguandao 一貫道. In 1917, not long after the Fellowship of Goodness had been legally established, they set up the Tianhua publisher to print inner alchemy scriptures that their tradition had accepted. When their group was proscribed in the 1930s, based on the political, economic, and publishing situation of the time, they chose the French Concession of Shanghai in which to establish Mingshan bookstore to publish their religious and morality book publications. When the Yiguandao emerged in 1937 it would appear that they had studied the experience of the Fellowship, since they established their own publishing houses, Chonghuatang in Tianjin 天津崇華堂 and Chonghuatang in Shanghai 上海崇華堂, to publish their scriptures. These new religions published and sold their own scriptures openly through morality book publishers, and were also able to retail their publications through the extensive nationwide networks

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of publishers such as Lanji bookstore, thus establishing a basis for the spread of their teachings in China and abroad. Finally, I would like to note that the newly revealed images of deities and Buddhas (Shenfo xiansheng xiang 神佛顯聖相) printed by Shanghai morality book publishers such as Mingshan bookstore and Daode bookstore were in fact a continuation of those pioneered in Lingxue congzhi 靈學叢誌 (Journal of Spiritualism) of the Shanghai Spiritualist Society 上 海靈學會, founded in 1918.⁸³ Although this was a continuation and not a newly developed product, in the context of modern Chinese religion this method was a unique development of its traditional form, and represents a significant contribution.

 For more see Wang, Jindai Zhongguo de fuji; Wang, “Lufei Kui, Sheng Detan yu lingxuehui.”

Paul R. Katz

Chapter Seven: Illuminating Goodness – Some Preliminary Considerations of Religious Publishing in Modern China¹ 1. Introductory Remarks This paper presents a preliminary examination of the historical development of one leading religious publishing enterprise in modern China, the Illuminating Goodness Bookstore (Mingshan shuju 明善書局). In the previous chapter by Wang Chien-chuan, this publisher appeared in the context of its relationship to popular religion and the production of morality books in modern China. In this essay, I will examine this institution in more detail and explore different facets of its history, paying particular attention to the elites who founded and/or managed the bookstore, the religious movements they belonged to, their motivations for engaging in religious publishing, and the categorization systems that they brought to the dissemination of religious knowledge. My research focuses on five issues: 1) The ways in which religious groups strove to publicize their beliefs and practices in mainstream outlets, such as books, newspapers, magazines, radio stations, and so on; 2) the types of texts they chose to publish

 I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude to Vincent Goossaert, Liu Wenxing 劉文星, Wu Yakui 吳亞魁, Qi Gang 祁剛, Gregory Adam Scott, Rostislav Berezkin, Wang Chien-chuan 王見川, Yau Chi-on 游子安, Fan Chunwu 范純武, Yung Sai-shing 容世誠, Chang Ning 張寧, Lien Lingling 連玲玲, Sun Huei-min 孫慧敏, and Li Kai-kuang 李鎧光 for all their kind assistance and support. This chapter was first presented as a paper in the panel entitled “New Perspectives on Religion in China: Publishing Religion, Negotiating the Party-State,” American Academy of Religion (AAR) Annual Meeting, San Francisco, November 21, 2011. Portions of this chapter also appear in my book Religion in China and its Modern Fate (Waltham, MA: Brandeis University Press, 2014). Research for this chapter was funded by an Academia Sinica Thematic Research Project entitled “1898 – 1948: Fifty Years that Changed Chinese Religions,” undertaken with Vincent Goossaert. The project has focused on the following topics: 1) Temple destruction campaigns in Wenzhou 溫州 (Zhejiang 浙江); 2) Religious publishing in Shanghai; and, 3) The religious lives of modern Chinese elites, especially those from Huzhou 湖州 (also in Zhejiang). For more information, please see the project website (http://www.mh.sinica.edu.tw/PGGroup StudyPlan_Page.aspx?groupStudyPlanID=8). This chapter is one result of research on the project’s second topic.

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and the categories used to classify religious knowledge; 3) the messages contained in these media; 4) their intended and actual audiences; 5) the overall historical significance of these phenomena, including late-imperial precedents and the ways in which they continue to shape Chinese religious life today. From a broader perspective, this paper’s significance lies in affirming religion’s role as a key element of modern Chinese history. Historians of literature, the fine arts, political thought, and other areas of Chinese culture have all shown how critical this period was in the formation of Chinese modernity and creating the society we now live in,² and scholars of religion are slowly following suit.³ Nonetheless, most histories of modern China are still heavily influenced by a secularist paradigm that claims modernity triumphed at the expense of religion. The neglect of religion in so much previous scholarship seems to be symptomatic of a tendency to uncritically adopt Weberian models of modernity, especially arguments centering on the disenchantment of religion and its conceptual transformation into a form of “superstition” (mixin 迷信). Such views have constricted our ability to fully describe the complexities of the past, especially when it comes to non-Western cultures that experienced vastly different processes of modernization.⁴ As this paper will attempt to show, negotiations over religion’s place in public life were an integral part of Chinese modernity, including the ways such processes played out in the mass media. Similarly, previous scholarship on the history of modern Chinese printing techniques and the mass media has tended to overlook their impact on indige-

 Milena Doleželová-Velingerová and Oldřich Král, eds., The Appropriation of Cultural Capital: China’s May Fourth Project (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2001); Rebecca E. Karl and Peter Zarrow, eds., Rethinking the 1898 Reform Period: Political and Cultural Change in Late Qing China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2002); Peter Zarrow, China in War and Revolution, 1895 – 1949 (London & New York: Routledge, 2005); Zarrow, After Empire: The Conceptual Transformation of the Chinese State, 1885 – 1924 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2012).  Yoshiko Ashiwa and David L. Wank, eds., Making Religion, Making the State: The Politics of Religion in Modern China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2009); Thomas D. DuBois, Religion and the Making of Modern East Asia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011); Rebecca A. Nedostup, Superstitious Regimes: Religion and the Politics of Chinese Modernity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010); Vincent Goossaert and David Palmer, The Religious Question in Modern China (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011); Poon Shuk-Wah, Negotiating Religion in Modern China: State and Common People in Guangzhou, 1900 – 1937 (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2010); Robert P. Weller, Alternate Civilities: Democracy and Culture in China and Taiwan (Boulder: Westview, 1999); Mayfair Mei-hui Yang, ed., Chinese Religiosities: Afflictions of Modernity and State Formation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008).  For a thought-provoking study of these issues, see Michael Saler, “Modernity and Enchantment: A Historiographic Review,” The American Historical Review 111 (2006): 692– 716.

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nous Chinese religious movements.⁵ In fact, however, one key aspect of Chinese religion during the Republican era was its highly public nature, with believers using various forms of the mass media to transmit their views. Due to the impact of new technologies like mechanized movable type printing, which made it possible to publish more texts at a lower cost, as well as the advent of the modern religious publishing house modeled on Christian enterprises in China, an astonishing variety of religious books and periodicals were published during the late Qing and Republican eras.⁶ Nearly every religious leader or large-scale religious organization invested time and money in religious publishing, being inspired by the use of the printed word in Christian proselytizing yet also drawing on indigenous Chinese traditions of publicizing morality and philanthropy.⁷ In the case of Buddhism, recent scholarship has shown that hundreds of Buddhist periodicals were published during the Republican era, with Shanghai serving as a leading center of such activity.⁸ Relatively less work has been done about the impact

 See for example Barbara Mittler, A Newspaper for China? Power, Identity, and Change in Shanghai’s News Media, 1872 – 1912 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2004); Tsai Weipin, Reading Shenbao: Nationalism, Consumerism and Individuality in China 1919 – 37 (Basingstoke, U.K. & New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010); Rudolf G. Wagner, ed., Word, Image, and City in Early Chinese Newspapers, 1870 – 1910 (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2007). For more on the impact of new printing technologies, see Christopher Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai: Chinese Print Capitalism, 1876 – 1937 (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2004); Cynthia Brokaw and Christopher Reed, eds., From Woodblocks to the Internet: Chinese Publishing and Print Culture in Transition, circa 1800 to 2008 (Leiden & Boston: Brill, 2010).  See chapter three in this volume: Gregory Adam Scott, “Navigating the Sea of Scriptures: The Buddhist Studies Collectanea, 1918 – 1923.” This paper was originally presented as part of the AAR panel mentioned above.  Cynthia J. Brokaw, The Ledgers of Merit and Demerit: Social Change and Moral Order in Late Imperial China (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); Joanna Handlin Smith, The Art of Doing Good: Charity in Late Ming China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009); Kathryn Edgerton-Tarpley, Tears from Iron: Cultural Responses to Famine in Nineteenth-century China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008); Angela Ki Che Leung (Liang Qizi 梁其姿), Shishan yu jiaohua: Ming-Qing de cishan zuzhi 施善與教化：明清的慈善組織 (Taipei: Lien-ching Publishing Company, 1997).  Francesca Tarocco, The Cultural Practices of Modern Chinese Buddhism: Attuning the Dharma (New York & London: Routledge, 2007), 16 – 20, 30, 46 – 49, 59 – 63; Jan Kiely, “Spreading the Dharma with the Mechanized Press: New Buddhist Print Cultures in the Modern Chinese Print Revolution, 1865 – 1949,” in From Woodblocks to the Internet: Chinese Publishing and Print Culture in Transition, 1800 – 2008, ed. Christopher Reed and Cynthia Brokaw (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2010), 185 – 210; Kiely, “Shanghai Public Moralist Nie Qijie and Morality Book Publication Projects in Republican China,” Twentieth-Century China 36, no.1 (2011): 4– 22; J. Brooks Jessup, “The Householder Elite: Buddhist Activism in Shanghai, 1920 – 1956” (PhD diss., University of California, Berkeley, 2010), 56 – 58; Gregory Adam Scott, “Conversion by the Book: Buddhist Print

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of religious publishing on non-Buddhist groups during this time period, with one of the most important accomplishments to-date being Liu Xun’s 劉迅 recent book on Chen Yingning 陳攖寧 (1880 – 1969) and lay Daoist circles in Shanghai; it describes how journals such as the Immortals’ Way Monthly (Xiandao yuebao 仙道月報) and the Biweekly to Promote the Good (Yangshan banyuekan 揚善半月 刊) helped publicize previously esoteric self-cultivation techniques and attract new converts, solidify bonds between practitioners, and overcome gender barriers.⁹ These models of religious publishing also influenced the elites who led modern sectarian movements, including various redemptive societies (see below).¹⁰ On the one hand, such groups, including spirit-writing associations (often referred to as “phoenix halls” or luantang 鸞堂), utilized modern printing techniques to effectively publicize the morality books (shanshu 善書) they produced throughout China and Taiwan, as well as among overseas Chinese communities.¹¹ On the other hand, these groups also made use of newspapers

Culture in Early Republican China” (PhD diss., Columbia University, 2014). See also Scott’s “Digital Catalogue of Chinese Buddhism/Zhongguo Fojiao shuzi mulu” 中國佛教數字目錄 (http://bib.buddhiststudies.net/).  Liu Xun, Daoist Modern: Innovation, Lay Practice, and the Community of Inner Alchemy in Republican Shanghai (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2009), esp. pp. 231– 271. See also Wu Yakui 吳亞魁, Jiangnan Quanzhen Daojiao 江南全真道教 (Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju, 2006). For Beijing, see Vincent Goossaert, The Daoists of Peking, 1800 – 1949: A Social History of Urban Clerics, Harvard East Asian Monographs, no. 284 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), 308 – 319.  Wang Chien-chuan 王見川, “Qingmo Minchu de Jigong xinyang yu fuji tuanti: jiantan Zhongguo jishenghui de youlai” 清末民初中國的濟公信仰與扶乩團體：兼談中國濟生會的由來, Minsu quyi 民俗曲藝 (Journal of Chinese Ritual, Theatre, and Folklore), no. 162 (2008): 139 – 169; Fan Chunwu 范純武, “Feiluan, xiuzhen yu banshan – Zheng Guanying yu Shanghai de zongjiao shijie” 飛鸞、修真與辦善 – 鄭觀應與上海的宗教世界, in Cong chengshi kan Zhongguo de xiandaixing 從城市看中國的現代性, ed. Wu Jen-shu 巫仁恕, Lin May-li 林美莉, and Kang Bao 康 豹 (Taipei: Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica, 2010), 247– 274; Yau Chi-on 游子安 [You Zi’an], Shan yu ren tong: Ming-Qing yilai de cishan yu jiaohua 善與人同：明清以來的慈善與教化 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005).  For more on these associations, see David K. Jordan and Daniel L. Overmyer, The Flying Phoenix: Aspects of Chinese Sectarianism in Taiwan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986). See also Philip A. Clart, “Chinese Tradition and Taiwanese Modernity: Morality Books as Social Commentary and Critique,” in Religion in Modern Taiwan: Tradition and Innovation in a Changing Society, ed. Philip A. Clart and Charles B. Jones (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2003), 84– 97; Paul R. Katz, “Spirit-Writing Halls and the Development of Local Communities – A Case Study of Puli (Nantou County),” Minsu quyi, no. 174 (2011): 103 – 184; Gary W. Seaman, Temple Organization in a Chinese Village, in Asian Folklore and Social Life Monographs, ed. Lou Tzuk’uang 婁子匡, vol. 101 (Taipei: The Orient Cultural Service, 1978).

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and periodicals to publicize their religious ideals and philanthropic deeds. All these trends are readily apparent in the study of the Illuminating Goodness Bookstore below. In addition, Rostislav Berezkin has been examining the links between modern religious publishing and the spread of baojuan 寶卷 texts.¹² My interest in religion and the mass media derives from earlier research projects on modern Chinese social and religious history, starting with a Taiwan National Science Council grant to study the philanthropic activities of Shanghai’s Taizhou 台州 (Zhejiang 浙江) sojourning community during the Republican era.¹³ This paper also draws on my ongoing research about the religious life of the renowned Shanghai businessman, artist, and philanthropist Wang Yiting 王一亭 (Wang Zhen 王震; 1867– 1938).¹⁴ Previous research has largely failed to appreciate the importance of religion to modern Chinese elites.¹⁵ While many of these men and women lived during an age when intellectuals were striving to create a secularized society, the fact that numerous elites dedicated themselves to a religious lifestyle suggests a need for rethinking the very nature of Chinese modernity. Urban religious elites like Wang Yiting not only played a major role in transforming traditional Chinese religious culture, but also actively utilized the mass media for both religious and philanthropic purposes.¹⁶  See the chapter included in this book: Rostislav Berezkin, “The Multiple Ways of Printing and Circulation of ‘Precious Scrolls’ in Early Twentieth-Century Shanghai and Its Vicinity: Towards the Assessment of Multifunctionality of the Genre.” This paper, originally entitled “Baojuan Publishing by Shanghai and Ningbo Publishers (1911– 1940) and Its Connection with the Expansion and Changes of the Genre,” was first presented as part of the AAR panel mentioned above. See also Rostislav Berezkin, “Lithographic Printing and the Development of the Baojuan 寶卷 Genre in Shanghai in the 1900 – 1920s: On the Question of the Interaction between Print Technology and Popular Literature in China (Preliminary Observations),” Zhongzheng daxue Zhongwen xueshu niankan 中正大學中文學術年刊 17 (2011): 337– 368.  Paul R. Katz, “‘It is Difficult to be Indifferent to One’s Roots’ – Taizhou 台州 Sojourners and Flood Relief during the 1920s,” Bulletin of the Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica 54 (2006): 1– 58.  Paul R. Katz (Kang Bao 康豹), “Yige zhuming Shanghai shangren yu cishanjia de zongjiao shenghuo – Wang Yiting” 一個著名上海商人與慈善家的宗教生活 – 王一亭, in Cong chengshi kan Zhongguo de xiandaixing, 275 – 296.  Examples of this scholarship include Mary B. Rankin, Elite Activism and Political Transformation in China, Zhejiang Province, 1865 – 1911 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1986); R. Keith Schoppa, Chinese Elites and Political Change: Zhejiang Province in the Early Twentieth Century (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982); David Strand, Rickshaw Beijing: City People and Politics in 1920s China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989).  One example involves the massive relief effort Wang helped organize following the devastating Kantō 關東 Earthquake. Wang formed the Buddhist Relief Association for the Japanese Calamity (Fojiao puji rizaihui 佛教普濟日災會), and raised over 185,000 yen by means of frontpage announcements in newspapers like Shenbao 申報 and charitable auctions of artworks,

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2. The Illuminating Goodness Bookstore (Mingshan shuju) – A Brief History This portion of the paper presents a preliminary examination of one leading religious publishing enterprise in modern China, the Illuminating Goodness Bookstore, which was founded in Shanghai in 1931 and continued to operate there up to 1949.¹⁷ It was originally located at #284 on Kraetzer Road (Kaizier lu 愷自邇路) in the French Concession.¹⁸ Particular attention is devoted to the elites who founded and/or managed the Bookstore, the religious movements to which they belonged, their motivations for engaging in religious publishing, and the categorization systems that they brought to the dissemination of religious knowledge. In contrast to the Buddhist publishing houses studied by previous scholars, which tended to produce works belonging to that religious tradition, the Illuminating Goodness Bookstore printed all manner of Buddhist, Daoist, Confucian, and sectarian texts. Some of its works have been reprinted in Taiwan (see below),¹⁹ while others are still being sold as rare books on websites like the online bookstore Kongfuzi 孔夫子.²⁰ The Bookstore’s growth cannot be fully understood without taking into the account the advent of modern religious movements currently referred to by scholars as “redemptive societies” (jiushi tuanti 救世團體). As recent research has begun to show, such groups helped contribute to a reconfiguration of Chinese religious life during the Republican era.²¹ During this period of flux and in-

including his own. Kang Bao, “Yige zhuming Shanghai shangren yu cishanjia de zongjiao shenghuo,” 281.  Yau Chi-on, Shan yu ren tong, 82– 86.  This road was named after M. Emile Kraetzer (1839 – 1887), a respected French judge and diplomat. See Wang Chien-chuan 王見川, “Mingshan shuju yu Tongshanshe – jiantan Xuanling Yuhuangjing de liuchuan” 明善書局與同善社 – 兼談《玄靈玉皇經》的流傳, Mazu yu minjian xinyang: yanjiu tongxun 媽祖與民間信仰: 研究通訊 1 (2012): 1– 13.  Examples of these reprints may be found at http://shanshu.im.tiit.edu.tw/blog/348. See also Wang Chien-chuan 王見川, Li Shiwei 李世偉, et al., eds., minjian sicang Taiwan zongjiao ziliao huibian: minjian xinyang, minjian wenhua 民間私藏臺灣宗教資料彙編：民間信仰・民間文化, Series 1, 34 volumes (Taipei: Boyang wenhua chuban gongsi, 2009); Series 2, 33 volumes (Taipei: Boyang wenhua chuban gongsi, 2010).  http://www.kongfz.com/.  These phenomena are examined in detail in the special double issue of Minsu quyi (Journal of Chinese Ritual, Theatre, and Folklore) entitled “Redemptive Societies and New Religious Movements in Modern China”; see nos. 172 (June 2011) and 173 (September 2011). See also David Ownby, “Redemptive Societies in China’s Long Twentieth Century,” paper presented at the international conference on “Modern Chinese Religion: Value Systems in Transformation, Part 2:

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stability, these voluntary associations quickly gained notoriety for their emphasis on proper moral conduct, engagement in philanthropic activities, and practice of spirit-writing rituals (variously referred to as fuji 扶乩, fuluan 扶鸞, or feiluan 飛 鸞). Some of the largest and best-organized of these societies gained legitimacy during the Republican era by being allowed to register with the state, including the Fellowship of Goodness (Tongshanshe 同善社), the Universal Morality Society (Wanguo daodehui 萬國道德會), the Teachings of the Abiding Principle (Zailijiao 在理教), the Way of Pervading Unity (Yiguandao 一貫道), and the Society of the Way (Daoyuan 道院; also known as by the name of its philanthropic branch, the Red Swastika Society or Hongwanzihui 紅卍字會).²² Scholars are now only beginning to appreciate the extent to which these movements challenge conventional dichotomies such as elite/popular or institutionalized/diffused, due to their national organization, hierarchical structure, systematized doctrine, and canon formation. Redemptive societies also call into question the traditional/modern dichotomy due to their commitment to a “new civilizational discourse” embracing Asian solutions to the problems of the modern world, as well as their attempts to define self-cultivation practices (including meditation, the martial arts, and healing) as fitting the categories of both “religion” and “science.”²³ Of all these groups, the Fellowship of Goodness is most relevant for this paper, as some of its leaders helped found the Illuminating Goodness Bookstore. The Fellowship of Goodness arose in Sichuan during the early twentieth century, apparently having developed out of religious traditions linked to the Way of Former Heaven (Xiantiandao 先天道). The Fellowship’s most renowned leader 1850-present,” Chinese University of Hong Kong, December 12– 15, 2012; Goossaert and Palmer, The Religious Question in Modern China, 135– 137.  For the histories of specific groups, see Prasenjit Duara, Sovereignty and Authenticity: Manchukuo and the East Asian Modern (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003), 103 – 122, 139 – 140, 154– 162; Thomas David DuBois, The Sacred Village: Social Change and Religious Life in Rural North China (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2005), 107– 120; Lu Zhongwei, “Huidaomen in the Republican Period,” translated by David Ownby, Chinese Studies in History 44, nos. 1– 2 (Fall 2010/Winter 2011): 10 – 37; Shao Yong 邵雍, Zhongguo huidaomen 中國會道門 (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1997). A useful overview of Chinese-language works may be found in David Ownby, “Recent Chinese Scholarship on the History of ‘Redemptive Societies’: Guest Editor’s Introduction,” Chinese Studies in History 44, no. 1– 2 (Fall 2010/Winter 2011): 3 – 9.  Huang Ko-wu 黃克武, “Minguo chunian Shanghai Lingxue yanjiu: Yi ‘Shanghai Lingxuehui’ wei li” 民國初年上海的靈學研究：以「上海靈學會」為例, Bulletin of the Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica 55 (2007): 99 – 136; Sakai Tadao 酒井忠夫, “Minguo chuqi zhi xinxing zongjiao yundong yu xinshidai chaoliu” 民國初期之新興宗教運動與新時代潮流, trans. Chang Shu-e 張淑娥, Minjian zongjiao 民間宗教 1 (1995): 1– 36.

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was Peng Huilong 彭迴龍 (original name Peng Ruzun 彭汝尊, also known as Shugu laoren 述古老人, 1873 – 1950), who was born in Dazu 大足 (Sichuan) as the eldest of three sons of a local dyer.²⁴ Peng received a traditional education (reading the works of Confucius and Mencius), and a number of his followers enjoyed success in the Qing examination system. He became patriarch of the Fellowship in either 1909 or 1912, and under his leadership the movement quickly attracted extensive gentry support, being introduced to Qing court in 1910, earning recognition as an officially-sanctioned “religion” (zongjiao 宗教) with the Beiyang 北洋 government in Beijing on November 6, 1917, and gaining the patronage of leading politicians like Duan Qirui 段祺瑞 (1865 – 1936, Republic of China President 1923 – 1924).²⁵ By 1920, the Fellowship had grown into a national organization claiming over one million members who practiced meditation and scripture recitation (referred to as “inner discipline” or neigong 內功) as well as philanthropic activities (“exterior fruits” or waiguo 外果). This division between self-cultivation and philanthropic activities characterized many of the redemptive societies mentioned above. These values are clearly visible in the application for state recognition that the Fellowship submitted to the Beiyang authorities in 1917, which stressed the importance of moral development and charitable deeds during times of natural and man-made calamities: …In China, the six years that have passed since the 1911 revolution have been full of natural and human disasters. Throughout the country, the people are dispersed, and their pain and suffering can hardly be exaggerated. This year there were battles in the west and floods in the north. It is too much to bear…The plan is to establish the Fellowship of Goodness in the capital, to correct the mind and cultivate the body, and to encourage one another in diligence. Should our efforts permit it, we will extend our program to others, giving lectures so as to save the people and return them to heaven’s intentions. We hope that the suffering

 Peng was mentioned briefly in the previous chapter, section 3.1.  Wang Chien-chuan 王見川, “Tongshanshe zaoqi de tedian ji zai Yunnan de fazhan (1912– 1937): jiantan qi yu ‘luantang,’ ‘Rujiao’ de guanxi” 同善社早期的特點及在雲南的發展 (1912– 1937)：兼談其與「鸞壇」、「儒教」的關係, Minsu quyi, no. 172 (2011): 127– 159; Wang Chienchuan, “Tongshanshe de zaoqi lishi (1912– 1945) chutan” 同善社的早期歷史(1912– 1945)初探, Minjian zongjiao 民間宗教 1 (1995): 57– 82; Wang Chien-chuan, “Mingshan shuju yu Tongshanshe.” For an English version of Wang’s work on this topic, see “An Exploration of the Early History of the Tongshanshe (1912– 1945),” translated by David Ownby, Chinese Studies in History 44, no. 1– 2 (Fall 2010/Winter 2011): 121– 131. See also Goossaert and Palmer, Religious Question, 100 – 105. Another key source, albeit not without its flaws, is John Cornelius De Korne’s PhD thesis, entitled “The Fellowship of Goodness (T’ung Shan She): A Study in Contemporary Chinese Religion,” which was completed in 1934 and printed in Grand Rapids, Michigan, in 1941 without ever being formally published.

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of the people will convince the authorities to grant our petition and allow the registration of the Fellowship of Goodness so that we may carry out our work throughout all the provinces of China. …我中國自辛亥改革以還，於今六載，天灾人禍，紛至沓來。各省人民，流離轉徙，其痛 苦顛連之狀，即遍繪流民之圖，亦莫能方其萬一。如本年西川兵火之慘劇，北直洪水之浩 劫，尤屬目不忍見，耳不忍聞…在京師創立同善社，正心修身，互相勸勉。行有餘力，則 推己及人，同出演講，冀以救正人心，挽回天意。區區苦衷，諒上大君子之所樂許也。為 此呈請鑒核，並祈呈部立案，轉行各省，以便進行。²⁶

The above sentiments also found vivid expression in the Illuminating Goodness Bookstore’s own publications, with the Bookstore’s founding reflecting a trend among Fellowship members to expand from giving public lectures to managing publishing enterprises, the general sentiment being that the latter activity would have a more sustained and long-term impact (see below). The Fellowship (and many other redemptive societies) was proscribed by the Nationalist state in 1927, but this policy was not stringently enforced, especially since the state benefited from these groups’ charitable activities. As a result, the Fellowship was able to remain active underground, with branch organizations referring to themselves using commercial designations and their leaders describing themselves in public documents using titles like “owner” and “manager.”²⁷ All of these features are apparent in the Illuminating Goodness Bookstore’s history. During the 1950s, the Fellowship and all other redemptive societies were harshly persecuted by the Communist authorities for allegedly having taken part in anti-CCP activities, but it still survives in Taiwan and part of Southeast Asia, often under the guise of Confucian study societies (including those affiliated with the renowned Baoan Gong 保安宮 in Taipei).²⁸ As noted above, by at least the first decades of the twentieth century many members of the Fellowship had begun to devote themselves to religious publishing, one of its earliest presses being the Celestial Flower Printing House (Tianhua yinshuguan 天華印書館), located in Beijing.²⁹ When the Printing House was forced to close during the 1927 suppression campaign, however, the Fellowship’s leadership decided to shift publishing operations to Shanghai. Thus, it may well  Wang Chien-chuan, “An Exploration of the Early History of the Tongshanshe (1912– 1945),” 124.  On the Fellowship’s use of commercial designations, see also Wang Chien-chuan’s chapter, section 3.3.  Wang Chien-chuan, “An Exploration of the Early History of the Tongshanshe (1912– 1945),” 129 – 130.  Wang Chien-chuan, “An Exploration of the Early History of the Tongshanshe (1912– 1945),” 127; Wang Chien-chuan, “Mingshan shuju yu Tongshanshe.”

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have been no coincidence that the Illuminating Goodness Bookstore was located in the French Concession, as this would have provided a measure of protection from further state suppression. Fellowship members may well have been heartened by the fact that the Bookstore was one of only a few buildings in that neighborhood to escape unscathed during the Japanese bombing runs of the “January 28 Incident” or “Shanghai Incident” of 1932, its survival being popularly attributed to divine protection of the Bookstore’s efforts in publishing morality books.³⁰ By the time of these events, the Bookstore had also started to publish its own periodicals. The first, entitled Reports for Protecting Life (Hushengbao 護生報), was published beginning in 1932, with the Daode Bookstore taking charge of its publication by 1935,³¹ serving as the voice of China’s nascent animal rights movement.³² The second, a bi-weekly entitled Collected Reports of Philanthropy (Cishan huibao 慈善彙報) was founded in 1933 and claimed to have a readership of over 10,000 by its tenth issue.³³ A number of Chinese elites, including members of the Fellowship of Goodness, played key roles in the Bookstore’s founding and subsequent development. One of these men was Zhang Zaiyang 張載陽 (Zhang Xuanchu 張暄初, 1873 – 1945), who rose through the ranks of the military and civil officialdom to serve as Governor of Zhejiang in 1922 and Major General in 1923. A successful entrepreneur as well, Zhang established one of Shanghai’s largest places for the pursuit of leisure, the Great World Amusement Park (Dashijie youlechang 大世界遊樂 場). He was also a well-known calligrapher, and many of his works still adorn temples and scenic sites in Hangzhou 杭州. As Governor, Zhang won praise for his efforts in local public works and philanthropic enterprises, but standard

 Wang Chien-chuan, “Mingshan shuju yu Tongshanshe”; see also Wang Chien-chuan’s chapter, section 3.1.  Two versions survive, although both are incomplete. The first version may be found in volume 79 of the Minguo Fojiao qikan wenxian jicheng 民國佛教期刊文獻集成 (Beijing: Quanguo tushuguan wenxian suowei fuzhi zhongxin, 2006). The second version, which is much more extensive with better quality images, may be found in volumes 11– 12 of the Xijian Minguo Fojiao wenxian huibian 稀見民國佛教文獻彙编 (Beijing: Zhongguo shudian, 2008). I am grateful to Poon Shuk-wah, Yau Chi-on, and Liu Wenxing for their help in locating these editions.  Reports about this movement may be found in the following issues of Shenbao: 1932.07.20, 1933.08.31, 1934.02.23, 1934.08.14, 1932.10.03 – 10.05. Poon Shuk-wah is currently undertaking a study of the animal rights movement during the Republican era.  The accuracy of these circulation figures remains unknown, but the August 7, 1935 issue of Shenbao lists the Cishan huibao as having been approved for publication inside the French Concession.

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biographies provide little hint as to his religious devotion.³⁴ At the same time, however, Zhang was also a leader in the Hangzhou branch of the Fellowship of Goodness, which he helped establish after its spread there in 1918 and continued to support up to his death in 1945.³⁵ A November 12, 1927 article in Shenbao 申報 describes Zhang’s relationship with a wealthy Huzhou 湖州 elite surnamed Cai 蔡, who had joined the Fellowship in 1923 and whose home was left untouched during depredations by local bandits in 1927 (much like the Bookstore survived Japanese bombs five years later). Amazed at this news, Zhang, who was then serving as Governor of Zhejiang, visited Cai’s home and listened to him preach about the intricacies of Fellowship doctrines.³⁶ One surprising aspect of Zhang’s religious life was that he ended up being on distinctly bad terms with the Buddhist establishment. One 1931 letter from Dharma Master Yinguang (Yinguang fashi 印光法師, 1862– 1940) to a lay devotee named Zhou Shanchang 周善昌, which has been preserved in the Yinguang fashi wenchao 印光法師文鈔, mentions Zhang and another elite named Cai Zhenshen 蔡振紳 (see below) as being in charge of the Bookstore, while also castigating them for publishing “fake” scriptures.³⁷ These negative feelings might derive from an incident that occurred in early 1921, when Zhang became embroiled in a land dispute with Great Dharma Master Taixu (Taixu dashi 太虛大師, 1887– 1947) that resulted in Taixu’s losing control over the renowned Monastery of Purity and Mercy (Jingci Si 淨慈寺) in Hangzhou.³⁸ The other Fellowship of Goodness member cited as having helped found the Bookstore was Cai Zhenshen 蔡振紳 (also known as Cai Liulong 蔡六龍), a native of Huzhou 湖州 and disciple of Peng Huilong who may have been related to the wealthy Mr. Cai mentioned above (both were from Huzhou, but lived in different parts of the prefecture). Cai Zhenshen came from an elite family committed to the promulgation of traditional values like filial piety. According to a pref-

 Articles describing Zhang’s life and career, including his philanthropic deeds, may be found in the following issues of Shenbao: 1921.10.17, 1922.11.11, 1922.11.27, 1922.12.08, 1923.01.09, 1923.04.06, 1923.09.07– 09.08, 1926.03.13, 1929.12.20, 1934.02.12. For his obituary, see 1945.12.23.  Wang Chien-chuan, “Mingshan shuju yu Tongshanshe.”  Shenbao, 1927.11.12. Articles describing Zhang’s other religious activities (founding temples, participating in local festivals, etc.) may be found in the following issues of Shenbao: 1933.10.15, 1933.12.10, 1934.04.29, 1934.05.17, 1935.07.04.  See Yinguang fashi wenchao 印光法師文鈔, vol. 1 (Beijing: Zongjiao wenhua chubanshe, 2000), 585. Online versions include http://www.minlun.org.tw/haihui/data/56/index.asp?t1= 2&t2=1&t3=44, as well as http://www.pureland.tw/pureland/master13/cczl/ygfswc/y3a/y3a01/ y3a0180 – 0182.htm. Yinguang’s statement was also quoted in the previous chapter, section 3.1.  See the Taixu dashi nianpu 太虛大師年譜, in Yinshun fashi Foxue zhuzuo quanji 印順法師佛 學著作全集, vol. 6 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2009), 79 – 85.

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ace Cai wrote for one of the morality books he compiled, entitled Essential Knowledge of the Eight Virtues (Bade xuzhi 八德須知), his father’s first wife and son had both died young, and the second wife did not give birth to Cai until his father was 38 years old. Treasuring this late blessing in his life, the elder Cai personally instructed his son in the Confucian classics when he was but four years old, beginning with the Classic of Filial Piety (Xiaojing 孝經). Day and night they studied together, their only “holidays” falling on Lunar New Year’s Eve and Lunar New Year’s Day. This experience molded Cai for life, and he devoted extensive effort to trying to instruct others in the values he had learned, gaining renown for his role in promoting educational reform.³⁹ The date Cai joined the Fellowship is unknown, but we was an active member and helped manage its affairs in both Shanghai and Hangzhou. Some claim that he (and not Zhang) might have been the actual founder of the Illuminating Goodness Bookstore.⁴⁰ Another key figure and Fellowship member was Sun Mianzhi 孫勉之 (b. 1901), a self-identified native of Haiyan 海鹽 County (Jiaxing 嘉興), who served as the Bookstore’s manager (jingli 經理) during the early 1930s, assisted by individuals like Jiang Lü 姜履 (also a Haiyan native). Sun was succeeded by Gu Daxiao 顧達孝, who managed the Bookstore up to the early 1940s.⁴¹ Finally, I should also mention that the famed Shanghai elite Wang Yiting provided at least literary patronage for the Bookstore, writing the calligraphy for its 1932 catalogue’s title pages as well as a couplet for the inside cover that read “While you can use speech to admonish people for one generation, you can admonish them for a hundred generations with the written word” (Yishi quanren yi kou, baishi quanren yi shu 一世勸人以口 百世勸人以書).⁴² Whether Wang was a Fellowship member is as yet unclear, but he is known to have joined redemptive societies and other religious groups during the 1920s and 1930s, the most notable being the Teaching of Celestial Virtue (Tiandejiao 天德教) and the China Rescuing Life Association (Zhongguo jishenghui 中國濟生會).⁴³

 Shenbao, 1924.04.08.  Lu Zhongwei 陸仲偉, Tongshanshe 同善社 (Beijing: Shehui wenti yanjiu congshu bianji weiyuanhui, 2005). See also Wang Chien-chuan, “Mingshan shuju yu Tongshanshe.”  Wang Chien-chuan, “Mingshan shuju yu Tongshanshe.” As noted above, Fellowship members often adopted such innocuous titles in order to disguise their religious activities after the movement had been forced underground. For more on Sun, see the previous chapter, section 3.1.  Minguo shiqi chuban shumu huibian 民國時期出版書目彙編, vol. 20 (Beijing: Guojia tushuguan chubanshe, 2010), 203, 205.  Kang Bao, “Yige zhuming Shanghai shangren yu cishanjia de zongjiao shenghuo,” 287– 292.

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What motivated these men to devote so much effort to the field of religious publishing? Some answers may be found in the Bookstore’s own catalogues, two of which have been preserved in an extremely valuable reference work entitled Minguo shiqi chuban shumu huibian 民國時期出版書目彙編. The last two volumes of this twenty-volume compilation contain numerous catalogues compiled by religious publishing enterprises. Volume 19 is mainly devoted to Buddhism, especially catalogues for Shanghai Buddhist Books. Volume 20 contains catalogues representing a wide range of Republican-era religious groups, including the first and sixth catalogues published by the Illuminating Goodness Bookstore in 1932 and 1935. These catalogues are especially significant because they not only contain lists of books, but also writings that express the agendas of those elites who became involved in religious publishing. One example may be found in a 1931 “Declaration” (xuanyan 宣言) composed by Sun Mianzhi to mark the occasion of the publication of the Bookstore’s first catalogue shortly after its founding.⁴⁴ This work reveals that, like the Fellowship of Goodness members who had applied for state recognition back in 1917, Sun and his peers had been deeply moved by the natural and man-made calamities ravaging China during the early years of the Republican era, believing that promoting the values contained in morality books could provide succor to the afflicted or even prevent future outbreaks. Accordingly, these men strove to use the Bookstore as a means of promulgating the values they hoped would help save the world. The “Declaration” opens by describing the multitudinous disasters afflicting China by 1931, before turning to the necessity of encouraging people to do good deeds, especially via religious publishing (Wang Yiting’s statement about admonishing people for a hundred generations by means of the written word is quoted verbatim). According to Sun: …In a nation like ours, which is so vast with such a huge population yet lacks widespread education, it is extremely difficult to change people’s customs. Organizations that publish morality books must devote themselves to promoting these virtues, in order to achieve the goal of reform by moral uprightness [ganhua 感化, a Bookstore category for its catalogues; see below]. Moreover, in this age of incessant disasters, we need to further encourage ourselves to perform acts of goodness, and strive to guide vulgar customs [yongsu 庸俗] […] How can the younger generation [qingnian zhi liu 青年之流] consider our acts to be superstitious and corrupt?⁴⁵ At the very least, our works can help the common people practice self-cultivation and keep their families in order, and at most aid the nation in its hope to achieve peace.

 A different section of the Declaration was cited in the previous chapter, section 3.1.  For more on the anti-superstition campaigns, see Nedostup, Superstitious Regimes; Goossaert and Palmer, The Religious Question.

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…且以吾國之大，人民之眾，教育之不普，積習之難移，善書機關，正宜力事提倡，以資 感化，況際此災劫頻仍之秋，更當以善自勉，力導庸俗[…]青年之流，視作迷信腐化者 哉？庶小之修身齊家之賴，大之治國平天下之望，或亦得有少助云爾。⁴⁶

Similar sentiments are also expressed in a “Declaration” written by Zhang Zaiyang to mark the inaugural issue of the Collected Reports of Philanthropy, which not only advocates in favor of saving the world via moral instruction but also provides detail on the Bookstore’s organizational structure, which included people responsible for collecting works to be reprinted as well as editing them and then distributing them after their publication.⁴⁷ However, the primary concerns of those elites who managed the Bookstore centered on the values contained in the Three Teachings (Sanjiao 三教), the importance of spirit-writing, the need for engaging in acts of philanthropy, and the overall goal of spreading proper moral values.⁴⁸ It is to these acts of production that we now turn our attention.

3. The Production of Religious Knowledge One of the essential elements of religious publishing was the interaction between media and message, particularly the extent to which new technologies like lithographic printing as well as the growth of modern education systems shaped both the form and contents of religious texts. This is because religious publishing involved not only the production and transmission of beliefs and practices, but also the attempt by religious groups to assert the authenticity of their teachings and persuade the rest of the world as to their inherent value, goals which could prove increasingly difficult to attain in light of the forces shaping Chinese culture during the modern era.⁴⁹ Such concerns clearly shaped the agendas of the Illuminating Goodness Bookstore, which utilized both woodblock and lithographic formats to produce not only venerable scriptures written in classical Chinese (wenyan 文言) but also illustrated works in the vernacular (baihua 白話), promoting both Chinese and Western moral values and attempting to reach out to women and the youth.

 Minguo shiqi chuban shumu huibian, vol. 20, 193 – 194.  Minguo shiqi chuban shumu huibian, vol. 20, 329 – 330.  See for example Sun’s preface for the Bookstore’s sixth catalogue in 1935, translated and discussed in the previous chapter, section 3.1.  These issues are thoughtfully considered in Scott, “Conversion by the Book;” Scott, “Navigating the Sea of Scriptures.”

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The best evidence of these phenomena may be found in the Illuminating Goodness Bookstore’s catalogues, which contain a striking variety of texts. At present, I have been able to locate three such catalogues: The first, dated 1932 and preserved in the Minguo shiqi chuban shumu huibian, lists a total of 109 published works. The second, a partial catalogue from the 1930s generously supplied by Yao Chi-on, lists 239 works. The third, also in the Minguo shiqi chuban shumu huibian but dating from 1935, is the largest and most complete, containing a total of 331 works. In considering the significance of the works contained in these catalogues, one might start by analyzing their dates. This is a rather tricky issue, however, since many of these works are undated and went through numerous revisions and modifications over time. Nevertheless, some interesting trends are apparent. Of the 36 datable texts from the 1932 catalogue, one was said to have been written during the Three Kingdoms (Sanguo 三國; 220 – 265), five during the Qing dynasty (1644 – 1911), and 30 during the Republican era. For the 1930s catalogue, however, the totals for the 50 datable works are three from the Tang dynasty (618 – 907), two Song dynasty (960 – 1279), one Yuan dynasty (1279 – 1368), two Ming dynasty (1279 – 1368), 16 Qing dynasty, and 24 Republican era. Figures for the 1935 catalogue (68 datable works) are one Three Kingdoms, three Tang, two Song, one Yuan, three Ming, 23 Qing, and 33 Republican. This indicates that the elites who managed the Illuminating Goodness Bookstore chose to go back in time, with the percentage of Republican-era works declining while that of Qing-dynasty texts increased. This may be due to a trend among Fellowship of Goodness leaders to emphasize the movement’s origins and early development, especially in light of increasing suppression by the state.⁵⁰ As for the contents of those works published by the Bookstore, one is struck by their immense variety. Some texts were related to Buddhism and Daoism, while others stressed traditional moral values and practices. A few publications included collections of both Chinese and Western aphorisms, while there were also numerous works opposing the killing of sentient beings, condemning immoral behavior like gambling, and reminding readers of the inevitability of divine retribution. The Bookstore’s catalogue also featured sectarian scriptures popular among groups in China and Taiwan, medicinal texts, and works treating women’s education and health. The Bookstore’s catalogues also provide insights into how modern religious groups attempted to categorize sacred knowledge. For example, the 107 texts in

 Wang Chien-chuan, “Mingshan shuju yu Tongshanshe.”

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the 1932 catalogue (not including 2 uncategorized works), were classified according to the following six categories: 1. Compassion and Love (Ci’ailei 慈愛類): A total of 8 texts, mostly devoted to injunctions against killing sentient beings (jiesha 戒殺) that were written by Republican-era lay Buddhist elites like Huang Hanzhi 黃涵之 (Huang Qinglan 黃慶 瀾, 1875 – 1961) and Feng Zikai 豐子愷 (1898 – 1975). 2. Eight Virtues (Badelei 八德類): 17 texts, the titles of which invariably begin with the words “Eight Virtues”, which are devoted to promulgating traditional moral values espoused by the Fellowship of Goodness (see below).⁵¹ 3. Buddhist Scriptures (Fojinglei 佛經類): 20 texts that are mostly standard Buddhist works, but also include more recent texts by Republican-era lay Buddhists like Xu Zhijing 許止淨 and Wang Shuyun 王書雲. 4. Daoist Texts (Daoshulei 道書類): 13 texts, generally treating Taoist forms of self-cultivation and internal alchemy. 5. Confucianism (Ruxuelei 儒學類): 8 texts, largely standard Confucian works like the Classic of Filial Piety, but also more modern texts like the Newly Annotated Vernacular Commentaries on the Four Books by Child Prodigy Jiang (Jiang shentong xinzhu Sishu baihua jieshuo 江神童新註四書白話解說) by Jiang Xizhang 江希張 (1907– 2004), the youthful leader of the Universal Morality Society. 6. Guiding Customs (Daosulei 導俗類): The largest category (39 texts), most of which are venerable morality books like the Folios of the Most High on Retribution (Taishang ganyingpian 太上感應篇). However, this category also includes collections of literati writings like biji 筆記 plus a number of medical texts. The 302 texts (not including 29 uncategorized works) in the 1935 catalogue (the largest and most complete of those that survive), were categorized according to a new system that abandoned the Three Teachings framework in favor of stressing a wider range of moral values, its works being classified as follows:⁵² 1. Classics (Jingdianlei 經典類): 68 texts representing leading works of the Three Teachings. This category consists mainly of Buddhist scriptures, but also morality books like the Folios of the Most High on Retribution mentioned above. 2. Inner Nature and Universal Principles (Xinglilei 性理類): 42 texts ranging from Confucian works like the Four Books to Daoist writings by Bai Yuchan 白玉 蟾 (1194–?), Zhang Sanfeng 張三丰, and Wang Changyue 王常月 (?–1680). This category also includes spirit-writing texts such as the Golden Needle of Instruc-

 In his chapter in this volume, Wang Chien-chuan identifies 25 texts from this category in the 1932 catalogue.  These same categories were also used for the partially preserved 1930s catalogue.

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tions for Guiding the Lost (Zhimi jinzhen 指迷金箴) and the Golden Basin of Jade Dew (Yulu jinpan 玉露金盤). 3. Eight Virtues (Badelei 八德類): 26 texts. 4. Miscellaneous (Zazulei 雜俎類): 44 texts that may not have been viewed as completely “pure” (chuncui 純粹) yet could still prove valuable to the pursuit of a religious lifestyle. This category encompasses works ranging from the Writings of Guanyin for Admonishing People to do Good (Guanyin quanshan wen 觀音勸善文) to a hagiography of Quanzhen 全真 Daoist patriarchs entitled Illustrated Collection of the Seven Perfected (Huitu Qizhen ji 繪圖七眞集). 5. Reform by Moral Uprightness (Ganhualei 感化類): 67 texts designed to inspire readers to achieve goodness, including the Three Character Classic (Sanzijing 三字經) and a women’s version thereof (the Three Character Classic for Women to Study or Nüxue sanzijing 女學三字經), as well as other textbooks for children plus works about filial piety. There are also collections of aphorisms (geyan 格言), as well as the classic Book of Instructions for Sons by Master Yuan Liaofan (Yuan Huang 袁黃, 1533 – 1606) (Yuan Liaofan xiansheng xunzi shu 袁了凡先生訓子書). 6. Karmic Retribution (Yinguolei 因果類): 30 texts devoted to the theme of divine retribution, especially spirit codes (lü 律 and ke 科) and works describing the consequences of lascivious (yin 淫) deeds such as the Records and Tales of the Jade Regulations (Yuli chaozhuan 玉歷鈔傳). There are also a number of works about the favorable karmic consequences of cherishing lettered paper (xizi 惜字).⁵³ 7. Compassion and Philanthropy (Cijilei 慈濟類): 25 texts largely exhorting readers to avoid killing sentient beings, including the classic Tears of the Plough Ox (Gengniu lei 耕牛涙).⁵⁴ However, this category also includes medical texts like the Discourses on Cholera (Huoluan lun 霍亂論), as well as some focused solely on women’s health, such as the Writings on Attaining Life (Dashengbian 達生編, a Qing-dynasty work containing essays about coping with pregnancy).⁵⁵

 For more on this practice, see Adam Chau, “Script Fundamentalism: The Practice of Cherishing Written Characters (Lettered Paper) (xizizhi 惜字紙) in the Age of Literati Decline and Commercial Revolution,” in Chinese and European Perspectives on the Study of Chinese Popular Religions / 中國民間宗教民間信仰研究之中歐視角, ed. Philip Clart (Taipei: Boyang wenhua chuban gongsi, 2012), 129 – 167.  See Vincent Goossaert’s pioneering study on the beef taboo (niujie 牛戒) in Chinese religious culture, L’Interdit du boeuf en Chine: Agriculture, éthique et sacrifice (Paris: Collège de France, Institut des Hautes Études Chinoises, 2005).  Minguo shiqi chuban shumu huibian, vol. 20, 277– 278.

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The prevalence of these categorization systems among other religious publishers has yet to be determined,⁵⁶ but I would note that a roughly similar system was used for the mammoth collection of morality books that Wang Yiting helped to compile in 1936, entitled A Treasury of Blessings and Longevity (Fushou baozang 福壽寶藏).⁵⁷ What is most striking about the Bookstore’s catalogues, however, is the consistent use of the category Eight Virtues (Bade 八德), the second category of the 1932 catalogue that was preserved in third place in subsequent catalogues. Scholars are only beginning to consider the importance of the Eight Virtues in the history of the Fellowship of Goodness, but preliminary investigations by Vincent Goossaert, Fan Chunwu, and Liu Wenxing indicate that for the Fellowship the term “Eight Virtues” referred to a specific corpus of texts, based on nineteenth-century revelations composed during spirit-writing rituals. Entitled Essential Elements of the Golden Code (Jinke jiyao 金科輯要) and Essential Elements of the Code of the Wheel (Lunke jiyao 輪科輯要), these revelations were composed in the form of two celestial penal codes produced by spirit-writing groups in Hunan between the 1850s and 1880s. These works, which differ from earlier codes in terms of being written in the vernacular and aimed at popular consumption (one preface advocated preaching their contents not only through lectures and dramas but also movies and radio broadcasts), were eventually adopted as key Fellowship scriptures. It is also essential to note that these Eight Virtues differ from the set most familiar to people today, especially those who have spent time walking the streets of downtown Taipei, namely zhongxiao 忠孝 (loyalty and filial piety), ren’ai 仁愛 (benevolence and love), xinyi 信義 (trustworthiness and righteousness), and heping 和平 (harmony and peace). In contrast, for the Fellowship the Eight Virtues consisted of xiaoti 孝悌 (filial piety and respect for one’s elders), zhongxin 忠信 (loyalty and trustworthiness), liyi 禮義 (propriety and righteousness), and lianchi 廉恥 (honesty and shame). This set of values, and especially the latter two pairs, helped shape Nationalist cultural policies, especially the New Life Movement (Xinshenghuo yundong 新生 活運動),⁵⁸ and were also utilized by protestors during the “Depose President

 One Daoist classification system may be found in Yau Chi-on, Shan yu ren tong, 78.  Yau Chi-on, Shan yu ren tong, 160 – 164, 332– 333.  Bai Chun 白純, “Jiang Jieshi Ruhua Sanmin zhuyi zhi pingxi” 蔣介石儒化三民主義之評析, Nanjing zhengzhi xueyuan xuebao 南京政治學院學報 1 (2003): 77– 79. See also Wang Shou-nan, “Chiang Kai-shek and the Promotion of the Chinese Cultural Renaissance Movement,” Chinese Studies in History 21, no. 2 (Winter 1987– 1988): 66 – 90; Fukamachi Hideo, “Prairie Fire or the Gimo’s New Clothes? Chiang Kai-shek’s New Life Movement,” The Chinese Historical Review 17, no. 1 (2010): 68 – 84. See also Jay Taylor, The Generalissimo: Chiang Kai-shek and the Struggle for Modern China (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2009), 13 – 14,

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Chen Shuibian” (Dao Bian 倒扁) movement of 2008. Cai Zhenshen, one of the elite managers of the Bookstore mentioned above, played a leading role in promulgating these virtues by means of his Essential Knowledge of the Eight Virtues, which was printed in numerous vernacular and illustrated editions featuring print runs of tens of thousands of copies that were distributed among Chinese communities at home and abroad.⁵⁹ Another way to appreciate the diversity underlying the Bookstore’s publishing projects involves the authors whose works were selected. Again, one sees a broad spectrum of historical figures, starting with redemptive society leaders like Jiang Xizhang, who helped found the Universal Morality Society along with his father, Jiang Shoufeng 江壽峰 (1875 – 1926).⁶⁰ There was also a sizeable percentage of Republican-era Buddhist elites, including well-known figures like Nie Yuntai 聶雲臺 (Nie Qijie 聶其傑, 1880 – 1953), Feng Zikai, Wang Yunshu, and Xu Zhijing. Daoist authors from the Qing and Republican eras were also highly represented as well, including Wang Changyue 王常月 (?–1680) and Liu Huayang 柳華陽 (1736–?). There were also numerous authors of texts traditionally classified as “Confucian,” including Chen Xieshu 陳燮樞 (1874– 1958), Lu Yiting 陸一亭 (Qing), and Zhu Bolu 朱柏廬 (1627– 1698). Other elites whose works defy ready classification according to Three Teachings criteria included the novelist Wang Diaosheng 汪調生, the political leader He Yunqiao 何芸樵 (He Jian 何鍵, 1874– 1956, served as Governor of Hunan), and the artist Tong Zhifeng 童之風 (1892– 1960). The works of leading Ming religious figures such as Lianchi dashi 蓮池大師 (Yunqi Zhuhong 雲棲袾宏, 1535 – 1615) and Yuan Liaofan 袁了凡 were chosen for inclusion as well. The data presented above, while hardly comprehensive, reveals that the elites who managed the Bookstore endeavored to collect and transmit a wide range of works possessing a highly eclectic nature. This reflects the wide-ranging belief systems of redemptive societies like the Fellowship of Goodness, whose members espoused values centering on not only proper moral conduct but also self-cultivation, education, and healing. The inclusion of works treating women’s education and health is particularly fascinating. While the actual impact of these works on modern women remains unclear (see below), this effort to reach out to a female readership provides vivid evidence of the importance of women’s religiosity in modern China.

108 – 109; Hollington Kong Tong (1887– 1971), Chiang Kai-shek, Soldier and Statesman: Authorized Biography by Hollington K. Tong, 1st edition (London: Hurst & Blackett, 1938), 546, 547, 550, 552.  Yau Chi-on, Shan yu ren tong, p. 85; Wang Chien-chuan, “Mingshan shuju yu Tongshanshe.”  Goossaert and Palmer, Religious Question, 95 – 96.

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4. Business Models and Operations Religious publishers like those who managed the Illuminating Goodness Bookstore faced a number of challenges in attempting to establish a viable business model. One key issue was whether to print books or journals. The work of previous scholars discussed above tends to imply that journals were essential for Buddhists, but for Daoist groups and redemptive societies they appear to have been more secondary. In contrast, the latter groups look a bit weak when we focus on journals, but when it comes to the distribution of books their importance appears overwhelming. Such arguments are not without merit, especially for Buddhist magazines like Sound of the Tide and the Buddhist Studies BiMonthly (Foxue banyuekan 佛學半月刊; 313 issues from 1930 to 1944). These and other Buddhist periodicals, which were printed using a newspaper format and had low costs, attracted numerous subscriptions and could sell thousands of copies per issue, spreading throughout China and among overseas Chinese communities.⁶¹ Journals, however, also shaped the development of modern Daoist groups and redemptive societies. Liu Xun’s research discussed above reveals that Daoist publications were an integral component of modern China’s public space that contributed to the formation and maintenance of connections among and between monastic communities and lay practitioners, allowed interaction between authors and readers in the form of letter exchanges, and even participated in the spread of nationalist discourse in the face of Japanese aggression.⁶² Moreover, while recent work on redemptive societies confirms their reliance on scriptural and liturgical texts, as well as leaders’ autobiographical accounts, there is also ample evidence on the importance of journals like the Morality Magazine (Daode zazhi 道德雜誌) and the Morality Monthly (Daode yuekan 道德月刊).⁶³ A related problem was how to generate sufficient revenue to cover the costs of publishing religious texts. Such costs could be substantial. In one instance noted in Rudolf Löwenthal’s The Religious Periodical Press in China, compiled in 1940 for the Synodal Commission in China, the initiation of publishing operations for the Journal of Moral Learning (Daode xuezhi 道德學誌) in 1916 required the Society for Moral Learning (Daode xueshe 道德學社) to invest $4,705 for

 Jessup, “The Householder Elite,” 56 – 58.  Liu, Daoist Modern, 174, 186, 209 – 216, 240 – 260, 275.  These phenomena are examined in detail in the special double issue of Minsu quyi 民俗曲藝 (Journal of Chinese Ritual, Theatre, and Folklore) entitled “Redemptive Societies and New Religious Movements in Modern China”; see nos. 172 (June 2011) and 173 (September 2011).

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printing machinery, $3,800 for paper, and $2,030 for printing costs. Funds came from advertisements ($12/page), subscriptions (2.5 cents/issue; 75 cents/year), and especially from membership fees and donations.⁶⁴ Buddhist publishers were often quite adept at raising the necessary funds. For example, Brooks Jessup’s research on Shanghai Buddhist Books shows that its leaders raised $10,000 from the sale of 1,000 shares of stock and established a board of directors. However, they encountered difficulties attracting investors after its level of capitalization stabilized at $50,000, which prompted them to collect donations for an endowment fund that generated interest. This reveals a combination of commerce and philanthropy, with one key idea being that investments in religious publishing helped accumulate merit. Moreover, Buddhist publishers did not hesitate to pursue diversified investments. For example, Shanghai Buddhist Books sponsored radio programs and eventually decided to launch its own radio station (the Shanghai Huaguang diantai 上海華光電台).⁶⁵ Non-Buddhist publishers, especially those that lacked the resources possessed by Buddhist organizations, found it much harder to make ends meet. This problem was further exacerbated by the fact that most of these publishers were reluctant to charge exorbitant rates for their works. In the case of the Yihuatang, for example, managers only charged a minimal price or subsidy (jintie 津 貼) to cover printing and labor costs (postage cost extra). These works could then be purchased wholesale by philanthropists throughout China, who usually distributed them free of charge.⁶⁶ Religious publishers could also choose to sell their works for a relatively high price, but use most of the proceeds for charitable enterprises. For example, in 1921 the Ji’nan 濟南 (Shandong) branch of the Society of the Way marketed 10,000 copies of a religious text entitled True Scripture of the Shanghai Rescuing Life Association (Shanghai Jishenghui zhenjing 上海濟生 會真經) for $2 per copy.⁶⁷ Apart from 20 cents to cover printing costs and 40 cents for Society-related expenses (yuanfei 院費), the rest of the revenue from selling this text was to be used in disaster relief efforts.⁶⁸  Rudolf Löwenthal, The Religious Periodical Press in China, with the assistance of Ch’en Hungshun, Ku T’ing-ch’ang and William W. Y. Liang (Peking: The Synodal Commission in China, 1940; reprinted by the Chinese Materials Center in San Francisco, 1978), 177– 178.  Jessup, “The Householder Elite,” 49 – 59.  Berezkin, “Lithographic Printing and the Development of the Baojuan 寶卷 Genre in Shanghai in the 1900 – 1920s.”  This text had originally been composed by a spirit-writing hall known as the Gathering Clouds Studio (Jiyunxuan 集雲軒), which operated as the religious arm of the Shanghai branch of the China Rescuing Life Association.  “Jixian lin Shanghai Jiyunxuan jiyu erze” 濟仙臨上海集雲軒乩諭二則, Daode zazhi 道德雜 誌 1, no. 2 (1921): 87– 95.

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In the case of the Illuminating Goodness Bookstore, its managers strove to attain these goals through a sophisticated internal organization, including people specifically in charge of the distribution process (liutong zhuanzezhe 流通專 責者), people in charge of arranging for works to be printed (chengyin zhuanzezhe 承印專責者), people in charge of printing (fanyin zhuanzezhe 翻印專責 者), and people in charge of editing and other matters related to the Bookstore’s publishing efforts (bianji dengdeng zhi zhize 編輯等等之職責).⁶⁹ Together, these individuals worked to ensure that the collection, production, and distribution of the Bookstore’s texts proceeded as smoothly as possible. The Bookstore’s 1935 catalogue contains five pages of detailed information about how its operations actually ran, including data on postage and handling costs (such as via express or registered mail, or with the proper insurance), as well as procedures for sending payment in cash, using stamps in place of cash, or by wire. There were also explanations about how the Bookstore could arrange to help customers purchase books from other publishers. In addition, there were provisions for returning money in cases of overpayment, but no returns of actual books or journals were allowed, and no compensation was provided for lost orders (although the Bookstore would assist in the search for such items). The Bookstore placed great emphasis on the need for providing clear mailing addresses, as well as giving proper notification in cases where a new address was to be used. The 1935 catalogue also delineates the conditions under which people could contact the Bookstore in order to arrange for the printing and distribution of religious texts in their possession. The parties first had to negotiate an estimate, following which payment of at least two-thirds of the total amount was required. In order for such efforts to be economically viable, customers had to agree to the Bookstore’s printing at least 500 copies of individual texts or 1,000 copies of more than one volume. The Bookstore would return original works free of charge via registered mail in the event that negotiations failed. In all such enterprises, the bookstore emphasized that its main goal was to make ends meet, not achieve a profit. This can be seen in statements like, “Prices are more economical than elsewhere, with the goal of covering expenses” (hejia jiao tachu cong lian, yi zufu kaixiao wei zhun 核價較他處從廉，以足敷開銷為準).⁷⁰ This in turn suggests that while previous scholars have tended to view religious printing as a non-commercial, devotional endeavor, the Bookstore seems to have operated along the lines of a semi-commercial, semi-devotional organization.⁷¹

 Minguo shiqi chuban shumu huibian, vol. 20, 193 – 194.  Minguo shiqi chuban shumu huibian, vol. 20, 232– 236.  I am grateful to Rostislav Berezkin for helping to clarify this important point.

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One key issue involves the extent to which potential readers could afford the works that the Bookstore was publishing. This is a difficult question to answer without detailed knowledge of wage and price figures from the 1930s, but the Bookstore’s catalogues do provide considerable data on how much these texts actually cost (the majority of works in these catalogues have prices listed). Such works usually were sold by the hundred, with 62 instances of books costing between $1 and $2 per hundred copies, 89 instances of between $2 and $3, 47 instances of between $3 and $4, 25 instances of between $4 and $5, and 20 instances of between $5 and $6. A total of 18 books cost as much as $10 per hundred copies, while 10 books cost $20, 2 books cost $30, 5 books cost $40, and 2 books cost $80. There were even 2 books costing $240 per hundred copies. To put this in perspective, in 1932 one copy of the Shanghai newspaper Xinwenbao 新聞 報 cost 4.5 cents and a full subscription $4.5 per year, while prices for elementary school textbooks ranged between 6 and 15 cents, indicating that the Bookstore’s publications could be quite affordable.⁷² In terms of wages and prices, an elementary school teacher’s salary in 1930 was $24, while workers in pharmacies could make between $20 and $22. Based on statistical data indicating that approximately 25 % of a worker’s wages could be used as spending money, it would seem that many workers might be able to afford the Bookstore’s cheaper publications.⁷³ Moreover, the fact the texts were sold by the hundred indicates that the Bookstore operated along the lines of other religious publishers like the Yihuatang, marketing its publications wholesale and in bulk so that they could be distributed free of charge. This further confirms the Bookstore’s semicommercial nature. Similar concerns and procedures shaped the publication of the Bookstore’s two periodicals, Reports for Protecting Life and Collected Reports of Philanthropy. The Collected Reports’ by-laws, published as part of the Bookstore’s 1935 catalogue, provide data on its cost, distribution, honoraria for authors, etc. This journal was published twice a month, with each issue costing 50 cents; postage and handling were included if one subscribed for six months or one year. For individual issues of the journal, the price remained 50 cents, but a surcharge of at least 10 cents was added to cover postage and handling. Discounts were offered to subscribers who ordered multiple copies that could be sent to the same address (10 % for 5 copies, 20 % for 10 copies, etc.), but only if payment was made in advance. Authors whose works were published in the Collected Reports would not receive any royalties, but were entitled to free copies of the Bookstore’s mor-

 I am most grateful to Sun Huei-min 孫慧敏 for providing this information.  Many thanks to Li Kai-kuang 李鎧光 for his kind assistance.

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ality books. The Bookstore was also willing to engage in gratis exchanges of journals with other philanthropic organizations (including presumably other redemptive societies).⁷⁴ It is especially important to note that, apart from marketing books and periodicals, religious publishers like the Illuminating Goodness Bookstore also sold religious goods (statues, paintings, etc.) and recordings of scriptural/liturgical texts (this was also the case for other enterprises, including Shanghai Buddhist Books). In the case of the Bookstore, its 1932 catalogue contains a price list for such items,⁷⁵ while nearly half of its 1935 catalogue was devoted to advertisements for statues, paintings, calligraphy, and other religious artifacts.⁷⁶ For example, a five-foot scroll of Fellowship of Goodness patriarch Peng Ruzun’s calligraphy written on fine coral-patterned paper (shanhujian 珊瑚箋) cost 50 cents, while having it mounted (lingbiao 綾裱) would increase the total cost to $1.30. Prices were lower if five feet of white paper (yubanjian 玉版箋) were used (40 cents or $1.20), and even lower for only three feet of the same type of paper (15 cents or 60 cents). Costs were roughly identical for calligraphic couplets (duilian 對聯), including those extolling the Eight Virtues written by Peng: a five-foot scroll written on fine coral-patterned paper cost 50 cents, while having it mounted would increase the total to $1.30. A print of the deity Jigong 濟公 cost 40 cents, while having it mounted upped the total to $1.20. All prices did not include postage and handling, but at times discounts of 10 % were offered.⁷⁷ These prices might seem a bit high, but they were much lower than those charged by Shanghai artists for their works. For example, lists of remuneration rates (runli 潤例) for painters, calligraphers, and seal-cutters published in Shenbao 申報 in 1935 (the date of the Illuminating Goodness Bookstore catalogue containing the artifacts described above) indicate that costs for one foot of calligraphy often started at $1 and worked their way up, with some artists charging $2 or more per character.⁷⁸ These figures provide additional evidence to suggest that the Bookstore’s business model was a semi-commercial one, with religious artifacts being sold to recoup publishing costs but not necessarily make a profit.

 Minguo shiqi chuban shumu huibian, vol. 20, 330 – 331.  Minguo shiqi chuban shumu huibian, vol. 20, 227.  Minguo shiqi chuban shumu huibian, vol. 20, 237– 276, 318 – 322. For an overview of such items offered by the Bookstore see Wang Chien-chuan’s chapter, section 3.1.  Minguo shiqi chuban shumu huibian, vol. 20, 230, 242, 254.  Wang Zhongxiu 王中秀, Mao Ziliang 茅子良, Chen Hui 陳輝, Jinxiandai jinshi shuhuajia runli 近現代金石書畫家潤例 (Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua chubanshe, 2004), 297– 303. I am grateful to Lai Yu-chih 賴毓芝 for her help with this matter.

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5. Networks of Transmission and Distribution Once production and marketing obstacles had been overcome, religious publishers also had to deal with the problem of how to arrange for these texts to reach their intended audiences. While some works could be read by individual worshippers, many others were meant to be chanted or otherwise performed for mass audiences, including scriptures, liturgies, and baojuan. Accordingly, the expression “to be used exclusively for chanting and recitation” (zhuangong songdu 專供誦讀) appears after many of the titles listed in the Bookstore’s catalogues. Illustrated morality books were said to be especially worthwhile due to their appeal to less educated readers.⁷⁹ Rostislav Berezkin’s research clearly demonstrates the presence of a wide range of reading practices during the Republican era (and most likely earlier time periods as well), including silent reading by educated individuals, and different types of amateur and professional performances (nianjuan 念卷). Despite the fact that some authors of religious texts assumed that people could read such works, most publishers were well aware of the importance of using simple language for recitation. This was especially the case for women, who were often one of the main intended audiences for many such works, albeit generally by group recitation rather than by individual reading.⁸⁰ Elite families had their share of literate women,⁸¹ and their numbers rose steadily during the late Qing and Republican eras with the founding of ever more public schools for girls.⁸² Berezkin’s research reveals that evidence for such trends may be found in the writings of intellectuals like Zhou Zuoren 周作人 (1885 – 1967), who in a 1934 essay described how one girl was forced to abandon her education after elementary school but continued to read novels and baojuan at home, probably having been first exposed to the latter during performances she attended with her mother.⁸³ Moreover, an autobiographical

 Yau Chi-on, Shan yu ren tong, 70 – 71.  Berezkin, “The Multiple Ways of Printing and Circulation of ‘Precious Scrolls’ in Early Twentieth-Century Shanghai and Its Vicinity”; Berezkin, “Lithographic Printing and the Development of the Baojuan 寶卷 Genre in Shanghai in the 1900 – 1920s.”  Patricia Ebrey, ed., Women and the Family in Chinese History (London & New York: Routledge, 2003); Dorothy Ko, Teachers of the Inner Chambers: Women and Culture in SeventeenthCentury China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1995); Susan Mann, Precious Records: Women in China’s Long Eighteenth Century (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997).  Paul J. Bailey, Gender and Education in China: Gender Discourses and Women’s Schooling in the Early Twentieth Century (London, New York: Routledge, 2007).  Zhou Zuoren 周作人, “Gua dou ji” 瓜豆集, in Zhou Zuoren quanji 周作人全集, vol. 4 (Taipei: Landeng wenhua shiye, 1992), 25.

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essay by Hu Shih 胡適 (1891– 1962) tells the story of one of his elder brothers’ mother-in-law who was not only literate and liked to read morality books but would also make the effort to recite their contents for other women or tell stories to younger generations.⁸⁴ Women writers also attested to the importance of such practices, including Pan Xizhen 潘希珍 (pseudonym Qijun 琦君, 1917– 2006) of Yongjia 永嘉 County (Zhejiang), who in an autobiographical story entitled “Mom’s hands” (Mama de shou 媽媽的手) movingly recounted how her mother would, after finally finishing all the household chores, soak her hands in a basin of hot water before devoting herself to reading baojuan. According to Pan, that was the most relaxing time of her mother’s day.⁸⁵ All this suggests that religious works could find their way into the hands of their intended readers and audiences, including women, but the overall success of publishing enterprises like the Illuminating Goodness Bookstore remains to be determined. Another problem involved the ways in which religious texts were distributed. In his survey of Republican-era religious periodicals, Löwenthal maintained that the dissemination of free or low cost religious publications “[did] not necessarily reflect the real interest of the population, but rather the financial strength and ability to organize on the part of the distributing agency.”⁸⁶ This cautionary point clearly has merit in terms of assessing the impact of religious publishers like the Illuminating Goodness Bookstore, but it is also essential to recognize that these publishers could often rely on sophisticated distribution networks in order to achieve their goals. In the case of the Bookstore, its works were meant to reach their intended readers via a series of twelve distribution outlets that ranged from nearby Zhejiang and Fujian provinces all the way north to Liaoning 遼寧, Jilin 吉林, and Inner Mongolia, as well as westwards to Sichuan 四川 and Yunnan 雲南.⁸⁷ Of these, the distribution center for morality books (Shanshu liutongchu 善書流通處) located in Quanzhou 泉州 was especially important for the religious history of modern Taiwan, with leading publishers like the Ruicheng Bookstore (Ruicheng shuju 瑞成書局), Lanji Bookstore (Lanji shuju 蘭記書局), and Yuzhen Bookstore (Yuzhen shuju 玉珍書局) reprinting Illuminating Goodness Bookstore works and listing them in their own catalogues.⁸⁸

 Hu Shih 胡適, Sishi zishu 四十自述 (Taipei: Yuandong tushu gongsi, 1992), 39 – 41.  Qijun 琦君, San geng you meng shu dang zhen 三更有夢書當枕 (Taipei: Erya chubanshe, 1975), 42– 43. See Berezkin’s chapter in this volume.  Löwenthal, The Religious Periodical Press in China, 287.  A complete list of these outlets can be found in Wang Chien-chuan’s chapter, section 3.3.  Examples of these reprints may be found at http://shanshu.im.tiit.edu.tw/blog/348. See also Wang Chien-chuan 王見川, Li Shiwei 李世偉, et al., eds., Minjian sicang Taiwan zongjiao ziliao

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One example of how Cross-Strait interaction shaped the transmission of religious knowledge in Japanese colonial Taiwan may be found in the case of Taiwan’s oldest religious publishing enterprise, the Ruicheng Bookstore, founded in the city of Taichung 台中 in 1912 by Xu Kesui 許克綏 (1892 – 1983). Born into a poor peasant family in Xianxi 線西 Township in today’s Changhua 彰化 County, Xu was a fifth-generation descendant of migrants who had come to Taiwan from Quanzhou. His family’s financial circumstances prohibited Xu’s receiving any formal education, but he tried to learn as much as he could by attending local schools (xueshu 學塾) when the opportunity presented itself. Xu married at age 18, and then moved to Taichung, where in 1912 he first set up a shop for selling seeds and other agricultural products. His commitment to studying Chinese language and culture persisted unabated, however, so later that year he expanded his storefront to include a space for selling books, journeying to Shanghai and Amoy on a regular basis to collect not only works of fiction and drama, but especially Buddhist and Daoist scriptures as well as morality books like those published by the Illuminating Goodness Bookstore. After many long years of hard work, Xu finally proved able to rent a separate storefront for use as an independent bookshop in 1928, and set up his own printing press in 1932. Such progress came at a high price, however, including regular inspections by the colonial authorities (who were concerned by his promotion of Chinese culture), and the tragic death of his son in 1931 while on a business trip to Shanghai. Contact with Chinese publishers came to an abrupt end with the outbreak of the War of Resistance against Japan in 1937, but Xu continued to publish the religious texts he had acquired by using his own printing press, and his descendents continue to manage the Ruicheng Bookstore to this day.⁸⁹ Cross-Strait religious ties also shaped the growth of the Lanji Bookstore, which was established in 1925 by a Chiayi 嘉義 elite named Huang Maosheng 黃茂盛 (1901– 1978).⁹⁰ Huang was deeply committed to both preserving traditional Chinese culture and transmitting moral values, not only inviting Chinese elites huibian: Minjian xinyang, minjian wenhua 民間私藏台灣宗教資料彙編: 民間信仰‧民間文化, 2 vols. (Taipei xian: Boyang wenhua, 2009 – 2010).  Paul R. Katz, “An Unbreakable Thread? Preliminary Observations on the Interaction between Chinese and Taiwanese Religious Traditions under Japanese Colonial Rule,” paper presented at the 1st World Congress of Taiwan Studies, Academia Sinica, April 26 – 28, 2012, forthcoming in Taiwan zongjiao yanjiu 台灣宗教研究. See also Lai Ch’ung-jen 賴崇仁, “Taizhong Ruicheng shuju ji qi gezaice yanjiu” 台中瑞成書局及其歌仔冊研究 (Master’s thesis, Feng-chia University, 2004). See also the Ruicheng Bookstore’s own website (http://www.ruicheng.com.tw/initial. php).  The role of the Lanji Bookstore as a local distributor of religious texts was explored at some length in the previous chapter, section 4.

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to take part in literary contests but also setting up his own distribution center for morality books. Huang also undertook regular journeys to religious publishing centers like Shanghai, where he collected, brought back to Taiwan, and reprinted a wide variety of religious works and periodicals in order to distribute them free of charge.⁹¹ Huang’s efforts attracted the support of Chinese religious elites, including the renowned Shanghai businessman, philanthropist, and religious practitioner Wang Yiting. Huang met Wang during his trips to China, and became a member of a charitable-religious organization that Wang had helped found (the Association of Conscience for Upholding Goodness or Zhongguo liangxin chongshan hui 中國良心崇善會). One result of this friendship was Wang’s composing a preface for a morality book entitled Record of the Spirit (Jingshenlu 精神錄), compiled by the renowned East Haven (Donggang 東港) physician and philanthropist Chen Jiangshan 陳江山 (1899 – 1976) and published by the Lanji Bookstore in 1929. Wang also composed a calligraphic couplet for this work, which read, “Do nothing that is evil; practice all forms of philanthropy” (zhu’e mozuo, zhongshan fengxing 諸惡莫作, 眾善奉行). The Record, which also includes a preface by Huang, subsequently spread back across the Strait to Shanghai, with five editions totaling 6,700 copies being produced in both Taiwan and China prior to the outbreak of the Second World War.⁹² One final example involves Chen Yuzhen 陳玉珍 (1897– 1972), the founder of the Yuzhen Bookstore (also located in Chiayi), who dedicated himself to publishing all manner of Chinese works when he opened for business in 1926, including religious texts of the Illuminating Goodness Bookstore.⁹³

 Information on Huang’s life and activities may be found in Wang Chien-chuan 王見川, “Guomin zhengfu lai Tai (1949) qian liang’an de zongjiao wanglai yu cishan huodong chutan: jiantan Lanji shuju Huang Maosheng de jiaose” 國民政府來台（1949）前兩岸的宗教往來與慈 善活動初探：兼談蘭記書局黃茂盛的角色, Mazu yu minjian xinyang: yanjiu tongxun 媽祖與民間 信仰: 研究通訊 1 (2012): 57– 69, as well as Wang Chien-chuan 王見川 and Li Shiwei 李世偉, Taiwan de minjian zongjiao yu xinyang 台灣的民間宗教與信仰 (Luzhou: Boyang wenhua chuban gongsi, 2000), 130 – 131. See also articles from the following editions of the Taiwan nichi-nichi shimpō 臺灣日日新報: 1924.04.14, 1934.04.07, 1937.03.31.  See Wang Chien-chuan, “Guomin zhengfu lai Tai (1949) qian liang’an de zongjiao wanglai.” Data on the Jingshenlu may be found in the online version of the Encyclopedia of Taiwan (entry by Wang Chien-chuan, http://taiwanpedia.culture.tw/web/content?ID=4188).  This account is based on research done by Fan Chunwu 范純武 included in Zongjiao lisu zhi 宗教禮俗志, in Jiayi shizhi 嘉義市志, juan 卷 10, ed. Yen Shang-wen 顔尚文 (Chiayi: Chiayi City Government, 2005).

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6. Concluding Remarks The evidence presented above, while admittedly limited in both scope and depth, may help shed some light on the importance of religious publishing in modern Chinese history. In particular, it suggests that religious groups in Republican China were not passive respondents to state policies and social changes, but actively strove to create new spaces, including in the publishing industry. As this is a relatively new area of research, much work remains to be done, but this paper points to two issues that will require our further attention. The first involves the formulation of typologies of religious publishers that illustrate their diversity while also allowing for the overlap and competition between them. The second centers on the problem of change and continuity. The achievement of the first goal will require the completion of more case studies along the lines of that done for the Illuminating Goodness Bookstore, and especially the collection of data on the agendas pursued by the managers as well as the ways in which they ran their operations. It will also be essential for scholars to transcend the limitations of focusing on a single religious tradition, since such limits clearly had little impact on religious publishing itself. In just one example, Buddhist publishers such as Shanghai Buddhist Books produced more than just the texts of that particular religion,⁹⁴ which is hardly surprising when one considers the fact that some redemptive society leaders actively supported Buddhist organizations.⁹⁵ Some Buddhist groups, and especially lay ones, also practiced spirit-writing, and did not hesitate to publish the fruits of their efforts.⁹⁶ Further research also needs to be done on how Republican-era trends helped lay a foundation for religious publishing today. The importance of such efforts persists to the present day, and especially in nations like Taiwan, where democratization has allowed for all manner of beliefs and practices to flourish. As Yang Chao 楊照 (Li Ming-chun 李明駿, b. 1963) noted in an essay published in the United Daily News (Lianhe bao 聯合報) on October 1, 2010, Taiwanese cultural life has been partially shaped by developments that occurred in Republican-

 Kiely, “Shanghai Public Moralist Nie Qijie.”  Ownby, “The Politics of Redemption.”  For more on this phenomenon, see Fan Chun-wu 范純武, “Jinxiandai Zhongguo Fojiao yu fuji” 近現代中國佛教與扶乩, Yuanguang Foxue xuebao 圓光佛學學報 3 (1999): 261– 292. See also Wang Chien-chuan 王見川, “Jindai Zhongguo de fuji, cishan yu ‘mixin’ – Yi Yinguang wenchao wei kaocha xiansuo” 近代中國的扶乩、慈善與「迷信」– 以印光文鈔為考查線索, paper presented at the Fourth International Conference on Sinology, Academia Sinica, June 20 – 22, 2012.

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era China.⁹⁷ This is clearly the case for the relationship between religion and the mass media. While the phenomenal growth of Buddhist television stations, Daoist magazines, and redemptive society morality books (including in comic strip form) during the postwar era may in part result from trajectories that arose under Japanese colonial rule, there would seem to be little doubt that the roots of what we are currently witnessing in Taiwan lie deep in Republicanera history as well. For example, the ability of Dharma Master Hsing Yun (星 雲法師, b. 1927) to utilize slide projectors in order to illustrate his lectures, as well as broadcast his message via radio and TV, may well have been influenced by some of the practices described in this paper.⁹⁸ Similarly, since the 1960s, Taiwanese spirit-writing organizations like the Hall of Sages of Worthies (Shengxian Tang 聖賢堂) in Taichung have resembled the Illuminating Goodness Bookstore in publishing religious books and periodicals with the help of a full-time staff, although the ability of such groups to expand into the realm of online publishing remains to be seen.⁹⁹ To conclude, many questions remain to be answered, most notably the longterm impact of new technologies on religious publishers, the texts they produced, and the audiences/readerships they actually reached. Be that as it may, this chapter has attempted to break new ground by examining how the interaction between religious movements and the mass media contributed to the development of modern Chinese religious life. In the future, I hope that this research can also reach out to the growing worldwide scholarly discourse on religion’s role in the formation of cultural traditions today.

 See http://udn.com/NEWS/OPINION/OPI4/5882209.shtml. I am grateful to Huang Ko-wu 黃 克武 for calling my attention to this important essay.  Gareth Fisher, “Morality Books and the Revival of Lay Buddhism in China,” in Religion in Contemporary China: Revitalization and Innovation, ed. Adam Yuet Chau (London: Routledge, 2011): 53 – 80; Stuart Chandler, Establishing a Pure Land on Earth (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2004); Philip Clart, “Merit beyond Measure: Notes on the Moral (and Real) Economy of Religious Publishing in Taiwan,” in The People and the Dao: New Studies of Chinese Religions in Honour of Daniel L. Overmyer, ed. Philip Clart and Paul Crowe (Sankt Augustin: Institut Monumenta Serica, 2009): 127– 142. See also Chau, “Introduction,” in Religion in Contemporary China, 19 – 20.  See Philip Clart, “Mediums and the New Media: The Impact of Electronic Publishing on Temple and Moral Economies in Taiwanese Popular Religion,” Journal of Sinological Studies 3 (2012): 127– 141, as well as Clart, “Sacred Texts, Religious Publishing, and New Technologies in China & Taiwan, 19th to 21st centuries,” unpublished MS.

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Contributors Philip Clart is Professor of Chinese Culture and History at the University of Leipzig, Germany. His main research areas are popular religion and new religious movements in Taiwan, religious change in Taiwan and China, as well as literature and religions of the late imperial period (10th-19th c.). His monographs include Han Xiangzi: The Alchemical Adventures of a Daoist Immortal (University of Washington Press, 2007) and Die Religionen Chinas (Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2009). He has edited or co-edited Religion in Modern Taiwan: Tradition and Innovation in a Changing Society (University of Hawai‘i Press, 2003), The People and the Dao: New Studies of Chinese Religions in Honour of Daniel L. Overmyer (Institute Monumenta Serica, 2009), and Chinese and European Perspectives on the Study of Chinese Popular Religions (Boyang Publishing, 2012). Gregory Adam Scott, PhD Columbia University (2013), is currently a Leverhulme Early Career Fellow at the University of Edinburgh. He is editor of the online resource The Digital Catalogue of Chinese Buddhism 中國佛教數字目錄 . He is most recently the author of “Chinese Buddhist Publishing and Print Culture, 1900 – 1950,” in Oxford Bibliographies in Buddhism, ed. Richard Payne (New York: Oxford University Press, March 2013) and “Timothy Richard, World Religion, and Reading Christianity in Buddhist Garb,” Social Sciences and Missions 25 (2012): 53 – 75. His research interests include Modern Chinese Buddhism, Print Culture, Material Culture, Digital Humanities, and Christian mission encounters with Chinese religions. George Kam Wah Mak, PhD (Cantab), is Research Assistant Professor at David C. Lam Institute for East-West Studies, Hong Kong Baptist University. His research interests include the history of Bible translation, the history of Chinese Protestantism, and the national language issue in modern China. He is the author of The British and Foreign Bible Society and the Translation of the Mandarin Chinese Union Version (in Chinese, 2010). Joseph Tse-Hei Lee is Professor of History at Pace University in New York, USA. He is the author of The Bible and the Gun: Christianity in South China, 1860—1900 (New York: Routledge, 2003, 2014; Chinese edition: 《圣经与枪炮: 基督教与潮州 社会, 1860—1900》, Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press, 2010), and the coeditor of China’s Rise to Power: Conceptions of State Governance (New York: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2012), and Marginalization in China: Recasting Minority Politics

322

Contributors

(New York: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2009). His research focuses on the intersection of faith and politics in modern China. Christie Chui-Shan Chow is a PhD candidate in the Religion and Society Program at Princeton Theological Seminary, USA. She recently published “Guanxi and Gospel: Conversion to Seventh-Day Adventism in Contemporary China,” Social Sciences and Missions 26, no. 2– 3 (2013), and co-authored “Christian Revival from Within: Seventh-Day Adventism in China,” in Christianity in Contemporary China, ed. Francis Khek Gee Lim (New York: Routledge, 2013). Her research interests include Seventh-day Adventism in China, Christian ethics, religious media, and gender. Rostislav Berezkin obtained his PhD from the University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, and candidate of sciences degree from Saint-Petersburg State University, Russia. He is an associate research fellow at the National Institute for Advanced Humanistic Studies, Fudan University (Shanghai). His main fields of research are religious storytelling and popular religion in late imperial China. His publications in Russian include a book on the function of precious scrolls (baojuan) in Chinese culture, which focuses on the Baojuan of the Three Rebirths of Mulian (Dragotsennye svitki v duhovnoi kul’ture Kitaia: na primere Baots’ziuan’ o treh voploscheniiah Muliania). His English articles have been published in T’oung Pao, Late Imperial China, Asia Major, Monumenta Serica, The Journal of Chinese Religions, and CHINOPERL (Journal of Chinese Oral and Performing Literature). Yau Chi-on, PhD in the Department of History, CUHK (1994), specializes in the study of morality books in Ming-Qing China, Taoism and folk religions in South China and Southeast Asia, and religious charity in the 20th century. His works include: Morality Books and Religions in China: Selected Works of Yau Chi-on; In Company with Goodness: Charity and Morality in China 1600 – 1930; and Admonishing the Age for the Maxim: A Study of Morality Books in Qing China (all in Chinese). He is now Assistant Professor in the Department of Chinese Literature at Chu Hai College, and Honorary Researcher in the Research Centre for Hong Kong History at Chu Hai College. Wang Chien-Chuan received his doctoral degree in 2003 from Chung Cheng University with a dissertation on “The Celestial Master Zhang, with a Focus on Mt. Longhu.” He has published numerous studies on Taiwanese popular religion. Currently he is engaged in research on Chinese prophetic texts and the relationship between Buddhism and Chinese popular religion. He is an assistant

Contributors

323

professor at the Center for General Education of Southern Taiwan University of Technology. His publications in Chinese include 漢人宗教,民間宗教與預言書 的探索:王見川自選集 (2008), 中國近世民間信仰:宋元明清 (2010), and he was editor of 明清民間宗教經卷文獻 (12 vols., 1999) , 明清民間宗教經卷文獻續編 (12 vols., 2006), and 民間私藏中國民間信仰.民間文化資料彙編 (34 vols., 2011), as well as other collections. Paul R. Katz received his BA from Yale in 1984 and his PhD from Princeton in 1990. After teaching at different universities in Taiwan from 1991 to 2002, he joined the Institute of Modern History in 2002 and was promoted to the rank of Research Fellow in 2005, becoming Program Director of the Chiang Chingkuo Foundation for International Scholarly Exchange that same year. His research centers on modern Chinese religious life, with his most recent monograph (Religion in China and its Modern Fate) having been published in early 2014. At present, he is working on the interaction between Han and non-Han religious traditions in Southwest China.

Index Aiguo bao 愛國報 (Patriotism), 260, 261 Aixiantang 愛賢堂, 198 Aiyu shantang 愛育善堂, Guangzhou, 223 American Bible Society, 18, 43 American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, 48 Amitābha Buddha, 111 Amoy, see Xiamen Anderson, Benjamin L. (1873 – 1962), 60 Anderson, Jacob N. (1867 – 1958), 54 Andong 安東, 259 Andrews, Dorothy (1903 – 1979), 62, 63 Andrews, John Nevins (1891 – 1980), 62, 63 Anhui 安徽 (province), 27, 57, 58, 83 Anqing 安慶, 258 Anshideng 暗室燈 (Lamp in a dark room), 191, 239, 240, 248 Anti-Christian Camp, 83 Anti-Christian Riots, 28, 41 Anti-Christian Tracts, 28 Anti-Japanese War, see Second Sino-Japanese War Anti-superstition campaign, 77, 79, 277 Ashoka King Baojuan, see Ayuwang baojuan 阿育王寶卷 Ayuwang baojuan 阿育王寶卷 (Ashoka King Baojuan), 148 bade 八德 (Eight Virtues), 193, 194, 208, 209, 251, 252, 280, 281, 282, 288 Bade duilian xiangzhu 八德對聯詳註 (Couplets on the Eight Virtues, with detailed annotations), 251 Bade gongguoge 八德功過格 (Eight Virtues ledger of merit and demerit), 194 Bade jishi 八德紀事 (Stories of the eight virtues), 251 Bade jueyuan 八德覺原 (Realizing the origins of the Eight Virtues), 194 Bade nü’er tonghua 八德女兒童話 (Children’s stories for [teaching] girls the eight virtues), 255, 259, 297

Bade qianyan 八德淺言 (Easy discourses on the Eight Virtues), 194 Bade xin’ge 八德新歌 (New songs of the Eight Virtues), 194 Bade xinjian 八德信箋 (Letters on the eight virtues), 252 Bade xuzhi 八德須知 (Essential knowledge of the Eight Virtues), 194, 251, 253, 276, 295 Bade yanyi 八德衍義 (Expanded meaning of the Eight Virtues), 194, 252 Bade zhinan 八德指南 (Guide to the Eight Virtues), 251 Badetang 八德堂 (Eight Virtues Halls), 224 Bai Yuchan 白玉蟾 (1194-?), 280 Baibazhong 百八鐘 (108 bells), 192 baihua 白話 (print colloquial), 123, 278 Baixiao yanxing lu 百孝言行錄 (Record of words and deeds representing one hundred instances of filial piety), 190 Baoan Gong 保安宮, Taipei, 273 Baofu queyan 保富確言 (True words on preserving wealth), 192, 310 Baojuan of Chenxiang, see Chenxiang baojuan 沉香寶卷 Baojuan of Extending Longevity, see Yanshou baojuan 延壽寶卷 Baojuan of Flower Names, see Huaming baojuan 花名寶卷 Baojuan of Fuyuan, see Fuyuan baojuan 福緣 寶卷 Baojuan of Huang Huiru, see Huang Huiru baojuan 黃慧如寶卷 Baojuan of Huilang, see Huilang baojuan 回 郎寶卷 Baojuan of Qilinbao, see Qilinbao baojuan 麒麟豹寳卷 Baojuan of the Jade Earings, see Yu lianhuan baojuan 玉連環寶卷 Baojuan of the Lute, see Pipa baojuan 琵琶 寶卷 Baojuan of the True Self-Perfection, see Zhenxiu baojuan 真修寶卷

326

Index

Baojuan of Woman Liu Xiang, see Liu Xiang nü baojuan 劉香女寶卷 Baojuan of Xu Miaoying, see Xu Miaoying baojuan 徐妙英寶卷 baojuan 寶卷 (precious scrolls), lithographic editions of, 140, 141, 142, 143, 145, 148, 149, 151, 152, 159, 161, 162, 164, 166, 171, 174, 175, 184, 185; publishers of, 148, 155, 156, 162; commercial printing of, 148; copyright of, 149; distribution of, 148, 149, 150, 151, 164; classification of, 154, 155; dialect editions of, 155; as didactic literature, 146, 156, 158, 159, 161, 176; performance of, 14, 139, 140, 153, 159, 160, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 170, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 289; as recitation script, 139, 142, 157, 158, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 166, 167, 168, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 289; and female audiences, 164, 165, 167, 170, 177, 289; and tanci 彈詞, 144, 146, 154, 155, 164, 165, 166; individual reading of, 161, 162, 163, 166, 167, 175, 176, 289; female readers of, 167, 170, 171; and scroll recitation (nianjuan 念卷), 160, 168, 172, 173, 174, 175 Baoshan shuju 寶善書局, Yuan’gan 垣甘, Yunnan 雲南, 258 Baoshantang 寶善堂, Changsha 長沙, Hunan 湖南, 187 Baxiantang 八賢堂 (Eight Worthy Halls), 197, 200, 302 Bazi jueyuan 八字覺原 (Perceiving the origins of the eight words), 205, 207, 208, 296 Beijing kejingchu 北京刻經處 (Beijing Scriptural Press), 118 Beijing 北京, 5, 18, 21, 26, 35, 64, 76, 86, 87, 91, 105, 118, 119, 136, 142, 146, 150, 151, 188, 192, 193, 243, 246, 247, 258, 268, 272, 273 Beiyang 北洋 government, 272 benevolent society, see shantang Berezkin, Rostislav, 12, 13, 265, 269, 286, 289, 322

Bible distribution, 13, 18, 21, 22, 32, 33, 34, 38, 299; free versus low-priced, 32, 33; cost of, 33, 34, 45, 49 Bible Says, the, see Shengjing shuo 聖經說 Bible, the: Delegates’ Version, 24, 26; Nanking Version, 25; self-sufficiency of, 41, 42, 45 Biblewomen, as female bible sellers, 31, 32, 296 biji 筆記 (brush notes), 280 Binxiadong 賓霞洞 (Kowloon), 201, 224, 231, 296 Biyuan tanjing 碧苑壇經 (Platform sutra of the azure garden), 222 Blue Lotus Teachings, see Qinglianjiao 青蓮 教 Bolanggong Baojuan 柏郞公寶卷, 148 Bondfield, G.H. (1855 – 1925), 29, 30, 37, 41 Books for beginners, Buddhist, 13, 91, 97, 105, 107, 110, 117, 118, 120, 122, 123, 124 Bore poluomiduo xinjing 般若波羅蜜多心經 (the Heart Sūtra), 99, 111 Borneo, 198 Boxer Rebellion, 1899 – 1901, 34, 52 British and Foreign Bible Society (BFBS), Law I, 19, 41 British Concession, Shanghai, 242, 244, 245, 247 Bu ke lu 不可錄 (What cannot be recorded), 239, 240, 247 Buddhism, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 113, 117, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 126, 129, 131, 132, 134, 135, 137, 138, 163, 168, 169, 214, 250, 267, 277, 279, 321, 322 Buddhist Relief Association for the Japanese Calamity (Fojiao puji rizaihui 佛教普濟 日災會), 269 Buddhist scripture distributor, see Fojing liutongchu 佛經流通處 Buddhist scriptures, 6, 92, 96, 97, 98, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 110, 111, 112, 119, 120, 121, 123, 124, 133, 148, 163, 168, 280, and miraculous events (lingyi 靈 異), 112

Index

Buddhist Studies Collectanea, see Foxue congshu Bukkyō daijiten 佛教大字典 (Great dictionary of Buddhism, by Mochizuki Shinko, 1932), 137 Bukkyō daijiten 佛教大字典 (Great dictionary of Buddhism, by Oda Tokunō, 1917), 126, 128 Burkwall, H.O.T. (1881 – 1957), 37 Burma, 198 Cai Fei 蔡飛, 258 Cai Yunchen 蔡運辰 (Cai Niansheng 蔡念生, 1901 – 1992), 93, 97, 138 Cai Zhenshen 蔡振紳 (Cai Liulong 蔡六龍), 253, 256, 259, 275 Caise Guangong xiang 彩色關公像 (Color image of Lord Guan), 245 Caise Jigong xiang 彩色濟公像 (Color image of Lord Ji), 245 calligraphy, 5, 152, 161, 193, 246, 252, 253, 254, 263, 276, 288 Cangxia gudong 藏霞古洞, Qingyuan 清遠, Guangdong, 197 Cangxia jingshe 藏霞精舍 (Stored Clouds Vihara, Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam), 211 Cangzhouzi 滄州子, see Peng Yifa 彭依法 Canon: Buddhist, 6, 13, 92, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 105, 108, 109, 111, 114, 116, 123, 124, 127, 134, 136, 235, 258, 271; Longzang, 7, 109; Daoist, 6, 7, 8; catalogues, 8, 15, 91, 144, 147, 184, 192, 193, 227, 250, 252, 277, 279, 282, 287, 289, 290 Cedar, The, see Xiangbai shu 香柏書 Celestial Flower Printing House, see Tianhua yinshuguan 天華印書館 Central Scriptural Press, see Zhongyang kejingyuan 中央刻經院 Chandao yaoyan 闡道要言 (Important words expounding the Way), 204, 207 Chanding 禪定 (1874-?), 104, 105 Changchun 長春, 76, 259 Changsha 長沙, 76, 187, 243, 259 Changshu 常熟, 159, 160, 174 Changtian Pagoda 長天塔, Qingyuan, Guangdong, 224

327

Changzhou 常州, Jiangsu province, 160, 162, 174, 188 Chaoji shuzhuang 朝記書莊, Shanghai, 247 Chaoyuandong 朝元洞, Luofushan, 211, 228 Chaozhou 潮州, Guangdong, 55, 56, 60, 194, 198 charitable association, see shantang 善堂 Chen Fushi 陳復始, 194, 197, 212 Chen Fuxian 陳褔賢, 198 Chen Jiangshan 陳江山 (1899 – 1976), 292 Chen Jinghu 陳鏡湖 (Tan Kia-Ou), 60, 61 Chen Jinwen 陳錦文, 253, 254 Chen Jude print shop 陳聚德刻字店, 187 Chen Xieshu 陳燮樞 (1874 – 1958), 283 Chen Yingning 陳攖寧 (1880 – 1969), 242, 268 Chen Yixi 陳宜禧 (Chan Ngee-Hee, 1844 – 1929), 60 Chen Yuzhen 陳玉珍 (1897 – 1972), 292 Chen Zhiliang 陳志良 (1908 – 1961), 173, 174 Chen Zuolin 陳作霖 (1837 – 1920?), 136 Cheng Dezai 成德在, 206 Chengdetang 成德堂 (Hall of Completed Virtue), Guangzhou, 195, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 218 Chenggu county 城固縣, Hanzhong prefecture 漢中府, Shaanxi province, 207 Chengqingtang 成慶堂 (Hall of Completed Blessings), Foshan 佛山, Guangdong, 201, 205 Chengshantang 成善堂 (Hall of Completed Goodness), Chanshan 禪山, 201, 217 Chengwentang 成文堂, Quanzhou 泉州, 237 Chenkong 塵空 (1908 – 1979), 135 Chenxiang baojuan 沉香寶卷 (Baojuan of Chenxiang), 174 Chiayi 嘉義, 245, 291, 292 China Books, see Zhonghua shuju 中華書局 China Inland Mission (CIM), 17, 29, 35, 62, 63 China Rescuing Life Association, see Zhongguo jishenghui 中國濟生會 Chinese Civil War, 1945 – 1949, 63 Chinese Recorder and Missionary Journal, the, 9, 45 Chinese Sacred Teaching Society, see Zhonghua shengjiao hui 中華聖教會

328

Index

Chinese Seventh-day Adventist Press, see Signs of the Times Publishing House Chinese Union Mission, Hong Kong, 86 Cholon 堤岸, Vietnam, 205, 211 Chongde cishanhui 崇德慈善會, Changchun, 259 Chongdetang 崇德堂, 248 Chonghuatang in Shanghai 上海崇華堂, 263 Chonghuatang in Tianjin 天津崇華堂, 263 Chongqing 重慶, 81, 83, 259 Chongshan yuebao 崇善月報 (Venerating goodness monthly), 261 Christian Literature Society for China, see Society for the Diffusion of Christian and General Knowledge among the Chinese Chuandenglu 傳燈錄 (Record of the lamp transmission), 201, 203, 207 Chuanjia bao 傳家寶 (Family treasures), 239 Cishan huibao 慈善彙報 (Collected Reports of Philanthropy), 251, 274, 278, 287 City God Temple 城隍廟, 147 – 148, 241, 242 Ciyuan 辭源 (Origins of words, 1915), 127 Classic of Filial Piety, see Xiaojing 孝經 Collected Reports of Philanthropy, see Cishan huibao 慈善彙報 Colporteur, definition of, 19; low pay of Chinese workers, 30, 48; difficulty of recruiting European Protestants as, 28; qualities of, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 49; courage of, 40, 61; in Adventist missions, 57, 58, 59, 60, 63, 70, 88; and the military, 60, 61 Commercial Press, The, see Shangwu yinshuguan 商務印書館 Commercial presses, 10, 91, 117 Complete Version of Baojuan of Miaoying, see Miaoying baojuan quanji 妙英寶卷 全集 Conflict of the Ages Series, see Lidai douzheng congshu 歷代鬥爭叢書 Confucius, 58, 199, 218, 219, 272 Convention of Peking (Beijing), 1860, 26 copyright, 149, 249, 259 Cuiwenzhai 萃文齋, Shanghai, 240

Dadao zhimi zhibian 大道指迷直辨 (Straightforward distinctions to direct those confused about the Great Way), 221 Dafeng Morality Book Publisher (Dafeng shanshu kanxingsuo 大豐善書刊行所), Shanghai, 147, 248, 263 Daode bookstore 道德書局, Shanghai, 234, 246, 263, 264, 274 Daode congshu 道德叢書 (The morality collectanea), 246 Daode nanzhen 道德南針 (Compass of morality), 222 Daode qianshuo 道德淺說 (Easy discourses on the Way and virtue), 221 Daode xueshe 道德學社 (Society for Moral Learning), 284 Daode xuezhi 道德學誌 (Journal of Moral Learning), 284 Daode yuekan 道德月刊 (Morality Monthly), 284 Daode zazhi 道德雜誌 (Morality Magazine), 284 Daode zhenyan 道德真言 (True words on the Way and virtue), 221 Daoguang 道光 emperor (1782 – 1850), 23, 24 Daoguang 道光 reign period (1821 – 1850), 147, 217 Daoism, Daoists, 35, 37, 78, 138, 148, 162, 173, 174, 188, 190, 195, 202, 210, 214, 242, 250, 268, 270, 279, 280, 281, 283, 284, 291 Daojie 道階 (1866 – 1944), 105, 109, 123 Daomai zongyuanliu 道脈總源流 (Overview of the lineage of the Dao), 198, 205, 231 Daowenzhai 道文齋, Xiamen 廈門, 237 Daoxuan 道宣 (596 – 667), 117 Daoyuan zhaijin 道緣摘錦 (A tapestry of choice words on the destiny of the Way), 200, 231 Daoyuan 道院 (Society of the Way; Red Swastika Society, Hongwanzihui 紅卍字 會), 199, 271, 285 Dasheng jin’gangjing pangjie 大乘金剛經旁 解 (Mahāyāna Diamond Sūtra with marginal explanations), 242

Index

Dasheng mojie zhenjing 大聖末劫真經 (The Great Sage’s true scripture of the end times), 239 Dashengbian 達生編 (Writings on attaining life), 281 Dashijie youlechang 大世界遊樂場 (Great World Amusement Park), 274 Dazu 大足, Sichuan, 272 Deji shuju 德記書局, Hangzhou, 243 Deng Xiaoping 鄧小平 (1904 – 1997), 53 Dengbudeng guan zalu 等不等觀雜錄 (Miscellaneous records of observing equality and inequality), 122 Deqingtang 德慶堂, Shiqiao 市橋, Guangdong, 218 Deyilu 得一錄 (Record of reaching the one [way]), 190 Digital Dictionary of Buddhism, 137 Dimu zhenjing 地母真經 (True scripture of the Earth Mother), 242 Dimujing 地母經 (Scripture of the Earth Mother), 206, 207, 211, 212, 213 Ding Fubao 丁福保 (Ding Zhongyou 丁仲祐, 1874 – 1952), 92, 93, 94, 95, 97, 98, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 129, 130, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138; and kaozheng 考證 (evidential) scholarship, 92, 104, 111, 120; medical practice, 95, 96, 104, 123, 124; method of annotating scriptures, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 116, 117, 123, 133; and importance of a mind of faith (xinxin 信心), 119, 120, 122; and the supernatural, 111, 122; photographic images of, 129, 131, 132 Dingben pudu huangjing 訂本普度皇經 (August scripture on universal salvation, corrected edition), 245 Dingyin dabei zhou jieshi fangming lu 定印 大悲咒解釋芳名錄 (Record of donor names for the publishing of the great compassion dharani, explained and expounded), 257 Dixian 諦閑 (1858 – 1932), 104, 105, 109, 130 Dongchunsheng 洞春生, 204 Donggang 東港 (East Haven), Taiwan, 292

329

Dongguan 東莞, Guangdong, 227 Dongming baoji 洞冥寶記 (Precious records of penetrating the underworld), 255 Dongming ji 洞冥記 (Records of penetrating the underworld), 244, 256 Douliu 斗六, Yunlin 雲林, Taiwan, 259 Dragon Girl (Longnü 龍女, Nāgakanyā), 159 Duan Qirui 段祺瑞 (1865 – 1936, Republic of China President 1923 – 1924), 272 Dyer, Samuel, Jr., (1833 – 1898), 27, 34, 38 East Guangdong morality bookstore, see Yuedong shanshuju 粵東善書局 Eden, see Yidian yuan 伊甸園 education, 7, 13, 60, 94, 102, 103, 118, 169, 177, 227, 272, 277, 278, 279, 283, 289, 291 Eight Virtues Halls, see Badetang 八德堂 Eight Virtues, see bade 八德 Eight Worthy Halls, see Baxiantang 八賢堂 Eitel, E.J. (1838 – 1908), 37 elite, 11, 122, 265, 268, 269, 270, 271, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 283, 289, 291, 292 Erke bidu 二科必讀 (Essential readings in the two subjects), 255 Esoteric Buddhism (mijiao 密教), 134, 135 Essay on hidden merit, see Yinzhiwen 陰騭文 Eternal Venerable Mother, see Wusheng Laomu 無生老母 Fan Chunwu 范純武, 246, 265, 282 Fang Guangchang 方廣錩, 236 Fanyi mingyi ji 翻譯名義集 (Compilation of translated Buddhist terms), 1929 and 1933 printings, 128, 136 Fayun 法雲 (1088 – 1158), 128, 136 Fazang 法藏 (643 – 712), 126 Feiluan yinwuguan 飛鸞印務館 (Flying Phoenix Printery, Kowloon), 210 feiluan 飛鸞, see spirit-writing Feixia jingshe 飛霞精舍 (Flying Mists Vihara), Singapore, 227 Feixiadong guizhang quanji 飛霞洞規章全集 (Complete collection of rules and regulations of the Grotto of Flying Mists), 205, 225, 227

330

Index

Feixiadong Yuegengtang 飛霞洞月庚堂, 211 Feixiadong 飛霞洞, Qingyuan 清遠, 195, 198, 204, 205, 211, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228 Fellowship of Goodness, see Tongshanshe 同 善社 Feng Zikai 豐子愷 (1898 – 1975), 280, 283 Fenghua 奉化 (Zhejiang), 246 Fengqingtang 鳳慶堂 (Daliang 大良), 218 Fengtian 奉天, 138, 243 Fenming shan’e geyanji 分明善惡格言集 (Collection of sayings to distinguish good and evil), 223 fiction, 146, 155, 158, 233, 247, 260, 291 First Sino-Japanese War, 1894 – 1895, 103 First World War, 1914 – 1918, 72 Fo Erya 佛爾雅 (The Buddhist literary expositor), 128 Foguang Yuebao 佛光月報 (Buddha light monthly), 134 Fojiao chuxue keben 佛教初學課本 (Primer of Buddhism for beginning students, 1906), 91, 117 Fojiao zongpai xiangzhu 佛教宗派詳注 (Detailed annotated Buddhist schools and sects, 1921), 102, 119 Fojing liutongchu 佛經流通處 (Buddhist scripture distributor), 91, 178 Fok Hing Tong, Hong Kong Society for the Promotion of Virtue, see Xianggang Daodehui Fuqingtang 香港道德會褔慶堂 Foshan 佛山 (Guangdong), 198, 201, 221 Foshandong 佛山洞, 198 Foshuo dingjie jing 佛說定刼經 (Scripture of settling calamities, expounded by the Buddha), 244 Four Books, see Sishu 四書 Foxue banyuekan 佛學半月刊 (Buddhist Studies Biweekly), 135, 284 Foxue congbao 佛學叢報 (Buddhist Studies Magazine, 1912 – 1914), 103, 110, 117, 132 Foxue congshu 佛學叢書 (Buddhist Studies Collectanea, 1918 – 1923), 13, 91, 97, 98, 104, 130 Foxue da cidian 佛學大辭典 (Great dictionary of Buddhist studies), 97, 100, 101, 111,

112, 116, 117, 120, 129, 131, 133; publication date of, 124; adaptation from Bukkyō daijiten, 126, 137 Foxue dagang 佛學大綱 (Outline of Buddhist studies, 1916), 117 Foxue xiao cidian 佛學小辭典 (Concise dictionary of Buddhist studies), 100, 120, 137 Foxue yanjiuhui 佛學研究會 (Association for Buddhist Research), 103 Foxue yijie 佛學易解 (Simple explication of Buddhist studies, 1917, 1919, 1926), 117 Foxue 佛學 (Buddhist Studies), origins of the term, 103 French Concession, Shanghai, 192, 193, 254, 257, 258, 263, 270, 274 French Indochina, 60 Fu Daoxiang 傅道祥, 194 fuji 扶乩, see spirit-writing fuluan 扶鸞, see spirit-writing Fuqingtang 褔慶堂, see Xianggang Daodehui Fuqingtang 香港道德會褔慶堂 Fushou baozang 福壽寶藏 (A treasury of blessings and longevity), 282 Fuyin xuanbao 福音宣報 (The Gospel Herald), 53, 56, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 90; see also Shizhao yuebao 時兆月報 Fuyou dijun 孚佑帝君, 196, 203 Fuyuan baojuan 福緣寶卷 (Baojuan of Fuyuan), 156 Fuzhou 福州, 9, 22, 25, 27, 35, 109 Gaibian tushu mulu liyan 改編圖書目錄例言 (Notes on the revised book catalogue), 254 Gangwashi Church 缸瓦市教堂, Beijing, 86, 87 ganhua 感化 (moral uprightness), 277, 281 Ganyingpian shuoding 感應篇說定 (Explanation of the folios on retribution), 188 Ganyingpian tushuo 感應篇圖說 (Illustrated explanation of the folios on retribution), see Taishang baofa 太上寶筏 Gaozhou 高州, Guangdong, 194 General Conference of the Protestent Missionaries of China, 1890, 43

Index

General Study Society of the Three Teachings, see Sanjiao zongxuehui 三教總學 會 Gengniu lei 耕牛涙 (Tears of the plough ox), 281 Geyan jinghua 格言精華 (Essential maxims), 261 Gezhong shanshu jiamu yilan biao 各種善書 價目一覽表 (Comprehensive chart of prices for every type of morality book), 244 Giles, Herbert (1845 – 1935), 129 Golden Flower Temple, see Jinhuamiao 金花 廟 Gongguoge 功過格 (Ledger of merits and demerits), 233, 235 gongsheng 貢生 (tribute student), 227 Great Sage Equal to Heaven, see Qitian Dasheng 齊天大聖 Great War, see First World War Gu Changsheng 顧長聲, 83, 84 Gu Daxiao 顧達孝, 257, 276 Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛 (1893 – 1980), 165 Guan Jinhua 關瑾華, 214, 217 Guandi lingganlu 關帝靈感錄 (Record of miraculous response from thearch Guan), 246 Guandi mingsheng jing 關帝明聖經 (The Thearch Sage Guan’s scripture on illuminating sageliness), 236, 237, 238, 242 Guandi mingsheng zhenjing 關帝明聖真經 (The Thearch Guan’s scripture on illuminating sageliness), 238, 247 Guandi qian 關帝籤 (Divination slips of thearch Guan), 240 Guandi 關帝 (Guangong 關公), 247, 256 Guangbai song zhai 廣百宋齋, Shanghai, 239 Guangdong xinyu 廣東新語 (New discourses on Guangdong), 200 Guangdong 廣東, 60, 202, 207, 209, 212, 215, 216, 218, 222, 223, 224, 225, 227, 228, 243 Guangji shuju 廣記書局, see He Guangji shuju 何廣記書局

331

Guangnantang 光南堂 (Hall Illuminating the South), Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam, 208, 211 Guangong 關公, see Guandi 關帝 Guangqingtang 廣慶堂 (Hall of Wide Blessings, Singapore), 201 Guangxi 廣西, 195, 198 Guangxu 光緒 reign period (1875 – 1908), 190, 195, 198, 199, 202, 204, 207, 212, 217, 237, 238 Guangye Laoren 廣野老人, see Peng Yifa 彭 依法, Guangyi shuju 廣益書局, Kaifeng, 243 Guangyi shuju 廣益書局, Shanghai, 238 Guangzhou 廣州, 14, 15, 21, 37, 54, 76, 85, 86, 136, 187, 188, 189, 190, 192, 194, 195, 200, 204, 205, 207, 209, 210, 214, 218, 221, 223, 225, 228 Guanli Xianggang Hanwen nüzi shifan xuetang 官立香港漢文女子師範學堂 (Hong Kong Chinese Women Teachers’ College), 227 Guansheng dijun jueshi zhenjing 關聖帝君覺 世真經 (The Thearch Sage Guan’s scripture awakening the world), 191 Guansheng dijun mingjing zhujie 關聖帝君明 經註解 (The Thearch Sage Guan’s scripture on illuminating sageliness, annotated and explained), see Guandi mingsheng jing 關帝明聖經 Guansheng dijun mingsheng jing 關聖帝君 明聖經 (The Thearch Sage Guan’s scripture on illuminating sageliness), 189, 238 Guansheng dijun taoyuan mingsheng jing 關 聖帝君桃園明聖經 (The Thearch Sage Guan’s peach orchard scripture on illuminating sageliness), see Guandi mingsheng jing 關帝明聖經 Guansheng dijun yingyan taoyuan shengjing 關聖帝君應驗桃園明聖經 (The Lord Thearch Sage Guan’s responsive scripture on illuminating sageliness of the peach orchard), see Guandi mingsheng jing 關 帝明聖經 Guanli Xianggang Hanwen nüzi shifan xuetang 官立香港漢文女子師範學堂 (Hong

332

Index

Kong Chinese Women Teachers’ College), 227 Guansheng mingsheng jing fuqian 關聖明聖 經附籤 (The Sage Guan’s scripture on illuminating sageliness, with divination slips appended), 249 Guansheng mingsheng jing 關聖明聖經 (The Sage Guan’s scripture on illuminating sageliness), 237, 248, 249 Guansheng mingsheng zhenjing 關聖明聖真 經 (The Thearch Sage Guan’s true scripture on illuminating sageliness), see Guandi mingsheng jing 關帝明聖經 Guanshiyin Bodhisattva, see Guanyin 觀音 Guanyin 觀音, 145, 152, 156, 159, 169, 197, 203, 206, 208, 209, 211, 214, 235, 244, 246, 249, 263, 281 Guanyin dabeizhou 觀音大悲咒 (Great compassion dharani of Guanyin), 203, 211, 214 Guanyin Gufo 觀音古佛, see Guanyin 觀音 Guanyin jidu benyuan zhenjing 觀音濟度本 願真經 (True scripture of Guanyin’s original vow of salvation), 206, 208, 211, 214, 235, 263 Guanyin quanshan wen 觀音勸善文 (Writings of Guanyin for admonishing people to do good), 235, 244, 249, 281 Guanyin shier yuanjue 觀音十二圓覺 (Guanyin and the twelve fully enlightened ones), 145, 206, 235 Guanzong jiangsi 觀宗講寺 (Guanzong Lecture Temple), 104 Guibenzi 歸本子, 204 Guigongti 桂宮梯 (Ladder to cinnamon palace), 209 Guiyang 貴陽, 63 Gujin shanshu dacidian 古今善書大辭典 (Great dictionary of morality books new and old), 192, 194 Guo Daoci 郭道慈, 211 Guocui zazhi 國粹雜誌 (National essence magazine), 209 Guoxue fulunshe 國學扶論社 (Society to Support Discussion of National Learning), 128

guoxue 國學 (National Learning), 129, see also kokugaku Gushan yongquan chansi 鼓山湧泉禪寺 (Gushan Yongquan Chan monastery), 35 Gützlaff, Karl (1803 – 1851), 21, 38 Guxiangge 古相閣, Shanghai, 239 Haga Yaichi 芳賀矢一 (1867 – 1927), 127 Haichuangsi 海幢寺 (Temple of the Ocean Pennant), Guangzhou, 200 Haiyan 海鹽, Zhejiang, 250, 254, 276 Hall of Sages of Worthies (Shengxian Tang 聖賢堂), Taichung, 294 Han Literature Distribution Society 漢籍流通 會 (Han Literature Distributor 漢籍流通 處), Chiayi 嘉義, Taiwan, 245, 260 Hangzhou 杭州, Zhejiang, 142, 149, 243, 257, 274, 275, 276 Hankou 漢口, Hubei, 208, 243 Hanshizi 寒世子, see Wu Chongyin 鄔崇音 Haosheng jiujie 好生救刼 (Saving from calamities to benefit living beings), 247 Hardoon Gardens, Shanghai, 134 He Guangji shuju 何廣記書局 (He Guang Bookstore), 144, 178 He Jian 何鍵 (1887 – 1956), 252 He Jiancun 賀箭村, 194 He Jing’an 賀靜安, 255 He Mingxian 何明顯, 224 He Nengzhong 何能中, 205 He Ruo 何若, 196 He Tingzhang 何廷璋 (He Qimei 何綺梅, Qianzhenzi 乾貞子, Changda 昌達), 205, 225, 227 He Yunqiao 何芸樵 (He Jian 何鍵, 1874 – 1956), 283 He Yunzhen 何運鎮, 225 healing, see medicine Hechuan 合川, Sichuan, 194 Henan 河南, district of Guangzhou, 200, 207, 210, 212, 214 Hexian baojuan 何仙寶卷 (Precious scroll of the immortal He), 206, 209, 214 Hezu yuanjun 何祖元君, 204 Hildreth, Ellison Story (1884 – 1962), 55 Hōbōgirin 法寶義林 (Forest of meanings of the Dharma jewels), 137

Index

Hong Kong (Xianggang 香港), 14, 21, 24, 26, 29, 37, 54, 85, 86, 87, 166, 187, 192, 194, 195, 196, 198, 199, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 209, 211, 217, 218, 220, 221, 223, 225, 226, 227, 228, 242, 261, 321, 322 Hong Kong Chinese Women Teachers’ College, see Guanli Xianggang Hanwen nüzi shifan xuetang 官立香港漢文女子 師範學堂 Hong Kong Taoist Association, see Xianggang Daojiao lianhehui 香港道教聯合會) Hong Kong Xiantiandao Home for the Aged, see Xianggang Xiantiandao anlaoyuan 香港先天道安老院) Hong Xueyong 洪學庸, 224 Hong Zhengxin 洪正心, 198 Hong Zijie 洪子杰 (1864 – 1936), 56 Hongda shanshuju 宏大善書局 (Great [Enterprise] Morality Bookstore, Shanghai), 143, 178, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 238 Hongda zhihao 宏大紙號, Shanghai, 244 Hongtai shanshuju 宏泰善書局 (Hongtai shanshu liutongchu 宏泰善書流通處), Shanghai, 238 Hongyi 弘一 (Li Shutong 李叔同, 1880 – 1942), 138 Horne, W.S. (ca. 1865 – 1933), 35 Hsing Yun 星雲法師 (1927‐), 294 Hu Shih 胡適 (1891 – 1962), 169, 170, 290 Hua-Ying zidian 華英字典 (A Chinese-English dictionary, 1892, 1912), 129 Hualian xianguan 華聯仙館, 203 Huaming baojuan 花名寶卷 (Baojuan of Flower Names), 171, 181 Huang Benyuan 黃本源 (Daochu 道初), 197 Huang Dehui 黃德輝, 196 Huang Hanzhi 黃涵之 (Huang Qinglan 黃慶 瀾, 1875 – 1961), 280 Huang Huiru baojuan 黃慧如寶卷 (Baojuan of Huang Huiru), 145, 181 Huang Maosheng 黃茂盛 (Songxuan 松軒, 1901 – 1978), 259, 260, 261, 262, 291 Huang Meide 黃美德 (1925 – 2010), 85 Huang Yongliang 黃永亮, 202 Huang Zongyu 黃宗瑀, 253

333

Huanglong Zhenren 黃龍真人 (Perfected Man Yellow Dragon), 197 Huangshigong sushu zhu 黃石公素書註 (Annotated edition of the Duke of the Yellow Stone’s book of simplicity), 201, 203 Huangu jindan 換骨金丹 (Elixir to exchange your bones), see Sangui wujie 三皈五戒 Huaxiantang 化賢堂, 198 Huayan daxue 華嚴大學 (Huayan University), 134 Huayan jing 華嚴經 (the Avataṃsaka Sūtra), 105, 106, 113 Hubei 湖北, 61, 166, 197, 253 Huilang baojuan 回郎寶卷 (Baojuan of Huilang), 174, 181 Huilin 慧琳 (737 – 820), 125 Huilong shizun zengding Wanfo jing: houfu Sansheng jing 迴龍師尊增訂萬佛經:後 附三聖經 (Scripture of ten thousand Buddhas with additions and corrections by Venerable Master Huilong: appended by the scripture of the three sages), 245 Huishantang 會善堂, Hechuan 合川, Sichuan, 194 Huitu dazi xinban zhongwai pudu huangjing 繪圖大字新頒中外普度皇經 (August scripture on universal salvation in China and abroad, illustrated in large print and newly published), 245 Huitu dongming ji 繪圖洞冥記 (Illustrated records of penetrating the underworld), 245 Huitu Qizhen ji 繪圖七眞集 (Illustrated Collection of the Seven Perfected), 281 Huitu yuli chaozhuan 繪圖玉歷鈔傳 (Illustrated records and tales of the jade regulations), 239 Huitu zuohua zhiguo 繪圖坐花誌果 (Illustrated jottings resulting from sitting amongst the flowers), 239 Huiwentang shuju Saoye shanfang 會文堂書 局掃葉山房, Hankou, 243 Huiwentang shuju 會文堂書局, Changsha, 243 Huixiang yulu 回鄉語錄 (Recorded quotations after returning home), 254, 255

334

Index

Huizhou 惠州, Guangdong, 194, 198 Humanistic Buddhism, see renjian Fojiao 人 間佛教 Hunan 湖南, 145, 187, 252, 282, 283 Huo Shanjing 霍善鏡, 200 Huoluan lun 霍亂論 (Discourses on Cholera), 281 Husheng shiwen 護生詩文 (Poems and essays on protecting life), 257 Hushengbao 護生報 (Reports for protecting life), 246, 274, 287 Huzhou 湖州, Zhejiang, 252, 265, 275 Illuminating Goodness Bookstore, see Mingshan morality bookstore Illuminating Goodness Morality Bookstore, see Mingshan morality bookstore Imperial civil service examination, see keju 科舉 Indonesia, 198, 199 Inner Mongolia, 290 Ipoh (Malaysia), 225 Ji Peidao 紀培道, 199, 223, 224 Ji’nan 濟南, Shandong, 118, 285 Jia Fengzhen 賈豐臻 (fl. 1910 s-1930 s), 117 Jiang Lü 姜履, 254, 276 Jiang shentong xinzhu Sishu baihua jieshuo 江神童新註四書白話解說 (Newly annotated vernacular commentaries on the Four Books by child prodigy Jiang), 280 Jiang Shoufeng 江壽峰 (1875 – 1926), 283 Jiang Xizhang 江希張 (1907 – 2004), 222, 280, 283 Jiang Zhaozhou 江肇洲, 247 Jiangchunji shuzhuang 蔣春記書莊 (Jiangchun Book Village), 144, 146, 178 Jianguo huigan 諫果回甘 (The fruits of remonstration are sweet after all), 192 Jiangxi 江西, 188, 197, 253 Jiangzuo shulin 江左書林, Shanghai, 240 Jiaqing 嘉慶 reign period (1796 – 1820), 146, 189, 236 Jiating jianghua 家庭講話 (Household discussions), 247 Jiaxing 嘉興, Zhejiang, 254, 276 Jiayi 嘉義, Taiwan, see Chiayi

Jie chanzu wen 戒纏足文 (Essay against footbinding), 190 jiesha 戒殺 (injunction against killing sentient beings), 280 Jieyin cunwo lu 戒淫存我錄 (Record of how giving up vice saved me), 240 Jigong 濟公 (Jizu 濟祖), 158, 245, 246, 251, 288 Jilezhai 吉樂齋, Shanghai, 247 Jilin 吉林, 290 Jin Shuren 金樹仁 (1879 – 1941), 61 Jin Yousheng 金友生, 178, 245 Jin’gang bore poluomi jing 金剛般若波羅蜜 經 (the Diamond Sūtra), 111 Jin’gang bore poluomi jingzhu 金剛般若波羅 蜜經箋注 (the Diamond of Perfect Wisdom Sūtra, annotated and explained), 99, 112 Jin’gangjing 金剛經 (Diamond sutra), see Jin’gang bore poluomi jing Jindandao 金丹道 (Way of the Golden Elixir), 196 Jinde congshu 進德叢書 (The Advancing Morality Collectanea, 1912?-1925?), 97 Jing Yuanshan 經元善 (1841 – 1903), 241, 242 Jingci Si 淨慈寺 (Monastery of Purity and Mercy), Hangzhou, 275 Jingjiang 靖江, Taizhou 泰州, 160, 173 Jingshenlu 精神錄 (Record of the Spirit), 292 jingshenghui 經生會 (scripture recitation association), 225 Jingxiangge 經相閣, Shanghai, 239 Jingxiantang 敬賢堂, 198 Jingxinlu 敬信錄 (Record of respect and faith), 191 Jingzao quanshu 敬竈全書 (Complete collection of works regarding making obeisance to the Stove God), 241 Jingzi xianbaolu 敬字顯報錄 (Record of manifested rewards for cherishing lettered paper), 203, 209, 214 Jinhua jingshe 金華精舍 (Golden Flower Vihara), Ipoh, 225 Jinhua zongzhi 金華宗旨 (Principles of golden florescence), 206, 207, 214 Jinhuamiao 金花廟 (Temple of the Golden Flower), Guangzhou, 188, 200

Index

Jinke jiyao 金科輯要 (Essential elements of the golden code), 250, 258, 282 Jinling kejingchu 金陵刻經處 (Jinling Scriptural Press), 103, 111, 118, 128 Jinpingmei cihua 金瓶梅詞話 (Lyric Tale of Plum Flowers in the Golden Vase), 164 Jinxiadong 錦霞洞, Qingyuan 清遠, Guangdong, 197, 198 Jinxiandai Shanghai chubanye yinxiang ji 近 現代上海出版業印象記 (Record of impressions of Shanghai publishing in the modern era), 147, 244 Jinzhang Shuju 錦章書局 (Jinzhang bookstore), Shanghai, 238, 262 jitan 乩壇 (spirit-writing shrine), 247 Jiu’en xilie congshu 救恩系列叢書 (The Salvation Book Series), 86 Jiujie huisheng 救刼回生 (Saving from calamities and returning to life), 249 Jiusheng chuan 救生船 (Boat for rescuing living beings), 244 jiushi tuanti 救世團體, see redemptive societies Jixianghua 吉祥花 (Auspicious flowers), 192 Jixiantang 集賢堂, 198 Jiyangdian wenda bian 寂陽殿問答編 (Collected questions and answers of the Jiyang palace), 251 Jiyunxuan 集雲軒 (Gathering Clouds Studio), 285 Jizu jing 濟祖經 (Scripture of patriarch Ji), 245 Jōdo Shinshu 淨土真宗, Higashi Honganji 東 本願寺 sub-sect, 126 Johnson, Samuel (d. 1866), 27, 28 journals, see periodicals Judetang 居德堂 (Hall of Residing in Virtue), Guangzhou, 225 Jueshi xinxin 覺世新新 (Novelties for awakening the world), 235 Jueshijing 覺世經 (Scripture awakening the world), 187, 261; also see Guansheng Dijun jueshi zhenjing 關聖帝君覺世真經 (The Thearch Sage Guan’s scripture awakening the world), 191 Juexingtang 覺性堂 (Hall Perceiving Human Nature, Kowloon), 209, 210

335

Juyuantang shuju 聚元堂書局 (Juyuantang Bookstore), 149 Juzhen shuju 聚珍書局 (Juzhen Bookstore), 149 Kaifeng 開封, 243 Kaisetsu bongogaku 解說梵語學 (Explication of Sanskrit linguistics, 1907), 126 Kalaviṇka Canon (1913), 108 Kangding 康定 (Tatsienlu 打箭爐), 62 kejingchu 刻經處 (scriptural press), 91 keju 科舉 (Imperial civil service examination), 33 Kenmure, Alexander (1856 – 1910), 40, 41 Kokugaku 國學, 127 Kowloon (Jiulong 九龍), 199, 201, 209, 210, 218, 224, 226 Kuala Lumpur, 225 Kumārajīva (Jiumoluoshi 鳩摩羅什, 344 – 413), 107, 113 Kunshan 昆山, 159, 160, 174, 175 La Rue, Abram (1822 – 1903), 54 Lanji shuju 蘭記書局 (Lanji Bookstore), 15, 244, 249, 259, 261, 264, 290, 291, 292 Lanji tushuju 蘭記圖書局, Chiayi, Taiwan, see Lanji shuju Lanling Xiaoxiao sheng 蘭陵笑笑生 (The Scoffer of Lanling), 164 Laozi shiyi: xinglixue luyao 老子釋義：性理 學錄要 (Explanation of the Laozi: essentials for the study of nature and principle), 193 Lay, George T. (ca. 1800 – 1845), 21 Leizhou 雷州, Guangdong, 194 Li Jiezhai 李節齋 (d.u.), 153, 154 Li Rongyao 黎榮耀, 203 Li Shancai 黎善材, 200 Li Shiyu 李世瑜 (1922 – 2010), 165 Li Xiang 李詳 (Li Shenyan 李審言, 1859 – 1931), 104 Li Zhigen 李植根 (Daorong 道榮; Jingquan xiansheng 淨泉先生; “Gentleman of the Pure Spring”), 197, 198 Lian Nanhu 廉南湖 (1868 – 1931), 94 Lianchi dashi 蓮池大師 (Yunqi Zhuhong 雲棲 袾宏, 1535 – 1615), 283

336

Index

Liang A-fa (Liang Fa 梁發, 1789 – 1855), 23 Liang Bozhao 梁伯趙, 261 Liang Shaoji 梁少伋 (Yunxian 運憲), 218 Liangxi 梁溪, 241 Lianhe bao 聯合報 (United Daily News), 293 Lianzhou 廉州, Guangdong, 194 Liaodao milu 了道秘錄 (Secret records of comprehending the Way), 254 Liaofan sixun 了凡四訓 (The four [family] instructions of [Yuan] Liaofan), 233 Liaoning 遼寧, 104, 290 Lidai douzheng congshu 歷代鬥爭叢書 (Conflict of the Ages Series), 84, 85 Lin, David 林大衛 (1917 – 2011), 84, 85 Lin Fashan 林法善, 197 Lin Yushu 林玉書 (Lin Woyun 林臥雲), 260 Lingnan jishuo 嶺南集說 (Collected discourses of Lingnan), 192 lingxue (Spiritualism), 122 Lingxue congzhi 靈學叢誌 (Journal of Spiritualism), 122, 264 lithography, 132, 140 – 185 (passim), 233, 238, 240, 242, 248, 278; introduction of to China, 9 – 11 Luo Guoqing 羅國卿 (Changcheng 昌誠), 218 Liu Huayang 柳華陽 (1736-?), 283 Liu Xiang nü baojuan 劉香女寶卷 (Baojuan of Woman Liu Xiang), 146, 168, 181 Liu Xun 劉迅, 268, 284 liufu 六府 (six prefectures), 194, 198, 200 Liuxiang nü 劉香女 (The Woman Liuxiang), 146, 168, 181 Liuzu tanjing 六祖壇經 (the Platform Sūtra of the Sixth Patriarch), 100, 111 Liwenxuan 理文軒, Shanghai, 239 Lixiantang 禮賢堂, 194, 195, 198, 199, 211, 223 lixue 理學 (Neo-Confucian scholarship), 117 London Missionary Society (LMS), 21, 22, 29, 37, 42, 45 Long Yuguang 龍裕光, 190 Longmen xinfa 龍門心法 (Mind method of the Dragon Gate), see Biyuan tanjing 碧 苑壇經 Longpiao 龍票 (Dragon Tickets), 245

Longqing fotang 龍慶佛堂 (Buddha Hall of Dragon Blessings; also: Longqingtang 龍慶堂, Kowloon), 201, 218 Longxizi 隴西子, 207 Lu Qiaomu 陸喬木, 189 Lu Yiting 陸一亭 (Qing 清 dynasty), 283 Lu Zhongwei 陸仲偉, 257 Lü zushi jingchan 呂祖師經懺 (Scriptures and litanies of Patriarch Lü), 204, 209 luanshu 鸞書 (spirit-writing texts), 235, 263, 280 luantang 鸞堂 (spirit-writing associations; “phoenix halls”), 268, 294 Lunke jiyao 輪科輯要 (Essential Elements of the Code of the Wheel), 282 Luo Chang’an 羅昌安, 218 Luo Weinan 羅煒南 (Shan’an 善安, 1879after 1941), 195, 198, 201, 217, 221, 223 Luofushan 羅浮山, Guangdong, 211, 228 Luther, Martin (1483 – 1546), 47 Lüyintang shufang 綠蔭堂書坊 (Suzhou), 243 Lüzu gongguoge 呂祖功過格 (Patriarch Lü’s ledger of merit and demerit), 189 Lüzu sanshi yinguoshuo 呂祖三世因果說 (Patriarch Lü’s discourse on karmic retribution), 203 Lüzu zhenjing 呂祖真經 (Perfected scripture of Patriarch Lü), 206, 209 Macau (Aomen 澳門), 23, 24, 231 MacGowan, J. (1835 – 1922), 40 magazines, see periodicals Mai Changtai 麥昌泰, 224 Mai Changtian 麥長天 (1842 – 1929), 195, 198, 223, 224, 225, 227 Mai Taikai 麥泰開 (Changyuan 昌源, 1896 – 1962), 224, 225, 226 Maitian fuyin jikan 麥田福音季刊 (The Wheatfield Gospel Quarterly), 88 Malacca, 21, 23 Malaysia (Malaya), 76, 223, 225, 228 Mama de shou 媽媽的手 (Mom’s hands), 171, 290 Mao Zedong 毛澤東 (1893 – 1976), 53 Martial and Wise Heavenly Emperor 武哲天 皇, see Guandi 關帝 martial arts, 158, 271

Index

Mauritius, 198 Medhurst, W.H., Jr. (1822 – 1885), 27 medicine, healing, 55, 56, 63, 75, 92, 94, 95, 96, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 121, 123, 124, 131, 132, 146, 190, 203, 262, 271, 283 meditation, 98, 271, 272 Mei Guangxi 梅光羲 (Mei Xieyun 梅擷芸, 1880 – 1947), 118 Meichengtang 美成堂 (Hall of Beautiful Completion), Macao, 206, 231 Meida shanshu liutongchu 美大善書流通處, Beijing, 243, 247 Meida tushuguan 美大圖書館, Beijing, 247 Meizhou 梅州, Guangdong, 198 Meng Sen 孟森 (1868 – 1937), 105, 106 Mengxingpian 猛醒篇 (Treatise on fierce awakening), 189, 202 merit, 1, 7, 8, 116, 121, 163, 172, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 194, 195, 200, 206, 210, 212, 219, 228, 233, 235, 247, 249, 285 Mianqingtang 綿慶堂, Macao, 211, 218, 223 Miaoying baojuan quanji 妙英寶卷全集 (Complete Version of Baojuan of Miaoying), 145, 153 Miaoying baojuan 妙英寶卷 (Precious scroll of Miaoying), 150, 151, 181, 204, 209 Mile zhenjing 彌勒真經 (The true scripture of Maitreya), 251 Miller, Harry W. (1879 – 1977), 54, 55, 56, 60 mimeograph printing, 85, 89 Ming dynasty (1368 – 1644), 94, 233, 279 Mingqingtang 明慶堂 (Shajiao 沙滘), Guangdong, 217, 218 Mingshan shanshuju 明善善書局 (Illuminating Goodness Morality Bookstore), 192 Mingshan shuju 明善書局, Shanghai 上海, 14, 15, 178, 193, 194, 234, 250, 265, 270 Mingshan shuju 明善書局, Suiyuan 綏遠, 259 Mingshan shuju diliu tushu mulu 明善書局第 六次圖書目錄 (Sixth edition of the book catalogue of Mingshan books), 255

337

Mingshan shuju tushu mulu 明善書局圖書目 錄 (Book catalogue of Mingshan books, 1932), 193, 250 Mingshan shuwu 明善書屋 (Library of Illuminated Goodness), 204 Mingsheng jing zhujie 明聖經註解 (The scripture on illuminating sageliness, annotated and explained), see Guandi mingsheng jing 關帝明聖經 Mingsheng jing 明聖經 (The scripture on illuminating sageliness), see Guandi mingsheng jing 關帝明聖經 Mingsheng zhenjing zhushi 明聖真經註釋 (The true scripture on illuminating sageliness, annotated and explicated), see Guandi mingsheng jing 關帝明聖經 Minguo shiqi chuban shumu huibian 民國時 期出版書目彙編, 277, 279 Mingxingtang morality bookstore 明星堂善書 局, Guangzhou, 188, 210 Mingyi shuju 明義書局, Guangzhou, 190 mission publishing, 9, 10, 13, 25, 42, 46, 48, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 63, 64, 65, 66, 69, 70, 71, 73, 74, 75, 76, 80, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90 Mollmann, J. (1818 – 1890), 27, 28 morality books, see shanshu 善書 morality bookstore, see shanshuju 善書局 Morrison, Robert (1782 – 1834), 18, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 129, 190 movable type printing, 3, 8, 9, 11, 110, 267 Muirhead, William (1822 – 1900), 22, 32, 33 Mulian 目連, 156, 169, 170, 171, 322 muyu 木魚 (wooden fish drum), 173 muyushu 木魚書 (liturgical texts), 189 Nanhai county 南海縣, Guangdong, 199, 200, 201, 217, 218 Nanhai dashi jiujie xianfang 南海大士救刼仙 方 (The immortal prescription for the mahasattva of the South Seas saving from calamities), 244 Nanhai Guangli Hongsheng Dawang 南海廣 利洪聖大王 (Vast Sage and King of the Southern Ocean Who Widely Provides Benefits), 200

338

Index

Nanhai Guanyin 南海觀音 (Guanyin of the South Sea), 159 Nanjing Academy, see Nanjing shuyuan Nanjing shuyuan 南菁書院 (Nanjing Academy), Jiangyin 江陰, Jiangsu, 94 Nanjing 南京, 77, 95, 118, 149 Nanjō Bunyu 南条文雄 (1849 – 1927), 103, 127 Nanxiong 南雄, Guangdong, 194 nanyin 南音 (Southern (Cantonese) music), 189 National Bible Society of Scotland, 18, 43, 44 neigong 內功 (inner discipline), 272 New Life Movement, see Xinshenghuo yundong 新生活運動 Ni Tuosheng 倪柝聲 (Watchman Nee, 1903 – 1972), 67 Nie Yuntai 聶雲臺 (Nie Qijie 聶其傑, 1880 – 1953), 140, 283 Ningbo 寧波, 104, 142, 172 Northern Expedition, The, 1926 – 1928, 60, 257 Nüxue sanzijing 女學三字經 (Three Character Classic for Women to Study), 281 Oda Tokunō 織田得能 (1860 – 1911), 126, 128, 132, 133, 134 Pan Xizhen 潘希珍 (Qijun 琦君, 1917 – 2006), 170, 171, 290 Pebbles Collection, The, see Shizi ji 石子集 Peibentang 培本堂 (The Hall of Cultivating the Fundamental), 162 Penang (Bincheng 槟城), Malaysia, 225 Peng Dingqiu 彭定求 (1645 – 1719), 192 Peng Haoran 彭浩然, see Peng Yifa 彭依法 Peng Huilong 彭迴龍 (Peng Ruzun 彭汝尊; Shugu laoren 述古老人; Pure and Clear Man of the Way 清靜道人, 1873 – 1950), 192, 246, 252, 254, 255, 256, 258, 272, 275 Peng Yifa 彭依法 (Haoran 浩然; Cangzhouzi 滄州子; Rutong Laoren 儒童老人; Suyi Laoren 素一老人; Shuiyi Laoren 水一老 人; Guangye Laoren 廣野老人), 188, 197, 205, 206, 208

Peng Yunxiu 彭允秀, 189 periodicals (journals, magazines), 2, 9, 52, 53, 57, 64, 81, 86, 104, 122, 130, 132, 133, 135, 148, 260, 267, 269, 274, 284, 287, 288, 290, 292, 294 philanthropy, 251, 267, 274, 278, 281, 285, 287, 292 Philippines, 198 photography, 129, 130, 131, 132, 134, 137, 263 Pili yisheng 霹靂一聲 (A single thunderbolt), 245 Pilquist, Eric (18??-1920), 54 Pipa baojuan 琵琶寶卷 (Baojuan of the Lute), 153, 156 Pomi zongzhi 破迷宗旨 (Principles on breaking delusions), 206 precious scrolls, see baojuan 寶卷 prices, 34, 49, 149, 187, 212, 214, 244, 248, 249, 286, 287, 288 Princess Miaoshan 妙善, 169, 170 print culture, definition, 2, 3 public lecturing, 192, 206, 207, 217, 223, 224, 239, 240, 272, 273, 283 Putuoshan 普陀山, 109, 110, 159 Puxian Bodhisattva 普賢菩薩, 111 Puyi 溥儀, Xuantong 宣統 emperor (1906 – 1967), 66, 67, 174 Pye, Watts O., 48, 49 Qian Jiyin 錢季寅, 262 Qianlong 乾隆 reign period (1736 – 1795), 125, 236 Qianqingtang shuju 千頃堂書局, Shanghai, 262 qianyu 簽語 (divination slips), 189, 240, 249 Qilinbao baojuan 麒麟豹寳卷 (Baojuan of Qilinbao), 153 Qing 清 dynasty (1644 – 1911), 7, 36, 125, 146, 149, 169, 187, 188, 189, 209, 227, 279, 281 Qingjingjing zhu, Xuanmen bidu hekan 清靜 經注、玄門必讀合刊 (Combined edition of the annotated Scripture of Purity and Quiescence and the Essential Readings of Daoism), 202

Index

Qinglianjiao 青蓮教 (Blue Lotus Teachings), 196 Qingnianjing 青年鏡 (Mirror for the young), 261 Qingyuan 清遠 (Guangdong), 195, 197, 198, 205, 223, 228 Qingyunti 青雲梯 (Ladder to the blue clouds), 209 Qiongzhou 瓊州 (Guangdong), 194 Qisheng 七聖 (the Seven Sages), 196 Qitian Dasheng 齊天大聖 (Great Sage Equal to Heaven), 205, 219 Qiwenju 綺文居, Quanzhou 泉州, 237 Qizhen yinguozhuan 七真因果傳 (Karmic transmission of the Seven Perfected), 202 Qizhen zhuan 七真傳 (Transmission of the Seven Perfected), 207, 249 Qu Lianquan 區廉泉, 222 Quanshan zazhi 勸善雜誌 (Exhorting to goodness magazine), 247 Quanshan’ge 勸善歌 (Songs to exhort to goodness), 190 Quanshi guizhen 勸世歸真 (Urging the world to return to perfection), 235 Quanxiaopian 勸孝篇 (Treatise admonishing to filial piety), 188 Quanzhou 泉州, 237, 258, 290, 291 Qufu 曲阜 (Shandong), 58 radio, 265, 282, 285, 294 Rangoon (Yangon 仰光), 225 recitation, 109, 118, 139, 142, 157, 158, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 166, 167, 168, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 225, 256, 272, 289 Record of the Spirit, see Jingshenlu 精神錄 Red Swastika Society (Hongwanzihui 紅卍字 會), see Daoyuan 道院 redemptive societies (jiushi tuanti 救世團體), 268, 270, 271, 272, 273, 276, 283, 284, 288, 293, 294 religion (zongjiao 宗教), definition of, 10, 11 Religious Tract Society, 43 Renji Benevolent Society 仁濟善堂, 240 renjian Fojiao 人間佛教 (Humanistic Buddhism), 122

339

Renyitang 仁義堂, Xiangyang 襄陽, Hubei, 236 Reports for Protecting Life, see Hushengbao 護生報 Richard, Timothy (1845 – 1919), 33, 46, 47, 321 Ronghuatang shanshupu 榮華堂善書鋪 (Ronghuatang morality book shop), Beijing, 188 Rongzhou 溶州, Nanhai, Guangdong, 201, 217 Ruicheng shuju 瑞成書局, Taichung, Taiwan, 259, 290 Rulai shidi xiuxing xueshan ji 如來十地修行 雪山記 (Snow mountain record of the Tathāgata’s cultivation in ten stages), 204 Rumen jiushi jindan 儒門救世金丹 (The golden elixir of the Confucians to save the world), 245 Sacred Edict, see Shengyu 聖諭 Sakai Tadao 酒井忠夫 (1912 – 2010), 234, 236 Sakaki Ryōzaburō 榊亮三郎 (1872 – 1946), 126 Salvation Book Series, The, see Jiu’en xilie congshu 救恩系列叢書 sancai 三才 (Three Realms), 254 Sangui wujie 三皈五戒 (The three refuges and five precepts), 196, 204, 207 Sanjiao zongxuehui 三教總學會 (General Study Society of the Three Teachings), Hong Kong, 209 sanjiao 三教 (Three Teachings), 193, 196, 202, 207, 209, 214, 224, 250, 254, 278, 280, 283 Sanjingtang 三經堂, Suzhou 蘇州, Jiangsu, 188 Sanpin miaojing 三品妙經 (Marvelous scripture in three chapters), 204 sanqi 三期 (Three Eras), 196, 253, 254 Sansan guiyi 三三歸一 (The three threes return to the one), 254 Sansheng dijun zhenjing 三聖帝君真經 (True scripture of the three sacred lord thearchs), 243, 244

340

Index

Sansheng jing lingyan tuzhu 三聖經靈驗圖註 (Scripture of the three sages, with its spiritual efficacy illustrated and annotated), 247 Sanshengjing 三聖經 (Scriptures of the three sages), 190, 240, 245, 247 Sanshui 三水, Guangdong, 225 Sanzang fashu 三藏法數 (Categories of Buddhist concepts from the Canon), 102, 136 Sanzi aiguo yundong 三自愛國運動 (ThreeSelf Patriotic Movement), 53, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86, 89 Sanzijing 三字經 (Three Character Classic), 33, 281 Sanzongmiao 三宗廟 (Ho Chi Minh City), 211 Saoye shanfang Wenruilou shufang 掃葉山房 文瑞樓書坊, Shanghai, 243 Saoye shanfang 掃葉山房, Shanghai, 149, 239, 243, 247 Scandinavian Alliance Mission, 54 scriptural press, see kejingchu 刻經處 scripture recitation association, see jingshenghui 經生會 Scriptures of the three sages, see Sanshengjing 三聖經 Second Opium War (1856 – 1860), 22 Second Sino-Japanese War, 1937 – 1945, 63, 81, 135 self-cultivation, 156, 169, 193, 268, 271, 272, 277, 280, 283 Seventh-Day Adventism, 53, 60, 61, 63, 65, 67, 88, 322 and literature ministry, 51, 57, 59, 63, 85, 88, 89 and sociopolitical disorder in China, 52 and the seventh-day sabbath, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 58, 61, 62, 63, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 73, 88 and other denominations in China, 4, 13, 22, 41, 52, 53, 54, 55, 59, 65, 66, 70, 81, 88 and premillenarianism, 66 and sacred time, 69 and eschatology, 72, 84, 86 anti-narcotic media, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81

and the anti-superstition campaign, 77, 79 Seventh-Day Adventist Three-Self Reform Preparation Committee, 83, 84 Shaanxi 陝西, 104, 207 Shancai 善才 (Good-in-Talent, Sudhana), 159, 182 Shandong 山東, 39, 58, 61, 118, 285 Shangcai 上蔡, Henan, 55, 58, 64 Shanghai 上海, 21, 51, 236, 243, 244, 247, 263 Shanghai Buddhist Books, see Shanghai Foxue shuju 上海佛學書局 Shanghai Chinese Christian Council, 85 Shanghai Foxue shuju 上海佛學書局 (Shanghai Buddhist Books), 135, 136, 138, 277, 285, 288, 293 Shanghai Huaguang diantai 上海華光電台, 285 Shanghai Incident of 1928, see Yierba shibian 一·二八事變 Shanghai Jishenghui zhenjing 上海濟生會真 經 (True Scripture of the Shanghai Rescuing Life Association), 285 Shanghai lingxuehui 上海靈學會 (Shanghai Spiritualist Society), 122, 264 Shanghai Medical Press, see Shanghai yixue shuju 上海醫學書局 Shanghai shanshu liutongchu 上海善書流通 處 (Shanghai Morality Book Distributor), 237, 242, 263 Shanghai yixue shuju 上海醫學書局 (Shanghai Medical Press), 95, 97, 119, 121, 130, 134 Shangshantang 上善堂, Huayi 花邑, 205 Shangwu yinshuguan 商務印書館 (The Commercial Press), 10, 93, 117, 118, 127, 136, 239 Shanqing zutang 善慶祖堂 (Patriarchal Hall of Goodness and Blessings), Zidong 紫 洞, Nanhai, Guangdong, 201, 218, 219 Shanqingdong 善慶洞 (Grotto of Good Blessings), Tuen Mun 屯門, Hong Kong, 201, 206 Shanqingdong 善慶洞, Foshan, Guangdong, 198

Index

shanshu liutongchu 善書流通處 (distribution centers for morality books), 237, 243, 290 shanshu 善書 (morality books), 8, 14, 15, 145, 146, 147, 148, 151, 154, 155, 156, 161, 162, 166, 169, 170, 176, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 199, 200, 201, 202, 207, 208, 209, 210, 212, 214, 217, 218, 219, 221, 222, 223, 225, 226, 228, 233, 234, 235, 236, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 265, 268, 274, 276, 277, 280, 282, 289, 290, 291, 292, 294, 322 Shanshuju Yahuatang 善書局雅化堂, Miaoli 苗栗, Taiwan, 237 shanshuju 善書局 (morality bookstore), 14, 143, 144, 145, 151, 188, 190, 192, 194, 195, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 210, 212, 227, 242, 250, 259, 263 shantang 善堂 (charitable association, benevolent society), 187, 190, 233, 238, 240 Shantou 汕頭, 22, 55, 56, 76 Shao Binru 邵彬儒, 192 Shaoji shuzhuang 韶記書莊, Shanghai, 239 Shaoxing 紹興, 142, 149, 168, 243, 257 Shaozhou 韶州, Guangdong, 194 Shatou 沙頭, Nanhai county 南海縣, Guangdong, 199, 200 Shen Yifeng 沈義豐, 188 Shenbao 申報, 9, 145, 269, 275, 288 Shenchang shuju 申昌書局, Shanghai, 239 Sheng county 嵊縣, Zhejiang, 259 Shengjing huizuan 聖經彙纂 (A compilation of sacred scriptures), 189, 192 Shengjing shuo 聖經說 (The Bible says), 86 Shengsheng shu 生生數 (Enumerating many lifetimes), 240 Shengyu 聖諭 (Sacred Edict), 36, 166, 223 Shengyu guangxun 聖諭廣訓 (Sacred Edict with amplified instruction), 36 Shenjiang 申江, see Shanghai 上海 Shenyang 瀋陽, 76 Shi Shanchang 施善昌 (1828 – 1896), 240, 241

341

Shier yuanjue 十二圓覺 (The twelve fully enlightened ones, alternative titles: Shier yuanjue baojing 十二圓覺寶經, Guanyin huadu shier yuanjue baojuan 觀音化度 十二圓覺寶卷), 206, 207, 209, 214 Shijie shuju 世界書局 (World Books), Shanghai, Hong Kong, Singapore, 10, 205, 225, 226, 227 Shili jindan 十粒金丹 (Ten grains of the golden elixir), 240 Shishi yulu 釋氏語錄 (Recorded sayings of the Śakyas), 96 Shiwanjuan lou 十萬卷樓, Shanghai, 239 Shiyong Foxue cidian 實用佛學辭典 (Practical Buddhist studies dictionary, 1934), 136, 137 Shizhao baoguan 時兆報館 (Signs of the Times Publishing House), 51, 56, 59, 64, 81, 83, 88; and union organization, 83 Shizhao chubanshe 時兆出版社 (Signs of the Times Publishing Association), Taiwan, 86 Shizhao yuebao 時兆月報 (Signs of the Times), 53, 56, 61, 63, 90; sales of, 57, 58, 76; cover design and symbolism, 76, 77, 78, 79, 81; contents, 74, 75 Shizhong xianjue xiaozhuan 史中先覺小傳 (Brief biographies of earlier awakened ones in history), 217 Shizi ji 石子集 (The pebbles collection), 86 Shoujingtang 守經堂, Guangzhou 廣州, 190, 221 Shouzhen xianguan 守真仙館, Foshan 佛山, 221 Shōwa 昭和 era (1926 – 1989), 126, 262 Shudetang 恕德堂, Macao, 224 Shugu laoren chanyu zhenjing 述古老人禪語 真經 (True scripture of the dhyana teachings of the master discussing antiquity), 256 Shugu laoren fashu bade 述古老人法書八德 (Eight moral phrases inscribed by the Master who discusses antiquity), 246 Shugu laoren 述古老人 (Old Man who Discusses Antiquity), see Peng Huilong shuizu 水祖 (Water Patriarch), see Peng Yifa 彭依法

342

Index

Shunde 順德, Guangdong, 190 Sichuan 四川, 62, 81, 194, 197, 198, 253, 254, 259, 271, 272, 290 Signs of the Times Publishing Association, Taiwan, see Shizhao chubanshe 時兆出 版社 Signs of the Times Publishing House, see Shizhao baoguan 時兆報館 Siming baoxun 司命寶訓 (Precious instructions of the Overseer of Fate), 201, 203 Singapore 新加坡, 14, 194, 198, 199, 201, 221, 223, 225, 226, 227, 228 Sishi zi shu 四十自述 (Writing about myself at the age of forty), 169 Sishu 四書, 280 six prefectures, see liufu 六府 Society for Moral Learning, see Daode xueshe 道德學社 Society for the Diffusion of Christian and General Knowledge among the Chinese, 43 Society of the Way, see Daoyuan 道院 Song dynasty (960 – 1279), 6, 36, 108, 128, 132, 203, 279 Song Shangjie 宋尚節 (John Sung, 1903 – 1972), 67 South Africa, 198 Southeast Asia, 14, 60, 198, 199, 211, 225, 228, 258, 273, 322 Sparham, C.G. (1860 – 1931), 42 spirit-writing (fuji 扶乩, fuluan 扶鸞, feiluan 飛鸞), 206, 219, 221, 227, 235, 247, 263, 268, 271, 278, 280, 282, 285, 293, 294 Spiritualism, see lingxue Stuart, John (1876 – 1962), 129 Su Ching (Su Jing 蘇精, 1945‐) 18, 24, 26 Suiyuan 綏遠, 259 Sun Mianzhi 孫勉之 (b. 1901), 193, 250, 251, 254, 257, 276, 277 Sun Weicai Hospital 孫緯才醫院, Shanghai, 247 Sun Yuxianzi 孫玉仙子 (Sun Qiang 孫鏘), 247 Sun Yuyun 孫毓筠 (1869 – 1924), 105, 106 Sun Zhifang 孫治方, 257

Sun Zulie 孫祖烈 (Sun Jizhi 孫繼之, fl. 1910 s-1930 s), 120, 136, 137 Sung, John, see Song Shangjie Suzhou 蘇州, 159, 160, 188, 243 Taichung 臺中, 259, 291, 294 Tainan 台南, 238, 261 Taishang baofa tushuo 太上寶筏圖說 (Illustrated explanation of the Precious raft of the Most High), 255 Taishang baofa 太上寶筏 (Precious raft of the Most High), 239, 240, 244 Taishang ganyingpian tushuo 太上感應篇圖 說 (Illustrated explanation of the folios of the Most High on retribution), 191 Taishang ganyingpian 太上感應篇 (Folios of the Most High on retribution), 189, 191, 239, 240, 280 Taishang tianlü ganyingpian jizhu 太上天律 感應篇集註 (Folios of the Most High on celestial statutes and retribution, with collected annotations), 222 Taishō Canon, 98, 114, 116, 127 Taiwan nichinichi shinpō 台灣日日新報 (Taiwan new daily), 260 Taiwan 台灣, 15, 22, 86, 97, 124, 126, 128, 140, 166, 177, 244, 245, 259, 260, 262, 268, 269, 270, 273, 279, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294, 321, 322, 323 Taixu dashi (太虛大師, 1887 – 1947), 275 Taiyuan 太原 (Shanxi), 22, 55, 246 Taizhou 台州 (Zhejiang), 269 Takakusu Junjirō 高楠順次 (1866 – 1945), 127, 137 Tan Deyuan 談德元 (Mingze 明澤; Xiaoyao Gufo 逍遙古佛, 1857 – 1910), 194, 195, 199, 200, 201, 202, 209, 211, 212, 217, 218, 219, 220, 223, 231 Tan Zewen 談澤文, 206 Tang dynasty (618 – 907), 107, 108, 113, 125, 279 Tang Guangxian 唐光先 (Xin’an Ascetic 心菴 頭陀), 254, 255 Taoyuan mingsheng jing 桃園明聖經 (The peach orchard scripture on illuminating sageliness), see Guandi mingsheng jing 關帝明聖經

Index

Taoyuandong 桃源洞, Tai Po 大埔, Hong Kong, 198, 205 Tatsienlu 打箭爐, see Kangding 康定 television, 294 Tent meeting evangelization, 57 Thailand (Siam), 126, 198, 199 Thiele, Edwin R. (1895 – 1986), 61, 63, 74, 76 Three Eras, see sanqi 三期 Three Kingdoms (Sanguo 三國; 220 – 265), 279 Three Realms, see sancai 三才 Three Teachings, see sanjiao 三教 Three-Self Patriotic Movement, see Sanzi aiguo yundong 三自愛國運動 Tian Qian 田潛 (1870 – 1926), 136 Tian Shaocun 田邵邨 (Wutong shanren 梧桐 山人), 198, 204, 205, 224 Tiandejiao 天德教 (Teaching of Celestial Virtue), 276 Tiangong Temple 天公廟, Tiantan, Tainan, 238 Tianhou shengji tuzhi 天后聖跡圖誌 (Illustrated account of the Empress of Heaven’s miracles), 246 Tianhua yinshuguan 天華印書館 (Tianhua Press), Beijing, 192, 193, 258, 273 Tianjin 天津, 21, 24, 26, 37, 243, 263 Tianlü shengdian 天律聖典 (Sacred canon of the celestial statutes), 258 Tianren milu 天人秘籙 (Secret registers of Heaven and humans), 224, 227 Tiantai 天台, 104, 134, 253 Tiantan 天壇, Tainan, Taiwan, 238 Tong Zhifeng 童之風 (1892 – 1960), 283 Tongchengxin 同誠信, 201, 203 Tongmenghui 同盟會 (The Revolutionary Alliance), 105, 130 Tongqingtang 同慶堂, Yimin 宜民市, Guangdong, 205, 218 Tongshandong 桐山洞, 198 Tongshanshe 同善社 (Fellowship of Goodness), 15, 192, 234, 249, 271 Tongshantang 同善堂, Macao, 223 Tongwen shuju 同文書局, Shanghai, 239 Tongxing shanshuguan 通行善書館, Sheng county, Zhejiang, 259 Tongzhi 同治 reign period (1862 – 1874), 190

343

Treaties of Tianjin, 1858, 24, 26 tribute student, see gongsheng 貢生 Tuen Mun 屯門, Hong Kong, 201 Turner, F.S. (1834 – 1916), 45 Ueda Kazutoshi 上田萬年 (1867 – 1937), 127 Universal Morality Society, see Wanguo daodehui 萬國道德會 Venerable Mother of the Non-Ultimate, see Wuji Laomu 無極老母 Vietnam (Annam), 4, 198, 199, 202, 205, 211, 225, 228 Vulture Peak (Qidujue shan 耆闍崛山, Lingjiu shan 靈鷲山), 106, 107 Wade, Thomas (1818 – 1895), 27 waiguo 外果 (exterior fruits), 272 Wan Jun 萬鈞 (Wan Shuhao 萬叔豪, fl. 1921 – 1936), 118 Wanfo jing 萬佛經 (Scripture of ten thousand buddhas), 255, 256, 258 Wanfo jiujie jing 萬佛救刼經 (Scripture of the myriad buddhas saving from calamities), 244, 245 Wang Changyue 王常月 (?-1680), 280, 283 Wang Chien-chuan 王見川, 14, 147, 193, 265, 270, 292 Wang Diaosheng 汪調生, 283 Wang Fushan 王復善, 205 Wang Fuxian 王福賢, 218 Wang Liying 王麗英, 190 Wang Mingdao 王明道 (1900 – 1991), 67 Wang Shuyun 王書雲, 280 Wang Xianqian 王先謙 (1842 – 1917), 94 Wang Xinsan 王心三 (1882?-1950), 130 Wang Yiting 王一亭 (Wang Zhen 王震, 1867 – 1938), 246, 247, 269, 276, 277, 282, 292 Wang Yunhuan 王運煥, 205, 211 Wangsheng fabao 往生法寶 (Dharma treasure of rebirth in the Pure Land), 255 Wangshi nüzhenjing 王氏女真經 (Mrs. Wang’s scripture on female perfection), 204, 214, 215 Wanguo Daodehui 萬國道德會 (Universal Morality Society), 222, 271, 280, 283

344

Index

Wanqing yingye shumu 晚清營業書目 (Book catalogue of late-Qing businesses), 238 Watchman Nee, see Ni Tuosheng 倪柝聲 Water Patriarch, see Peng Yifa 彭依法 Way of Former Heaven, see Xiantiandao 先天 道 Way of Pervading Unity, see Yiguandao 一貫 道 Weijingtang 維經堂, Guangzhou, 192 Wenchang dijun gongguoge 文昌帝君功過格 (Record of merits and demerits of lord master Wenchang), 247 Wenchang dijun yinzhiwen 文昌帝君陰騭文 (The Thearch Wenchang’s essay on hidden merit), 191 Wendao yaoyan 聞道要言 (Important words concerning hearing the Way), 188 Wendetang 文德堂, Hong Kong, 203 Wendetang 文德堂, Xiamen 廈門, 237 Wendi yinzhiwen Taishang ganyingpian hece 文帝陰騭文太上感應篇合冊 (The Literary Thearch’s Essay on hidden merit and the folios of the Most High on retribution, in one volume), 206, 209 Wenhua shuju shanshu liutongchu 文華書局 善書流通處 (Wenhua morality book distributor, Shanghai), 234, 248 Wenhua shuju 文華書局, Tianjin, 243 Wenling shanshuju 溫陵善書局, 237 Wenming shuju 文明書局 (Wenming Books), Shanghai and Hong Kong, 95, 121, 134, 179, 209 Wenmozhai 文墨齋, Shanghai, 237 Wenruilou Publishing Company 文瑞樓書局, Shanghai, 244 Wenwu ersheng jiujie zhenjing 文武二聖救劫 真經 (The true scripture of the literary and martial lords saving from calamities), 249 Wenxue congshu 文學叢書 (The Literary Collectanea), 97 Wenyi shuju 文益書局 (Profit from Culture Bookstore), Shanghai, 143, 179 – 184 Wenyi shuju 文宜書局 (Proper Culture Bookstore), 240 Wenyuan shuju 文元書局 (Primacy of Culture Bookstore), 144, 179

Wenzaizi shanshufang 文在茲善書坊 (Wenzaizi morality bookstore), Guangzhou, 194, 195, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 212, 214 Wenzhengtang shufang 文正堂書坊 (Wenzhengtang 文正堂), Shanghai, 236, 241, 263 Wenzhou 溫州, Zhejiang province, 58, 85, 86, 265 Wheatfield Gospel Quarterly, The, see Maitian fuyin jikan 麥田福音季刊 White, Ellen G.H. (1827 – 1915), 51, 53, 54, 84, 85, 86, 87, 89 Williamson, Alexander (1829 – 1890), 43, 45 Woman Liuxiang, the, see Liuxiang nü 劉香 女 women, 31, 32, 63, 155, 156, 163, 164, 165, 167, 168, 169, 170, 177, 204, 224, 227, 245, 253, 255, 269, 278, 279, 281, 283, 289, 290 woodblock printing, see xylography World Books, see Shijie shuju 世界書局 Wright, William (1837 – 1899), 43 Writing about Myself at the Age of Forty, see Sishi zi shu 四十自述 Wu Chongyin 鄔崇音 (Hanshizi 寒世子), 246 Wu Jiliang 巫濟良, 198, 199, 223 Wu Xingcha 吳星槎, 217, 223 Wu Xiuju 吳秀菊, 211 Wu Xiumei 吳秀梅, 211 Wu Xiuzhu 吳秀竹, 211 Wu Yakui 吳亞魁, 148, 241, 265 Wu Yanfang 伍延芳 (1842 – 1922), 130 Wu Yusheng 伍雨生, 204 Wu Zhihui 吳稚暉 (1865 – 1953), 105 Wu Zixiang 吳紫祥, 196 Wubentang 務本堂, Dali 大理, 238 Wudao Zhenren 悟道真人, 206 Wudi zhongjing 武帝忠經 (The Martial Thearch’s scripture on loyalty), 189 Wugong jing 五公經 (Scripture of the five thearchs), 235 Wuhan 武漢, 76, 86 Wuji Laomu 無極老母 (Venerable Mother of the Non-Ultimate), 196 Wuji lianhua zhou 無極蓮花咒 (Mantra of the Limitless Lotus), 205, 210

Index

Wujiang 吳江, Jiangsu, 153 Wujigong 無極宮, Hong Kong, 205, 210 Wusheng Laomu 無生老母 (Eternal Venerable Mother), 196 Wutong xiandong 梧桐仙洞, Xin’an 新安, Guangdong, 198 Wuxi 無錫, 86, 87, 94, 95, 121, 160, 174 Wuxing qiongyuan 悟性窮原 (Fundamentals of realizing one’s nature), 188, 208 Wuyi hebi jiyao 五譯合璧集要 (Essential collection of comparative translations from five languages), 125 Wylie, Alexander (1815 – 1887), 23, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 32, 33, 34, 38, 41, 42, 45, 48 Xiamen 廈門, 22, 40, 56, 60, 76, 85, 86, 237 Xiandao yuebao 仙道月報 (Immortals’ way monthly), 242, 268 Xianfeng 咸豐 reign period (1850 – 1861), 147, 235, 236 Xiang Shanguang 香善光, 200 Xiangbai shu 香柏樹 (The Cedar), 86, 87 Xianggang Daodehui Fuqingtang 香港道德會 褔慶堂 (Fok Hing Tong, Hong Kong Society for the Promotion of Virtue), 192, 212, 217, 221 Xianggang Daodehui Shanqingdong 香港道 德會善慶洞, 218 Xianggang Daojiao lianhehui 香港道教聯合會 (Hong Kong Taoist Association), 218 Xianggang Xiantiandao anlaoyuan 香港先天 道安老院 (Hong Kong Xiantiandao Home for the Aged), 218 Xianliangci 賢良詞 (Poems on the worthies), 242 Xiantiandao 先天道 (Way of Former Heaven), 14, 188, 263, 271 Xianxi 線西, Changhua 彰化 County, Taiwan, 291 Xianyin 顯蔭 (1902 – 1925), 130, 134, 135 Xiaojie shiquan hui shu 消刼十全會書 (Book of the assembly [that practices the] ten types of charity to relieve disasters), 245 Xiaojing 孝經 (Classic of Filial Piety), 276, 280

345

Xiaoyin guobaolu 孝淫果報錄 (Record of karmic retribution for filial piety and lewdness), 223 Xie Jinqing 謝晉卿 (Xie Quan 謝荃), 247 Xie Meng 謝蒙 (Xie Wuliang 謝無量, 1884 – 1964), 117 Xie Wenyi yinshuasuo 謝文益印刷所, Shanghai, 238, 247 Xietian dadi jiujie wen 協天大帝救劫文 (Essay on the heaven-aiding thearch saving from calamities), 242 Xin’an 新安, Guangdong, 198 Xingdetang 行德堂, Kowloon, 224 Xingji hongwen shuju 星記鴻文書局, Shanghai, 239 Xingshi jindan 醒世金丹 (Golden elixir to awaken the world), 240 Xingshi zhimi 醒世指迷 (Pointing out delusions to awaken the world), 247 Xingshiyan 醒世言 (Words to awaken the world), 249 Xingxin jian 省心鑑 (Mirror of examining the mind), 239 Xinjiang 新疆, 61, 177 Xinjianzhai 心簡齋, Guangzhou, 189, 190 Xinqingtang 心慶堂 (Hall of Mind Blessings), Kowloon, Hong Kong, 201 Xinshenghuo yundong 新生活運動 (New Life Movement), 282 Xinwenbao 新聞報, 9, 287 Xinyue Xi-Han-Ying zidian 新約希漢英字典 (Greek-Chinese-English Dictionary of the New Testament), 129 Xishan xiansheng da kewen: fu Tongshanshe shuoming shu 西山先生答客問:附同善 社說明書 (Mr. Western Mountain answering questions posed by his guest: with an explanation volume by the Fellowship of Goodness), 244 Xiudetang 修德堂, 237 Xiyin shuju 惜陰書局 (Cherishing Moments Bookstore), 143, 145, 179, 180 – 184; and martial-arts novels, 156, 158 Xizhan 息戰 (Ending war), 222 Xizi yinguolu 惜字因果錄 (Records of karmic causes and effects related to the cherishing of written characters), 209

346

Index

Xu Baifang 徐白舫, 188 Xu Ji’nan 徐吉南, 196 Xu Jinfu 許廑父, 247 Xu Kesui 許克綏 (1892 – 1983), 291 Xu Qian 徐謙, 209 Xu Shaozhen 徐紹楨 (1861 – 1936), 130 Xu Weiru 徐蔚如 (1878 – 1937), 118 Xu Miaoying baojuan 徐妙英寶卷 (Baojuan of Xu Miaoying), 175 Xu Zhijing 許止淨, 280, 283 Xuanhua 宣化, Chahar, 258 Xuanjiang bowenlu 宣講博聞錄 (Record of broad knowledge concerning public lecturing), 223, 239 Xuanjiang jibian 宣講集編 (Collection of public lectures), 192, 206, 209, 212, 223 Xuanjiang shiyi 宣講拾遺 (Found pieces concerning public lecturing), 239, 240 Xuanling gaoshangdi 玄靈高上帝 (Mysterious and numinous supreme thearch on high), see Guandi 關帝 Xuanling yuhuang jing 玄靈玉皇經 (Scripture of the mysterious and numinous jade emperor), 255, 256 Xuanying 玄應 (fl. mid. 7th c.), 125 Xunnü baozhen 訓女寶箴 (Precious admonitions for the instruction of women), 245, 255 xylography (woodblock printing), 5, 7, 8, 10, 14, 91, 110, 141, 142, 143, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 162, 166, 174, 175, 176, 185, 238, 242, 278 Yan Xishan 閻錫山 (1883 – 1960), 130 Yang Chao 楊照 (Li Ming-chun 李明駿, b. 1963), 293 Yang Jindong 楊覲東, 255 Yang Luoyun 楊洛雲, 171 Yang Shouyi 楊守一, 196, 208 Yang Wenhui 楊文會 (Yang Renshan 楊仁山, 1837 – 1911), 91, 95, 103, 108, 117, 118, 122, 123, 127 Yang Yongzhi 楊永智, 236 Yangshan banyuekan 揚善半月刊 (Biweekly to promote the good), 242, 268 Yannian yishou 延年益壽 (Health and Longevity), 60

Yanshou baojuan 延壽寶卷 (Baojuan of Extending Longevity), 174, 182, 183 Yanshoulu 延壽錄 (Records on prolonging life), 189 Yaochi Jinmu 瑤池金母 (Golden Mother of the Jasper Pool), 196, 206 Yau Chi-on 游子安, 14, 15, 234, 236, 265, 322 Ye Huawen 葉華文 (Xuerong 學榮, Changrong 昌榮), 217, 218, 221 Yidao huanyuan 醫道還元 (Returning to the origins of the way of medicine), 190, 202 Yidian yuan 伊甸園 (Eden), 87 Yierba shibian 一·二八事變 (Shanghai Incident of 1928), 254 Yiguandao 一貫道 (Way of Pervading Unity), 263, 271 Yihuatang shanshuju 翼化堂善書局 (Morality Bookstore of Broad Transformation), Shanghai, 143, 148, 179, 180 – 184 Yiliao shanren 一了山人, 204, 206 Yinguang fashi wenchao 印光法師文鈔, 275 Yinguang 印光 (1862 – 1940), 105, 109, 110, 123, 130, 246, 256, 275 Yinzhiwen guangyi 陰騭文廣義 (Expanded meaning of the Essay on hidden merit), 188 Yinzhiwen zhuzheng 陰騭文註證 (Essay on hidden merits, with annotations and evidence), 191 Yinzhiwen 陰騭文 (Essay on hidden merit), 187, 189, 233; also see Wenchang Dijun Yinzhiwen 文昌帝君陰騭文 Yiqie jing yinyi 一切經音義 (Sounds and meanings for all [the words in the] scriptures, 810), 125, 136 Yisanzi 易三子, 206 Yiwen kezidian 以文刻字店 (Yiwen print shop), Guangzhou, 189 Yiwentang 以文堂, see Yiwen kezidian 以文 刻字店 Yixue congshu 醫學叢書 (The Medical Collectanea, 1908 – 1911), 95, 97 Yongjia county 永嘉縣, Zhejiang, 170, 290 Yongqingtang 永慶堂, Shuiteng 水藤, 218

Index

Yongyan shequ 庸言涉趣 (Common words for public lecturing), 192, 207 Yu Cidu 余慈度 (Dora Yu, 1873 – 1931), 67 Yu lianhuan baojuan 玉連環寶卷 (Baojuan of the Jade Earrings), 175, 184 Yu Zhi 余治 (Yu Liancun 余蓮村), 241, 242 Yu, Dora, see Yu Cidu 余慈度 Yuan Huang 袁黃 (Yuan Liaofan 袁了凡, 1533 – 1606), 281, 283 Yuan Jixing 袁濟興, 209 Yuan Liaofan xiansheng xunzi shu 袁了凡先 生訓子書 (Book of Instructions for Sons by Master Yuan Liaofan), 281 Yuan Shikai 袁世凱 (1859 – 1916), 60, 105 Yuan Zhiqian 袁志謙, 196 Yuan 元 dynasty (1279 – 1368), 279 Yuangan 垣甘 (Yunnan), 258 Yuanguang Foxue yanjiusuo 圓光佛學研究所 (Yuanguang Buddhist Research Center), 243 Yuanji shuzhuang 源記書莊 (Shanghai), 240 Yuanmiaoguan 元妙觀 (Guangzhou), 190 Yuanshi Tianzun zhengzong pian 元始天尊正 宗篇 (Treatise on the orthodox tradition of the Heavenly Worthy of Primordial Beginning), 201, 203, 211 Yuantanmiao 元壇廟 (Temple of the Primordial Altar), 199, 200, 212 Yuanyi shanshuju 元益善書局 (Yuanyi Morality Book Publisher), Shanghai, 241 Yuedong shanshuju 粵東善書局, Guangzhou, 190 Yuehuaxing yinwuju 粵華興印務局, Guangzhou, 209 Yufeng Qitian Dasheng douzhan shengfo zhenjing 玉封齊天大聖斗戰勝佛真經 (Perfected scripture of the Great Sage Equal to Heaven, Buddha Victorious in Strife, enfeoffed by the Jade Emperor), 205, 221 Yuli baochao 玉歷寶鈔 (Precious records of the jade regulations), 235 Yuli chaozhuan jingshi 玉歷鈔傳警世 (Transmission of the jade regulations to warn the world), 189, 190

347

Yuli chaozhuan 玉歷鈔傳 (Records and tales of the jade regulations), 169, 191, 248, 281 Yuli zhibao chao 玉歷至寶鈔 (Most treasured records of the jade regulations), 240, 244 Yuli zhuan 玉歷傳 (Tales of the jade regulations), 240 Yulü baochao 玉律寶鈔 (Precious records on the jade statutes), 246 Yulu jinpan 玉露金盤 (Golden basin of jade dew), 183, 206, 207, 211, 235, 242, 263, 281 Yuncheng baolu 雲城寶籙 (Precious register of Cloud City), 196 Yuncheng 雲城 (Cloud City), 196 Yunnan 雲南, 237, 255, 258, 290 Yunquan xianguan 雲泉仙館, Xiqiao 西樵, 204, 223 Yuqing Neixiang Fuyou Dijun 玉清內相孚佑帝 君 (the Thearch of Reliable Succor, Grand Palace Councilor of Jade Purity), 196 Yuqing Shangxiang Guandi 玉清上相關帝 (Thearch Guan, Supreme Councilor of Jade Purity), 197 Yuqing Shangxiang Wenchang Dijun 玉清上 相文昌帝君 (Thearch Wenchang, Supreme Councilor of Jade Purity), 197 Yuqing Shixiang Zhenwu Dadi 玉清師相真武 大帝 (True Warrior Great Thearch, Grand Preceptor of Jade Purity), 196 Yushu shangxiang zhenjing 玉樞上相真經 (Perfected scripture of the supreme councilor of the jade pivot), 204, 214, 224, 225, 226 Yuxiantang 育賢堂, 198 Yuxiashan 嵎峽山 (Mt. Yuxia), Qingyuan, Guangdong, 197 Yuxin shuju 育新書局, Shaoxing, 243 Yuyao 餘姚, Zhejiang, 259 Yuzhen shuju 玉珍書局 (Yuzhen Bookstore), 290, 292 Zailijiao 在理教 (Teachings of the Abiding Principle), 271

348

Index

Zaixiantang 載賢堂 (one of the Eight Worthy Halls), 198, 209 Zaojun qian 灶君籤 (Divination slips of the Stove God), 240 Zengding wanfo jiujie jing 增訂萬佛救劫經 (Expanded and corrected scripture of ten thousand buddhas saving from calamities), 256 Zenghui quantu yuli baochao quanshi 增繪 全圖玉歷寶鈔勸世 (Precious record of the jade regulations to exhort the world, fully illustrated with additional images), 248 Zhang Houtang 張後堂, 174 Zhang Jingyi 張精一, 253, 254 Zhang Mengrong 張孟榮, 203 Zhang Qinyun 張欽運, 189 Zhang Sanfeng 張三丰, 280 Zhang Shangying 張商英, 203 Zhang Weicheng 張韋承 (Zhang Xuetang 張 雪堂, 1837 – 1909), 148, 241 Zhang Xiumin 張秀民, 188 Zhang Xuanchu 張暄初, (Zhang Xuanlao 張喧 老; Zhang Zaiyang 張載陽, 1873 – 1945), 253, 254, 257, 274 Zhang Xuetang 張雪堂 (1837 – 1909), see Zhang Weicheng Zhang Zhaocai 張兆才, 218 Zhang Zhidong 張之洞 (1837 – 1909), 118 Zhang Zhuming 張竹銘, 148, 242 Zhang Ziqiao 張梓橋 (Shanhao 善豪; Changzhao 昌照; Yongyao Gufo 永遙古佛), 198, 201, 217, 219 Zhangfuji shuju 章福記書局 Fengtian, 243 Zhangjiagang 張家港, Suzhou 蘇州, 159, 160, 174, 175 Zhao Dongyuan 趙棟垣, 211, 217, 223 Zhao Shanyuan 趙善垣, 200 Zhao Shenqiao 趙申喬, 209 Zhao Yuanyi 趙元益 (1840 – 1912), 94 Zhaoqing 肇慶, Guangdong, 194 Zhapu 乍浦, Zhejiang province, 188 Zhejiang 浙江, 58, 68, 87, 88, 144, 163, 170, 172, 188, 246, 250, 254, 257, 259, 265, 269, 274, 275, 290

Zhenxiu baojuan 真修寶卷 (Baojuan of the True Self-Perfection), 147, 155, 156, 162, 163, 164, 171 Zheng Shanguang 鄭善光, 204 Zheng Zhenduo 鄭振鐸 (1898 – 1958), 165 Zhenhai 鎮海, 245 Zhibaopian 至寶篇 (Most precious treatise), see Zigui quanshu 字規全書 Zhimi jinzhen 指迷金箴 (Golden Needle of Instructions for Guiding the Lost), 281 Zhiyan 智儼 (602 – 668), 113 Zhongguo jishenghui 中國濟生會 (China Rescuing Life Association), 276, 285 Zhongguo liangxin chongshan hui 中國良心 崇善會 (Chinese Association of Conscience for Upholding Goodness), 262, 292 Zhonghe shanren 中和山人, 204 Zhonghe shuju 中和書局, 258 Zhonghetang morality bookstore 中和堂善書 坊, 188 Zhonghua da zidian 中華大字典 (Great Zhonghua dictionary, 1915), 127 Zhonghua shengjiao hui 中華聖教會 (Chinese Sacred Teaching Society), 260, 261 Zhonghua shuju 中華書局 (China Books), Shanghai, 10, 95, 127 Zhongxi baojuan 眾喜寶卷 (Precious scroll of universal happiness), 235 Zhongxiao yonglie qinü zhuan 忠孝勇烈奇女 傳 (Biographies of extraordinary women of loyalty, filial piety, and valor), 203, 209 Zhongyang kejingyuan 中央刻經院 (Central Scriptural Press), 119 Zhongyijing 忠義鏡 (Mirror of loyalty and righteousness), 224 Zhou Chun 周春 (1729 – 1815), 128 Zhou Shanchang 周善昌, 256, 275 Zhou Zhenhe 周振鶴, 239 Zhou Zuoren 周作人 (1885 – 1967), 165, 289 Zhu Bolu 朱柏廬 (1627 – 1698), 283 Zhutan Zhenren 主壇真人(Perfected Man Altar Master), 197 Zidong 紫洞, Nanhai, Guangdong, 201, 218, 221

Index

Zigui quanshu 字規全書 (Complete writings of regulations for written characters), 205 Zijin 紫金, Guangdong, 198 Zixiadong 紫霞洞, Zijin 紫金, Guangdong, 198 Zoku zōkyō 續藏經 (Extended Canon, 1912), 98, 108 Zuijin Beijing shixian Guansheng dijun zhenying lichou 最近北京示現關聖帝君真影 立軸 (Scroll image of the true likeness of lord thearch master Guan, being the latest manifestation in Beijing), 246 Zuijin Shanghai shixian Jigong zhenying lichou 最近上海示現濟公真影立軸 (Scroll

349

image of the true likeness of Jigong, being the latest manifestation in Shanghai), 246 Zuijin Shanghai shixian Lüzu zhenying lichou 最近上海示現呂祖真影立軸 (Scroll image of the true likeness of Ancestor Lü, being the latest manifestation in Shanghai), 246 Zuohua zhiguo 坐花誌果 (Jottings resulting from sitting amongst the flowers), 239, 240 Zupai jiexiao 祖派揭曉 (Uncovering the ancestral lineage), 254, 255