Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina: The relationship between Judaism, Christianity and Islam, AD 400 – 700 9781407300801, 9781407331164

Table of contents :
Blank Page
Front Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Dedication
Abstract
Acknowledgements
Table of Contents
Preface
Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION
Chapter 2 RELIGIOUS STRUCTURES
Chapter 3 SPATIAL ANALYSIS
Chapter 4 CHRONOLOGY
Chapter 5 CONCLUSION
Glossary
Journal Abbreviations
Bibliography
Appendix One: Religious Structures
Appendix Two: Burials
Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

Citation preview

l na tio ne di nli ad l o ith ria W ate m

BAR S1646 2007  RIBAK  RELIGIOUS COMMUNITIES IN BYZANTINE PALESTINA

Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina The relationship between Judaism, Christianity and Islam, AD 400–700

Eliya Ribak

BAR International Series 1646 9 781407 300801

B A R

2007

Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina The relationship between Judaism, Christianity and Islam, AD 400–700

Eliya Ribak

BAR International Series 1646 2007

Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 1646 Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina © E Ribak and the Publisher 2007 The author's moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher. ISBN 9781407300801 paperback ISBN 9781407331164 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407300801 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd. British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 1974 to publish the BAR Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR group. This volume was originally published by Archaeopress in conjunction with British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd / Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal publisher, in 2007. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2016.

BAR PUBLISHING BAR titles are available from: BAR Publishing 122 Banbury Rd, Oxford, OX2 7BP, UK E MAIL [email protected] P HONE +44 (0)1865 310431 F AX +44 (0)1865 316916 www.barpublishing.com

This book is dedicated to my grandparents, Frida and Eliyahu Haberkorn and Bilha and Eliezer Ribak. Their love, wisdom and example will not be forgotten.

Abstract This is an archaeological analysis of the relationship between religious communities in Byzantine Palestina, based on a catalogue of excavated Byzantine sites in the region (forming an appendix to the work). After outlining the historical, archaeological and environmental contexts of the study, the identification and dating of excavated synagogues and churches are re-evaluated. This shows that, although there are clear-cut examples of Jewish and Samaritan synagogues and Christian churches, these buildings are often so similar that it is difficult to differentiate between them. It is also shown that Jewish and Christian burial practices were so similar that, unless accompanied inscriptions or symbols, the religious identity of burials is often difficult to recognize. This suggests that different communities shared similar material cultures of religious practice, probably resulting from peaceful inter-communal interaction, and highlights chronological problems in the archaeology of Byzantine Palestina. Spatial analysis of reliably identified religious buildings is then used to show that different religious communities frequently occupied the same landscapes, and even the same settlements. The credibility of using symbols on portable artefacts to indicate religious identity is assessed, and supported, by examining their association with other religious indicators. Spatial analysis of these artefacts supports the patterns already established, strengthening the interpretation that different religious communities lived in close proximity. This evidence is used to argue for closer and more peaceful co-existence between religious communities in Byzantine Palestina than is usually supposed. It is suggested that this relative religious harmony contributed to the economic prosperity of the region in the Byzantine period. This apparently came to an end in the late sixth or seventh century, when most excavated Byzantine sites in the region were probably disused. Although other explanations (such as plague) are possible, this widespread abandonment may be a consequence of the Persian and/or Muslim invasions.

iii

Acknowledgements My thanks are due to many people and organizations for their help during my research. In particular, thanks are due to the Israel Antiquities Authority, the University of Reading library, the Sackler Library at the University of Oxford, Tel-Aviv University Archaeology Library, Bar-Ilan University main library, and the Warburg Institute library in London. I owe special thanks to the staff of all of these organizations and libraries for their assistance during my research, and to Mrs Jill Turner at the University of Reading for her understanding and assistance with administrative matters. Thanks are also due to my supervisors, Dr Ken Dark and Professor Mark Casson, for their help. This study has also greatly benefited from the advice of Dr Anthea Harris (University of London and University of Birmingham), to whom I am also very grateful. Finally, I owe many thanks to my parents Tova and Isaac Ribak and my spouse Giora Feldman for their kind support and assistance in the course of this work.

iv

Table of Content Abstract .....................................................................................................................iii Acknowledgements .................................................................................................. iv Table of Content........................................................................................................ v Preface .....................................................................................................................vii Chapter 1: Introduction .......................................................................................... 1 An Outline of the History of Byzantine Palestina ...................................................... 2 Economy ................................................................................................................... 5 Environmental Geography ........................................................................................ 6 Settlement ............................................................................................................... 10 The Archaeology of Everyday Life .......................................................................... 12 Religious Life........................................................................................................... 14 Conclusion............................................................................................................... 20 Chapter 2: Religious Structures .......................................................................... 21 Structural Analysis .................................................................................................. 21 Mosaic Pavements.................................................................................................. 26 Comparison to Religious Structures in other Parts of the Byzantine Empire ......... 34 Burials ..................................................................................................................... 41 Chapter 3: Spatial Analysis.................................................................................. 44 Site Distribution ....................................................................................................... 44 The Distribution of Religious Structures.................................................................. 47 The Overall Distribution of Excavated Religious Structures ................................... 47 Portable Artefacts Carrying Religious Symbols ...................................................... 48 Burials ..................................................................................................................... 50 Artefactual Evidence for Location of Religious Groups .......................................... 55 Chapter 4: Chronology ......................................................................................... 57 Site abandonment and site destruction in Palestina............................................... 73 Chapter 5: Conclusion.......................................................................................... 77 Glossary .................................................................................................................. 83 Journal Abbreviations.............................................................................................. 83 Bibliography .......................................................................................................... 84 Part A: Works in Hebrew......................................................................................... 84 Part B: Works in English and Other Western European Languages ...................... 89 Appendix One: Religious Structures .................................................................. 97 Classified by Excavators as Synagogues: .............................................................. 97 Classified by Excavators as Churches:................................................................... 99 Classified by Excavators as Samaritan Synagogue: ............................................ 104 Classification Unclear:........................................................................................... 105

v

Appendix Two: Burials ....................................................................................... 107 Burial in Religious Contexts: ................................................................................. 107 Burials Not Associated With Religious Structures ................................................ 110 Appendix Three: Site Catalogue........................................................................ 115 Alphabetical Site Index.......................................................................................... 115 Introduction to Catalogue ...................................................................................... 117 Catalogue .............................................................................................................. 120

Please note that full-size versions of the maps inserted after p.46 and p.56 are also available for download at www.barpublishing.com/additional-downloads.html.

vi

Preface This book is the publication of my PhD thesis, but not my actual thesis. I wish to thank, again, my supervisors, Dr. Ken Dark and Prof. Mark Casson for their guidance and assistance. I also want to thank my examiners Dr. Francoise Le-Saux (University of Reading) and Dr. Martin Henig (University of Oxford) for their helpful comments and advice. This work attempts to cast new light on the relationship between the Christians and Jews in the Byzantine (Eastern Roman) provinces of Palestina, often called ‘the Holy Land’, during the fifth and sixth centuries and the consequences of the seventh-century Muslim conquest of this region. This period, the ‘Late Antiquity’, might be considered especially significant in terms of both regional and global history for many reasons. While the Western Roman Empire collapsed in the fifth-century, the Eastern Empire seems to have at first prospered, before being lost to the Empire in successive Persian and Arab invasions during the first half of the seventh-century. Late Antiquity was, therefore, the first time that Jews lived under Christian rule and the seventh-century was the first time that Christians and Jews lived under Islamic rule. Thus, this period might be seen as laying the foundation of inter-religious relationships in the region that exist until today and that have played (and are playing) a central role in shaping global history. Previous studies of these relationships in Late Antiquity have depended largely on sparse textual sources. These were written mainly by members of religious and secular elites, for specific purposes and with specific audiences in mind – seldom simply as records of events and attitudes. My intention is to reconstruct these relationships more accurately, therefore, using archaeological evidence. Lacking the same biases as the texts, material data (although not without their own problems, as we shall see) may provide a more complete view of whole communities, rather than only their most literate and politically motivated or socially constrained representatives. Such a study has not hitherto been undertaken to my knowledge, despite the wealth of available data in this much-excavated part of the world. The whole concept of this work is, then, entirely an original project in terms of previous studies of these questions and this region. The material presented here is divided into two parts: an analysis and discussion (Part I) and a systematic catalogue (Part II), forming a substantial – but necessary – appendix (Appendix 3). The catalogue provides the data for all the analysis in Part I and contains information from all of the 182 excavated fifth- to eighth-century sites from the region that have been published in enough detail to be discussed here. It will become clear that it has been necessary to present these data in this way in order to discuss their, often problematical, dating and interpretation. Where otherwise unreferenced, all sites mentioned in the text are listed in the catalogue, which provides the relevant bibliography. Part I is divided into five chapters. In order to present the background of the study, Chapter 1 outlines the available sources and the state of current knowledge about Byzantine Palestina. The chapter summarises current knowledge of the provinces’ political and religious history, economy, environmental geography, settlement, everyday life and religious life. This provides a context for the subsequent discussion and an introduction to the Byzantine archaeology of the region. vii

Chapter 2 analyses the evidence provided by excavated religious structures and burials (catalogued separately in detail by Appendices 1 and 2), the most tangible evidence for worship and therefore for religious communities. The majority of excavations in the region have focussed on religious buildings and sites with religious associations, so there is a wealth of evidence for these. A comparative analysis (based on the catalogue in Appendix 3) of structures identified as churches and synagogues examines architectural evidence, mosaic pavements and inscriptions, showing profound similarities between most structures built for worship by different religious communities. Such similarities suggest close and amicable contacts between Christians and Jews in the fifth and sixth centuries. Specific topics, notably iconoclastic behaviour toward religious imagery, are discussed and seen to support this interpretation. Burial evidence shows that, although Christians and Jews could be buried in different ways, it is frequently impossible to differentiate between Christian and Jewish mortuary practices. Chapter 3 investigates the geographical distribution of the excavated sites listed in the Appendix 3 catalogue. Broader Byzantine-period settlement patterns are described and then the distribution of churches, synagogues and Samaritan synagogues is discussed both in relation to each other and in relation to these (largely secular) distributions. Again, striking correlations between Christian and Jewish religious structures occur, for example in relation to the distribution of churches and synagogues exhibiting iconoclast damage – suggesting a shared theological trend between these communities. This is, perhaps, the first time that archaeology alone has identified a theological viewpoint and – at least – the first time that this has been the case for a shared Christian/Jewish theological stance. These distributions are compared to distributions of portable artifacts bearing religious symbols and burials and it is shown that these support the patterns observed in the distribution of religious structures. Together, these distributions also challenge the widely held view that Christians and Jews lived in geographically separate areas and (along with the other evidence previously discussed) suggest much closer and ‘friendlier’ relations between Christians and Jews in Byzantine Palestina than is usually considered possible. Chapter 4 addresses the most problematical aspect of archaeological research on religious structures and burials in Byzantine Palestina, the question of chronology. It will be seen that variable excavation standards, publication and especially the application of stratigraphical principles, mean that this itself is a major topic for re-assessment. The chapter offers a critique of the dating of all sites in the Catalogue (Appendix 3) and attempts to correct this dating where possible. Again, a critique and re-dating of this has not previously been attempted. Chapter 5, the conclusion draws together these strands of evidence to argue for a new interpretation of relations between Christians and Jews in Byzantine Palestina. Rather than inter-communal hostility or resentment, as has been visualised by some scholars on textual grounds, archaeological evidence suggests that most Christians and Jews lived amicably and in close contact with each other. Both communities built similar religious structures, decorated these in similar ways, often buried their dead similarly and probably shared in a theological fashion for iconoclasm. This further challenges existing interpretations and provides a new model for understanding Christian Jewish relations before the rise of Islam. The evidence is also used to attempt to understand what occurred in Palestina during the latter part of the Byzantine period in this area, the seventh-century, when the Persian and Muslim invasions brought external factors into play. Here, the archaeological evidence is less clearcut, because of serious chronological problems, but implies that most Christian and Jewish religious structures were disused at some point just before, or early within, the period of Muslim rule – although a minority of sites and buildings continued into the eighth-century and beyond. The disuse of religious structures – rather than their use as mosques – and burial sites suggests that mass-conversion to Islam does not explain this pattern and other potential reasons need to be considered. In sum, the work provides a new understanding of the relationship between Christians and Jews in the Byzantine Holy Land. This stresses peaceful co-existence and cultural interchange rather than conflict. It also highlights the impact of the Persian and/or Islamic invasions as a turning point in Middle Eastern history.

viii

Chapter 1: Introduction

Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION It is not my intention to write a detailed historiography of Byzantine Palestina but a few remarks are necessary to put this study into perspective. The Byzantine period in Palestina is unusual in that it lacks any single contemporary written description as detailed as that provided by Josephus for the earlier part of the Roman period in the region. In fact, the lack of written evidence has meant that Josephus’ text is also used as a basis for understanding those aspects of the geography of Byzantine period Palestina that are unlikely to have changed between the Roman and Byzantine periods.

Two early works by Michael Avi-Yonah and Gdalyahu Alon, extensively re-edited and republished, are still important for the study of the period.6 However, Alon's book falls victim to the lack of textual sources for the Byzantine period and focuses on the Roman period. General surveys of the period have been written since the time of Alon and Avi-Yonah. Moshe David Har provides a good general survey, taking into account the extensive archaeological data available.7 Unfortunately, this book is based on the Mishna and Talmud, with the notable exception of a chapter on Byzantine administration and no account is taken of the problems of using these texts as historical sources. Peter Schafer8 has also attempted a survey of the period, although his work discusses the Roman period in much greater length – again due to the lack of sources – than the Byzantine period. Tzvi Beres, Yoram Tsafrir, E. Mary Smallwood and Seth Swartz have also published collections of articles on the Byzantine period.9

The Mishna, Talmud and Tosefta are among the principal locally-written textual sources available for the Byzantine period in Palestina.1 The Mishna is a collection of oral laws (not included in the Torah), customs and legends. It was compiled from many different sources, around the third-century AD.2 The Talmud is divided into the Talmud Babli and Talmud Yerushalmi. The Talmud Babli also includes oral laws, customes and legends. It is the sum of the studies that took place in Palestina and Babylon between the third and sixth centuries AD.3 The Talmud Yerushalmi is a study and explanation of the Mishna as it was interpreted in Palestina between the second and fourth centuries AD.4 The Tosefta is an addition, clarification, extension and limitation of the earlier Mishna. The dating of the Tosefta is unclear, as is the provenance of the Tosefta itself.5

Other recent studies of this period are based on new discoveries of halachic and Talmudic texts and research into the reliability of the Talmud and Mishna. Additions to textual sources include a section of Mashechet Nezikin in the Talmud Yerushalmi and the 19-line halachic inscription in the mosaic floor of the synagogue in Ein Hanativ, discussing commandments specific to settlements in that area, dated to the seventh-century AD. More than 6,000 sections of Palestinian halachic texts were found in gnizat Cairo, from the Talmud Yerushalmi, Talmud Babli, the Mishna and the Tosefta.10

1

'‫ השגים ותהיות‬,‫ חקר שנות דור‬:‫גפני י' תשס"ב 'ארץ ישראל בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד‬ 226-200 ,100 ‫קתדרה‬

2

6

‫אורבך א"א תשל"ב 'משנה' בפראוור י' )עורך( האנצקלופדיה העברית ירושלים ותל אביב‬ 650-640 ,24 ‫כרך‬ For more information see for example: ‫אלבק ח' תשי"ט מבוא למשנה תל אביב; גולדברג א' תש"ל מבוא למשנה ותוספתא ירושלים‬

‫ב תל‬-‫תשט"ז תולדות היהודים בארץ ישראל בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד א‬-‫אלון ג' תשי"ג‬ ‫יונה מ' תש"ו בימי רומא וביזנטיון ירושלים‬-‫אביב ואבי‬

7

3

‫עסיס מ' תשמ"א 'תלמוד ירושלמי' תשל"ב בפראוור י' )עורך( האנצקלופדיה העברית כרך‬ 906-895 ,‫ ירושלים ותל אביב‬23 For more information on the Talmud see for example: ‫דה פריס ב' תשכ"ח מבוא לתלמוד ולהלכה תל אביב‬

‫ תקופת המשנה והתלמוד והשלשון הביזנטי‬:‫ התקופה הרומית ביזנטית‬1985 (‫הר מ"ד )עורך‬ ‫( )ההיסטוריה של ארץ ישראל( ירושלים‬640-70) 8 Schafer P. 1995 The History of the Jews in Antiquity: The Jews of Palestine from Alexander the Great to the Arab Conquest Luxembourg 9 See: :‫ ב‬,‫ברס ד' ואחרים )עורכים( תשמ"ה ארץ ישראל מחורבן בית שני ועד הכיבוש המוסלמי‬ ‫הממצא הארכיאולוגי והאומנותי ירושלים‬ Smallwood E.M. 1981 The Jews Under Roman Rule Leiden

‫ ירושלים‬23 ‫הבלין ש"ז תשל"ב 'תוספתא' בפראוור י' )עורך( האנצקלופדיה העברית כרך‬ 591-590 ,‫ותל אביב‬

'‫ השגים ותהיות‬,‫ חקר שנות דור‬:‫גפני י' תשס"ב 'ארץ ישראל בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד‬ 226-200 100 ,‫קתדרה‬

‫הבלין ש"ז תשמ"א 'תלמוד בבלי' תשל"ב בפראוור י' )עורך( האנצקלופדיה העברית כרך‬ 895-858 ,‫ ירושלים ותל אביב‬23

4

5

10

1

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Many scholarly editions of midrashim have been published in the last fifty years, unfortunately only as incomplete and fragmentary texts. Renewed research into peutim and new discoveries in the field have shed light on the order of prayer in synagogues in Palestina. Ezra Fleisher11 and Aaron Mirsky12 have written substantial and influential books on the subject. These and other works allow us to look into the order of prayer and torah reading rather than at wider aspects of the period13.

geography and settlements, in addition to everyday- and religious-life. The information that may be gained in this way is not uniform and consistent. A wealth of detail may exist for any specific region, yet little or none for another. Geographical data, in all its branches is particularly little researched. Overall, this presents, therefore, a bleak picture of the state of research on Byzantine Palestina. Despite the relatively large amounts of information on archaeological sites, little attempt has hitherto been made to unify this information into a coherent and informative whole, aside from attempts by individuals focusing on particular subjects or regions. Thus, wider synthetic studies – such as that attempted here – may be especially timely.

Much scholarly literature has been devoted to discovering to what extent the Jewish texts are of use in painting a picture of Byzantine Palestina. This question was first discussed in a substantial book14 in which the Talmud was argued to be inaccurate and unhelpful. The next generation of researches saw the Talmud as a reliable historical source and it is only recently that greater stress was put on the literary aspects of the Talmud and Mishna. It is now known that the texts discuss the Halacha and legends and do not provide an overall picture of the everyday aspects of Byzantine life in Palestina. In addition, another problem is the extent of editing and additions, made by later generations and the reliability of the dating of the material. A wealth of information regarding the reliability of the Talmud exists15 and indicates that the early work and the later additions and editing can be distinguished. It also seems that the dating and speeches attributed to certain sages cannot be relied upon. In fact, there is a distinct separation in language and events between the early and later materials. Despite these reassurances, it is virtually impossible to take the legends as reliable historical accounts, as can be seen in Yonah Frenkel's research. In order the find the real basis of the legends, one would need to compare archaeological finds and objects mentioned in the Talmud, but this task has not yet been accomplished.16

AN OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF BYZANTINE PALESTINA The Roman Empire was in crisis in the third-century, which did not ease until the rise of Diocletian (AD 284), who made fundamental changes to the structure of the empire. Diocletian concluded that the crisis proved that dividing the empire into large provinces was not in its best interests. The emperor was too far away from the provinces, the administrative staff too small and the legions too large and prone to revolt. Diocletian and his heirs tried to remedy the situation by increasing and reorganising Roman territory. The empire was divided between two senior emperors (Augusti) and two junior emperors (Caesars). Beneath these, he and his successors retained a modified provincial structure, in which provinces were grouped into dioceses – large regional clusters of provinces under an overall governor. Within this structure, the provinces of Palestina were subject to the diocese of Oriens and under the authority of the Comes Orientis.17

This having been said, it is nevertheless useful to give a brief account of Byzantine Palestina based on this work. This will provide an outline of the political and administrative history of Palestina, the economy, its environmental

Provincial offices and a separate municipal administration in each city were under the civil governor. In AD 536, Justinian I elevated the governor of Palestina to the rank of proconsul with authority over Palestina Prima and Palestina Secunda.18 Each province was divided into many units, each comprising a city and its territory, but there were rural administrative units as well, centred on large villages and estates.19 Safrai argues that this administrative method made the city not only the seat of the administration but also allowed the city to govern rural areas. Villagers paid their taxes to the city. The city, in return, administered and was responsible for the villages. Safrai states that this type of administration clearly shows the preference of cities over villages and the administrative use of villages for the benefit of the city. Moreover, a few rural areas were imperial estates and were administered by the manager of the estate.20

11

12

‫פליישר ע' תשל"ו שירת הקודש העיברית בימי הביניים ירושלים‬

‫ התפתחותו בארץ ישראל ובגולה ירושלים‬:‫מירסקי א' תש"ן הפיוט‬ See: ‫ מחקרים בפיוטי הגניזה ירושלים; מורסקי א' תשנ"א‬:‫גולאי מ' תשנ"ו ארץ ישראל ופיוטיה‬ ‫פיוטי יוסי בן יוסי ירושלים; רבינוביץ צ"מ תשמ"ה מחזור פיוטיי רבי ייני לתורה ומועדים‬ ‫ירושלים‬ 14 Jost J.M. 1820-1826 Geschichte der Israellen I-IX Berlin 13

15

‫הר מ"ד תשל"ז 'תפיסת ההסטוריה של חז"ל' דברי הקונגרס העולמי השישי למדעי היהדות ג‬ ‫ יציאת היהודים‬:‫ לציון‬,‫; שוורץ ד' תשנ"ט 'מאלכסנדריה לספרות חז"ל‬142-129 ,‫ירושלים‬ ‫מן ההסטוריה ומיהו זה החוזר אליה?' באיינשטדט ש"נ וליסק מ' )עורכים( הציונות והחזרה‬ ‫; רוזנטל ד' תש"ן 'עריכות קדומות במושקעות‬55-40 ,‫להסטוריה הערכה מחדש ירושלים‬ ,‫; פרנקל י' תשנ"ז מדרש ואגדה רמת אביב‬204-155 ,'‫בתלמוד הבבלי' מחקרי תלמוד א‬ ‫ב גבעתיים‬-‫; פרנקל י' תשנ"א דרכי האגדה והמדרש א‬345 Gafni I. 1996 ‘Concepts of Periodization and Causality in Talmudic Literature’ Jewish History 10, 21-38; Goldblatt D. 1981 ‘Towards the Rehabilitation of Talmudic History’ in Bokser B.M. (ed.) History of Judaism: The Next Ten Years Chio, 31-44; Kalmin R. 1994 Sages, Stories, Authors and Editors in Rabbinic Babilonia Atlanta, 1-17; Neusner T. 1979 'History and the Study of Talmudic Literature' in Neusner T. (ed.) Method and meaning in Ancient Judaism Missoula, 5455; 16 For example: 16-5 ,‫ קרוזין' סידרא ה‬,‫ביוביץ ד' תשמ"ט 'מחקרים בארכיאולוגיה תלמודית‬-‫אדן‬

17

67-66 ,‫יונה מ' טשי"א גאוגרפיה היסטורית של ארץ ישראל ירושלים‬-‫אבי‬ Wilken R.L. 1988 ‘Byzantine Palestine A Christian Holy land’ BA 51, 214-217, 233-237 19 Patrich J. 1995 ‘Church, State and the Transformation of Palestine The Byzantine Period (324-640 CE)’ The Archaeology of Society in the Holy Land London, 470-487 18

20

10 ,‫ספראי ז' תש"ם 'גבולות ושלטון בארץ ישראל בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד' תל אביב‬

2

Chapter 1: Introduction

During the reign of Constantine the Great (AD 324-337), Christian religious administration was added to the military and civilian structures.21 In every self-administered city or central village was a bishop (episcopus) and in the capital of the province was an archbishop (archepiscopus). Two factors caused an occasional incompatibility between Church and civil administration. Palestina, as the Holy Land, had many holy places and attractions to Christians that did not correspond with the civil administration. In addition, Christianity spread through Palestina at an uneven pace, forming many Christian centres in some areas and hardly any in others.22 Special status was given to the spiritual leaders of the civil capitals, the bishops of Caesarea, Scythopolis (Beth Shean) and Petra. Jerusalem (Aelia or Hierosolymma) claimed supremacy over the civil capitals. This was formalised in AD 451, when Jerusalem was recognised as the fifth patriarchate, besides Rome, Alexandria, Antioch and Constantinople.23

In AD 351 or 352 a group of armed Palestinian Jews attacked the Roman armies. The revolt was apparently quickly suppressed.25 The Samaritans26 also created several problems for the authorities. A major Samaritan revolt broke out in AD 529/530, possibly in response to Justinian's order to destroy their synagogues. Imperial troops and their Arab allies suppressed it.27 Rivka Fishman Doker has discussed the Samaritan rebellions using two historical sources: Malalas and the Chonographia. Malalas puts emphasis on the Samaritan rebellion in AD 484. The leader of the Samaritans, Justasas, attacked Caesarea and killed Christians. The governor of Palestina caught him, had him beheaded and sent his head to the emperor Zeno. Zeno then built a church on Har Grizim (a Samaritan religious centre), confiscated their property and stationed soldiers in their cities. Both Malalas and the Chronographia discuss the next Samaritan rebellion of AD 529. In this rebellion, the Samaritans killed both Christians and Jews, burned churches and took control of Scythopolis (Beth Shean) and Nablus. In the end, the governor (Theodore) put down the rebellion, caught the leader of the Samaritans and sent his head to the emperor. The Chonographia also describes a rebellion in AD 555, this time by both Jews and Samaritans against the Christians, which took place in Caesarea, Christians were killed and churches were burned. This rebellion was also put down.28

The dux Palestinae was installed and located in Caesarea and another dux was the commander of Arabia. The 10th legion was transferred, according to Diocletian’s reforms, from Jerusalem to Eila and a general reorganisation of the borders of the province took place. Palestina received Dar and South Arabia to the river Zrad, including Petra. Arabia got the Bashan and the Tarchon. Palestina was among the smallest of Roman provinces. Nevertheless, it too, was divided in c. AD 358 into two parts. South Palestina was called Palestina Salutaris to separate it from the North of Palestina. In AD 429, Palestina was divided again, this time into three provinces: Palestina Prima, which included Judea, Samaria and the Sharon, with its capital at Caesarea. Palestina Secunda included the Galilee and the Golan and its capital was Scythopolis. Palestina Salutaris was renamed Palestina Tertia, with its capital at Petra. This provincial structure was in place until the end of Byzantine period in Palestina.

According to Procopius, problems of internal dissent and banditry continued and raids along the frontiers increased in the sixth-century. He claims that the traditional security system, which paired Roman forces with federated Arab allies, was no longer effective against the Lakhmids (Arab kings). Procopius tells us that Justinian mobilised the regular frontier forces and allied them with Ghassanids, Christian Arab tribes along the borders.29 One important religious and political change during the Byzantine period concerns the status of Palestina as the

The Notitia Dignitatum, possibly dating to the AD 420s, is very informative regarding the military situation in Palestina. The military units under the command of the dux Palestina and Arabia are listed and located. This shows that, apparently, a major line of defence existed along the main road between Bazra and Eila, a second line stretched from the south of the Dead Sea to Eila along the Arava. North of these, the Byzantines probably trusted the mountains east of the Jordan to protect them, as well as the Jordan and the Dead Sea. The fortresses beyond the Arava protected the mountain roads and troops were stationed at the Limes to protect against bandits from the Sinai. One unit was stationed in Jerusalem, another in Sepphoris and another between Jerusalem and Jericho.24 In general, small numbers of soldiers were kept in many important centres in Palestina.

25

Nathanson B.G. 1986 ‘Jews, Christians and the Gallus Revolt in Fourth Century Palestine’ BA 49, 26-36 Di Segni L. 1995 ‘Mutual Relations between Samaritans, Jews and Christians in Byzantine Palestine, As Revealed through the Epigraphic Finds’ in Crown A.D. and Davey L. (eds.), New Samaritan Studies. Essays in Honor of G.D. Sixdenier Armisdale, 185-194; Di Segni L. 1998 ‘The Samaritans in Roman-Byzantine Palestine: Some Misapprehensions’ in H. Lapin (ed.) Religious and Ethnic Communities in Later Roman Palestine College Park, 51-66 27 Parker S.T. 1999 'An Empire's Holy Land: The Byzantine Period' Near Eastern Archaeology 62, 134-180 26

28

27 ,466 ‫פישמן דרוקר ר' 'ארץ ישראל בשתי קרוניוקות ביזנטיות' א ב חדשות השומרונים‬ 29-25 ,467 ‫ ו‬34See also: Di Segni L. 1993 ‘Rebellions of Samaritans in Palestine in the Roman-Byzantine Period’ in Crown A.D., Pummer R. and Tal A. (eds.) A Companion to Samaritan Studies Tübingen, 199-201; Dar S. 2002 ‘Samaritan Rebellions in the Byzantine Period – The Archaeological Evidence’ in Stern E. and Eshel H. (eds.) The Samaritans Jerusalem, 444453; Dar S. 1995 ‘Additional Archaeological Evidence of the Samaritan Rebellion in the Byzantine Period’ in Crown A.D. and Davey L. (eds.) New Samaritan Studies. Essays in Honour of G.D. Sixdenier Armisdale, 157-168; Dar S. 1988 ‘Archaeological Evidence on the Samaritan Revolts of the Byzantine Period’ in Jacoby D. and Tsafrir Y. (eds.) Jews, Samaritans and Christians in Byzantine Palestine Jerusalem, 228-237 29 Recently discussed by: Parker S.T. 1999 ‘An Empire's Holy Land: The Byzantine Period’ Near Eastern Archaeology 62, 134-180

21

22

67-66 ,‫יונה מ' טשי"א גאוגרפיה היסטורית של ארץ ישראל ירושלים‬-‫אבי‬

32-29 ,‫ספראי ז' תש"ם גבולות ושלטון בארץ ישראל בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד תל אביב‬ J. Patrich 1995 ‘Church, State and the Transformation of Palestine The Byzantine Period (324-640 CE)’ in Levy T.E. (ed.) The Archaeology of Society in the Holy Land London, 470-487 23

24

67-66 ,‫יונה מ' טשי"א גאוגרפיה היסטורית של ארץ ישראל ירושלים‬-‫אבי‬

3

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Holy Land for the Byzantine Empire. As late as the fifthcentury, Jerome rejected the view that Palestina was identical to the Biblical Holy Land. He wrote to a Roman magistrate from Gaul that the land was much too small to be accorded such honour. However, by this time, Christian religious attitudes had already begun to change rapidly. Almost as soon as Constantine began to build churches, pilgrimage to the Holy Land became a new form of devotion. In the fourth and fifth centuries, the numbers of pilgrims appears to have increased rapidly. Many pilgrims elected to stay in Palestina and some formed the basis of monasticism in its provinces.30 (See discussion of monasticism below.)

primarily urban, the Galus revolt may show that it was also making headway in the countryside by that time. The revolt was not a particularly destructive one, yet many settlements, among them, Tiberias, Lud, Acre and Sepphoris, were damaged by the Jewish revolt on their Christian neighbours. A large earthquake shook the Galilee later in the fourth-century and some scholars are unsure as to whether damage in the Galilee should be attributed to the revolt or the earthquake. Historical sources indicate a decrease in Jewish settlement in the Galilee after the Galus revolt and a rise in numbers of Christian settlements.33 Epiphanius describes an imperial attempt to build churches in Jewish centres. A converted Jew, Joseph, received letters and money from Constantine and the title comes. Joseph built several churches in the Galilee, in Tiberias and Sepphoris among others, but chose to relocate to Beth Shean, where there was already a big Christian community.34

The Eastern Roman Empire generally brought internal peace to the region and the economy. Cities were enlarged and villages re-instituted. The standard of living went up and much wealth was invested in luxurious palaces and many new churches. The settlement of troops at the limes increased the safety of settlements in the Negev and the safety of the roads. Both local and long-distance trade were renewed.31

Samaria: Samaria was, of course, the home of the region’s largest non-Jewish and non-Christian religious group: The Samaritans. In his book on boundaries and authorities of Palestina in the Roman and Byzantine period, Safrai states that Samaria was divided into two areas, Neapolis and Sebastia. Very few places in Samaria are mentioned in textual sources and almost nothing is known of extensive areas. It is even possible, conjectures Safrai, that parts of Samaria existed that are not mentioned in the main fourthcentury source, the Onomasticon – so that even its exact extent is uncertain.35 In the Byzantine period, Sebastiya became a small village and Christians and Samaritans were struggling over Neapolis and by AD 484 Samaritan rebellions began over the construction of the church of St. Mary on Mount Grizim. These lasted about 100 years and engulfed the whole of Samaria.36

The first blow to the Christian rule of the Holy Land came in AD 614, in the form of the Sassanid (Persian) invasion. The Persians intended to occupy Jerusalem, the heart of the Holy Land. The second and final blow came in AD 634 when Muslim armies struck first in the area of Gaza, gained the allegiance of the local Arab tribes and began attacking the cities. The emperor Heraclius sent his brother Theodore to lead troops from the Province of Syria to meet the Muslims. Theodore and his troops finally failed to check the Muslim troops at the end of July AD 634, at Ajnadayn, 25 km from Jerusalem. The Byzantine troops retreated to Pella and than again to Damascus, before the advancing Muslims. Scythopolis (Beth Shean) fell in AD 635, Heraclius sent a new army to halt the advance of the Muslims, but the war was lost in the summer of AD 636, despite the larger Byzantine numbers. By July AD 637, the Muslims had reached Jerusalem and the bishop of Jerusalem, Sophronius, negotiated a treaty of surrender with the Muslim conqueror, Caliph Umar.32

The Samaritans, unlike the Jews, never enjoyed legal protection. To the Byzantine administration they were equal in every way of other non-Christian ethnic and religious groups. The Samaritans, according to Avi Yonah, accepted Christianity superficially, while retaining their Samaritan heritage. However, it seems clear from textual accounts of their three rebellions that the Samaritans did not co-exist peacefully with Christians. Avi Yonah argues that only two of these revolts were serious, those in AD 484 and AD 529. In both cases the Samaritans rose up against a perceived Christian threat or hostile act. In AD 484, the rebellion was due to a fear that a church would be built on Mount Grizim. But, although the AD 529 revolt was due to a ban on Samaritans holding military and administrative positions, the Samaritans killed both Christians and Jews – suggesting that they may have

It is useful also to discuss these aspects on a regional basis. The variability of the landscape and sources renders regional histories a useful supplement to this overall outline. In particular, it will be helpful to examine three regions where special local circumstances apply: the Galilee, Samaria and the Negev. Galilee: The Galilee was of particular interest to Christians and the Christian Roman state. From AD 300, intensified Christian penetration into the (mostly Jewish) Galilee began. Although the Mishna refers to Christianity as initially

33

34

15-22 ,‫ספראי ז' תשמ"ה פרקי גליל מעלות‬

'‫צפריר י' תשכ"ז 'המאבק בין הנוצרים ובין היהודים באזור טבריה בתקופה הביזנטית‬ 82-81 ,‫בהירשברג ח"ז ואבירם ע' )עורכים( כל ארץ נפטלי ירושלים‬

30

Wilken R.L. 1988 ‘Byzantine Palestine A Christian Holy land’ BA 51, 214-217, 233-237

35

31

15-14 ,‫קידר י' תשכ"ז החקלאות הקדומה בהרי הנגב ירושלים‬ Wilken R.L. 1988 ‘Byzantine Palestine A Christian Holy land’ BA 51, 214-217, 233-237

36

32

‫ספראי ז' תש"ם גבולות ושלטון בארץ ישראל בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד תל אביב‬

(‫ביזנטית' בשטרן א' )עורך‬-‫ התקופות ההלניסטית והרומית‬- ‫ ארץ‬,‫מגן י' תשנ"ב 'שומרון‬ 1511 ,‫האנציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬

4

Chapter 1: Introduction

perceived both communities to be somehow opposed to their own interests.37

donations made to Nizzana, indicate that Church administration was active and also that it could have an economic role. Another administrative function fulfilled by clergymen was the writing of secular documents and signing them as witnesses – probably because clergymen were usually literate and many laymen illiterate.39 It is also possible that clergy were required to sign the documents to affirm their reliability.

Negev: The harsh landscape of the Negev contrasts with the agricultural areas to the north. The main development that took place in the Negev in the Byzantine period was the conversion of its population to Christianity. Knowledge of the government, administration and society in the Negev is limited. Two epigraphic sources enrich our knowledge. The first is papyri that were found in Nizzana at the end of the 1930s. The second source comprises inscriptions on tombs, stones and mosaics found in the area. Chronologically, both papyri and inscriptions become most numerous from the Byzantine period to the beginning of the Arab period and both stop in or around AD 700.

In AD 636 the Muslims conquered the Negev. Settlements at the edges of the Negev (Mamshit and Avdat) were destroyed before the conquest, or perhaps in the first attack, although others continued to exist until approximately AD 800. The Muslims did not directly damage these settlements, but the heavy taxes both on money and agricultural produce harmed the delicate balance of existence in the Negev probably leading to settlement-desertion.40

Governors with the ranks of Praeses, who carried the title Perfectissimus, ran the civil administration of this area (the Third Palestina). Their rank was lower than that of the governors of Palestina Prima and the main military forces under the dux of Palestina were stationed in the south, mostly in Palestina Tertia. There is even an argument over the identification of the capital of Palestina Tertia. Haluza may have been the capital and Eila and Beer Sheva are also possible candidates after the fall of Petra.

ECONOMY The economy of Palestina in the Byzantine Period was based on agriculture.41 Most of the taxes in the Byzantine period were placed on the agricultural population and the main land tax (the annona) was paid in kind. The basis to all changes and the size of the payment was the census.42 There was, in addition, an influx of wealth from both Christian sources and from Jews abroad.43

We owe our knowledge of taxation in the province to the ‘Tax Order of Beer Sheva’, indicating the direct taxes owed by residents of different settlement in Palestina Tertia. Residents had to pay the formal tax and additional taxes to different officials. Four Greek texts, representing receipts for public work, have been found. These probably relate to the cleaning and maintenance of the public cisterns. It appears that every citizen had to give a few days of work each year for public maintenance. The certificates found in Nizzana also show that the administrative institutions of the Negev were in Haluza, the central city of the Negev.38

Both archaeological and written (the Mishna and Talmud) evidence indicates that there were also many artisans, producing items from pottery to mosaics pavements.44 Support for the existence of developed craft industries can be found in the discussion of professional guilds in the Talmud. The existence of guilds is also indicate by archaeological evidence: A fourth-century inscription from Beth Shearim refers to a goldsmith’s association.45 Palestina exported wine, woven baskets, rugs, linen, dates, dried fish, jugs and, of course, holy relics. Imports included fine

Evidence from papyri, particularly the two identified church archives and additional evidence from the inscriptions, illustrate the Church hierarchy. The bishop of the Negev was also located in Heluza. Inscriptions in Shivta and Mamshit provide other titles father (meaning monk or abbot); priest; deacon and reader of holy writings. This hints at the existence of a hierarchical church system in charge of the entire Negev. Letters discussing a shipment of dried fish from one clergyman to another and

39

46-50 ,‫איביד‬ See also: Figueras P. 1981 ‘The Christian History of the Negev and Northern Sinai’ in Colbi S.P. (ed.) Christianity in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 147-168 ‫; פיגרס פ' תשל"ט‬243-231 ,‫אבי יונה מ' תשכ"ז מסות ומחקרים בידיעת הארץ תל אביב‬ ‫'התקופה הרומית ביזאנטית' בי' גרדוס וא' שטרן )עורכים( ספר באר שבע ירושלים‬ 40

‫נגב א' תשנ"ב 'התקופה הפרסית עד התקופה הביזאנטית' בשטרן א' )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬ 1052-1038 ,‫החדשה לחפירות ארכאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ 41 For information about agriculture in Byzantine Palestina see: '‫פליקס י' תשכ"ג החקלאות בארץ ישראל בתקופת המשנה והתלמד ירושלים; ספראי ז‬ ,(22) '‫תשמ"ו 'גידול דבורים והפקת דבשן בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד' ישראל עם וארץ ד‬ 211-224

37

See: Di Segni L. 1993 ‘Rebelions of Samaritans in Palestine in the Roman-Byzantine Period’ in Crown A.D., Pummer R. and Tal A. (eds.) A Companion to Samaritan Studies Tübingen 199-201; Dar S. 2002 ‘Samaritan Rebellions in the Byzantine Period – The Archaeological evidence’ in Stern E. and Eshel H. (eds.) The Samaritan Jerusalem 444453; Dar S. 1995 ‘Additional Archaeological Evidence of the Samaritan rebellion in the Byzantine Period’ in Crown A.D. and Davey (eds.) New Samaritan Studies. Essays in Honour of G.D. Sixdenier Armisdale, 157168; Dar S. 1988 ‘Archaeological Evidence on the Samaritan Revolts of the Byzantine Period’ in Jacoby D. and Tsafrir Y. (eds.) Jews, Samaritans and Christians in Byzantine Palestine Jerusalem, 228-237 -‫יונה מ' תשל"א 'על מרידות השומרונים בביזנטים' בדר ש' ורות י' )עורכים( שומרון‬-‫אבי‬ 203-198 ,‫לקט מאמרים ומקורות תל אביב‬

-‫דן י' תשנ"ט 'החיים הכלכליים בארץ ישראל בתקופה הביזאנטית )המאות החמישית‬ ‫השביעית(' קדר ב' דותן ב"ז ספראי ט' )עורכים( פרקים בתולדות המסחר בארץ ישראל‬ 194-181 ,‫ירושלים‬

2-23 ,‫רובין ר' תש”ן הנגב כארץ נושבת ירושלים‬

40-27 ,‫דבורז'צקי א' תשנ"ד 'צריפא שבאשקלון ריאליה תלמודית' תרביץ ס"ג‬

42

‫ תקופת המשנה‬,‫הר מ"ד )עורך( תש”ן ההיסטוריה של ארץ ישראל התקופה הרומית ביזנטית‬ 268-265 ,‫והתלמוד והשלטון הביזנטי כרך חמישי ירושלים‬

43

'‫ספראי ז' תשמ"ו 'הריבוי הדמוגרפי כתהליך יסוד בחיי הארץ בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד‬ ,‫באופנהיימר א' כשר א' ורפפורט א' )עורכים( אדם ואדמה בארץ ישראל הקדומה ירושלים‬ 48-20

44

38

45

5

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

wines, figs, pottery, wheat, pulses and timber. Palestina was also used as a stopping point for goods travelling from East and Southeast Asia to Constantinople and the West.46 Wool was produced in Judea and flax in the rest of the region. The export of wool and flax may have been linked to the importation of wheat. Glassware was another addition to the export market. According to Safrai, many glass workshops were found in the Galilee and Carmel.47

Mishna and Talmud repeatedly discuss roads and the Mishna even indicates three types of roads and gives their widths.52 Magen Broshi, in his study of street- and roadwidth provides archaeological evidence supporting these textual discussions of standardised widths.53 ‘Roman roads’ between the towns were in continuous use during the Byzantine period. Eusebius writes that after a meeting in AD 355 in Tzor, the emperor recommended that those attending should travel to Jerusalem to celebrate the foundation of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre and that they travelled from Tzur to Jerusalem along ‘all the public roads’. Milestones found along the road to Jerusalem provide archaeological evidence for the Byzantine-period expansion and renewal of the Roman road system, for example, four milestones were found in the Galilee, dating between to the years AD 324-337. Excavations show that Roman roads were refurbished in the Byzantine period and new Byzantine roads were built, as at the road leading west from Beth Shean. Travellers’ accounts are known and an actual description of roadconstruction can be found in Procopius's account of the construction of the Nea church in Jerusalem.54

The Talmud describes the existence of a market for each profession in the large cities, even for prostitutes!48 Safrai has drawn attention to archaeological evidence of a market at Alonai Mamre. During the Roman period the market was part of a pagan festival, but Constantine the Great ordered the construction of a church, so that the market took place in its atrium. From the coins found at the site, the market appears to have been important in terms of long-distance commerce, especially with the East.49 Despite the apparently good economic conditions, several reports of economic hardship can be found. The Life of Theodosius describes a famine, after which farmers asked for food in the monastery. Cyril of Scythopolis writes of a long drought. Both Thedosius and Cyril write of a swarm of locusts at about the same time and the latter also says that impoverished farmers robbed travellers around Beth Shean.50

An especially interesting area in relation to the economy of Byzantine Palestina is the frontier province of Palestina Tertia. There, the state, the Church, local officials and soldier-farmers along the limes injected money into the area. The Nissana papyri indicate that there were lawyers, doctors, goldsmiths and builders in the Negev and special transport services were needed for pilgrimage and trade due to security problems, the scarceness of water and the requirements of travel in the harsh and unfamiliar landscape. Such services provided to travellers were an important part of the area’s income55 and Canaan has drawn attention to two caravan lines evidenced by archaeological material.56 This highlights the importance of environmental circumstances to the study of Byzantine Palestina.

Roads are a good indication of long-term economic circumstances of the provinces. Dan discusses the quality of building and construction in Byzantine-period Palestina, concluding that it was of a high standard 51 and Safrai describes the rural road network during the Byzantine period. The latter has shown that every settlement had a system of roads linking it to all the surrounding settlements for a radius of about 3-5 km. Larger settlements had roads leading to more distant settlements, in addition to the ‘Roman’ road system connecting large urban centres. In several areas, according to Safrai, the road system is an optimal, or near-optimal, network in which every village has a direct road leading directly to other settlements. The

ENVIRONMENTAL GEOGRAPHY

46

Environmental studies routinely demonstrate that it is risky to extrapolate too precisely from the landscape of today to that which existed in the past. In relation to the region investigated here, Horowitz has argued that the palaeoecology of Israel over the last 6,000 years indicates that there were several relatively temperate climate stages separated by drier stages. Comparing his data with

-‫דן י' תש”ן 'החיים הכלכליים בארץ ישראל בתקופה הביזאנטית )המאות החמישית‬ ‫השביעית(' בקדר ב"ז דותן ט' ספראי ש' )עורכים( פרקים בתולדות המסחר בארץ ישראל‬ ‫ירושלים‬ See also : Kingsley S.A. 2004 Shipwreck Archaeology of the Holy Land London and 141-136 ,2 ‫ספראי ז' תשנ"ב 'המסחר בארץ ישראל בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד' מחניים‬ 47

'‫ספראי ז' תשמ"ו 'הריבוי הדמוגרפי כתהליך יסוד בחיי הארץ בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד‬ ‫; צפריר י' תשנ"ה 'פריחת הישוב‬48-20 ,‫באדם ואדמה בארץ ישראל הקדומה ירושלים‬ '‫ על העדויות הארכיאולוגיות והמקורות הספרותיים‬,‫בארץ ישראל בתקופה הביזנטית‬ 16-7 ,8 ‫מכמנים‬ See also: Tsafrir Y. 1962 ‘Some Notes on the Settlements and Demography of Palestine in the Byzantine Period’ in Seger J.D. (ed.) The Archaeological Evidence in Retrieving the Past Mississippi, 269-283

52

‫ספראי ז' תש”ן 'הטיפול במערכת הדרכים הכפריות בארץ ישראל בתקופת המשנה‬ ‫והתלמוד' ' בקדר ב"ז דותן ט' ספראי ש' )עורכים( פרקים בתולדות המסחר בארץ ישראל‬ 180-159 ,‫ירושלים‬ 53 Broshi M. 1977 ‘Standards of Street Widths in the Roman Byzantine Period’ IEJ 2, 232-235

48

54

40-27 ,‫דבורז'צקי א' תשנ"ד 'צריפא שבאשקלון ריאליה תלמודית' תרביץ ס"ג‬

(‫זלינגר י' תש”ן תחנות הדרכים הביזנטיות סביב ירושלים רמת גן )תזה‬ See also: Roll I. 1991 ‘Roads and Transportation in the Holy Land in the Early Christian and Byzantine Times’ Dassmann E. And Engemann J. Akten, des XII internationalen congresses fur Christliche Archaologies Tiel 2 Bonn, 1166-1170

49

-139 ,(‫ספראי ז' תשמ"ד 'הירידים בארץ ישראל בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד' ציון מ"ט )ב‬ 158 50

-‫דן י' תש”ן 'החיים הכלכליים בארץ ישראל בתקופה הביזנטית )המאות החמישית‬ ‫השביעית(' בקדר ב"ז דותן ט' ספראי ש' )עורכים( פרקים בתולדות המסחר בארץ ישראל‬ ‫ירושלים‬

55

58-54 ,‫רובין ר' תש”ן הנגב כארץ נושבת ירושלים‬ Canaan T. 1922 ‘Byzantine Caravan Routes in the Negev’ JPOS 2, 139-144

51

56

‫איביד‬

6

Chapter 1: Introduction

archaeological chronology indicates that the periods of intensive settlements in the region considered here have also been periods of particularly good climate: Including the Byzantine period. This can also be seen by the relatively high quantities of tree pollen, suggesting a more wooded landscape.57

sources without taking into account the complexity of ancient historical texts. He argues that only ten earthquakes are, in fact, attested in Palestina and that evidence of destruction and rebuilding in the archaeological record correlates many of these dates.62 So although the region was certainly prone to earthquakes, the chronology, distribution or effects of these are more uncertain that it might at first appear.

Ashbel, working on the climate of Jerusalem, attempted to compare Jewish texts and dendrochronological data to build up a picture of the climate in the Middle East. He argues that, as there has been a similarity in the climate of California and the Middle East in the last century, it would be safe to assume that there would have been such a similarity in the last 2,000 years. Indeed, he argues from Californian dendrochronological data that in the seventhcentury tree rings became thinner, reaching their thinnest in the 620s - indicating climatic deterioration at that time. In the Middle East, Ashbel argues that this coincides with the timing of the Arab conquest and observes that Arab sources indicate prolonged droughts between 720 and 740 in the Arab peninsula.58 According to his interpretation, climatic deterioration might, therefore, explain the Arab expansion in the seventh and eighth centuries.

In addition to these more general points and in view of the potential importance of the landscape to understanding human activity in the region, it is useful to consider some more specific environmental circumstances. Again, these can usefully be discussed with reference to contemporary districts, which even today are partly environmentally defined. Golan: The Golan is bordered, in the west by the Jordan and the Sea of Galilee, in the south by Wadi a-Smach to Wadi aShebib and in the east by the al-Alan River, to the south of Akraba.63 Nili Lipshitz cites both archaeobotany and Shomacher’s descriptions of his travels in the region to show that oak grew continuously in this area from the tenth-century BC to the present. Pistacia Palaestina and European olive trees are also attested in the Golan from the fourth-century AD and carob trees from the first-century AD. From this, Lipshitz argues that the same plants have been growing in the Golan for about 3,000 years and, therefore, that the microclimate of this area has probably remained stable throughout that time.64

Evidence also suggests that Byzantine Palestina also had different geographical features to those seen in the region today. Most strikingly, Horowitz has argued that the coastal plain has actually moved since the Byzantine period. Dunes cover numerous archaeological sites, among them a Byzantine site on a cliff 41 m above sea level, on the Mediterranean coast. This indicates that at least some of this elevation is post-Byzantine, as the 40 m high cliffs would have prevented sand from the beach forming the dunes.59 Obviously, if coastal topography could change this much, then one should be aware that sites today inland – as famously elsewhere in the Byzantine Empire at Ephesus in Anatolia – might once have been coastal.60

The importance of oleoculture in the Golan is emphasised by the work of Haim Ben David, who recorded 35 Byzantine olive-presses in surveys in the southern Golan and 68 in the lower Golan. However, local variation is also apparent: In the northern Golan only six olive-presses were found. Ben David argued that the location of the olivepresses may support the idea of mass production: They were concentrated in the outskirts of villages and not within the villages as one might expect if they were for household-level production.65

Palestina also suffered from frequent earthquakes in the Byzantine period. From AD 300 to 700, 19 earthquakes shook the three provinces according to David KellnerAmiran’s revised catalogue. Of these, that in AD 344 (recorded as a major earthquake in Antioch) extended across much of the Middle East. In 362, an earthquake caused damage in Jerusalem, Nablus, Beth Jibrin and Gaza. In AD 365 Areopolis was hit by a local earthquake and another hit Acre in AD 502, two local earth tremors took place in Judea in AD 637 and AD 641, in AD 659/660 Jericho and Khan el-Ahmar were hit by an earthquake and in AD 672 Gaza, Ashkelon and Ramle were damaged.61 However, Kenneth Russell has criticised Amiran's catalogue, arguing that Amiran simply compiled secondary

Galilee: The Galilee is another well-defined district within Palestina with a distinctive environment. In the Roman 62 Russel K.W. 1985 ‘The earthquake Chronology of Palestine and Northwest Arabia from the 2nd through the Mid-8th Century AD’ BASOR 260, 37-59; See also Ambrasseys N.N. 1962 ‘A Note on the Chronology of Willis’ List of Earthquakes in Palestine and Syria’ Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America 52, 77-80 63

57 64

-80 ,51 ‫הורביץ א' תש"ם 'פאלינולוגיה – אקלים ותפוצת ישובים בארץ ישראל' קדמוניות‬ 86

152-153 ,‫יונה מ' תשי"א גאוגרפיה היסטורית של ארץ ישראל ירושלים‬-‫אבי‬

‫ליפשיץ נ' תשמ"ז 'תרומת מחקרים ארכיאובוטנים לידע על צומח העץ בצפון ובמרכז‬ 92-84 ,24-23 ‫הגולן' רותם‬

58

65

‫ הכינוס הארצי‬: ‫אשבל ד' תשי"ז 'אקלימה של ירושלים במרוצת הדורות' יהודה וירושלים‬ 164-163 ,‫עשר לידיעת הארץ ירושלים‬-‫השנים‬ 59 Horowitz A. 1979 The Quaternary of Israel New York, 42-43 60 Foss C. 1979 Ephesus after Antiquity: A Late Roman, Byzantine and Turkish City Cambridge; Scherrer P. 2000 Ephesus: The New Guide Istanbul 61 Amiran D.H.K.1951 ‘A Revised Earthquake-Catalogue of Palestina’ IEJ 1, 223-246; For more details see: Amiran D.H.K. 1952 ‘A Revised Earthquake Catalogue of Palestine’ IEJ 2, 28-62

'‫דויד ח' תשנ"ח 'בתי בד וייצור שמן זית ביישובי הגולן בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד‬-‫בן‬ ‫; בן דויד ח' תשמ"ט ענף הזית וייצור השמן ברמת בגולן בתקופת המשנה‬61-1 ,34 ‫עתיקות‬ (‫והתלמוד רמת גן )תזה‬ See also: '‫אורמן ד' תשמ"ה 'כלכלת הקהילות היהודיות שבגולן בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד' בגרוס נ‬ ‫; דר ש' תשל"ח 'הכלכלה ומקורות המחייה של‬66-35 ,‫)עורך( יהודים בכלכלה ירושלים‬ ,‫יישובי החרמון' באפלבוים ש' דר ש' פלג י' ורות י' )עורכים( החרמון ומרגלותיו תל אביב‬ 158-165

7

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

period, the Galilee was divided into two parts, Lower and Upper Galilee. In the West, these ended at Acre and Mount Carmel, in the south in Samaria and at Beth Shean to the Jordan, on the east, at Susita, Hammat Gader and the Golan; and in the North at Tzor. Lower Galilee stretched from Tiberius to Cabol from east to west and from Ichsalo in the south to Beer Sheva in the north. According to the Mishna, Kfar Hananiya was the border between the Upper and Lower Galilee. The Upper Galilee is the area from Beka in the North to Beer Sheva and from Maroth in the east to Tele near the Jordan River in the west.66

Gush Halav and the Galilee were centres for oil production. Surveys have also recorded many Late Roman and Byzantine olive-presses in the Galilee and up to eight presses in a single village, suggesting production exceeding local needs. However, as in the Golan, there is evidence of dramatic abandonment of oleoculture in the seventh-century.71 Sharon: The Sharon and its Mediterranean shelf area are about 30km wide, with an East-West height difference of about 250 m. Today, this is a flat plain, approximately half dry land and half under the sea.72 The large local town of Caesarea was the main port of Byzantine Palestina and much of the region’s long-distance trade must have passed through it. However, the city seems to have been badly located for agriculture and most of its produce had to be imported from elsewhere. Nevertheless, sheep and cattle were raised in the inner Sharon area and wheat, vines and vegetables were also cultivated.73

Uri Baroch has discussed the flora surrounding the Sea of Galilee over the last 5,500 years. According to his study, from the Roman period until after the Byzantine period olive trees, carob trees, vines and nut trees were common in this area. In the Arab period, the number of olive trees fell and oaks began to grow in large numbers.67 Another study of the area, by Baroch, confirms his results: between 525 BC and AD 775 there was a dramatic increase in the amount of olive pollen, accounting for more than 60% of the relevant sample. At the same time, he recorded an increase in other fruit trees, such as vine, nut and carob. In the second half of this period there was also an increase of sarcopoterium spinosum, probably taking over agricultural plots that had been abandoned, accompanied by tree pollen suggesting increased woodland.68

The Roman and Byzantine periods in this area are characterized by the spread of settlements (notably at Mishor Hanadiv) into areas previously known to be marshes, perhaps implying that the marshes had dried out. Thus, until the Roman period this area was a marshland, yet 14 settlements of the Roman or Byzantine periods are recorded from the former marshes. As we have seen elsewhere, after the Byzantine period, historical and archaeological sources indicate landscape deterioration: In this case the encroachment of sands and marshes back into these areas.74

Zvi Gal’s study of olive cultivation in Emek Harod partially confirms Baroch’s findings in relation to viticulture. The many wine-presses in the Emek Harod area, which date to the Roman or Byzantine period, indicate that Emek Harod was a centre of wine production. Gal calculated that a vineyard covering an area of 270,000 squ. m. was needed to fill the collecting vats of the treading floors in a single cycle. Gal suggests that this implies a cultivation area several times larger than that figure, implying a landscape dominated by viticulture.69 Sean Kingsley’s survey of wine-presses also confirms the relatively large numbers of wine-presses found in the Galilee. He notes large concentrations of wine-presses in the Nahariya region (47) and the south-western part of the Safat region (135).70

Historical and palaeo-environmental studies indicate that the Sharon was covered by oak in the Roman period. These studies also indicate that it was only after the Arab period that the original Kermes oak woodland was replaced by the Tabor oak.75 Samaria: According to Josephus, Samaria stretched from Ein Ganim to Akraba. He does not determine the western and eastern

Further confirmation of the importance of olive production in the Galilee may come from texts. Josephus reports that the Roman-period Upper Galilee produced a large amount of olive oil and a story in the Talmud also suggests that

71

,73 ‫אבירם מ' תשמ"ה 'ראשית הייצור הנרחב של שמן זית בגליל בעת העתיקה' קתדרה‬ 35-26 See also: ‫ המשנא והתלמוד חלק‬,‫פרנקל ר' תשמ"ד תולדות עיבוד יין ושמן בגליל בתקופת המקרא‬ ‫ב ת"א‬+‫א‬

66

131 ,‫אבי יונה מ' טשי"א גאוגרפיה היסטורית של ארץ ישראל ירושלים‬

72

67

'‫גבירצמן ג' תש”ן 'הגאולוגיה והגאומורפולוגיה של השרון ומדפו הים תיכוני' בדגני א‬ 60-19 ,‫דרוסמן ד' ושמואלי א' )עורכים( השרון בין ירקון לכרמל‬

‫ השנה האחרונות על סמך העדות‬5500-‫ברוך א' תשמ"ה 'שינוי הצומח באזור הכינרת ב‬ 26-14 ,16 ‫הפלינולוגית' רתם‬ See also: 4000-‫ברוך א' תשמ"ז 'עדות פלינולוגית להשפעת האדם על הצומח באזור הכינרת ב‬ 20-18 ,22 ‫השנים האחרונות' רתם‬

73

'‫ספראי ז' תש”ן 'הישוב בשרון בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד' בדגני א' דרוסמן ד' ושמואלי א‬ 190-175 ,‫)עורכים( השרון בין ירקון לכרמל‬ 74

68

"‫קרמון י' תשמ"ה "התנאים הפיסיוגרפיים של השרון והשפעתם על התפתחותו היישובית‬ 160-137 ,41-40 ‫בקרמון י' )עורך( מאמרים נבחרים בגאוגרפיה של ארץ ישראל אריאל‬ 75 Lipshitz N. Lev-Yadun S. Gophna R. 1987 ‘The Dominance of Quercus Calliprinos (Kermes Oak) in the Central Coastal Plain in Antiquity’ IEJ 37, 43-50 See also: ‫ליפשיץ נ' ואחרים תשמ"ה 'שלטון האלון המצוי באזור מישור החוץ המרכזי בישראל בעת‬ ‫; קרשון ר' תשמ"ג 'בידי מי‬48-40 ,17 ‫העתיקה על פי עדויות דנדרוארכיאלוגיות' רתם‬ 39-37 ,9 ‫ומתי הושמדו יערות אלון התבור בשרון הדרומי' רתם‬

'‫ברוך א' תשמ"נ 'עדויות פלינולוגיות להשפעת האדם על הצומח בארץ ישראל בימי קדם‬ 47-63 ,106-105 ‫קדמוניות‬ 69

‫גל צ' תשמ"ה 'גידול היין בעמק חרוד וסביבותיו בתקופה הרומית ביזנטית' ישראל – עם‬ 138-129 ,22-21 ‫וארץ‬ 70 Kingsley S.A. 2002 A sixth century AD shipwreck off the Carmel coast: Dor D, Israel and Holy Land Wine Trade BAR International Series 1065 Oxford, 60-73

8

Chapter 1: Introduction

borders, but the eastern border is, according to Avi-Yona, the Jordan and it is unclear if he treated the Sharon as part of Samaria.76 Lipshitz argued that there were no climate changes from antiquity to the present in this area. Olea Europaea (olive trees), Pistacia Palaestina and Jerusalem Pine trees were found in the Byzantine period.77 But this is based on only a single pollen site: Khirbat Boreq.

of the Byzantine and beginning of the Arab periods. Rehav Rubin, Lipshitz and Yoav Weisel all argue that the Negev was not more humid in the Byzantine period and cite evidence to show that in fact the conditions were similar to those of today.79 Discounting the idea of a humid Negev, as do Yehuda Keidar and Yehuda Nevo, one can see that agriculture in the Negev was always difficult. Water management for the farmer in Late Antiquity was a hard task.80 Yet evidence for agricultural activities has been found in the Negev. Wine grapes were the most important crop and Kingsley has identified 19 wine-presses in the Negev.81 Oil cultivation was also an important part of agriculture in the Negev in the Byzantine period.82 Uri Baroch found that in the Dead Sea area, there was a sharp increase in olive (olea europaea) pollen.83 Support for Baroch’s conclusions, can be found in the remains of oil-presses in the Negev.84 Kingsley, however, identifies only two sites in the Negev with oil-presses. 85 In addition to olives, Papyrus 82 from Nessana describes wheat, barley and pulses.86

Shimon Dar examined a settlement in the hills of western Samaria in the Roman and Byzantine period in order to investigate the agriculture of the area. He estimates that each household had an area of about 21,000 to 24,000 squ. m. Vineyards took 22% of the land, the field crops 52% and olive trees 25%. Each household could have also raised 12 to 15 cattle and one or two sheep in common grazing areas. Dar suggests that the Mishna and Eusebius also imply mixed farming in this district. Negev: The Negev is not a homogenous geographical entity, but can be divided into six zones. The Beer Sheva region is a triangular depression. It rises from an almost level 50-100 m above sea level in the west, gradually to 250 m around Beer Sheva and reaches 500 m near Tel al-Milh. The central Negev hills and Pharan plateau occupy more than half of the Negev and comprise a series of highlands reaching a height over 1,000 m above sea level. The Nahal Zin canyon divides the region into a higher southern sector and a lower northern sector.

Further corroboration for wine production in the Negev can also be found in historical sources87. During the fifth and sixth centuries, Gaza was famous as a producer and exporter of wine. Philip Mayerson has traced the factors responsible for this status and described several large wine-presses in the Gaza hinterland. Archaeological evidence of a wine industry in the immediate area of Gaza itself has not been found, yet nine very large wine-presses were found in the Negev to the south and east of Gaza.

The Pharan plateau originates in the Sinai southwest of Eilat. The majority of the Pharan plateau comprises level or slightly rolling terrain. The small, grouped hillcrests of mount Zenifim extend in a straight line from southwest to northeast and form a watershed between the canyons that was suitable for caravan and pilgrim trade in the Byzantine period. In the southeastern plain of the Dead Sea, the descent from the Arava to the southwestern plane of the Dead Sea of 210 m below sea level is achieved in less than five km. The southeastern plain is flat, only slightly higher than the Dead Sea. The Moab plateau falls gradually from the Dead Sea 40 km to the east to a shallow depression along which riverbeds run to the north and south. The plateau reaches 1626 m above the Dead Sea.78

79

See: ‫איסר א' תשנ"א ' פריחה ונטישה של ישובי המדבר בתקופה הרומית ביזנטית בהקשר‬ ‫; ריכב ר' תשנ"ה 'עליתו וירידתו של היישוב בנגב‬22-17 ,8 ‫לשינויי אקלים' מכמנים‬ '‫; ריכב ר‬32-23 ,8 ‫בתקופה הביזנטית – הגורם האנושי מול הגורם האקלימי' מכמנים‬ ,31 ‫תש”ן 'האומנם היה אקלים הנגב גשום יותר בתקופה הביזנטית' אופקים בגאוגרפיה‬ '‫; קצר א‬52-49 ,15 ‫; איסר א' תשמ"ה 'תקופה ביזנטית לחה בנגב?' סביבות‬217-209 ‫תשכ"ח 'בעיות יציבות האקלים בנגב בתקופה ההיסטורית' מחקרים בגאוגרפיה של ארץ‬ ‫; ליפשיץ נ' וויזל ו' תשל"א מחקרים דנדרוארכיאולוגים חלק ראשון‬169-161 ,6 ‫ישראל‬ 60 ,‫; ליפשיץ נ' ויזל ו' תשל"א מחקרים דנדרוארכיאולוגים חלק שני תל אביב‬46 ,‫תל אביב‬ 62Rubin R. 1989 ‘The Debate Over Climatic Changes in the Negev, FourSeventh Centuries CE’ PEQ 121, 71-78 80

27-17 ,‫קידר י' תשכ"ז החקלאות הקדומה בהרי הנגב ירושלים‬ See also: Nevo Y. 1991 Pagans and Herders: A Re-examination of the Negev Runoff Cultivation Systems in the Byzantine and early Arab Periods Jerusalem 81 Kingsley S.A. 2002 A sixth century AD shipwreck off the Carmel coast: Dor D, Israel and Holy Land Wine Trade BAR International Series 1065 Oxford, 131

The climate of the Byzantine Negev is a matter of debate. Some scholars believes that settlement in the Negev flourished due to human intervention and that it was factors such as loss of security and isolation in the wake of the Arab conquest which caused their decline. Other scholars argue that the climate must also be taken into consideration. Environmental data such as oxygen 18 and carbon 13 isotopes, pollen analysis and records of sea levels, show a change from humid to dry climate at the end

82

(‫ התקופה הפרסית עד התקופה הביזנטית' בשטרן א' )עורך‬,‫נגב א' תשנ"ב 'נגב‬ 1052-1038 ,‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ 83

'‫ברוך א' תשמ"ו 'עדויות פלינולוגיות להשפעת האדם על הצומח בארץ ישראל בימי קדם‬ 63-47 ,106-105 ‫קדמוניות‬

84

‫; אוריון ע' שנ"ד גתות ובתי בד בהר הנגב‬60-51 ,‫מזור ג' תשמ"ב 'גתות בנגב' קדמוניות י"ד‬ ‫שדה בוקר‬ 85 Kingsley S.A. 2002 A sixth century AD shipwreck off the Carmel coast: Dor D, Israel and Holy Land Wine Trade BAR International Series 1065 Oxford, 131

76

86

‫אבי יונה מ' תשל"א 'ארץ שומרון' בדר ש' ורות י' )עורכים( שומרון – מאמרים ומקורות תל‬ 156 ,‫אביב‬

‫רובין ר' תשנ"ג 'ספר המדבר של האימפריה הרומית ביזאנטית כמפגש תרבותי' מחקרים‬ 30-19 ,‫בגאוגרפיה של ארץ ישראל י"ד‬ 87 Sources include Sidonius Apollonaris, Carmina, 17.5; Crippus In Laudem Justini, 3.88; Ven Fortunatus, Vita S Martini, 2.81-82; Gregory of Tours, Hist. Franc., 7.29; In Gloriam Confess. c. 64; Cassiodorus, Variae, 12.12 (See: Heichlheim 1938: 139, 204; Sperber 1975: 439-41

77

21 ,22 ‫ליפשיץ נ' תשמ"ז 'נופי הצומח ותנאי האקלים ביהודה ושומרון בעת העתיקה' רתם‬ 2678 Gutwein K.C. 1981 Third Palestina – A regional Study in Byzantine Urbanization Washington, 41-63

9

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

However, with the Arab occupation in the seventh-century, no more is heard about the vintage of Gaza.88

Byzantine urbanism did not simply represent a continuation of that of the Roman period: The growth and expansion of cities in the Byzantine period is well attested. At Beth Shean the Byzantine-period settlement spread to the top of the tel and Byzantine-period houses were built outside the Roman walls of Gaza. Such urban centres had thousands of residents, even in the small towns.94

SETTLEMENT This landscape context formed the setting for an extensive and complex settlement pattern. It is often asserted that there was a massive population increase in Byzantine Palestina. Ze’ev Safrai cites the large number of Byzantine sites found by surveys.89 Areas that were unsuitable for agriculture were used for pasture. Areas that were sparsely settled become more densely settled and the foundation of secondary settlements reached its peak in the Byzantine period.90

Texts also show a wide range of rural settlement in Byzantine Palestina.95 These range from single farms, through several hamlets, to large villages. This variety is expressed in the written sources, where a single farm is called in Greek epoikion or ktemata – terms that widened during the Byzantine period from meaning single, individually-owned, farms to villages, which might also have belonged to one person. However, the widely used Greek term kome was reserved for settlements of free citizens. This terminology enables a detailed interpretation of written sources for settlement types. Thus, for example, Eusebius notes in his Onomasticon 35 large villages and 155 ‘normal’ villages, distinguishing clearly between villages and towns. Such distinctions were also important in Byzantine administration: Each village was under the administration of the nearest large town. This subordinate relationship between town and village, apparently did not involve an intermediate settle-ment (‘small town’), as it did elsewhere in the Roman Empire.96

Magen Broshi estimates that the population of Palestina in the Byzantine period was one million, peaking in AD 541 and declining thereafter due to plague.91 Whether or not this is correct, there are not enough data to estimate the numbers of the different communities in Palestina during the Byzantine period. Only at the end of the third-century did Jewish sources begin debating the relationship of the Jewish and non-Jewish populations. It is possible to assume that at this time the Jewish community began to dwindle in relation to other communities. As this process continued the Jewish population became a minority in Palestina. Arguments arise in the Gmara about land ownership, from which it is possible to conclude that land was being transferred from the dwindling Jewish population to non-Jews. Jewish leaders attempted to combat these transfers in a series of laws and sermons.92

Yizhar Hirschfeld has argued that these villages were typically tightly nucleated settlements and even suggests that where more dispersed settlements and hamlets are found, these were simply in the process of becoming nucleated villages. This model implies that there was a general trend toward settlement nucleation in the region, although it is unclear why this should be the case. However, his work has elucidated the general character of domestic structures in these settlements. Houses can be divided into two main types: ‘Simple houses’ built around a courtyard and ‘courtyard houses’ which have an internal courtyard surrounded by rooms. In most houses, additional structures and new internal divisions were constructed over time.97

The capitals of the three provinces were major towns: Caesarea and Beth Shean, the capitals of Palestina Prima and Secunda, Heluza (the principal city of the Negev) and Petra, official capital of Palestina Tertia. As in the Roman period, many Byzantine urban centres in Palestina were walled, from large ‘public towns’, such as Caesarea, Beth Shean, Jerusalem and Gaza to ‘small towns’ such as Tiberias, Beth Govrin and Ashdod. Roman-period streetgrids were often preserved in the Byzantine period, as we see from the Madaba map, which shows this for both Gaza and Jerusalem and some towns were also divided to ‘quarters’, as attested epigraphically at Beth Shean. According to the Mishna and Talmud Byzantine-period Jewish settlements were divided into schonot or ‘neighbourhoods’.93 But

The size of the villages varies greatly, from sites such as Beth Shema (7,000-10,000 squ. m) to the largest villages in the Negev, such as Nizzana, reaching up to 10,000 squ. m. These settlements were usually provided with water cisterns and, in the Negev, public cisterns and deep wells were also used. No planned street system has been found in any of the villages, nor any formalised commercial area or market and there seems to have been no standard location for churches or synagogues. Nor is there evidence of common rules in relation to burial. Hirschfeld argues that the lack of common rules suggests an organic growth of

88 Mayerson P. 1985 ‘The Wine and Vineyards of Gaza in the Byzantine Period’ BASOR 257, 75-80 89 For details on the settlement in Palestine in the Byzantine Period see: Tsafrir Y. Di Segni L. and Green J. 1994 Tabula Imperi Romani: Iudaea, Palestina – Eretz Israel in the Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine Period Jerusalem 90

94

'‫ספראי ז' תשמ"ו 'הריבוי הדמוגרפי כתהליך יסוד בחיי הארץ בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד‬ 48-20 ,‫אדם ואדמה בארץ ישראל הקדומה ירושלים‬ 91 See: Lonrad L. 1981 The Plague in the Early Mediaeval Near East Ann Arbor

59-64 ,‫דן י' תשמ"ד העיר בארץ ישראל בשלהי העת העתיקה ירושלים‬ For information about the small Jewish village according to the Mishna and Talmud see: ‫ספראי ז' תשמ"א 'לדמותו של הכפר הקטן בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד' דברי הקונגרס‬ 21-17 ,‫ ב‬8 ‫העולמי למדעי היהדות‬ 95

92

‫ינהוביץ ר' תשנ"א 'היחס בין גודל האוכלוסיה היהודית לנוכרית בארץ ישראל בתקופת‬ 157-156 ,61 ‫המשנה והתלמוד' קתדרה‬

96

(‫ בתי אחוזה ובתי חווה בארץ ישראל הביזנטית' בדר ש' )עורך‬,‫הירשפלד י' תשנ"ז 'כפרים‬ 77-75 ,‫הכפר הקדום בארץ ישראל תל אביב‬

93

'‫רוזנבלר ב' תשמ"ו 'השכונה בעיר היהודית בארץ ישראל בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד‬ ,‫באופנהיימר א' כשר א' ורפפורט א' )עורכים( אדם ואדמה בארץ ישראל הקדומה ירושלים‬ 66-57

97

‫איביד‬

10

Chapter 1: Introduction

villages and these indeed suggest a lack of coordinated development and planning compared to towns. However, some zonation of activities took place, as in Sumaqa the ‘industrial’ quarter was located outside the living area of the site,98 and other noxious activities, such as lime-pits, are found in the edges of settlements.99 There are also instances of ‘public works’ on a village scale, for example attempts were made to pave alleys with crushed limestome or paving slabs, as at Hermeshit, Kdumim, Meiron and Qasrin.100 Thus, villages were not simply groups of completely independent households.

Settlements were not evenly distributed, with the southern Golan the most heavily settled. Although the principal settlement was at the town of Susiya, there were other large towns such as Hishpin, Pik and El-Al, implying a substantial urban population. In the north and centre of the Golan, most villages were between 10,000-30,000 squ. m, but only one small town is known, at Debora. A larger community at Banias in the northern Golan flourished in the Byzantine period, reaching its largest extent in the fifth-century, when it spread beyond the Sa’ar River.103 Survey and excavation has indicated three types of village plan in this area. At Asaliyya, Debora, Qasrin, Giva’t Orcha and other villages, there was a regular street plan with narrow streets and parallel alleyways, which cross each other at right angles although the plan is not rigidly regular. At Horbat Kanaf, the streets radiate from the centre of the settlement like the spokes of a wheel. In other villages, such as Farge, Kfar Napah and Na’aran, no organized plan was found and houses are located haphazardly according to the local topography. Additional structures were added around them and narrow winding alleys stretch between them.104

Hirschfeld has classified farms into two main types: The simple farmhouse and the estate centre. The farmhouse is usually a rectangular structure divided into two or three rooms, its façade turned to a fenced courtyard. The estate centre can be seen as a local version of the courtyard Roman villa, often 500-800 squ. m in size and divided into two floors. The ground floor was used for agricultural purposes and the upper storey as living quarters. However, the plans of estate centres vary: Another type (for example as at Horbat Hazan) has a massive tower with thick walls and is divided into two or three rooms. A small number of estate centres engaged in specialised production have also been found, notably the example just north of Ashkelon.101

Sharon:

The countryside also contained a network of forts and other official establishments, with small forts positioned on secondary roads. However, this was probably not because of internal instability or continuous external threats: Jewish sources indicate that walls were not needed in the interior of the region and tell us that there was no requirement to rebuild collapsed walls, except in isolated locations. On the few occasions that defence was required, an alternative was to block the narrow gaps between houses or the approach roads themselves, as suggested by the Tosefta and evidenced, for example, at Meiron. In Beth Shearim a road leading to the settlement was blocked. Another method was to fortify houses (or blocks of houses), as we see at the central structure in Khirbat Naj'ar. But while military threats were occasional and rare, crime was a more serious risk to rural communities. The Tosefta describes guard units policing settlements day and night and these appear to have been a normal part of the life of a village, protecting the fields and settlements alike.102

Settlement numbers in the Roman and Byzantine periods also show an increase in number and size. The survey data shows 38 Byzantine sites, out of which, 10 are farms, 7 are small villages (1,000-8,000 squ. m), 13 are larger villages (10,000-20,000 squ. m) and 8 are large villages. This process can be seen particularly well in the growth of the cities such as Caesarea and Apolonia. Caesarea became the most important trading centre in the region, as well as its political and administrative centre, its area reaching over 10,000 squ. m, while sixth-century Apolonia occupied 6,000 squ. m.105 Thus, again we see not only increases in settlement size and numbers but also a growth in urban centres. Samaria: Large-scale survey undertaken by Dar indicates that extensive agricultural settlement also existed in Byzantine Samaria. There were many farms, as at Um-Raihan, Katzar, a-Lege and Khirbat a-Nager. These were accompanied by field clearance, roadbuilding and the installation of olivepresses, wine-presses and cisterns. However many settlements remain unexcavated in this area, so it is currently unclear if they were occupied in the Byzantine period and whether their inhabitants were pagans, Samarians, Jews or Christians.106

At this point it is also worth outlining the overall characteristics of settlement in the main districts of the region: Golan: There was an increase in both the size and number of settlements in the Golan during the Byzantine period.

103

‫ביזנטית לאור המחקרים‬-‫מעוז צ' תשמ"ז 'הגולן מימי בית שני ועד לתקופה הרומית‬ 51-50 ,‫הארכיאולוגים' אריאל‬

98

99

104

‫איביד‬

‫ התקופה הביזאנטית' בשטרן א' )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬,‫מעוז צ' תשנ"ב 'גולן‬ 290 ,‫לחפירות ארכאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬

(‫ששון א' תש”ן ייצור סיד בארץ ישראל בשלהי ימי בית שני המשנה והתלמוד רמת גן )תזה‬

105

100

'‫ספראי ז' תש”ן 'הישוב בשרון בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד' בדגני א' דרוסמן ד' ושמואלי א‬ 190-175 ,‫)עורכים( השרון בין ירקון לכרמל‬

‫ בתי אחוזה ובתי חווה בארץ ישראל הביזנטית' בדר ש' הכפר‬,‫הירשפלד י' תשנ"ז 'כפרים‬ 77-75 ,‫הקדום בארץ ישראל תל אביב‬ 101 Ibid

106

(‫ התקופות ההלניסטית והרומאית ביזנטית' בשטרן א’ )עורך‬,‫ ארץ‬,‫מגן י' תשנ"ב 'שומרון‬ 1513-1510 ,‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ For more details see: ‫דר ש' תשמ"ב התפרוסת הישובית של מערב השומרון עבודת דוקטור אוניברסיטת ת"א‬

102

'‫ספראי ז' תשמ"ב 'מערכת הביטחון הפנימי בעיר היהודית בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד‬ 50-43 ,21 ‫קתדרה‬

11

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Hirschfeld has defined three types of house: The simple house, the complex house and the courtyard house, following the style of his terminology for settlement complexes discussed above. The simple house consists of a one-roomed structure with an open courtyard either in front or behind. The courtyard separated public and private areas and also provided an outdoor work area, usable for most of the year in the Palestinian climate. A variant of the simple house is the two-winged house. This house has two perpendicular wings, usually built in the northern part of the courtyard. Another is the tower house, a narrow dwelling with two or more stories. This house was influenced by security considerations and is found in isolated situations or in the desert. The complex house is often an expansion of the simple house by means of additional wings, or new units built around the courtyard. This afforded more privacy to the inhabitants, yet maintained access from the courtyard to the public areas beyond. The courtyard house type is an extension of the complex house in that the courtyard is completely enclosed by the dwelling. This offered complete privacy from public areas, as well as protection from the elements. In towns, the courtyard house protected its inhabitants from the dirt and noise of the street and utilized available space to a maximum. Hirschfeld argues that, because of the investment in the planning and the large dimensions of the house, this type of house was owned by rich families only.112

Negev: The extensive settlement of the Negev during the Byzantine period has already been discussed in relation to its natural environment. This was another intensively occupied landscape and an area where conversion to Christianity had a striking impact on architecture and city planning, as at Mamshit, Shivta, Helutza and Rehov. Only in settlements that had religious or military complexes in their centre (Avdat and Nizzana) was replanning apparently felt to be unnecessary. Building methods also underwent changes: stonemasons ceased to use hard limestone, or dressed it with a hammer only. Instead, soft limestone was used. Living units became smaller and large units were divided into several small ones so as to provide more living space.107 This again suggests significant change in settlements and settlement patterns during the Byzantine period and again this included intensified occupation. The landscape of Byzantine Palestina was, therefore, prosperous and densely settled. Population numbers may have exceeded those of the Roman period, existing settlements characteristically expanded and many new settlements were established. There was a range of secular settlement types, broadly divisible into towns, villages, farms and military/official sites.

Another type of house found in Byzantine Palestina, according to Hirschfeld, incorporates shops facing the courtyard or street. Two types of houses with shops can be distinguished: A two-storey house making use of either all, or part, of the lower storey as a shop (as at Tel Na’aron and Shiqmona) and one-storey houses, that incorporated one or more shops. Examples of this latter type from the Byzantine period were found in Horbat Susiya and Shivta. Of course, as elsewhere in the Late Roman Empire, shops are also found built along porticoed streets and in other colonnades.113

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF EVERYDAY LIFE The primary material context of everyday life was, of course, the village-, farm- or town-house. This was usually square or rectangular with several rooms. There was a separation between the traklin (Hebrew, dining and guest room) and the kiton (Hebrew, sleeping room). These apparently simple buildings were, in fact, carefully designed for the local environment. Thick walls ensured that the inside temperature remained stable and although windows were built in the upper parts of walls, they were small and few.108 According to the Tosefta there are two types of windows, one for light and one for ventilation. The zorit (Hebrew, light window) is large and wide, the mishrit (Hebrew, ventilation window) is small and the head of a man would be too large to go inside.109 Climate also allowed flat house roofs to play a role in daily activities and ascent was through a wooden ladder or stone staircase.110 The Tosefta adds another component of the house, the aliya or yatzia (Hebrew, a room built on the roof of the house). It is entered through the house.111 107

Another type of house, hinted at by the Tosefta, is a shared house separated into several living units on more than one level with a balcony. The public balcony (mirpeshet, Hebrew) is treated like the courtyard, as a public area from which separate living quarters are entered. It is not to be confused with a gzoztra (Hebrew), which is a small, private, protruding and roofed balcony.114 References to balconies and activity on roofs emphasises the importance of outside space in domestic life. Courtyards contain a variety of baking ovens and hearths.115

107

112

Hirschfeld Y. 1995 The Palestinian Dwelling in the Roman-Byzantine Period Jerusalem, 21-22 113 Ibid 98-99; See also Segal A. 1997 From Function to Monument. Urban Landscapes of Roman Palestine, Syria and Provinicia Arabia Oxford and Harris A. 2004 ‘Shops, retailing and the local economy in the early Byzantine world: the example of Sardis’ in Dark K. (ed.) Secular Buildings and the Archaeology of everyday life in the Byzantine Empire Oxford, 82-122

(‫ התקופה הפרסית עד התקופה הביזנטית' בשטרן א' )עורך‬,‫נגב א' תשנ"ב 'נגב‬ 1052-1051 ,‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ 108 Hirschfeld Y. 1995 The Palestinian Dwelling in the Roman-Byzantine Period Jerusalem, 289-290 109

‫ייבין ז' תשמ"ו 'על כמה מרכיבים בבית המגורים מתקופת המשנה והתלמוד' ישראל עם‬ 242-235 , (22) ‫וארץ ד‬ 110 Y. Hirschfeld 1995 The Palestinian Dwelling in the Roman-Byzantine Period Jerusalem, 289-290

114

‫ייבין ז' תשמ"ו 'על כמה מרכיבים בבית המגורים מתקופת המשנה והתלמוד' ישראל עם‬ 242-235 ,(22) ‫וארץ ד‬ For details on the courtyard in the Byzantine house see: (‫סג"ל ד' תשנ"ט החצר ומתקניה בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד רמת גן )תזה‬

111

115

(‫ התקופה הפרסית עד התקופה הביזנטית' בשטרן א' )עורך‬,‫נגב א' תשנ"ב 'נגב‬ 1052-1051 ,‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬

12

Chapter 1: Introduction

Caves used for dwelling or for storage as part of the courtyard were common, as seen at Jerusalem, Horbat Susiya and Avdat. The Halakha also mentioned the domestic use of caves. Wheat, oats, rice and other staples were stored in vessels, the Halakha specifically mentions barrels and bins and both animals and fodder were kept in the courtyard. For example, stone troughs were found in the courtyard of the Jewish house in Horbat Susiya. 116 There was also otzarot (storage) underground or in rooms at ground level entered from the courtyard. The large numbers of these underground rooms indicates, according to Ze’ev Yeivin, that storage of crops was not centralised, but was mainly undertaken by the small family unit as part of the household needs.117

structure consisted of a small room with a seat in one corner. Other Roman hydraulic facilities seem to have been common: Aqueducts fed towns with water and a particularly sophisticated system was found in Byzantine Jerusalem. Clay pipes connecting the roofs with courtyard cisterns collected rainwater. Two cisterns were found in each house, one for drinking water and the other for washing and laundry.120 Thus, sanitation and water supplies were broadly consistent with those found elsewhere in the Roman and Early Byzantine empires. This is also true of portable artefacts: pottery, to a lesser extent glassware, stone objects and metalwork were all commonly used, although as usual organic materials and textiles are underrepresented in the archaeological ‘record’ – except in the exceptional circumstances of the Negev. Limestone and particularly basalt stone was used for deep bowls and basins. In addition to the use of pottery and glass vessels, pottery, glass and metal lamps were commonplace, although hanging lamps seem to be associated with wealthy houses, churches and synagogues. Inscriptions were an inescapable part of everyday life in Byzantine Palestina, attesting the widespread literacy of the population. Surviving inscriptions include examples comprised of mosaic in addition to normal Roman-style stone inscriptions and occur on a wide range of materials. Lengthy religious and literary texts, official records and certificates have been found on papyri, as at Petra.121 Leather products were also widely used, as is clear from rabbinic literature.122 Thus, the material culture of the region was very similar to that of other parts of the Early Byzantine eastern Mediterranean.

Safrai also emphasises the importance of the family, showing that according to the Mishna and Talmud Jewish nuclear families existed in the Byzantine period.118 It is possible that this might be extended as a generalization to the entire populace of Byzantine Palestina and might account for the provision of household facilities rather than common facilities shared by larger social groups. Thus, it is perhaps reasonable to interpret houses as often representing the homes of separate nuclear families, rather than property held by broader kin-groups or collectively. The interior furnishings of Roman and Byzantine houses are notoriously difficult to reconstruct at most sites. Dining habits mentioned in rabbinic literature indicate that, in wealthy houses, meals were taken seated on chairs around a table. Hirschfeld argues that the lower classes probably ate while seated on the floor, often in the courtyard. Where the kiton was large enough beds were used for sleeping, as emerges from the Sermon of Rabbi Haggai. Sleeping on beds was considered a luxury, as is stated in the Halakha. This text mentions three women sleeping in one bed, as well as a poor man complaining that he must sleep on the ground, while a rich person sleeps in a bed. Hirschfeld suggests that the occupants slept on the floor, on mats or straw pallets mentioned in the Tosefta, in a house with a small kiton.119

It is also clear that other facilities of Roman-style urban life were available in Byzantine Palestina. Arthur Segal has shown that Roman-Byzantine theatres were in continuous use until the end of the Byzantine period. There were 11 theatres in Palestina west of the Jordan (at Sepphoris, Hammat Gader, Beth Shean, Legion, Shoji, Dor, Caesarea, Samaria, Nablus, Jericho and Hausa) and 18 more theatres are known east of the Jordan.123 The mimos, water theatre, animal baiting, horse shows and juggling were evident in the Eastern Roman Empire from the fourth to the seventh centuries, although not all were either legal or popular throughout the whole period.124 Archaeological evidence may indicate that the theatres of Nablus, Caesarea and Beth Shean were adjusted during the third- and fourthcentury to perform ‘water-theatre’. Pipes brought water to the stage; a low wall surrounded the orchestra, which could have been full of water in a few hours.125 Both the Talmud

Various washing installations such as ritual baths, bath tubs and even private bathhouses, were found in residences of the Roman and Byzantine periods, as in Byzantine Kdumim. Byzantine urban communities had access to Roman-style public baths. However, other types of sanitation were more basic: A privy in the house was a mark of great wealth, according to Rabbi Jose, although it is unclear from this whether one would normally be in the courtyard instead. Byzantine latrines have been found in Jerusalem and Mampsis. The Mampsis example was located in the second floor of the house and consisted of a large basin, closed by a wooden cover. However, the latrine at Jerusalem was found in the backyard of a Byzantine house in the Temple Mount excavations. This

120

Ibid

121

‫ – הממצא‬II ‫צפריר י' תשמ"ה ארץ ישראל מחורבן בית שני ועד הכיבוש המוסלמי‬ 363-386 ,‫הארכיאולוגי והאומנותי ירושלים‬ 122 For details of leather use, as it appears in the Mishna and Talmud see: (‫כהן נ' תשנ"ו העור ומוצריו בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד רמת גן )תזה‬

116

Hirschfeld Y. 1995 The Palestinian Dwelling in the Roman-Byzantine Period Jerusalem, 272-281

123

‫ייבין ז' תשמ"ו 'על כמה מרכיבים בבית המגורים מתקופת המשנה והתלמוד' ישראל עם‬ 242-235 ,(22) ‫וארץ ד‬

'‫סג"ל א' תשמ"ט 'תיאטראות בארץ ישראל בתקופה הרומית ביזנטית' בכשר א' פוקס ג‬ 249 ,‫ורפפורט א' יוון ורומא בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ 124 Ibid, 250

118

125

156-129 ,‫ספראי ז' תשמ"ג 'מבנה המשפחה בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד' מלאת‬ 119 Ibid, 21-22

,‫סג"ל א' תשמ"ז 'תאטראות בארץ ישראל בתקופה הרומית ביזאנטית' ארץ ישראל י"ט‬ 249

117

13

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Synagogues:129

and Christian sources indicate the popularity of water theatre and mimos, as well as their objections to these types of theatre.126 From these sources it appears that pantomime, mimos and water theatre were the main (perhaps the only) shows presented in the theatres, rather than the Classical comedies and tragedies that we might associate with such structures today.127

Before the 1970s synagogues were generally divided into three categories: the ‘early’, ‘transitional’ and ‘late’ types. ‘Early’ synagogues were built at the highest point in the settlements or on the banks of seas and rivers. The structures are square or rectangular in plan and there are three rows of columns. The size of these synagogues is between 360 squ. m (Capernaum) and 150 squ. m (Horbat a-Diche and Umm el-Kahntir). Four main features distinguish the early synagogue: A richly decorated Jerusalem-facing façade, absence of an apse, three rows of columns (one at a right angle to the other two) and a stone slab floor. The only architectural adornment within the hall is the capitals. There was probably a gallery, as indicated by the remains of stairs and other evidence. The façade had three openings, the middle one larger than the other two. Above the central opening was probably a semi-circular window, through which light penetrated and which indicated to the worshipers the direction of Jerusalem. The lintel doorposts were carved and in the central opening, the lintel overhung both doorposts. On top, the façade ended with an arched based gable (a ‘Syrian gable’). Smaller windows were located above the side openings and perhaps even higher to illuminate the gallery. In several synagogues (including Bar’am and Umm Khantir) arched columns or a step (as at Capernaum and Chorazin) and a courtyard, sometimes surrounded by columns, were found. The artistic styles of Syria and the Classical world can be identified in the architecture: Corinthian capitals, friezes and mythological (although not specifically pagan) scenes and victories. Many religious symbols are also found, the menorah, the Ark of the Law, ethrog, lulav and shofar.

Other aspects of everyday life, while material, are less easily recognised by archaeology. For example, as Moshe Bar has pointed out, horses and other animals were widely used for transport and traction. Other textual sources, ranging from the Talmud to Joesphus, show that horses were also ridden as status symbols, for hunting and games. Interestingly, we also find that the Jewish community was opposed to horse-riding, considering it an ostentatious pursuit and preferring instead to ride donkeys. Horseriding is depicted in mosaic pavements, as at Beth Govrin and Kissufim. Helios with two pairs of horses is found in the centre of the zodiac mosaic in the synagogue at Beth Alpha.128 Thus, the material circumstances of everyday life in Byzantine Palestina closely resembled those of other regions of the Byzantine Empire in the fifth to seventh centuries. There is no reason to suppose that this material culture of everyday life differed greatly between the various religious communities in the region.

RELIGIOUS LIFE The region has attracted European and American Biblical archaeologists for centuries. In more recent decades, intensive archaeological activity within Israel and, to a lesser, extent Jordan, has also focussed on religious structures and on sites with a Biblical dimension to their history. Israeli archaeologists have also paid special attention to the archaeology of synagogues and sites important in Jewish religious history, including the religious history of the Byzantine period. Many Byzantine churches and synagogues were built at locations with Biblical associations and consequently, our knowledge of religious life in Byzantine Palestina is especially full.

From the fourth-century, efforts were made to change the internal plan of the synagogues, leading to the ‘Transitional’ synagogue. Each of these synagogues is unique and it is hard to find unifying features between them, but they are defined by changes from the ‘Early’ synagogue type. The structure was altered to allow for prayer in the direction of Jerusalem and mosaics replaced the stone slabs paving the floor. At the end of the fifth-century, a new synagogue plan was finalized – the ‘Late’ synagogue plan. The ‘Late’ synagogue is a basilican building, with a courtyard in which there was a cistern. From the courtyard, a narthex leads to the three openings into a basilica divided by two rows of columns into a nave and two aisles. Above the naves were probably galleries and a bema or a prayer niche was built in the wall opposite the façade next to an apse, oriented to Jerusalem, in which the Ark of the Law stood. The plan is similar to contemporary church plans and, as in

The main types of religious structures First it will be useful to introduce the main types of religious buildings and complexes. Then, the general characteristics of local variations in their architecture in Byzantine Palestina will be discussed. 126

For details on the treatment of theatres by the Church see: 209-203 ,‫דן י' תשמ"ד חיי העיר בשלהי העת העתיקה ירושלים‬ For information on the treatment of theatres by Jewish sources see: Jastrow M. 1950 A Dictionary of the Targumim, The Talmud Babli and the Yerushalmi and the Midrashic Literature II New York and Krauss S. 1966 Talmudisch Archaologie III Hildesheim, 117-1211, notes, 290-319

129 In this work, when used without qualification, ‘synagogue’ means a Jewish synagogue. The Samaritans also had synagogues but these will be termed ‘Samaritan synagogues’ when mentioned. The following discussion is based on these works: Gutman J. 1981 Ancient Synagogues – the State of Research Chio; Urman D. and Flesher P.U. 1998 Ancient Synagogues: Historical Analysis and Archeological Discovery Leiden; Hachlili R. 1989 Ancient Synagogues in Israel, Third to seventh century CE Oxford; Sukenik E.L. 1934 Ancient Synagogues in Palestine and Greece London; Huttenmeister F. and Reeg G. 1982 Die Antike Synagogen in Israel, Teil 1: Judisch Synagogen Wiesbaden; Safari Z. 1986 The Ancient Synagogue – Selected Studies Jerusalem

127

'‫סג"ל א' תשמ"ט 'תיאטראות בארץ ישראל בתקופה הרומית ביזנטית' בכשר א' פוקס ג‬ 249 ,‫ורפפורט א' יוון ורומא בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ 128

-17 ,60 ‫בר מ' תשנ"א 'רכיבה על סוסים בארץ ישראל בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד' קתדרה‬ 35

14

Chapter 1: Introduction

churches, the bema and apse are sometimes separated from the rest of the hall by chancel screens. There was no architectural decoration in the ‘Late’ synagogue, apart from the chancel screens and the capitals, but these structures contained extensive mosaic floors that were richly decorated. There also seems to be a trend towards avoiding human figures in artistic depictions. Most synagogues of this type were intentionally destroyed, as can be seen by burnt layers.130

period and until the present the miqve has an important place in everyday Jewish ritual.134 Churches:135 The beginning of large-scale church building in Palestina (and indeed globally) was the early fourth-century. In the mid-fourth-century, importation of marble into Palestina for large and sumptuous churches began, reaching its peak during the sixth-century. In the Byzantine period, marble was in use in all the provinces of Palestina.136 A second period of imperial church building in Palestina occurred in the second half of the fifth-century, instigated by empress Eudocia (AD 460-493). The final Early Byzantine wave of imperial church building was during the reign of Justinian I (AD 527-565), when many spectacular churches were built in Palestina. Evidence exists for the construction and rebuilding of churches in the eighth and ninth centuries during the Arab conquest, by priests and rich patrons. Asher Ovadiah concludes that Palestina shows no unique developments, but rather repeats architectural forms already widespread in the Roman Empire.137

During the 1970s and 1980s, as the study of synagogues developed, it was no longer possible to maintain the sharp distinctions between the ‘Early’, ‘Transitional’ and ‘Late’ synagogues as described above. The Kfar Naboriya synagogue, for example, underwent several stages, before reaching its final structure in the sixth-century. The synagogue at Horbat Amudim was paved with mosaic when it was first built, apparently around AD 300: A date at which the previous typology required a stone floor. In Horbat Shema, for example, a ‘Transitional synagogue’ was found to belong to the third-century! In fact, Byzantine synagogues in Palestina vary greatly in plan and decorations. In the region of Beth Shean, for example, five synagogues are known: The synagogue of Beth Leonitis, the synagogue north of its walls, the synagogue of Beth Alpha in the west, the synagogue of Maoz Hayim in the east and the synagogue of Rehov in the south. All these structures were in use in the sixth-century AD, but all had different plans. It seems, therefore, inescapable to recognise that differing synagogue plans coexisted during the Late Roman and Byzantine period.131

Michael Avi-Yonah and Ovadiah suggest that church plans in Palestina can be divided into three main types: the most common plan is a basilica, then the chapel and finally the centrally-planned church. The basilica can be subdivided into four main types: Standard basilicas, composed of a nave and two aisles and unusual basilicas. Among these are the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem with a nave and two aisles on either side and the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem with a triconch basilica with a three lobed apse. There are few such churches in Palestina. The rectangular transept church type includes only a single example (the Heptapegon Church) and the unroofed church type has no certain examples, although one example may have been discovered in Tiberius. It is immediately obvious that these types are often dependent on very few examples. Furthermore, the great churches at Jerusalem, Bethlehem and Nazareth were probably intended not only for worship but also to attract pilgrims to the Holy Land and as imperial propaganda.

Miqvaot: The miqve is a small plastered rock-cut water pool. Access to the miqve is through a number of stairs.132 The miqve can be distinguished from other water installations by the ease of access into the water. The depth has to be about 1.5 m to allow for the total immersion of the body. It has to be plastered and not paved with mosaic, as the mosaic floor has a tendency to crack and the Halakha does not allow the water of the miqve to leak. In order to overcome cracks the miqve had to be plastered and replastered.133

Two types of chapel have been recognised: the standard chapel constructed from one hall with an apse and chapels with an apsidal transept. Three kinds of centrally planned churches have been postulated. These include two round churches, one in Jerusalem and one in Beth Shean and octagonal churches at Capernaum, Har Grizim and Caesarea. Only two cruciform churches are known: at Nablus and Jerusalem.

Immersion in water for purposes of purification was customary as early as Biblical times. Then, immersion took place in natural water sources such as rivers, caves and water holes. The earliest constructed miqvaot are known from the second half of the second-century BC. From that 130

(‫' בשטרן א' )עורך‬70‫ חקר בתי הכנסת עד שנות ה‬,‫יונה מ' תשנ"ב 'בתי כנסת‬-‫אבי‬ 257-258 ,‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬

134

-3 ,79 ‫רגב א' תש”ן 'מקוואות טהרה של מעמדות וכתות בישראל בימי בית שני' קתדרה‬ 21 135 The following discussion is based on these works: Crowfoot J. 1941 Early Churches in Palestine London; Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn; Ovadiah A. and de Silva S. 1984 Supplamentum to the Corpus of Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Jerusalem 136 Fischer M.L. and Grossmark T. 1996 ‘Marble Import and Marmorarii in Eretz Israel during the Roman and Byzantine Periods’ in Katzoff R. (ed.) Classical Studies in Honour of David Sohlberg Ramat Gan, 319-352 137 Ovadiah A. 1991 ‘Aspects of Christian Archaeology in the Holy land’ Liber Annuus 41, 469-481

131

‫ ואילך' בשטרן א' )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬70‫לוין י' תשנ"ב 'חקר בתי הכנסת משנות ה‬ 261-258 ,‫החדשה לחפירות ארכאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ 132

-3 ,79 ‫רגב א' תש”ן 'מקוואות טהרה של מעמדות וכתות בישראל בימי בית שני' קתדרה‬ 21 133

‫ המשנה‬,‫ישראל בימי הבית השני‬-‫רייך ר' תשמ"ז 'בית הכנסת ומקווה הטהרה בארץ‬ 212-205 ,‫והתלמוד' בתי כנסת עתיקים ירושלים‬ For more details see: ‫רייך ר' תש"ן מקוה הטהרה היהודי בתקופת הבית השני המשנה והתלמוד עבודת דוקטור‬ ‫האוניברסיטה העברית בירושלים‬

15

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Of course, churches could have other functions than Christian worship. These could be considered under the headings of ‘commemoration churches’ and ‘memorial churches’. The former were built in the honour of an individual such as a saint and happily this is often indicated in inscriptions at these structures. The latter were built in places where a specific event was believed to have taken place. However, Biblical localities were also identified by churches of other types listed above, so that those churches could also serve the purpose of indicating a place of religious importance.

monastic areas were in the Judean Desert and around the Sea of Galilee.141 While these monasteries were badly damaged during the Arab invasion, many monasteries continued in existence and several Byzantine monasteries still exist. The monastic movement had a central role in the religious life in Byzantine Palestina and is very extensively documented. Yoram Tsafrir estimates that there were tens of thousands of monks and they left their mark clearly on the landscape. The remains of Byzantine monasteries can be found throughout the region, especially in the Judean desert.

Liturgical requirements meant that Byzantine church plans usually contained a series of consistent parts whatever the overall form of the building. There was, of course, an apse containing the altar on a platform (the chancel or bema) raised several steps above the floor of the nave and separated from it by a rail (the chancel screen), so that the congergation standing in the nave faced the altar and the apse. The main apse was normally flanked by two smaller apses or by two small rectilinear rooms, the latter usually (although not necessarily correctly) referred to by excavators as the prosthesis and the diaconicon. The pulpit (ambo) stood on another raised platform near the centre of the nave, not toward the east end as in many modern churches. The nave itself is generally divided into aisles by columns or, less often, piers. In some churches there was also a synthronon, a series of step-like benches around the sides of the main apse forming seats for clergy. In the second half of the sixthcentury, liturgical changes appear to have brought about alteration to church buildings at Kursi, Lower Herodium, Halutza and Shivta, but this layout remained standard in the Byzantine Empire throughout the fifth to seventh centuries.

The monasteries can be divided into two types, the laura and the coenobium. The monks in the laura lived each in their own cell and met for common prayers and meals on Saturdays and Sundays. Often monks left the laura for month to live in complete isolation in the desert. The coenobium was an organized community living communally and obedient to the head of the monastery. The life in the laura appears to have been considered the highest calling for a monk, apart from the few monks living a life of complete isolation and extreme poverty in the desert. Texts suggest that many monks saw the coenobium as a sort of apprenticeship, to prepare the monk for life in the laura.142

*

The coenobium was a single settlement surrounded by a wall but laura were spread over a wide territory and only the paths connecting the central buildings to laura physically structured them into a unified complex. The coenobium contained the monastic church, cemetery, living quarters and ancillary buildings within its walled compound, but there might be other elements of the complex such as stables or an inn for guests outside the wall. Cisterns might be set beneath the central courtyard and monasteries had a system of channels to collect the rainwater. The monastic founder, or a saintly abbot, was sometimes buried in a domed mausoleum or in the cave in which he had dwelt. This tomb could become a centre for pilgrimage and veneration. The complex was often decorated similarly to churches, with architectural sculpture and polychrome mosaics.

A corridor-like porch (the narthex) was usually built along the west wall of mid-fifth-century and later churches. The atrium was a courtyard located in front of the narthex and usually surrounded by columns. A cistern has often been found in atria and additional structures against the south or north walls of the church are a commonly found – usually chapels or baptisteries. Marble was used for especially important parts of the church decoration, such as the chancel screen, capitals and columns, but local stone was usually used for the walls. Some of the marble was re-used (as spolia) from old buildings.138 The façade of churches in Palestina was mostly simple, apart from decorated entrances. The adornment was largely inside the church: Colourful mosaics, wall-paintings and architectural sculpture such as carved column capitals. Inscriptions on the mosaic floors sometimes record donor or other patrons.139

Almost all communal structures in the coenobium can be found in the centre of the laura, although this had no walls or gates. Cells were often more complex structures than simple rooms and might include several rooms with a chapel or a prayer niche. The walls were plastered and decorated and floors were often simple white mosaics, although both simpler and more luxurious cells are known, reflecting the diversity of monastic practice in this period that is attested elsewhere.143

Monasteries:140

Vailhe S. 1899-1900' Repertoire Alphabetique de Monastreres de Palestine' ROC 4, 512-542, ROC 5, 19-48, 272-292; Patrich J. 1995 Sabas, Leader of Palestinian Monasticism: A Comparative Study in Eastern Monasticism, Fourth to Seventh Centuries Washington; Flusin B. 1992 Miracle et Histoire and Saint Anastase le Perse et l’histoire de la Palestina au début du Vlle Siècle I – II Paris.

The Christian monastic movement was flourishing in Palestina during the fifth and sixth centuries. The two main

*

138

Fischer M.L. and Grossmark T. 1996 ‘Marble Import and Marmorarii in Eretz Israel during the Roman and Byzantine Periods’ in Katzoff R. (ed.) Classical Studies in Honour of David Sohlberg Ramat Gan, 319-352

141

139

113-112 ,10 ‫צפיריס ו' תשנ"ו 'נזירים ומנזרים בארץ ישראל בתקופה הביזנטית' אריאל‬

142

‫עובדיה א' תשנ"ב 'כנסיות קדומות' בשטרן א' )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ 800-796 ,‫ארכאולוגיות בארץ ישראלירושלים‬ 140 Much has been written on the subject of monasteries, see also: ‫ תולדותיהם ואירגונם הפנימי‬- ‫הירשפלד י' תשמ"ז מנזרי מדבר יהודה בתקופה הביזאנטית‬ ‫לאור המחקר הארכיאולוגי עבודת דוקטור האוניברסיטה העיברית; פטריך י' תשנ"ה נזירות‬ ;‫מדבר יהודה בתקופה הביזנטית ירושלים‬

‫ – הממצא‬II ‫צפריר י’ תשמ"ה ארץ ישראל מחורבן בית שני ועד הכיבוש המוסלמי‬ 265-266 ,‫הארכיאולוגי והאומנות ירושלים‬ 143

‫פטריך י' תשנ"ב 'מנזרים' בשטרן א' )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכאולוגיות‬ 955-952 ,‫בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬

16

Chapter 1: Introduction

in the Jewish manner), they may have copied Jewish religious structures.146

Pilgrimage Centres: Christian pilgrimage was initiated by personal devotion and was popular rather than institutional. It was also a practice common to all classes and regions of the Empire. Pilgrimage had many motivations, among these (as Orah Limor suggests) the aim of visiting the Holy Land in a purely geographical sense, the hope of ‘travelling in Christ’s footsteps’ physically. As well as spiritually, as an inner experience and the understanding of the physical journey as a metaphor for one’s spiritual journey. The main intentions of Byzantine pilgrims were to visit places of religious importance and to pray. As the famous pilgrim Egeria puts it ‘to go in order to pray’. Prayer in these places was believed to be more valuable by Byzantine Christians, who considered particular localities to be endowed with special sanctity because of the events that had taken place at or near them.144

Pagan Temples:147 Unlike the abundant data for Judaism, Christianity and even Samaritan religion in Palestina, sources for Byzantine paganism in this region are relatively lacking. In view of the likelihood that Christian sources would stress the presence of pagans in the Holy Land, this may be a significant absence. No local pagan writers of the period are attested. The absence of archaeological evidence for paganism is also striking, given the plentiful data from settlements of this date. However, some scholars have argued for the survival of paganism in the Byzantine period. Ya’acov Ashkenazi has proposed that paganism was slow to disappear in Palestina in the Byzantine period and that immediately before the Muslim conquest small pagan groups still remained. As evidence, he cites texts indicating the survival of pagan traditions and even apparent pagan involvement with Christian worship, but it is unclear what these texts show. What seemed pagan to one Christian writer may not have seemed pagan to a local Christian, especially in a rural context. Ashkenazi suggested that Christianisation was only ‘surface deep’, seeing Mishor Hahof as the focus of pagan worship and noting that Gaza and Ashkelon show hints of a continuation of pagan worship as late as the middle of the sixth-century. Ashkenazi also cites historical sources as showing the presence of pagans around Jerusalem in the second half of the fifth-century and claims that, in Palestina Tertia, pagan worship continued until the Arab conquest.148 Doron Bar appears to be in agreement with Ashkenazi. In an article focusing on the rural zones of Palestine, he suggests that the process of adopting Christianity in the countryside was far more gradual than previously believed. Bar suggests that the conversion of population only achieved real momentum during the fifth and sixth centuries.149

Samaritan Synagogues: The main non-Christian and non-Jewish religious community was the Samaritans. These people were located in Samaria and also resided on the coast. According to the Halacha, both Caesarea and Dor had large Samaritan populations. Samaritan legends about Baba Raba say that he appointed twelve representatives to the different parts of Palestina under his rule, although it is unclear whether this tells us anything about the spread of Samaritans or the limits of their territory.145 Samaritan worship was similar to Jewish worship in the Byzantine period. The Samaritans did not find it as easy to live in peace with Christians, nor to co-exist in political terms with the Byzantine state. The Byzantine administration, therefore, took great efforts to Christianise the Samaritans, probably for both religious and political reasons. Two Samaritan churches are known: the church on Mount Grizim and the Be’er Ya’acov church east of Tel Balata. Other churches were found in Horbat al Burke, as well as in Bardella and Shilo. Evidence for other religious buildings in Samaria is no more abundant. According to Samaritan Chronicles the Samaritan leader in the Late Roman period, Baba Raba, initiated the construction of eight synagogues in Samaria. Six Samaritan synagogues have been found in the district and outside Samaria, three synagogues have been identified as Samaritan: In Beth Shean, Shal’abim and Ramat Aviv. No Samaritan synagogue has been dated earlier than the fourth-century, perhaps suggesting that synagogue building was a late development among this people. As Samaritan synagogues share many characteristics with Jewish synagogues (and Samaritans also constructed ritual baths

Emanuel Friedheim cites Talmudic sources that suggest that paganism among Jews also existed in the Byzantine period.150 But it is equally hard to know whether what a rabbi considered pagan was what the individual concerned believed to be pagan. In contrast to this evidence it is striking that the main occurrence of pagans in texts relating to the area is because of their conversion to Christianity. Geiger examines Christian sources data recording the conversion of large numbers of pagans, which could be 146

Magen Y. 1992 ‘Samaritan Synagogues’ Judea and Samaria Research Studies: Proceeding of the 2nd Annual Meeting Kedumim-Ariel, 226-266; See also: Huttenmeister F. and Reeg G. 1982 Die Antike Synagogen in Israel Teil 2: Die Samaritariche Synagogen Wiesbaden 147 For information on Jewish Christian groups see: Bagatti P.B. 1965 L’Église de la Circoncision Jerusalem; Baumgarten A.I. 1992 ‘Literary Evidence for Jewish Christianity in the Galilee’ in Levine L.I. (ed.) The Galilee in Late Antiquity Jerusalem, 39-50

144

‫ עולי רגל נוצרים בעת העתיקה ירושלים‬-‫לימור א' תשנ"ח מסעות ארץ הקודש‬ See also: Hunt E.D. 1982 Holy Land Pilgrimage in the Later Roman Empire, AD 312-460 Oxford; Figueras P. 1995 ‘Pilgrimage to Sinai in the Byzantine Negev’ in Dassmann E. and Engemann J. (eds.) Akten des XII internationalen Kongress Teil 1 Bonn, 756-762; Kulzer A. 2000 ‘Byzantine and Early Post Byzantine Pilgrimage to the Holy Land’ in Macrides R. (ed.) Travel in the Byzantine World Aldershot, 149-161; Ousterhout R. 1990 The Blessings of Pilgrimage Urbana (‫לימור א' תשמ"ז 'עולי רגל נוצריים בתקופה הביזנטית' בצפריר י' וספראי ש' )עורכים‬ 670-638 ,‫ספר ירושלים כרך ג' התקופה הרומית והביזנטית ירושלים‬

148

62-53 ,8 ‫אשכנזי י' תשנ"ה 'הפולחן האלילי בארץ ישראל בתקופה הביזנטית' מיכמנים‬ Bar D. 2003 ‘The Christianisation of Rural Palestine During Late Antiquity’ Journal of Ecclesiastical History 54, 401-421 149

145

150

-166 ,‫גפני י' תשל"א 'השומרונים ומושבותיהם' שומרון – לקט מאמרים ומקורות תל אביב‬ 181

'‫פרידהים ע' תשנ"ז 'יהודים עובדי עבודה זרה בארץ ישראל בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד‬ 47-21 ,2‫ ב‬12 ‫דברי הקומגרס העולמי למדעי היהדות‬

17

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

interpreted either as evidence for rapid conversion or for the persistence of paganism.151 Consequently, although there were probably pagans in Byzantine Palestina, it is only through archaeology that we are likely to discover the distribution and size of the pagan population. As paganism, with its idols, religious images and ritual actions, is more archaeologically visible than Christianity or Judaism in a domestic setting, one might expect this to be more strongly represented in the archaeology of everyday domestic contexts.

excessive decoration is absent and the style usually simple. Decoration focuses on the façade, especially the frames of the openings. The columns in the hall lack pedestals and do not have Corinthian capitals. This ‘school’ is dated by the excavation at Kanaf to the sixth-century AD. Maoz argues that it is the continuation and local development of the ‘Chorazin-Ein Neshot’ style. In churches in Syria, he says, the ‘Byzantine Baroque’ decoration also disappears in the sixth-century AD. ‘The Qasrin School’ includes the synagogues at Qasrin, Asaliyye, Kazbiyye and Yehuda. In these structures the decoration is concentrated about the external openings. Inside, two rows of columns on bases and Ionic capitals are of a design specific to this ‘school’. The excavation in Qasrin indicates that these synagogues had an elevated clerestory. Maoz considers that the excavations at Qasrin date this ‘school’ to the end of the sixth-century.

Local variation in the architecture of religious buildings Within these broad categories local variations are visible in religious architecture. These may usefully be discussed on an area-by-area basis: Golan:

In addition to these ‘schools’, additional synagogues with individual architectural style are found in the Golan, such as Um el Khantir, Zalba and Dabiyye. In Zemimra, Dabiyye and Beth Lavi, Umm el-Kantir and Ein Neshot the main entrance was not found at the centre of the façade but to its side. The excavation at Ein Neshot indicates, according to Maoz, that the entrances were not located at the centre to allow for the Ark of the Law to be built on the inside of the façade.

Churches in the Golan can be divided into two architectural styles. In Susita, Kursi and Hasfin basilican churches had ‘cement’ and stone-built walls, two aisles and round apses. They were decorated with mosaic floors and roofed with ceramic tiles on wooden frames. Churches in Dir Korah, Dir al Luz and other villages, have basalt slab ceilings and, usually, square apses. Many Greek inscriptions were found in religious contexts in the Golan.152 The synagogues153 in the Golan are a distinct architectural group with common characteristics. These include building in basalt ashlar, a single opening in the façade, the use of columns and stone slabs, internal divisions into a nave and two aisles and tile roofs on wooden frames. Tzvi Maoz notes three ‘schools’ of synagogues in the Golan distinguished by their plan, their superstructure and their decoration. The first is the Chorazin-Ein Neshot ‘school’ including the synagogues at Chorazin, Khirbat Shora, Khirbat Tobah, Ein Neshot, Horvat Diche, Horvat Rapid, Horbat Choche, Horbat Beth Lavi and Horbat Zamimra. These have richly decorated facades, gables and (sometimes) exterior walls. The columns inside the hall stand on pedestals and have Ionic bases and Corinthian capitals. A wealth of relief sculpture is typical of this school. Maoz claims that the school is dated by both the excavation at Ein Neshot and by several architectural characteristics to the fifth-century. The ‘Byzantine Baroque’ style of architectural decoration typical of churches in Syria from the fifth-century parallels the excessive decoration in these synagogues. In this school, there are structures facing west, like Dicke and Zemimra, or south, like Ein Neshot and Beth Lavi.

The orientation of the synagogues in the Golan is not uniform. Diche, Kanaf, Dier Aziz, Zamimra, Zalba, Batra, Yehudiyye and Zavitan, have façades facing west. The synagogues in Asaliyee, Dabiyye, Beth Lavi, Ein Neshot and Tybe face south and the synagogue in Qasrin faces north, but the Ark of the Law was located in the southern wall, thus the direction of prayer was to the south. Most of the decoration in the synagogues in the Golan is relief sculpture. Both Jewish and Roman symbols were used. Of the Jewish symbols, the most common is the menorah, with seven, five and three branches, rarely a shofar is found next to it. An additional symbol found is the aedicule. No mythological motifs were found in the Golan, apart from two winged victories carrying wreaths.154 Maoz has argued that Galilean synagogues were copied in the Golan and that they also related to architecture in the Hauran. The Galilean synagogues are responsible, according to Maoz, for the spacious hall of the synagogue, the benches along its walls, the stone columns and beams supporting a wooden roof structure covered with ceramic tiles. However, these elements were built in basalt stone. The Hauran contributed stone-working technique and artistic motifs. Maoz argued that synagogues of the fifthcentury are characterised by rich architectural decoration and the abundance of animal sculpture and that such decoration virtually disappears in Golan synagogues from the sixth-century.155

‘The Kanaf School’ includes the synagogues in Kanaf, Dier Aziz and probably also Tybe. In this ‘school’ the 151

Geiger J. 1998 ‘Aspects of Palestinian Paganism in Late Antiquity’ in Kafsky A. and Stroumsa G. (eds.) Sharing the Sacred, Religious Contacts and Conflicts in the Holy Land, First-Fifteenth Centuries CE Jerusalem

152

‫ התקופה הביזנטית' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬,‫ 'גולן‬1992 '‫מעוז צ‬ 298-290 ,‫לחפירות ארכאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ 153 For additional information see: Ma’oz Z. 1981 ‘The art and Architecture of the Synagogues of the Golan’ in Levine L.I. Ancient Synagogues Revealed Jerusalem, 98-115

154

‫ התקופה הביזנטית' בשטרן א' )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬- ‫מעוז צ' תשנ"ב 'גולן‬ 298-290 ,‫לחפירות ארכאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ 155 Ma'oz Z. 1988 ‘Ancient Synagogues of the Golan’ BA 51, 116-128

18

Chapter 1: Introduction

which may have been monasteries, as at Khirbat Katzer. In cliffs above rivers monks might live in isolation such as along the Chziv, Aviv, Betzet and Namer, or in the cave at foot of Har Hkfiza.159

Galilee: Most of the churches in the Galilee are three apsed. A design of bud-like scales is commonly found in the mosaic floors and their frame is made of friezes depicting animals and people. In small churches, mosaics are dominated by geometrical patterns. In the western Galilee, Mordechai Aviram suggests the existence of galleries decorated with limestone panels in slotted pillars. Syriac inscriptions in three churches, Evron, Shlomi and Cabri imply, according to Aviam, the Christianisation of the Semite population that was living in the area and Semite names were found in Greek inscriptions at other churches in the Galiliee. Churches belonging to large settlements (at Shevi Zion, Evron, Giv’at Catzenelson in Nahariya, Tel Kison and Kfar Kama) are larger and richly decorated with marble and mosaics.

Judea: David Amit has claimed that that the Judean synagogues were also a distinct local type. He divides these into two groups, the ‘broad house model’ (found in Eshtemoa and Susiya) and the ‘narrow model’ (found in Maon and Anim). He argues that the latter was suitable to the needs of large settlements and allowed for a more complex building structure with additional rooms for other communal needs. Niether group uses columns and the former is larger and more structurally complex than the latter, as well as richer in decoration. This allows Amit to argue that the ‘broad house’ type represented larger, richer, communities and the ‘narrow’ type represented small rural communities. These architectural developments began in the fourth-century and continued in the fifth-century, but in the sixth and seventh centuries these local types were replaced by the basilican structure already dominant in most of Palestina.160

According to the longstanding hypothesis, formulated largely by Avi-Yonah, Galilean Synagogues are characteristically rectangular in plan with interior colonnades and with the main entrance in the wall facing Jerusalem.156 Another interpretation is that the Galilean synagogue emerged in the second- to third-century as a basilica structure, developed into a ‘broadhouse’ type in the fourth-century and culminated with the apsidal type in the Byzantine period. Decoration first appeared on the exterior and later in the interior. Yet the diversity of Byzantine synagogues in the Galilee does not conform to this hypothesis.157

As already noted, the Judaean desert was one of the principal monastic centres of Palestina. At the peak of their development, more than sixty monasteries existed in the desert. In the fifth-century Abtimius created a new model of cooperation between the laura and coenobium. Both monasteries shared assets and the coenobium trained monks for the laura. Similarly Grasimus founded a new model of monastery: In the centre of the laura, among the cells, was a coenobium with a church, kitchen and living quarters. The inner coenobium was intended to cater to the needs of the isolated monks surrounding it and train new monks. In the sixth and at the beginning of the seventhcentury, Theodosius and Sabas influenced Judean monasticism. They built many more monasteries and increased the political involvement of the monastic movement. This period reached its end with the Persian invasion and the Arab conquest, the Persians robbed and damaged the monasteries, but Islamic rule cut off the monasteries from the Byzantine centre and damaged the monasteries greatly.161

Typically, Galilean Byzantine-period synagogues are monumental and built (at least partly) of ashlar. They were richly decorated, especially on the façade, usually rectangular and often have a courtyard. The interiors usually contained two or three rows of stone columns standing on high bases and along the walls were two or three rows of benches. In Lower Galilee, the Beth Shean valley and the Jordan valley, the architectural style changes, with lavish decorations appearing in the interior of the synagogue and elaborate mosaic floors. The facade no longer turns towards Jerusalem.158 Historical sources say little of the Christian monastic movement in the Galilee, yet archaeological data indicate the existence of small groups of monks in the area. Mordechai Aviam interpreted the Byzantine remains on Mount Tabor as a monastery for which no historical sources are in existence and the mountain caves might have been used as cells. A small structure at Shlomi might have been a monastic farm, as the name and title of the head of the monastery were found in a mosaic inscription. Surveys in the western Galilee have located several sites

The structure of lauras in the Judaean desert is characterised by building on a large scale – over 10,000 to 100,000 squ. m – with dispersed cells separated by riverbeds, cliffs or small stone walls. In lauras located on the plain there is a tendency to enlarge the communal buildings and create a small coenobium. The structures of 159

156

Seager A.R. 1981 ‘Ancient Synagogue Architecture: An Overview’ in Gutmann J. (ed.) Ancient Synagogues, The State of Research Ann Arbor, 39-47 157 Meyers E.M. 1987 ‘The Current State of Galilean Synagogue Studies’ in Levine L.I. (ed.) The Synagogue in Late Antiquity Philadelphia, 127138

‫ התקופה ההליניסטית עד התקופה הביזנטית' האינציקלופדיה‬,‫אביעם מ' תשנ"ב 'גליל‬ 334-328 ,‫החדשה לחפירות ארכאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ 160 Amit D. 1998 ‘Architectural plans of Synagogues in the southern Judean hills and the Halakah’ in Urman D. and Flesher P.V.M. (eds.) Ancient Synagogues: Historical and Archaeological Analysis Koln, 129156 161 For more information about Judean Monasteries see Hirschfeld Y. 1992 The Judean Desert Monasteries in the Byzantine Period New York; Hirschfeld Y. 1990 ‘List of the Byzantine Monasteries in the Judean Desert’ in Colbi S.P. (ed.) Christian Archaeology in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 1-90

158

‫פרסטר ג' תשמ"ג 'בתי הכנסת בגליל' בשמואלי א' סופר א' וקלואוט נ' )עורכים( ארצות‬ ‫הגליל חלק א' חיפה‬ See also: Forester G. 1992 ‘The Ancient Synagogues of the Galilee’ in Levine L.I. (ed.) The Galilee in Late Antiquity Jerusalem, 39-50

19

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

coenobia in the Judaean desert were characterized by tall rectilinear enclosure walls, containing structures similar to normal Byzantine houses and built around an enclosed courtyard.162

standard basilica. The hall was divided by columns, or in case of a large church, by arcades to create a wide nave and two narrower aisles.165 Ovadiah indicates a unique feature of several churches in the Negev: There may have been a niche in the eastern wall of each of the side apses, or similar niches in the rear wall of each of the side rooms.166

Between Jericho and the Jordan the mild climate enabled hermits to sleep without shelter and the Jordan River and other sources provided water. The hermits ate the produce of the palm trees and their leaves provided the raw materials for their basket, rug and rope weaving. That these ascetics are almost impossible to recognise using architectural evidence, acts as a warning to us about the danger of dismissing a monastic presence in other areas too readily.

In the fourth to seventh centuries, a monastic community with its own distinct characteristics settled around Gaza. It had authoritative leadership and saw obedience as the most important feature of communal monasticism. The Gazan monastic movement had established itself by the first half of the fifth-century and during the reign of Justinian I, the movement grew in importance. But no more is heard of it after the Arab conquest.167

Doron Sar-Avi discusses monasticism in the Ziph Wilderness, where archaeological and historical sources indicate a large number of Christian monasteries in south Har Hebron. Sar-Avi has observed that these monasteries (Ein El-Sachaniah, Horbat Koneitra, Um-Rochba and UmHalsha) have common features, including underground rooms inside the compound.163

CONCLUSION Texts provide us with insufficient evidence to fully reconstruct almost any aspect of life in Byzantine Palestina and the state of archaeological research is often poor. Despite this, a general impression of Byzantine Palestina is possible. Until the Arab conquest, the three provinces enjoyed overall peace and prosperity. Occasional rebellions occured, but were successfully put down. The economy was based on agriculture, although there is evidence of local crafts specialization and of flourishing trade with other provinces. Despite evidence indicating periodic natural disasters, we find that the Byzantine period was a time of population- and settlementexpansion. In fact, in these terms, the period appears to mark the highest point in the history of the region until modern times. This is also reflected in the material culture of the period, as seen in archeological excavations, which shows relative sophistication and wealth. Another indication of prosperity is the extensive construction of churches, synagogues and monasteries all over the three provinces, many lavishly decorated.

Negev: 164 According to Kenneth C. Gutwien, the churches of the Negev fall into two categories. The first category is the single apsed church. A common type of church is a single apsed church with a chancel screen. The north church of Nessana, the east church of Ruheiba, the north church of the acropolis of Oboda, both the east and west churches of Mampsis and Feinan and the church at Areopolis belong to this type. The second category is that of a trefoil arrangement of three apses and an extension of the sanctuary by means of the chancel screen to include the prosthesis and diaconicon. The south and east churches at Nizzana, the east church of Rehov and the south church of Avdat are included in this category. None of them are dated before AD 500 by Gutwien. All of the basic plans of churches in the Negev fall within the parameters of the

162

23-7 ,‫הירשפלד י' תשנ"ט נזירים ומנזרים במדבר יהודה ירושלים‬ See also: ‫; שילר א' תשנ"ב 'נזירים‬45-52 ,8 ‫פטריך י' תשנ"ה 'נזירות מדבר יהודה' מיכמנים‬ ‫; אפלבוים נ' תש”ם 'פרקים בתולדות‬254-256 ,87-85 ‫ומנזרים במדבר יהודה' אריאל‬ 33-29 ,2 ‫נזירות מדבר יהודה' נקרות צורים‬

165 Gutwein K.C. 1981 Third Palestina – A Regional Study in Byzantine Urbanization Washington, 174-176 166 Ovadiah A. 1991 ‘Aspects of Christian Archaeology in the Holy Land’ Libber Annuus 41, 469-481

163

‫סחניה ומנזרי מדבר זיף' מחקרי יהודה ושומרון – דברי הכנס‬-‫אבי ד' תשנ"ח 'עין אל‬-‫שר‬ 192-185 ,‫השמיני‬ 164 For more detail on Christianity in the Byzantine Negev see: Figueras P. 1981 ‘The Christian History of the Negev and Northern Sinai’ in Colbi S.P. (ed.) Christianity in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 147-168

167

110-96 ,96 ‫אשקלוני ב' תש"ס 'נזירות עזה בתקופה הביזנטית' קתדרה‬-‫ביטון‬

20

Chapter 2: Religious Structures

Chapter 2 RELIGIOUS STRUCTURES STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS168

secular structure or cave. Such rooms were often later converted into basilican or centralised religious structures and so become more archaeologically recognisable than might otherwise have been the case.169

The catalogue includes 46 structures identified as Jewish synagogues, 139 structures identified as Christian churches and four structures identified as Samaritan synagogues. It also includes four additional structures, the identification of which is contested and unclear. This may appear unusual at first glance, as it might be expected that three distinct religious groups would also have three distinct types of religious structures - or at least distinguishing features that would prevent any problems of identification. As we shall see, this is not the case and it is, perhaps, surprising that only four religious structures have defied classification. As the following comparative analysis will show, it is remarkable that many structures have been firmly identified with one of the religious groups given that the structures retain so many similar features.

Although the group of structures identified as churches has the largest diversity in architectural forms (comprising the hall, basilica, centralised, cruciform, cave and domestic room), the main architectural forms in this group remain the aisled basilica and the open hall. 83 out of 139 (60%) of structures identified as churches are aisled basilicas and 23 out of 139 (17%) are open halls: Structures identified as synagogues show less diversity but also include aisled basilicas, open halls and domestic rooms. 36 out of 46 (78%) of structures identified as Jewish synagogues are aisled basilicas and four out of 46 (8%) are open halls: That is, 86% are basilicas of some sort. Only one of the structures identified as a church and one of the structures identified as a Jewish synagogue is a room in a house, although this may be because such rooms are hard to recognise archaeologically unless they later became a church or synagogue of another form. No cave or centralised structure was identified as a synagogue. All the known Samaritan synagogues are halls but, in this case, the sample is very small, consisting of only three structures.

Architectural Forms As we saw in the previous chapter, there is a restricted range of architectural plans or forms in Byzantine religious structures in Palestina. The most commonly found plan is that of the basilica. The basilica plan was adopted from Roman administrative structures, also built to create a continuous public space for large assemblies. In fact, in Tiberias, what appears to have been a secular administrative basilica was later turned into a church. The basilica solved the problem of roofing by utilising (usually two) rows of columns to carry the roof. The ‘open hall’ basilica (with no columns) appears to have been vaulted, but little evidence has been preserved regarding its roofing. These columns also created a central (usually wide) aisle, (the nave) and two narrower aisles (sometimes only one and sometimes more). While one, two and four rows of columns were arranged in a linear plan, sometimes three rows of columns were set out in two linear rows and one at a right angle to these. Centralised structures with octagonal, circular and cross-plans were built in a few cases, but remained a minority throughout the Byzantine period in Palestina. Another sort of space used for worship comprised one or more dedicated room(s) in an otherwise 168

The percentages of basilicas identified as churches and those identified as Jewish synagogues are similar: 60% of all churches were basilicas and 78% of all synagogues were basilicas. Synagogues were roughly half as likely to have open-hall plans as churches, with 17% open-hall plan churches compared to 8% open-hall plan Jewish synagogue. As there are several types of basilicas, it may help to examine the occurrence of each type in Christian and Jewish contexts. The one-aisle basilica appears only once for a synagogue but six out of 36 (16%) of basilicas identified as synagogues had two aisles, making this approximately as common as the use of hall plans for churches. This sub-form also appears only once among those basilicas identified as churches, showing that it was 169

All data in the following section are derived from the catalogue.

21

Barton I.M. (ed.) 1989 Roman Public Buildings Exeter

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Figure 1: Diagram showing the basic structural types discussed here. From left to right, Open Hall, Two-Aisled Basilica, Three-Aisled Basilica, Centralised Octagon, Centralised Cruciform

Figure 2: Diagram showing basic types of apses. From left to right: Single semi-circular external apse, single semi-circular internal apse, single external rectangular apse and single rectangular internal apse

Apses

much more strongly associated with synagogue design than church design. The only other major difference seen here is the relatively large number of three-aisled plans found in basilicas identified as synagogues six out of 36 (16%), while only one instance of this was recognised in a basilica identified as a church. If it were not for this one example, it might have been possible to classify all three-row basilicas as Jewish synagogues.

Most features of apses found in Palestina closely parallel those found elsewhere in the Byzantine Empire, but for definitional precision and later analysis it may be worth setting these out here briefly. The apse is a common feature of religious structures in the study area. It is usually semi-circular but may be rectilinear. It may be external (protruding from the building), or internal (contained within the structure). A bench is occasionally found running parallel with the interior of the apse (identified as a synthronon in churches) and sometimes there is a small space beneath the apse, perhaps for relics. The apse is often raised by one or two steps above the floor of the hall and is often protected by a chancel screen. A single apse may project from the end wall of the nave in a basilica, or from the centre of the wall opposite the main entrance in an open hall. Triple apses appear as a single large apse, flanked by two smaller apses. If so, the largest apse projects from the end wall of the nave and the smaller one projects from the end walls of the aisles. The third form of apse is the single apse, flanked by two rectilinear rooms. In basilicas, the central apse extends from the nave and the rooms from the aisles. Unusual forms, such as two or four apses, are also sometimes found.

Four out of 46 (8%) of the structures identified as synagogues began as open-halls and were rebuilt later as basilicas. Three out of 139 (2%) of structures identified as churches began as open-halls and later became basilicas. In both cases the percentage is similarly small. One room became a basilica in a later stage and one cave was rebuilt as a basilica in a later stage. But all of these early structures (open-halls, rooms, caves) later transformed into basilicas make up just five out of 139 (3.5%) of all structures classified as churches. Differences are also found, no structure identified as a synagogue began as a basilica and was than transformed into an open-hall, but one such was identified as a church. The centralised and cruciform forms appear (in the latter case perhaps unsurprisingly) only in structures identified as churches. There is one example of a domestic room later rebuilt as an octagonal church and one unique four-row basilica, later rebuilt as a centralised structure, then finally rebuilt to a cruciform plan.

Here is a clear distinction in the use of apses between structures identified as churches and synagogues and the 22

Chapter 2: Religious Structures

Figure 3: Diagram showing apses in relation to flanking structures. From left to right: Single semi-circular external apse flanked by two rooms, single semi-circular internal apse flanked by two rooms, triple semi-circular external apse and triple semi-circular internal apses

classified as synagogues with apses and 34 out of 78 (43%) of structures classified as churches with apses were external. Clearly, no distinct pattern allowing us to differentiate between churches and Jewish synagogues on the basis of apse-shape is visible.

apses that also appear in a Samaritan synagogue. 78 out of 139 (56%) of structures identified as churches have one or more apses, but only nine out of 46 (19%) of structures identified as synagogues have an apse. 110 out of 139 (79%) of apsed structures identified as churches and 40 out of 46 (88%) of apsed structures classified as synagogues, have only a single apse. However, a difference is seen when in relation to flanking rooms: 32 out of 139 (23%) of all structures identified as churches have a single apse flanked by two rooms but only five out of 46 (11%) of all structures classified as synagogues have such rooms. That is, rectilinear flanking rooms are about twice as likely to occur at churches as at synagogues. Triple apses are found only in structures identified as churches 18 out of 110 (16%) of all structures classified as churches with apses) and may be used as an identifying feature for churches. Double and quadruple apses are found only in two structures classified as churches, where just one example of each has been recorded.

Main Entrances Analysis of entrances is restricted here to the main point of entry of the building, as a discussion of all entrances would introduce so many variables as to render it very difficult to reach any helpful conclusions. Entrances are notoriously difficult to trace in the archaeological record and many of the reports examined in order to compile the catalogue ignore these important features. The statistics presented here were compiled, therefore, only from structures where entrances were identified and well reported. The main entrances into religious structures took three different configurations: Single, double and triple. In the case of a basilica, the single entrance usually opens into the nave. In the case of triple entrances, the middle one (which is also usually the largest of the three) opens into the nave and the two (usually) smaller ones flanking it open into the aisles.

One structure classified as a church had its single apse replaced by triple apses and at another the apse was later flanked by two rooms. A single apse flanked by two rooms, later transformed into a triple apse, was also found in one structure identified as a church. It is interesting to note that no similar developments are found in structures identified as Jewish synagogues. This may be connected to the single apse as the dominant form of apse in Jewish synagogues, or to liturgical changes.

The numbers of Jewish synagogues and churches employing these different configurations are very similar. Working only from those structures where reporting is adequate, 19 out of 86 (22%) of structures identified as churches and 12 out of 32 (37%) of structures identified as synagogues have a single main entrance. 13 out of 86 (15%) of such structures identified as churches and four out of 32 (11%) of such structures identified as synagogues have a double main entrance. 49 out of 86 (57%) of those identified as churches and 16 out of 32 (51%) of those identified as synagogues have a triple main entrance. The only difference appears to be that structures classified as synagogues favour a single entrance, but four out of 31 (12%) of these show a development of their entranceways, with additional openings either created or blocked. Any similar development is absent from all structures identified as churches. An even clearer pattern is found in structures identified as Samaritan synagogues: All well-reported

The shape and protrusion of apses are also similar in both structures identified as churches and those identified as synagogues. There were semi-circular apses in seven out of nine (77%) of structures classified as apsed synagogues and 45 out of 78 (58%) of structures classified as apsed churches. One out of nine (12%) of all structures classified as synagogues and nine out of 78 (11%) of structures classified as churches with apses had square apses. Likewise the apses in five out of nine (55%) of structures classified as synagogues with apses and 30 out of 78 (38%) of structures classified as churches with apses were internal. Two out of nine (22%) of the apses of structures 23

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Figure 4: Diagram showing basic types of entrance configuration. From left to right: Single entrance, double entrance and triple entrance

Figure 5: Diagram showing layout of benches: Left – single benches, right – stepped benches

Another feature likely to be of great assistance in the identification of religious structures is the presence of burial. Although graves are found within 25 out of 139 (18%) of structures identified as churches, no graves at all were found in structures classified as Jewish and Samaritan synagogues. So it may be safe to assume that any house of worship that contains a grave is probably a church. But as 114 out of 139 (82%) of structures identified as churches do not contain graves, this is of limited help in differenttiating churches from synagogues.

structures identified as Samaritan synagogues have two entrances in the façade. This may be a result of the small number of such structures, but may be combined with other architectural elements to give us a clearer picture of the structure of Samaritan synagogues as architecturally distinctive. Internal Features There were benches along the walls of a few religious structures. These might be either a single shelf-like bench, or stepped benches. As only stone- or brick-built benches would survive at almost all of these sites, it is possible that all of these structures had benches, but that wooden benches have not survived. The recorded benches are usually found along the walls of the aisles. If no apse is present they often stretch along the end wall opposite the façade.

The bema is a platform raised above the floor of the hall, usually by one or more steps and sometimes connected to the apse. A chancel screen sometimes surrounds the bema. Usually only one bema is present but two occur at a few sites. Exactly the same percentage of synagogues and churches has a bema: A bema is found in 12 out of 46 (26%) of structures identified as synagogues170 and in 36 out of 139 (26%) of structures identified as churches. But no structure identified as a Samaritan synagogue has a bema. Two bemas were found in only 3 out of 46 (6%) of structures identified as Jewish synagogues, but were not found in any structure identified as a church. Evidence of the replacement of one bema with two is also found in a structure identified as a synagogue. It might be possible to see the existence of two bemas as an indication that the

The benches perhaps provide the most diagnostic feature so far recognised for differentiating between the different religious structures. All four of well-reported structures identified as Samaritan synagogues contain benches and 13 out of 32 (41%) of well-reported structures identified as Jewish synagogues contain benches, but this is true of only three out of 86 (4%) of well-reported structures identified as churches. There is such a contrast between the structures identified as synagogues and those identified as churches in this respect that benches may be considered a distinctive feature of synagogue architecture.

170

Habas L. 2000 ‘The Bema and Chancel Screen in Synagogues and Their Origin’ in Levine L.I. and Weiss Z. (eds.) From Dura to Sepphoris: Studies in Jewish Art and Society in late Antiquity (JRA Supplementary Series, No. 40) Portmouth, 111-130

24

Chapter 2: Religious Structures

structure is a synagogue, but plainly bemas were another type of feature shared by both synagogues and churches.

Jewish synagogue. This shows Samaritan synagogues as structurally distinct in these respects also.

The size of religious structures

Narthexes can also be seen to be a later development at 3 out of 86 (3%) of well-reported structures identified as churches and one out of 32 of well-reported structures identified as Jewish synagogues. One out of 86 wellreported structures identified as churches and one out of 32 well-reported structures identified as Jewish synagogues had an early portico later turned into narthex.

Although one need not assume that there were any standardised sizes for religious structures, differences in size might provide patterns, which combined with other characteristics may help us to identify the religious identity of structures. One might divide the structures with known measurements in the catalogue into three orders of size: up to 10 x 10 m, 10 x 10 m to 20 x 20 m and 20 x 20 m and above. It is important to understand that the categories are analytical divisions and not in any way absolute. Buildings do not fall neatly into these categories but each structure can be fitted into the closest category to its actual size, using the external measurements of the main hall. No account is taken here of the additional structures and rooms that are a part of many religious complexes. It is also important to note that for some religious structures in the catalogue measurements were not reported, as a result the percentages reported here do not always add up to 100%.

Courtyards often provided access from the public street and were sometimes surrounded by porticos. In many cases, cisterns and water channels were also found in the courtyard and courtyards too might contain benches. Nine out of 32 (29%) of well-reported structures identified as Jewish synagogues have a courtyard, as do 27 out of 86 35% of well-reported structures identified as churches and all structures identified as Samaritan synagogues. Two courtyards are very rare, but are found in one well-reported structure identified as a churche and one identified as a Jewish synagogues. There are indications that the courtyard was a later development at three well-reported structures identified as churches and one well-reported structure identified as synagogues. A single instance of an additional courtyard added to an already existing courtyard is present in a well-reported structure identified as a Jewish synagogue.

Only 11 out of 139 (8%) of structures identified as churches and one out of 46 (2%) of those identified as Jewish synagogues are 10 x 10 m or below. 49 out of 139 (35%) of structures identified as churches, 39 out of 46 (84%) of structures identified as Jewish synagogues and all four structures classified as Samaritan synagogues, are 10 x 10 m to 20 x 20 m. 39 out of 139 (28%) of structures identified as churches and six out of 46 (13%) of structures identified as Jewish synagogues are 20 x 20 m and above. It is interesting to note that all three types of religious structures have smaller numbers of the smallest and largest size-categories. Most structures congregate in the medium size of 10 x 10 m to 20 x 20 m. Although there are more ‘small’ and ‘large’ structures identified as churches than of those identified as synagogues, these buildings comprise only 50 out of 139 (36%) of all churches. Churches and Jewish synagogues tended, therefore, to be of similar size and Samaritan synagogues were all of the most common ‘medium’ size.

Conclusion Identical architectural features repeated in every case are found only in structures identified as Samaritan synagogues. The Byzantine-period Samaritan synagogue, according to the above analysis, was a medium-sized (10 x 10 m to 20 x 20 m) hall, possibly apsed, lined with benches. It had two main entrances in its façade and a courtyard. Some Samaritan synagogues also had narthexes. The differentiation of structures identified as Jewish synagogues and churches is much harder. Both may be halls, basilicas, or rooms in secular structures, yet there were some differences. No cave or centralised structure was used as a synagogue, although these were used as churches and churches show a greater range of sizes. Burial is another defining characteristic. Any house of worship containing a grave is probably a church, but most churches did not contain graves. However, basilicas with three rows of columns are far more likely to be synagogues than churches. Many more churches had apses and triple apses are found only in churches, while synagogues appear to have had a single entrance more often than those identified as churches. Only synagogues show a different number of entrances at different stages in their structural history. Many synagogues were lined with benches and very few structures identified as churches contained benches. Although both synagogues and churches contained bemas, the existence of two bemas may be an indication that a structure was a synagogue. Thus, although very similar, there were structural characteristics that may enable us to recognise a synagogue from a church and to recognise features typical of synagogues or churches where they occur in a structure of another sort.

The Narthex and Courtyard Many religious structures were entered through a courtyard, which led to a narthex and then on into the main hall. The narthex was usually as wide as the main hall but formed a corridor along one end of the hall. In other cases, narrow porticoes or small porches were used as vestibule for the entrance into the main hall. The use of narthexes may have differed between religious groups: Two out of four of well-reported structures classified as Samaritan synagogues had a narthex, but only 22 out of 86 (26%) of similarly-reported structures classified as churches had a narthex. However, just five out of 32 (16%) of wellreported structures classified as Jewish synagogues had a narthex. Again, two out of four well-reported structures classified as Samaritan synagogues had a portico, but no porticoes were used for entry in structures classified as churches. Only two out of 32 (6%) of well-reported structures classified as Jewish synagogues had a portico, although a porch was found in one structure classified as a 25

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Having noted so many similarities between Jewish synagogues and churches it is easy to see why some religious structures could not be classified as church or Jewish synagogue. Without any of the distinguishing features that enable a clear identification these structures cannot be decisively identified. A recent example of such uncertainty over the identity of a public building can be seen in the Susita excavations. A lintel with Jewish symbols was excavated in the fifth season and thought to be part of a synagogue, but the sixth season has now led Arthur Segal to believe that the structure is actually a church. He explained that it could have served first as a synagogue and was later turned into a church. Another possibility, according to Segal, is that the synagogue may have existed in close proximity to the church and following the synagogue’s destruction the lintel was re-used in the church.171 There is no available information on the plan and structure of the building under discussion, however, other possibilities suggested by this study are that the Jewish symbols were actually an intended part of the church or that the structure is a synagogue after all. This confusion only highlights the problems facing a scholar attempting to make clear distinctions between churches and synagogues.

apparently puzzling, elements (such as the use of the zodiac in synagogues) that have captured the attention of researchers rather than non-artistic features of the mosaics or the most common designs.175 Moreover, most of this discussion has been either descriptive or overly narrow in its scope. For example, a specific article on mosaics in churches may mention that a particular decorative element is also present in a synagogue, but then go on to say that synagogue mosaics are beyond the scope of the article. This fails to understand that the many elements shared in the mosaic floors of Byzantine religious structures make it difficult to separate them into ‘Jewish’ or ‘Christian’ mosaics. This point has been acknowledged by Michael Avi-Yonah, who alone has attempted to create a corpus of all mosaic floors in Palestina.176 He suggests that as the same elements seem to be repeated, the workers who laid the mosaics in both churches and synagogues must have used a common pattern-book. Going beyond this, Avi-Yonah claims that a mosaic workshop existed in Gaza and that the same artists created eight mosaic floors in both churches and synagogues in the same area. Later scholars refuted this argument and argued that the mosaics could not have been produced by even the same generation of artists, but that perhaps a family of mosaicists was responsible for them. These scholars emphasised the hypothetical patternbook used by these artists.177 However, Avi-Yonah argued that it is, at times, difficult to distinguish synagogues from churches based on the mosaic floors, as these are so similar.178 Avi-Yonah’s conclusions, while in my opinion still valid in this respect, are based on data collected in the 1930s at latest and surprisingly little work179 has since been done to update and re-examine this remarkable similarity.

It can therefore be seen that many structures claimed by their excavators as synagogues or churches cannot, on the available evidence, be positively identified as such, because they lack any of these distinguishing features. It is very likely that architectural features alone will never provide all the evidence necessary to ascertain the religious identity of every religious structure of this date in this area. It is, therefore, necessary to examine other characteristics of these buildings in order to seek differences and similarities between the places of worship. The most popular surviving form of decoration of these buildings, mosaic floors, provides the most plentiful evidence for this.

My intention here is to provide a much-needed discussion and comparison of mosaic floors in religious structures in Palestina. This will start by exploring the various themes present in mosaic floors and then compare these elements in churches and Jewish and Samaritan synagogues. Then, it

MOSAIC PAVEMENTS172 Mosaic pavements have survived better, in most cases, than any other form of decoration. As in the case of Byzantine sites as a whole, many detailed descriptions of mosaic pavements can be found in excavation reports but, yet again, little has been done to synthesise these data. Specific groups of mosaics have been studied173, for example in Mark Merrony’s recent paper on the pagan artistic images on mosaics in churches and Bezalel Narkiss’ article on design elements present in mosaics in synagogues.174 Often, it has been the most unusual and

and Symbolic Motifs with Christian Significance from Mosaic pavements of sixth century Palestinian synagogues’ in Colby S.P. (ed.) Christian Archaeology in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 545-552 175 See for example Hachlili R. 1977 ‘The Zodiac in Ancient Jewish Art: Representation and Significance’ BASOR 228, 62-76 and ‫ברלינר ר' תשנ"ד 'גלגל המזלות והמניעים המדעיים לשילובו בבתי הכנסת העתיקים בארץ‬ 188-179 ,‫ישראל' מחקרי יהודה ושומרון דברי הכנס הרביעי‬ 176 Avi-Yonah M. 1933/1934 ‘Mosaic Pavements in Palestine (A Summary)’ QDAP II, 13-181, QDAP III, 25-73, 177 Ovadiah A. 2002 (ed.) Art and Archaeology in Israel and Neighboring Countries London; Dauphin C. 1976 ‘A New Method of Studying Early Byzantine Mosaic Pavements (Coding and a Computer Cluster Analysis with Special Reference to the Levant’ Levant VIII, 115-122; Dauphin C. 1978 ‘Byzantine Pattern Books: A Re-examination of the Problem in the Light of the “Inhabited Scroll” Art History I, 404-411 ;58-46 ,19 ‫הפסיפסים בעזה' ארץ ישראל‬-‫חכלילי ר' תשמ"ז 'לבעיית האסכולה של עושי‬

171 Siegel-Itzkovich J. 2005 ‘Ancient Riddle Eludes Archeologists’ Jerusalem Post Online Edition, 15/08 172 Dunbabin K.M. 1999 Mosaics of the Greek and Roman World Cambridge 173 For example see Ovadiah A. 2002 ‘Observations on the Mosaic art in Ancient Synagogues’ in Ovadiah A. (ed.) Art and Archaeology in Israel and Neighbouring Countries London, 481-505 174 Merrony M.W. 1998 ‘The Reconciliation of Pagan and Christianity in the Early Byzantine Mosaic Pavements of Arabia and Palestina' LA 48, 441-482; See also Narkiss B. 1987 ‘Pagan, Christian and Jewish Elements in the Art of Ancient Synagogues’ in Levine L.I. (ed.) The Synagogue in Late Antiquity Philadelphia, 183-188 and Forester G. 1990 ‘Allegorical

178

‫אבי יונה מ' תרצ"ג 'רצפות פסיפס בבתי כנסת ובכנסיות נוצריות בארץ ישראל' ידיעות א‬ 15-9 ,(‫)ב‬ 179 See: Talgam R. 2000 ‘Similarities and Differences Between Synagogue and Church Mosaics in Palestine During the Byzantine and Umayyad Periods’ in Levine L.I. and Weiss Z. (eds.) From Dura to Shepphoris Portsmouth, 93-110; Merrony M.W. 2002 Socio-economic aspects of the Byzantine mosaic pavements of Phoenica and Northern Palestine unpublished D. Phil. dissertation Somerville College Oxford

26

Chapter 2: Religious Structures

Figure 7: Geometric mosaic from the Synagogue at Hammat Tiberias

will be useful to examine the languages used in these inscriptions and – finally – investigate the fascinating (yet surprisingly elusive) phenomena of iconoclasm, the deliberate damaging of artistic images.

patterns are found in both Jewish and Samaritan synagogues and Christian churches. As Jews, Christians and Samaritans all accepted abstract geometrical patterns on religious grounds, they can be easily adapted to any given floor area and can be simply repeated to fill large spaces. These patterns can, of course, be as simple or as complicated as worshippers, patrons or artists wish them to be. The pattern can be as simple as rhomboids with buds in the centre (as at Mamphsis East Church). Or it can be complex circles, rectangles and squares intersecting and forming other shapes with medallions, which contain either depictions of objects, plant motifs or animal motifs (as at the Church of the Nativity, Bethlehem).

In order to undertake a discussion of this material it is necessary neither to lose sight of the overall picture nor the parts comprising it. Here, therefore, elements in the mosaic floors are separated into geometrical, plant and animal motifs, depictions of objects, portraits and stories, the zodiac and religious symbols. The extent of each of the geometrical, plant and animal motifs in every mosaic floor is classified as: ‘dominating’ (meaning that it is the largest motif on the floor), ‘smaller elements’ and ‘medallions’ (meaning panels ‘inset’ into larger designs). Portraits of people and stories were divided into mythological stories, Biblical stories and portraits. Clearly religious symbols have been divided into specifically Christian and Jewish symbols, although the possibility that some of the other motifs may have held religious symbolism should not be overlooked. A comparison of the frequency of each form of a specific motif (for example the frequency of plant motifs creating medallions) in the different religious structures was possible as a result of this simple classification. This analysis is based on a database of the mosaic floors of 51 churches, 21 synagogues and four Samaritan synagogues in the catalogue.

Plain geometrical ‘carpets’ dominating mosaic floors are found in 30 out of 51 churches (58%), nine out of 21 Jewish synagogues (42%) and two out four Samaritan synagogues (50%). Geometrical carpets forming medallions are rarer, but again are more frequent in churches: Nine out of 51 (17%) Only one such floor was found in a synagogue (4%) and in two out of four of Samaritan synagogues (50%). Small geometrical elements combining various other motifs were found in four out of 51 churches (7%), but are more popular in Jewish synagogues and were found in nine out of 21 (42%) synagogues. No such small elements were found in any Samaritan synagogue.

Geometrical Motifs180

Plant Motifs181

Geometrical motifs were very popular in religious structures. Geometrical designs could, of course, carry religious symbolism – such as crosses formed from intersecting circles, a common Early Byzantine motif. However, most geometrical designs found on mosaics in Palestina seem to lack such symbolism. Geometrical

Plant motifs are slightly less popular than geometrical motifs, but can also be found in almost identical forms in churches, Jewish synagogues and Samaritan synagogues. An especially favoured motif was that of vine branches complete with leaves and bunches of grapes (sometimes

180

181

All data in the following section are derived from the catalogue.

27

Data in the following section is derived from the catalogue.

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Figure 8: Plant motif from the Heptapegon mosaic

even with tendrils) usually forming medallions. The vine and its fruit are, of course, highly symbolic to Christians given the many Biblical mentions of the vine and its fruit, but are included under this heading as they are also plants.

three types of religious structures are striking. Wild, as well as domesticated, animals do appear in many floors and hunt scenes are often depicted. Birds are even more popular and many types are depicted in the mosaics, including a bird in a cage. Again, some – but not all – of these depictions might have held a religious symbolism in addition to their obvious representational meaning, but are considered separately here because of the possibility that some at least are purely representational.

Also popular were acanthus leaves, sometimes forming medallions. Plants, leaves, flowers and baskets of fruit, fill the compartments of medallions, geometrical networks and generally fill space. Three types of flowers are worthy of particular note: the lotus border, flowers with a cross in the centre and flower buds.

As with plant motifs, small animal elements in an elaborate mosaic floor are most common. These occur in 13 out of 51 (25%) churches, 13 out of 21 (61%) Jewish synagogues, but not in Samaritan synagogues. Only slightly less popular are animals in medallions, occurring in 14 out of 51 (27%) churches and five out of 21 (23%) synagogues, again animals in medallions do not occur in Samaritan synagogue mosaics. Completing the similarity between the use of plant and animal motifs in church and synagogue mosaics are two occurrences where animal motifs dominate the mosaics. Both of these occur in churches.

The most popular use of plant motifs was as a small element complementing the rest of the design. Small plant elements can be found in 23 out of 51 (45%) church mosaics. In nine out of 21 (42%) Jewish synagogues and in two out of four (50%) of Samaritan synagogues. Plant motifs forming medallions were also popular. 11 out of 51 (21%) churches contain plants forming medallions and three out of 21 (14%) of synagogues as well as one out of four (25%) of Samaritan synagogues. Only in one case do plant motifs dominate the floor and this occurs (perhaps unsurprisingly) in a church.

Objects183

Animals and birds in mosaics appear to have been a problematical subject in the mosaic floors of religious structures. Often depictions of animals have to be reconstructed from the remains left by iconoclasts; nevertheless, they appear to have been popular subjects among other parts of the Byzantine population of Palestina. Again, the similarities between the different motifs in the

Objects are the least popular motifs. The most common is the amphora. This might also have had a symbolism to Christians, because of the use of wine in the Communion service and the story of the miracle of Cana. Often it is used as the source of the vines that form medallions, perhaps reinforcing a possible religious meaning, but can also be found in other parts of the mosaic composition. Other objects include cups, jugs, bowls, birdcages and baskets. The objects may be found randomly in the composition, but are also often placed in medallions.

182

183

Animal Motifs182

Data in the following section are derived from the catalogue.

28

Data in the following section is derived from the catalogue.

Chapter 2: Religious Structures

Figure 9: Lion in the Hammat Tiberias Synagogue mosaic

Figure 10: Baskets in the Kursi church mosaic

Depictions of amphorae are mostly found in the mosaic floors of churches, perhaps because of this possible religious association. The design is found on the floors of 11 out of 51 (21%) churches, but only in two out of 21 (9.5%) synagogue mosaics. None were found in Samaritan synagogues. This might be assumed to be because of the religious symbolism of the amphora, but the distribution of the other objects is similarly divided: Seven out of 51 (13%) churches, two out of 21 (9.5%) synagogues and only one out of four (25%) in the mosaics of Samaritan synagogues.

of Sirens (obviously, a mythological theme also) at Beth Leonitis, a piper at Nahariya and of the Sacrifice of Isaac (also a Biblical theme) at Sepphoris. Mythological depictions were equally popular, or perhaps it is better put, equally rare in both synagogues and churches. Two mythological scenes appear in a synagogue and mythological figures can be found on the floor of a church. This is presumably because such images still held enough of their past pagan associations to be deemed unsuitable for most Jewish or Christian religious contexts. But when we come to Biblical depictions, unlike any of the previous motifs a clear division along religious lines can be seen. Biblical scenes are found in six out of 21 (28%) Jewish synagogues.185 No Biblical scenes were found in

Portraits and Stories184 These can be divided into three types: Mythological stories, Biblical stories and portraits. The depiction of human or other figures is rare, although there is a depiction 184

185 See Weiss Z. 2004 ‘Biblical Stories in Early Jewish Art: JewishChristian Polemic or Intercommunal Dialogue’ in Levine L.I. (ed.) Continuity and Change: Jews and Judaism in Byzantine-Christian Palestine Jerusalem, 245-270

Data in the following section is derived from the catalogue.

29

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Figure 11: Portrait from the Hammat Tiberias Synagogue mosaic

either churches or Samaritan synagogues. Counting Biblical scenes, portraits and stories overall, seven out of 21 (33%) Jewish synagogues contain human figures and five out of 51 (9%) churches. No human figures were found in the mosaic floors of Samaritan synagogues. Thus, depicting both Biblical and human images was more acceptable to those who laid the floors in these synagogues than to most of those decorating churches.

Jewish synagogues would be eight out of 21 (38%) and two out of 51 (3%) for churches. Religious Symbols The clearest religious symbols on the floors may be divided into crosses and the Jewish symbols of the menorah, ark of the law, shofar, lolav, ethrog and incense shovel. Not surprisingly, crosses appear only in churches but they also occur only in a small number of churches. Just six out of 51 (11%) mosaics in churches contain crosses. The Jewish symbols are less straightforward and more numerous. 13 out of 21 (61%) Jewish synagogues have Jewish symbols on their mosaic floors. However, three out of four (75%) Samaritan synagogues have mosaic floors that feature Jewish symbo

The Zodiac186 The zodiac was also a popular motif. Usually Helios (the sun) is depicted in the centre, surrounded by the twelve star signs around with the four seasons in the corners. The zodiac, of course, held no religious symbolism for Jews or Christians, but Helios was occasionally used in Late Antiquity as a symbol of Christ.

Discussion of thematic motifs and patterns However, this possible Christian symbolism seems unlikely in the case of Palestina as the zodiac appears in seven out of 21 (33%) synagogues but in only one out of 51 churches and does not appear in any Samaritan synagogue. Clearly, the zodiac was more popular in synagogues, yet the presence of a zodiac in even one church is significant. Additionally, if the zodiac was added to the mythological category above, then the figures for

From this it is clear that geometric motifs occur frequently in churches (small motifs 7%, forming medallions 17% and dominating 58%); in Jewish synagogues (small motifs 42%, forming medallions 4% and dominating 42%); and in Samaritan synagogues (no small motifs, forming medallions 50% and dominating 50%). Apart from the one anomaly that small geometrical elements are not present in Samaritan synagogues, which could be explained by the very small sample of Samaritan synagogues, the frequency of each of the patterns in each of the religious structures is similar. This may suggest either that they carried no additional religious meaning or that this meaning was acceptable to all of the groups concerned.

186 Data in the following section is derived from the catalogue. For analysis of the zodiac see: Hachili R. 1978 ‘The Zodiac in Synagogue Mosaic Pavements in Israel’ Ariel 47, 58-70; Hachili R. 2002 ‘The Zodiac in Ancient Jewish Synagogal Art: A Review’ Jewish Studies Quarterly 9.3, 219-258; Avi-Yonah M. 1981 ‘Le symbolisme du zodiac dans l'art Judéo-Byzantin’ in Avi-Yonah M. (ed.) Art in Ancient Palestine; Selected Studies Jerusalem, 396-97; Wilkinson J. 1978 ‘The Beit Alpha Synagogue Mosaic: Towards an Interpretation’ Journal of Jewish Art 5, 16-28; Wischnitzer R. 1955 ‘The Beth Alpha Mosaic. A New Interpretation.’ Jewish Social Studies 17, 133-144

The use of plant motifs exhibits a similar trend. Plant motifs are popular in churches (small motifs 45%, forming 30

Chapter 2: Religious Structures

Figure 12: Zodiac from the Hammat Tiberias synagogue mosaic

Figure 13: Jewish Religious Smbols in the mosaic floor at Hammat Tiberias synagogue 31

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

medallions 21% and dominating – only one example). The trend appears to repeat itself in Jewish synagogues (small motifs 42%, forming medallions 14%) and in Samaritan synagogues (small motifs 50%, forming medallions 25%). Again, we see a clear similarity in the patterns in the three religious structures, despite one pattern that appears only once in a church. Again, the motifs presumably carried no specific religious meaning or one that was acceptable to all of these religious groups.

‘Jewish’ symbols present in both Jewish and Samaritan synagogues are the Menorah, the shofar and the incense shovel. There are also religious symbols that appear in Jewish synagogues but do not appear in Samaritan synagogues: the lulav (palm branch) and ethrog (citrus fruit) are missing. Another interesting phenomenon is the empty bird cages depicted in Samaritan synagogues, compared to the birds in birdcages to be found in Jewish synagogues188. This can be easily explained by the stricter Samaritan interpretation of the ban of living figures in art. Despite these distinguishing features, it can be seen that the differences are slight and if it were not for the language of inscriptions and the orientation of the buildings one could easily be mistaken for the other.

Animal motifs appear to be less frequently used but occur more frequently in churches (small motifs 25%, in medallions 27%, dominating in two churches) than elsewhere. The animal motifs are also present in Jewish synagogues, although are found less frequently (small motifs 13%, medallions 23%). They are not found at all in Samaritan synagogues.

This appears to be a feature of all religious structures. As already mentioned, motifs used in the religious structures in Byzantine Palestina are repeated so often that AviYonah concluded that the mosaicists worked from similar pattern-books throughout the region and that these were used to decorate buildings belonging to all three religious groups.189 The analysis so far appears to confirm AviYonah’s conclusions and pattern-books may well explain these similarities.

Depictions of objects are most popular in Samaritan synagogues (25%), less popular in the mosaic floors of churches (amphorae 21%, other objects 9%) then of Jewish synagogues (amphorae 13%, other objects 9%). It appears that while churches, Samaritan synagogues and Jewish synagogues all used geometrical and plant motifs extensively in their mosaic floors, animal motifs and depictions of objects were used more in churches than in Jewish synagogues and not at all in Samaritan synagogues. They may be seen as replaced, in part, with portraits and depictions of Biblical stories in Jewish synagogues (33%). Samaritan synagogues show a complete lack of human figures.

Although it can be seen that specific patterns in relation to the use of mosaic art do emerge to distinguish the different religious structures, it can clearly be seen that these patterns are very subtle. They will probably not allow us to identify the religious identity of most structures by their mosaic decoration alone.

A similar picture can be recognised in terms of the depiction of the zodiac. These are largely found in synagogues (38%), but to a much lesser extent in churches (3%) and are absent from Samaritan synagogues. As we have seen geometrical and plant motifs are far more popular than crosses (11%) in churches, yet 61% of synagogue mosaics contain Jewish religious symbols, which might explain the lower frequency of other motifs in these mosaics. Many (75%) of the few Samaritan synagogue mosaics contain ‘Jewish’ symbols, which replace the total lack of animal, objects, human figures and depictions of the zodiac.

Inscriptions Many inscriptions have been found on the mosaic floors of Byzantine religious structures. Recorded inscriptions are in three main languages: Greek, Aramaic and Samaritan. Greek is found in churches, synagogues and Samaritan Synagogues, for example in the church at Magen, the Hammat Gader synagogue and the Tell Qasil Samaritan synagogue. Aramaic inscriptions are found in synagogues, for example in the synagogue in Hammat Gader and Samaritan inscriptions are found in both Jewish and Samaritan synagogues, for example in the Beth Shean Jewish synagogue and in the Shla’avim Samaritan synagogue. One Armenian inscription was found in a Christian chapel north of Jerusalem. It appears that all three religious communities shared the Greek language but that Jews and Samaritans also used other languages for religious inscriptions. The fact that Samaritan inscription appears in the Jewish synagogue may indicate a close relationship between the two communities, at least at this specific locality.

This highlights the problem of the mosaics in Samaritan synagogues and their apparent lack of distinguishing features from those in Jewish synagogues. While Samaritan mosaics lack many motifs, they share with Jewish synagogues and churches the same use of geometrical designs and plant motifs. Reinhard Pummer, in his article on the similarities between Jewish and Samaritan synagogues, claims that this is unsurprising, as the same mosaicists probably worked on both Jewish and Samaritan synagogues. He argues that the same image, a structure with columns, represents the Torah shrine or the façade of the Jerusalem Temple in Jewish synagogues, while in Samaritan synagogues it represents the Ark of the Covenant or a Samaritan Torah shrine. 187 Other

Linguistic, cultural and ethnic affinities create social groups.190 That Greek was shared by all these communities in Byzantine Palestina is possibly indicative of the ease of communication between them and could hint at the 188

Ibid Avi-Yonah M. 1934 ‘Mosaic Pavements in Palestine (A Summary)’ QDAP III, 60-73 190 Kegly C.W. and Wittkopf E.R. 1999 World Politics New York

187

Pummer R. 1998 ‘How to tell a Samaritan Synagogue from a Jewish synagogue’ BAR 24, 24-35; See also: Pummer R. 1999 ‘Samaritan Synagogues and Jewish Synagogues: Similarities and Differences’ in Fine S. (ed.) Jews, Christians and Polytheists in the Ancient Synagogue, 118-160

189

32

Chapter 2: Religious Structures

possibly of a closer inter-communal relationship than might otherwise be apparent.

Iconoclasm appears in 21% of synagogues where human figures have been recognised and in 25% of churches with human figures. Iconoclast behaviour appears in three different forms. The first is where the offending motifs are removed leaving holes in the mosaic – as in the synagogues at Na’aran and Meroth and the churches at Kursi and Shokko. In Meroth, the unique act of removing the human figure’s eyes is found. The second is where images are removed and replaced with apparently more ‘acceptable’ motifs. For example, in the synagogue at Susiya, the zodiac wheel was replaced with geometrical motifs and in the church at Shilo human figures were changed to plant motif or geometrical designs. In the churches at Mehin and Asida, depictions of animals were changed to plant motifs. A third and final form of iconoclasm is where the motifs are removed and replaced with random tesserae or cement, as in the Ein-Duk synagogue and the churches of Beth Loya and Hanniya.

These inscriptions also show that it is usually impossible to distinguish between Jewish, Samaritan and Christian worshippers using the names in the inscriptions. Semitic names appear in churches (for example, the name Zachariah on a dedication inscription in the church in Shilo) as well as in Jewish synagogues, such as Hanninna in the Beth Shean synagogue. Greek and Latin names also appear in both churches, for example at the church at Magen and synagogues, as at Beth Shean. A Latin name also appears in a Samaritan synagogue, where a ‘Marianos’ (a Hellenised form of ‘Marianus’) is mentioned in an inscription on the mosaic floor at el-Khirbe.191 The use of language by the three communities can be explained in two ways. The first is that these three groups were, as suggested above, culturally similar to one another in many respects. Another (although not opposing) pos-sible explanation is that Jews, Samaritans and Christians may have also interacted with each other to a greater extent than written sources imply. It is possible that dedication inscriptions mentioning Semitic names in churches do not indicate that these Christians have Semitic origins, but that these Jews were involved with the Christian community for reasons of trade, politics, protection, personal or family friendships or local connections – for example as inhabitants of the same area or even village. This may have been the case in the Latin and Greek names in Jewish synagogues and the Samaritan synagogue.

It is revealing that, once again, the statistics relating to iconoclast activity found in synagogues and churches are similar. 21% of synagogues and 25% of churches show evidence of iconoclasm. It is (perhaps surprisingly) true that slightly less iconoclast activity took place in synagogues than in churches. A great deal of literature has been written on Iconoclasm, as an imperially-sponsored Byzantine religious and political movement of the eighth and early ninth centuries194 and on iconoclasm in Byzantine Palestina in particular. In relation to these buildings all iconoclasm need show is a dislike of devotional images. It appears that while there are a great many opinions regarding this iconoclasm and its sources195, no discussion at all to date has yet taken into account the fact that similar iconoclast acts took place in both churches and synagogues with about the same frequency. Further, no study has previously examined the proportion of mosaics that suffered iconoclast damage out of the many mosaics that did not and considered the implications of this difference. At 21% of synagogues and 25% of churches, it is only a minority of religious structures that suffered any iconoclast damage.

Support for this explanation may be found in a ten-line Aramaic inscription from the synagogue at Hammat Gader. This mentions the five Greek names, Hoplis, Proton, Salostis, Proros and Potis and a Semitic name: Haninna. But the title comes in the inscription is followed by one of the Greek names.192 Sukenik argues that the use of this title in the dedicatory inscription indicates that the synagogue was built no later than the first half of the fifth-century, as according to the Theodosian Code, Jews were no longer allowed to have senior positions in the Byzantine administration after AD 438 and to carry titles such as comes193. However, a simpler explanation may be that the comes Proros was a Christian official who wished to make a contribution to the Jewish synagogue for personal, religious, business or political reasons.

It might be hoped that dating would provide one of the most important tools in searching for the motivations behind this action. Unfortunately, as Chapter 4 will demonstrate, dating in Israeli archaeology leaves a lot to be desired. Few, if any, of these instances of iconoclasm may be certainly dated to any single century. However, in discussing the churches in Beth Loya196, Ein Hanniya197,

Iconoclasm

194 See Gero S. 1977 ‘Byzantine Iconoclasm and the Failure of a Medieval Reformation’ in Gutmann J. (ed.) The Image and the Word Missoula, 4962 and Crone P. 1980 ‘Islam, Judeo-Christianity and Byzantine Iconoclasm’ Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam II, 59-95 for opposing views on iconoclasm in the Byzantine Empire. 195 Opinions on who perpetrated iconoclast damage in synagogues and churches are many and varied see: Fine S. 2000 ‘Iconoclasm and the art of late-antique Palestinian synagogues’ in Hemingway C.C. Humpreys T.H. and Davis H. (eds.) From Dura to Sepphoris Portsmouth, 183-194 and Schick R. 1998 ‘Christian Life in Palestine During the Early Islamic Period’ BA, 51 no 4, 218-221 and 239-240

In order to discuss iconoclasm it is helpful to consider both Jewish synagogues and churches. No iconoclastic activity is found at Samaritan synagogue mosaics, as they do not include human figures or animal motifs, so there was nothing for iconoclasts to destroy! 191 Avi-Yonah M. 1934 ‘Mosaic Pavements in Palestine (A Summery)’ QDAP III, 60-73 192

,‫ הכתובות הארמיות והעבריות מבתי הכנסת העתיקים ת"א‬,‫נווה י' תשל"ח על פסיפס ואבן‬ 55-54

196

"‫פטריך י' תשמ"ה "כנסיה ומתקנים חקלאים מן התקופה הביזאנטית בחורבת בית לויה‬ 112-106 ,(72-71) ‫קדמוניות י"ח‬ 197 Ibid

193

59, ‫סוקניק א"ל 'ללא כותרת' תרצ"ה קובץ ג‬

33

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Asida198, Mehin199 and Shokko200, the excavators used iconoclast damage itself as an indication of the date of the church, based on the view that the edict of Caliph Yazid II in 721 banning images accounts for all such instances of iconoclasm. But it is a mere assumption that this decree affected the buildings discussed here. One of the few cases where such activity might be more closely dated is at Meroth. There is some indication there that the mutilation of the eyes of the figure and then the covering of the mosaic with a flagstone floor, took place in the end of the fifth- or beginning of the sixth-century. This may cast doubt both on the assertion that iconoclasm only took place in the eighth-century and on the identity of the iconoclasts. In the case of Meroth and possibly in many less well-dated cases, there is no reason to exclude the possibility that a Jewish community did the mutilation itself.

the Jewish and Christian communities were on amicable terms, in this case possibly even engaging in a shared theological decision. Thus, the use of mosaics was similar in both churches and synagogues. The evidence of language and personal names may imply that a member of a one religious community may have contributed to the building and decoration of a religious structure of another community. Iconoclasm may have affected both churches and Jewish synagogues in the same way and in the same locations, perhaps as an outcome of shared theological attitudes. This examination of mosaic pavements lends more credibility, then, to the concept of a closer relationship between the three main religious communities in Byzantine Palestina than has generally been supposed. It is especially interesting that there are both unconscious similarities, (such as the similar patterns on floors) and conscious similarities (notably iconoclasm) between these two communities.

However, only a minority of mosaic floors were left after iconoclast activity with gaping holes where animals and human figures used to be. At the majority, destroyed images were replaced with geometrical or plant motifs, tesserae, or mortar. This clearly indicates a continued use of the religious structures, as also seen at Meroth.

COMPARISON TO RELIGIOUS STRUCTURES IN OTHER PARTS OF THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE It has been shown that there are strong similarities between Christian churches and Jewish synagogues in Palestina. These similarities are found in both their architecture and mosaic floors. This raises several interesting questions about the development of religious architecture. To what extent were Byzantine churches and synagogues like this elsewhere? If the other parts of the Byzantine Empire had churches like this, were synagogues in Palestina copying church designs, or were the churches in other parts of the Byzantine Empire all (as one might assume) in part deriving their design from earlier Jewish religious buildings? Or did churches and synagogues 'co-evolve', so that one building type strongly affected the other after the third-century? To attempt to answer these questions it is useful to discuss in brief some churches and synagogues in other parts of the Byzantine Empire.

This raises the question of why only these synagogues and churches suffered iconoclast damage. If the reason was centralised policy, then why were no more than a minority of buildings affected? There were, after all, many floors in churches and synagogues featuring human and animal figures. The answer may lie in the location of the religious structures. The majority of the mutilated floors appear to be located in Judea and around Jerusalem (Beth Loya, Ein Hanniya, Asida, Shokko, Shilo, Na’aran, Ein Duk and Susiya). Two are in the Galilee (Meroth and Kursi) and one is in modern Jordan (Mehin). That is, seven out of the 11 religious structures with mosaic floors that suffered iconoclast damage are found in the same area. It is unlikely that this is coincidence. That this group includes five churches and two synagogues suggests the possibility that at least some of this iconoclasm was a local phenomenon shared among Jews and Christians. If this was a product of Yazid II’s ban, then his rule cannot have been effective across his territory. It seems more plausible that this phenomenon was a local movement and that the communities using the religious structures were responsible for the iconoclasm. Furthermore, there is no reason why this iconoclastic episode must later than the Byzantine period.

In architectural terms, synagogues in all parts of the Byzantine Empire appear to be similar and in particular, show few differences from the synagogues in Palestina. The general plan of Byzantine synagogues is that of a rectangular central hall. For example, in the synagogues in Priene (Plan 5) and Sardis (Plan 7), columns or piers divide the hall into a nave and two aisles. Basilican synagogues are found in Aegina (Plan 1), Elche (Plan 2) and Sardis (Plan 7). This appears to reflect the plans of Byzantine synagogues in Palestina faithfully. Dwelling houses refurbished as synagogues were also found in Priene (Plan 5) and Stobi (Plan 3). This was seemingly not an accepted practice in Palestina, where only Christians apparently used homes for worship, although a single room in a house was used as a synagogue and we may underestimate the extent that others existed.201

This suggests that a dislike of depicting human and animal figures in places of worship may have been shared among Jews and Christians in Judea and the Galilee. If so, this suggests a common religious movement among Jews and Christians based on a shared theological view and is the first time that such a movement has been identified using archaeological evidence alone. This further suggests that 198

Baramki C. and Avi-Yonah M. 1933/1934 ‘An Early Christian Church at Khirbat ‘Asida’ QDAP 3, 17-19 199 de Vaux R. 1958 ‘Chronique, Une Mosaïque Byzantine À Main (Transjordanie)’ RB 47, 227-258

Apses, niches and aediculae are found in most Byzantine synagogues. Indeed apses – and occasionally niches – are

200

201 Hachlili R. 1998 Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Diaspora Boston

16*-23* ,28 ‫גודוביץ ש' תשנ"ו 'מבנה ביזאנטי לרגלי חורבת שכה' עתיקות‬

34

Chapter 2: Religious Structures

Plan 2: Elche synagogue after Hachlili R. 1998 Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Diaspora Boston, 46

Plan 1: Aegina synagogue after Hachlili R. 1998 Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Diaspora Boston, 31

Plan 4: Philippopolis synagogue after Hachlili R. 1998 Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Diaspora Boston, 56

Plan 3: Stobi synagogue after Hachlili R. 1998 Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Diaspora Boston, 66 35

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Plan 6: Bova Marina synagogue after Hachlili R. 1998 Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Diaspora Boston, 35

Plan 5: Priene synagogue after Hachlili R. 1998 Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Diaspora Boston, 57

Plan 7: Fourth stage of the Sardis synagogue after Hachlili R. 1998 Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Diaspora Boston, 60

Plan 8: Apamea atrium church and synagogue after Hachlili R. 1998 Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Diaspora Boston, 33

also found in Palestina, yet aediculae were not found. Aediculae appear to be a common (although not universal) feature of Byzantine synagogues outside Palestina, although apses were also widely used. The form of apse in these structures is a single semi-circle. Rectangular apses are less common than in Palestina and no example of a triple apse is known, whereas in Palestina several synagogues had triple apses. Another form that is not found outside Palestina is that of the apse flanked by two rooms. The common feature of benches along the walls also appears outside Palestina, as in the synagogues at

Priene (Plan 5) and Stobi (Plan 3). In the synagogue at Sardis (Plan 7), benches were built into the apse rather than the walls, as in churches in Palestina rather than in synagogues. Bemas and chancel screens are widely found in Byzantine synagogues elsewhere in the empire.202 Both synagogues in the rest of the empire and synagogues in Palestina utilized single and triple entrances, as at Aegina (Plan 1), Hammam-Lif (Plan 10), Ostia (Plan 9) 202

36

Ibid

Chapter 2: Religious Structures

Plan 9: Later Ostia synagogue after Hachlili R. 1998 Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Diaspora Boston, 60

Plan 10: Hammam-Lif synagogue after Hachlili R. 1998 Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Diaspora Boston, 47

Plan 11: Northern Church at Faras after Mileham G.S. 1910 Churches in Lower Nubia Philadelphia, Plate 14

Plan 12: Hagia Eirene, Constantinople after Hamilton J.A. 1933 Byzantine Architecture and decoration London, 36

and Sardis (Plan 7). However, the synagogues in Elche (Plan 2) and Priene (Plan 5) had single entrances. A courtyard in front of the synagogue (common in Palestina) was found in Sardis (Plan 7) and an inner courtyard was found in Hammam-Lif (Plan 10). However, inner courtyards were not used in synagogues in Palestina.203

A similar picture emerges in relation to churches. The basilica was the standard type of church, as well as the standard type of synagogue, throughout the Byzantine Empire in the fifth and sixth centuries. For example, in Syria, ecclesiastical basilicas made their appearance in the fourth-century, as at Banqusa and the standard form of Syrian basilican church was established then. The Syrian basilica was an east-west rectangle, twice as long as it was

203

Ibid

37

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

wide and divided into two aisles and a nave by columns supporting arches. Windows were located above the arches and the east end of the nave terminated in a semi-circular apse covered by a vault, usually flanked by two small rooms. Entry was through two doors in the façade, framed by porticoes or porches. From the second half of the fourth-century, an additional door was added in the western wall. From the late fourth-century, additional features, such as a bema, were added, as well as a semicircular elevated chancel. Often a stone basin was located at the entrance. Only two churches had a gallery, those of Deir-Solaib and al-Bara. 204 As in Palestina, other ground plans were used for Syrian churches, for example the impressive centralised cruciform church at the famous monastery of Qala't Siman in northern Syria.205

on the problem. Nubian churches were also basilicas with a nave and two aisles separated by piers and arches. As in Syria (and often in Palestina) the end of the nave was marked with an apse flanked by two rooms. In Nubia, this apse was separated from the body of the church by a wall with an arched opening or an arch on columns. Entrance was into the north and south aisles from the north and south walls. There were usually galleries, access to which was through a staircase often located at the west end of the south aisle in an enclosed room with another room built opposite it.206 Again, we see the basilican church with all its usual features in Nubia, although there are also distinctive features. Once again, we see standardized church architecture. This shows an almost complete lack of any external influences either from other Christians or any other religious group, presumably reflecting the relative isolation of Nubia in relation to the Christian communities of the Mediterranean.

Syrian Byzantine churches appear to have more uniform features than those in Palestina. The number of entrances and aisles seem to be more constant, the means of dividing the basilica is the same and the form of the apse also appears to be uniform. This shows a different picture from the more varied and changeable architecture of churches in Palestina. But internal features appear to be similar: The presence of a bema, chancel screen, reliquaries and font echo the internal features of churches in Palestina.

In the western part of the Byzantine Mediterranean, churches show more variety. For example, the five aisled basilica at Palaiopolis on Corfu has a projecting transept, a semi-circular apse and two narthexes.207 This type of basilica and some of its features, such as the two narthexes and the transept can be found in Palestina. More similarities and variety are found in northern Greece and the Balkans. For example, at Philippi (Plan 13), on Thassos (Plan 18), at Stobi (Plan 17) and Dion standard three-aisled basilicas are found. These have galleries, staircases, single narthexes and semi-circular apses. The basilicas at Philippi and Stobi have atria. The basilica at Thassos had a crypt and a tomb in the nave. Two more unusual churches were found at Thessaloniki: A rotunda church (Plan 15) and a five-aisled basilica. The five-aisled basilica had a crypt and a chancel screen and the rotunda had an apse and ambulatory.208 Converting a Roman mausoleum into a church created the rotunda and a similar conversion is also found in Palestina, for example, at Tiberias – where a Roman basilica became a church.209 These churches show similar variety in plan and architectural features to those found in Palestina and this is, perhaps, what one would expect from a large and cosmopolitan city.

We know less of the role of mosaics or wall-paintings in Syrian churches than in Palestina, because so few Syrian churches have been excavated. Only one Syrian church has definite evidence of a (perhaps seventh-century) wallpainting, at Mar Mousa. However, to work from our scanty evidence, human and animal designs were shown on both painting and mosaic, indicating at least some degree of tolerance for these images. This difference between Palestina and Syria is puzzling, although its extent is unclear, because so few Syrian sites have been examined in way that would show whether or not they had any internal decoration of these sorts. One would have thought that the proximity between Syria and Palestina would lead to more similarities than differences in regard to church design and decoration. Perhaps the fact that churches in Palestina show more diversity of design than Syrian churches was the result of an amicable relationship with and exchange of ideas with, other religious communities in Palestina. The consequences of pilgrimage cannot be the whole explanation, because Syria too (especially Qala’t Siman) was a focus for long-distance pilgrimage, albeit to a somewhat lesser extent than, say, Jerusalem. So the explanation may lie in the more rigid and ‘culturally enclosed’ Christian community in Syria, where there were no large non-Christian communities between c. 450 and c.600.

Finally, it is worth mentioning briefly the diversity of church plans found in the Byzantine capital, Constantinople (modern Istanbul). Churches in the city included domed centralised churches as at Sts Sergius and Bacchus (Plan 16), an irregular rectangle with an east-west apse and a narthex. Most famously, of course, the Hagia Sophia210 also follows a monumental version of a domed 206

Mileham G.S. 1910 Churches in Lower Nubia Philadelphia, 11-13 Vocotopoulos P.L. 1994 Byzantine and Post Byzantine Art in Corfu Corfu, 28 208 Hoddinott R.F. 1963 Early Byzantine Churches in Macedonia and Southern Serbia London 209 See: Mango C. 1985 Byzantine Architecture New York; Rodley L. 1996 Byzantine Art and Architecture Cambridge; Krautheimer R. 1989 Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture London 210 Van Nice R.L. 1967 and 1986 Saint Sophia in Istanbul: An Architectural Survey (2 vols.) Washington DC; Mainstone R.J. 1988 Hagia Sophia. Architecture, Structure and Liturgy of Justinian’s Great Church London

Staying in the East, although outside the Empire, an examination of Nubian churches may also shed some light

207

204 Foss C. 1997 ‘Syria in Transition, A.D. 550-750: An Archaeological Approach, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 51, 189-269; Foss C. 1995 ‘The Near Eastern Countryside in Late Antiquity: A Review Article’ in J. Humphrey (ed.) The Roman and Byzantine Near East: Some Recent Archaeological Research Ann Arbor, 213-34; Canivet P. and Rey-Coquais J.P. (eds.) 1992 La Syrie de Byzance à l’Islam, VIIe-VIIIe siècles Damascus; Pena I. 1997 The Christian Art of Byzantine Syria Reading 205 Mango C. 1978 Byzantine Architecture New York

38

Chapter 2: Religious Structures

Plan 13: First and second phase of the extramural basilica at Phillipi after Hoddinott R.F. 1963 Early Byzantine Churches in Macedonia and Southern Serbia London, Fig. 44 Plan 14: St. Demetrius at Thessalonika after Hoddinott R.F. 1963 Early Byzantine Churches in Macedonia and Southern Serbia London, Fig. 61

Plan 15: Rotunda at Thessalonika after Hoddinott R.F. 1963 Early Byzantine Churches in Macedonia and Southern Serbia London, Fig. 46

Plan 16: SS. Sergius and Bacchus, Constantinople after Hamilton J.A. 1933 Byzantine Architecture and decoration London, 34

centralized plan, but other major churches included the domed basilica of Hagia Eirene211 (Plan 12) with aisles separated by arches. However, many churches in Constantinople were basilicas, as at St. John Studius or St. Mary Chalcoprateia, the two earliest standing churches in the city. Again, the diversity of plans in Constantinople may reflect its cosmopolitan character and, of course, in this case its role as the Empire’s capital and leading cultural centre. However, it is worth noting that few fifthand sixth-century churches are known from Constantinople

apart from major imperially-sponsored structures, so the sample available for study may be biased in favour of the most innovative buildings in the city.212 This brief survey shows that overall, no major differences can be found in the plans and architectural elements of churches and synagogues in the rest of the Empire and those found in Palestina. The use of a single apse or niche 212

Mathews T. 1976 The Byzantine Churches of Istanbul: A Photographic Survey University Park and London; Mathews T. 1971 The Early Churches of Constantinople: Architecture and Liturgy University Park and London

211 Peschlow U. (with Kuniholm P.I. and Striker C.L.) 1977 Die Irenenkirche In Istanbul. Untersuchungen Zur Architektur Tübingen

39

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Plan 18: Thassos basilica church after Hoddinott R.F. 1963 Early Byzantine Churches in Macedonia and Southern Serbia London, Fig. 45 Plan 17: Stobi basilica church after Hoddinott R.F. 1963 Early Byzantine Churches in Macedonia and Southern Serbia London, Fig. 73

Plan 20: Reconstruction of the church at ash-Sheik Sleiman after Pena I. 1997 The Christian Art of Byzantine Syria Reading, 81 Plan 19: Dar Qita basilica church after Pena I. 1997 The Christian Art of Byzantine Syria Spain, 87

pavements in synagogues include Jewish religious symbols, such as menorah and other ritual objects (for example, at Apamea, Bova Marina, Hammam Lif). However, few pavements show figurative designs, but at Hammam Lif the pavement depicts animals, birds and fish and that at Missis shows the Biblical stories of Noah's Ark and Samson. There is also an interesting example of iconoclasm in the mosaic pavement of the synagogue at Sardis: A design showing two peacocks was gouged out of the mosaic pavement in the apse. The rest of the mosaic is geometric and was left undamaged.213

in Byzantine synagogues, as compared to the triple apses and apse flanked by two rooms in those in Palestina may indicate the greater influence of church architecture on synagogues in Palestina. However, possible hints of the church architecture can be seen in the design of other Early Byzantine synagogues, as we have seen in the case of the ‘synthronon’ at Sardis. A brief examination of the mosaic pavements in churches and synagogues elsewhere in the Byzantine Empire enables further comparison with Palestina. Most mosaic floors in Byzantine synagogues in other parts of the Empire are decorated with geometric ‘carpets’ divided into panels. For example, these are found at Aegina, Apamea, Bova Marina, Elche, Ostia, Sardis and Stobi. Many mosaics contain dedicatory inscriptions (as, for example, at Apamea, Hammam Lif, Sardis, Elche and Aegina). Several

In comparison, while Early Byzantine church mosaics also depict geometrical patterns, they do use plant and animal 213 Hachlili R. 1998 Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Diaspora Boston, 233-245, 422-423

40

Chapter 2: Religious Structures

motifs. Closest to Palestina, although some Syrian churches may have had wall-paintings showing figural scenes and geometrical patterns, only at Ma’arata were animals and human figures shown on mosaic floors.214 These show some similarities to the mosaic floors of churches in Palestina, yet Syrian churches do not appear to have had images of animals or humans on their mosaic floors as frequently as those in Palestina. The churches at Philipi, Stobi and Thessaloniki have floor mosaics with motifs found in Palestina, such as geometric and floral medallions incorporating animal motifs.215 In some church mosaics in Greece animals and human figures were introduced as elements within geometrical or floral designs, as at Basilica C at Nea Anchialos, where the mosaic had a geometrical pattern containing a variety of sea creatures, birds and fruit.216

more liberal interpretation of the law against depicting living images. Furthermore, where locally a more strict interpretation was followed in Palestina and iconoclasm occurred, this trend was common to both communities. This could mean that the influence of Christians on Jews went beyond mere architectural or decorative elements and actually touches on interpretation of a religious law common to them both. In this particular instance it may not be just Christian influence but may actually indicate ideas and concepts that have co-evolved in the Jewish and Christian communities in Palestina, although one community actively influencing the other in this regard cannot be ruled out. It may even imply that religious debate took place between Jews and Christians in Palestina in such a way as to enable common theological views to be reached.

Although it is impossible here to survey these data in detail, there appears to be a sharper distinction between the decoration of churches and synagogues than in Palestina. There, geometrical ‘carpets’ were found in almost half of all churches, yet it seems that in the Empire as a whole geometrical patterns dominated the floors of synagogues but were used less in churches. Animal and human figures appear to be found far more commonly in synagogues in Palestina than in the rest of the Empire and so too are plant designs.

As I have demonstrated above, it is often hard to differentiate between the religious buildings of Jews, Christians and Samaritans in Byzantine Palestina on grounds of structural form or decoration. However, in order to establish the presence and distribution of these communities, one might also to look at burial evidence – frequently associated with churches and often involving its own structures – to see if funerary customs are able to provide any patterns that will allow us to identify the religion of those interred.

This evidence suggests an answer to some of the questions raised by the similarities observed earlier between churches and synagogues. It suggests that church architecture and decoration influenced synagogue development and shows the strong influence of Christian religious structures on Jewish ones. However, the extent of this may have varied across the Empire: With evidence suggesting a greater intolerance by Jews elsewhere (for example in Sardis) to figural art than was generally the case in Palestina. However, it is unclear whether or not more detailed study would suggest localized patterns in iconoclastic activity, shared among both Jews and Christians, as we have seen in Palestina.

BURIALS217 Burials took place in two contexts in Byzantine Palestina: In or near religious structures or in cemeteries without religious structures. Burials in religious contexts are found in churches and monasteries but not (as we have seen) in synagogues. Burials in more secular contexts are found in cemeteries, burial caves and individual graves near settlements. It is probably safe to assume that most burials at churches and monasteries were those of Christians and these will, therefore, be employed here in an effort to identify local Christian burial customs and then attempt to establish any differences between Christian, Jewish, Samaritan, or pagan, burial practice in Byzantine Palestina.

If the existence of very close links between the Jewish and Christian religious communities may be the key to explaining such patterns we have seen in Palestina, then (if the impressions of fewer similarities elsewhere are correct) it seems that relations between Jews and Christians in Palestina in this period may have been closer than the relations between Jews and Christians elsewhere in the Empire.

A key point is that burials seldom seem to have been disturbed in the Byzantine period, so are usually found intact except where damaged by much later activity. The only disturbed burial was found at the ed-Dier monastery, a context that might perhaps suggest religious reasons for opening the grave, such as the acquisition of relics.218

The differences between the motifs found on mosaics in the synagogues of Palestina and those found elsewhere are also important because they relate to the interpretation of the religious law forbidding idolatry. This is, of course, a law common to Judaism and Christianity. It appears that, with particular exceptions such as the synagogue at EinGedi, both Jews and Christians in Palestina favoured a

The location of burials in churches and monasteries can be divided into two broad categories. The first comprises those burials in the church or monastery itself, usually inside the church structure or in a room dedicated for this purpose. The second category includes crypts and burial caves, the latter a well-known peculiarity of Byzantine Palestina. 20 out of 31 church burials (67%) were found in

214

Pena I. 1997 The Christian Art of Byzantine Syria Reading Hoddinott R.F. 1963 Early Byzantine Churches in Macedonia and Southern Serbia London 216 Grabar A. 1964 Greek Mosaics Milan; Hetherington P.B. 1967 Mosaics London, 13-19 215

217

Data in the following section is derived from the catalogue. Hirshfeld Y. 1999 The Early Byzantine Monastery at Khirbat Ed-Dier in the Judean Desert: The Excavations in 1981-1987 (Qedem 38) 218

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E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

the body of the church or in what might be termed ‘burial chambers’ in churches and monasteries. Only 11 out of 31 burials (33%) were found in crypts and burial caves.

Long-cist graves (those built of slabs of unmortared stone), coffined burials and sarcophagi were all found in these cemeteries, just as in churches or monasteries, but acrosolia and burial shelves in caves were also employed. For example, the Beth Govrin cemetery contains burial caves and long-cist graves, burial shelves and acrosolia graves. But there does not seem to be any clear pattern to how and when these were employed, beyond obvious functional considerations.

Burials in church structures and in ‘burial chambers’ in churches and monasteries do not vary greatly. Mostly these are individual long-cist graves built into the floor of the church or the chamber. These graves are either sunk completely into the floor or have protruding edges or headstones rising above its floor level. Sarcophagi were also used in these contexts, but burial in coffins and sarcophagi together comprise only four out of 20 burials (25% of the total). The other 16 out of 20 individual burials (80%) are long-cist graves cut into the floor of the structure.

A striking contrast with burial in churches and monasteries is that 8 out of 43 (18%) of burials outside those contexts were later disturbed. This may be explained in two ways: Either due to respect shown to sacred buildings, or because burials in other contexts were more exposed to robbery, being easier to access than those located inside structures such as monasteries and churches. However, there is no evidence to indicate a connection between the religion of the buried individuals and disturbance. Burials in Christian religious sites may have a much-reduced rate of disturbance, but any of these other burials may have been Christian. In fact, the disturbed burials in Caves I and II at Luzit have decorations indicating that they were Christian.221

The crypts found in churches and monasteries vary in size, but not greatly in construction. These crypts are usually vaulted and entered through one or two flights of stairs. They are either rock-cut or stone-built and have similar rectangular plans. There is a wide variation of the number, sex and age of the skeletons found in the graves, from a single adult to more than 100 individuals of all ages (from young children to mature adults) of both sexes in the same tomb. In the few cases where the position of the skeleton has been reported (this is, shockingly, only at two sites) the bodies lay on an east-west axis according the normal custom for Byzantine Christian burials. Obviously, this is too small a sample to assume a general rule even for burials in religious structures.

Burials in cemeteries unassociated with religious structures too, like those in religious structures, show no particular patterns in terms of the number, age and sex of the individuals interred. For example, the long-cist graves in the cemetery at Bethel contain one burial each and these were males, females and children of various ages.222 In contrast, Acrosolium 1 in Cave 200 at Giv’at Sharet contained one adult male, one adult female, one juvenile carrying a full term fetus and two children.223

In 10 out of 31 burials (32%) grave-goods were found with the burials. Lamps, jewellery, metal objects and the remains of clothing have been recorded as associated with graves. Only in one case were crosses found as part of the grave- goods: Cross pendants accompanying the burials in the church at Shepherds’ Field.219

Where fully articulated skeletons were found in such cemeteries, the orientation of these also varied greatly. Of the five burials reported as lying east-west, like those found in the burials in religious structures, none were buried with any Christian ornaments. In his work on Christian burial in Roman Britain, David Petts argues that east-west burial was promoted by Christianity but was not an exclusively Christian practice. His analysis indicates no special Christian requirement for east-west burial, as sometimes claimed by recent writers. Although fourthcentury and later ‘managed cemeteries’ contain evidence of strict ordering (rows etc.) and uniformity of burial customs, this may be related either to Church control of burial or to secular management of, especially urban, cemeteries. Thus, no conclusion at all can be reached regarding the east-west position as signifying Christian burials whether in Roman Britain or Byzantine Palestina.224

Six out of 31 burials were marked with a burial inscription and in one case, in the Horkaniya monastery, there was a painted portrait of the person buried in the tomb. Surprisingly perhaps, the use of Christian symbols as a form of grave decoration is uncommon. However, they appear on mosaic floors in the vicinity of the burials (five times), on doorposts (once) and are twice marked on the graves. Additional decoration included rectangles incised on the cover stone of the grave (twice) and arches above the graves (three times in one crypt in the second basilica at Bethany).220 There are 43 examples of burial occurring away from churches or monasteries. 18 (41%) burials were found in burial caves and 24 (55%) in cemeteries. One burial was found in a mausoleum that was not part of a church or monastery. There were also 12 examples (27% of the total) of burial structures with a central chamber lined with burial niches (acrosolia). No acrosolia have been found at churches or monasteries, suggesting a distinctively different burial context. 219 220

Grave-goods were found in 35 out of 43 burials in these cemeteries (81%). This differs from burials in religious 221

Avni G. and Dahari U. 1990 ‘Christian Burial Caves from the Byzantine Phase at Luzit’ in Bottini G.C. Di Segni L. and Alliata E. (eds.) Christian Archaeology in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 301-314 222 Kelso J.L. (ed.) 1968 The Excavation of Bethel 1934-1960 AASOR 39 New Haven 223 Seligman J. Zias J. and Stark H. 1996 ‘Late Hellenistic and Byzantine Burial Caves at Giv'at Sharet, Beth Shemesh’ Atiqot 29, 43-62 224 Petts D. 2003 Christianity in Roman Britain Stroud, 135-149

Tzaferis V. 1973 ‘Shepherds’ Field (Beit Sahur)’IEJ 23, 118-119 Saller S.J. 1957 Excavations at Bethany (1949-1953) Jerusalem

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An excellent example of this comes from fourth-century Britain, where the Water Newton hoard shows the use of superficially ‘pagan’ votive items. In that case these ‘pagan’ items were actually decorated with Christian ChiRho symbols and adapted for Christian devotional purposes. Thus, the people buried at Pella are probably less likely to be overt or crypto-pagans than Christians who had incorporated their previous religious practices into their devotional behaviour.225

structures, in which only 32% of burials were found to contain grave-goods. We might conclude from this that Christians less often employed grave-goods in their burials, yet out of the six most probably Christian burials in this group, four (66%) contained grave-goods. This seems to show that any correlation between the absence of grave-goods and Christianity is likely to be false in the case of Byzantine Palestina. Grave-goods were not only more common in cemeteries unassociated with religious structures but a greater range of material was also deposited. Lamps, jewellery, glass, pottery and iron objects were all used in this way. These included specifically Christian objects, such as the metal crosses found in Caves I and III at Luzit. Among the finds at Pella are a pendant showing a female bust, a female plaster figure and pendants of human hands. The excavators imply that these finds indicate that the burials were pagan, but Tombs 7-8 in which the female plaster figure and the hand pendants were found were decorated with crosses, indicating Christian burial. This might be argued to cast doubt on the view that all burials decorated by crosses were those of Christians or it could be claimed to imply that (as the excavators at Pella suggest) some Christians still retained some pagan beliefs. However, especially in the light of the analysis of Christian symbols on artefacts discussed in Chapter 3, by far the most likely suggestion to explain the evidence from Pella is that we frequently fail to appreciate how local ‘pagan’ devotional items could be incorporated into Christian practices.

In conclusion, comparative analysis between burials in definably Christian and more ‘secular’ contexts provides no new light on the difference between the burial customs and practices of Jews, Christians and even pagans. As will be discussed in the next chapter, Christian symbols do appear to indicate the religious identity of the individuals using them and this appears to hold true in burials as well as in other contexts. However, no Jewish symbols were found in burial contexts and nothing, apart from the most obvious forms of Christian symbolism, can be seen to provide us with information about the religious identity of the buried individuals. This may be an indication of the extent to which the different religious communities used similar burial customs – so much so that currently no methods are available to distinguish them from one another.

225

43

Petts D. 2003 Christianity in Roman Britain Stroud 118, 120-1

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Chapter 3 SPATIAL ANALYSIS At the beginning of the fifth-century Byzantine Palestina comprised three provinces (Map 1). These provinces were (from north to south): Palestina Secunda, Palestina Prima and Palestina Tertia. The natural topography of the region and this provincial framework form a basis for spatial analysis.

Modern settlement in the north of Israel is largely agricultural, relatively small-scale and largely dispersed, in comparison with the rest of Israel. In the catalogue, 11 sites in the Golan are represented and these are widely spread across the area. The Galilee also has a dispersed settlement-pattern and includes 28 sites. That seven sites are on the shores of the Sea of Galilee simply reflects the archaeological interest in that area for over a century. However, the Lower Galilee also shows a concentration of 13 settlements around Beth Shean. Here, the settlement-pattern seems denser than in the rest of the Galilee and the Golan and is distinct both from other areas in Palestina Secunda and from its nearest neighbours in Palestina Prima. This block of settlements is concentrated on the west bank of the Jordan, but another large town, Palle on the east bank, may also be considered a part of this group on the basis of proximity. Overall, then, the Galilee contains 34 settlements and Palestina Secunda as a whole has 45 settlements in the catalogue. It must be remembered that these are just the excavated sites – if the survey data were added these figures would rise considerably. However, it is not always clear which of the sites found in survey represent settlements rather than other forms of activity in the landscape.

SITE DISTRIBUTION226 Map 2 shows the distribution of all sites in the catalogue. This represents only the sites included in the catalogue, not all known Byzantine sites nor, of course, all those which once existed. Palestina Secunda Palestina Secunda contains the Galilee, an area west of the Jordan and the Sea of Galilee, the Golan, the area east of the Jordan and an area that belongs today to the Kingdom of Jordan. This province can be seen to have a dense distribution of excavated Byzantine sites. If survey data were added this would expand the number of known (or possible) Byzantine sites further.227 The particular interest of Biblical archaeologists and other researchers in Palestina Secunda – especially in the Galilee – may explain the profusion of sites in this area. Several of the most extensively-researched sites are those mentioned in the Bible, such as Nazareth and Tiberias. The Galilee and Golan, in addition, have not undergone extensive later development that could have destroyed ancient sites.

Palestina Prima: Palestina Prima includes four regions. The first is the Sharon, a strip running along the coast of the Mediterranean and stopping short of the modern Tel Aviv. The second is Samaria, which is found further inland in the north of Palestina Prima, while, thirdly, Judea is also inland in the south of the province. Finally, the Gaza Strip runs along the shore of the Mediterranean, located in the southern area of Palestina Prima. The province also included areas that are now a part of the modern Kingdom of Jordan.228

226

Data in the following section is derived from the catalogue. Israel Antiquities Authority Report of Archaeogeophysical Survey program: Rujm el-Hiri Golan Heights 1990; Frankel R. Getzov N. Aviam M. and Degani A. Settlement Dynamics and Regional Diversity in Ancient Upper Galilee: Archaeological Survey of Upper Galilee (Israel Antiquities Authority Reports 14) Jerusalem 2001 ’‫ סקר ארכיאולוגי בשנת תשכ"ח ירושלים; צורי נ‬:‫אפשטיין ק’ תשל"ב שומרון וגולן‬ ‫תשכ"ב סקר ארכיאולוגי בעמק בית שאן ירושלים; דין י’ תשכ"ג סקר ארכיאולוגי בעמק‬ ‫ עמק‬,‫ סקר ארכיאולוגי של הגלבוע ומורדותיו‬:‫החולה חמו"ל; צורי נ’ תשל"ז נחלת יששכר‬ 15-22 ‫ גליון‬:(31) ‫יזרעאל והגליל התחתון המזרחי ירושלים; עולמי י’ תשמ"א מפת דליה‬ ‫ירושלים; גל צ’ תשנ"ח מפת הר תבור ומפת עין דור ירושלים; רבן א’ תשמ"ג מפת נהלל‬ ‫ ירושלים; גל צ’ תשנ"א מפת‬24-16 ‫ גליון‬:(24) ‫ירושלים; עולמי י’ תשס"ד מפת שפרעם‬ ‫ סקר ארכיאולוגי בתואי כביש חוצה‬1994-1993 (‫( ירושלים; שביט א’ )עורך‬46) ‫גזית‬ ‫ סקר ארכיאולוגי בגלעד ובעמק הירדן תל אביב‬:‫ישראל; גליק נ’ תש"ך מעבר לירדן‬ 227

228

‫ סקר ארכיאולוגי; האגודה‬:‫האגודה לסקר ארכיאולוגי של ישראל תשכ"ח ארץ יהודה‬ ‫ סקר ארכיאולוגי; פטריך‬:‫לסקר ארכיאולוגי של ישראל תשכ"ח מדבר יהודה ובקעת יריחו‬ ;‫ סקר ארכיאולוגי ביהודה ובשומרון ירושלים‬:(7/109) ‫י' תשנ"ה מפת דיר מר סבא‬ ‫ ירושלים; גופנא‬17-11 [‫ ]גליון‬:(108/2) (‫הירשפלד י' תשמ"ה מפת הרודיון )הר הורדוס‬ ‫( ירושלים; פטריך י' תשנ"ה‬80) ‫(; גופנא ר' תשנ"ז מפת לוד‬69) ‫ר' תשנ"ח מפת הרצליה‬

44

Chapter 3: Spatial Analysis

There are few sites from the Sharon in the catalogue. Apart from a concentration of four sites in the north of the area, there are only three more sites, all quite distant from one another, making a total of only seven in the whole Sharon region. This could be explained primarily by the relative lack of interest by Biblical archaeologists in the Sharon area because few events in the Bible took place there. In addition, the southern Sharon is very densely settled today, which also limits possibilities for archaeological work. Thus, this lack of sites may be an ‘artefact’ of the lack of modern research.

The Gaza Strip contains 11 sites, with a small concentration of five sites forming a string of settlements. This is perhaps more sites than might be expected, because it should be noted that the Gaza Strip also suffers from the lack of interest from Biblical archaeologists, as well as widely-reported security problems.

Samaria has slightly more sites in the catalogue. There are 12 sites in all, with a concentration of 8 sites in northern Samaria. Samaria has also received little interest from Biblical archaeologists, but archaeological work in Samaria has a greater handicap, that of security problems. Samaria, through the history of modern Israel has suffered greatly from security threats, which have definitely kept excavators and researchers away! So, again, modern factors may explain why few data come from Samaria.

Overall, Palestina Prima is the province with the largest number (87) of excavated sites. However, even here the distribution is shaped by modern factors.

Five more excavated settlements cluster along the border with Palestina Tertia. Two of these are on the western shores of the Dead Sea, while the other three form a small group of settlements – with two located in Palestina Tertia.

Palestina Tertia: Palestina Tertia has the largest area of the three Palestinas. It includes all of the Negev, the Arava and large areas that today belong to the modern kingdom of Jordan. It has only 28 excavated sites and 23 of these are in the north of the province. Small clusters of two sites or three sites do occur, but mostly the sites are spread over large areas.229

In contrast, Judea has the largest number of sites in all of the provinces. The Byzantine settlements in this area form three main clusters. The northwest cluster includes seven widely-spread sites. The northeast cluster is larger and includes 19 sites, again dispersed. The southern cluster has 39 sites. Overall, 65 sites have been excavated in Judea. This largely results from the work of Biblical archaeologists in the region, although its proximity to Jerusalem may also be a factor. Judea, with Jerusalem at its centre, has long been a great attraction to archaeologists. It is interesting to note that this interest appears to overcome the problems caused by a large urban centre and its suburbs, the rapid growth of which has been taking place in and around Jerusalem in the last few decades. Despite the construction of new and expanded settlements in Judea, it appears that Jerusalem is still an archaeological focus. Indeed, perhaps the many new roads provide better access to sites for researchers as well as local people! A major university (the Hebrew University) and the headquarters of the Israel Antiquities Authority also influence this concentration of archaeological activity. Another interesting point, which might be easily overlooked outside Israel, is that although there is a concentration of Orthodox Jews in Judea (usually an inhibiting influence on archaeological activity) they do not appear to provide a check to it in this region, or perhaps this large number of sites would be even larger if they did not oppose and limit the work of archaeologists!

Survey data are likely to increase the number of sites, as in the rest of Byzantine Palestina, but it is important to note that the large distances, arid conditions and lack of roads may be the reason for the small number of excavated settlements. The Negev desert is the most inhospitable part of modern Israel and conditions on the other side of the border in Jordan are similar. It is far more attractive for archaeologists to spend their time and effort in the more hospitable centre and north of Israel. The Negev is also the least populated region today, exactly because of these conditions and its road system is the least developed. It is also interesting to note that as the northern Negev enjoys more favourable conditions, it has more modern settlements, a better modern road system and – probably as a result – a larger number of Byzantine sites excavated. The central and southern Negev have fewer modern settlements, fewer modern roads and also very few Byzantine excavated sites. It is interesting to note, as well, that two sites were found in the southernmost point in the Negev, near the modern city of Eilat. These two sites appear adjacent to an area where few sites were excavated and the proximity of the city is probably the reason for their discovery. This may imply that many more settlements are to be found in Palestina Tertia, unless ancient and modern settlement-patterns were closely matched.

‫( ירושלים; צוק צ' תשמ"ג סקר‬7) ‫סקר ארכיאולוגי ביהודה ובשומרון מפת דיר מר סבא‬ ‫ מפת‬:‫ארכיאולוגי במערב השומרון ירושלים; הימן מ' תשמ"ו סקר ארכיאולוגי של ישראל‬ [‫ ]גליון‬:(31) ‫ ירושלים; עולמי י' תשמ"א מפת דליה‬10-198(00) ‫מערב‬-‫דרום‬-‫הר חברון‬ ‫( ירושלים; נאמן י' תש"ס מפת מכמורת‬91) ‫ ירושלים; ברמן א' תשס"ד מפת זיקים‬15-22 '‫( ירושלים; נאמן י‬54) ‫( ירושלים; נאמן י' תשנ"א מפת מענית‬53) ‫( ומפת חדרה‬52) ‫תשל"ג סקר ארכיאולוגי בשטח שיפוטה של חדרה חדרה; כוכבי מ' תשנ"ד סקר‬ ‫תשל"ד מפת‬-‫( ירושלים; עולמי י' תשל"ג‬78) ‫ מפת ראש העין‬:‫ארכיאולוגי של ישראל‬ ‫( ירושלים; מגן י' תשכ"ח סקר ארכיאולוגי בארץ בנימין ירושלים; ארץ בנימין‬49) ‫רגבים‬ ‫תשנ"ד סקר ארכיאולוגי בתואי‬-‫ סקר ארכיאולוגי ירושלים; שביט א' תשנ"ג‬:‫והרי אפרים‬ ‫ סקר ארכיאולוגי תל אביב‬:‫כביש חוצה ישראל; ארץ אפרים ומנשה‬ Dar S. 1986 Landscape and pattern: an archaeological survey of Samaria 800 B.C.E.-636 C.E Oxford; Campbell E.F. 1991 Shechem II: portrait of a hill country: the Shechem regional survey Atlanta; Uziel J. 2003 The Tell es-Safi archaeological survey Ramat Gan

229

MacDonald B. 1992 The southern Ghors and northeast 'Arabah archaeological survey Sheffield ‫נוה י' תשמ"ח תולדות עין גדי לאור סקר ארכיאולוגי ירושלים; דגן י' תשנ"ב סקר‬ ‫( ירושלים; רוזן ס' תשנ"ה סקר ארכיאולוגי של‬98) ‫ מפת לכיש‬:‫ארכיאולוגי של ישראל‬ ‫( ירושלים; משל ז' תשל"ז סקר ארכיאולוגי בעין עבדת‬204) ‫ מפת מכתש רמון‬:‫ישראל‬ ‫( ירושלים; כהן ר' תשמ"ה מפת‬168) ‫ מזרח‬- ‫ירושלים; כהן ר' תשמ"ב מפת שדה בוקר‬ (200) ‫( ירושלים; היימן מ' תשנ"א מפת מצפה רמון דרום מערב‬167) ‫ מערב‬- ‫בוקר‬-‫שדה‬ ‫( ירושלים ; גזית ד' תשנ"ו מפת אורים‬204) ‫ירושלים; רוזן ס' תשנ"ה מפת מכתש רמון‬ 198) ‫ דרום מערב‬- ‫סקר ארכיאולוגי של ישראל ירושלים; היימן מ' תשמ"ו מפת הר חמרן‬ ‫אריה י' תשס"ג מפת תל‬-‫( ירושלים; בית‬139) ‫( ירושלים; גוברין י' תשנ"ב מפת נחל יתיר‬ 196) ‫ מפת הר נפחה‬:‫( ירושלים; לנדר י' תשנ"ן סקר ארכיאולוגי של ישראל‬144) ‫מלחתה‬ (225) ‫ מפת הר שגיא צפון מזרח‬:‫( ירושלים; אבני ג' תשנ"ב סקר ארכיאולוגי של ישראל‬ -1993 ‫תשנ"ד סקר ארכיאולוגי בתואי כביש חוצה ישראל‬-‫ירושלים; שביט א' תשנ"ג‬ 1994

45

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Map One: The Three Palestinas 46

Map Two: Settlement Distribution in Byzantine Palestina

Please note that a full-size version of this map is available for download at www.barpublishing.com/additional-downloads.html

Map Three: Distribution of Excavated Churches and Synagogues in Byzantine Palestina (C-Church, S-Synagogue, SS – Samaritan Synagogue, M-Monastery)

Please note that a full-size version of this map is available for download at www.barpublishing.com/additional-downloads.html

Chapter 3: Spatial Analysis

THE DISTRIBUTION OF RELIGIOUS STRUCTURES: (See Map 3)

monasteries and two Jewish synagogues. The Christian settlements are spread all over Judea but the two Jewish synagogues are located in the northeast of the area (Na’aran and Jericho). Although these are only about three km from one another, they are three to six km distant from church sites and monastery sites. In fact, two churches and a Jewish synagogue were found in the town of Jericho. Three other synagogue sites are found on the border with Palestina Tertia, separate from the cluster of monasteries and church sites. An additional synagogue was located on the shores of the Western shores of the Dead Sea.

Palestina Secunda: The Golan contains four synagogue and four church sites. In the northern Golan there is a concentration of three synagogues approximately 3 km distant from one another. The church sites are more spread out, with more than 15 km between Khasfin and Susita. This may suggest that there was a cluster of Jewish settlement in this area, with a more thinly spread Christian population. Two of the church sites (Ein et-Tabigha and Kursi) are only approximately one km apart, on the northeastern shores of the Sea of Galilee, but the fourth synagogue site (Horbat Kanaf) is only approximately 3 km distant from them, suggesting that this was not an area occupied exclusively by Christians. Moving further south, beyond the Yarmoch River, in territory now held by the modern Kingdom of Jordan, there is one synagogue site and two church sites spread over large territory.

The Gaza Strip shows more diversity. It contains five church sites, one monastery, two synagogues and one site (the town at Ashkelon) with both a church and synagogue. Again, it is clear that Palestina Prima contained communities drawn from all three of the major religious groups in Palestina: Jews, Samaritans and Christians. On the basis of the excavated sites, it appears that the Christian faith was dominant in Judea and very few Jewish synagogues were found there. However, when they do occur they sometimes co-exist in the same town as at Jericho. Even Samaria may have had a Jewish synagogue, although the identification of the structure in question is unclear. The Sharon has mainly church sites, while the great port at Caesarea has both churches and synagogues. The Gaza Strip has a mixture of both church and Jewish synagogue sites and in the town of Ashkelon we find both churches and synagogues. Thus, although there is evidence that religious communities were concentrated in particular areas in this region, sites with evidence for the presence of at least two religious groups are found across Palestina Prima.

The Galilee, although containing more sites, shows a similar picture. 21 synagogue sites, 15 church sites, three monasteries and one possible Samaritan synagogue have been excavated in the Galilee. Interestingly, five sites contain both churches and Jewish or Samaritan synagogues. These sites are found mainly on the shores of the Sea of Galilee (Capernaum, Tiberias and Beth Yerah) but also in western and southern Galilee. There is a concentration of synagogue sites in the northern Galilee, but one church site is also found in this area, breaking up any possible grouping that could suggest an exclusively Jewish area. In western and central Galilee, church and synagogue sites are found in an area of 14 square km and Sepphoris contains both a church and a synagogue. In Lower Galilee, a similar pattern may be observed at Beth Shean. This has three monasteries, one church site and three synagogue sites, strongly suggesting a mixed population of Jews, Samaritans and Christians.

Palestina Tertia: Palestina Tertia contains three Jewish synagogues sites, two monasteries and 13 church sites. In the northern Negev, three Jewish synagogues cluster near the border between Palestina Tertia and Palestina Prima. Together with three synagogues on the other side of the border, these form a concentration of six Jewish synagogues sites. Further south are two monasteries and 11 church sites, forming a more dispersed pattern. Only one church site is found in each of the central and southern Negev respectively.

Overall, Palestina Secunda contains 15 church sites and 3 monasteries, which makes for a total of 18 Christian sites, 22 synagogues sites, 4 sites with both churches and synagogues, as well as other possible Christian and Samaritan sites. The identity of one structure is unclear: It could be a Jewish or a Samaritan synagogue. Apart from a group of three synagogues in the northern Golan, the three religious groups do not appear to have congregated in particular areas and it may be significant that no fewer than five sites show evidence of two religious communities.

Thus, Palestina Tertia – like the other two provinces – contains the presence of at least two major religious groups, in this case Christians and Jews. However, the evidence for a Jewish presence, unlike in the other two provinces, is wholly clustered in a limited area.

Palestina Prima: The Sharon contains three church sites, spread over the entire zone. No synagogues sites are present, although Caesarea itself contains both churches and synagogues. Samaria has five widely-dispersed church sites, two Samaritan synagogue sites and, at Zur Natan, a monastery and a Samaritan or Jewish synagogue.

THE OVERALL DISTRIBUTION OF EXCAVATED RELIGIOUS STRUCTURES The evidence of these distributions suggests that most areas of Palestina contained a mixture of Jews and Christians and sometimes also Samaritans. These groups were usually not confined exclusively to particular areas, but lived side-by-side. However, the exact mix of religious

The landscape of Judea was especially characterised by monasteries and church sites. There are 38 church sites, 22 47

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

PORTABLE ARTEFACTS CARRYING RELIGIOUS SYMBOLS

communities varied from area to area and the clustering of churches and synagogues suggests that a few localities were mostly Jewish, Samaritan or Christian. These local clusters seem sometimes to have crossed provincial boundaries, suggesting that these frontiers were not a key factor in shaping the distribution of religious communities. However, Palestina Tertia seems to have had a smaller Jewish community than the other provinces to judge from this evidence, while Palestina Secunda was perhaps the most ‘mixed’ of the provinces.

It appears to be common practice in Israeli archaeology to correlate religious symbols on artefacts and the religious identity of the people who used these artefacts. For example, J. H. Iliffe argued that two cross-decorated lamps found in a tomb at El Bassa indicated that the burial was Christian. A cross-decorated glass bowl in the tomb was taken as corroboration that the burial was indeed Christian.231 Likewise, Mordechai Aviam interprets the presence of a cross-decorated bread-stamp at Gov as one of the indications that this was a Christian settlement.232 The presence of crosses on two bowl bases and two roof tiles at the villa at Horbat Aqav in Ramat Hanadiv prompted Rivka Calderon to conclude that the family living at the villa were Christians. A Samaritan lamp also found in the villa was dismissed as ‘accidental’, whatever that means in this context.233 Eating utensils inscribed with crosses and a silver sheet with Christian symbols in the fort in En Boqeq were among the pieces of evidence leading Mordechai Gichon to regard the inhabitants of the fort as Christian.234 Li Rahamani states that a wealthy Christian family lived in the mansion at Beth Shean, according to the finds (eulogia tokens), found there.235

Religious structures of more than one religious group were found in nine settlements in Byzantine Palestine: Capernaum, Sepphoris, Beth Yerah, Beth Shean, Caesarea, Tiberias, Zur Natan, Jericho and Ashkelon. Out of these only five were major Roman towns: Beth Shean, Caesarea, Tiberias, Jericho and Ashkelon. The rest were rural settlements: Capernaum, Sepphoris, Beth Yerah and Zur Natan. Of these, only Capernaum is likely to have attracted special interest because of its Biblical role, so the rest may represent local circumstances. Thus, although it would be tempting to reach the conclusion that religious groups mingled only in major cosmopolitan settlements, this is not shown by these distributions. The fact is both towns and small rural settlements, show evidence of the co-existence of at least two religious groups.

However, the assumption that artefacts bearing a religious symbol must indicate the religious identity of the owner was dismissed a long time ago by archaeologists of other regions. In Roman, Western Late Antique and Western European medieval archaeology it is accepted that one cannot generally correlate artefacts bearing religious symbols and religious identity in this way. That is, while recognising that religious symbols on portable artefacts might tell us something about the religion of the manufacturer or their intended market, scholars in these fields usually assume that one cannot infer religious identify of those using artefacts from religious symbols found on these artefacts. It is necessary here, therefore, to investigate whether the presence of an artefact marked with a religious symbol does, in fact, indicate the presence of members of that religious community since this has considerable relevance to identifying the distribution of religious communities in Byzantine Palestina.

Mordechai Aviam attempts to discuss this issue using Galilee survey data. He seems to find larger concentrations of church only or synagogue only areas. For example, the Golan contained only synagogues and the Nahariya to Hurfish area in the Upper Galilee only churches. This church group presents a problem as it seems to be outside Byzantine Palestina and consequently out of my study area. He finds a mix of both Jewish and Christian settlements in the Lower Galilee. While it is generally true that the Golan has more synagogues than churches and that the Upper Galilee has more churches than synagogues, there are exceptions as detailed above. It is entirely possible that the survey data that Aviam uses gives a more detailed picture of the area. This does not explain why he fails to use, in addition, the more accurate excavation data available for the region. Nor does the survey data help when Aviam comes to a site with evidence for both church and synagogue and chooses to interpret the phenomena as Christian substitution of the Jewish population, despite the fact that no chronological data is presented in support of this interpretation. It is also troubling that Aviam does not take into account the possibility that some of the synagogues may be Samaritan synagogues and that this will have an effect on inter communal relations in the Galilee.230

Unless one credits the evidence of religious symbols on portable artefacts, secular domestic contexts in Byzantine Palestina often produce, at best, ambiguous evidence for the religious identity of those who lived in them. It is also true that symbolism is not always as clear-cut as might be imagined. Specifically 'religious' artefacts or religious symbols were often acceptable in more than one religious context. Christians can in principle (and could in the Byzantine period) use virtually every 'Jewish symbol' (for example, the ‘Star of David’) to symbolize Christianity.

Churches and Jewish and Samaritan synagogues are not the only way for us to ascertain the presence of the different communities in the landscape of Palestina by means of archaeological evidence. It may be possible for us fill in the many blanks in these distributions by using so-called ‘secular’ evidence to recognise religious identity.

231

Iliffe J. H. 1933/34 ‘A Tomb at El Bassa of c. AD 396’ QDAP 3, 84 Aviam M. 1984 ‘Horbat Gov’ ESI 3, 36 233 Calderon R. 2000 ‘Roman and Byzantine Pottery’ Ramat Hanadiv Excavations - Final Report of the 1984-1998 Seasons Jerusalem, 91-165 232

234

141 ,12 ‫גיחון מ' תשל"א 'חפירות עין בוקק' קדמוניות‬ Rahmani L.Y. 1993 ‘Eulogia Tokens from Byzantine Bet She'an’ Atiqot 22, 109-119

230

Aviam M. 2004 Jews, Pagans and Christians in the Galilee. 25 Years of Archaeological Excavations and Surveys. Hellenistic to Byzantione Period Rochester, New York and Woodbridge, 202-204

235

48

Chapter 3: Spatial Analysis

In secular domestic contexts, animal bone studies (when available) may provide the best indicator of the presence of Jewish and non-Jewish communities, because of Jewish dietary laws. Unfortunately, the number of detailed and reliable animal bone studies is small. Nevertheless, Brian Hesse and Paula Wapnish have shown that settlements with known Jewish populations did not engage in pig farming. This demonstrates, they suggest, that the social identity expressed in dietary law regarding pigconsumption is archaeologically recoverable.236 This seems a possible way of evaluating the degree of correlation between religious symbols on artefacts and religious identity. So the first part of this section examines the evidence from secular sites in which animal bone studies have been conducted.

structure or complex of structures showing architectural affinities with at least one textually- or epigraphicallyidentifiable Byzantine domestic structure or complex elsewhere and apparently designed with domestic considerations in mind. A workshop is defined as a structure showing architectural affinities with at least one textually- or epigraphically- identifiable Byzantine workshop elsewhere and which seems to have been designed or located with manufacture in mind. A fort is a complex of structures showing architectural affinities with at least one textually- or epigraphically- identifiable Byzantine military complex elsewhere and apparently designed or located with defensive considerations in mind. It is unfortunate that, in many cases, no reports were published on structures, although the finds were published. For example, no information is available on Building 300 at Horbat Kanaf, although the amulet found in it was published! Most artefacts bearing religious symbols were found in domestic buildings, as at Shiqmona, Beth Shean, Sumaqa and Greater Herodium. Fewer artefacts of this sort were found in fortified complexes, but some were found in the Upper Zohar Fort, A-Lagon (Leijun) and En-Boqeq. Workshops at Horbat Otza and Jalame contained the smallest number of artefacts bearing religious symbols, as perhaps one might expect.

Another reliable tool for distinguishing Jewish presence are miqves (Jewish ritual baths), but these only found infrequently in domestic structures. The second part of this section compares the evidence recovered from sites with miqves with that apparently suggested by symbols on artefacts. However, the majority of secular sites have neither animal bone study nor miqves to indicate religious affiliation. Most artefacts carrying religious symbols were found at such sites and these will be discussed in part three of this section. Before proceeding to catalogue these sites and artefacts, it is necessary to discuss the quality of the data. Descriptions of artefacts vary widely, ranging from detailed information on their size, material and appearance to two-word designations with no further description. However, even from this it is clear that there is a wide range of artefacts bearing religious symbols. Most common are oil lamps (sometimes found decorated with a menorah and other Jewish or Samaritan symbols and crosses). Pottery and glass vessels were also sometimes decorated with crosses or other Christian symbols, Jewish or Samaritan amulets were made of pottery, copper alloy and silver and there were plaques carrying Christian symbols and pottery eulogia tokens. Jewellery with religious symbols is commonly found and metalwork carrying religious symbolism includes lamp-hangers incorporating crosssymbols and fragments of menorahs. There were also crosses of marble and bronze and cross-marked tiles. So a wide range of artefacts bore religious symbols and simple description such as ‘a cross-marked vessel’ might refer to any of several sorts of object.

This range of evidence might enable us to consider the identification of Christians or Jews in the domestic sphere. It is unfortunate that so few animal bone studies have been made or published in Byzantine Palestina. Artefacts with religious symbols were found in 27 secular sites, but only six had animal bone studies. However, it is possible to use this to investigate the connection between the religious symbols that decorate artefacts and the religion of those who used these artefacts. The animal bone study at Upper Zohar indicates that sheep/ goat was the critical component of the diet of those using the Early Byzantine fort, at least during their stay there. Pigs formed a secondary meat source, perhaps exploited at times of heavy demand to supplement seasonal variation on the sheep/goat supply or to add variety. 5318 bone fragments were found in Upper Zohar, out of which 86.2% were of sheep/goats, 12.6% of pigs and 1.2% of cattle.237 Excavations in the area surrounding a synagogue in Horbat Rimon yielded a sherd of a ceramic tablet inscribed with an Aramaic incantation on top of the floor of one of the rooms east of the synagogue. The complete tablet, which is trapezoidal, was 0.095 m high, 0.075 m wide at the base and 0.11 m wide at the top.238

Another, more formidable, problem is that of context. Out of 25 secular sites, detailed context descriptions are given at only 12 sites. For the remainder, artefacts are listed but no location or other contextual information is provided. Even at sites where contextual information is given, it is usually of a general nature, for example ‘in the villa’.

The animal bone at Horbat Rimon consisted of 453 pieces identified in layers IV to VII, ‘Early Byzantine to Late Byzantine’. 67% were sheep/goat (caprovine), 10% were cattle and 0.5% pig.239

The secular structures under discussion can be divided into three types: Houses and domestic complexes, workshops and fortified complexes. A house or domestic complex is a

237

Ibid, 49-71 Kloner A. ‘The synagogue of Horbat Rimmon’ Ancient Synagogues in Israel– Third to Seventh Century BAR International Series 499 Oxford 1989, 43-48 239 Horwitz L. 1998 ‘Animal Bones from Horbat Rimon: Hellenistic to Byzantine Periods’ Atiqot 35, 65-76. 238

236

Hesse B. and Wapnish P. ‘Can Pig Remains Be Used for Ethnic Diagnosis in the Ancient Near East?’ Silberman N.A. and Small D. (eds.) The Archaeology of Israel: Constructing the Past and Interpeting the Present Sheffield 1997, 241-251

49

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

A fragment (one arm) of a bronze cross (number 106, Pl.91) was found in A-Lagon (Liejjun) and animal bones indicate the varied diet of the inhabitants of the fort.240 Sheep/goat, pig, fish and chicken bones are in evidence throughout the Byzantine period.241

were not consumed somehow arrived at the public rubbish pit.247 This sounds like ‘special pleading’ to escape from the difficulty posed by explaining the pig bone. In a site including both a miqve and a majority of sheep/goat and cattle bones, it is clear that there was a correlation between the religious identity signalled by the bath in the complex and the symbols on two of the (Jewish) artefacts. The saint with a halo symbol, usually a Christian symbol and the single pig bone anomalous in a Jewish context and require explanation. On its own the depiction of a saint might be argued to be nothing more than a bowl bought commercially with no regard to the symbol, but in conjunction with the pig bone this seems far less likely. Perhaps a guest or business partner brought a gift to his hosts, or perhaps these were used for entertaining Christian guests.

Eating utensils and silver sheet carrying Christian symbols were found in the fort of En Boqeq. Examination of the animal bones found in the site indicates the presence of sheep/goat, fish and pigs.242 A range of objects with Christian symbols and pectoral crosses were found at Nessana.243 No systematic animal bone study was conducted but an attempt at a report on animal remains was provided. This lists molluscs, fish, pigs and gazelle.244 At Upper Zohar, where only cross-decorated artefacts were found, the presence of pig was established as a secondary meat source by a thorough animal bone study. At Ein Boqeq, Nissana and A-Lagon, pigs were found to be present and artefacts were decorated with crosses. Taking into account the very small size of the sample available, it may be possible to suggest a link between religion and symbols on artefacts at these sites.

At all these sites, therefore, religious symbols used on portable artefacts seem to offer evidence for the religious identity of the occupants. We can apply this apparent correlation between religious identity indicated by symbolism to recognising the religious identity of both settlements and burials. The settlement data can usefully be summarised in the table 1.

At Horbat Rimon the connection also seems quite clear, although it is not so straightforward. A Jewish artefact was found and the animal bone study indicated a majority of sheep/goat and cattle, with only 0.5% pig bones. It seems possible that the low proportion of pig bones indicates the presence of Jews, but the presence of even a few pig bones requires explanation if this is so.

Thus, 14 additional secular sites include objects with religious symbols among their finds. Out of these, four sites, Beth Govrin, Horbat Otza and Horbat Kanaf have only objects showing Jewish symbols. Nine sites have only artefacts carrying Christian religious symbols: Samaria, Tiberias, Kfar Bar’am, Horbat Aq’av, Mishmar HaEmek, Horbat Gov, Herodium, Beth Shean and Horbat Hor. Two sites have objects marked with both Christian and Jewish symbols: Jalame and Capernaum. Thus, as in the case of the seven sites already discussed, these 14 sites usually have artefacts with either Jewish or Christian symbols, not both.

There is only one case of artefacts with religious symbols being found on a domestic site with a miqve: The discovery of two Jewish artefacts at Sumaqa. However, there was also a fragment of pottery with a decoration of a saint, probably a Christian symbol.245

BURIALS

27 identified bones of sheep/goat and cattle were found in the miqve at Sumaqa. The remaining 41 identifiable bones came from other parts of the building, including sheep/goat, cattle and a single bone of a juvenile pig – the only pig bone found from the Roman or Byzantine periods on site.246 Liora Horwitz found slicing and skinning marks on the sheep, fish and cattle bones but Horwitz, Eitan Tchemov and Shimon Dar claim that bones of animals that

It is unsurprising, perhaps, that many objects with religious symbols are also found accompanying burials. Burials cannot be counted entirely as secular nor are they indicative of worship, although worship is very likely to have been part of burial rites. As in most of the Byzantine world, ‘gravegoods’ were widely deposited in Byzantine Palestina and used by both Jews and Christians. The same difficulties of archaeological reporting affecting the data-quality for secular settlements again limit the number of sites that can usefully be discussed here, although examples are much more common. First, it will again be convenient to summarise in tabular form the available data reported in sufficient detail to permit further analysis in the table 2.

240 Groot J.C. 1987 ‘The Small Finds’ in Parker S.T. (ed.) The Roman Frontier in Central Jordan – Interim Report on the Limes Arabicus Project 1980-1985 (BAR International Series 340), 497-521 241 Toplyn M.R. 1987 ‘Sampled faunal Remains from the el-Lejjun Barracks’ in Parker S.T. (ed.) The Roman Frontier in Central Jordan – Interim Report on the Limes Arabicus Project 1980-1985 (BAR International Series 340), 705-722 242

From this it will be seen that 18 burial sites include objects with religious symbols. The overwhelming majority (14 out of 18) is of artefacts marked with Christian symbols: Karm el-Shikh, Gush Halav (four examples), Zikrin, St. George St., Jerusalem, Yarchib, El-Bassa, Horbat Hor,

141 ,12 ‫גיחון מ' תשל"א 'חפירות עין בוקק' קדמוניות‬ Colt H. D. 1962 ‘Miscellaneous Small Objects’ Excavations at Nessana London, 52 244 Ibid, 67-69 243

245

93 ,‫דר ש' תשנ"ח סומקה – עיירה יהודית בכרמל תל אביב‬ Horwitz L. Tchernov E. and Dar S. 1990 ‘Subsistence and Environment on Mount Carmel the Roman - Byzantine and Medieval Periods: The Evidence from Kh. Sumaqa’ IEJ 40, 287-304

246

247

99 ,‫דר ש' תשנ"ח סומקה – עיירה יהודית בכרמל תל אביב‬

50

Chapter 3: Spatial Analysis Table 1. ([?] Indicates missing information) Artefact(s) With Religious Symbol(s)

Description of Symbol(s)

Location of Artefact(s)

Horvat Otza

Pottery vessel248

Engraved with the Aramaic letters ‫שבת‬ although the ‫ ש‬is inverted.

[?]

Horvat Otza

Barrel-like [?] storage jars.249

Painted menorahs with five, seven and nine branches.

[?]

Capernaum

Lamp [?]250

Cross symbol251

[?]

Capernaum

252

Site Name

Lamp [?]

Capernaum 255

Jalame

256

Jalame

Jalame257

253

Menorah

[?]

Pottery sherds254

Crosses

[?]

Two lamps

Menorahs

[?]

Lamp [?]

Chi-rho

[?]

Lamp [?]

A shrine in relief flanked by a small cross.

[?]

Pottery sherds

Stamped with crosses.

[?]

Horbat Kanaf

Copper alloy amulet.

258

Aramaic inscription

Building 300

Horbat Kanaf

Copper alloy amulet.259

Aramaic inscription

Building 300

260

Cross

[?]

Cross

[?]

Six eulogia tokens.

Christian religious scenes and symbols.

Large mansion

Beth Shean

Sherd of a pottery bowl.

Stamped with a cross.

Cistern I under Room 6 of House 3.

Beth Shean

Four sherds of pottery vessels. (Pl. XXXIV)263

Stamped with crosses and alpha and an omega.

[?]

Lamp (viii 4)264

Inscribed in Greek: ‘The Light of Christ Shines for All’.

On ‘the northern slope’.

Sherd of an inscribed lamp. (Pl. 12:19)265

Probably carried a Christian inscription, but this is only very partially preserved.

In or near the Monumental Building

Horbat Gov

Fragment of a bread-stamp. [?]

Greek Christian inscription and crosses.

[?]

Horbat Gov

Sherd of a lamp.266

Crosses

On internal benches

Pottery vessels including a storage jar.267

Crosses

[?]

Two ceramic tiles.268

Crosses (Pl. XII: 99 and 100)

Horbat A’qav

Crosses

Horbat A’qav

Stamped with a cross.

Horbat A’qav

Samaria-Sebaste Samaria-Sebaste Beth Shean

262

Herodium

Mishmar Ha’emek Ramat HaNadiv Ramat HaNadiv Ramat HaNadiv

Pottery lamp

(5. D 1292)

Handle of a pottery lamp.

261

Bases of pottery bowls. Complete bowl.

(6. AI)

269

270

248

*61-*57 ,29 ‫אשל ח' וגורני ד' תשנ"ו 'כן לנר ששימש בשבת מחורבת עוצה' עתיקות‬ Ibid 250 Loffreda S. 1974 Cafernao I, La Ceramica Jerusalem, 183-182 251 Ibid 252 Ibid 253 Ibid 254 Ibid 255 Johnson B.L. 1987 ‘The Pottery’ in Weinsberg G.D. (ed.) Excavations at Jalame Columbia, 120 256 Ibid 257 Ibid, 152-153 258 Naveh J. and Shaked S. 1985 Amulets and Magic Bowels – Aramaic Incantations of Late Antiquity Jerusalem, 44-49 259 Ibid, 50-54 260 Crowfoot J.W. Crowfoot G.M. and Kanyon K.M. 1957 The Objects from Samaria London, 376 261 Ibid 262 Rahmani L.Y. 1993 ‘Eulogia Tokens from Byzantine Bet She'an’ Atiqot 22, 109-119 263 Fitzgerald G. 1931 Beth-Shean Excavations 1921-1923, The Arab and Byzantine Levels Philadelphia, 37-38 264 Ibid, 47 265 Birger R. 1981 ‘Pottery and Miscellaneous Finds of the Byzantine Period’ Greater Herodium (Qedem 13), 77 266 Aviam M. 1984 ‘Horbat Gov’ ESI 3, 36 267 Safrai Z. 1985 ‘Mishmar Ha’emek’ ESI 4, 74 268 Hirschfeld Y. 2000 Ramat Hanadiv Excavations - Final Report of the 1984-1998 Seasons Jerusalem, 118 269 Ibid, 112 270 Ibid, 151 249

51

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Site Name Ramat HaNadiv Kfar Bar’am Tiberius Bethh Govrin Shiqmona

Artefact(s) With Religious Symbol(s)

Description of Symbol(s)

Location of Artefact(s)

Sherd of bowl.271

Stamped with a cross. (XXVI: 82) The letter rho with a double border appears on the vertical arm of the cross. (XXVI:89)

Horbat A’qav

One quarter of a bread-stamp.272

Cross

[?]

Bread-stamp273

Cross

In ‘fill’ above Crusader church

Oil lamp274

Shows a menorah and an incense shovel in relief.

Bathhouse

Pottery vessels275

Stamped depictions of saints and crosses.

[?]

Cruciform end

[?]

276

Shiqmona

Key

277

Shiqmona

(128 ‫)איור‬

Cruciform shape

[?]

Shiqmona

Fragment of a glass bracelet. (126 ‫)איור‬

Stamped with menorahs.

[?]

Shiqmona

Pottery plaque (127 ‫ )איור‬278

Menorah in relief.

[?]

Door handle

Table 2. ([?] Indicates missing information) Site Name Bethany279 280

Bethany

281

Bethany

Artefact(s) With Religious Symbol(s)

Description of Symbol(s)

Location of Artefact

48 [?] lamp fragments.

Menorah

Flat graves and burial caves.

Five [?] lamps

Carries Greek Christian inscriptions.

Cistern 45 and Caves 33, 34, 45, 41.

29 [?] lamps

Shows a cross

All except two came from the tombs.

Two [?] lamps

Shows a menorah

In tombs at the north of the city.

Handle of pottery lamp.

Cross-shaped

Grave F

Gush Halav284

Two Christian [?] amulets.

[?]

Burial cave

Gush Halav

285

[?] Figures of Christian saints.

[?]

Burial cave

Gush Halav

286

[?] Cross

[?]

Burial cave

Zikrin287

Copper alloy pendant.

Cruciform shape

In a tomb between two burial shelves.

Zikrin288

[?] Plaque

In the form of a fish, possibly a Christian symbol.

In a tomb at the head end between two burial shelves.

[?] Lamp

Cross

Burial cave

Samaria282 Karm al-Shaikh, Jerusalem283

St. George’s Street in Jerusalem289 271

Ibid, 152 The stamp is in the IAA’s storerooms, published by Feig N. 1994 ‘A Byzantine Bread Stamp from Tiberias’ Liber Annuus 44, 591-594 273 Ibid 272

274

156-154 ,113 ‫' חא‬1999-1998 – ‫קלונר ע' כהן מ' וחיבש א' תשס"א 'בית גוברין‬ 275

119 ,‫אלגביש י' תשנ"ד שקמונה לחוף הכרמל תל אביב‬ 276

Ibid, 127 277 Ibid, 142 278 Ibid, 145 279 Saller S.J. 1957 Excavations at Bethany (1949-1953) Jerusalem 280 Ibid 281 Ibid 282 Crowfoot J.W. Crowfoot G.M. and Kenyon K.M. 1957 The Objects from Samaria London 283 D.B.C. 1931/32 ‘Note on a cemetery at Karm al-Shakh, Jerusalem’ QDAP 1, 3-5, plate XV 5 284

55-49 ,'‫ויטו פ' ואדלשטיין ג' תשל"ד 'המאוזוליום בגוש חלה' קדמוניות ז‬ 285

Ibid 286 Ibid 287 Rahmani L.Y. 1964 ‘Mirror Plaques from a Fifth Century AD Tomb’ IEJ 14, 50-60 288 Ibid 289

78-77 ,110 ‫ רחוב סט' גורג'' חא‬,‫סולימני ג' ועדווי ג' תשנ"ט 'ירושליים‬

52

Chapter 3: Spatial Analysis

Site Name Gezer290 Gezer

291

Artefact(s) With Religious Symbol(s)

Description of Symbol(s)

Location of Artefact

10 pottery lamps

Crosses on nozzles.

Tomb [?]

[?] Cross

[?]

Tomb 40

Gezer292

[?] Menorah

[?]

Tombs [?]

Gezer293

[?] Lamp

Menorah

Tomb [?]

294

[?] Lamp

Fish, possibly as a Christian symbol.

Tombs [?]

Gezer295

Copper alloy signet ring.

Small crosses on either side of a male head.

Tombs [?]

Gezer296

[?] Signet ring

Female head with a halo (a saint?).

Tombs [?]

[?] Cross

[?]

Tomb 9

Copper alloy saltire cross.

[?]

Chamber tombs

El Jish299

Copper alloy tau cross.

Tau cross and saint with halo raising his hands in blessing.

Chamber tombs

El Jish300

Copper alloy amulet.

‘Warrior saint’ spearing enemy.

Chamber tomb

Tarshiha301

Fragment of a copper alloy ring.

Christian inscription

Rock-cut tomb

Tarshiha302

Glass amulet

Shows a seven-branched candlestick (menorah?).

Rock-cut tomb

Tarshiha303

Copper alloy cross

[?]

Rock-cut tomb

El Bassa.304

Two [?] lamps (Fig. 4 and Fig. 9)

Crosses

Grave [?]

Glass bowl, (Fig. 17)

Cross

Grave [?]

[?] Lamp

Cross

Re-used Early Roman tomb.

Gush Halav (el Jish)

[?] Ring

Two draped busts facing tall cross.

Chamber B. Koch 2

Horbat Hor

[?] Ring

Two figures flanking a cross.

Tomb number 129

Beth Yerah

[?] Ring

Two figures flanking a cross.

Tomb 3, no. 65

Gush Halav

[?] Ring

Highly stylised bust flanked by crosses.

Tomb B koch 5

Abu Shushe307

[?] Ring

Warrior saint spearing a serpent, the butt end of spear is cruciform.

Tomb 74

Nessana308

Tombstones dating from AD 400 to AD 600.

Crosses and inscriptions in Greek and Latin

Cemetery

Shiqmona

Fragment of pottery lamp.

Menorah in relief.

Cemetery

Shiqmona

[?] Pendant (139 ‫)איור‬

309

Cruciform shape

Cemetery

Shiqmona

Copper alloy amulet (139 ‫ )איור‬310

Puzzling inscription in Greek: ΙΑω ΣΑΒΑΟΘ ΜΙΚΑΗΛ ΒΟΗΘ. Below the text may be depiction of warrior saint.

Cemetery

Gezer

Yarchib297 298

El Jish

El Bassa305 Sataf, Area F

306

290

McAlister R.A.S. 1912 The Excavation of Gezer 1902-1905 and 1907-1909 London Ibid 292 Ibid 293 Ibid 294 Ibid 295 Ibid 296 Ibid 291

297

57-51 ,‫גודוביץ ש' תשנ"ז 'ירחיב' חא ק"ז‬ Makhouly N. 1939 ‘Rock cut tombs in el Jish’ QDAP 8, 45-50 299 Ibid 300 Ibid 301 Iliffe J.H. 1934 ‘Rock Cut Tomb at Tarshiha’ QDAP 3, 9-16 302 Ibid 303 Ibid 304 Iliffe J.H. 1933/34 ‘A Tomb at El Bassa of c. AD 396’ QDAP 3, 84-86 305 Ibid, 88 306 Gibson S. Ibbs B. and Kloner A. 1991 ‘The Sataf Project of Landscape Archaeology in the Judean Hills: A Preliminary Report on Four Seasons of Survey and Excavation (1987-80)’ Levant 23, 40 307 Rahmani L.Y. 1985 ‘On some Byzantine Brass Rings in the State Collections’ Atiqot 17, 168-181 308 Kirk G.E. and Gignoux P. 1996 ‘Greek Funerary Inscriptions and Ostarca from Elusa’ Atiqot 28, 171-192 309 Ibid, 158 310 Ibid, 152 298

53

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Beth-Yerah, Abu Shushe and Nessana. In Sataf, an artefact with a cross symbol and a single sample of pig bones were also found. Three sites have both Christian and Jewish symbols among the finds: Bethany, Gezer and Tarshiha. In Bethany, 48 lamps were decorated with menorahs and 29 with crosses. The report indicated that the finds were located in several tombs but no details were given so the relationship between these is unclear. In Gezer, too, rings and lamps with Christian symbols were found but so were menorah symbols. However, it is possible that as a Biblical symbol, the menorah may have served as a Christian symbol here, so the significance of this is uncertain. This is perhaps also evidenced in Byzantine Palestina at Tarshiha, where Christian inscriptions and symbols and also an amulet with a menorah symbol were found. All the artefacts in Tarshiha were found in the same tomb, so the explanation may be that the menorah was seen as a Christian symbol in this case. The possible use of the menorah in this way has hitherto gone un-noticed in the archaeology of Byzantine Palestina.311

Pottery lamp fragment with a segment of menorah, Jalame. After Johnson B.L. ‘The Pottery’ in Weinsberg G.D. (ed.) Excavations at Jalame Columbia, fig. 6 83 132

It is interesting to note that three settlements (Samaria, Horbat Hor and Nessana) have ‘religious’ artefacts both from domestic and burial contexts. In Samaria, ‘Christian’ artefacts were found in secular contexts and ‘Jewish’ artefacts were found in burial contexts. Unless the Jewish symbol can be taken as a Christian symbol, which is entirely plausible given the interchangability of many Christian and Jewish symbols, this indicates the possible co-existence of Jews (or Samaritans) and Christian at this site in Samaria. In Horbat Hor, both secular and burial contexts produced ‘Christian’ artefacts. This may strengthen the possibility that only Christians, or a Christian majority, lived in the settlement. In Nessana, domestic, burial and animal bone evidence all indicates that the residents of Nessana were Christians.

Pottery lamp with cross after Loffreda S. 1974 Cafernao II La Ceramica, fig. 28

Jewllery, Amulets and Tokens:

Photographs and Illustrations Lamps:

Cross pendant, Tarshiha after Ilife J.H. 1934 ‘Rock-cut Tomb in Tarshiha’ QDAP 3, plate VIII

Pottery lamp with cross after Loffreda S. 1974 Cafernao II La Ceramica, fig. 28 no. 9 311

Jewish symbolism did play a part in Byzantine churches. The most remarkable example is discussed in Harrison M. 1989 A Temple for Byzantium. The Discovery and Excavation of Anicia Juliana’s PalaceChurch in Istanbul London, who shows that the early sixth-century Byzantine princess Anicia Juliana had the vast church of St. Polyeuktos in Constantinople constructed next to her own palace deliberately to resemble the Byzantine concept of the (by then, long destoyed) Temple of Solomon in Jerusalem (pages 137-139), complete with Star of David designs in its sculpted decoration! (page 106 fig. 131)

Glass pendant stamped with a menorah, Tarshiha after Ilife J.H. 1934 ‘Rock-cut Tomb in Tarshiha’ QDAP 3, plate VIII 54

Chapter 3: Spatial Analysis

Miscellaneous Artefacts:

It appears then, that the reliance on artefacts decorated with religious symbols in Palestina to identify the inhabitants’ religion is not as ‘far fetched’ as it might seem. Despite the small number of animal bone studies, a correlation between symbols and animal bone evidence is apparent. This has clear implications for the study of Byzantine Palestina. The evidence from Qasrawet, Jalame, Capernaum, Shiqmona, Bethany, Gezer and Tarshiha suggests that Christians and Jews may well have lived together in the same settlements. However, it should be stressed that artefacts carrying religious symbols are not enough in themselves to indicate a place of worship. All this might show is that persons of a particular religion were at a site.

Cross-marked roof tile, Ramat Hanadiv after Calderon R. 2000 ‘Roman and Byzantine Pottery’ Ramat Hanadiv Excavations - Final Report of the 1984-1998 Seasons Jerusalem, Plate 12, no. 100

Many more data are necessary to continue this promising line of research. As usual, more detailed and accurate excavation reports would be of inestimable help, as would - especially in this case - many more animal bone studies. It is interesting to note that in Palestina Secunda this artefactual evidence appears to ‘echo’ the evidence of religious structures regarding the distribution of the religious communities. This correspondence may encourage greater confidence in using artefactual evidence in this way. In the case of Capernaum, both artefactual and religious evidence indicates a Jewish and Christian community. Horbat Kanaf shows both religious and artefactual evidence for Jewish occupation. Tiberias shows religious evidence of Christian and Jewish groups and artefactual evidence for Christians. Beth-Yerah also shows evidence for Christians and Jews or Samaritans, although artefactual evidence supports a predominantly Christian identity, rather than a Jewish/ Samaritan one. In Mishmar haEmek, religious and artefactual evidence both indicate a Christian community. In Beth Shean, there seems to have been both Jewish and Christian communities from both types of evidence.

Copper alloy cross (part of a door handle?) after

‫י' תשנ"ד שקמונה לחוף הכרמל תל אביב אלגביש‬,146 126 ‫איור‬

The most interesting results of artefactual analysis perhaps occur where the religious structures and artefactual evidence imply different interpretations. In the northern Galilee, Bar’am and Gush Halab seem to have been Jewish settlements but we find artefactual evidence for the presence of Christians. This further ‘breaks up’ the cluster of evidence for Jewish settlement in the area. Jalame may be added on this basis to the ‘Beth Shean’ group of settlements. As both Jewish and Christian artefactual evidence was found in Jalame, this is perhaps another indication of co-existence between Christians and Jews in the Beth Shean Valley. A glass bowl, decorated with a cross by Yehuda Segal after Iliffe J. H. 1933/34 ‘A Tomb at El Bassa of c. AD 396’ QDAP 3, 84

Unlike the situation in Palestina Secunda, the artefactual evidence from Palestina Prima tends to alter the picture derived from examining religious structures. In Judea, there were very few synagogues but artefactual evidence indicates that Jews are likely to have lived in the area. The existence of a Jewish community is also suggested by artefactual evidence at Beth Goverin, Bethany and near Amaos. This may indicate a Jewish minority in the predominantly Christian region of Judea. Without this artefactual evidence it would be easy to say that there were no Jews in Judea, apart from the north-eastern Negev, yet this was clearly not the case.

ARTEFACTUAL EVIDENCE FOR LOCATION OF RELIGIOUS GROUPS This analysis appears to show a connection between the symbol decorating the artefact and the religion of the people who used it. Anomalies do occur, but no more than can be explained by a close relationship between religious communities. 55

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

In the northern Sharon, there is ample evidence that the inhabitants of the Ramat haNadiv villa were Christians. It is located near Caesarea – a settlement that, as we have seen, had both a Jewish and a Christian population. Artefactual evidence of Jews was also found in Samaria. Whereas churches were found in Samaria, there is no evidence of Jewish synagogues in the region. So artefacts provide the only strong archaeological evidence for the existence of all three of the main religious communities of Byzantine Palestina in this area.

bution of religious and ethnic communities in Palestina Tertia outlined above on the basis of religious structures alone. It can be seen, therefore, that artefacts may indicate religious identity in Byzantine Palestina but that this consolidates, rather than overturns, the general picture derived from religious structures regarding the composition and distribution of the religious communities of Byzantine Palestina. It is also interesting that there is no compelling artefactual or structural evidence for paganism: That is, it is not present in the archaeological evidence for religion in Palestina. Given that pagans used votive objects and religious images more readily than Jews or Christians, as noted earlier and pagan temples are easily recognisable, the implication is that there were few – perhaps very few – pagans in the provinces in the Byzantine period. This appears to undermine the suggestion that there was still a large pagan population at the time of the Arab invasion.312

In Palestina Tertia, artefactual evidence supports the picture derived from religious structures even more completely. In Horbat Riman, both artefactual evidence and a synagogue demonstrate a Jewish community. In Nessana, artefactual and structural evidence equally attest a Christian community. At a-Lagon, a church and artefacts indicate that the fort was manned by Christians. Overall, artefactual evidence does not change the picture of the distri-

312

53-62 ,8 ‫אשכנזי י' תשנ"ה 'הפולחן האלילי בארץ ישראל בתקופה הביזנטית' מיכמנים‬

56

Map Four: Church and Synagogue Distribution Plus Artefactual Evidence C-Church, S-Synagogue, SS – Samaritan Synagogue, M-Monastery, c- Artefactual Evidence for Christians, j-Artefactual Evidence for Jews/Samaritans

Please note that a full-size version of this map is available for download at www.barpublishing.com/additional-downloads.html

Chapter 4: Chronology

Chapter 4 313 CHRONOLOGY The most problematical aspect of archaeological research in Byzantine Palestina is chronology. Although there is a widespread impression among archaeologists that the dating of Byzantine sites in the Holy Land lacks rigour, this impression has not hitherto been the subject of an extended and detailed investigation.313

plans did not change significantly in the Late Roman and Byzantine periods.316 Architectural dating is, therefore, of limited use in dating these sites more precisely than simply to the Early Byzantine period in general. A relative lack of typological distinctiveness applies to other features also. Rafael Frankel, in his seminal work on oil- and wine-presses in Israel and the Mediterranean, shows that such installations cannot be dated typologically. For example, while most simple rock-cut presses date to the Bronze and Chalcolithic periods, at Naal Yattir examples date to the Byzantine period. Whereas the majority of screw-press bases date to the Byzantine period, one was found dating to the Early Arab period.317 Frankel’s conclusions have been contested,318 but many other archaeologists accept his argument that the majority of oiland wine-presses cannot be dated typologically. These presses are rock-cut archaeological features and the weathering of surfaces does not allow dating by tool marks. Their basic plans did not change over centuries and many presses remained in use for long periods of time, so that associated finds are usually from the last phase or intrusive. However, Sean Kingsley, while agreeing with some of Frankel’s critique, argues that finds and context should not be easily dismissed. Nevertheless, both Kingsley and Mordechai Aviam319, who attempts to establish a chronology for Western Galilee wine-presses, agree that the majority of wine-presses in Palestina remained similar in plan between AD 200 and AD 640, limiting their value as a dating tool for this study. 320

The principal problem has been that most dating evidence derives from unstratigraphical, or at best poorly recorded, excavations. When these took place in the early stages of archaeological research in Israel, this standard is at least understandable, if not acceptable. Many excavations in other parts of the Roman world were undertaken in similar ways in the nineteenth and very early twentieth centuries.314 However, regrettably more recent excavations sometimes use similar methods. Shockingly, 193 out of 286 (67%) published reports of ‘dated’ structures or features in the catalogue provide no acceptable dating evidence. By ‘no acceptable dating evidence’ I mean that dating is not based on any published sealed finds, or on stratigraphical evidence referred to in the published reports. This can be illustrated by considering the following table 1. 33 sites out of 286 (11%) were dated by architectural style or structural typology. However, this is much more problematical than usually supposed if one aims to move beyond a general Early Byzantine (fifth- to seventh-century) attribution. It is also unclear to what extent seventhcentury styles of construction remained in use in the Holy Land after the loss of Palestina to the Arabs. Ovadiah concludes in his study of church architecture in Palestina that this shows no unique developments in the Byzantine period.315 Although, during the 1950s and 1960s, archaeologists considered that synagogues could be dated on architectural grounds, it seems, rather, that synagogue-

316

‫ ואילך' בשטרן א' )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬70‫לוין י' תשנ"ב 'חקר בתי הכנסת משנות ה‬ 261-258 ,‫החדשה לחפירות ארכאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ 317 Frankel R. 1999 Wine and Oil Production in Antiquity in Israel and Other Mediterranean Countries Sheffield 318 Kingsley S.A. 2002 A sixth century AD shipwreck off the Carmel coast: Dor D and Holy Land wine trade Israel (BAR International Series 1065) Oxford, 62 319 Aviam M. 2004 Jews, Pagans and Christians in the Galilee. 25 Years of Archaeological Excavations and Surveys. Hellenistic to Byzantione Period Rochester, New York and Woodbridge, 171-174 320 Frankel R. 1999 Wine and Oil Production in Antiquity in Israel and Other Mediterranean Countries Sheffield 62, 64

313

Data in this chapter are derived from the catalogue. See Corbridge’s example on Hadrian's Wall in Greene K. 2004 Archaeology: An Introduction London, Chapter 3 (Sections 1 and 2) 315 Ovadiah A. 1991 ‘Aspects of Christian Archaeology in the Holy Land’ Liber Annuus 41, 469-481 314

57

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina Table 1: Sites with unacceptable dating evidence (NDE = No dating evidence published) Type of Site/Structure

Construction Date According to Excavator/Report

End Date According to Excavator / Report

Church

‘6th or 7th century’ – NDE.

Unreported

Inhabited Quarry

‘Byzantine’ – NDE

Unreported

Ed-Dschunene

Church

‘6th century’ - architecture and construction technique.

Unreported

Haiyan, Khirbat

Monastery?

‘5th century rebuilt in the 6th’ – NDE.

Unreported

Ha’shora

Synagogue

1st-7th centuries – finds.

Unreported

Church

512 - inscription

Unreported

Name of Site Beth Bad Bodeda, Horvat

Hazor-Ashdod Ja’hazam, Khirbat

th

Monastery

‘6 century’ – NDE.

Unreported

Khan el-Ahmar

Church

‘End of 5th century’ – NDE.

Unreported

Khasfin A

Church

‘Byzantine’ - NDE

Unreported

Khasfin B

Church

561 or 618 – inscription.

Unreported

Khudriya, Khirbat Motza Naharon, Tel

Monastery

‘Byzantine’ - NDE

Unreported

Church

‘5th to 6th centuries’ – NDE.

Unreported

‘Byzantine’ - NDE

Unreported

Unknown th

th

Samra, Khirbat

Unknown

‘5 and 6 century’ – NDE.

Unreported

Shede Nahom

Monastery

‘6th century’ – NDE.

Unreported

Umm Zakum, Khirbat Bethlehem in Galilee Be’er Sheva

Church

th

th

Unreported

th

th

Unreported

5 to 6 century – finds.

Church

5 to 6 century – finds.

Fort

Late Roman and Byzantine - finds.

Unreported

Be’er Sheva, Area G

Structures

NDE

Unreported

Be’er Sheva, Cemetery

Cemetery

‘4th and 5th centuries’ – NDE.

Unreported

Be’er Sheva, Ramot B

Isolated Structure

NDE

Unreported

Be’er Sheva, Elat Road

Isolated Structure

NDE

Unreported

Be’er sheva

Church

552/3 - inscription

Unreported

Be’er sheva

Church

‘Byzantine’ - NDE

Unreported

Be’er Sheva, Area B1

Room

NDE

Unreported

Yoqne’am

Church

NDE

Unreported

‘5 or 6th century’ - mosaic floor.

Unreported

Horkaniya

Monastery

Hariton

th

Monastery

NDE

Unreported

Es-Samra, Khirbat

Church

‘5th or 6th century’- NDE

Unreported

Jericho, Tell Hasan

Church

4th and 5th century – floor mosaic.

Unreported

Jericho, e-Nitle

Church

Byzantine – floor mosaics.

Unreported

th

Synagogue

‘Beginning of the 8 century’ – architectural evidence.

Unreported

Taninim, Tel

Reservoir and Pool

TPQ of 6th century - finds.

Unreported

Ehud, Giv'at

Farmhouse

‘Byzantine’ - NDE

Unreported

Hison, Biq'at

Seasonal Settlement

Jericho, Tell es-Sultan

th

th

6 -8 century – finds. th

Unreported

th

Unknown

Industrial area: ‘6 -8 century’ - NDE type of oil-press.

Unreported

Rehovot-in-the-Negev, Northern Church

Church

Second half of the 5th century - burials and inscription.

Unreported

Rehovot-in-the-Negev, Central Church

Church

550/1 or 554/5 - inscription.

Unreported

Rehovot-in-the-Negev, Khan in Area C

Structure

Constructed in the Late Roman Period, used in Byzantine period – finds.

Unreported

Beth Shean (Scythopolis), Terrance Structures

Structures

‘Byzantine’ - finds

Unreported

Shoni

58

Chapter 4: Chronology Type of Site/Structure

Construction Date According to Excavator/Report

End Date According to Excavator / Report

Beth Shean (Scythopolis), Burial Caves

Burials

Later Phase Burials: Late Roman /Early Byzantine-pottery. Eastern Cave: 5th to 7th century - grave goods.

Unreported

Beth Shean (Scythopolis), Extramural Monastery

Monastery

567 - Inscription and hoard TPQ 610-641.

Monastery destroyed or abandoned after the Arab Conquest – NDE.

Beth Shean (Scythopolis), Extramural Synagogue

Synagogue

NDE

Unreported

Beth Shean (Scythopolis), Intramural Monastery

Monastery

6th century – inscription.

Unreported

Zichrin, Horbat, Monastery

Monastery

Founded in 5th century - finds in foundations.

Unreported

Church

Coins and pottery under floors indicate construction: First half of the 6th century. Second phase: Second half of the 5th th century or 6 century.

Unreported

Baths

NDE

Unreported

Name of Site

Zichrin, Horbat Zichrin, Horbat, Baths

th

House

A wall was dated to late 4 century by coins in foundations. The house is said to be contemporary with the wall and, therefore, the house was dated to late 4th century.

Unreported

Masos, Tel

Monastery

Inscriptions dated on epigraphic grounds to th 8 century.

Unreported

'Ara, Kfar

Burial Cave

Second phase: 3rd to 6th century – finds.

Meiron

Chorazim

rd

th

Unreported th

Town

Late 3 and early 4 century – finds.

‘8 century’ – NDE.

Ein-Gedi

Seasonal Settlement

Roman and Byzantine phases stratigraphical sequence but no details given.

Unreported

Ein-Gedi

Synagogue

7th century – finds.

‘530’ (fire) – NDE

Abu-Ghunneim, Khirbat

Monastery

th

th

5 and 6 century – finds. th

Unreported th

Rehov

Synagogue

4 century – finds.

7 century – NDE

Sumaq/a - Complex 2

Settlement

2nd to 3rd century – finds.

6th - 7th century – finds

Sumaq/a - Complex 6

Settlement

End of 2nd century – finds.

First half of 6th century – finds.

Sumaq/a

Synagogue

3rd century – finds.

Unreported

Cave

Byzantine – finds.

Unreported

th

Kenes, Horbat - Cave 2 Kenes, Horbat - Cave 3

Cave

Second half of 4 century – finds.

Unreported

Kenes, Horbat

Church

6th - finds and mosaic.

7th century - NDE.

Hermeshit, Horvat

Miqve

‘Byzantine’ - NDE

Unreported

Hermeshit, Horvat

Oil-Press and Wine-Press

Byzantine - method of construction and pottery.

Unreported

Hermeshit, Horvat

Structure

Byzantine - finds

Unreported

Hermeshit, Horvat

Chapel

NDE

Unreported

th

Bir el-Kot

Monastery

Second half of the 6 century – inscription.

Unreported

Siyar El-Ghanam

Monastery

4th century - architecture.

‘8th century’ – NDE.

Siyar El-Ghanam

Church

First church – NDE. Second church overlies first – ‘6th century’ - NDE.

Unreported

Shepherds’ Fields

Church

‘4th century’ – NDE.

‘Moslem Period’ – NDE.

Church

th

6 century - inscription th

Beth Sha’ar Beth Jimal ed-Deir, Khirbat Matta Hesheq, Horbat

th

Unreported

Church

‘5 to 6 centuries’ - NDE

Unreported

Monastery

‘Late 5th or early 6th century’ – NDE.

Mid-7th - NDE.

Church

6th century – architecture and floor mosaics.

Unreported

Farm-Church

519 - mosaic inscription.

Unreported

59

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Name of Site Hammat Gader al-Karak, Khirbat

Type of Site/Structure

Construction Date According to Excavator/Report

End Date According to Excavator / Report

Synagogue

First half of the 5th century – inscription.

Unreported

th

‘4 to 5 century’ – NDE.

Unreported

Church

528/9 – inscription

‘Arab house’ built on top of church.

Hanot, Khirbat

Church

563, 568, or 593 – inscription.

Unreported

Truman, Kfar

Building

Byzantine – finds

Unreported

Truman, Kfar

Church

‘Late 6th century’ – NDE.

Unreported

al-Karak, Khirbat

‘Synagogue’

th

Ein Farah

Caves

‘Byzantine’ - NDE

Unreported

Ein Farah

Church

‘4th century’ - NDE

Unreported

Eshtemoa

Synagogue

3rd or 4th century – style of sculpture.

Unreported

Berachot, Horbat

th

Church

Second half of the 5 century - mosaics.

Unreported

Martyrius at Ma’ale Adumim

Monastery

522/537/552 – inscription.

Unreported

Hefer, Tel

Settlement

Layer 3: 5th century – pottery.

Layer 2: 6th century pottery.

Malhata

Settlement

Byzantine - pottery

Unreported

Malhata

Church

Byzantine - pottery

Unreported

Yafi’a

th

Synagogue

4 century - mosaic floor and sculpture.

Unreported

Bethlehem

Church

6th century –mosaic floor.

Unreported

Beth Govrin

Settlement and Church

‘Byzantine’ - NDE

Unreported

ed-Deir, Khirbat

Monastery

‘5th or 6th century’ - NDE.

Mid-7th century – NDE.

Susiya, Horbat

Synagogue

End of 4th, 5th century - pottery.

‘8th or 9th century’ – NDE.

Kursi

Monastery

‘5th century’ - stratigraphical study mentioned but no details given.

7th century – stratigraphical study mentioned but no details given.

Kursi

Church

582-587- inscription.

Unreported

Church

Second half of 4th century - coins found in mortar of wall.

Unreported

Mamshit East Church Mamshit West Church

Church

th

Second half of 4 century - mosaic floor.

Unreported

Maon (Judea)

Synagogue

Second half of the 4 century – finds.

‘Early Muslim’ period due to lack of finds.

Marda

Monastery

th th Second half of 5 or 6 century – architecture.

Unreported

Marda

Church

5th century – mosaics.

Unreported

Grizim, Mount

th

Church

484 – textual correlation and architecture.

Unreported

Nizzana

Fort

Early 5th century – finds.

‘Late Ummayad’ – NDE.

Nizzana

North Church

464 and 475 - inscriptions.

Unreported

Nizzana

South Church

After 565 – architecture.

Unreported

Shivta

“Stable House”

4th century - architecture.

Unreported

Shivta - South Church

Church

350 - inscription

Floor repaired in 640 – inscription.

Shivta - North Church

Church

‘Second half of 4th century’ – NDE.

Unreported

Central Church

NDE

Unreported

Church

525 or 570 – inscription.

Unreported

Shivta - Central Church el-Beiyudat, Khirbat a-Dier

Fort

Byzantine - finds

Unreported

Shlomi

Structure

6th century - finds

Unreported

Church

End of 4th - beginning of 5th century - finds.

Unreported

A’gor

th

al-Habela, Khirbat

Church

th

5 and 6 centuries - architecture and mosaic floor.

60

Unreported

Chapter 4: Chronology

Name of Site Alonai Mamre Amaos Amaos - South Church Amaos - North Church Arbel

Type of Site/Structure

Construction Date According to Excavator/Report

End Date According to Excavator / Report

NDE

Unreported

Villa

4 century – architecture.

Unreported

Church

5th century – architecture.

Unreported

Church th

th

Church

‘6 century’ – NDE.

Unreported

th

Synagogue

4 century – architecture.

Unreported

Arraba

Church

‘5th, 6th centuries’ – NDE.

Unreported

Ashdod

Unknown

Late Roman/ Byzantine – finds.

Unreported

Ashkelon

th

Baths

th

5 and 6 century – pottery.

Unreported

th

Ashkelon

Church

4 century – sculpture 498/9, 493/4, 605/6 – inscription.

Unreported

A’sida, Khirbat

Church

5th century - mosaic floor

‘8th century’ due to iconoclast damage.

Ata, Kfar

Church

5th to 6th century – finds.

End of 6th century (fire) – NDE.

Avdat - North Church

Church

Second half of 4th century - architecture and finds.

Avdat, Church of St. Theodore (South Church)

Church

TPQ 450 – architecture.

After 617 (date of last burial).

Bahan

Church

‘6th century’ – NDE.

Unreported

Bardala

Church

‘Byzantine’ - NDE

Unreported

Be’er Shema, Horbat

Church

Last third of the 6th century – finds.

Mid-7th century – finds.

Be’er Sheva, Area D

Structure

6th century or later - finds below the floor.

Unreported

Be’er Sheva, Area E

Complex

th

6 century or later - finds below the floor.

Unreported th

Synagogue

Floor dated to 518-527 - inscription and sealed coins.

6 century (earthquake?) –NDE.

Church

‘500’ - NDE

‘8th century’ - iconoclast damage.

Synagogue

TPQ 4th century - pottery under floors. 5th century - finds and glass.

Unreported

Fort

5th century – finds.

Early 7th century - finds.

Baths

491-518 – inscription.

9th or 10th century – Arabic inscriptions.

Herodium - Northern Church

Church

th Middle to second half of 5 century architecture and mosaic floors.

Unreported

Herodium - Eastern Church

Church

Second half of 6th, or beginning of 7th century - mosaic and inscription.

Unreported

Herodium - Central Church

Church

‘Latest church in Herodium’ - mosaic floor.

Unreported

Beth Alpha Beth Loya, Horbat Beth Shean (Scythopolis), ‘The House of Leonitis’ Upper Zohar Hammat Gader

th

Hoshifa

Synagogue

5 century – architecture.

el-Kiliya, Horbat

Monastery

‘Byzantine’ - NDE

Unreported

Church

576 - inscription

Unreported

Maoz Hayim

Synagogue

4th century - finds

7th century – finds.

Mitzpe Shivta

Monastery

‘Byzantine’ - NDE

Unreported

Dapit, Horbat

Structure

1st century – pottery.

4th century – pottery.

Yeroham, Mezad Structure A

Structure

5th century – finds.

6th century – finds.

Yeroham, Mezad Structure C

Structure

5th century – pottery.

6th century – pottery.

Yeroham, Mezad Structure D

Structure

5th century – pottery.

6th century – pottery.

Kissufim

Qedumim

Structures

rd

Second half of the 3 century – finds.

61

‘527-565’ (fire) – NDE.

th End of the 5 or beginning of the 6th century – finds.

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Name of Site Ramat Rahel Shilo Nuseib Uweishira

Type of Site/Structure

Construction Date According to Excavator/Report

End Date According to Excavator / Report

Settlement

3rd century – finds.

‘7th century’ – NDE.

Basilica

Hellenistic – finds.

‘Middle of 8th century’ (earthquake of 747/8).

Monastery

5th and 6th centuries – pottery.

Unreported

Nuseib Uweishira

Church

420 - 520 – inscription.

Unreported

Beth Einun (Beth Anoth)

Church

End of 6th or beginning of 7th century –finds.

Unreported

Cemetery

5th - finds

7th or 8th – finds.

Luzit Yattir, Horbat

Church

Byzantine - pottery

Unreported

Krayiot, Tel

Church

‘720’ - iconoclast activity.

Unreported

Monastery

6th century – inscription and finds.

Mavo Modi’in

Unreported th

Religious Structure

5th century - pottery.

8 century by iconoclast damage.

Jannaba et-Tahta, Khirbet

Unknown

6th century – inscription.

Unreported

Jemameh, Khirbat (Rochama)

Monastery

Byzantine - finds, floor mosaics and architecture.

Unreported

Qarnaim, Kfar

Synagogue

6th century - floor mosaic.

Unreported

Sokho, Horbat

Biet HaShita

th

th

Monastery

5 and 6 century – finds.

Unreported

Ein el-Jedida

Monastery

Late Byzantine by finds and inscription.

Unreported

Bashol, Tel

Monastery

Byzantine - pottery.

7th century NDE.

Bashol, Tel

Church

‘5th century’ – NDE.

‘End of 6th century’ – NDE.

Grarit, Horbat

Church

598 - inscription th

th

Unreported th

Hanita

Church

5 or 6 century –inscription and architecture.

‘7 century’ - iconoclast damage.

Kofin, Horbat

Church

‘4th to 6th century’ – NDE.

Unreported

Kama, Kfar

Church?

536 - inscription

Unreported

Michmash (Mukhmas)

th

Church

6 century inscription and mosaic floor.

Unreported

Mishmar HaEmek

Industrial Area

‘5th and 6th century’ – NDE.

Unreported

Mishmar HaEmek

Church

5th century – pottery.

Unreported

Sohmata

Church

555 - inscription

Unreported

E’vron

Church

415 - inscription

Unreported

O’tzem

Church

5th-6th century - inscription.

Unreported

Ein Hanniya

Church

5th-6th century - mosaic floor.

th ‘8 century’ -iconoclast damage.

Rugalit

Church

‘6th century’ – NDE.

Unreported

Shalal

Church

561/2 - inscription and mosaic floor.

Unreported

el-Kirbe

Samaritan Synagogue

3rd and 4th century – inscription and finds.

Unreported

Samara, Khirbat

Samaritan Synagogue

4th century – mosaic floor, finds and architecture.

Unreported

Nablus

Samaritan Synagogue

4th century – textual correlation.

Unreported

Ein et Tabigha Ein Shoqeq

th

Monastery

‘End of the 4 century’ – NDE.

Nymphaeum (?)

‘Roman and Byzantine period’ – NDE.

Unreported

Mausoleum

End of 3 century – finds.

5 or 6th century – finds.

Church

4th century - mosaic floor.

Unreported

Ein el Fawwar

Monastery

‘Byzantine’ - NDE

Unreported

Shema, Horbat

Burials

‘Byzantine’ - NDE

Sabiya, Horbat Bethany

Gav’it, Horbat

rd

Unreported

th

Church

6 century – finds.

62

th

Unreported th

8 century – finds.

Chapter 4: Chronology Type of Site/Structure

Construction Date According to Excavator/Report

End Date According to Excavator / Report

Pachal - West Church

Church

5th and 6th century - architecture, finds and mosaic floor.

Unreported

Sepphoris

Vaults

Late Roman – finds.

700 - finds

Sepphoris - ‘Nile Festival House’

House

‘5th century’ - NDE

Unreported

Sepphoris

House

‘4th and 5th century’ – NDE.

Unreported

Sepphoris

Church

‘Byzantine’ - NDE

Unreported

Synagogue

6 century - finds and mosaic floor.

Unreported

Church

5th and 6th century – fragmentary mosaic.

Unreported

Name of Site

Sepphoris Petra Ridge Church Elusa - East Church

Church

th

th

th

‘Late 4 or early 5 century’ – NDE.

Unreported

rd

Apolonia

Church

3 century – finds.

Unreported

Apolonia Reshef Church

Church

‘6th century’ – NDE.

Unreported

Beth Shearim

Cemetery

2nd century – finds.

4th century – finds.

Beth Shearim

Synagogue

3rd century – finds.

Unreported

th

Bar’am

Synagogue

4 century – architecture.

Unreported

Tiberias

Basilican Structure

‘4th century’ – NDE.

Unreported

th

Tiberias - North Synagogue

Synagogue

6 century – mosaic floor.

Unreported

Tiberias - North Synagogue

Church

Byzantine - pottery

749 (earthquake) - lack of Ummayad finds.

Maon, Horbat

Synagogue

4th century – finds.

7thcentury – finds.

Na’aran

Settlement

6th century – finds.

‘8th century’ (fire) – NDE.

E’ira, Tel

Settlement

7th century – pottery.

7th century - finds in destruction layer.

Cesarea

Church

‘6th century’ – NDE.

‘7th century’ – NDE.

rd

Cesarea

Synagogue

3 century – finds.

‘8th century’ – NDE.

Sera’, Tel

Water system

5th century – finds.

6th century – finds.

Sera’, Tel

Baths

5th century – finds.

6th century – finds.

Hadat, Horbat

Monastery

‘5 century’ – NDE.

‘6th century’ – NDE.

Zur Natan, - Area B2

Unknown

‘4th or 5th century’ – NDE.

Unreported

Wine-press

‘Byzantine’–plan/typology.

Zur Natan

th

Unreported th

Zur Natan

Oil-press

‘Byzantine’ -NDE

8 century – finds.

Zur Natan

Monastery

‘6th century’- NDE.

8th century – finds.

Zur Natan

Synagogue

4th and 5th century – finds.

Unreported

NDE

Unreported

Magen

Church th

Susita, - Church A

Church

‘6 century’ – NDE.

Unreported

Susita, - Church B

Church

5th century- inscriptions.

Unreported

Susita, - Church C

th

Church

‘6 century’ –NDE.

Unreported

Gadara

Baths

‘Beginning of the 4th century’ – NDE.

‘First half of 7th century’ (earthquake) – NDE.

Gadara

Church

‘4th century’ – NDE.

Unreported

Gadara

Church

NDE

Unreported

Umm er-Rasas - Church of St. Stephan

Church

NDE

Unreported

Humeima

Church Complex

NDE

Unreported

Qasrin

Synagogue

End of 4th or beginning of 5th century sealed pottery under floor.

Last floor TPQ 6th century – sealed finds.

Amudim, Horbat

Synagogue

End of 3h, beginning of 4th - sealed finds under floor.

Unreported

Church

TPQ 395 - coin under floor.

Unreported

Heptapegon

63

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina Type of Site/Structure

Construction Date According to Excavator/Report

End Date According to Excavator / Report

Susiya, Horbat

Structure

5th century - coin sealed under floor.

Unreported

Ramat Hanadiv - Horbat Aqav

Structure

5th century - sealed find under floor.

Mid-7th century – NDE.

Name of Site

Synagogue

‘4 century’ – NDE.

TAQ from mosque built inside the synagogue, dated to the early Muslim period.

Dibon - North Church

Church

Second or third quarter of the 6th century stratigraphical analysis.

Unreported

Dibon - Gateway Church

Church

NDE

Unreported

'Anim, Horbat

th

Excavators dated 21 sites (7%) by reference to their mosaic pavements. As we have seen in Chapter 2, this is only reliable when a floor can be shown to be contemporary with a specific structural phase and can be dated by sealed finds or an inscription. Unfortunately, this is very rarely the case in Palestina and, as few mosaic floors are dated directly by inscriptions, there is little possibility to study the development of mosaic decoration itself closely enough to yield reliable art historical dates for mosaics. AviYonah, in his early work on mosaic pavements in Israel, states: ‘Mosaic dating cannot be regarded as equally reliable with pottery dating, especially as contemporary pavements might differ widely in style.’321 Despite writing more than fifty years later, Ovadiah agreed ‘We are unable at present to date a mosaic pavement from its decoration or patterns or its artistic style.’322

detail) without reference to either their location or stratification, nor are relevant artefacts always closely datable. Likewise, even recent reports often employ the obsolete (but related) method of simply listing the coin-sequence from a site chronologically and then taking this as representative of the duration and intensity of activity. This method, once widely used in the archaeology of the Western Roman Empire, has such well-known flaws that they do not need to be reiterated here. Like other artefacts, coins are seldom published with reference to their stratigraphical position, or even to their location. Clearly, these methods are unusable, yet 76 out of 286 sites (that is 26% of sites) have been ‘dated’ in this manner and these have probably caused considerable confusion in previous archaeological studies. Confusion has also arisen from attempting to make correlations between archaeological ‘events’, such as the construction or collapse of a structure and events known from texts, such as a fire or siege. This is also, of course, a fallacy that once plagued the archaeology of the Western Roman Empire and medieval Europe, but has been largely eliminated from these fields. However, again the archaeology of Byzantine Palestina remains somewhat ‘behind the times’ in this respect. Two examples that require specific discussion are the use of textually-attested earthquakes as dating devices and attempts to correlate archaeological events with the seventh-century Persian or Muslim invasions.

Of course, excavators may claim that sites were dated by comparison to other ‘well-dated’ sites. However, what constitutes ‘well-dated’ sites to these researchers may not be considered adequate dating by the wider archaeological community internationally. For example, the mosaics found in the southern aisle of the Tel Hasan church in Jericho were similar to those the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem, dated to the fourth- or fifth-century. However, it was possible that the mosaic belonged to the earlier church and the church itself dates to the reign of Justinian I. Therefore the dating of the church to the fourth- or fifthcentury is uncertain.323 When comparative dating techniques are not used, excavators’ chronologies for their sites usually rely upon the citation of ‘datable’ finds – usually without giving their context. As can be seen from Table 1 of this chapter, the dates of these finds are then presented as the dates of activity at the site or of a structure. If the earliest finds from a church belong, say, to c. 300 and the latest from, say, c. 600, then c. 300 is presented as the construction date and c. 600 as the date of disuse. This approach would, of course, be methodologically indefensible even if the finds were closely dated, well-sealed and fully published. However, these finds are usually published (if in any

Earthquakes have often been correlated with archaeological evidence of structural collapse. Chronologies of earthquakes in the area have been published and were discussed in the introduction. There, I also discussed the problems associated with these chronologies and observed that it would be incorrect to depend completely on the dates that they provide. Nevertheless, many excavators appear to consider that earthquake chronologies offer reliable dating when correlated with archaeological data: 8 out of 286 sites (3%) have been ‘dated’ in this way. Earthquakes are sometimes said to correlate with phases of structural refurbishment and abandonment, without any explanation of why such phases must be the result of earthquake damage, rather than other factors. It is unclear and often unreported, exactly how the excavators reached

321

Avi-Yonah M. 1933 Mosaic Pavements in Palestine Oxford, 89 Ovadiah R. 1987 Mosaic Pavements in Israel Rome, 184 323 Baramki D.C. 1935/1936 ‘An Early Byzantine Basilica at Tell Hassan Jericho’ QDAP 5, 82-88 322

64

Chapter 4: Chronology

textually-attested events and archaeologically-observable material data.

the conclusion that an earthquake, is, indeed the reason for abandonment. What constitutes evidence for earthquake damage is also unclear. It is often unreported how excavators reached the conclusion that such damage had occurred, although ‘shattering’ and the direction of collapse are sometimes cited. However, it is by no means clear that the only way architectural features may be shattered is through an earthquake and, obviously, many factors could account for the same direction of collapse.

Last, we come to those sites published without any reference to dating evidence. Obviously, it is impossible to evaluate to what extent excavators’ chronologies are accurate when they provide no information as a guide. However, except in the case of preliminary or interim statements and summaries, when this might be understandable in the context of brevity, the very omission of these data must be seen as a serious shortcoming and the results presented treated as intrinsically suspect. 81 of 286 sites (28%) have no published dating evidence.

The principal other historical correlation used to date these sites is with the Persian or Muslim invasions. This was used in as many as 41 out of 81 sites given ‘end dates’ by their excavators, just over half (51%) of the total. The problems associated with trying to date sites by reference to iconoclast behaviour have already been discussed, although 6 out of 286 sites (2%) have been dated in reference to iconoclasm. Here it is worth noting simply that this is yet another fallacious approach based on questionable assumptions about the correlation between

Thus, many methodological inconsistencies – and even mistakes – can be identified in relation to the published chronologies for these sites. In addition to these general observations, affecting most sites in the catalogue (223 out of 286 sites, which is 78% of all dated sites), the following specific points might also be noted:

Table 2: Specific chronological problems with sites in the catalogue and suggested re-dating Site Name

Site Type

Excavator’s Dating

Revised Dating

th Built in the second half of the 5 century – mosaic The church might have already been in th floor dated by comparison with other, dated, existence by the 5 century, if the mosaic has been correctly dated. mosaics.

Berachot, Horbat

Church

Qasrin

The excavators date the last floor in the synagogue to the beginning of the 7th century. The dating is These coins give a TPQ of the late 6th Synagogue based on a hoard of 82 coins found underneath the century and not the 7th century. floor; all of the coins are from the 6th century AD, most from its latter part.

Church

Pottery and numismatic evidence from beneath Area D of the church was entirely from the 3rd and th 4 centuries. Sukenik takes these finds as an indication that the church was constructed at the end of the 3rd century, or at the beginning of the 4th century. Sealed 4th century pottery above floor level indicates, according to the excavators, a relatively short phase of occupation.

Mosaic

Levi stated that the mosaic dates stylistically to the Dating one mosaic to the 6th century does 6th century but then rejected this date because it did not undermine dating an earlier mosaic not leave enough time for the later mosaic, dated to below it to the same century. th the 6 century by its style and decoration.

Zichrin, Horbat

Monastery

Ceramics and coins dated to the second half of the The finds provide a TPQ for the construc4th century found in the foundations of the monation, which could have taken place at any stery led the excavators to conclude that the buillater date. th ding was founded on the first half of the 5 century.

Meroth

The first phase of the synagogue is dated (by a midth 5 century coin sealed under the mosaic floor) to the 5th century. A hoard was found under the floor. The latest coin is Synagogue from 1193. Ilan and Damati base their dating on this hoard and other dated finds and argue that the synagogue continued in existence to the 12th century.

The first phase of the synagogue can be th dated only to the middle of the 5 century or later. The hoard may provide an 1192 or later date for the cessation of religious activity in that room. But hoards are often concealed in long-disused ruins because they are useful places to hide valuables. This hoard alone does not indicate the use of the synagogue in the 12th century.

Gush Halav

Synagogue 3 is dated to 363-460 by the hoard of coins found inside the final plaster floor. This was Synagogue said to provide a clear TAQ for the last synagogue of 460.

The coin hoard gives a TPQ of 460 for the final plaster floor, but not a TAQ for anything. It could have been deposited at any later date than 460.

Amudim

Beth Govrin

65

th If there was any sealed 4 century pottery rd then a 3 century date is impossible. There is no reason to assume a short-lived site from 4th century material above the floor.

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina Site Name

Site Type

Excavator’s Dating

Revised Dating

Finds in the foundations of the synagogue include pottery and coins. The latest coin has the earliest Synagogue The coin provides a TPQ of 498 only. date of 498 and this dates the construction of the th synagogue to the beginning of the 6 century.

Kanaf, Horbat

4th century coins in sand under the church provide a TPQ for its initial construction. A 5th century coin found in the area north of the southern wall of the northern outer aisle indicates that the church was th rebuilt at the end of the 4 or the beginning of the 5th century.

Dor

th The 4 century TPQ is correct. If the coin th was 5 century in date, this precludes a 4th century date for the reconstruction. Furthermore, since the context of the 5th century coin is unknown, no date is available for the reconstruction.

Turning to those sites that have more adequate published dating evidence, it is striking that 26 of the 286 structures in the catalogue (9%) may be dated wholly or in part by one or more inscriptions. However, even in these cases there are several problems. Inscriptions seldom refer to the construction of a structure and when this is the case it is rare that they provide an unambiguous date of construction. Inscriptions may be damaged or their texts may be unclear and indictional dating also presents chronological uncertainties.

or abandonment of a site or structure. Unfortunately, many excavators appear to believe that once they have discovered one or more inscriptions which provide any dating for the structure this is sufficient as dating evidence for the overall structure. For example, the Kissufim church is ‘dated’ to AD 576 by the inscription that dates its mosaic and this dating evidence is considered as sufficient in itself to date the church. This is not to say that inscriptions are never well-used as dating evidence, but they are obviously of more value alongside stratigraphy and sealed finds.

Inscriptions may date the reconstruction or laying of a new mosaic floor, the construction or reconstruction of the whole or part of a structure, or a single burial. As such, they provide only partial information regarding the chronology of the structure. This information may be useful in dating a specific phase of construction or burial but often gives us little assistance regarding the foundation

Only 62 out of 286 dated structures and features (22%) are even partly dated by sealed finds and stratigraphical analysis: a remarkable 78% are not. In most cases, a complete chronology is unavailable even for these sites, or is partly also based on the dubious methods discussed earlier in this chapter. The shortcomings of even these better-dated sites are clearly expressed in tabular form:

Table 3: Well-dated excavated Byzantine sites in Palestina Key to category of dating evidence: DE – Dating Evidence A – Coin sealed in foundations B – Pottery sealed in foundations C – Excavators report sealed finds but give no details O – Other potentially reliable evidence

Site Name

Site Type

DE

Foundation Date

DE

End Date

Beth Shean (Scythopolis), Round Church

Church

B

5th century

-

Unreported

Zichrin, Horbat, monastery

Monastery

B

5th century

-

Unreported

-

Unreported

th

Church

A/B

The first half of the 6 century.

Meroth

Synagogue

A

Middle of the 5th century.

C

12th century? See Table 2 of this chapter for details.

Meiron

Synagogue

C

4th century

-

Synagogue abandoned after 363 earthquake – unreliable.

Hammat Tiberias

Street and Gate

C

Byzantine and Islamic period.

-

Unreported

Hammat Tiberias

Synagogue

C

Second half of the 1st century.

C

8th century, Islamic- period synagogue later constructed.

Gush Halav

Synagogue

C

Mid-3rd century.

O

TPQ 460 (sealed hoard), earthquake of 551?

Chorazim

Synagogue

C

End of 4th century.

-

Unreported.

-

Unreported.

Zichrin, Horbat, monastery

Nazareth

Church

th

C

5 century

66

Chapter 4: Chronology Site Name Ein Boqeq

Site Type

DE

Foundation Date

DE

Fort

C

First third of 4th century

C

End Date 632-635 th

Rimon, Horbat

Synagogue

-

Unreported

C

End of 6 , beginning of 7th century.

Qasrin

Settlement

C

4th century

C

8th century

Orcha, Giv’at

Settlement

C

3rd or 4th century.

C

5th or 6th century.

Mamshit

Settlement

C

4th century

-

Unreported

Water System

C

3rd century

C

7th century

a-Lagon

Fort

C

284-305

O

551 earthquake? Stratigraphical evidence.

a-Lagon

Church

C

500

O

551 earthquake? Stratigraphical evidence.

Yn’am, Tel

Ritual Baths

O

505 +-65 and 529 +-65 – C14 dating.

-

Unreported

Yarmot, Tel

Structure

C

3rd or 4th century.

-

Unreported

Ramat Hanadiv -Horbat ‘Eleq

th

Maon (Nirim)

Synagogue

C

TPQ 4 century.

-

Unreported

Ein Neshot

Synagogue

C

5th century

-

Unreported

Pilgrim Church

C

Beginning 5th century.

-

Unreported

C

7th century

Shilo Tamar Fort

Last quarter of the 3 century.

rd

Fort

C

Misr, Kafr

Synagogue

C

3rd century

C

7th century

Sataf

Landscape Terraces

C

Byzantine

-

Unreported

Sataf

Landscape - Pool

C

4th century

-

Unreported

Sataf

Landscape - Tomb

C

Byzantine

-

Unreported

Bethel

Unknown

C

3rd century

C

7th century - sealed finds

Synagogue

C

3rd century

O?

AD 408, sharp break in coin evidence (this may not necessarily mean disuse).

Pachal

Civic Complex Church

C

4th century

-

Unreported

Pachal

East Church

C

End of 5th, beginning of th 6 century.

-

Unreported

Structures

C

Roman period

C

End of Early Byzantine period.

Shema, Horbat

Capernaum

th

Capernaum

Synagogue

C

5 century

C

End of Early Byzantine period.

Capernaum

House of St. Peter/ Octagonal church

C

1st century

-

Unreported

Gaza

Synagogue

C

End of the 5th beginning th of the 6 .

-

Unreported

Tiberias

Ritual baths

C

4th century

-

Unreported

-

Unreported

Tiberias Tiberias Naboriya, Kfar Caesarea

Walls

th

C

6 century 2

nd

Basilica

C

-

Unreported

Synagogue

C

Middle Roman

century

-

Unreported

Gate and Wall

C

4th century

-

Unreported

th

Dabiyye Sabiya, Horbat

Synagogue

C

End of 5 , beginning of th the 6 .

-

Unreported

The Jar Installation

C

4th century

C

6th century Shortly after 640? Finds reported as unsealed.

th

Caesarea Na’aran

Byzantine Baths

A/B

Mid-6 century, th beginning of 7 century

A/B

Synagogue

C

End of the 6th century

-

Petra

Church

Beth Shean (Scythopolis), Round Church

Church

Unreported

Mid-/early 5th or early 6th A/B A/B century.

End of 6th century or th the beginning of 7 .

th 5 century

Unreported

B

67

-

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina Site Name

Site Type

DE

Foundation Date

DE

End Date

Monastery

B

5th century

-

Unreported

Church

A/B

The first half of the 6th century.

-

Unreported

Meroth

Synagogue

A

Middle of the 5th century

C

12th century? See Table 2 of this chapter for details.

Meiron

Synagogue

C

4th century.

-

Synagogue abandoned after 363 earthquake – unreliable.

Hammat Tiberias

Street and Gate

C

Byzantine and Islamic period.

-

Unreported

Hammat Tiberias

Synagogue

C

Second half of the 1st century.

C

8th century, Islamic- period synagogue later constructed.

Zichrin, Horbat, monastery Zichrin, Horbat,

Several points can be drawn from the data presented in this table. Even when sealed contexts are used to date sites, these are usually too few to date even the construction phase or the disuse of the site. The end of the site, a particularly important aspect of the chronology of sites in Byzantine Palestina, is particularly badly dated, even at these sites where excavators attempt to use stratigraphical analysis for most other aspects of the site’s chronology. In cases where the excavators did not find sealed finds, many resort to dating by association with earthquakes and other less reliable means.

as radiocarbon dating are employed, is it possible to rely upon the excavators’ conclusions. However, in many cases excavators say only that they base their dating on ‘stratigraphical analysis’ without giving more details, even in what are apparently intended to be ‘final reports’ of excavations. It is difficult to treat these sites without suspicion if nothing more is known about this alleged analysis and it cannot be examined and commented on by other scholars. Thus, even the above list may represent an optimistic assessment of the number of well-dated sites. This leaves us few trustworthy site-chronologies that may be used in the study of Byzantine Palestina. Most of these sites are dated by finds in their foundations, providing a Terminus Post Quem for construction. The sum of these results may be expressed in the following graph:

Complete reliance on the excavator’s dating, even for comparatively well-dated sites, is therefore, seldom possible. Only in those cases where sealed finds are reported and the site is dated using them, or where scientific methods such

8 7

Number of Sites

6 5 4 3 2 1 0 3rd

4th

5th

Centuries AD

6th Churches Synagogues

Chart One: TPQs for the Foundation of Religious Structures 68

Chapter 4: Chronology

10

9

8

Number of Sites

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

3rd

4th

5th

6th

Centuries AD

Chart Two: TPQs for the Foundation of Secular Structures

the sixth-century. The beginning of the construction of churches in Palestina after the beginning of the fourthcentury does not appear to have hindered in any way the construction of Jewish synagogues, rather the increase in numbers of both churches and synagogues at the same time seems to indicate two thriving communities.

Although this is a relatively small number of sites compared to the total of 286, these TPQ construction dates can be seen to provide an interesting spread of dates for Byzantine synagogues. One has a TPQ to the first-century and one in the mid-Roman period, but the rest are spread from the third to the fifth centuries. Four synagogues have a third-century TPQ, six have a fourth-century TPQ and seven have a fifth-century TPQ.

The chronology of secular structures shows a slightly different picture. One site has a TPQ of the secondcentury, there is an increase to three sites in the thirdcentury and the number reaches a peak of nine in the fourth-century, falls to one in the fifth-century and two in the sixth-century. It is unclear whether the lack of welldated fifth- and sixth-century sites is due to the small size of the sample, bias in our data, or a genuine feature of fifth- and sixth-century life. It appears from these data that the construction of secular sites, that is structures and whole settlements, might have begun in the third-century and increased in the fourth-century, before falling sharply in the fifth- and sixth-century. However, again we are left with a very small data-set after our critical review of the excavated evidence. So the generality of these results remains uncertain. A well-dated site that could not be used in this analysis is the Byzantine Baths in Caesarea, their foundation dates could be in the sixth- or seventh-century. As the TPQ of construction could have been at any time within two centuries, it is not shown on the graphs in this chapter.

Unfortunately, even fewer churches have good TPQ dating. Nevertheless, the spread of TPQ dating for churches is very interesting. One church is designated as having a ‘Post Roman TPQ ’, two churches have a fourthcentury TPQ, six have a fifth-century TPQ and one a sixthcentury TPQ. In addition, an anomaly presents itself in the shape of a religious structure with no obvious designation as either a church or a synagogue, or perhaps even a very early mosque that was constructed after the beginning of the seventh-century. It is worth noting that whereas four synagogues have TPQ dates in the third-century, there are no churches with similar data. Churches begin to appear in Byzantine Palestina after the beginning of the fourth-century, when an increase in the number of synagogues can also be seen. A steady increase in the number of churches and synagogues constructed after the fifth-century is also clear, the number of synagogues going from six to eight, whereas the number of churches rising from two to three. This can be seen to support the idea of the continuity of both religious communities in Byzantine Palestina. According to these data, no synagogues were built after the fifthcentury, whereas churches were built after the beginning of

Looking at dating for the disuse of sites, there is much less evidence even than for construction dates. Reliable dating for the end of religious structures is truly scarce and for churches there is none at all. For synagogues, again we 69

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Number of Synagogues

3

2

1

0 5th

6th

7th

8th

Centuries AD

Chart Three: TPQs for the End of Synagogues

TPQs) for the end of the sites. This is unsurprising, perhaps, in view of the political history of Palestina. These patterns may support the validity of those noted above, despite the scanty database of well-dated sites and our reliance on TPQ dating. However, it is, of course, important to bear in mind that the number of sites used in all these graphs is necessarily small and TPQ dates need not coincide closely with either dates of foundation or disuse.

have a few cases with TPQ dating. One synagogue has a TPQ of the fifth-century, three have sixth-century TPQ dates, one has a seventh-century TPQ and one has an eighth-century TPQ. Yet one more is dated to the end of the Byzantine period and another one could be dated to the twelfth-century, although this dating is not wholly convincing (for details see Meroth in tables 2 and 3 of this chapter). The picture emerging from these data is not entirely clear, but if they are taken at face value it seems that from the fifth-century onward synagogues began to be abandoned in Byzantine Palestina. In this respect, it is interesting to note that the fifth-century also sees the peak in the construction of synagogues in these graphs, as discussed above.

If this represents seventh-century reality, it appears that not only religious structures suffered in the Arab invasion but secular structures as well. The abandonment of military sites after the seventh and eighth centuries is of course easily explainable, as the Muslims may have destroyed any military threat to their occupation and dominance. Yet the data are not so easily explained, as the defence in the last century of Palestina’s Byzantine frontiers, according to historical sources, was no longer through the limes but rather through a confederation of Bedouin tribesmen loyal to the empire and organized by the Ghassanides.324 It may be necessary to treat these (former?) military sites as ordinary secular sites, or perhaps they were destroyed and abandoned as a symbolic act or warning.

The final phase of secular structures may serve to complement the picture derived from religious structures. Again, dating is mostly in form of TPQs, although other reliable evidence such as the existence of Arabic inscriptions is also taken into account. I have divided the secular structures into military and civilian structures and the spread of end dates is, not surprisingly, different in these two categories. Military sites appear to have TPQs in the seventh-century in two cases and the eighthcentury in one case. This suggests that some military communities remained in place after the Arab conquest, presumably as civilian villages. In the case of civilian sites, two have a sixth-century TPQ, two in the seventhcentury, one in the eighth-century and one in the ninthcentury. Another one is said by the excavator to have been abandoned at the end of the Byzantine period. When the figures for military and civilian sites are combined, the seventh-century emerges as the peak time (in terms of

What is even more interesting is the abandonment of secular civilian sites beginning in the sixth-century, continuing in the seventh-century and falling off only well into the Muslim period in the eighth- and ninth-century. Sixth-century abandonment is not easy to explain, but 324 Kennedy H. 1989 ‘Change and continuity in Syria and Palestine at the time of the Moslem conquest’ ARAM 1-2, 258-267

70

Chapter 4: Chronology

3

Number of Sites

2

1

0 6th

7th

Centuries AD

8th

9th

Chart Four: TPQ for the End of Civilian Sites

3

Number of Sites

2

1

0 7th

8th

Centuries AD

Chart Five: TPQ for the End of Military Sites

could be related to the Persian invasion325, worsening economic conditions or the Justinianic plague326 in the mid-sixth-century.

Secular sites were probably being abandoned just before, during and after the Muslim invasion. There may be several reasons for this. Fear and the resulting immigration of Byzantine citizens cannot be discounted, although deliberate destruction of civilian property is also likely. As this process had already begun in the sixth-century, then this could suggest that the population of Palestina was

325

See: Schick R. 1995 The Christian Communities of Palestine from Byzantine to Islamic Rule Princeton, 20-47 326 See: Stathakopoulos D.C. 2004 Famine and Pestilence in the Late Roman and Early Byzantine Empire Aldershot, 110-154

71

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0 5TH

6TH

7TH

8TH

9TH

Chart Six: TPQ for the End Dates for All Sites

Christians became, once again, a minority in the area after the Arab conquest. If so, this suggests a radical decline in the population during and after the sixth-century. This could best be explained by disease, emigration, or largescale casualties as a result of warfare. Textual and epigraphic sources suggest that conversion to Islam was not a significant feature of social change among Jews or Christians in either Palestina and Syria in the seventhcentury. 327

already diminishing before the arrival of the Persians or Arabs. Combining the figures from both religious and secular sites we find a similar picture: a steady growth in the number of sites deserted through the fifth to seventh centuries with declining numbers in the eighth and ninth centuries. Of course, all of these dates are TPQs and so do not provide absolute dating for desertion. Chart 6 appears to show more clearly what happened to these sites at the end of the Byzantine period. The steady increase in abandoned sites in the sixth-century, reaching a peak in the seventh-century and falling off again in the eighth and ninth centuries, bears witness to the effect, for whatever reason, of the Persian and Muslim invasions on the settlements in Byzantine Palestina. The number peaks in the seventh-century, the time of the Persian and Muslim invasions, after beginning to rise in the sixth-century, when the Empire was suffering from a range of demographic, military and economic problems. It may also be relevant that the numbers of abandoned settlements fall off rapidly after the period of the Persian and Muslim invasions. Stability appears only to have been reached by the ninthcentury under new Muslim rulers.

In order to place the preceding tables and figures in context, it may be useful to refer to the tables and figures compiled by Klaus Randsborg. Interestingly, he cites surveys from Israel and Jordan that indicate AD 500 as the peak of construction for both settlements and churches and states that in areas other than northern Jordan and the Negev, the Muslim conquest marks a major decline in settlement – even occasionally its complete collapse.328 This, of course, compares very closely with the results produced from the analysis here. Surveys from Syria show a very similar picture, with the number and extent of settlements peaking in the sixthcentury, accompanied by massive construction efforts. Yet the seventh-century, just as in Palestina, marks the collapse

Claudine Dauphin, in her seminal work on the Byzantine population of Palestina, reaches much the same conclusions as regards population decline in Byzantine Palestina after the Arab conquest. She uses architectural evidence to note that some churches become self-contained monasteries, that Byzantine secular structures were used until they collapsed and that large urban centres, such as Beth Shean, deteriorated and were abandoned. All of her points are unaffected by the foregoing analysis, although this does have implications for many other arguments based on the excavated sites. In her opinion also,

327

Dauphin C. 1998 La Palestine Byzantine, Peuplement et Populations 2 (BAR International Series 726); Foss C. 1997 'Syria in transition A.D.550-750: An archaeological approach', Dumbarton Oaks Papers 51, 189-269; Tate G. 1992 Les campagnes de la Syrie du Nord 1 (IFAPO 133); Kaegi W.E. 1992 Byzantium and the Early Islamic Conquests Cambridge; Kennedy H. 1985 'From Polis to Madina: urban change in late antique and early Islamic Syria' Past and Present 106, 3-27; Kennedy H. 1986 ‘The Last Century of Byzantine Syria: a reinterpretation' Byzantinische Forschungen 10, 141-183; Trombley F. 1997 'War and Society in rural Syria c. 502-613 AD: Observations on the epigraphy' Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 21, 154-209 328 Randsborg K. 1991 The First Millennium AD in Europe and the Mediterranean Cambridge

72

Chapter 4: Chronology

SITE ABANDONMENT AND SITE DESTRUCTION IN PALESTINA

of the majority of settlements, with extensive zones becoming thinly populated. Surveys from Mesopotamia paint a similar picture, with the peak of settlement numbers reached around AD 500 and the Islamic conquest causing a decline.329

Another perspective on the end of the Byzantine period in Palestina may be found by considering the specific reasons that particular sites were disused.

More detailed information from the cities and countryside of Syria and Jordan expand Randsburg’s picture of decline after the fifth-century. Clive Foss discusses the decline of Antioch, Apamea, Epiphania/Hama and Bostra in Syria. He notes that the deterioration of Antioch as an urban centre took place only after the sixth-century and economic stagnation in the countryside only after the Arab conquest. Apamea presents a similar picture, with reoccupation after the Arab conquest on a smaller and poorer scale. The inscriptions in Epiphania/Hama hint at stagnation after the sixth-century and by the eighthcentury a mosque was built to symbolise the transformation from a Christian to Muslim city. Bostra and its countryside show less of a decline and this may indicate co-existence after the Arab conquest, but in general a decline in the economy and the number and size of settlements, concludes Foss, came to Syria as a whole after the sixth-century. 330

Only one secular site and one church that had suffered destruction show signs of continued occupation into the Muslim period. Further signs of occupation are seen with new Muslim construction, yet since one was a new mosque and the other a new house, these appear to have catered to the new Muslim population, rather than the pre-existing Jewish and Christian communities. There are several possible reasons for the destruction of these sites. These include accidental fires, natural events (such as earthquakes), destruction by communities abandoning them and religious intolerance leading to destruction or demolition. We have seen that evidence for natural destruction is weak and there is evidence to support a growing atmosphere of tension after the Arab conquest. Several Byzantine churches became fortified monasteries in the Muslim period. For example, the Shepherds’ Field church became the focus of a monastery, enclosed by a wall with four watchtowers. An atmosphere of tension might imply that deliberate destruction, either by departing communities or by aggressors, may be possible.

Less work has been done in Jordan, but current evidence shows a similar pattern. In the city of Umm el-Jimal in North Jordan, Byzantine urban development came to a climax in the sixth-century. The Ummayad city shows continued occupation, yet its inhabitants appear to be reusing existing structures rather than expanding and rebuilding the city.331 In the sanctuary of Mount NeboSiyagha, we see, again, the height of development from the middle of the sixth-century to the first part of the seventh. At this time, the sanctuary underwent complete reconstruction. A new three aisled basilica was built with an atrium and two additional chapels.332

Thus, this analysis may contribute to the current debate on the effects of the Persian and Muslim invasions on Palestina. The Arab conquest soon became the subject of propaganda from all sides in the political and religious controversies of the seventh and later centuries. Some texts paint a picture of violence and bloodshed. For example, Theophanes mentions the flight of monks from Palestine and Syria to Cyprus in AD 812-3, apparently fleeing from Arabs and informs the reader that those people who did not flee were martyred.333 Another text tells of Byzantine refugees fleeing to Cypris in the seventh-century.334 Other sources indicate conversions by Muslims, or of the complicity of Jews and non-Orthodox Christians (such as Monophysites) against Orthodox Christian populations.335 Others suggest the Muslim protection of Jews and Samaritans, or the coexistence of Byzantines of all sorts with their Muslim rulers. Scholarly debates about the truth of the situation continue today. For example, Donald Whitcomb claims that the destruction of churches and synagogues was entirely the result of natural disasters such as earthquakes336 although, as we have seen, this is unlikely.

Randsborg’s figures serve, therefore, to support the pattern seen in Palestina, with Syria especially showing a sequence of growth and decline in church and settlement numbers akin to those found in modern Israel. Comparable data from Lebanon are unavailable, so on present evidence this could be claimed to be a regional pattern. Map 5 shows the distribution of sites with TPQ end dates. One might expect that the resulting pattern would show the impact of the Persian and/or Arab invasions on Palestina. However, no such pattern is visible. If this is a reflection of seventh-century reality and not just of the biases of our data, this may indicate that the Muslim invasion did not in fact cause immediate destruction and damage. Such an interpretation would support the view that settlement-, church- and synagogue-abandonment were the result of longer lasting phenomena from the sixth-century through to the ninth-century.

333 Mango C. and Scott R. (ed. and trans.) 1997 The Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor. Byzantine and Near Eastern History, AD 284-813 Oxford 334 Kaegi W. 2003 Heraclius. Emperor of Byzantium Cambridge, 278 335 Constantelos D.J. 1975 ‘ The Moslem conquests of the Near East as revealed in the Greek Sources of the Seventh to Eighth centuries’ Byzantion 42.2, 325-357 336 See for example Whitcomb D. 1995 ‘Islam and the Socio-cultural transition of Palestine – Early Islamic Period (638-1099 CE) in Levy T.E. The Archeology of Society in the Holy Land (1995), 488-501; Glubb J.B. 1970 The Life and Times of Muhammad London and Southampton, 385386; Kennedy H. 1999 'Islam' in Bowerstock G.W. Brown P. Grabar O. (eds.) Late Antiquity A Guide to the Postclassical World Cambridge Mass. and London, 219-237

329

Ibid Foss C. 1997 ‘Syria in Transition, A.D. 550-750: An Archaeological Approach’ Dumbarton Oaks Papers 51, 189-269 331 de Varies B. 1985 ‘Urbanization in the Basalt Region of North Jordan in Late Antiquity: the case of Umm el-Jimal’ SHAJ 2, 249-261 332 Piccirillo M. 1982 ‘Forty years of archaeological work at NeboSiyagha in Late Roman Byzantine Jordan’ SHAJ 1, 291-300 330

73

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Map Five: Distribution of Sites with TPQ End Dates (syn – synagogues, sec – secular site, mil – military site. All given dates are TPQ)

The exodus of Christians and Jews from Palestina as a result of the conquest is another subject of controversy. Although some historians have argued that only a small

number of high-status Byzantine fled the provinces, Anthea Harris has suggested that refugees from the conquest may have been found in the West, specifically in 74

Chapter 4: Chronology Table 4: Reasons given by excavators for site abandonment on reliably dated sites Status at End of Byzantine Period Continued Occupation

Secular Sites

Churches/Monasteries

1

1

Abandonment Destruction

1 (?) 1

1

1 + 1 (?)

Fire Earthquake

Synagogues

1

New Muslim Construction

the towns of Narbonne and Orleans, let alone the surviving Eastern provinces and Constantinople. However, these sources refer to Jews rather than immigrants from Palestina and their numbers remain unknown.337 It is striking that Byzantine Christians and Jews seem more apparent in the West from the mid-sixth-century onward, as we see, for example, in the work of Gregory of Tours, who refers to Jewish populations in Frankia. Of course, this could simply reflect the quality of textual sources for the sixth-century in Frankia, as opposed to the fifth-century.

1

1

1

1

1

1

here. A church in the village Tamra in the Lower Galilee was found in an exploratory excavation. The church is a basilica with columns and cross-decorated mosaics and is dated by the excavators to the Byzantine to Muslim periods. Its importance is due to a dedication inscription dated by the Hi’jra. The fact that the church was dated using the Muslim system indicates a Christian community actively worshipping under Muslim rule. This church too, was destroyed or abandoned in the ninth-century.340 Despite the many problems with the chronology of Byzantine sites in Palestina, it has been possible to assemble a very small number of sites for which the dating evidence is relatively good. These data, few and limited as they are, permit the following conclusions: the Persian and/or Muslim invasions of Byzantine Palestina in the seventh-century appear to have led to the abandonment and destruction of churches and synagogues as well as secular settlements, although the latter appear to have been less affected. This probably did not happen in its entirety during or immediately after the invasions. There is some evidence for a gradual process of abandonment of religious and even secular sites. There is also evidence for the replacement of Jewish and Christian communities by Muslim populations, but the exact circumstances leading up to this are unclear.

Information on the Muslim poll tax from both Jewish and Samaritan sources indicates the harsh living conditions after the Arab invasion and economic difficulties for everyone who was not Muslim. This was true for Jews and Samaritans, let alone Christians, who might be more directly associated with the ‘enemy’ Byzantine state. Milka Levy-Rubin argues that the poll tax was the reason for the conversion of many Samaritans to Islam, although this could also reflect their longstanding enmity toward both Jews and (especially) Christians.338 Neither wholesale violence nor mass conversion to Islam is indicated by archaeological evidence. Although a few churches and synagogues may have become mosques, this was definitely not usual. Instead, typically synagogues and churches were either abandoned or destroyed and very little construction took place even in secular settlements. Where such construction took place and is datable to the seventh- or eighth-century, the quality of work and materials was lower.339 This appears to suggest that the Muslim invasion brought difficulties to the Jewish, Christian and Samaritan communities of Palestine.

Support for these conclusions, despite their reliance on the small number of sites, can be found in Jodi Magness’s recent book on the early Islamic settlement in Palestine. Magness uses both excavations and survey data and yet reaches broadly the same conclusions regarding this: Palestine and Syria experienced a tremendous growth in population and prosperity between the mid-sixth and mid-seventh centuries… During the eighth and ninth centuries some of the towns, villages and farms in southern Palestine… were abandoned. Occupation at others continued, sometimes on a reduced scale and some new settlements were established…. Although occupation continued at some sites with evidence for Christian presence during the Byzantine period, there is no evidence for continued Christian presence at these or other sites in southern Palestine after the end of the seventh century… Many if not most of the towns, villages and farms discussed in this volume appear to

Further evidence to support the above conclusion can be found in a recently excavated site, which has yet to be scientifically published. Due to the scarcity of published data I was unable to add it to the catalogue but it is relevant 337 Harris A. 2003 Byzantium, Britain and the West: The Archaeology of Cultural Identity AD 400-650 Stroud, 61 338 See for example Levy-Rubin M. 2000 ‘New evidence relating to the process of Islamization in Palestine in the early Muslim period - the case of Samaria’ Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 43, 257 and Goistein S.D. 1963 ‘Evidence on the Muslim Poll Tax from NonMuslim Sources’ Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 6, 278-295 339

-‫דן י' תש”ן 'החיים הכלכליים בארץ ישראל בתקופה הביזנטית )המאות החמישית‬ ‫השביעית(' בקדר ב"ז דותן ט' ספראי ש' )עורכים( פרקים בתולדות המסחר בארץ ישראל‬ 181-194 ‫ירושלים‬

340

6 ,‫עבר ירושלים‬-‫ כנסייה בכפר טמרה' דבר‬:‫אפטר ל' תשס"ה 'חדשות ארכיאולוגיות‬

75

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

have been abandoned some time between the late eighth to ninth century… This suggests that the settled areas shrank and the frontier contracted…341

formation of conclusions that are supported by data from other sources. I agree with Magness in her hope that future surveys, excavations and the refinement of ceramic typologies will shed more light on this complex period.

It appears, therefore, that the small number of sites that survive the critique in the rest of the work, has allowed the

341 Magness J. 2003 The Archaeology of the Early Islamic Settlement in Palestine Winona Lake, 215-216

76

Chapter 5: Conclusion

Chapter 5 CONCLUSION picture of everyday life across the Early Byzantine Empire provided by texts and material evidence, albeit with more Samaritan and Jewish synagogues than elsewhere in the Empire.342

Only limited textual sources are available for the study of everyday life or inter-communal relations in Byzantine Palestina. Political, military and economic history are better served by texts, for example, we know that Palestina consisted of three provinces (Prima, Secunda and Tertia) with a civil administrator and a military dux, that most of the army was located along the frontiers. Written sources suggest that until the seventh-century Persian invasion the three provinces enjoyed overall peace. Occasional Jewish and (especially) Samaritan rebellions disturbed this general tranquility but these were successfully put down. Texts also suggest an economy based on agriculture, manufacturing and trade. Despite evidence indicating periodical natural disasters, such as earthquakes and droughts, both textual and survey data suggest that the Byzantine period was a time of prosperity and of population - and settlement expansion. In these terms, the period appears to mark the highest point in the history of the region until the twentieth-century. However, this only serves to highlight the question of whether this peace extended to intercommunal and inter-personal relations.

Further confirmation that the life of Christians, Jews and Samaritans in Palestina was similar in most respects to the life of these religious communities elsewhere may be found in indicators of wealth. In his article about the ‘good life’, Henry Maguire provides information on the range of luxury items available in Byzantium. Wealthy Byzantines across the Empire decorated their homes and public buildings with marble, wall-paintings and polychrome mosaics and dined from silver tableware, just as they did in Palestina.343 However, the Byzantine world was, of course, a predominantly rural society and to assess the degree of similarity between Palestina and other provinces one must look at life in both town and country. Again, the sites in the catalogue have more Jewish and Samaritan synagogues than elsewhere in the Empire. This highlights the degree of religious diversity as the only unusual feature of Palestina in the Early Byzantine world and also raises the question of inter-communal relations in that context.344

Archaeology offers the ability to investigate this further on the level of everyday life. The basis of the analysis here has been the first comprehensive catalogue of excavated Byzantine sites in Palestina. The compilation of this is only possible due to the many published excavations of Byzantine sites in modern Israel and Jordan, but the catalogue itself is a new departure. Although Asher Ovadiah published a catalogue of churches, surprisingly, no other attempt has been made to date to collate and catalogue the large amount of excavated evidence for Byzantine Palestina. This was a serious omission that this catalogue rectifies.

Despite this, little work has been devoted to the subject of the relationship between Jews and Christians in Byzantine Palestina. The Samaritans and their relations with the other groups are more often discussed, due to their clashes with the Christian authorities, but extensive recent analysis of relations between Jews and Christians is largely lacking. This is surprising, given that there is a wealth of material evidence in the study area for Jewish synagogues, churches and – to a lesser extent – Samaritan synagogues. Again, this work is the first time that such a detailed study has been attempted and the use of statistical comparison here is another innovation in the analysis of this material.

The catalogue, despite its many limitations, gathers together all published excavated evidence from the region. It shows that large Palestinian towns were similar to urban centres elsewhere in the Byzantine Empire. Most of the larger towns had surrounding walls, one or more large marketplaces, theatres, baths and colonnaded streets, religious structures and a range of houses, shops and workshops. This also conforms broadly to the general

342 Foss C. 2002 ‘Life in City and Country in Mango C. (ed.) The Oxford History of Byzantium Oxford, 71-95 343 Maguire H. 1999 ‘The Good Life’ in Cameron A. et al (eds.) Late Antiquity Cambridge, 240-257 344 Foss C. 2002 ‘Life in City and Country in Mango C. (ed.) The Oxford History of Byzantium Oxford, 71-95

77

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

By analysing the data in the catalogue it was shown that, while the Samaritan synagogue appears to be distinctive, Jewish synagogues and churches share many of the same characteristics. Indeed many religious structures cannot confidently be classified as a church, Samaritan synagogue or Jewish synagogue on structural grounds alone. These structures lack any of the few features (such as internal graves or double bemas) that are distinctive to a particular community. This similarity in the architecture of religious structures is unlikely to be simply a matter of chance or necessity and hints at a close and enduring relationship between the people who constructed and used them. Not only were they built to look alike, but no attempt was made at a later date to differentiate them, at least in architectural terms. To achieve such a similarity, the same skilled architects and artisans (such as mosaicists) probably worked for both Christians and Jews communities and perhaps sometimes for Samaritans. This association is strengthened by the analysis of the mosaics found in these structures.

Christian art in the Early Byzantine period in general. Did the architecture and decoration of the Christian and Jewish religious structures evolve simultaneously? If they did not, which community influenced the others? Some scholars argue that Jewish art influenced Christian art, others suggest that both Christian and Jewish art arose out of the koine of the Late Roman world.346 An examination of religious architecture in the Early Byzantine Empire and its comparison to Byzantine Palestina shows that church architecture and decoration did affect the development of the Jewish synagogue. The same data also support the scholarly view that Christian, Jewish and Samaritan art and architecture were influenced by Roman art. The basilica, apse and many mosaic motifs typical of Late Roman secular art are found in churches and synagogues both in Palestina and across the Empire, but only in Palestina did synagogues adopt so many different characteristics of Christian religious structures. It is quite likely that in Palestina, both Jews and Christians favoured a somewhat liberal interpretation of the law against the depiction of living images. Thus, the influence of Christians on Jews goes beyond the merely architectural or decorative and actually touches on interpretation of a religious law common to them both. In this instance, it may not be just Christian cultural influence but theological beliefs that have co-evolved in the Jewish and Christian communities in Palestina, although the influence of one community actively on the other concerning this subject cannot be ruled out.

Many mosaics have been published in association with religious structures excavated in the study area. Previous studies have highlighted puzzling features relating to their decoration, such as the presence of the Zodiac. Other scholars have noted similarities between these mosaics and have identified a ‘Gaza School’ of mosaicists. Yet, again surprisingly, a comprehensive comparative analysis of the entire range of mosaic floors in the religious structures in Palestina has not been published. Again, with the exception of Dauphin’s as yet unpublished work,345 previous scholars have not used statistical analysis to investigate the occurrences of motifs and patterns in relation to the Byzantine mosaics of Palestina.

Like the comparative analysis of architectural and decorative features of religious structures, analysis of burials and associated structures also sheds new light on the similar practices of Jews and Christians in Byzantine Palestina. Both Jewish and Christian burial practices were similar and again these related partly to a shared Roman heritage. One exception to this is in the use of religious symbols: Christian symbols were used to identify the religion of those buried but no Jewish symbols were found in burial contexts. However, nothing about burial practice, apart from the location of burials in or near churches and these religious symbols, can generally be seen to provide us with information about religious identity. This may be yet another indication of the extent to which the two religious communities shared similar customs.

This analysis has shown that, like the buildings in general, mosaic floors in churches, Jewish synagogues and Samaritan synagogues are remarkably similar. Although groups of designs could be recognised, these are usually of no help in determining the religious identity of the structures. Even religious symbols are of little assistance in distinguishing between Jewish and Samaritan synagogues and mosaics in churches may incorporate Jewish symbols. Inscriptions may be more confusing than helpful in determining the identity of a religious structure for the three religions shared the same languages and most personal names. We have seen evidence for the possibility that members of a different community may have contributed to the building and decoration of a religious structure of another community - a point unnoticed in previous discussions. Iconoclasm also affected both churches and Jewish synagogues in the same way and in the same locations, suggesting a shared theology of images – another previously unrecognised point. Samaritan synagogues were unaffected by iconoclasm for the simple reason that they employed no images of living things in their mosaic floors, unlike the other religious structures.

Architecture, mosaics and burials indicate no significant variation in practice between Christians and Jews in Palestina. Nor can one identify a discrepancy in the range of wealth between these two communities, although of course some churches attracted greater patronage from imperial and official sources. This is in contrast to the inferences drawn by scholars such as Cyril Mango, who argue that the wealthy were Christian officials, clergy and major landowners, whereas both Jews and Samaritans were largely barred from official service. The obvious prosperity seen from Jewish and Samaritan synagogues and domestic

This analysis of the architecture and mosaics in Palestina relates to the debate on the influence of Jewish art on

346 Tronzo W. 1991 ‘Jewish art and architecture’ in Kahzdan A.P. (ed.) The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium Oxford and New York, 1038-1039; For more information see: Gutmann J. 1971 No Graven Images New York

345

Dauphin C. 1976 ‘A New Method of Studying Early Byzantine Mosaic Pavements (Coding and a Computer Cluster Analysis with Special Reference to the Levant’ Levant 8, 115-122

78

Chapter 5: Conclusion

settlements shows that Jews and Samaritans, as well as Christians, clearly grew prosperous in Palestina. This refutes the suggestion that only Christians enjoyed the fruits of the Empire’s wealth and, if this derived – even in part – from agriculture it also attests not only the productivity of the region but also probably the existence of wealthy Jewish and Samaritan landowners. If one assumes that trade played a role in generating the wealth expressed in these churches and synagogues, then this evidence challenges existing assumptions about the significance of mercantile activity in the Byzantine world as a whole and the role of trade in Byzantine Palestina in particular.347

Christian artefactual evidence was found in Jalame, adding to evidence of interaction between Christians and Jews in the Beth Shean Valley. Artefactual evidence further hints at a minority presence of Jews in the apparently Christiandominated region of Judea. Artefactual evidence of both Jews and Christians was also found in Samaria, where no certain Jewish synagogues were found. These data show that the landscape of Palestina contained Jews and Christians living side-by-side, sometimes in the same settlements. There were some mostly Christian, mostly Jewish or mostly Samaritan areas, but even these contained representatives of the other religious groups, at least in the towns. This residential co-existence provides a context for the contacts seen so far and may further support the pattern of peaceful co-existence indicated by analysis of the excavated religious structures and burials.

The distribution of excavated churches and synagogues also shows both co-existence between Jews and Christians in Palestina and their co-occupation of some of the most productive parts of Byzantine Palestina. On the basis of the excavated sites in the catalogue, we have seen that the agriculturally rich area of Palestina Secunda contained a total of 18 Christian sites, 22 synagogue sites, 4 sites with both churches and synagogues, as well as a possible Christian and a possible Samaritan site. Apart from a group of synagogues in the northern Golan, buildings associated with the three religious groups are interspersed in the landscape. Indeed, five sites show evidence of two religious communities living in close physical proximity to each other. In Palestina Prima, Judea was dominated by Christian sites and few Jewish synagogues were found, but where they are present synagogues and churches can be found in the same town. Even Samaria contains churches, Samaritan synagogues and a possible Jewish synagogue. Likewise, although the Sharon has mainly church sites, in Caesarea there are both churches and synagogues and the Gaza Strip has a mixture of both church and Jewish synagogue sites. So, despite the prevalence of Christian sites in Judea, four sites with evidence for the presence of at least two religious groups are also found in Palestina Prima and these sites are distributed across the province. Again, both Christians and Jews were also found in Palestina Tertia, but the evidence for the Jewish presence is, unlike in the other two provinces, clustered in a limited area. However, this province had the harshest environment in Palestina, so that any argument that the Jewish population was, in general, confined to the least agriculturally productive lands is unsustainable. Instead, structural and burial evidence suggests that Jews and Christians shared the landscape and its agricultural potential.

The limited chronological data for the construction of structures in Byzantine Palestina confirms the general impression of prosperity and population expansion. The construction and reconstruction of churches, synagogues and secular structures peaks in the fourth and fifth centuries, just as wealth and population numbers also rise during these centuries. This may demonstrate the extent to which the peaceful relations and co-existence of the religious communities of Palestina were beneficial to its prosperity and well-being of those who lived within the provinces. While texts record revolts by Jews and Samaritans against Byzantine rule, the archaeological record shows a far more tolerant attitude toward their Christian neighbours, at least among Jews. Likewise, this evidence indicates tolerance by local Christians, at least toward Jews. This raises the possibility that only a (small?) minority of Jews participated in the recorded revolts and that the people involved were in some way exceptional in Byzantine Palestina. Perhaps their grievances were political or economic rather than religious? The prosperity of both Jews and Christians and even Samaritans, in Byzantine Palestina, does not conform to a picture of a province torn by rebellion and conflict. Although Byzantine legislation periodically restricted Jewish and Samaritan rights to hold slaves (slavery had anyway been in decline for centuries in the East by AD 500), proselytise, build new synagogues, work for the government, teach or serve in the army, these were political statements not necessarily enacted ‘on the ground’. They were potentially for audiences in distant Constantinople, showing the ability of the authorities to suppress dissent in times of political turmoil. This may explain why such moves intensify as Justinian I’s foreign policy went into crisis in the mid- to late sixth-century in the face of military losses and widespread plague.348

There seem to be grounds for correlating the religious identity of those who used objects carrying religious symbols and the religion indicated by those symbols. Thus, a bowl with a Christian cross is likely to have been used by a Christian. The distribution of such artefacts supports and supplements the pattern shown by religious structures and burials. It also adds further examples of settlements where joint occupation by Jews and Christians is possible. For example, in the northern Galilee at the Jewish settlements of Bar’am and Gush Halab we find artefactual evidence suggesting the presence of Christians. Both Jewish and

Yet such attempts by the Byzantine authorities to show that they sought to defend their own communities were not restricted to Christians. Jewish leaders also erected social barriers to preserve the Jewish community.349 Yet the 348

Moorhead J. 1994 Justinian London and New-York, 89-115 Bowman S.B. 1991 ‘Jews’ in Kahzdan A.P. (ed.) The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium Oxford and New York, 1040-1041 349

347

Mango C. 1980 Byzantium: the Empire of New Rome London, 32-59

79

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

archaeological evidence analysed above consistently shows co-existence and co-operation between Jews and Christians (and perhaps even Samaritans) in Palestina.

the poor data quality, it has been possible to assemble a limited number of sites for which the dating evidence can tentatively be said to be reliable. The conclusions based on these excavated sites are supported by survey and ceramic data provided by Jodi Magness’s recent work on early Islamic settlement in Palestina.354

Historical sources have provided a picture of Byzantine discrimination against Jews and Samaritans and it appears to be true that the Byzantine Empire legislated against both Jews and Samaritans. Yet the patterns found here do not show Jews and Samaritans to be underprivileged, isolated from Christians, or unusually poor. It may be possible to explain this discrepancy even if these laws were more than political statements. The most obvious characteristic of the Byzantine polity was the centralisation of its imperial government and an effective counterweight to this was geographical distance.350 The distance between the centre of government and the provinces of Palestina may be responsible for the lack of evidence for the enaction of imperial legislation. Alternatively, of course, local Christian officials may also have simply chosen to refuse to enforce laws with which they disagreed on Jewish neighbours who they liked and/or respected.

Although recent scholarship has tended to stress continuity between the Byzantine and Arab periods, these data appear to confirm the impression that Persian and Muslim invasion in the seventh-century AD caused the abandonment and destruction of churches and synagogues alike. Secular settlements were often abandoned although these appear to have been less affected. Donald Whitcomb suggests that natural disasters explain the apparent destruction at the time of the invasions. However, assigning such destruction to these causes has been shown to be fraught with problems.355 Whitcomb also argues that many churches and synagogues show continued use into the Muslim period356 but, as shown here, this was largely not the case.

In fact, in the light of the architectural and artistic evidence it appears that even the clergy did not share the official attitude to Samaritan and Jews. They were clearly responsible for the construction of the churches that offer these similarities and yet used many of the same architectural plans, decorative motifs and perhaps even the same artists and artisans to synagogues. Thus, if imperial laws against Jews and Samaritans were in force at all, it must have been among a minority of officials and the army alone.

The attested destruction and abandonment need not have happened all at once during or immediately after the Muslim invasion. There is some evidence for a gradual process of abandonment of religious and even secular, sites. No accurate statistics exist for the populations of Palestina on the eve of the invasions (the number may to be somewhere between one and four million) but war and plague appear to have reduced the population significantly even before the Muslim invasion.357 There is also evidence for the replacement of Jewish and Christian communities by Muslims.358 It is interesting that this evidence is not confirmed by textual sources, which claim that Muslim warriors avoided settlements in Palestina because of the plagues, lack of space and the protective policy of the Muslim rulers towards the population.359

It was only the addition of a new religious group – Muslims - to the population of Palestina that brought with it large-scale changes to the whole region. It is unclear from written evidence exactly what took place in Palestina during and after the Persian and Muslim invasions. In AD 614 Jerusalem fell to the Persians and this was accompanied by destruction and looting of Christian churches and monuments. From AD 612 onward, the entire province was under Persian rule for almost a decade.351 In AD 630 Heraclius reconquered Palestina and restored the relics that the Persians had removed from Jerusalem.352 However, this Byzantine victory was short lived, as the Muslim conquest of Palestina began in AD 634, culminating in the fall of Caesarea in AD 640.353

Although some Byzantine sources note the violent destruction of churches and panic among the Christian population, others claim that neither Christians nor Jews were persecuted by the Muslim invaders.360 The destruction and abandonment of churches is represented in the archaeological record but it is possible that forced conversions described by the Byzantine texts are – at most – exaggerations. Few churches or synagogues were changed into mosques. While some sources lament the moral laxity of the Christians easily converted to Islam and ascribe the Muslim victories to the weakness of the

Chronological analysis of the sites in the catalogue has been able to provide some data on the impact of the Persians and Muslim invasions in the seventh-century. The destructive results of this appear to be ‘taken for granted’ by many scholars. Many excavators state that occupation of their site continued until the end of the Byzantine period, but few provide any evidence in support of such a statement. In general, as we have seen, the chronology of Byzantine sites in Palestina is problematical but, despite

354 Magness J. 2003 The Archaeology of the Early Islamic Settlement in Palestine Winona Lake 355 Whitcomb D. 1995 ‘Islam and the socio-cultural transition of Palestine - early Islamic period (638-1099 CE)’ in Levy T.E. The Archaeology of Society in the Holy Land, 488-501 356 Ibid 357 Kaegi W.E. 1992 Byzantium and the Early Islamic Conquests Cambridge, 28- 31 358 Magness J. 2003 The Archaeology of the Early Islamic Settlement in Palestine Winona Lake, 216

350

Mango C. 1980 Byzantium: the Empire of New Rome London, 32-59 Herrin J. 1987 The Formation of Christendom Oxford, 203-204 352 Kaegi W.E. 1992 Byzantium and the Early Islamic Conquests Cambridge, 28-31 353 Schick R. 1998 ‘Palestine in the Early Islamic Period – Luxuriant Legacy’ Near Eastern Archaeology 61:2, 74-108 351

359

‫ישראל במאה הראשונה להג'רה' קתדרה‬-‫חסון י' תשמ"ד 'התפרסות שבטי הערבים בארץ‬ 65-60 ,32 360 Holum K.G. 1991 ‘Palestine’ in Kahzdan A.P. (ed.) The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium Oxford and New York, 1563-1564

80

Chapter 5: Conclusion

Christians361, this is likely to be rhetorical. Such individual cases may be cited because this may not have been the general rule. Similar accusations were repeatedly presented some centuries before, when Christian clerics wanted to berate their flock for their moral laxity when the Western Empire collapsed.362

Palestina and Jews outside Palestina do not all appear to have shared this interpretation. These observations may assist in the understanding of the relative prosperity of Byzantine Palestina indicated by the growth of settlements in this period and the quality and distribution of structures and artefacts implying a high material standard of living for most of the population both in town and country. The Muslim invasion changed all this dramatically. Archaeological evidence may suggest the intolerance of the new Muslim rulers to all religions in Palestina, with large-scale abandonment of religious structures, despite the widespread belief by historians of the tolerance of the Muslim rulers. This is unlikely to have been because of conversion to Islam, because few religious buildings were re-used as mosques. However, it is uncertain whether the Muslims themselves actively destroyed Christian, Jewish and Samaritan religious structures, but those Jewish or Christian religious structures that were not destroyed or abandoned (in particular, monasteries) sometimes became fortified complexes, suggesting a perceived threat of violence.

Similarly, although according to some texts,363 Jews welcomed the Persian or Muslim invaders and opened the gates of towns for them, at least some of these accusations are likely to be yet another example of rhetoric aimed at presenting the invasions in the most melodramatic way.364 In this case, the strong evidence for peaceful co-existence tends to negate the possibility that many Jews assisted the invaders against their Christian neighbours because of inter-religious hatred. To conclude, Jews and Christians lived in neighbouring villages in Byzantine Palestina and in several cases shared the same settlements. They seem to have had equal access to the land, manufactured goods and the fruits of trade, with no general disparity in wealth visible between the two communities. Jews and Christians shared common attitudes to worship and religious art, which can be seen by the use of the same architectural styles and decoration. There is no evidence of inter-religious hostility among the majority of the population. Samaritan religious structures are more distinctive in both their architecture and decoration, yet also bear a close similarity to Jewish synagogues. Jews and Christians appear to have shared the same attitude to the interpretation of a religious law against the worship and depiction of living images, although Samaritans in

Archaeological data enable us to reinterpret the religious history of this region in the fifth to seventh centuries. The Byzantine period can be seen as a period of particular tolerance and fruitful co-existence between Jews and Christians, to the mutual benefit of both communities in many ways. In contrast, the seventh-century invasions initiated a phase of religious intolerance in which both Jews and Christians suffered. This is almost the reverse of standard historical interpretations and shows the value of archaeological evidence in examining religious, cultural and regional history.

361

Constantelos D.J. 1975 ‘The Moslem conquests of the Near East as revealed in the Greek Sources of the Seventh to Eighth centuries’ Byzantion 42 pasc. 2, 325-357 362 Olster D.M. 1994 Roman Defeat, Christian Response and the Literary Construction of the Jew Philadelphia, 107 363 Holum K.G. 1991 ‘Palestine’ Kahzdan A.P. (ed.) The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium Oxford and New York, 1563-1564 364 Herrin J. 1987 The Formation of Christendom Oxford, 212

81

Bibliography

Glossary Kirtun Khan Koch Lulav Menorah Mezuzah Miqve Mishna Shofar Tabun Wadi

Local stone A stopping place providing accommodation for travellers Niche (used especially of burial niches) A palm branch, a Jewish religious symbol A seven-branched candelstick, a Jewish religious symbol A small scroll set into the door lintel of a Jewish house Ritual bath used by Jews and Samaritans Jewish religious text A horn, a Jewish religious symbol A clay-walled oven Valley

Journal Abbreviations AASOR ADAJ BA BASOR ESI IEJ JPOS PEQ QDAP RB SHAJ

Annual of the American Society for Oriental Research Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan Biblical Archaeologist American Society for Oriental Research Excavation and Surveys in Israel Israel Exploration Journal Journal of the Palestina Oriental Society Palestine Exploration Quarterly Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities of Palestine Review Biblique Studies in the History and Archaeology of Jordan ‫חדשות ארכיאולוגיות‬

83

‫חא‬

‫‪E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina‬‬

‫‪Bibliography‬‬ ‫‪Part A: Works in Hebrew‬‬

‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'כנסיות קדומות – חורבת גררית )ח'רבת אם‪-‬‬ ‫ג'ראר(' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות‬ ‫בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪801 ,‬‬

‫אביגד נ' תשנ"ב 'ברעם' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪256-255 ,‬‬ ‫אביגד נ' תשנ”ב 'בית אלפא' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪165-167 ,‬‬ ‫אביגד נ' ומזר ב' תשנ"ב 'בית שערים' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪245-231 ,‬‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' תשנ”ב ‘בית לחם’ בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪191-186 ,‬‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' תשט"ז 'עברון' עלון מחלקת העתיקות של מדינת ישראל ה‪-‬ו‪-34 ,‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' תשכ"ז מסות ומחקרים בידיעת הארץ תל אביב‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' תשל"א 'ארץ שומרון' בדר ש' ורות י' )עורכים( שומרון – מאמרים‬ ‫ומקורות תל אביב‪156 ,‬‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' תשנ”ב ‘נערן’ בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪1078-1079 ,‬‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' תשנ”ב ‘עין שבע’ בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪1209-1207 ,‬‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' תשי"א גאוגרפיה היסטורית של ארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' תרצ"ג 'רצפות פסיפס בבתי כנסת ובכנסיות נוצריות בארץ ישראל'‬ ‫ידיעות א )ב(‪15-9 ,‬‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' תש"ו בימי רומא וביזנטיון ירושלים‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' תשל"א 'על מרידות השומרונים בביזנטים' בדר ש' ורות י' )עורכים(‬ ‫שומרון‪ -‬לקט מאמרים ומקורות תל אביב‪198-203 ,‬‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'חצור אשדוד' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬ ‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪801 ,‬‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'כנסיות קדומות – ח'רבת עסידה' בשטרן א’‬ ‫)עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל‬ ‫ירושלים‪802 ,‬‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'אפולוניה' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬ ‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪801-800 ,‬‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב ‘בחן’ בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪801 ,‬‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'חדת‪ ,‬חורבת' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬ ‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪803 ,‬‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב ‘כנסיות קדומות – עברון’‪ ,‬בשטרן א'‬ ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪,‬‬ ‫‪802‬‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'כנסיות קדומות – עגור' בשטרן א' )עורך(‬ ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪,‬‬ ‫‪803‬‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'כנסיות קדומות ‪ -‬עין חניה' בשטרן א’ )עורך(‬ ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪,‬‬ ‫‪803‬‬

‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'כנסיות קדומות – חורבת כופין' בשטרן א’‬ ‫)עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל‬ ‫ירושלים‪802-801 ,‬‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'כנסיות קדומות – חניטה' בשטרן א’ )עורך(‬ ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים ‪801‬‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'כנסיות קדומות – ח'רבת אל‪-‬חבילה' בשטרן א’‬ ‫)עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל‬ ‫ירושלים‪802 ,‬‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'כנסיות קדומות – כפר כמא' בשטרן א’ )עורך(‬ ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪,‬‬ ‫‪802‬‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'כנסיות קדומות – מכמש' בשטרן א’ )עורך(‬ ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪,‬‬ ‫‪802‬‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'כנסיות קדומות – משמר העמק' בשטרן א’‬ ‫)עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ירושלים‪,‬‬ ‫‪802‬‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'כנסיות קדומות – עוצם' בשטרן א’ )עורך(‬ ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪,‬‬ ‫‪803‬‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'כנסיות קדומות – רוגלית' בשטרן א’ )עורך(‬ ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪,‬‬ ‫‪806-805‬‬ ‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'כנסיות קדומות – שלאל' בשטרן א’ )עורך(‬ ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים ‪806‬‬

‫אבי‪-‬יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'חצור אשדוד' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬ ‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪801 ,‬‬ ‫אביעם מ' תשנ”ב 'גליל‪ ,‬התקופה ההליניסטית עד התקופה הביזנטית' בשטרן א’‬ ‫)עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל‬ ‫ירושלים‪334-328 ,‬‬ ‫אבירם מ' תשמ"ה 'ראשית הייצור הנרחב של שמן זית בגליל בעת העתיקה'‬ ‫קתדרה ‪26-35 ,73‬‬ ‫אבני ג' תשמ"ח 'בקעת חסון' חא צ"ב‪70 ,‬‬ ‫אבני ג' תשנ"ב סקר ארכיאולוגי של ישראל‪ :‬מפת הר שגיא צפון מזרח )‪225‬‬ ‫( ירושלים‬ ‫אדן‪-‬ביוביץ ד' תשמ"ט 'מחקרים בארכיאולוגיה תלמודית ‪,‬קרוזין סידרא ה‪16-5 ,‬‬ ‫אהרוני י' תשנ"ב 'רמת רחל' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪1484-1479 ,‬‬ ‫אהרוני י' תשי"ד 'חוות נזירים ביזנטית בקרבת בית השיטה' ידיעות י"ח‪209- ,‬‬ ‫‪215‬‬ ‫אורבך א"א תשל"ב 'משנה' האנצקלופדיה העברית ירושלים ותל אביב כרך ‪,24‬‬ ‫‪650-640‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬

‫‪Bibliography‬‬ ‫אוריון ע' שנ"ד גתות ובתי בד בהר הנגב שדה בוקר‬ ‫אורמן ד' תשמ"ה 'כלכלת הקהילות היהודיות שבגולן בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד'‬ ‫בגרוס נ' )עורך( יהודים בכלכלה ירושלים‪66-35 ,‬‬ ‫אורן א' תשנ"ב 'שרע‪ ,‬תל’ בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪1563-1570 ,‬‬ ‫איזנברג ע' ועובדיה ר' תשנ"ח ‘מנזר ביזאנטי במבוא מודיעין’ עתיקות ‪-1* ,36‬‬ ‫*‪19‬‬ ‫איילון א' תשנ"ד 'מבנה קבורה רומי‪-‬ביזאנטי בח' סביה ‪,‬כפר סבא' עתיקות ‪,39‬‬ ‫‪*27-* 25‬‬ ‫אילן צ' תשמ"ט ללא כותרת חא צ’ג‪21-20 ,‬‬ ‫אילן צ' תשמ"ז 'בתי כנסת בגליל ובגולן' אריאל ‪44-42 ,52‬‬ ‫אילן צ' ואיזדרכת א' תשמ"ח ארבל – ישוב יהודי קדום במזרח הגליל התחתון‬ ‫תל אביב‬ ‫אילן צ' ואיזדרכת א' תשנ"ט ‘ארבל’ בשטרן א' )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪69-67 ,‬‬ ‫אילן צ' )ואיזדרכת א'( ‪ 1988‬ארבל – ישוב יהודי קדום במזרח הגליל התחתון‬ ‫תל אביב‬ ‫אילן צ' תשנ"ב 'גבעית‪ ,‬חורבת' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪267-266 ,‬‬ ‫אילן צ' ועמית ד' תשנ"ב 'חורבת מעון )יהודה(' בשטרן א’ )עורך(‬ ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪,‬‬ ‫‪971-969‬‬ ‫אילן צ' ודמתי ע' תשמ”ה 'חפירות בית הכנסת של מרות' קדמוניות ט'‪50-44 ,‬‬ ‫אילן צ' ודמתי ע' תשמ"ז 'בית הכנסת ובית המדרש של מרות הקדומה' קדמוניות‬ ‫כ'‪87-96 ,‬‬ ‫אילן צ' ודינור א' תשמ”ז 'גבעית ישוב קדום בספר מדבר שומרון' בארליך ז"ח‬ ‫)עורך( שומרון ובנימין – קובץ מחקרים בגאוגרפיה היסטורית עופרה‪-114 ,‬‬ ‫‪130‬‬ ‫איסר א' תשמ"ה 'תקופה ביזנטית לחה בנגב?' סביבות ‪52-49 ,15‬‬ ‫איסר א' תשנ"ה 'פריחה ונטישה של ישובי המדבר בתקופה הרומית ביזנטית‬ ‫בהקשר לשינויי אקלים' מכמנים ‪22-17 ,8‬‬ ‫אלבק ח' תשי"ט מבוא למשנה תל אביב‬ ‫אלגביש י' תשנ"ד שקמונה לחוף הכרמל תל אביב‬ ‫אלדר א' ובאומגרטן י' תשנ"ב 'מלחתה בתקופה הביזנטית' בשטרן א’ )עורך(‬ ‫האיציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪950 ,‬‬ ‫‪951‬‬‫אלון ג' תשי"ג‪-‬תשט"ז תולדות היהודים בארץ ישראל בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד‬ ‫א‪-‬ב תל אביב‬ ‫אפטר ל' תשס"ה 'חדשות ארכיאולוגיות‪ :‬כנסייה בכפר טמרה' דבר‪-‬עבר ירושלים‬ ‫‪6,‬‬ ‫אפלבוים נ' תש”ם 'פרקים בתולדות נזירות מדבר יהודה' נקרות צורים ‪-29 ,2‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫אפשטיין ק’ תשל"ב שומרון וגולן ‪ :‬סקר ארכיאולוגי בשנת תשכ"ח ירושלים‬ ‫אפשטיין ק' תשנ”ב 'סוסיתא' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪1104-1102 ,‬‬ ‫אשבל ד' תשי"ז 'אקלימה של ירושלים במרוצת הדורות' יהודה וירושלים ‪:‬‬ ‫הכינוס הארצי השנים‪-‬עשר לידיעת הארץ ירושלים‪164-163 ,‬‬ ‫אשכנזי י' תשנ"ה 'הפולחן האלילי בארץ ישראל בתקופה הביזנטית' מיכמנים ‪,8‬‬ ‫‪53-62‬‬ ‫אשל ח' ואבשלום‪-‬גורני ד' תשנ"ו 'כן לנר ששימש בשבת מחורבת עוצה' עתיקות‬ ‫‪61*-57* ,24‬‬ ‫באומגרטן י' תשמ"ו 'מצפה שיבטה’ דמותה של עיר ביזנטית בנגב חיפה‪97- ,‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫באומגרטן י' תשנ"ב 'מצפה שבטה' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪996-993 ,‬‬ ‫ביטון‪-‬אשקלוני ב' תש"ס 'נזירות עזה בתקופה הביזנטית' קתדרה ‪96-110 ,96‬‬ ‫בירן א' תשמ"ז 'תל עירא וערוער בשלהי ימיה של ממלכת יהודה' קתדרה ‪,42‬‬ ‫‪26-33‬‬ ‫בית‪-‬אריה י' תשנ”ב 'עירא ‪,‬תל' בשטרן א' )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪1221-1216 ,‬‬ ‫בית‪-‬אריה י' תשס"ג מפת תל מלחתה )‪ (144‬ירושלים‬

‫בן‪-‬דויד ח' תשנ"ח 'בתי בד וייצור שמן זית ביישובי הגולן בתקופת המשנה‬ ‫והתלמוד' עתיקות ‪61-1 ,34‬‬ ‫בן‪-‬דויד ח' תשמ"ט ענף הזית וייצור השמן ברמת בגולן בתקופת המשנה‬ ‫והתלמוד רמת גן )תזה(‬ ‫בר מ' תשנ"א 'רכיבה על סוסים בארץ ישראל בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד' קתדרה‬ ‫‪17-35 ,60‬‬ ‫בר‪-‬אדון פ' תש”ן 'ח'ירבת סמרה' עתיקות ט'‪85-83 ,‬‬ ‫בר"ג ד' תשנ"ב 'יפיע' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האיציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪594-592 ,‬‬ ‫בר"ג ד' תשנ"ב ‘מעון )נירים(’ בשטרן א' )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪969-968 ,‬‬ ‫ברוך א' תשמ"ה 'שינוי הצומח באזור הכינרת ב‪ 5500-‬השנה האחרונות על סמך‬ ‫העדות הפלינולוגית' רתם ‪14-26 ,16‬‬ ‫ברוך א' תשמ"ז 'עדות פלינולוגית להשפעת האדם על הצומח באזור הכינרת ב‪-‬‬ ‫‪ 4000‬השנים האחרונות' רתם ‪18-20 ,22‬‬ ‫ברוך א' תשמ"ו 'עדויות פלינולוגיות להשפעת האדם על הצומח בארץ ישראל‬ ‫בימי קדם' קדמוניות ‪47-63 ,106-105‬‬ ‫ברוך י' תשנ"א 'המצודות בהר חברון' מחקרי יהודה ושומרון ‪143-138 ,4‬‬ ‫ברושי מ' תשמ"ב 'אוכלוסית ארץ ישראל בתקופה הרומית ביזנטית' בברס צ'‬ ‫ואחרים )עורכים( ארץ ישראל מתקופת בית שני ועד הכיבוש המוסלמי‬ ‫ירושלים‪455-442 ,‬‬ ‫ברושי מ' תשמ"ו 'כושר הנשיאה של ארץ ישראל בתקופה הביזאנטית ומשמעותו‬ ‫הדמוגראפית' באופנהיימר א' כשר א' ורפפורט א' אדם ואדמה בארץ ישראל‬ ‫הקדומה ירושלים‪49-56 ,‬‬ ‫ברלינר ר' תשנ"ד 'גלגל המזלות והמניעים המדעיים לשילובו בבתי הכנסת‬ ‫העתיקים בארץ ישראל' מחקרי יהודה ושומרון דברי הכנס הרביעי‪179- ,‬‬ ‫‪188‬‬ ‫ברמן א' תשס"ד מפת זיקים )‪ (91‬ירושלים‬ ‫ברס ד' ואחרים )עורכים( תשמ"ה ארץ ישראל מחורבן בית שני ועד הכיבוש‬ ‫המוסלמי ב‪ :‬הממצא הארכיאולוגי והאומנותי ירושלים‬ ‫גבירצמן ג' תש”ן 'הגאולוגיה והגאומורפולוגיה של השרון ומדפו הים תיכוני'‬ ‫בדגני א' דרוסמן ד' ושמואלי א' )עורכים( השרון בין ירקון לכרמל‪60-19 ,‬‬ ‫גוברין י' תשנ"ב מפת נחל יתיר )‪ (139‬ירושלים‬ ‫גוברין י' תשנ"ג 'תל קריות ‪ '1991‬חא ק'‪96 ,‬‬ ‫גודוביץ ש' תשנ”ו 'מבנה ביזאנטי לרגלי חורבת שכה' עתיקות ‪16*-23* ,28‬‬ ‫גודוביץ ש' תשנ"ז 'ירחיב' חא ק"ז‪57-51 ,‬‬ ‫גולאי מ' תשנ"ו ארץ ישראל ופיוטיה‪ :‬מחקרים בפיוטי הגניזה ירושלים‬ ‫גולדברג א' תש"ל מבוא למשנה ותוספתא ירושלים‬ ‫גולדשמיט ש' תשל"ג ‘שרידי בית כנסת בתל של כפר קרניים’ ארץ ישראל ‪,11‬‬ ‫‪40-39‬‬ ‫גופנא ר' תשנ"ז מפת לוד )‪ (80‬ירושלים‬ ‫גופנא ר' תשנ"ח מפת הרצליה )‪ (69‬ירושלים‬ ‫גורני א' תש"ס 'מערכת קבורה מהתקופה הביזנטית בבית שאן' עתיקות ‪49 ,39‬‬ ‫*‪*60-‬‬ ‫גזית ד' תשנ"ו מפת אורים סקר ארכיאולוגי של ישראל ירושלים‬ ‫גיחון מ' תשנ”ב 'תמר ‪,‬מצד' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪1603-1600 ,‬‬ ‫גיחון מ' תשל"א 'חפירות עין בוקק' קדמוניות ‪141 ,12‬‬ ‫גיחון מ' תשל"ה 'חפירות בתמרה בשנת תשל"ג' קדמוניות ‪28-27 ,117-114‬‬ ‫גל צ' תשמ"ה 'גידול היין בעמק חרוד וסביבותיו בתקופה הרומית ביזנטית'‬ ‫ישראל – עם וארץ ‪138-129 ,22-21‬‬ ‫גל צ’ תשנ"א מפת גזית )‪ (46‬ירושלים‬ ‫גל צ’ תשנ"ח מפת הר תבור ומפת עין דור ירושלים‬ ‫גלילו א' ושרביט י' תשנ"ז 'סקר תת‪-‬ימי בים התיכון' חא ק"ז‪138-144 ,‬‬ ‫גליק נ’ תש"ך מעבר לירדן‪ :‬סקר ארכיאולוגי בגלעד ובעמק הירדן תל אביב‬ ‫גפני י' תשל"א 'השומרונים ומושבותיהם' שומרון – לקט מאמרים ומקורות תל‬ ‫אביב‪181-166 ,‬‬ ‫גפני י' תשס"ב 'ארץ ישראל בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד‪ :‬חקר שנות דור‪ ,‬השגים‬ ‫ותהיות' קתדרה ‪200-226 ,100‬‬ ‫דבורז'צקי א' תשנ"ד 'צריפא שבאשקלון ריאליה תלמודית' תרביץ ס"ג‪40-27 ,‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬

‫‪E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina‬‬ ‫דגן י' תשנ"ב סקר ארכיאולוגי של ישראל‪ :‬מפת לכיש )‪ (98‬ירושלים‬ ‫דדון מ' תשנ"ז 'כנסיית הבסיליקה הביזאנטית בשלה' עתיקות ‪175-167 ,32‬‬ ‫דה‪-‬מירושדז'י פ' תשנ"ב 'ירמות‪ ,‬תל' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪761-758 ,‬‬ ‫דה‪-‬פריס ב' תשכ"ז מבוא לתלמוד ולהלכה תל אביב‬ ‫דופין ק' תשל"ד 'חווה של מנזר מן התקופה הביזנטית בשלומי' קדמוניות ‪25 ,24‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬‫דופין ק' תשמ"ו 'חפירות שלומי' בידעיה מ' )עורך( קדמוניות הגליל המערבי תל‬ ‫אביב‪485-515 ,‬‬ ‫דותן מ' תשנ"ב 'אשדוד' בשטרן א' )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪96-86 ,‬‬ ‫דין י’ תשכ"ג סקר ארכיאולוגי בעמק החולה חמו"ל‬ ‫דן י' תש"ן 'החיים הכלכליים בארץ ישראל בתקופה הביזאנטית )המאות‬ ‫החמישית‪-‬השביעית(' בקדר ב"ז דותן ט' וספראי ש' )עורכים( בפרקים‬ ‫בתולדות המסחר בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪181-194 ,‬‬ ‫דן י' תשמ"ד העיר בארץ ישראל בשלהי העת העתיקה ירושלים‬ ‫דר ש' תשמ"ב התפרוסת הישובית של מערב השומרון עבודת דוקטורט‬ ‫אוניברסיטת ת"א‬ ‫דר ש' תשל"ח 'הכלכלה ומקורות המחייה של יישובי החרמון' באפלבוים ש' דר‬ ‫ש' פלג י' ורות י' )עורכים( החרמון ומרגלותיו תל אביב‪158-165 ,‬‬ ‫דר ש' תשמ"ו 'משק וייצור חקלאי בארץ ישראל הרומית ביזאנטית' באופנהיימר‬ ‫א' כשר א' ורפפורט א' )עורכים( אדם ואדמה בארץ ישראל הקדומה‬ ‫ירושלים‪169-142 ,‬‬ ‫דר ש' תשנ"ח סומקה – עיירה יהודית בכרמל תל אביב‬ ‫האגודה לסקר ארכיאולוגי של ישראל תשכ"ח מדבר יהודה ובקעת יריחו‪ :‬סקר‬

‫הר מ"ד )עורך( תש”ן ההיסטוריה של ארץ ישראל התקופה הרומית ביזנטית‪,‬‬ ‫תקופת המשנה והתלמוד והשלטון הביזנטי כרך חמישי ירושלים‬ ‫הר מ"ד תשל"ז 'תפיסת ההסטוריה של חז"ל' דברי הקונגרס העולמי השישי‬ ‫למדעי היהדות ג ירושלים‪142-129 ,‬‬ ‫ויטו פ' תשל”ד 'בית הכנסת של רחוב' עתיקות ז'‪104 -100 ,‬‬ ‫ויטו פ' ואדלשטיין ג' תשל"ד 'המאוזוליום בגוש חלה' קדמוניות ז'‪55-49 ,‬‬ ‫זלינגר י' תשנ"ט תחנות הדרכים הביזנטיות סביב ירושלים רמת גן )תזה(‬ ‫זרטל א' תשנ"ח 'כרם חצוב ‪ -‬שיטה חקלאית בלתי ידועה מהתקופה הרומית‬ ‫ביזמטית בשומרון' במחקרי יהודה ושומרון דברי הכנס השמיני‪33-42 ,‬‬ ‫חכלילי ר' תשמ"ז 'לבעיית האסכולה של עושי‪-‬הפסיפסים בעזה' ארץ ישראל ‪19‬‬ ‫‪58-46 ,‬‬ ‫חסון י' תשמ"ד 'התפרסות שבטי הערבים בארץ‪-‬ישראל במאה הראשונה להג'רה'‬ ‫קתדרה ‪60-65 ,32‬‬ ‫טפר י' תשמ"ה 'שיטות הידרופוניות בחקלאות הביזנטית באזור גבל אום שומר‬ ‫בסיני' ישראל‪-‬עם וארץ ‪22-21 ,150-139‬‬ ‫ידין י' תשנ"ב 'מצדה' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪978-990 ,‬‬ ‫ייבין ז' תשמ"ו 'על כמה מרכיבים בבית המגורים מתקופת המשנה והתלמוד'‬ ‫ישראל עם וארץ ד )‪242-235 ,(22‬‬ ‫ייבין ז' תשנ"ב 'סוסיה‪ ,‬חורבת' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪1096-1101 ,‬‬ ‫ייבין ז' תשנ"ג 'חורבת סוסיה ‪ -‬עיר יהודית בתקופת התלמוד' מחקרי יהודה‬ ‫ושמרון דברי הכנס השלישי‪196-191 ,‬‬ ‫ייבין ז' תשל"ג 'החפירות בכורזין בשנים ‪ '1962-1964‬ארץ ישראל י"א‪144- ,‬‬ ‫‪157‬‬ ‫ינהוביץ ר' תשנ"א 'היחס בין גודל האוכלוסיה היהודית לנוכרית בארץ ישראל‬ ‫בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד' קתדרה ‪156-157 ,61‬‬ ‫כהן נ' תשנ"ו העור ומוצריו בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד רמת גן )תזה(‬ ‫כהן ר' תשכ"ז ‘מצד ירוחם’ חא כ’א‪3-1 ,‬‬ ‫כהן ר' תשל"ט ‘כנסייה ורצפות פסיפס ביזנטיות ליד כיסופים’ קדמוניות ‪19 ,45‬‬ ‫‪24‬‬‫כהן ר' תשנ"ב 'אתרים מן התקופה הנבטית והרומאית בהר הנגב' בשטרן א’‬ ‫)עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל‬ ‫ירושלים‪1056-1054 ,‬‬ ‫כהן ר' תשמ"ב מפת שדה בוקר ‪ -‬מזרח )‪ (168‬ירושלים‬ ‫כהן ר' תשמ"ה מפת שדה‪-‬בוקר ‪ -‬מערב )‪ (167‬ירושלים‬ ‫כהן ר' תשנ”ב 'אתרים מן התקופה הנבטית והרומאית בהר הנגב' בשטרן א’‬ ‫)עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל‬ ‫ירושלים‪1053 ,‬‬ ‫כהן ר' תשנ”ב ’כסופים’ בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪816-814 ,‬‬ ‫כהן ר' תשנ”ב 'מנזרים ‪ -‬בית השיטה' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪955 ,‬‬ ‫כהן ר' תשנ”ב 'מנזרים ‪ -‬עין אל‪-‬ג'דידה' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬ ‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪957 ,‬‬ ‫כהן ר' תשנ”ב 'מנזרים – תל בסול' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪958 ,‬‬ ‫כהן ר' תשמ"ד ‘ח‪ .‬דפית’ חא פ’ד‪67-66 ,‬‬ ‫כוכבי מ' תשנ"ד סקר ארכיאולוגי של ישראל‪ :‬מפת ראש העין )‪ (78‬ירושלים‬ ‫לוי ש' תשכ"א ‘בית הכנסת העתיק במעון )נירים(’ ארץ ישראל ‪81-77 ,6‬‬ ‫לוין י' תשנ"ב 'חקר בתי הכנסת משנות ה‪ 70-‬ואילך' בשטרן א’ )עורך(‬ ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪,‬‬ ‫‪258-261‬‬ ‫לימור א' תשמ"ז 'עולי רגל נוצריים בתקופה הביזנטית' בצפריר י' וספראי ש'‬ ‫)עורכים( ספר ירושלים כרך ג' התקופה הרומית והביזנטית‪ ,‬ירושלים ‪-638‬‬ ‫‪670‬‬ ‫לימור א' תשנ"ח מסעות ארץ הקודש‪ -‬עולי רגל נוצרים בעת העתיקה ירושלים‬ ‫ליפשיץ נ' וויזל ו' תשל"א מחקרים דנדרוארכיאולוגים חלק ראשון תל אביב‬ ‫ליפשיץ נ' וויזל ו' תשל"א מחקרים דנדרוארכיאולוגים חלק שני תל אביב‬ ‫ליפשיץ נ' תשמ"ז 'נופי הצומח ותנאי האקלים ביהודה ושומרון בעת העתיקה'‬ ‫רתם ‪26-21 ,22‬‬

‫ארכיאולוגי‬ ‫האגודה לסקר ארכיאולוגי של ישראל תשכ"ח ארץ יהודה‪ :‬סקר ארכיאולוגי‬ ‫הבלין ש"ז תשל"ב 'תוספתא' בפראוור י' )עורך( האנצקלופדיה העברית כרך ‪23‬‬ ‫ירושלים ותל אביב‪591-590 ,‬‬ ‫הבלין ש"ז תשמ"א 'תלמוד בבלי' תשל"ב בפראוור י' )עורך( האנצקלופדיה‬ ‫העברית כרך ‪ 23‬ירושלים ותל אביב‪895-858 ,‬‬ ‫הורביץ א' תש"ם 'פאלינולוגיה – אקלים ותפוצת ישובים בארץ ישראל'‬ ‫קדמוניות ‪86-80 ,51‬‬ ‫היזמי ח' תשמ"ז ללא כותרת חא פ’ט‪35-36 ,‬‬ ‫היזמי ח' תשנ”ב 'ביודאת‪ ,‬ח'רבת אל‪ '-‬בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬ ‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪154-155 ,‬‬ ‫היימן מ' תשמ"ו סקר ארכיאולוגי של ישראל‪ :‬מפת הר חברון‪-‬דרום‪-‬מערב )‪(00‬‬ ‫‪ 10-198‬ירושלים‬ ‫היימן מ' תשנ"א מפת מצפה רמון דרום מערב )‪ (200‬ירושלים‬ ‫היימן מ' תשנ"ג מפת הר חמרן ‪ -‬דרום מזרח )‪ (199‬ירושלים‬ ‫הירשברג ח"ז אבירם ע' )עורכים( כל ארץ נפטלי ירושלים‪82-81 ,‬‬ ‫הירשפלד י' תשמ"ה מפת הרודיון )הר הורדוס( )‪] :(108/2‬גליון[ ‪17-11‬‬ ‫ירושלים‬ ‫הירשפלד י' תשנ”ב 'דיר‪ ,‬ח'רבת א‪ '-‬בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪420-423 ,‬‬ ‫הירשפלד י' תשנ”ב 'חריטון‪ ,‬מנזר' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪548-546 ,‬‬ ‫הירשפלד י' תשנ"ז 'כפרים‪ ,‬בתי אחוזה ובתי חווה בארץ ישראל הביזנטית' בדר‬ ‫ש' )עורך( הכפר הקדום בארץ ישראל תל אביב‪77-75 ,‬‬ ‫הירשפלד י' תשמ"ט 'מצדה בתקופה הביזאנטית ‪ -‬מנזר מרדה' ארץ ישראל כ'‪,‬‬ ‫‪262-224‬‬ ‫הירשפלד י' תשנ"ט נזירים ומנזרים במדבר יהודה ירושלים‪7-23 ,‬‬ ‫הירשפלד י' תש"ס 'יישוב מתבודדים מעל עין גדי' קתדרה ‪40-7 ,96‬‬ ‫הירשפלד י' תשמ"ב ללא כותרת חא ע"ח‪-‬ע"ט‪86-84 ,‬‬ ‫הירשפלד י' תשמ"ז מנזרי מדבר יהודה בתקופה הביזאנטית ‪ -‬תולדותיהם‬ ‫ואירגונם הפנימי לאור המחקר הארכיאולוגי עבודת דוקטורט האוניברסיטה‬ ‫העברית‬ ‫הירשפלד י' ובירגר ר' תשמ"ד ללא כותרת טבע וארץ כ’ו‪34-31 ,2/‬‬ ‫הלצר מ' סג"ל א' וקאופמן ד' )עורכים( מחקרים בארכיאולוגיה ובהיסטוריה של‬ ‫ארץ‪-‬ישראל‪ :‬מוגשים למשה דותן חיפה‬ ‫‪86‬‬

‫‪Bibliography‬‬ ‫ליפשיץ נ' תשמ"ז 'תרומת מחקרים ארכיאובוטנים לידע על צומח העץ בצפון‬ ‫ובמרכז הגולן' רתם ‪92-84 ,24-23‬‬ ‫ליפשיץ נ' ואחרים תשמ"ה 'שלטון האלון המצוי באזור מישור החוץ המרכזי‬ ‫בישראל בעת העתיקה על פי עדויות דנדרוארכיאלוגיות' רתם ‪48-40 ,17‬‬ ‫ללא מחבר תשב"ט ‘סקר ארכאולוגי של ישראל ‪ -‬התקופה הרומית ביזאנטית’‬ ‫חא כ’ח‪-‬כ’ט‪34-32 ,‬‬ ‫ללא מחבר תשכ"ו ללא כותרת חא י"ח‪-‬י"ט‪24-23 ,‬‬ ‫ללא מחבר תשכ"ז 'מצד ירוחם' חא כ"א‪1-3 ,‬‬ ‫ללא מחבר תשכ’ב ללא כותרת חא ג'‪20-21 ,‬‬ ‫ללא מחבר תשכ"ט ‘משמר העמק’ חא ט'‪20-19 ,‬‬ ‫ללא מחבר תשל"ד 'מיצד תמר' חא מ"ח‪-‬מ"ט‪91-90 ,‬‬ ‫ללא מחבר תשמ"א ‘חורבת גררית’ חא ס"א‪-‬ס"ב‪38-37 ,‬‬ ‫לנדר י' תשנ"ן סקר ארכיאולוגי של ישראל‪ :‬מפת הר נפחה )‪ (196‬ירושלים‬ ‫מאיירס א' תשנ”ב ‘נבוריה‪ ,‬כפר’ בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪819-821 ,‬‬ ‫מגן י' תשכ"ח סקר ארכיאולוגי בארץ בנימין ירושלים‬ ‫מגן י' תשנ”ב 'אלוני ממרה' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪36-33 ,‬‬ ‫מגן י' תשנ”ב 'בתי הכנסת השומרונים ופולחנם' מחקרי יהודה ושומרון – דברי‬ ‫הכנס השני‪229-263 ,‬‬ ‫מגן י' תשנ”ב 'גריזים‪ ,‬הר' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪359-350 ,‬‬ ‫מגן י' תשנ”ב 'כיליה ‪,‬ח'רבת אל‪ ’-‬בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪784-783 ,‬‬ ‫מגן י' תשנ”ב ‘קדומים’ בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪1342-1339 ,‬‬ ‫מגן י' תשנ”ב 'שומרון‪ ,‬ארץ‪ ,‬התקופות ההלניסטית והרומאית ביזנטית' בשטרן‬ ‫א’ )עורך( האנציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪1511 ,‬‬ ‫מגן י' תשמ"ט 'מבצר רומי ומנזר מן התקופה הביזאנטית בחירבת אל‪-‬כיליה'‬ ‫קדמוניות ‪45-50 ,85-86‬‬ ‫מורסקי א' תשנ"א פיוטי יוסי בן יוסי ירושלים‬ ‫מזור ג' תשמ"ב 'גתות בנגב' קדמוניות י"ד‪60-51 ,‬‬ ‫מזור י' תשס"א 'שערי סקיטופוליס )בית שאן(‪ ,‬הכניסות הצפוניות לעיר בתקופה‬ ‫הרומית ביזנטית' במאיר א' וברוך א' )עורכים( ישוב ציוויליזציה ותרבות‪,‬‬ ‫‪199-222‬‬ ‫מירסקי א' תש”ן הפיוט‪ :‬התפתחותו בארץ ישראל ובגולה ירושלים‬ ‫מעוז מ' תשנ”ב 'אמאוס' בשטרן א' )עורך( האיציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪37-41 ,‬‬ ‫מעוז מ' תשנ”ב ‘גבעת אורחה’ בשטרן א' )עורך( האיציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪267-269 ,‬‬ ‫מעוז צ' תשמ"ז 'הגולן מימי בית שני ועד לתקופה הרומית‪-‬ביזנטית לאור‬ ‫המחקרים הארכיאולוגים' אריאל‪50-51 ,‬‬ ‫מעוז צ' תשנ”ב 'דביה' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪384-383 ,‬‬ ‫מעוז צ' תשנ”ב 'עין נשוט' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪1203-1201 ,‬‬ ‫מעון צ' תשנ”ב 'גולן‪ ,‬התקופה הביזנטית' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬ ‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪298-290 ,‬‬ ‫מעוז צ' תשנ”ב 'גבעת אורחה' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪267-269 ,‬‬ ‫מעוז צ' תשנ”ב 'כנף חורבת' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪810-807 ,‬‬ ‫מעוז צ' וקילברו א' תשנ”ב 'קצרין' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪1428-1423 ,‬‬ ‫משל ז' תשל"ז סקר ארכיאולוגי בעין עבדת ירושלים‬ ‫נאמן י' תשל"ג סקר ארכיאולוגי בשטח שיפוטה של חדרה חדרה‬ ‫נאמן י' תשנ"א מפת מענית )‪ (54‬ירושלים‬ ‫נאמן י' תש"ס מפת מכמורת )‪ (52‬ומפת חדרה )‪ (53‬ירושלים‬ ‫נגב א' תשל"ו "הכנסיות בנגב המרכזי – סקירה היסטורית" קדמוניות ט' )‪16 ,(1‬‬ ‫‪211-‬‬

‫נגב א' תשנ”ב ‘כרנב’ בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪843-831 ,‬‬ ‫נגב א' תשנ”ב 'נגב‪ ,‬התקופה הפרסית עד התקופה הביזאנטית' בשטרן א’ )עורך(‬ ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪,‬‬ ‫‪1052-1038‬‬ ‫נגב א' תשנ”ב ‘נצנה’ בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪1088-1084 ,‬‬

‫נגב א' תשנ”ב 'עבדת' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪1145-1137 ,‬‬ ‫נגב א' ואבי‪-‬יונה מ' תשנ"ב 'קיסריה’ בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪1391-1369 ,‬‬ ‫נווה י' תשל"ח 'על פסיפס ואבן‪ ,‬הכתובות הארמיות והעבריות מבתי הכנסת‬ ‫העתיקים' ת"א‪54-55 ,‬‬ ‫נוה י' תשמ"ח תולדות עין גדי לאור סקר ארכיאולוגי ירושלים‬ ‫נצר א' בירגר ר' ופלר א' 'כנסיותיה של הרודיון' קדמוניות ‪80-77 ,44-32‬‬ ‫נצר א' קלמן י' לוריס ה' תש"ס ‘מבנים ממזרח לביניין המונומנטלי בהרודיון‬ ‫תחתית’ מחקרי יהודה ושומרון ‪142-137 ,10‬‬ ‫סג"ל א' תשמ"ט 'תאטראות בארץ ישראל בתקופה הרומית ביזנטית' בכשר א'‬ ‫פוקס ג' ורפפורט א' )עורכים( יוון ורומא בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪249 ,‬‬ ‫סג"ל א' תשמ"ז 'תאטראות בארץ ישראל בתקופה הרומית ביזאנטית' ארץ‬ ‫ישראל י"ט‪124-106 ,‬‬ ‫סג"ל א' תשמ"ו דמותה של עיר ביזנטית בנגב חיפה‬ ‫סג"ל ד' תשנ"ט החצר ומתקניה בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד רמת גן )תזה(‬ ‫סולימני ג' ועדווי ג' תשנ"ט 'ירושלים‪ ,‬רחוב סט' ג'ורג' ' חא ‪78-77 ,110‬‬ ‫סוקניק א"ל תרצ"ה קובץ ג'‪59 ,‬‬ ‫סטייגר ל”א תשנ”ב 'אשקלון' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪801 ,‬‬ ‫ספראי ז' תשמ"א 'לדמותו של הכפר הקטן בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד' דברי‬ ‫הקונגרס העולמי למדעי היהדות ‪ 8‬ב‪21-17 ,‬‬ ‫ספראי ז' תשמ"ב 'מערכת הביטחון הפנימי בעיר היהודית בתקופת המשנה‬ ‫והתלמוד' קתדרה ‪40-43 ,21‬‬ ‫ספראי ז' תשמ"ו 'הריבוי הדמוגרפי כתהליך יסוד בחיי הארץ בתקופת המשנה‬ ‫והתלמוד' באופנהיימר א' כשר א' ורפפורט א' )עורכים( אדם ואדמה בארץ‬ ‫ישראל הקדומה ירושלים‪48-20 ,‬‬ ‫ספראי ז' תשמ"ו 'גידול דבורים והפקת דבשן בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד' ישראל‬ ‫עם וארץ ד' )‪211-224 ,(22‬‬ ‫ספראי ז' תש”ן 'הטיפול במערכת הדרכים הכפריות בארץ ישראל בתקופת‬ ‫המשנה והתלמוד' בקדר ב"ז דותן ט' וספראי ש' )עורכים( פרקים בתולדות‬ ‫המסחר בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪180-159 ,‬‬ ‫ספראי ז' תש”ן 'הישוב בשרון בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד' בדגני א' דרוסמן ד'‬ ‫ושמואלי א' )עורכים( השרון בין ירקון לכרמל‪190-175 ,‬‬ ‫ספראי ז' תש"ם גבולות ושלטון בארץ ישראל בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד תל‬ ‫אביב‬ ‫ספראי ז' תשמ"ג 'מבנה המשפחה בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד' מלאת‪129-156 ,‬‬ ‫ספראי ז' תשמ"ד 'הירידים בארץ ישראל בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד' ציון מ"ט‬ ‫)ב(‪158-139 ,‬‬ ‫ספראי ז' תשמ"ה פרקי גליל מעלות‪22-15 ,‬‬ ‫ספראי ז' תשנ"ב 'המסחר בארץ ישראל בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד' מחניים ‪,2‬‬ ‫‪136-141‬‬ ‫עובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'כנסיות קדומות' בשטרן א' )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪800-796 ,‬‬ ‫עולמי י' תשל"ג‪-‬תשל"ד מפת רגבים )‪ (49‬ירושלים‬ ‫עולמי י' תשמ"א מפת דליה )‪ :(31‬גליון ‪ 15-22‬ירושלים‬ ‫עולמי י’ תשס"ד מפת שפרעם )‪ :(24‬גליון ‪ 24-16‬ירושלים‬ ‫עמית ד' ואילן צ' תש"ן ‘בית הכנסת במעון שביהודה’ קדמוניות ‪-115 ,92-91‬‬ ‫‪175‬‬ ‫עסיס מ' תשמ"א 'תלמוד ירושלמי בפראוור י' )עורך( האנצקלופדיה העברית‬ ‫ירושלים ותל אביב כרך ‪906-895 ,23‬‬ ‫פורת י' דר ש' ואפלבאום ש' תשמ"ה 'תל חפר‪ :‬תל אל אפשר' בקדמוניות עמק‬ ‫חפר תל אביב‪175-163 ,‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬

‫‪E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina‬‬

‫פטריך י' תשנ”ב 'עין פארה' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האיציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪915-916 ,‬‬ ‫פטריך י' תשנ”ב 'מנזרים' בשטרן א' )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪955-952 ,‬‬ ‫פטריך י' תשנ"ה מפת דיר מר סבא )‪ :(7/109‬סקר ארכיאולוגי ביהודה ובשומרון‬ ‫ירושלים‬ ‫פטריך י' תשנ"ה 'נזירות מדבר יהודה' מיכמנים ‪54-52 ,8‬‬ ‫פטריך י' תשנ"ה נזירות מדבר יהודה בתקופה הביזנטית ירושלים‬ ‫פטריך י' תשנ"ה סקר ארכיאולוגי ביהודה ובשומרון מפת דיר מר סבא )‪(7‬‬ ‫ירושלים‬ ‫פטריך י' תשנ"ב 'הורקניה' בשטרן א' )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪450-447 ,‬‬ ‫פטריך י' תשמ"ה ‘כנסיה ומתקנים חקלאים מן התקופה הביזאנטית בחורבת בית‬ ‫לויה’ קדמוניות י"ח )‪112-106 ,(72-71‬‬ ‫פטריך י' תשמ"ה ‘עין פארה’ בשטרן א’ )עורך( האיציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪916-915 ,‬‬ ‫פטריך י' וצפריר י' תשמ"ה 'חורבת בית לויה’ חא פ"ו‪27-26 ,‬‬ ‫פיגרס פ' תשל"ט 'התקופה הרומית ביזאנטית' בגרדוס י' ושטרן א' )עורכים( ספר‬ ‫באר שבע ירושלים‬ ‫פישמן דרוקר ר' 'ארץ ישראל בשתי קרוניוקות ביזמטיות' א ב חדשות‬ ‫השומרונים ‪ 27-34 ,466‬ו ‪29-25 ,467‬‬ ‫פישר מ' תשל"ד 'החפירות בחורבת זיכרין' קדמוניות י"ח ‪121-112 ,72-71‬‬ ‫פישר מ' תשנ"ג 'חורבת זיכרין' חא צ"ט‪40-36 ,‬‬ ‫פליישר ע' תשל"ו שירת הקודש העיברית בימי הביניים ירושלים‬ ‫פליקס י' תשכ"ג החקלאות בארץ ישראל בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד ירושלים‬ ‫פראסניץ מ' תשכ"א 'הכנסיה הביזנטית בחניטה' בידעיה מ' )דוחובני( וגיל א'‬ ‫)עורכים( מערבו של הגליל חיפה‪68-69 ,‬‬ ‫פרידהים ע' תשנ"ז 'יהודים עובדי עבודה זרה בארץ ישראל בתקופת המשנה‬ ‫והתלמוד' דברי הקונגרס העולמי למדעי היהדות ‪ 12‬ב‪47-21 ,2‬‬ ‫פרנקל י' תשנ"ז מדרש ואגדה ב רמת אביב‬ ‫פרנקל י' תשנ"א דרכי האגדה והמדרש א‪-‬ב גבעתיים‬ ‫פרנקל ר' תשמ"ד תולדות עיבוד יין ושמן בגליל בתקופת המקרא‪ ,‬המשנה‬ ‫והתלמוד חלק א‪+‬ב ת"א‬ ‫פרסטר ג' תשמ"ג 'בתי הכנסת בגליל' בשמואלי א' סופר א' וקלואוט נ' )עורכים(‬ ‫ארצות הגליל חלק א' חיפה‬ ‫פרקר ס"ט תשנ"ב 'לגון‪-‬א' בשטרן א' )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪847-844 ,‬‬ ‫צוק צ' תשמ"ג סקר ארכיאולוגי במערב השומרון ירושלים‬ ‫צורי נ' תשכ”ז 'בית הכנסת העתיק בבית שאן' ארץ ישראל ח'‪164-145 ,‬‬ ‫צורי נ’ תשל"ז נחלת יששכר‪ :‬סקר ארכיאולוגי של הגלבוע ומורדותיו‪ ,‬עמק‬ ‫יזרעאל והגליל התחתון המזרחי ירושלים‬ ‫צפיריס ו' תשנ”ב 'כורסי' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪782-780 ,‬‬ ‫צפיריס ו' תשנ”ב 'מעוז חיים' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪967-966 ,‬‬ ‫צפיריס ו' תשנ"ו 'נזירים ומנזרים בארץ ישראל בתקופה הביזנטית' אריאל ‪,10‬‬ ‫‪113-112‬‬ ‫צפיריס ו' וידין נ' תשמ”ב 'מערות קברים בבית שאן' עתיקות ח'‪12-15 ,‬‬ ‫צפריר י' תשכ"ז 'המאבק בין הנוצרים ובין היהודים באזור טבריה בתקופה‬ ‫הביזנטית' בהירשברג ח"ז ואבירם ע' )עורכים( כל ארץ נפטלי ירושלים‪-81 ,‬‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫צפריר י' תשל"ט 'רחובות בנגב – ‪ 4‬עונות חפירה' קדמוניות י”ב‪132-124 ,‬‬ ‫צפריר י’ תשמ"ה ארץ ישראל מחורבן בית שני ועד הכיבוש המוסלמי ‪– II‬‬ ‫הממצא הארכיאולוגי והאומנות ירושלים‬ ‫צפריר י' תשנ"ה 'פריחת הישוב בארץ ישראל בתקופה הביזנטית‪ ,‬על העדויות‬ ‫הארכיאולוגיות והמקורות הספרותיים' מכמנים ‪16-7 ,8‬‬ ‫קידר י' תשכ"ז החקלאות הקדומה בהרי הנגב ירושלים‬ ‫קלונר ע' ואבי‪-‬יונה מ' תשנ”ב 'בית גוברין' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬ ‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪167-165 ,‬‬ ‫קלונר ע' כהן מ' וחיבש א' תשס"א 'בית גוברין ‪ '1999-1998‬חא ‪-154 ,113‬‬ ‫‪156‬‬

‫קמפינסקי א' תשנ”ב 'שלה' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪1536-1542 ,‬‬ ‫קפלן ח' תש"ל 'כנסיה שומרונית במיתחם מוזיאון הארץ' קדמוניות ‪84-78 ,11‬‬ ‫קצר א' תשכ"ח 'בעיות יציבות האקלים בנגב בתקופה ההיסטורית' מחקרים‬ ‫בגאוגרפיה של ארץ ישראל ‪161-169 ,6‬‬ ‫קרמון י' תשמ"ה "התנאים הפיסיוגרפיים של השרון והשפעתם על התפתחותו‬ ‫היישובית" בקרמון י' )עורך( מאמרים נבחרים בגאוגרפיה של ארץ ישראל‬ ‫אריאל ‪160-137 ,41-40‬‬ ‫קרשון ר' תשמ"ג 'בידי מי ומתי הושמדו יערות אלון התבור בשרון הדרומי' רתם‬ ‫‪37-39 ,9‬‬ ‫רבינוביץ צ"מ תשמ"ה מחזור פיוטיי רבי ייני לתורה ומועדים ירושלים‬ ‫רבן א’ תשמ"ג מפת נהלל ירושלים‬ ‫רובין ר' תש”ן הנגב כארץ נושבת ירושלים‬ ‫רובין ר' תשנ"ג 'ספר המדבר של האימפריה הרומית ביזאנטית כמפגש תרבותי'‬ ‫מחקרים בגאוגרפיה של ארץ ישראל י"ד‪30-19 ,‬‬ ‫רגב א' תש”ן 'מקוואות טהרה של מעמדות וכתות בישראל בימי בית שני' קתדרה‬ ‫‪21-3 ,79‬‬ ‫רוזן ס' תשנ"ה סקר ארכיאולוגי של ישראל‪ :‬מפת מכתש רמון )‪ (204‬ירושלים‬ ‫רוזן ס' תשנ"ה ‘בשולי האמפריה‪ :‬הארכיאולוגיה של נוודים פסטורלים בהר‬ ‫הנגב’ ארכיאולוגיה ‪29-4 ,4‬‬ ‫רוזנבלר ב' תשמ"ו 'השכונה בעיר היהודית בארץ ישראל בתקופת המשנה‬ ‫והתלמוד' באופנהיימר א' כשר א' ורפפורט א' )עורכים( אדם ואדמה בארץ‬ ‫ישראל הקדומה ירושלים‪66-57 ,‬‬ ‫רוזנטל ד' תש"ן 'עריכות קדומות במושקעות בתלמוד הבבלי' בזוסמן י' ורוזנטל‬ ‫ד' )עורכים( מחקרי תלמוד א'‪155-204 ,‬‬ ‫רול י' ואיילון א תשנ"ב 'אפולוניה‪-‬ארסוף' בשטרן א’ )עורך( אינציקלופדיה‬ ‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪52-5 ,‬‬ ‫רחמני ל' תשכ"א ‘בתי הכנסת במעון )נירים( המציאות הקטנות והמטבעות’ ארץ‬ ‫ישראל ‪85-82 ,6‬‬ ‫רייך ר' תשמ"ז 'בית הכנסת ומקווה הטהרה בארץ‪-‬ישראל בימי הבית השני‪,‬‬ ‫המשנה והתלמוד' בתי כנסת עתיקים ירושלים‪212-205 ,‬‬ ‫רייך ר' תש"ן מקוה הטהרה היהודי בתקופת הבית השני המשנה והתלמוד עבודת‬ ‫דוקטור האוניברסיטה העברית בירושלים‬ ‫רייך ר' תשנ"ו 'נימפאון רומי‪-‬ביזאנטי בעין שוקק סמוך לבית שאן' עתיקות ‪,28‬‬ ‫‪*11-*8‬‬ ‫ריכב ר' תש”ן 'האומנם היה אקלים הנגב גשום יותר בתקופה הביזנטית' אופקים‬ ‫בגאוגרפיה ‪209-217 ,31‬‬ ‫ריכב ר' תשנ"ט 'עליתו וירידתו של היישוב בנגב בתקופה הביזנטית – הגורם‬ ‫האנושי מול הגורם האקלימי' מכמנים ‪32-23 ,8‬‬ ‫שוורץ ד' תשנ"ט 'מאלכסנדריה לספרות חז"ל ‪,‬לציון‪ :‬יציאת היהודים מן‬ ‫ההסטוריה ומיהו זה החוזר אליה?' באיינשטדט ש"נ וליסק מ' )עורכים(‬ ‫הציונות והחזרה להסטוריה הערכה מחדש ירושלים‪40-55 ,‬‬ ‫שביט א’ )עורך( ‪ 1994-1993‬סקר ארכיאולוגי בתואי כביש חוצה ישראל תל‬ ‫אביב‬ ‫שטרן א' תשנ"ב דור המושלת בימים‪ :‬עשר שנות חפירה בעיר‪-‬נמל ישראלית‪-‬‬ ‫פיניקית לחוף הכרמל ירושלים‬ ‫שיאון ע' תשנ"ז 'חפירות בניין ‪ II‬בח'רבת אל‪-‬כיליה )רימונים(' מחקרי יהודה‬ ‫ושומרון – דברי הכנס השביעי‪191-205 ,‬‬ ‫שיאון א' ואל סלאם סעיד ע' תשס"ד 'בית עמידים משלהי התקופה הביזאנטית‬ ‫והתקופה האומאית בבית שאן' קדמוניות ‪113-107 ,126‬‬ ‫שילר א' )עורך( תשמ"ד ספר זאב וילנאי ירושלים‬ ‫שילר א' תשנ”ב 'נזירים ומנזרים במדבר יהודה' אריאל ‪256-254 ,85-87‬‬ ‫שנהב א' תשנ"ב 'שוני' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‪1515-1516 ,‬‬ ‫שנהב א' תשנ"ח 'ח'רבת חנות – מסורת ביזנטית קדומה על מקום קבורתו של‬ ‫גלית' מחקרי יהודה ושומרון דברי הכנס השביעי‪181-189 ,‬‬ ‫שר‪-‬אבי ד' תשנ"ח 'עין אל‪-‬סחניה ומנזרי מדבר זיף' מחקרי יהודה ושומרון –‬ ‫דברי הכנס השמיני‪185-192 ,‬‬ ‫ששון א' תש”ן ייצור סיד בארץ ישראל בשלהי ימי בית שני המשנה והתלמוד‬ ‫רמת גן )תזה(‬

‫‪88‬‬

Bibliography Part B: Works in English and Other Western European Languages

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96

97

Basilica

Basilica

Ein-Gedi

Rehov

Sumaq(a)

Rimon

Basilica

Basilica (3 rows)

TP: 1

FP: hall, SP: basilica

Hammat Gader

-

Basilica (3 rows)

s.c. squ.

-

-

-

-

-

-

Chorazim

Basilica

Meiron

-

Basilica

Basilica

Meroth

1 ex. s.c.

Gush Halav

Basilica

Beer Sheva, Outside Synagogue

-

Basilica

Room

Beer Sheva, Beth Leonitis

-

3 narthex

1 through a corridor.

3 façade

Y

-

Y

FP: 1 SP: 2

FP: 3 N wall 1 E wall.

-

Y

Ysecond phase

2 N wall, 1 blocked in the SP and 3 openings added in the W wall.

-

Y

-

Bema & chancel

-

-

Y

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

3 1 wall, later blocked replaced with 2.

Y

-

-

-

2

-

-

-

-

-

Bema/ Ambo

Y

-

-

-

Y

Y

-

-

-

Y

Bench

1 S wall, 1 NW corner

-

-

3 façade

1 portico

3E

U

1 NE

Semi-oval ex. Apse.

Hammat Tiberias

Basilica

Jericho, Tel Saltan

1

1S

Entrance (number of entrances and location) Graves

E – east W – west N – north S – south U –unreported

Classified by Excavators as Synagogues:

s.c. – semi-circular squ. – square rec. – rectangular ex. – external in. – internal

Abbreviations used in Appendix One

-

Basilica (3 rows)

Basilica

Kanaf

-

Apse

Hammat Tiberias (Early Basilica)

Basilica

Form

Ha’shora

Name

FP – first phase SP – second phase TP – third phase Y – yes

Appendix One: Religious Structures

9.50 x 13.50

13 squ.

18.40 x 13.60

Y

Entry room

?

TP: narthex

SP: Exedra TP: narthex

Length E side 13.50, W 15.50, width 10-9.50. Third phase - E 13.50 west 16 width 12.50. FP: 19 x 17.

-

-

Y

-

-

Portico

-

-

U

13.75 by 11.00-10.60.

32 x 17 m

14 S to 14.50 SW end 10.05, E end 11.30.

27.5 x 13.6

11.40 x 17.90

17 x 14.20

7x7

-

-

10 x 13

-

17 x 14.5

Narthex

W wall 12.50, E wall 13.25, S wall 15.85, N wall 16.40.

Size (in m)

tri. – triconch cruci. – cruciform fla. – flanked/ing cent. – centralised mon. – monastery octa. – octagon/al

-

2

?

-

-

Y

-

Y

-

-

Y

-

-

-

Y

-

Courtyard

Appendix One: Religious Structures

98

Basilica

Basilica

Dabiyye

Misr

Tiberias, Northern Synagogue

Bar’am

Beth Shearim

Basilica

Basilica (3 rows)

Basilica

Basilica (4 rows)

Basilica

Gaza

Basilica (1 row)

Basilica

Gav’it

Capernaum

Basilica

Shema

Sepphoris

Basilica

Yeshod HaMa’ala

Hall

Basilica

Ein Neshot

Qarnaim

Basilica

Basilica

Maoz Hayim

Maon (Nirim)

Basilica

Basilica (3 rows)

Arbel

Hoshifa

Basilica

'Anim

1 SW

1 façade

3 SW

SP: 2 EW

U

1 EW

2 E wall

FP: 3 E. Wall SP: 2 entry room.

3 narthex

U

-

-

-

-

-

-

1 in.

-

-

-

-

1 façade

-

-

-

3 façade, later middle entrance blocked. 3 façade

-

Y

-

-

Y

-

-

Y

-

Y

FP: Y SP: Y -

-

-

-

-

-

Y

FP: Y

-

Y & chancel

Y & chancel

-

2

-

U

-

Y

Y

Bema/ Ambo

-

-

3 NW

3 façade

U

3W

U

U

U

Y

-

Y

-

-

-

Y

Y

FP: Y SP: Y

-

-

U

FP: Y SF: Y

FP: 1 N wall. SP: 1 N façade, 1 W. U

Y

Y

Bench

3 E wall.

3

Entrance (number of entrances and location)

TP: 1 in. s.c. fla. FP: 1 NE 1 EW by 2 rooms. TP: E entrance blocked, 1 W wall.

-

-

1 ex. s.c.

SP: 1 ex. s.c.

-

1 ex. s.c.

-

-

FP: hall SP: basilica

Maon (Judea)

-

Hall

Susiya

-

U

Basilica?

Basilica (3 rows)

Amudim

-

-

Apse

Yafi’a

Basilica

Hall

Eshtemoa

Qasrin

Basilica

Form

Beth Alpha

Name

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

U

-

-

Graves

12.65 x 11.40

20 x 20

15.20 x 20

15 x 53

26 x 30

U

U

10.50 x 14.70

U

21 x 15.50

11.3 x 10.6

12 x 15.70

15.05 x 13.35

-

Portico

-

-

-

Y

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

FP: 12.50 x 14 SP: & 4 N 15 x 9.5

-

-

SP: entry room

Y

-

NW 10.10

18.65 x 19.40

8.45 x 14.50

FP: 10.50 x 15.50 SP: 3.5

U

19 x 15

U

-

FP: 15.30 x 15.20 SP: N 15.40, S 14.95, E 17.95 W 17.40. 14 x 23

Y

Y

Narthex

10 x 20

27.70 x 14.20

Size (in m)

-

-

Y

-

Y

-

Y

-

-

-

-

-

-

Y

SP: Y

-

FP:1 SP: 2

-

Y

-

U

-

Y

Y

Courtyard

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

-

FP: hall SP: basilica

Hall

Caesarea

Shiqmona

99

Basilica

Basilica [?]

Basilica

Basilica

Horkaniya

Eirav, West

Cruci.

Beer- Sheva

Yoqne’am

Hall

Umm Zakum

Beer Sheva

Hall

Basilica

Qasile

Shede Naum

Hall

U

Khudriya

Basilica

U

Khasfin B

Motza

Basilica

Khasfin A

Motza

Basilica

U

Haiyan

Khan el-Ahmar

Tri.

Ed-Dschunene

Basilica

Hall

Bodeda

Hazor-Ashdod

Basilica

Beth Bad

Form

-

Basilica

Na’aran

Name

-

FP: hall SP & TP: basilica

Naboriya

-

-

FP: hall SP: basilica

Maon (Judea)

1 W, 1 S 3S

1, large central, with 2 benches, 2 small fla.

U

1 ex. s.c.

1 fla. by 2 rooms.

U

U

3

U

1 s.c. in.

1W

1E

U

U

U

U

U

3, each arm of the cross.

1 ex. s.c.

-

U

U

1

U

U

3 3 W wall, 2 N wall, 1 S wall.

Ex. apse [?]

U

U

U

3W

Entrance

1 central ex. squ. 2 small, internal.

1

3 in. s.c. ex. rec.

-

1 ex. s.c.

Apse

-

-

-

-

2

-

-

-

U

-

Y

U

-

-

U

U

U

U

U

-

-

U

-

-

-

Bench

-

-

-

-

-

Bema

Chancel fragments

U

-

Bema & chancel.

U

Bema & chancel.

-

U

U

U

U

U

Raised bema (1 step).

Raised bema (2 steps).

U

-

-

-

Bema/Ambo

Classified by Excavators as Churches:

U

FP: 1 EW SP: U

-

FP: Y SP: Y

FP: 2 SW 1 NE corner, 1 SW. TP: 1 EW blocked, 1 added in NW. 3 narthex

Y

3 façade

-

-

U

Y

-

Y

Y

-

U

U

U

U

U

-

-

U

-

-

-

Graves

Size

17.90 x 14.1

5.50 x 16

U

15 x 24

41 x 28

U

11.8 x 6.2

7.7 x 7.3

U

U

U

U

U

26 x 14

10.5 x 12.5

U

19.44 x 14.7

U

13 x 9.7

U

FP: 9 x 18 SP: U

Y

-

-

-

Y

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Y

Y

U

-

-

Y

Narthex

-

Y

Exedra

FP: 9.35 x 11.20 SP: 11.20 x 13.85 TP: 11.60 x 16.9 14.94 X 19 preserved.

-

10.50 x 15.50

Y

Y

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

U

-

-

-

Courtyard

Y

SP: Y

Y

-

-

Appendix One: Religious Structures

Basilica

Round cent.

Rehovot in the Negev, North Church

Rehovot in the Negev, Round Church

100 1 s.c.

Hall

Hall

Hermeshit

Bir el-Kot

U Y

Basilica

Second floor basilica

Hesheq

Ex. rec

In. & window.

ex. rec

Nazareth

U

Hall

ed-Deir, K.

Matta

Basilica

Beth Jimal

3 narthex

U

1 NW

1 N wall.

3 W wall.

1 W wall, 2 S wall.

1 in. s.c. end of N aisle, ex., nave apse ex. rec.

Basilica

FP: 1 south wall. SP: U.

FP: in. s.c. apse. SP: ex. s.c. & rectangular outside.

FP: cave church. SF: basilica.

Shepherds’ Fields

Beth Sha’ar

2

FP: s.c. SP: in. apse

-

Siyar El-Ghanam

2 SW

-

U

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

2 fla. the SW corner.

-

3 narthex

U

-

-

2 narthex, 1 north. U

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Bench

U

U

U

U

U

U

U

U

Entrance

1 s.c

-

1 in. s.c. & bench.

Hall

1 rectangular

Kenes, Horbat

2 rooms

Masos, Tel

1 with 2 rooms fla.

1

1 s.c. ex. Apse.

3

Abu-Ghunneim

Basilica

Zichrin

-

Basilica

Rehovot in the Negev, Central Church

Mon. Church

1 squ.

Jericho,Khirbat a-Natle 1 s.c. & bench, fla. by 2 rooms.

-

Basilica

Basilica, later turned into a hall.

Jericho, Tel Hasan

-

1 s.c.

Basilica (2 external aisles).

Basilica

Apse

Form

Es-Samra

Dor

Name

Bema

U

Bema & chancel.

-

Bema & chancel.

Bema & chancel.

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Bema& chancel

-

-

Bema & chancel.

Raised chancel

-

Bema/Ambo

-

U

-

Y

-

Y

-

-

-

Y

-

-

-

-

_

Y

-

-

-

-

-

Graves

8.50 x 11

19.50 x 39.60

Est. 11.25 x 6

3.15 x 6.65

11.60 x 8.50

9.60 x 9

FP: 11 x 15 SP: 30 x 15

SP: 16.70 x 5.10

7.50 x 19

6.20 x 8.40

U

Y

Y

Y

Y

Y

SP: Y

-

-

-

Y

-

-

Room 601: 7.80 x 6.50 5.10 x 16.70 m

Y

-

Y

Y

-

-

-

-

-

Narthex

28 x 15.30

11.80 x 6.30

36.40 in diameter.

24.80 x 13.10

20 x 12

U

37 x 18

10 x 15

25 x 14.50

Size

-

U

-

-

-

-

SP: Y

Y

-

-

Y

-

-

Y

-

Y

Y

-

-

-

-

Y

Courtyard

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

101

Basilica

Basilica

Basilica

al-Habela

Alonai Mamre

Basilica

Shivta, Central Church

Basilica

Basilica

Shivta, North Church

A’gor

Basilica

Shivta, South Church

el-Beiyudat

Basilica

Nizzana, South Church

Octa.

Basilica

Grizim

Nizzana, North Church

Hall

Basilica

Mamshit West Church

Marda

Basilica

Cave Church

ed-Deir

Kursi

FP: 1 ex. s.c. SP: 1 in. s.c. fla. by 2 rooms.

FP: hall SP: basilica & transept.

Heptapegon

3 narthex

1 in. s.c. fla. by 2 in, 1 rec., 1 s.c.

3W

1 in. s.c. fla. by 2 rooms.

-

1 in. s.c.

1 ex. s.c.

-

3 portico/narthex.

1 in. s.c. fla. by 2 in. s.c.

1 in. s.c.

2 narthex

1 in. s.c. fla. by 2 in. s.c.

-

-

-

SP: Y

-

-

-

Y

1 S aisle, 1 narthex.

1 in. fla. by 2 in.

-

3 narthex

-

Y

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

U

-

Bench

2 S courtyard

1

1 in. fla. by 2 rooms.

1 W, 1 S

3 narthex

In. with bench, 2 fla. Rooms. 1 in.

U

U

U

3W

1 fla. by 2 rooms.

-

1 fla. by 2 rooms.

Basilica

Beth Govrin

FP: 3 W

SP: 3 ex. s.c. apses in tri.

Basilica (4 rows) FP: octa. built over a cave.

Bethlehem

3 narthex

U

Nahariya

Y fla. by 2 rooms. 1 ex. s.c. & 2 s.c. s.a.

U

Martyrius

-

Basilica

Basilica

Berachot

Y

-

U

3 portico, 1 in S.

Entrance

1 narthex

Hall

Ein Farah

-

U

Ex. s.c.

Apse

-

U

Basilica

Truman

Basilica

Form

Hanot

al-Karak

Name

-

Y

Y & chancel.

Y

Y

-

Y & chancel.

Y & chancel.

Y

-

-

Y

-

Y

-

-

-

Y & SF: Chancel.

Y

-

-

-

U

Bema & chancel.

Bema/Ambo

-

Y

-

-

-

Y

-

-

-

-

-

-

Y

-

-

Y

-

-

-

Y

-

-

U

-

Graves

16 x 20

12.50 x 16

10 x 13

23.60 x 15.50

17.53 x 13.63

22.50 x 12.70

17.60 x 18.20

14.10 x 20.80

10.70 x 20.90

30 x 37.4

10 x 5

10 x 17.50

25 x 45

11 x 10 m

FP: 17.30 x 8 SP: 19 x 25

U

FP: 27.70 x 26.80 SP: 53.20 x 26.80

U

15.5 x 6.6

15.50 x 12.20

6.50 x 13

5.40 x 9.50

U

15.40 x 11.30

Size

-

Y

SP: Y

Y

FP: portico SP: Y

Y

Y

-

Y

Y

Y

Y

-

SP: Y

Y

FP: Y? SP: Y

-

Y

Y

-

-

2

Y

-

Y

Y

-

Y

Y

-

-

Y

Y

-

SP: Y

Y

FP: Y SP: Y

-

-

Y

-

-

U

SP: courtyard

U

Courtyard

Narthex FP: portico SP: narthex.

Appendix One: Religious Structures

Unclear

Basilica

Basilica

Arraba

Ashkelon

A’sida

102

Basilica

Basilica

Yattir Area D Church

Krayiot

Hall

Basilica

Basilica

Bashol

Hanita

Grarit

Hall

Basilica

Yattir Area C Church

Mavo Modi’in

Basilica

U

Basilica

Beth Einun

Nuseib Uweishira

Shilo, Basilica

Hall

Basilica (3 rows)

Ramat Rahel

Shilo, The Pilgrim’s Church

Hall

Basilica

Mitzpe Shivta

Basilica

Kissufim

Hall

Herodium

Herodium, Central Church

Basilica

Beth Loya

U

Basilica

Be’er Shema

Herodium, Eastern Church

Basilica

Bardala

Basilica

Basilica

Bahan

Herodium, North Church

Basilica

Avdat North Church

Hall

Basilica

Amaos North Church

Ata, Kfar

Basilica

Form

Amaos South Church

Name

1 squ. in.

U

-

U

1 ex. s.c.

-

-

1 fla. by 2 rooms.

-

-

-

U

U

3 narthex

U

3 W, 1 N, 1 S

3 narthex

U

U

3 narthex

1 narthex

3 narthex

1W

-

1 ex. s.c. inside, octa. outside. -

1W

3 narthex

1

3 narthex

3 narthex

1 in. s.c.

-

1 s.c.

1 s.c.

1 squ.

U

3 façade

1 in. s.c.

3 narthex

1 s.c. in. fla. by 2 rooms.

U

3 narthex

3

U

U

U

1 fla. by 2 rooms.

-

1 in?

1 s.c.

Y

-

1 in. fla. by 2 rooms.

1W

3 W, 1 N, 1 S

1. ex. polygonal fla. by 2 in. s.c. 1 in.

Entrance

Apse

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

U

--

-

-

-

-

-

-

Y

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Bench

-

-

-

Y

-

-

-

-

U

-

-

-

Y & chancel.

-

Y

-

Y & chancel

-

-

-

-

-

Y & chancel ambo.

-

-

-

-

-

-

Bema/Ambo

-

-

-

-

Y

-

-

Y

U

-

-

-

-

Y

-

Y

-

-

-

-

-

-

Y

-

-

-

-

-

-

Graves

Y -

Length: 13, width: 13.5 (estimated).

-

-

Y

Y

-

Y

Y

Y

Y

-

-

Y

-

Y

Y

-

Y

-

-

Y

-

-

Y

-

-

Y

-

Narthex

14 x 17

5x7

9 x 4.5

27 x 16

16.5 wide

U

12.6 x 22.5

U

20.5 x 13.7

11.70 x 25

22.3 x 15

6.60 x 18.20

16 x 13

11.4 x 10.2

12.3 x 8.3

10.4 x 8.5

7.8 x 3.4

20.4 x 13.9

12.5 x 21

U

Complex: 20 x 13

U

7 wide, length U

9 x 12

16 x 25

5.5 x 7

20 x 10.20

43.60 x 22.55

Size

-

-

-

-

Y

Y

Y

Y

Y

Y

-

-

Y

-

-

Y

-

Y

-

-

-

Y

-

-

-

-

-

-

Courtyard

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

103 3 portico

3 atrium

TP: 1 ex. s.c. FP: 1 in.s.c. fla. by 2 rooms. SP: 1 in.s.c. fla. by 2 in. s.c.

Basilica

Basilica

FP & SP: room, TP: octa..

Petra

Petra, Ridge Church

Basilica

Basilica

Basilica

Elusa, East Church

Apolonia

Reshef

Capernaum St. Peter’s

-

Basilica

Sepphoris

-

-

3 s.c. cen & bench.

1 squ.

U

U

3 narthex

-

-

3 atrium

Basilica

Pachal, Civic Complex

2 W, 2 S, 2 N

3 FP: 1 in. s.c. TP: 1 in. s.c. fla. 2 in. s.c. ex.

Basilica

-

-

-

-

-

Y

-

-

-

-

3 atrium, 2 S, 2 (one later turned into window) NW.

1 ex. s.c. & bench fla. by 2 in. s.c.

Pachal, West Church

-

1 W, 2 S

-

FP: U SP: 3 W 1 N

1 in?

-

-

U

-

-

U

-

-

U

U

-

-

Bench

U

U

U

3 narthex

3 narthex

3 narthex

U

U

3 narthex

U

U

U

U

Entrance

Basilica

Hall

1 in. fla. by 2 rooms

1 ex. s.c.

1 in. s.c.

U

1

1 ex. squ.

1 in. s.c.

U

1 s.c. ex.

1 ex. s.c.

1 ex.

U

1 in.

1 in.

Apse

Pachal, East Church

Ein el Fawwar

Basilica

Hall

Ein et Tabigha

Bethany

U

Hall

es-Samak

Basilica

Shevi Zion

Shalal

Basilica

Rugalit

U

Basilica

O’tzem

Ein Hanniya

Basilica

E’vron

U

Basilica

Sohmata

Mishmar HaEmek

Basilica

Hall

Michmash

Basilica

Kama

Form

Kofin

Name

-

-

Y & chancel,

-

-

Y & ambo.

-

-

-

-

Y & chancel.

Y & chancel.

-

-

U

-

Y

U

-

-

U

U

-

Y

Bema/Ambo

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Y

-

-

Y

-

-

U

-

-

U

U

-

-

Graves

U

U

-

-

-

-

39.45 x 17.20

Y

18.1 x 13.5

-

-

-

-

-

-

SP: Y

Y

-

U

SP: Y

Y

Y

Y

Y

Y

U

U

-

Y

Narthex

Central octa., 7.90 diameter, larger octa., 16.53 diameter.

25 x 16

12.50 x 7.50

19.25 x 29.65

23.22 x 28.99

28.23 x 46

8.50 x 3.50

FP: 34(?) x 17 SP: 26 x 17.50

7.20 x 4.48

4.30 wide

Estimated 8 x 15.

16 x 27

10.70 x 14

U

U

10.60 x 14.50

16 x 11

U

U

U

12 x 20

Size

Y

-

Y

SP: Y

-

-

-

Y

Y

Y

-

SP: Y

-

-

U

Y

Y

Y

U

Y

Y

U

U

-

-

Courtyard

Appendix One: Religious Structures

Magen, South Church

104

Form

Hall

Hall

U

el-Kirbe

Samara

Nablus

Basilica

Dibon, North Church

Name

Basilica

Hall

Umm er-Rasas, South Church

Humeima

Hall

Octa.al

Umm er-Rasas, North Church

Basilica (4 rows)

Gadara

Basilica

Gadara

Susita, Church C

Basilica

Hall

Basilica

Magen, North Church

Susita, Church B

Basilica

Magen, Central Church

Hall

Basilica

Keisan

Susita, Church A

FP:1 SP: 1 ex. s.c.

FP: Hall SP: Basilica

Hadat

U

1 ex. s.c.

-

Apse

1

3 s.c.

1

1

4, each corner

1 s.c.

-

-

2S

U

1N

1 façade, 1 N, 1 S

U

3 corridor

1 façade

U

U

U

U

FP: U SP: 2

U

U

U

3 narthex

Courtyard

Entrance

-

-

U

U

-

-

U

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

U

-

-

Bench

-

-

U

U

-

-

U

-

-

-

-

-

-

SP: Y& chancel

-

-

U

-

-

Bema/Ambo

U

1W

1E

Entrance

U

Y

Y

Bench

U

-

-

Bema/Ambo

U

-

-

Graves

Classified by Excavators as Samaritan Synagogue:

1 ex. s.c. & bench, 1 side apse,

1 in. s.c.

1 ex. squ.

-

-

1

-

U

U

-

1 in.

Shiqmona

U

Cruci.

E’ira

1 cent. & benches

1 s.c.

Apse

Caesarea

-

Basilica

Form

Tiberias, Anchor Church

Tiberias

Name

-

-

U

U

Y

Y

U

-

-

-

-

-

Y

-

Y

-

U

-

-

Narthex 14 x 12 U

U

Y

Exedra

Y

Size

-

21.5 x 15

U

U

-

-

U

corridor

-

Y

Nave: 8.20 S aisle: 3.75

U

U

W wall 23.7

21.50 x 20.10

U

20 x 40

36.40 x 17.50

U

-

Y

Length: 14 N width: 8 S width: 12.20 U

Y

-

-

-

U

FP: U SP: 12 x 7.70

U

U

U

Y

U

-

21 x 15

Narthex

48 x 28 (with courtyard).

Size

16.4 x 12.7

Graves

Y

Y

Y

Courtyard

Y

-

U

U

-

Y

U

-

-

Y

Y

Y

-

-

Y

-

U

Y

Courtyard

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Form

Fortified basilican ‘synagogue’

Hall ‘church’

Hall

Hall

Name

al-Karak

Malhata

Caesarea

Zur Natan

1

1 ex. s.c.

-

Y

Apse

3W

U

U

U

Entrance

-

-

-

-

Bench

-

-

-

-

Bema/Ambo

Classification Unclear:

-

-

-

-

Graves

16.5 x 15

11.50 x 13.50

21 x 14.5

22 x 37

Size

Y

Y

-

-

Narthex

Y

-

-

Y

Courtyard

Appendix One: Religious Structures

105

Church

Church

Mon.

Mon.

Mon.

Mon.

Berachot, Horbat

Berachot, Horbat

ed-Deir, Khirbat

ed-Deir, Khirbat

Kursi

Kursi

Cist grave built with stones.

Room used for burial 2.00 x 4.50.

Church

Shepherds’ Fields

Tomb 1.90 x 0.43 x 0.35

-

Rehovot-in-theNegev, North Church church

107 Hewn niche measuring 0.70 x 1.80.

W through

Centre trough

Burial recess 2.10 x 2.80 its 1.60 high.

A vaulted crypt 6.25 x 2.40, height: over 2.00.

A vaulted crypt 6.25 x 2.40, height: over 2.00.

Remains of walls indicate burial troughs.

-

The cave became a crypt 4.50 x 3.00, entry from two opposing staircases.

Burial cave 5.00 x 5.60 height: 1.90 & 2.20

Cist grave 0.75 x 0.55

FP: Cave church

Tomb 1.80 x 0.42 x 0.35

-

Tomb 1.70 x 0.40 x 0.78

Type of Grave (Sizes are in m)

Rehovot-in-theNegev, North Church church

Type of Structure

-

Type of Site

Rehovot-in-theNegev, North Church church

Site Name

S - south FP: first phase SP – second phase Y – yes

No

No

-

Y

-

No

No

No

No

No

Robbed

-

-

-

The two western-most troughs were empty. Ages of all skeleton: 2-5 1, 1320 2, 21-30 3, 31-40 6, 4150 11, 51-60 2, 61 3. The centre trough had 8 male burials. Ages of all skeletons: 2-5 1, 13-20 2, 21-30 3, 31-40 6, 41-50 11, 51-60 2, 61 3.

-

-

-

-

-

-

EW

More than 100 skeletons in and around the tomb.

11 (sex not specified).

EW - head in the W.

1 in situ: EW - head in the W.

EW - head in the W

Position of Skeleton

1 female

2 females, 1 male.

1 male

Sex and Age

Burial in Religious Contexts:

E – east W – west N – north

Appendix Two: Burials

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Doorposts marked with cross.

-

-

-

-

Lamps, coins, pendant crosses, glass beads. -

-

Tombstone with burial inscription “Makedonios” & dates.

Tombstone with burial inscription.

Decoration

-

-

-

Grave Goods

Appendix Two: Burials

108

Mon.

Mon.

el-Kiliya, Horbat

Horkaniya

Mon.

el-Kiliya, Horbat

Mon.

Mon.

el-Kiliya, Horbat

Jemameh, Khirbat

Mon.

el-Kiliya, Horbat

Church

Mon.

el-Kiliya, Horbat

Beth Einun

Mon.

Type of Site

Kursi

Site Name

No

No

No

No

Coffin 1.90 by 0.70 Built of flagstones and plastered, covered with more flagstones and also had an opening This coffin was built from flagstones and plastered, covered with more flat stones with a hole in the centre.

An elongated room 8.40 x 4.40. The inner space is divided In the centre of the room the crypt was entered by steps. into two troughs, 2.15 x 0.60 each. The lower part is cut into bedrock; its upper part is vaulted.

-

2 burial compartments.

2 entrances, with descending steps to the crypt, the central hall of the crypt was square, 2.60 x 2.40, and there was another burial room.

Well-dressed limestone tomb crypt. Sealed by a marble slab. Square shaft, at the bottom is a large stair arched tomb entrance.

Burial cave

An elongated room 8.40 x 4.40

An elongated room 8.40 x 4.40.

8 graves

No

A hewn monolith, 1.90 x 0.70 with a monolithic cover, resembling sarcophagus, at the centre a depression.

An elongated room 8.40 x 4.40.

No

No

No

Monolithic through like tomb, 2.00 x 0.7 covered with stone slabs with an opening left in the centre.

An elongated room 8.40 x 4.40.

No

E trough

A vaulted crypt 6.25 x 2.40 m, over 2.00 high.

Robbed

Type of Grave (Sizes are in m)

Type of Structure

-

Disintegrating bones.

-

15 skeletons found in two troughs.

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

20 male burials in the E trough. Ages of all skeletons: 2-5 1, 13-20 2, 21-30 3, 31-40 6, 41-50 11, 51-60 2, 61 3. 4 skeletons, heads facing east.

Position of Skeleton

Sex and Age

Under a white mosaic with red and black crosses.

Under a white mosaic with red and black crosses.

Under a white mosaic with red and black crosses. A large cross is engraved along the central axis.

Under a white mosaic with red and black crosses.

-

Decoration

-

6 pottery lamps.

-

The caves wall were plastered and painted with 36 saints, preserved Greek inscriptions identified in 27.

-

-

Ceramic lamps, glass Under a white mosaic with artefacts and red and black crosses. a few copper alloy tools.

-

-

-

-

-

Grave Goods

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

109

Abbey

Abbey

Bethany, second basilica

Bethany, second basilica

Tomb 3

Tomb 2

3 arches, beneath each arch 2 graves.

1 arch in the south beneath it 1 grave.

-

-

-

Tomb 1

Acrosolia, 3 graves under each of the 3 arches on the S, W, N.

Abbey

-

Bethany, second basilica

Gadara

-

-

-

No

Inserted into the floor in front A basalt sarcophagus (1.12 x of the sarcophagus were 2 0.59 x 0.59) has been set graves (0.52 x 1.72 and 0.60 Church against the back wall. x 1.74) with soft limestone cover slabs.

Tomb covered by stone slab, approx 158 x 54.

A double trough.

The grave was rock-cut and a protruding frame surrounded the grave shaft.

Tombs occupied all the available space in S portico, most were cut into the mosaic.

Mon.

Mavo Modi’in

Covered by floor 0.80 x 0.28, box built of blocks.

No

Tomb covered by hard flaky limestone, building blocks, stone slab bottom.

Tombs

No

Tomb covered by slab of greyish white marble. 0.50 x 1.70. Double frame of small building blocks. Bottom slab plastered, under slab another burial.

Bethany, Church second basilica

Church

Avdat, south church

Tombs

No

Tomb covered by slab of greyish white marble. 0.40 x 1.70. Double frame of small building blocks. A slab of stone formed the bottom of the grave.

Tomb covered by stone slab, 186 x 80.

Church

Avdat, south church

Tombs

Robbed

Type of Grave (Sizes are in m)

Tombs occupied all the available space in S portico, most were cut into the mosaic.

Church

Avdat, south church

Tombs

Type of Structure

Bethany, Church second basilica

Church

Type of Site

Avdat, south church

Site Name

-

-

-

-

-

-

Grave found empty.

1 child

1 skeleton

2 skeletons, another burial in the grave below.

1 male, 1 female, heads to west.

Sex and Age

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Position of Skeleton

Part of a cross applied in plaster was preserved on façade.

Arches above the graves.

Arches above the graves.

Arches above the graves.

Coins, lamps, glass, metal objects. Lamps, metal objects. Lamps, glass metal objects.

Rectangles incised on cover stone of one grave.

Rectangles incised on cover stone of one grave.

-

-

Burial inscription

Burial inscription crosses.

Burial inscription

Decoration

Many small glass cubes were found in the grave debris.

-

-

-

-

Brown garment

Bush

Remains of cloth and earrings.

Grave Goods

Appendix Two: Burials

110 Acrosolium 4, kidneyshaped.

Acrosolium 8, rectangular.

Acrosolia 6

The tomb comprised a Burial square burial chamber Caves. 2.60 x 2.50 x 1.70 (height). Cave 200 7 arcosolia, 1 on the n wall, 2 on every other wall.

The tomb comprised a square burial chamber Burial 2.60 x 2.50 x 1.70 (height). caves. 7 acrosolia, 1 on the N Cave 200 wall, 2 on every other wall.

The tomb comprised a Burial square burial chamber caves. 2.60 x 2.50 x 1.70 (height). Cave 200 7 acrosolia, 1 on the N wall 2 on every other wall.

Burial caves. Cave 300

Sharet, Giv'at

Sharet, Giv'at

Sharet, Giv'at

Sharet, Giv'at

Sharet, Giv'at -

Acrosolia 3, rectangular.

The tomb comprised a Burial square burial chamber Caves. 2.60 x 2.50 x 1.70 (height). Cave 200 7 acrosolia, 1 on the N wall, 2 on every other wall.

Sharet, Giv'at

A kidney-shaped room with a vaulted ceiling. Measuring 2.10 x 3.20 x 1.80 (height).

Acrosolia 2, Rectangular.

The tomb comprised a Burial square burial chamber 2.60 x 2.50 x 1.70 (height). 7 Caves. Cave 200 acrosolia, 1 on the N wall, 2 on every other wall.

Type of Grave

Acrosolium 1, Rectangular.

Type of Structure

Sharet, Giv'at

Type of Site

The tomb comprised a Burial square burial chamber 2.60 Caves. x 2.50 x 1.7 (height). 7 Cave 200 acrosolia, 1 on the N wall, 2 on every other wall.

Site Name

-

No

No

No

No

No

No

Robbed

Interred in a fully extended position, head to the north.

Interred in a fully extended position, their heads to the north.

Sherd of ribbed jar.

-

No burials

A child 1-3. 2 adults male.

-

Slipper lamp, a basin with an arched rim, a jug and a number of jar sherds.

Interred in a fully Sandals at their feet, gilded extended copper alloy ring, six position, heads beads. to the E.

-

-

-

-

-

-

Adult male: pair of sandals, an oil lamp, 7 glass Interred in a fully vessels, copper spatula, 1 extended glass flask, faince bead, position, their iron ring, 6 more rings, 2 heads to the bracelets, pierced coin west. pendant, glass bead, 3 copper clothing eyelets.

Decoration

-

Grave Goods

Adult male: 3 small stones Interred in a fully serving as a headrest, extended sandals at his feet, 2 lamps. position, their Pregnant female: herb (used heads to the to ease childbirth?), a pair of east. bracelets, earring.

Position of Skeleton

2 glass vessels, a jar with 2 2 years old child. Interred in a fully coins and a glass bead, a Female 30-40. Adult extended double tube cosmetic flask male. A juvenile aged position. Heads with a spatula, 2 oil lamps, 13-18. An adult female were placed glass vessel, decorated An adult male. 1-2 towards the bone hairpins, chain links. 3 year old child. An tomb chamber. copper alloy bracelets, ring, adult. glass bead.

1 adult female.

2 adult females, 1 adult male.

30-40 adult males, 30-40 adult females 2 children 3-5 years of age.

1 adult male 1 adult female (50) 1 juvenile female 12-15 fetus.

Sex and Age

Burials Not Associated With Religious Structures:

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

111

Burial Cave

Burial Cave

Cemetery

Kenes, Horbat

Kenes, Horbat

Malhata

100 graves

Cave 3

Cave 3

Cave 3

Cave 1: a partly stepped domos led to a rounded burial room.

Burial Cave

Kenes, Horbat

Burial Cave

Y

Burial troughs were cut into the E and N walls, with another in the SW corner. An acrosolium in the E contained 2 burial troughs and one more in the SW corner.

Kenes, Horbat

No

One stone sarcophagus excavated.

Burial chamber, 2.70 height.

Burial Cave

'Ara, Kfar

Y

No

1 to 2 m underneath the surface, in distances of 1.5 to 5 from each other on an east-west axis.

Y

A small room opened into a rounded burial room (2.5 x 3.0), A narrow niche worked south of the chamber. A narrow niche.

Y

A small room opened into a rounded burial room (2.5 x 3.0), A narrow niche hewn S of the rounded chamber.

No

'Ara, Kfar

One koch excavated.

Burial chamber 2.70 (height).

Y

Robbed

Burial Cave

Arched separated niches.

Type of Grave

Chamber 0.80 x 0.45.

Type of Structure

Burial Cave

Type of Site

Beth Shean

Site Name

-

Crumbling bones

Heads toward west.

Clay sarcophagus covered with terracota tiles. Average grave 0.8 x 2.00. Cist graves were paved & lined rectangular stone slabs, covered with 3 projecting stone slabs. 4 wooden coffins and fragment of leather shroud.

Crumbling bones

-

Clay sarcophagus covered with terracotta tiles.

Clay sarcophagus covered with terracotta tiles.

-

-

-

2 skeletons, their heads orientated towards opening of the koch.

Juvenile female

-

Position of Skeleton

Disturbed skeletal remains.

Sex and Age

-

-

Bronze coins, glass and bone beads, stone faience amulets, glass pendants and gold earrings.

Glassware, makeup tools and coins found only with women.

-

-

A gold earring and a bronze coin.

Bronze coins, glass and bone beads, stone faience amulets, glass pendants and gold earrings.

-

-

Sarcophagus contained a bead and a bracelet. 2 niches in the eastern wall contained glass vessels and lamps.

-

-

Mosaic floor, colour plastered walls.

Decoration

2 niches in the eastern wall contained glass vessels and a number of lamps.

-

Grave Goods

Appendix Two: Burials

112

Tomb B

Cave I

Cave II

Qedumim

Luzit

Luzit

Tomb A

Qedumim

No

Y

Y

The tombs had 9 kochim, 5 in the W, 3 in the E and one in the S. The kochim away from the opening were double in size.

N and S acrosolia were narrow (1.1 x 2.2) and in each was a burial shelf Rectangular burial parallel to the wall of the chamber measuring 2.60 x room. The W acrosolium 2.40, x 2.20 (height.). 3 was wider 2.3 x 2.3, inside it acrosolia were found. were 2 burial shelves measuring 2 x 0.9 and were 0.5 to 0.8 in depth.

3 wide acrosolia were installed along the walls with Cave II had a burial three burial shelves in each chamber measuring 2.10 x acrosolium. 2.80 x 1.8 and 2.10 x 1.50 (height). each had 3 burial shelves. 1.10 by 1.90.

A 7.00 x 7.00 rock hewn tomb. A narrow opening led into it, which was closed by a stone. The tomb included a central room. The burial was in kochim.

Three acrosolia

A built opening, enclosed by a stone door, led into the central room of the tomb, locked by a basalt square.

Burial Cave

No

No

3 rock-cut tombs were found along the walls. Length: 1.75-2.25, width: 0.55-0.60, depth: 0.50-0.55 covered with stone slabs.

Underground burial chamber measuring 3.25 x 2.3 x 1.75 (height), a flight of stairs led down.

Robbed

Beth Loya, Horbat

Type of Grave

-

Type of Structure

Beth Govrin

Type of Site

Shaft caves, 1.50-1.52 high, widening into a hall in the bottom with 2 parallel burial 70 burial caves, in addition shelves, caves with a Cemetery to other graves. square burial room with arcosolia. A hall like cave with 3 to 10 cupboard-like burial shelves.

Site Name

-

-

-

-

-

-

Sex and Age

-

-

-

Above each acrosolium an arch was cut into the rock.

4 crosses curved in rock above tombs.

Decorations included cross symbols and Greek inscriptions.

Decoration

-

Carved headrests. On the rear wall of each acrosolium a red cross was painted.

The headrest Oil lamps, pottery, metal was carved with cross, copper alloy spoon Greek and copper cymbals, in the inscriptions and N acrosolia round ceramic crosses. A red mirror plaque and a metal painted ring. compass.

In the centre of the tomb were pots, jars and lamps. In the cochin, lamps and copper alloy jewellery.

Lamps were found inside and outside the tomb.

Each acrosolium contained 6 to 8 burials. In the SP the central room also had a burial.

1-2 skeletons were found in each koch

-

Lamps from the sixth century were also found, as well as stone and glassware.

Grave Goods

Considerable skeletal material was found.

-

Position of Skeleton

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

113

Cemetery

Cemetery

Cemetery

Cemetery

Cemetery

Cemetery

Cemetery

Be’er Sheva

Be’er Sheva

Be’er Sheva

Be’er Sheva

Be’er Sheva

Be’er Sheva

Be’er Sheva

Grave

Cemetery

Be’er Sheva

Apolonia

Cave III

Type of Site

Luzit

Site Name

Cist 5.8 x 2.09 x 2.4 (depth), 5 soft chalk slabs.

-

Double built grave orientated EW. The grave measured 3.80 x 3.35.

Chalk slabs. 0.62 x 1.74 depth: 0.14.

No

No

-

No

Chalk slabs. 82 x 1.22 depth: 0.54 sealed by stone slabs.

Grave 100

Grave l101

Grave l100

Grave 3004

Grave 3003

No

No

Chalk blocks 1.74 x 0.7, depth: 0.54. EW axis sealed with four stone slabs.

Grave 3002

Chalk blocks 1.12 x 0.62, depth: 0.42 NW-SE, sealed with 6 stone slabs.

No

Chalk blocks 1.86 x 0.6, depth: 0.52 NE-SE axis, sealed with 6 stone slabs.

Grave 3001

No

No

Chalk blocks sealed with 5 broken stone slabs, 1.82 x 0.62, depth: 0.52, oriented SW-NE.

Chalk blocks 1.00 x 5.5, depth: 0.45.

Y

N and S walls were 2 narrow acrosolia each containing a burial trough measuring 1.90 x 0.90. Along the western wall was another acrosolium, 2.30 x 2.30. In it were 2 burial troughs measuring 2 x 0.75.

Its burial chamber measured 2.50 x 2.60 x 2.00 (height). 2 cut steps led from the entrance to the burial chamber.

Grave 3000

Robbed

Type of Grave

Type of Structure

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Sex and Age

Traces of iron.

A ring and a bracelet, both copper alloy.

-

At least four individuals. Two adults one probably male 20-40 years, two children, one 68, the other less than 2. In each of its cells 3 skeletons, with their heads to the E.

Residues of copper and iron.

Coins

Potsherds and glass vessels.

Potsherds, glass vessals and traces of charcoal

Glass and potsherds.

-

Oil lamp fragments, jars and bowls, metal crosses, rings, a bell and metal discs.

Grave Goods

Adult skeleton

One adult

One adult, skull to NW.

One adult

Adult. Skull lied to west.

45 male, skull lying to NW.

Adult 45-55, skull to the southwest.

The remains of dozens of individuals were found in the cave.

Position of Skeleton

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Decoration

Appendix Two: Burials

Burial structure

Cemetery

Cemetery

Cemetery

Cemetery

Cemetery

Cemetery

Tomb

Sabiya

Bethel

Bethel

Bethel

Bethel

Bethel

Bethel

Bethany

114 No

No

Rectangular chamber with graves cut into the floor.

Rectangular room, 3 surviving walls contained koch graves, narrow slots extending lengthwise into the rocks, some graves were single, others double.

Tomb 7-8, 2 tombs, one on top of the other, the top Cemetery one collapsed into the bottom tomb.

Pella

Pella

No

Tomb 7-8, 2 tombs, one on top of the other, the top Cemetery one collapsed into the bottom tomb.

Tomb 6, 2 graves.

Cemetery

2 stone slabs covered each grave.

Pella

No

Cemetery

Pella

Acrosolia lined with wood planks and plaster.

No

A shaft led to the central chamber 2.42 x 2.10, fla. by niches on the S, W and N.

Tomb 5, central room, 2 acrosolia, steps lead into the tomb.

No

No

No

No

No

No

Y

Robbed

Grave G

Grave F

Grave E

Grave D

Grave C

In each niche 2 trough like graves.

Burial troughs to the E and W of the central room. Estimated size 2.2 x 0.9.

Approx. 4.40 x 4.50. Opens to the N, lower part was underground. Probably rectangular central room.

Grave A

Type of Grave

Type of Structure

Type of Site

Site Name

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Sex and Age

-

Skeleton, no details given.

Lamps and other funerary vessels.

Roman spindle-whorl female plaster figure, human hand figures, copper alloy pendants, small copper alloy canister, animal bones.

Grave 1: 10 Lamps, glassware, a blade, skeletons Grave female bust pendant, 2: approx. 10 chicken bones, coin. skeletons.

Rings, buckles & lamps.

Lamps, carbonized wood, bowl, ring base, pottery.

Unidentified bones found in one of the graves, another contained a lead coffin. Fragmentary bones.

Beads

Anklets

Beads

2 anklets, beads and a ring.

-

Greek funeral inscription (no Christian formula), crosses.

-

-

Arches over graves.

-

-

-

-

-

-

Metal ring, glass vases and bracelets, sequins and beads. -

-

Decoration

Pottery, jewelery, glassware, stoneware, shells, lamps, coins, beads.

Grave Goods

Woman

Child

Child

Child

Man

One female

Skeletal material, no details.

Position of Skeleton

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue Alphabetical Site Index

Ehud, Giv'at, 154 Ein Boqeq, 154 Ein el Fawwar, 155 Ein el-Jedida, 156 Ein et Tabigha (The Sermon on the Mount), 156 Ein Farah, 157 Ein Hanniya, 157 Ein Neshot, 157 Ein Shoqeq, 158 Ein-Gedi, 158 el-Beiyudat, Khirbat, 159 el-Kiliya, Horbat, 159 el-Kirbe, 161 Elusa (Haluza), 161 Eshtemoa, 162 Es-Samra, Khirbat, 162 Gav’it, Horbat, 164 Gaza, 164 Grarit, Horbat, 165 Grizim, Mount, 165 Gush Halav, 166 Ha’shora, 166 Hadat, Horbat (Shal’abim, El-Hadatha, Haditha), 167 Haiyan, Khirbat, 167 Hammat Gader, 167 Hammat Tiberias, 168 Hanita (Kh. Hanuta), 169 Hanot, Khirbat, 169 Hariton, 170 Hefer, Tel (el-Ifshar), 170 Heptapegon (Ein Sheva, Et Tabgah), 171 Hermeshit, Horvat (Ne’ot Quedomim), 171 Herodium, 172 Hesheq, Horbat, 174 Hison, Biq'at, 174 Horkaniya (Mird, Castelion), 174 Humeima, 175 Hzor-Ashdod, 175 Ja’hazam, Khirbat, 175 Jannaba et-Tahta, Khirbet, 176 Jemameh, Khirbat (Rochama), 176 Jericho, 177 Kama, Kfar, 178 Kanaf, Horbat, 179 Kenes, Horbat (Karmiel), 179 Khan el-Ahmar, 180 Khasfin (Khisfin), 180 Khudriya, Khirbat, 180 Kissufim, 180 Kofin, Horbat, 181 Krayiot, Tel, 181 Kursi, 182 Luzit, 183

A’gor, 120 A’sida, Khirbat, 120 Abu-Ghunneim, Khirbat (Onayim), 121 a-Dier Fort, 121 a-Lagon, 121 al-Habela, Khirbat (Kh. Hubeila), 122 al-Karak, Khirbat (Beit Yerah), 123 Alonai Mamre (Mambre, Ramet el-Khalil), 124 Amaos, 125 Amudim, Horbat, 125 'Anim, Horbat, 126 Apolonia (Arsof), 127 'Ara, Kfar, 127 Arbel, 127 Arraba, 128 Ashdod, 128 Ashkelon, 129 Avdat (Oboda), 129 Bahan, 131 Bar’am, 132 Bardala, 132 Bashol, Tel, 132 Be’er Shema, Horbat, 133 Be’er Sheva, 133 Beit Alpha, 134 Beit Einun (Beth Anoth), 135 Beit Govrin (Beit Jibrin), 135 Beit Jimal, 136 Beit Loya, Horbat, 137 Beit Sha’ar, 137 Beit Shean (Scytopolis), 138 Beit Shearim, 140 Berachot, Horbat, 140 Beth Bad (Ummer-Rus), 141 Bethany, 141 Bethel, 142 Bethlehem, 142 Bethlehem in Galilee, 143 Biet HaShita, 143 Bir el-Kot, 143 Bodeda, Horvat, 144 Caesarea, 146 Capernaum (Kfar Naum), 144 Chorazim, 148 Dabiyye, 149 Dapit, Horbat, 150 Dibon, 150 Dor, 151 E’ira, Tel, 151 E’vron, 152 ed-Deir, Khirbat (Arava), 153 ed-Deir, Khirbat (Negev), 152 Ed-Dschunene (Burj el-Ahmar), 153 115

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Rehovot-in-the-Negev, 208 Rimon, Horbat, 209 Rugalit (Kh. Jurfa), 210 Sabiya, Horbat, 210 Samara, Khirbat (Deir Sror), 211 Samra, Khirbat, 212 Sataf, 212 Sepphoris (Zippori, Saffuriya), 212 Sera’, Tel, 214 Sharet, Giv'at, 214 Shede Nahom, 215 Shema, Horbat, 215 Shepherd’s Fields (Beit Sahur), 215 Shilo, 216 Shivta, 217 Shlomi, 219 Shoni, 220 Siyar El-Ghanam, 220 Sokho, Horbat, 221 Sumaq/a, 222 Susita (Hippos, Qal’at el-Hisn), 224 Susiya, Horbat, 224 Tamar Fort, 225 Taninim, Tel (el-Milat, Tel), 226 Tiberias, 227 Truman, Kfar (Kh. Er-Ras, Kh.‘Irma), 229 Umm er-Rasas (Maafa), 229 Umm Zakum, Khirbat (El Awja et Tahta), 229 Yafi’a, 230 Yarmot, Tel, 230 Yattir, Horbat, 231 Yeroham, Mezad, 231 Yn’am, Tel, 232 Yoqne’am, 232 Zichrin, Horbat, 233 Zur Natan* (Khirbet Majdal, Horbat Migdal), 234

Magen, 183 Malhata, 184 Mamshit (Mampsis, Carnab), 185 Maon (Judea), 186 Maon (Nirim), 187 Maon, Horbat (Judea), 188 Maoz Hayim, 188 Marda (Masada, es-Sabba), 189 Martyrius at Ma’ale Adumim, 189 Masos, Tel (el-Mashash), 190 Matta, 191 Mavo Modi’in, 191 Meiron, 192 Meroth, 193 Michmash (Mukhmas), 194 Mishmar HaEmek, 194 Misr, Kafr, 194 Mitzpe Shivta, 195 Motza (Colonia, Qaluniya), 196 Na’aran, 196 Nablus (Schem), 196 Naboriya, Kfar, 197 Naharon, Tel, 197 Nazareth, 197 Nizzana, 198 Nuseib Uweishira, 199 O’tzem (Kh. Beit Mamin), 200 Orcha, Giv’at, 200 Pachal (Pella), 200 Petra, 202 Qarnaim, Kfar, 203 Qasile, Tel, 203 Qasrin, 204 Qedumim, 205 Ramat Hanadiv, 205 Ramat Rahel, 206 Rehov, 208

116

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

INTRODUCTION TO CATALOGUE This catalogue forms a basis for the analysis undertaken elsewhere in this dissertation. It is necessary to explain the criteria for the inclusion of sites in the catalogue. Here, I shall explain the format used to present the data on each site and then outline the methodological problems and limitations encountered during compiling the catalogue. While most of the sites here included have been published in English (in some form) the following sites included in this catalogue have not been published in English elsewhere: Horvat Otza, Khirbat Samra, Mehin, Biq’at Hison, Zichrin, Khirbat Hanot, ed-Dier Fort, Mavo Modi’in, Horvat Sokho and Ein Shoqeq.

the only reports for excavations, at least for many years. The variable standard of media coverage and the propensity for errors to occur in journalistic descriptions of archaeological data and fieldwork, have led me to exclude such information from this catalogue. The catalogue does not include data from the city of Jerusalem. Data from Jerusalem are excluded here because of the existence of a Roman edict banning Jews from the city and its surroundings and the quantity and complexity of its archaeology. As can be seen in Chapter 3, very few Jews appear to have even lived in Judea, the rural area nearest Jerusalem. As this catalogue was compiled in order to examine the relationship between religious communities in Byzantine Palestina, it seemed logical to leave out a city where very little such interaction might be expected to have occurred but which has such complicated archaeology as to require very lengthy treatment. While this research was nearing completion, as yet unpublished evidence suggests that Jews were indeed present in Byzantine Jerusalem and perhaps were allowed to worship on Temple Mount. While this evidence may further support my conclusions regarding religious co-existence in Byzantine Palestina, this appeared too late for inclusion and is so far reported only in media coverage excluded under the previous ‘rule’.

Although hundreds of Byzantine sites are known even within the borders of modern Israel alone, for most of these only the briefest records of these are available. Many of these records permit one to determine little more than that a Byzantine site existed in a particular place. Thus, if they are to be used as a source for cognitive and social archaeology, it is necessary to adopt rigid selection criteria to identify those sites worthy of discussion or analysis in such a context. Although extensive archaeological survey data are also available for the region, sites known only from surveys are not included here. While the quality of most survey work, at least that of modern surveys, is usually high, it is seldom published in sufficient depth, nor detailed enough, to support the sort of analysis undertaken in this dissertation. Dating of such sites is usually highly problematical, even compared to the excavated evidence, as it relies mostly on the surface-collection of pottery. Currently, much of the ceramic chronology for both Byzantine Palestina and the early Arab period is extremely unreliable and often based on the very excavated sites affected by the chronological critique offered here.365

As elsewhere in the Roman world, excavations fall into two main categories: research and rescue excavations and both are included in the catalogue. Throughout the study area, many rescue excavations are hasty and poorly conducted compared to those undertaken in northwest Europe and often provide only a partial view of the archaeological potential of a site. Similarly, evaluations and test-pitting (which might together be classed as ‘test excavations’) are included here, but they too offer a restricted and, possibly distorted picture, given the small sample size that they generally represent.

I have also excluded sites that have been reported only in the popular media (television, radio, newspapers etc.) or on the Internet. In a region attracted much media coverage regarding archaeology, it is unsurprising that such reports are commonly found. Unfortunately, they are sometimes

A significant problem, especially confusing for overseas scholars, is that often sites have several widely used names and scholars often spell each of these in a different ways! For example, the site at Motza is also known as Colonia and Qaluniya, while one of the largest towns in the region at Beth Shean is also called Beit Shean – the same name but a different spelling. I have chosen to identify sites by a

365 Bar D. 2004 ‘Geographical implications of population and settlement growth in Late Antique Palestine’ Journal of Historical Geography 30, 110

117

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

standard name throughout the dissertation, although variant names will be found in works cited in the footnotes and bibliography.

The entry for each site consists of a general description of the site, as well as a more detailed description of any religious structure(s). As the latter have been the focus of most archaeological investigations in the study area, there is often much more information about them than other buildings or features. Often, the only structures excavated in a site are the religious structures and we know little or nothing about other parts of the site. However, excavators have often interpreted structures and areas within structures without providing sufficient evidence for these interpretations. This is particularly noticeable in the interpretation of ‘domestic’, ‘work’ areas and ‘storage’ areas. To remove doubt, my definition of a ‘domestic area’, is one where cooking, seating and or sleeping features have been located and identified. The identification of ‘workshops’ or ‘work areas’ is with reference to the presence of manufacturing or processing equipment, such as millstones, or unusually large numbers of objects or manufacturing waste in a particular area. Where published descriptions do not fulfil these criteria, I have not given the excavator’s interpretation of the function of a non-religious structure or area.

Sites are also identified by catalogue numbers, assigned here simply for ease of reference. The location of the sites is described in general geographical terms, with the reported map coordinates on the Israeli national grid, when available. I have attempted to distinguish between different sorts of excavation by employing a simple classification, based on the scale of the work and whether or not the site was stratigraphically excavated. This is intended to offer a more objective means of assessing the reliability of excavated evidence than personal evaluation of excavation quality (‘a good excavation’ etc.) and gives an impression of the sort of excavation that took place. This is, of course, also directly related to any dating suggested by the excavator(s). Six main terms are used to describe excavations included in the catalogue: ‘Extensive Settlement Excavation’ indicates excavation of the whole, or large part of, a settlement. ‘Single Structure Excavation’ indicates that only a single structure was excavated. ‘Multi-Focus Excavation’ indicates that the excavation examined several separate features or structures. ‘Compound Excavation’ indicates that the site is a complex of structures, such as a fully excavated monastery or a farm, within identified bound-ary-features (such as walls or ditches). ‘Partial Excava-tion’ indicates that the excavation did not encompass the whole, or a large part of, the known site. ‘Non-Scientific Excavation’ is an excavation that is unstratigraphical. These terms may be combined to give fuller information, for example: ‘Partial Single Structure Excavation’ indicates the partial excavation of a single structure. Where survey data are available for excavated sites, this complementary information is also included in the entry.

In addition to these forms of description, for each site the category of ‘Dating Evidence’ and ‘Dating Evidence for Religious Structures’ summarise the dating evidence provided by the excavators and the excavators’ dating, not my own. ‘Previous Study’ provides the names of previous investigators and ‘Bibliography’ provides the main secondary sources. Where necessary to explain the layout of a site, site-plans are provided when available and simplified phase plans are given where this is necessary to show site-development. Where possible, I have used copies of the excavator’s own plans. Missing information is designated in the catalogue, as in the tables above, by [?]. Limitations of the evidence and catalogue Many problems and limitations have been encountered in the course of compiling this catalogue. These difficulties may be divided into technical problems and poor sources. Probably the most unfortunate of the technical problems was the destabilisation of the Israeli-Palestinian peaceprocess and its consequences for the entire region. Even before this had occurred, several sites (notably those in Samaria and Judaea) were inaccessible, after the situation began to deteriorate many of the sites discussed here became in terms of personal security, ‘dangerous territory’. Even Beth Shean, one of the most impressive Byzantine sites in the study area and located in the heartland of modern Israel, was no longer safely accessible. As can easily be ima-gined, this created grave problems for compiling the catalo-gue and radically reduced the initially planned role of pri-mary data-collection in this study as a whole. In many cases, I have not been even able to reach sites to check details and clarify missing, seemingly erroneous, or ambiguous data.

Complexes are categorised into settlements (with domestic occupation), forts or monasteries. A fort is a complex of structures showing architectural affinities with at least one textually- or epigraphically- identifiable Byzantine military complex elsewhere and apparently designed or located with defensive considerations in mind. A monastery is defined as a complex of various structures showing architectural affinities with at least one textually- or epigraphically- identifiable Byzantine monastery complex elsewhere and which seems to have been designed or located with religious considerations in mind. Single identified religious structures are described as either synagogues or churches. The following table shows the types of settlements and their sizes in the catalogue: Settlement Type

Size (in squ. m)

Very Large Town

200,000

Large Town

100,000

Town

50,000

Village

30,000

Small Village

10,000

Hamlet

Continuing the theme of missing and inaccessible material, the consequences of poor publication and reporting deserve particular comment. Part of the reason for this is also a result of the appalling security situation prevailing in Israel and surrounding countries over the previous century or

1,000 118

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

Mandate were often, even for their time, outdated and amateurish and the pitiful nineteenth-century record of excavation in the Holy Land is too well known to require elaboration here. Even in relation to well-documented excavations, because the range of excavation strategies and methods used in the past, data are highly variable. The greatest difficulty is in-sufficient, poor, or often entirely lacking, dating evidence. The importance of dating cannot be emphasised enough and it is quite clear that this is a particular shortcoming of sites in Byzantine Palestina. While one might understand this in the case of nineteenthcentury work, this is not an acceptable situation in relation to excavations undertaken in the later twentieth-, let alone twenty-first, century.

more, which has left many excavations unreported, only reported in briefest form, or left unfinished. However, it is especially regrettable that the many unpublished reports lodged with the Israel Antiquities Authority were not available to me. These record data from numerous government excavations throughout Israel and there is every reason to believe that many important sites have been investigated in this way. Unfortunately, according to those responsible for this archive, lack of funds has prevented the publication of such excavations. Plainly, the prompt and full publication of this material would benefit not only Israeli archaeologists but also world archaeology. One can only hope that this will occur in the near future. Sadly, there are also other problems in relation to dataquality. Although the best work is well-executed and wellpublished by international standards, there is much that falls far short of this. This is not true only of the phase since the establishment of the modern state of Israel. Archaeological excavations conducted during the British

However, it is important to note, that in this catalogue I accept the dating of pottery as it is presented. It is not my purpose here to offer a critique of the ceramic typology of the Byzantine Holy Land.

119

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

CATALOGUE Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The excavators dated the basilica tentatively to the fifth-century AD on the basis of comparison with the mosaic pavement in the church of the Prophets, Apostles and Martyrs at Jerash, which contained an inscription dated to AD 464/5. The scale pattern in the narthex and the border in the nave were almost identical to designs found in a church in Hit and dated there to the fifth-century. It was argued that the church remained in use until the eighth-century on the grounds of presumed iconoclast activity. Previous study: 1932 Baramki and Avi-Yonah Bibliographical references: Baramki D.C. and AviYonah M. 1933/34 ‘An Early Christian Church at Khirbat ‘Asida’ QDAP 3, 17-19 ’‫יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ"ב ‘כנסיות קדומות – ח'רבת עסידה‬-‫אבי‬ ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ 802 , Plan(s):

Site Name: A’gor Site Number: 1 Location: The Shfela, map coordinates 142.122. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: Not applicable Description of Religious Structures: A basilican church, with an external, rounded apse, 2.70 m in radius. This had a bema and chancel fragments were found. Its nave measured 10 x 13 m and was paved with polychrome geometrical mosaics, with later repairs. Two rows of three columns each separated the nave from the northern aisle. The northern wall of the atrium was exposed, as well as a small room with a part of a baptismal font and a section of plastered floor. The walls of the church were about 1.5 m thick. The atrium and narthex may have been added at a later stage of construction. Dating Evidence: Not applicable Dating for Religious Structures: On the basis of artefacts found at the site, Corbo dated the monastery to the fifthto sixth-century. Previous study: 1957 Gofna Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 20-21 ‫יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ"ב ‘כנסיות קדומות – עגור’ האינציקלופדיה‬-‫אבי‬ 803 ,‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: A’sida, Khirbat Site Number: 2 Location: Judea, map coordinates 160.113. Type of Study: Non-Scientific Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: Two doors led into the narthex, one on the west and one on the east. The building was paved with polychrome mosaics. The floor level was lower than the rock and steps were cut into it leading down to the threshold. The rock-cut surfaces were faced with rubble and plastered. Entry to the church was through a door in the east wall of the narthex. This wall was built of stone cut up to a height of 0.30 m with ashlar-faced rubble above. The walls of the rest of the church were rubble, plastered internally and externally. Two rows of four columns divided the hall into a nave and two aisles, which measured 9 x 12 m. The nave was paved with polychrome mosaics, later changed into a floral design.

Plan after Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, Plate 46 120

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

Site Name: Abu-Ghunneim, Khirbat (Onayim) Site Number: 3 Location: Judea, map coordinates 171.125. Type of Study: Compound Excavation Type of Site: Monastery Description: The monastery was rectangular (measuring 18.40 x 24.75 m) and surrounded by a wall. In the middle was a courtyard with a cistern and in the western part of the courtyard were two rooms. One of these was elongated and paved with crude white mosaics. There were signs of construction in the southeastern part of the monastery but details were uncertain. Description of Religious Structures: On the northern side of the monastery was an elongated church measuring 5.10 x 16.70 m, with an internal apse. Two steps led up to the chancel, which was surrounded by a chancel screen, with an entrance 0.94 m wide. The apse was internal and semi-circular, with a bench in its northeast corner. The apse was 4.70 m deep from the beginning of the second step and contained altar fragments. The church was paved with floral mosaics and its ashlar walls were 0.80 m thick. Dating Evidence: On the basis of artefacts found at the site, Corbo dated the monastery to the fifth- to sixthcentury. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1952 Corbo Bibliographical references: Chitty D.J. and Jones A.H.M. 1929 PEQ 61, 141-145; Corbo V.C. 1955 ‘I Dintorni: Khirbat Abu Ghunneim ed I Monasteru di Nord’, in Corbo V.C. Gli Scavi di Kh. Siyar el Ghanam e I Monsteri dei Dintorni Jerusalem, 141-145 Plan(s):

Type of Study: Compound Excavation Type of Site: Fort Description: The fort included a square tower, located in the northwest corner of a rectangular courtyard. Along the western wall were two rooms, the room nearer the tower was long and narrow, with two openings leading to the courtyard. The second room was located in the southwest corner of the courtyard. It was square, opening to the north onto a rectangular courtyard surrounded by a stone wall. A row of columns divided the room in two and there was a cave and a small structure in the middle of the courtyard. East of the fort was an additional square tower divided into two areas with a small cave attached. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Description’ Dating Evidence: Baroch stated that the pottery and coins belonged to two phases: the first-century BC to the firstcentury AD and the Byzantine period. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: [?] Baruch Bibliographical references: 138 ,4 ‫ברוך י’ תשנ"א ‘המצודות בהר חברון’ מחקרי יהודה ושומרון‬ 143Plan(s):

After the plan of the fort in 4 ‫ברוך י’ תשנ"א ‘המצודות בהר חברון’ מחקרי יהודה ושומרון‬ 139 , Site Name: a-Lagon Site Number: 5 Location: Dead Sea area, map coordinates unavailable. Type of Study: Partial Compound Excavation. Type of Site: Fort Description: The extant fort was a reconstruction of the late fourth-century. The only original components were the fortifications and the walls of the headquarters. The Roman fort measured 2.40 x 1.90 m. It was squareshaped and surrounded by a 2.40 m wall, with two faces filled with rubble. In each of its four sides there was a gateway protected by twin towers with massive

After Corbo V.C. 1955 I Dinrorni: Khirbat Abu Ghunneim ed I Monasteru di Nord, in Gli Scavi di Kh. Siyar el Ghanam e I Monsteri dei Dintorni Jerusalemme, 142 Site Name: a-Dier Fort Site Number: 4 Location: Judea, map coordinates unreported. 121

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

limestone monolithic openings. There were round towers in each corner. Between the corner towers were twenty bastions at 28 m intervals. Two major streets extended from three of the gates. The headquarters building was located near the centre of the fort and measured 63 x 52.50 m. It consisted of a large courtyard, a basilica and many smaller rooms, all with limestone walls. There were four major blocks of barracks in the eastern part of the fort. One of the structures was excavated. This had a long north south wall and a row of rooms with irregular courtyards in front of them. Another group of barrack-like structures was located south of the headquarters. A civilian village developed east and south of the fort and there was an additional fort (castellum) measuring 78.80 x 76.80 m at the peak of the northern slope of the wadi, (Khirbat el-Pitian/Fityan). An opening was set in the north and there were smaller openings in the east and west walls of this upper fort. Four square towers were set in each of its corners and two additional buildings on either side of its main gate. There was another fort in Ketzer Bashir. It was square, measuring 56 x 56 m. Four towers stood in its four corners and two smaller towers flanked the main gate. Description of Religious Structures: The church, a basilica measuring 13 x 24 m, was located in the northwest area of the fort, near the north gate. It was built on top of earlier walls constructed of chert and limestone. A rectangular narthex, 4 x 11 m in size led into the church, through a single entrance in the north wall, 1.40 m wide. Two rows of two columns divided it into a nave and two aisles, with an external semicircular apse to the east of the nave. To the northeast of the apse there was a single room extending beyond the apse to the east. The walls of the church consisted of two faces of ashlar with rubble fill. The chert, basalt and limestone walls were about 0.90 m thick. Limestone arches apparently supported a tiled roof: several hundred tiles were found in the rubble. Dating Evidence: Parker stated that the fort dated to the reign of the emperor Diocletian (AD 284-305), based on pottery found in the enclosure wall and the foundations of the barracks. In his opinion, the earthquake of AD 363 destroyed the structures and reconstruction took place on a slightly different plan. Yet another earthquake in AD 500 was said to have caused damage to the rebuilt structures and a final earthquake in AD 551 supposedly caused the abandonment of the site. Dating for Religious Structures: A detailed stratigraphical study indicated a date of AD 500, or slightly earlier, for the construction of the church and its abandonment took place in AD 551 with the abandonment of the fort. Previous study: 1897 Bronov and Domshevski; 1934 Glik; 1975-1979 Parker 1980; 1982 Parker Bibliographical references: Parker S.T. 1987 The Roman Frontier in Central Jordan – Interim report on the Limes Arabicus Project 1980-1985 BAR International Series 340 parts 1 and 2 ‫א’ האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬-‫פרקר ס"ט תשנ"ה ‘לגון‬ 847-844 ,‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

Plan of the Fort after Michener J. in Parker S.T. 1987 The Roman Frontier in Central Jordan – Interim report on the Limes Arabicus Project 1980-1985 BAR International Series 340 parts 1 and 2, 287 Site Name: al-Habela, Khirbat (Kh. Hubeila) Site Number: 6 Location: Judean Hills, map coordinates 160.119. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The church was a basilica, measuring 12.50 x 16 m. The church had three entrances in the west wall, an internal apse (2.30 m) flanked by two square rooms (2.70 x 2.20 m each) and two rows of four columns each divided the hall into a nave and two aisles. There was a chancel screen attached to the last two columns in the eastern part of the church and a bema raised one step above the floor of the hall. The south aisle contained a tomb with a short inscription in Greek. The walls of the church were 1.20 m wide and the floor was covered with polychrome mosaics including crosses. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The style of the mosaic and architecture led the excavators to date the church to the fifth- or sixth-century AD. Previous study: 1925 Abel and Vincent Bibliographical references: Abel F.M. 1925 ‘Église Byzantine au Khirbet Habeila’ RB 34, 276-282; Vincent L.H. 1939 ‘L’ Église Byzantine de Habeileh’ RB 48, 8790; Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 118-119 ’‫חבילה‬-‫יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ"ב ‘כנסיות קדומות – ח'רבת אל‬-‫אבי‬ ‫בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות‬ 802 ,‫בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s): 122

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

tions of deep stone pillars divided the short arm of the L from the long arm. In one place, there was an additional row of mud bricks in the space between the pillars. The walls of the hypocaust had ashlar pillars; rows of pillars constructed of burnt plastered bricks filled the whole space of the cellar. In the southwestern corner, one pillar stood in situ topped with parts of the floor of the upper room. The floor of the cellar was made of hard mortar and a thick wall surrounded it (1.30 m wide). In the long arm of the L, the wall was built of a mixture of rubble of various sizes, in the short arm the rubble walls were lined with ashlar. There were square niches in the walls with three joined pottery pipes inside. In the western end of the bath was an opening that was later blocked and a second opening at the northern end of the short axis. The eastern passage was higher than the western one. The lower passage was at floor level and covered with soot and ash. Outside the furnace was a small room and west of it another small room (5 x 1.90 m), its walls built of thick rubble. Description of Religious Structures: The church underwent four phases of construction. The first phase was a basilica measuring 15.40 x 11.30 m. The entrance was through a portico with six columns and three entrances in the west wall. There was also one opening in the west aisle and one opening in the south aisle. Two rows of five columns divided the hall into a nave and two aisles. There was an external semi-circular apse measuring 2.80 m in depth and a bema with a chancel contained within the nave. The walls were 0.60-0.70 m thick. The second phase retained the same structure and measurements with the following additions: A rectangular atrium measuring 10.50 x 21 m was paved with white mosaics and had an underground elliptical cistern in its centre. An inscription was found in its western part. An open narthex (11.70 x 3.75-4.30 m), replacing the portico, with two columns at the centre of its west wall, led into the hall through three openings. The narthex was paved with polychrome mosaics. The early single apse later became three apses, all external and semi-circular. There were two steps within the central apse and the two smaller apses were horseshoe-shaped and irregular in plan. The third phase retained the same structure and measurements as the second, with the addition of a rectangular structure, partly attached to the north wall of the basilica and partly projecting eastwards. It had an external semi-circular apse with a rectangle basin in the centre (measuring 5.20 x 6.80 m). The chancel was elongated northwards and southwards rendering it the same width as the north and south aisles. At this stage, the narthex had only one opening. There were four Greek inscriptions in the polychrome mosaic floor. The church underwent minor structural modifications in a fourth phase. There was a supporting wall around the apse and several blocked entrances to the basilica and atrium. The floor of the church contained two tombs, one in the nave and another in the north aisle. There was also a synagogue. The hall measured 22 x 37 m, with two rows of columns (a column base with a menorah, lolav and an ethrog depicted on it was found) and the apse was in the middle of the south wall facing Jerusalem. The structure was paved with polychrome mosaics. To the south and west, there were several rooms. Three rooms to the west of the building measured

Plan of the Church after Vincent L.H. 1939 ‘L’ Église Byzantine de Habeileh’ RB 48, Plate III Site Name: al-Karak, Khirbat (Beth Yerah) Site Number: 7 Location: Lower Galilee, map coordinates 204.236. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Unknown Description: The fortifications covered 3,600 squ. m. There were square towers (4.5 x 4.5 m) in the corners and a fortified gate between two towers in the southern wall (no measurements for the gate were given by the excavation report). Another entrance (1.9 m wide) was located in the north wall of the enclosure, adjoining a shallow stone basin. The curtain walls between the corner towers were 1.25-1.35 m wide. Basalt ashlar with a rubble core was used to build the walls, towers and gates. Adjoining the inner face of the western fortifica-tions were two rooms (and possibly a third) with 0.7 m wide walls. There were eight excavated Byzantine tombs, more laid unexcavated. The tombs were badly plundered. All consisted of narrow vertical shafts. There were thick layers of bones at the bottom of some of the tombs. The Late Roman baths were in the northern area of the tel. The baths consisted of two parts, the frigidarium and a hypocaust. The frigidarium was almost square (11 x 10.5 m). The main entrance was from the west, it was 1.50 m wide and there was a secondary entrance near the southwestern corner, which was 1.10 m wide. In the east wall, a marble threshold found in situ indicated a third entrance, 1.75 m wide. The floor was paved with marble slabs and a round marble pool occupied the centre of the hall, two m in diameter and 0.75 m deep. The end of a water pipe leading to the pool was located in the wall on the south side. A round bench built of burnt bricks and lined with marble encircled the pool. On the western side, opposite the main entrance of the hall, were the foundations of a semi-circular partition wall. Around the pool were the foundations of four double L-shaped pillars. These pillars had a marble veneer. Coloured mosaic tesserae were stuck to plaster fragments on the floors, probably indicating mosaiccovered walls or ceiling. Rubble-built benches ran along the western and part of the southern wall of the hall. The western and northern walls were 0.65 m thick. The southern area of the eastern wall and the southern wall were up to 1.30 m thick. The L-shaped hypocaust was sunk 2.80 m deep below floor level. The founda123

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

10.5 x 27.5 m. Each of the rooms contained a pair of central pilasters that supported roof-bearing arches. The southern rooms measured 6-6.9 x 22.3 m 85 m of pottery pipes led from the synagogue to wadi Pijas. Dating Evidence: The excavation report provided no dating evidence for the Late Roman baths. Dating for Religious Structures: The apsed room of the church had an inscription incorporated into its mosaic pavement, dating it to AD 528/9. Based on architectural comparisons with other churches, the excavators date the first church to the first half of the fifth-century. The excavators argued that the buttressing of the structures against either earthquakes or collapse into the lake took place at the end of the sixth- and the beginning of the seventh-century. An early Arab building constructed on the site indicates that the church did not survive the Islamic conquest. The synagogue was dated to the fourth- and fifth-century AD by Bar-Adon, who provided no dating evidence. Previous study: 1944-1945 Mazar and Shteklis Donaibski; 1945-1946 Avi-Yona, Donaibski; 1955-1949 Bar Adon; 1952-1953, 1963, 1964 Delougaz; 1967 Oshiskin; 1976 Amiran, Yabin and Cohen Bibliographical references: Delougaz P. and Haines R.C. 1960 A Byzantine Church at Khirbat al-Karak Chio; Reich R. 1993 ‘The Beth Yerah ‘Synagogue’ Reconsidered’ ‘Atiqot 22, 137-144; Maisler B. Stekelis M. and Avi-Yonah M. 1952 ‘The Excavations at Beth Yerah, (Khirbat el-Karak) 1944-1946’ IEJ 2, 218-229; Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 40-43 Plan(s):

Site Name: Alonai Mamre (Mambre, Ramet el-Khalil) Site Number: 8 Location: Judea, map coordinates 1088.1602. Type of Study: Non-Scientific Compound Excavation. Type of Site: Hamlet Description: The settlement had spread over 3,500 squ. m on a rocky slope. Description of Religious Structures: The basilican church was in the eastern part of an earlier rectangular enclosure (62 x 45 m). The open space at the west side served as a courtyard to the basilica. The basilica measured 16 x 20 m; it had an elongated portico (3.80 m wide), continuing to the north and the south in a double row of columns. There were two interior courtyards at the north and south sides of the church. There were three entrances in the west wall of the church. Two rows of three columns each divided the hall into a nave and two aisles. The east wall of the church was also the enclosure wall. There were two rectangular rooms (5.10 x 3.80 m each) at the northeast and southeast side of the aisles with openings leading to the aisles. The church had an internal plastered apse, 3.50 m in depth; its walls were 1.40 m wide. The excavated church may have retained an apse from an earlier structure. Mader stated that it was difficult to determine which parts belong to the Constantinian church. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: Unknown Previous study: 1926-1928 Mader Bibliographical references: Avi-Yonah M. 1974 Archaeology (Israel Pocket Library) Jerusalem, 100-108; Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 131-132 '‫ ;מגן י‬219-224 ,‫שילר א' )עורך( תשמ"ד ספר זאב וילנאי ירושלים‬ ‫תשנ"ב ‘אלוני ממרה’ בשטרן א' )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ 36-33 ,‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

Plan of the Church, Phase D, after Ovadiah A. 1970, Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, Plate 14

Plan after Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, Plate 55 124

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

Site Name: Amaos Site Number: 9 Location: Judea, map Coordinates 149.138. Type of Study: Multi-focus Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Unknown Description: There was a Late Roman villa on the outskirts of the settlement. It was a rectilinear structure, measuring 18 x 17 m, with an elongated room in its northern side, a square room in its northeastern corner and a courtyard to the north. An extensive water system was excavated and a survey found Byzantine winepresses. Description of Religious Structures: The South Church was a basilica, it measured 43.60 x 22.55 m, with three entrances in the west hall and two rows of columns, 13 in each row. There were two more entrances in the eastern area of the basilica, one in the north wall and one in the south wall, arranged opposite one another. The basilica had three apses; the central apse was 5.50 m deep and was external and polygonal in shape. The smaller apses were 2.40 m deep and were internal. A room at the north side of the basilica had a three-lobed baptismal font. The walls were 0.92 m thick; the floors were paved with polychrome geometric mosaic including a Greek inscription. The North Church was a basilica measuring 20 x 10.20 m. Entry was through a narthex (14.75 x 4.40 m), with an opening in the middle of the west wall, with two columns on either side of the entrance. The hall had two rows of six columns each. A single internal apse, 2.25 m deep was located at the end of the nave. The walls of the hall were 0.90 m thick. Two entrances on either side of the apse led to the baptistery. The baptistery measured 10.50 x 10.50 m and its walls were one m thick. It had two rows of two columns each, as well as internal apes, 1.80 m deep with a three-lobed baptismal font. There were two square recesses on either side of the font, with another smaller circular font nearby. On the north side of the baptistery was a water reservoir, which supplied water to the font by means of a connecting channel. The polychrome mosaic floor had two Greek inscriptions. Dating Evidence: Avi-Yonah dated the villa to the beginning of the fourth-century on the basis of architectural comparison. Dating for Religious Structures: No finds were reported from the South Church. The North Church was dated to the sixth-century but no reason was given. Previous study: 1875-1882 Gilmo; 1924-25, 1927, Vinsan and Abel Bibliographical references: ‫מעוז מ' תשנ"ב ‘אמאוס’ בשטרן א' )עורך( האיציקלופדיה החדשה‬ 41-37 ,‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

Plan of the South Church after Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, Plate 25

South Church Site Name: Amudim, Horbat Site Number: 10 Location: Lower Galilee, map coordinates 1886.2466. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. 125

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Type of Site: Synagogue Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The synagogue was rectangular and measured 14 x 23 m. The southern façade was completely missing, although Green had noted that it had three entrances. It comprised three rows of columns with the open end facing south. There were two plastered wall foundations in Area B, the eastern wall was 1.4 m wide and the western wall over 1.50 m thick. The floor was paved with mosaics with a defaced dedicatory inscription in Aramaic. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating Evidence for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The pottery and numismatic evidence from beneath Area D of the church was entirely from the third and fourth centuries AD. Sukenik suggested that the synagogue dated to the end of the third-century AD, or the beginning of the fourthcentury. Sealed fourth-century pottery above the floor level indicated, according to the excavators, a relatively short phase of occupation. Previous study: 1905 Kohl and Watzinger; 1930s Sukenik; 1979 Levine Bibliographical references: Levine L.I. 1982 ‘Excavations at the Synagogue of Horvat ‘Ammudim’ IEJ 32, 1-12 Plan(s):

Site Name: 'Anim, Horbat Site Number: 11 Location: Judea, map coordinates unreported. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Synagogue Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The structure was rectangular and measured 8.45 x 14.50 m. Its ashlar walls were 0.75 m thick. The hall was paved with fine stone slabs and tiles covered its roof - parts of which were found in the excavation. Entry to the hall was through two entrances in the east wall. The main entrance was 1.68 m wide and 2.60 m high and the second, narrower and lower entrance was 0.90 x 1.16 m. There was a porch or exedra along the east wall. Columns supported the roof and parts of them were in situ. The porch was paved with a polychrome geometric mosaic. There was a bench next to the south porch wall and a platform next to the north wall of the hall, 0.4 m high and projecting 1.93 m into the hall. The platform consisted of two plastered steps and had a chancel screen. There was a plastered channel at the foot of the west wall. The channel led to a rock-cut cistern south of the building. Another water-collection system led to a second cistern east of the structure in front of the porch. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The excavators stated that the synagogue was built in the fourth-century and was in use until the seventh- or eighth-century, when a mosque was built inside it. Previous study: 1986 Ilan; 1988 Ilan and Amit Bibliographical references: Ilan Z. and Amit D. 1988/89 ‘Horbat ‘Anim, Synagogue’ ESI 7/8, 6-8 Plan(s):

Plan of the Synagogue after Netzer E. in Levine L.I. 1982 ‘Excavations at the Synagogue of Horvat ‘Ammudim’ IEJ 32, 4

Plan of the Synagogue after Ilan Z. and Amit D. 1988/89 ‘Horbat ‘Anim, Synagogue’ ESI 7/8, 6-8 126

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

Site Name: Apolonia (Arsof) Site Number: 12 Location: The Sharon, map coordinates 13191.17804. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Very large town. Description: In the sixth and seventh centuries, the settlement grew to 600,000 squ. m. 50 m east of the gate was a pit containing a very large assemblage of Late Roman/Byzantine pottery, including over 100 whole lamps from the third to sixth centuries AD, one of which had a menorah decoration. In the industrial area, there were five wine-presses in a 50 x 50 squ. m area. The collecting vats were thickly plastered with rough white mosaic floors. There was a structure measuring 13.25 x 8 m, with a walled courtyard measuring 13.25 x 11 m, with two attached rooms to the north and west and two olivepresses in the courtyard. The presses were rock-cut and rough white mosaics surrounded the installations. There was a later glass kiln in the same courtyard, associated with layers of coloured sand, glass slag and piles of ash. There was a double chamber grave, orientated east-west, 30 m east of the industrial complex. The grave measured 3.80 x 3.35 m and in each of its cells were three skeletons with their heads to the east. There were no grave goods. Description of Religious Structures: These stood southeast of the walled settlement. One structure contained mosaic floors decorated with Christian motifs and the associated church had a basilica plan. Parts of its nave and column bases survived. The large cistern next to it had crosses on two of its plastered walls. It measured 10 x 4 m and was over four m deep. Another church was found close by in Reshef, Herzalia. A pair of columns divided the hall and its floor had a polychrome mosaic with crosses and a Greek inscription. The structure was orientated eastwest and had a wide atrium paved with marble slabs. Dating Evidence: Byzantine pottery and coins from the reign of Justinian I until the reign of Heraclius were published from the site. Dating for Religious Structures: No dating evidence was reported for the churches. Previous study: Green; 1950s Cahana and Ben-Dor, 1962, 1967, 1977, 1981; Roll and Ayalon, 1982 Roll Bibliographical references: (‫ארסוף’ בשטרן א' )עורך‬-‫רול י' ואיילון א' תשנ"ב ‘אפולוניה‬ ,‫אינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ (‫יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ"ט ‘אפולוניה’ בשטרן א' )עורך‬-‫; אבי‬52-55 ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ 801-800 , Plan(s): Unavailable

Site Name: 'Ara, Kfar Site Number: 13 Location: [?], map coordinates unreported. Type of Study: Partial Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Burial Cave Description: The rock-cut cave consisted of a burial chamber with a courtyard. Nine ashlar steps led down to the wide entrance of the burial area. This had been narrowed with large stones, with a large stone door in situ. One koch was fully excavated; it contained two skeletons, their heads orientated towards the opening of the koch. One of the five sarcophagi contained the body of a girl, a bead and a bracelet. A large stone sarcophagus stood in the middle of the koch. Two niches in the eastern wall contained glass vessels and lamps. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Description’ Dating Evidence: Artefacts dated the first use of the cave to the Roman period. The later phase was dated to the late third- to sixth-century AD by many associated finds. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1962 Berger, 1963 Edelstein Bibliographical references: Sussman V. 1976 ‘The Burial Cave at Kefar 'Ara’ Atiqot 11, 92-101 Plan(s):

Plan after V. Sussman 1976 ‘The Burial Cave at Kefar 'Ara’ Atiqot 11, 93 Site Name: Arbel Site Number: 14 Location: Lower Galilee, map coordinates 1955.2467. Type of Study: Partial Non-Scientific Excavation. Type of Site: Very large town. Description: The settlement was an elongated shape on three terraces and was over 100,000 squ. m. The buildings were constructed from black basalt and survey suggests that they were used from the Roman-Byzantine period continuously to the Arab period. Three concentrations of rock-cut graves were on the northern slope outside the settlement, two concentrations in the eastern hill and an extensive cemetery of dug graves and stone coffins south of the village. Description of Religious Structures: A synagogue was found in the centre of the settlement, although not on its highest point. This was built of white limestone, in contrast to other structures, whichwere built of black basalt. The basilican synagogue was square with three rows of columns (18.65 x 19.40 m), with a façade and main entrance in the east, approximately 1.70 m wide. The building had two levels because of the slope; its north part was a vaulted substructure. T-shaped columns stood in its northern corners and it had stepped benches

Cistern 127

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

From the wall, five stairs descend into an underground structure containing a rock-cut cistern and a cave; both were plastered. The church was paved with polychrome mosaics with a fourteen-line Greek inscription. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: Said by Ovadiah and de Silva to be fifth- or sixth-century. Previous study: 1968 Tzaferis; Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. and de Silva C.G. 1984 Supplementum to the Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 204-205 Plan(s):

along the walls. The roof was of tiles laid on wooden beams. There was a large paved courtyard that contained a vaulted room. The synagogue was completely rebuilt in the sixthcentury A.D. The entrance moved to the north wall and there was an apse in the southern wall above the bema, which had a marble screen. Along the eastern and western walls was a bench, with more benches towards the centre of the hall. The benches covered most of the space of the aisles but along the north wall were only two benches. The excavators argue that the benches were also steps, used to descend onto the floor of the hall, which was 1.50 m lower than the main entrance in the east. The synagogue may have been plastered yellow on the inside. East of the façade was a large courtyard, in the first phase 18 x 25 m in size and in the later phase an additional lower courtyard to the north, measuring 15 x 15 m was added. Another wall to the west of the building forms a courtyard with a few rooms attached to the building. Dating Evidence: Pottery and coins found during survey suggest activity from Hellenistic or Early Roman to the Mamaluk periods. Dating for Religious Structures: Fisher, who studied the architecture, dates this to the fourth-century. Previous study: 1852 Robinson; 1866 British Foundation; 1900 Kohl and Watzinger; end of the 1960s Avigad; 1971 Yevin; 1988-1987 Ilan and Izdarechet Bibliographical references: (‫אילן צ' ואיזדרכת א' תשנ"ט ‘ארבל’ בשטרן א' )עורך‬ ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל‬ 52 ‫; אילן צ' תשמ"ז 'בתי כנסת בגליל ובגולן' אריאל‬69-67 ,‫ירושלים‬ ‫ ארבל – ישוב יהודי‬1988 ('‫; הנ’ל )ואיזדרכת א‬44-42 ,‫ירושלים‬ 21-20 ,‫קדום במזרח הגליל התחתון תל אביב; הנ"ל תשמ"ט חא צ’ג‬ Plan(s):

Plan of the church after Ovadiah A. and de Silva C.G. 1984 Supplementum to the Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 205 Site Name: Ashdod Site Number: 16 Location: The Shfela, map coordinates 118.129. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Unknown Description: The Late Roman and Byzantine layers were close to the surface and were few; most of the buildings were small. The general excavated plan indicated that the settlement of Ashdod shrank down to a small village in Late Roman and the Byzantine phase. The excavators divided what they describe as ‘layer one’ into phases 1a and 1b. In phase 1a, the settlement became a small village. Excavations also found a rubbish pit, barns and wine-presses. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Description’ Dating Evidence: Late Roman and Byzantine finds. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1962-1963 Friedman Sawger Dotan; 1965-1967, 1968-1971, 1972 Dotan Bibliographical references: Dothan M. 1967 Ashdod I – The First Season of Excavations 1962 Atiqot 7; Dothan M. 1971 Ashdod II-III – The Second and Third Seasons

Plan of the Arbel Synagogue, Second phase after Ilan Z. 1988/89 ‘Horvat Arbel’ ESI 7/8, 8 Site Name: Arraba Site Number: 15 Location: Upper Galilee, map coordinates 182.250. Type of Study: Partial Non-Scientific Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: Modern construction damaged the church. No walls survived, although the mosaic floor suggests the plan. The hall measured 5.5 x 7 m. A small wall divided the eastern area from the rest of the hall creating a square internal apse (3.5 x 5.5 m). 128

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

Ori; 1996-1997 Tzifiris; 1972 Brandel and Gofna; 1985 onwards, Staiger C 1954 Ori; 1966-1967 [?] Bibliographical references: Nahshoni P. 1999 ‘A Byzantine Site in the Migdal neighborhood’ Atiqot 38, 229; Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 22; Satger L. and Esse D. 1986 ‘Ashkelon - 1985-1986’ ESI 5, 2-6 ‫סטייגר ל”א תשנ"ב ‘אשקלון’ האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ 98-108 ,‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

of Excavations 1962 1965 Atiqot 9-10; Dothan M. 1982 Ashdod IV – Excavation of Area M Atiqot 15 ‫דותן מ' תשנ"ב ‘אשדוד’ בשטרן א' )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ 96-86 ,‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: Ashkelon Site Number: 17 Location: The Shefela, map coordinates 107.119. Type of Study: Multi-focus Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Unknown Description: There was a fourth-century bathhouse built on the foundations of a Roman villa. In the southeast corner of the excavated area, which was paved with white mosaics, was an apse, 8 m in diameter. There was a hypocaust beneath a floor of vertically placed sherds just north of the apse. The floor level of the bath slanted upwards and a new marble pavement was laid in a second phase. West of the apse was a large area paved with small white mosaics and a plastered tub (2.5 x 2.8 x 1.6 m), with three steps leading into it. A canopy supported by four heart-shaped columns covered the pool. Skeletons of more than a hundred newborn babies blocked the sewage system. Byzantine dating evidence was found north of the Migdal neighbourhood. A winepress filled with second to fifth centuries pottery and two Byzantine rubbish pits full of glass, pottery and two coins (both from the sixth-century) were excavated. Description of Religious Structures: A basilican church in the Barne’a neighbourhood had an internal apse with a square room on each side. The complex measured 15 x 16 m, the nave measured 8 x 25 m and the two aisles 4 x 25 m each, separated by monolithic marble columns. On the church’s southern side was another church with an internal apse. A corridor two m wide separated the church from the cross-shaped baptistery, measuring 7.50 x 10 m. Another church was excavated two hundred m northwest. Only the floors of the northern aisles and a part of the narthex survive. The aisles measured 6 x 10.4 m each. There were three Greek inscriptions: two indicating construction dates, with a gap of several years (unfortunately, the number was unreported) between the completion of the two rooms. Marble slab fragments in large quantities indicated a marble paved floor and coloured glass cubes suggested wall mosaics. No further details on the construction of the church were available. There were pieces of a decorated chancel screen. An ethrog, a shofar and a menorah decorated column base indicated the possible existence of a synagogue. Their proximity to the churches was unreported. Dating Evidence: There were many Byzantine pottery sherds. Dating for Religious Structures: Bagatti tentatively dated the first church to the fourth-century, based on the form and decoration of the capitals. A Greek inscription indicated that the diaconicon of the second church dated to AD 498/9. A second inscription, in a room or courtyard adjacent to the diaconicon indicated that it was finished in AD 493/4. A part of a chancel screen of a synagogue with a Greek dedication inscription dated from AD 605/6. Previous study: 1815 Stenhope; 1921-1922 Garsteng and Pithian-Adams; 1937 Ori; 1955 Pero and Hoshi; 1954

Plan of the North Church after Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 22

Photograph of the second church Site Name: Avdat (Oboda) Site Number: 18 Location: Negev Mount., map coordinates 1278.0028. Type of Study: Extensive Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Large town Description: Avdat covers an area of about 80,000 squ. m and included an area dated to the Late Roman period, a Byzantine fort, two churches and residential quarters. Excavations took place in a street crossing the area north to south and on a square tower in the Late Roman area. According to the inscription above the single door in the north of the tower, it was built in AD 294. The tower was two floors high and had a lookout point. There was a small entrance in the first floor and there were two openings in its southern wall. One led to a long and narrow room, with narrow holes at the top of the walls for light and ventilation and the second led to a large hall, with three arches, which still retained its roof slabs. A low opening in the northeastern corner of the hall led 129

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

was carved in the centre of the ceiling. An opening in the eastern wall led to a central room 7 x 5.50 m, with a floor 0.20 m lower than the floor of the previous room. There were little niches in the walls and hanging attachments on the ceiling. In the eastern wall of the hall, there was a rock-cut bench with two rows of depressions. Openings in the east wall led to an additional hall and along three of its walls were rockcut benches. The opening between the two halls was later sealed. When the entrance was closed, the part of it facing the western wall became a cupboard. The excavators interpreted the cave as a wine cellar. There was a bathhouse on the plain to the west of the town. East of the structure was a 60 m deep well, which supplied water to the bathhouse. North of the structure, a 6.3 x 19 m roofed courtyard had two thin columns at its centre. In the northern wall of the house were two openings. One led to a room, mostly occupied by a pool 4.10 x 4.20 m in size and 1.35 m deep, plastered with water-resistant plaster. The second opening led to another room. From the vestibule, an opening led to a small room with three stone benches, leading in turn to a sweat room in which there were 16 brick pilae. A brick channel piped hot air from the outside furnace, located south of the bathhouse. Two channels on the south, three in the west and three in the east led the air to a system of clay pipes. Two channels stretched through the entire eastern wall and end beyond roofs curved to take away access heat. There were small openings in the ceiling. West of the sweat room was the bathroom, it was crossshaped, with a hypocaust in the centre. 20 column bases were found that once carried the ceiling. In three of the cross’s arms (north, south and west) were baths made of plastered brick. The hypocaust and another oven west of the structure, heated the baths. In the walls around the baths were vents to release access heat. A partially preserved dome covered the room. This seems to have had a central window for lighting and ventilation. Waste water was channelled out of the structure and large portions of this channel were found in the yard north of the bathhouse. There were five wine-presses in Avdat, all of similar design. For example, the wine-press by the southern gate of the Byzantine fort had a square floor, 5.70 x 5.70 m, around it were nine irregular cells, measuring 6-9 squ. m each. The plastered floor was 0.60 m lower than the cells; it sloped to a 0.40 x 0.40 m hole in the centre. A channel leads from the hole under the floor to a holding tank three m in circumference, constructed of stone and mortar and thickly plastered. Description of Religious Structures: The north church was in the northwestern part of the open space. Re-used Nabatean building stones were found in its floor and walls. Its main entrance was through a staircase to an atrium, which had two rows of columns. The floor of the atrium was paved with limestone slabs and in the centre was a small cistern coated with pink hydraulic plaster. Three entrances lead to the basilica, two rows of columns, with five columns and two half columns in each row. The basilica had a single apse, with three steps – a base for the synthronon and, behind it, one semicircular step forming the base for a wooden bench. There was a small room in the south, probably used as a

to the upper floor. In the eastern part of the second floor, a staircase goes up to the lookout point. The Byzantine fort was rectangular and covered an area of 2,500 squ. m, with walls varying between 1.60 to 2 m thick. The fort had 11 towers, two in the western wall and three in the other walls their sizes vary. Staircases ascended into the towers along the wall some distance from each tower. The main arched gate (2.70 m wide) was in the southwest. Two towers protected it; the western one was from the Late Roman phase. A cross and Christian monogram decorated a gate located to the northeast. Three other small entrances were also excavated, one in the east (with a deep and narrow hole beneath it) and two in the west. Inside the fort there were only two permanent structures. A room, 5.50 x 6 m, was attached to the southern wall and there was a church in the northwestern corner of the same wall. In the centre of the fort was a cistern measuring 4 x 7 x 7 m. A channel drained rainwater from the area east of the fort and delivered it to the cistern and a second channel was built against the southern wall of the fort. Both channels were also found beneath the walls of the fort. A smaller cistern (2.40 m in diameter) was sited northwest of the large cistern and an additional channel brought water from the fort courtyard to a cistern found west of the fort. A natural cave east of the fort was full of salt, probably used to preserve meat. There was an additional cave full of saltpetre next to the street crossing the Late Roman quarter. West of the fort was a large open space (approximately 40 x 51 m), with a cistern in its northeast corner also measuring 4 x 7 x 7 m. There were 350-400 stone courtyard houses on the western slope. The buildings were steeped, so that the foundations of one building rested on the wall of the house beneath. The one excavated structure was located in the lowest row. Entry was from the south to a courtyard 10 x 4.50 m in size. Steps were attached to the southern wall of the house. In the north of the courtyard, two halls roofed by stone slabs on three stone arches survived. There was a cupboard and bench on the western wall of the west hall. In the western part of the courtyard were two more openings, the northern opening was blocked when the house was expanded and the southern one led to an additional room along its northern wall. A narrow corridor led southward to a series of later rooms. South of the corridor was a small room (2.25 x 2.50 m) paved with large stones. Three other small rooms were found to its west, ending in a slanting shaft that extended outside the house. West of the house and 2.30 m lower were more courtyards. The house walls were thick and roughly built of stones. A cave was entered from the hall north of the courtyard and two rooms (the larger measuring 6 x 12 m), partly built and partly cut into the rock, connected the two areas of the unit. In the east of the large room there was a partition with red ochre paintings of the saints George and Theodore and Greek inscriptions. A wide opening led east into a 5 x 5 m room, with small rock-cut benches and high niches in its northern and eastern walls. The heads of bulls and a bunch of grapes decorated the upper corners of the rooms and a cross 130

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

storeroom and an opening in the north that led to the large square. There was a T-shaped bema, its short arms surrounded by chancel screens. In the attached rooms south of the church, were a reliquary and fragments of altars. West of the atrium there was a narrow (2.50 m) passage leading to a baptistery. The baptistery roof was supported by two columns and there was a plastered marble cross-shaped font (each arm measuring 1.35 m in length). According to an inscription the south church was St. Theodore’s martyrium. It was orientated east-northeast and was a basilica with two rows of columns dividing it into a nave and two aisles. There were seven columns in each row, the first column engaged with the wall of the apse and the last with the west wall of the church. All columns stand on a square board. The T-shaped bema was two steps higher than the hall and surrounded by a chancel screen with three openings to the apse and the two square rooms at its sides. In the eastern walls of these rooms were semi-circular niches, with reliquaries. One reliquary was in the shape of a small marble sarcophagus. The decorations on one surviving limestone and marble chancel screen pair comprised wreaths and crosses and the other, palm trees and grapes. In front of the southwestern corner of the bema was the ambo. The church was completely paved with limestone slabs. Five graves were found in the aisles, another grave was found in the room south of the apse and three graves were found in the atrium. The earliest grave was from AD 541 and the latest was from AD 618. The atrium had three columns, probably taken from the Nabatean temple. In the centre of the atrium was a large cistern, covered by the atrium floor. To the south, north and west of the atrium were monastic cells and to the southwest was a bell tower. In an attached room, north of the basilica, was a built and plastered strongbox in the floor, covered with a stone slab with a lock. Dating Evidence: No dating evidence. Dating for Religious Structures: According to Negev the north church was the earliest in Avdat. He based this on the presence of the bishop’s throne and the baptistery in the North Church and not the South Church and suggests a date in the late fourth-century by comparison to other churches in the central Negev and because of the large number of fourth-century coins found in the area of the north church. The Church of St. Theodore (the South Church) may date to the fifth-century. Negev gave it a terminus post quem of AD 450 on the basis of architectural considerations. The destruction of the church must have taken place after AD 617, the date of the last dated burial inscription. Previous study: 1807 Zetchan; 1870 Palmer and Drake; 1902 Mussil; 1904 Josan, Saviniak and Winson; 1912 Woly and Lawrence; 1916 Vigand; 1922 Alt; 1937 Cult; 1958 Avi-Yonah; 1959-1961 Negev; 1975-1977 Negev and Cohen Bibliographical references: Negev A. 1997 The Architecture of Oboda – Final Report (Qedem 36) ‫נגב א' תשנ"ב ‘עבדת’ בשטרן א )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬,1145-1137 Plan(s):

Plan of the two churches after Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, Plate 5

Wine Merchant Complex Site Name: Bahan Site Number: 19 Location: The Sharon, map coordinates 152.192. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The complex measured 20 x 13 m. There was a well, which apparently belonged to the atrium, west of the narthex. The narthex was paved with mosaics and had three openings into the nave and the two aisles. Two rows of columns divided the hall. There was an apse (which may have been internal) measuring approximately 4.80 m in diameter. There were two polychrome mosaic floors, one on top of 131

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Dating for Religious Structures: Unreported Previous study: 1972 Yeivin and Damati Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. and de Silva C.G. 1984 Supplementum to the Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 206-207 Plan(s):

the other, with five Greek inscriptions. There was a series of rooms south of the basilica. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: Said by Ovadiah to be ‘Sixth-century AD’, but dating evidence unreported. Previous study: 1955 Ori Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 26-27 ‫יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ"ב ‘בחן’ בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬-‫אבי‬ 801 ,‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: Bar’am Site Number: 20 Location: The Galilee, map coordinates 1891.2901. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Synagogue Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: A large synagogue. Its façade facing Jerusalem had been preserved almost entirely. It measured 15.20 x 20 m with a portico with eight columns, six at the front and one to each side. The portico was 4.6 m deep and roofed with an arched gable. The façade had one large entrance (2.65 m high and 1.42 m wide) and two small side entrances. Two rows of vertical columns and one horizontal row of columns divided the hall into a nave and three narrow aisles surrounding it from three sides. The floor was paved with stone slabs. Survey indicates that a small synagogue stood outside the village, 300 m northeast of the large synagogue. It was orientated to the south and had a large central opening and possibly two side ones. According to plans made by Wilson, the synagogue comprised two rows of columns. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: Sukenik stylistically dated a decorative element belonging to the excavated synagogue to the fourth-century or later. Previous study: 1905 Kohl and Watzinger; Bibliographical references: Foerster G. 1972 Galilean Synagogues and their Relation to Hellenistic and Roman Art and Architecture Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Hebrew University Jerusalem ‫אביגד נ' 'ברעם' תשנ"ב בשטרן א' )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ ‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬,256-255 Plan(s): Unavailable

Plan after Ovadiah A. and de Silva C.G. 1984 Supplementum to the Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 206 Site Name: Bashol, Tel Site Number: 22 Location: Beth Shean Valley, map coordinates 195.212. Type of Study: Compound Excavation Type of Site: Monastery Description: The site measured 75 x 50 m. The entrance to the monastery was in its southern wall and led to a corridor, paved with stone slabs, which then led to a large courtyard paved with mosaics, which contained Greek inscriptions. Seven rooms, including a church, surrounded the courtyard. The excavations examined 15 rooms, seven with mosaic floors, one with a packed soil floor, six paved with stone slabs and one with a mortar floor. Description of Religious Structures: The church had a very elaborate polychrome mosaic floor measuring 5 x 7 m. Many constructional phases suggest lengthy use. Dating Evidence: There was Byzantine pottery at the site, but its exact position was unpublished. Dating for Religious Structures: Zori stated that the church dates to the beginning of the fifth-century. The mosaic floor was altered at the end of the fifth-century and disused at the end of the sixth-century. Previous study: 1961-1962 Zori Bibliographical references: Zori N. 1974 ‘A Greek Inscription from Tell Basul’ IEJ 24 227; Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 178 ’‫ ‘מנזרים – תל בסול’ בשטרן א‬1992 '‫; כהן ר‬21-20 ‫חא ג' תשכ’ב‬ ‫)עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל‬ 958 ,‫ירושלים‬ Plan(s): Unavailable

Site Name: Bardala Site Number: 21 Location: Beth Shean Valley, map coordinates 195.199. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The first building phase incorporated the southern portico with columns still in situ, paved with mosaics incorporating cross symbols. The second building phase included a portion of the nave and the aisles. The south aisle and parts of the north aisle were paved with marble slabs. The nave was paved with coarse white mosaics. There was a later bathhouse built over the western part of the church. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. 132

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

Site Name: Be’er Shema, Horbat Site Number: 23 Location: The Negev, map coordinates unreported. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Large town Description: The site covered an area of about 125,000 squ. m. At the north of the site a square podium rose to a height of two m above the plain. Description of Religious Structures: A basilica, measuring 12.5 x 21 m. Two rows of five columns divided the hall into a nave and two aisles. The nave terminated in an apse flanked by two side rooms (3.5 x 3.5 m each). At the centre of each of these rooms was a possible reliquary and there was an ambo in the northeast of the church. Access to the nave and the aisles from the narthex was through three entrances. Adjacent to the church in the south were three other rooms. The central room measured 4 x 8 m, with an apsidal baptismal font in the east and doorways to the nave and the east room. The nave, apse and baptistery were paved with mosaics containing 10 Greek dedicatory inscriptions. The aisles and narthex were floored with stone tiles. The walls were built of ashlar and coated with mud plaster mixed with pottery sherds. Traces of paint could be observed on the plaster. A large quantity of iron nails implied that the building was roofed with wooden beams. Mosaic and column fragments on the floor of the church suggest galleries and/or a second storey. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: Most of the finds were in the rooms south of the church. The excavators believed that this material dated the church to the last third of the sixth-century AD to the mid-seventh-century AD. Previous study: Gazit and Lender 1989-1990 Bibliographical references: Gazit D. and Lender Y. 1991 ‘Horvat Be’er-Shema’ ESI 10, 43-45 Plan(s):

Site Name: Be’er Sheva Site Number: 24 Location: The Negev, map coordinates 135.073. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Fort Description: A large fort containing at least six churches was located by aerial photography. Two structures were excavated within it. The first structure comprises four adjoining rooms. The walls were built of wadi pebbles and were 0.7 m thick and the floors were of packed soil. Room 1 measured 3.5 x 3.5 m, an opening in its eastern wall led to room two, of which only its northwestern corner survived. An opening connected rooms three and four south and west of these rooms. The second structure had thick walls (1.2-1.3 m), coated with thick plaster. There were agricultural installations in Area B. A bipartite room in Area B1 had plastered stone walls 0.60 m thick. The floor in the northern part was 0.30 m lower than the floor to the south. There was a rectangular installation in the southern corner and a limestone ashlar arch supported the ceiling. A poorly-preserved complex in Area D consisted of a courtyard surrounded by at least four rooms. The floor of room L515 was 0.15 m thick and the room contained numerous tabun fragments and what may be a bench. Only an irregular stone-walled room and part of the courtyard were found in Area E. The doorway was probably located in the southeastern corner. Tabun fragments, pottery and charcoal may indicate soil in the southwestern corner of the room. There was a pit in the southwestern corner of the courtyard, covered by large collapsed stones. In Area G, there was a cistern fed by two lead pipes from a basin. Byzantine walls were found in the area of the municipal modern courthouse. Six of 30 identified cist graves were excavated. These have different orientations and lie at unequal distances from one another, three more graves belonged to the cemetery in Ben Zvi St. These were orientated east-west and constructed of soft chalk blocks. There were two additional soft chalk-slab cist graves in a cemetery on Haddasah Street. A building excavated in Ramot B had a small room measuring 1.05 x 1.20 m and the corner of a larger room at least 1.5 x 3.0 m large was attached to its southwest corner. The entrance was in the north wall of the small room, 0.55 m in width. The walls were built of smoothed fieldstones. There were fragments of a tabun in the room. On a site next to the Elat road was another Byzantine building, but its interpretation was unclear. It appears to consist of a courtyard containing a pit surrounded by rooms with two piers for an arch. Description of Religious Structures: A monumental cruciform church (an unusual plan for Palestina) was located in the southern part of Be’er Sheva. The church measures 41 x 28 m and had polychrome and plain white mosaic floors, with geometric polychrome mosaics in the narthex. There were four rooms in each transept, giving it a cruciform shape. At the ends of each of the arms of the cross, there were small apses in the walls. The south aisle and transept were paved with polychrome mosaics and had a dedicatory inscription. The north transept and aisle were paved with white mosaic. There was a plastered bench in the south transept. There were two

Plan after Meyers E.M. ‘The Synagogue at Horbat Shema’ in Levine L.I. Ancient Synagogues Revealed Jerusalem 1981, 73 133

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

rectangular rooms on each side of the bema, with a chancel screen in the bema. An earlier church also paved with polychrome mosaics underlay the cruciform church. It had a large square room to its east and contained two inscriptions, one on marble and one in the mosaic paving. A three-apsed basilica was also excavated. It had two building phases: The first basilica was 15 x 24 m in size and had a series of rooms on the south of the church, one with a wall mosaic with coloured glass tesserae. The church was paved with marble slabs and stones; the walls were decorated with polychrome frescos. The later church was also a three-apsed basilica. The polychrome floor in the central apse was approximately 0.60 m above the nave. There was a rectilinear cavity (a reliquary?) paved with marble slabs in the middle of the bema and rock-cut graves covered with marble slabs between the two floors. These contained a number of burials each, apart from one grave which contained only the skeleton of a child. Dating Evidence: Pottery sherds and coins were reported, in order to date the fort structures to the Late Roman and Byzantine phase but no further details were available. In Area D, artefacts underlay the foundation of room L515. These included pottery and glass dating to the sixth to seventh centuries AD. In Area E, sixth- to seventh-century AD pottery and glass were also found below the floor level. The structures reported in these areas appear, therefore, to be seventh-century or later in date. However, the excavator dates the Byzantine cemetery to the fourth and fifth centuries. The cist graves excavated in Ben Zvi Street may also belong to the same cemetery. Dating for Religious Structures: An inscription in the north arm of the first church indicates its existence in AD 552/3. The excavator says that the basilica was Byzantine but provides no further evidence. Previous study: Fabian; 1968 Yisraeli Bibliographical references: Fabian P. 2001 A Unique Monumental Church at Beer Sheva a lecture in the ARAM International Conference Oxford; Ustinova Y. and Nahshoni P. 1994 ‘Salvage Excavations in Ramot Nof, Be’er Shava’ Atiqot 25, 157-177; Israeli Y. 1978 ‘Beersheba’ RB 75, 415-416; Katz O. and May N. 1998 ‘Be'er Sheva’ Ramot B’ ESI 18, 106; Fabian P. and Rabin D. 1996 ‘Be'er Sheva’ ESI 15, 105-106; Sontag F. 1999 ‘Be’er Sheva, The Courthouse (A)’ HA 109, 89*90* ; Sontag F. 1999 ‘Be’er Sheva, The Courthouse (B)’ HA 109, 90*; Sontag F. 1999 ‘Be’er Sheva, Ben Zvi Street’ HA 109, 91*; Ein Gedi M. and Masarwah Y. 1999 ‘Be’er Sheva, The Ministry of Health’ HA 109, 92* 29 ,‫ חא‬,'‫ 'באר שבע‬1967 Plan(s):

Site Name: Beth Alpha Site Number: 25 Location: Beth Shean Valley, map coordinates 190.213. Type of Study: Non-Scientific Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Synagogue Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The synagogue was orientated to the south. It was rectangular and measured 27.70 x 14.20 m; the limestone walls were 0.70 to 0.85 m thick. The complex consisted of an atrium, a narthex and a basilican hall divided by two rows of columns. There were three entrances into the hall. There were benches along the walls of the aisles and the south wall. In the centre, three narrow steps led up to a platform 0.75 m high, built on two levels. A small bema (1.55 x 0.90 m and 0.45 m high) was built against a pillar near the east end of the platform. The bema and the bench next to it were secondary features, covering part of the mosaic floor. The west aisle led to an adjacent room down three steps interrupting the benches along the western wall. Plaster covered the entire interior of the structure and tile fragments suggest at least one phase of roofing. Elaborate polychrome mosaics covered the floor of the entire complex, with two inscriptions, one in Greek and the other in abbreviated and incorrect Aramaic. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: 36 bronze coins were found in a sealed hollow in the apse floor at the south end of the synagogue but – at most – only provide a Terminus Post Quem for the collapse of the building. The first two lines of one inscription indicate that the floor was laid in the reign of ‘Justin’. The completion of this floor can, therefore, be dated either to Justin I (AD 518-527) or Justin II (AD 565-78). Sukenik argues that the synagogue collapsed due to an earthquake in the sixth-century. Previous study: 1929 Sukenik; 1962 Israel Antiquities Authority Bibliographical references: Sukenik E.L. 1932 The Ancient Synagogue of Beth Alpha Jerusalem ‫ ‘בית אלפא’ בשטרן א' האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬1992 '‫אביגד נ‬ 167-165‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

Plan of a Byzantine Structure after Fabian P. and Rabin D. 1996 ‘Be'er Sheva’, ESI 15, 105

Plan of the Synagogue after 1932 Sukenik E.L. The Ancient Synagogue of Beth Alpha Jerusalem, Plate XXI 134

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

Dating Evidence: The excavator suggested that the pottery indicated a date from the late fifth-century or the early sixth-century. Dating for Religious Structures: Comparison between the mosaic floors with those known from other sites, together with the building method, suggested to the excavators a date towards the end of the sixth-century or the beginning of the seventh-century AD. Magen also stated that most of the finds were from a later phase and so cannot help to date the construction of the church. Previous study: [?] Magen; 1990, 1992 Magen and Baruch Bibliographical references: Magen Y. 1990 ‘A Byzantine Church at Beit Einun (Beth Anoth) in the Hebron Hills’ in Bottini G.C. Di Segni L. and Alliata E. (eds.) Christian Archaeology in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 275286; Magen Y. and Baruch Y. 1997 ‘Khirbat Abu Rish (Beit 'Anun)’ Liber Annuus 47, 339-358 Plan(s):

Site Name: Beth Einun (Beth Anoth) Site Number: 26 Location: The Hebron hills, map coordinates unavailable. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Unknown Description: A large (19 x 9 m) building, built on a slope levelled in several places with soil or fieldstones. The walls were 0.70-1 m thick. The building had three distinct phases. Two rooms (A and B) with fieldstone walls survived from the first phase and plaster patches were found on their outer, dressed, faces. Room B continued in use in subsequent phases. This was 11 x 4.6 m with a 1.6 m wide opening in the western wall giving access to a courtyard. Room A (4.6 x 4 m) also opened onto the courtyard on its south. The courtyard contained a cistern, its opening was flush with the ground and two rectangular troughs connected to the east and west of this cistern. In a second phase, the structure was extended to 19.5 x 9 m. Rooms built of fieldstones were added to the west (F), east (C) and south (D, B). Room B was widened to the south (11 x 5 m). A wall surrounded the courtyard. Five piers stood along the room. East and west of the early stone paving was a mosaic floor. There was a bema in the eastern part of the room with a step leading up to it. A mosaic floor covered a grave (C1) in the western part of the room and there was a square room (3.5 x 3.5 m) and a corridor to the south. Room A was also extended to the south (7 x 3.2 m) and ashlar was used more extensively in these secondary walls. A wall separated the two levels of room A, which differed in height by 0.70 m. The lower level had a plastered floor; the upper level was paved with white mosaics containing an inscription. A wall built of dressed stones and fieldstones in the courtyard area was 0.80 m thick. To the east, walls enclosed another courtyard (G). In a third phase, the courtyard was paved with stone slabs. There was an elevated square platform 1.5 m high in the corner of the courtyard. Seven graves were dug in the soft rock west of the building and in its northern part. East of the structure, a rock-cut wine-pressing installation covered about 300 squ. m and comprised treading floors, a settling pit and a collecting pit. The walls that enclosed the wine-press were 0.60 m thick and built of dressed stones. Description of Religious Structures: A church was located in the centre of the site; another to the south and a third on a high hill overlooking Beth Einun. The third church measured 12.6 x 22.5 m and comprised an aisled nave with an internal apse and narthex. The partly excavated narthex (12.6 x 14.7 m) had a polychrome mosaic pavement. Three entrances led from the narthex into the nave: Two narrow openings led to the aisles (later blocked) and one wide opening led to the nave. Two rows of five columns divided the nave into aisles. The apse was raised above the level of the nave and the nave itself was paved with polychrome mosaics. Two entrances led into a crypt beneath the church. The southern entrance opens outside the church walls, while the western entrance was a passage beginning in the narthex. The central hall of the crypt was square, measuring 2.6 x 2.4 m and gave access to a burial chamber, within which were two graves.

Plan after Magen Y. 1990 ‘A Byzantine Church at Beith Einun (Beth Anoth) in the Hebron Hills’ in Bottini G.C. Di Segni L. and Alliata E. (eds.) Christian Archaeology in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 276 Site Name: Beth Govrin (Beth Jibrin) Site Number: 27 Location: Judean Hills, map coordinates 140.113. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Unknown Description: There was a mosaic floor on a hill southeast of the village. The earliest phase included rooms paved with geometric mosaics. A hall measuring 5 x 9.50 m paved with mosaics had an entrance which led to a courtyard surrounded by a portico paved with elaborate marble mosaics. Above and south of this was a small church, measuring 2.25 x 3 m, also with elaborate mosaics. About 0.70 m above its mosaic floor was an apse and the foundations of a chancel screen. The Byzantine-phase cemetery at the site (map coordinates 1410.1126) comprised of about 70 burial caves, in addition to other graves. The burial caves had a range of forms: Shaft caves, 1.50-2 m high, widening into a hall in the bottom with two parallel burial shelves, caves with square burial rooms containing arcosolia. A hall-like cave had three to ten cupboard-like burial shelves. Decoration in the caves included cross-symbols and Greek inscriptions. Finds included sixth-century lamps, stone objects and glass vessels. Description of Religious Structures: The church was an almost square basilica. Its central entrance and apse had 135

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

the same east-northeast alignment. Two rows of columns divided the hall into a nave and two aisles. Three entrances were located in the western wall and the floors of the nave and aisles were paved with mosaics. The basilica had a single apse and two small rooms on either side of the apse. South of the church were several more rooms, one of them was a small church with an apse. West of the narthex was an atrium, lower than the church and with graves below its floor. Under the narthex was a square crypt, divided into two areas, containing eight graves. The nave, aisles and church were paved with polychrome mosaics, showing traces of deliberate damage. At a later phase, a hypocaust was built in the small southeastern room flanking the apse. No measurements of the church were available. Dating Evidence: Vinsen suggested that the mosaic from the first phase belonged to a Roman villa and dated it to the beginning of the third-century. Levi dated it and the mosaic above it to the sixth-century, by comparison with similar mosaics at Shalal and Maon. Dating for Religious Structures: No dating evidence was published. Previous study: 1941-1942 Bramchi; 1985 Kloner Bibliographical references: Kloner A. 1993 ‘A Byzantine Church at Maresha (Beit Govrin)’ in Tsafrir Y. (ed.) Ancient Churches Revealed Jerusalem, 261-264; Kirk G.E. 1946 ‘Archeaological Activities’ PEQ, 97-98 (‫יונה מ' תשנ”ב 'בית גוברין' בשטרן א’ )עורך‬-‫קלונר ע' ואבי‬ ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל‬ 167-165 ,‫ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

Site Name: Beth Jimal Site Number: 28 Location: The Judean Hills, map coordinates 147.125 Type of Study: Partial Non-Scientific Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: A basilica measuring 11.60 x 8.50 m with a narthex and an exonarthex. The narthex measured 8.50 x 2.50 m and connected with the nave through three entrances in the west wall. The east end contained a bema and an external rectangular apse, 2.50 m deep. The church had two more entrances in the south wall, leading to two adjoining rooms to the south. A large, apparently rectangular, room in the western part of the church was not excavated, but a small rectangular room was identified to its east. The church had a polychrome mosaic floor with a five line Greek inscription in the nave. There was a crypt containing a large cistern under the south of the church. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The excavator claimed that the church dated from the fifth to sixth centuries but no reason for this was given. Previous study: 1916-1917 The French School of Archaeology Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 28; Abel F.M. 1919 ‘Chronique - Une Église Byzantine à Beit ElDejemal’ RB 28, 244-248 Plan(s):

Plan after Kloner A. 1993 ‘A Byzantine Church at Maresha (Beit Govrin)’ in Tsafrir Y. (ed.) Ancient Churches Revealed Jerusalem, 262

Plan after Abel F.M. 1919 ‘Chronique - Une Église Byzantine à Beit El-Dejemal’ RB 28, 244-248 136

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

Site Name: Beth Loya, Horbat Site Number: 29 Location: The southern Judea foothills, map coordinates 1433.1080. Type of Study: Multi-focus Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Unknown Description: There was a complex of Byzantine structures in the western slope of the hill, consisting of a basilica and related buildings, an oil-press, wine-press and a burial cave. The oil-press was located south of the church and east of the baptistery. The wine-press was 20 m east of the church and was paved with mosaics. The burial cave was five m north of the church, outside the enclosing wall. It consisted of an underground burial chamber measuring 3.25 x 2.3 m. Three rock-cut tombs were found along the walls. The rock above the tombs was decorated with four cross symbols. A flight of rockcut steps led down into the tomb. Description of Religious Structures: The church measured 20.4 x 13.9 m; a wall enclosed its annexes and forecourt. It was a basilica with one semi-circular internal apse. In front of the apse was a 2.50 m long bema protruding into the nave, with two steps higher than the nave floor. Two rows of five columns separated the nave from the aisles. In the eastern end of each aisle were two rectangular rooms (each 2.40 x 2.25 m), flanking the apse, with floors two steps higher than the floor of the nave. There was an exonarthex in front of the church (3.6 m wide). Access was through the atrium. There were three entrances in the church’s façade, the central one, leading to the nave was 1.7 m wide and the two smaller openings flanking it were one m wide each. Adjoining the basilica on its northern side was another church (7.5 x 4.2 m). An opening 1.4 m wide led into it from the southern aisle. There was a baptistery (4.1 x 3.5 m) on the southern side, connecting through a 1.6 m wide doorway with the southern aisle. Another opening (0.90 m wide) in the western wall connected the baptistery to an antechamber. To the north of the narthex was a room (2.7 x 2.5 m) whose western and northern walls were over two m thick. All parts of the church were paved with elaborate polychrome mosaics, which had apparently been damaged deliberately and contained three Greek dedicatory inscriptions, one in the centre of the nave, one in the church and one in the baptistery. Dating Evidence: Unreported. Dating for Religious Structures: The excavators stated that the church was probably built around AD 500 and survived until the eighth-century AD, basing the latter date on the assumption that eighth-century iconoclasts inflicted the damage to the mosaics. No other dating evidence was given. Previous study: 1983, 1986, Patrich and Tsafrir Bibliographical references: Patrich J. and Tsafrir Y. 1985 ‘Horvat Bet Loya’ ESI 4, 11-14 ;27-26 ,‫פטריך י' וצפריר י' תשמ"ה ‘חורבת בית לויה’ חא פ’ו‬ ‫פטריך י' וצפריר י' תשמ"ה 'כנסייה ומתקנים חקלאים מן התקופה‬ 106-112 ,(72-71) ‫הביזנטית בחורבת בית לויה' קדמוניות י"ח‬ Plan(s):

Plan after Patrich J. and Tsafrir Y. 1993 ‘A Byzantine Church Complex at Horvat Beth Loya’ in Tsafrir Y. (ed.) Ancient Churches Revealed Jerusalem, 266 Site Name: Beth Sha’ar Site Number: 30 Location: Judean Hills, map coordinates 162.117. Type of Study: Non-Scientific Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The basilica measures 9.60 x 9 m. The entrance was through the narthex, which measured 9 x 3.20 m. There was one entrance in the west wall and two entrances in the south wall. The bema was raised two steps above the floor of the hall and had a chancel. The east end of the nave and the north aisle were apsed. The apse in the nave was external and rectangular, it measured 1.80 m in depth, the north apse was internal (no reported measurements). The basilica had a geometric floor mosaic including a four-line Greek dedication. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The excavator dated the church to the second half of the sixth-century on the basis of the inscription. Previous study: 1902 Vincent Bibliographical references: A. Ovadiah, 1970, Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land, Bonn, 28-29; No author 1903 ‘Les Ruines de Beit Cha’ar’ RB 12, 612614 Plan(s):

137

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

an area of mosaic. The courtyard was surrounded by two rooms covering an area of 54 squ. m. The rooms were connected by a 1.8 m opening. South of the courtyard were more rooms (number and size unreported) with shallow holes in their floors and a 0.4 m high ‘podium’. The second part of the house had a central room (size unreported), its ceiling rested on wooden beams, which in their turn rested on an arch that crossed the room supported by two columns. There were two rooms north and two rooms south of the central room. A mosaic floor was found in the southeastern room. North of the west end of the amphitheatre was another Byzantine section. At it center a hall (5.0 x 11.5 m) with an apse facing south was excavated. The hall had five entrances, two in the west, two in the east and one in the north. The main settlement phase was connected to the construction of a street, paved with heavy basalt slabs, ascending from the city centre southwards. A burial complex comprising three caves was found near the town. This originally had a large common courtyard but this was almost completely destroyed. In Cave A only the opening, the eastern area and several kochim survived. In Caves B and C, the burial chambers were rectangular and the kochim in Cave B were also rectangular. The excavators suggested that there was a single phase of burial in the caves, which were then blocked. However, burial continued: Four burials were found above the collapsed ceiling in Cave A. Yet another burial cave was excavated to the east of Beth Shean. These caves were entered through a 1.5 m wide rock-cut passage and a cut and plastered staircase was found on the eastern wall, leading to a burial chamber. The entrance into the burial room was completely preserved and made of cut basalt, not carved out of the natural rock. Three rock-cut and plastered stairs led down into the burial room, which was paved with a white mosaic floor. In each of the three sides of the burial room there was a cut arch. Each was separated from the rest of the room by a rock-cut barrier and there were patches of polychrome plaster in the cave, together suggesting an elaborately decorated funerary complex. Description of Religious Structures: The ‘House of Leonitis’ probably contained a synagogue in the form of a square room (7 x 7 m) paved with mosaics. The synagogue outside the settlement walls was located 280 m north of the walls. It underwent three distinct phases. In the first phase, the synagogue measured 17 x 14.20 m and was paved with mosaics. Its basalt walls were 0.900.95 m thick, with three entrances on the east. Two 0.60 m thick, basalt columns supported the ceiling. Attached to the north wall was a room measuring 4.90 x 2.30 m with a doorway 1.10 m wide. The external and semicircular apse was 5 m long and 3.40 m wide. Its floor was 0.50 m higher than the floor of the hall, which was paved with mosaics. In the second phase, four rooms were added to the synagogue. Room 5 was 0.31 m lower than the northern aisle and ran 3 m wide along the length of the building. It had a basalt ashlar eastern wall and its floor was paved with soft limestone slabs. There was a 0.60 m thick basalt wall attached to the northern room. Room 7 was 5.70 x 5.40 m in size, with a 1.20 m wide opening in its north wall. The room contained a stone bench along its north

Plan of the Church after 1903 ‘Les Ruines de Beit Cha’ar’ RB 12, 614 Site Name: Beth Shean (Scythopolis) Site Number: 31 Location: The Jordan Valley, map coordinates 1977.2124. Type of Study: Extensive Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Large town Description: The entire tel of Beth Shean was settled in the Byzantine phase. The terrace beginning at the northern gate and the western slope, in particular, show evidence of numerous Byzantine buildings. A street of Byzantine shops was found. The street was 6.7 m wide and paved with stone slabs, a pavement was installed between the shops and the street and limestone and marble columns carried arches for the portico. There was a massive limestone rear wall behind all of the shops. Elsewhere in the town, the earliest identified Byzantine structure was an apsidal building with a large (11.5 x 5 m) hall and a southorientated apse. Another street – this time built of heavy basalt stones – ran south from the centre of the settlement. There was a round church on the top of the tel and a town wall pierced by gates surrounded the settlement. A synagogue was found near one of the gates, a large monastery was attached to the outside of the northern wall and another monastery was identified inside the walled area. Another synagogue was excavated 200 m northeast of the extramural monastery. A Byzantine cemetery containing another church, decorated with mosaics, was excavated one km from this monastery. In southwestern Beth Shean there was an area with townhouses from the Byzantine-early Umayyad period. One was excavated. A small cemetery with a cave, a rock-cut tomb and a structure occupied the area before the structure was constructed. The cemetery was surrounded by a wall, entered from the south by an impressive gate. The location of this cemetery affected the construction of the later structure. The Byzantine structure was comprised of two parts. Entry was from the south through a small (size unreported) courtyard. The first part included a rectangular courtyard (approximately 5.5 x 15 m) with a row of columns in the middle. In its northwestern part was 138

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

Dating for Religious Structures: The round church was dated to the fifth-century AD, but no dating evidence was given in the excavation report. The extramural monastery was dated with reference to the inscription in its floor, indicating that it was in existence in AD 567. The latest coin in a hoard of gold coins under the floor of one of the rooms dates to AD 610-641, providing a Terminus Post Quem of AD 610 for that floor. No later dating evidence was discovered and the excavator believes that the monastery was destroyed or abandoned after the Arab conquest. ‘The House of Leonitis’ was dated by the excavators to the third- to fifth-century, while the intramural monastery was dated by an inscription to the sixth-century. Previous study: 1970-1972 Bahat Drukas; Fitzgerald; 1962 Zori; Avi-Yona and Maholi; Avshalom-Gorni 1995 Bibliographical references: Bahat Y. 1981 ‘A Synagogue in Beth-Shean’ in Levine L.I. (ed.) Ancient Synagogues Revealed Jerusalem, 82-85; Tzori N. 1951 ‘The House of Kyrios Leonitis in Beth Shean’ Eretz Israel 11, 229-247; Fitzgerald G.M. 1939 A Sixth Century Monastery at Beth Shean (Scythopolis) Philadelphia; Fitzgerald G.M. 1931 Beth-Shan Excavations 1921-1923 – The Arab and Byzantine Levels Philadelphia; Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 3839; Foerster G. Tsafrir Y. et al 1989/1990 ‘Beth Shean Excavation Project 1988/89’ ESI 9, 120-128 -145 ,'‫צורי נ' תשכ”ז ‘בית הכנסת העתיק בבית שאן’ ארץ ישראל ח‬ '‫; צפיריס ו' וידין נ' תשמ”ב ‘מערות קברים בבית שאן’ עתיקות ח‬164 ‫; גורני א' תש’ס ‘מערכת קבורה מהתקופה הביזנטית בבית‬15-12 , ‫*; מזור י' תשס"א 'שערי סקיטופוליס‬60-*49 ,39 ‫שאן’ עתיקות‬ ‫ הכניסות הצפוניות לעיר בתקופה הרומית ביזנטית’ ב‬,(‫)בית שאן‬ '‫; שיאון א‬222-199 ,‫ ציוויליזציה ותרבות‬,‫מאיר א' ו ברוך א' ישוב‬ ‫ואל סלאם סעיד ע' תשס"ד 'בית עמידים משלהי התקופה הביזאנטית‬ 113-107 ,126 ‫והתקופה האומאית בבית שאן' קדמוניות‬ Plan(s):

wall and a white mosaic floor. Room 8 was 3 x 2.20 m and was found 0.26 m under the floor of Room 7, separated by a 0.60 m basalt wall. Due to the partial destruction of Room 9 its size was unknown but this also had a mosaic floor. The floor in Room 4 was paved with mortar panels. An opening in the north aisle was blocked. A later mosaic floor in the apse was indicated by golden tesserae and there were also elaborate mosaics in the nave. In the third phase, there were benches along the northern wall of the hall. Rooms 10 and 12 were aligned with the rough basalt and limestone external wall of the synagogue to the north. There was an opening in the middle of the north wall of Room 10 and a 0.65 m high platform in the middle of the north wall in Room 4. The northern entrance to Room 7 was blocked and a bench was attached to the wall. There was a mosaic floor with a Greek inscription and another polychrome mosaic in Room 8. There were three Greek inscriptions and a Samaritan inscription in the synagogue. The round church (36.40 m in diameter) on the summit of the tel had an atrium and a rectangular narthex (31-32 x 7.10 m). The church consisted of two concentric circular walls, interrupted towards the east by the entrance to a semi-circular external apse (4.40 m in depth). There were pavement fragments to the north and south of the apse and a room (8 x 4.40 m) built out of the northwestern angle of the church. A later wall destroyed the northwest corner of the narthex but, assuming that it was symmetrical, its west front was 33.7 m and 7.1 m long. This was paved with stone and marble slabs. The chief function of the inner circular wall was to support a ring of, perhaps 16, columns. The ambulatory (the space between the two circular walls) was paved with mosaics, while the inner circle of the church seems to have been paved with marble slabs. The thickness of the outer circle wall was 1.20 m and that of the inner circle wall 0.70 m. Marble slabs appear to have covered the walls of the inner circle. The extramural monastery stood between the town wall and the cemetery. It measured approximately 28 x 35 m, with a main entrance 2.50 m wide leading into an irregular oblong hall (16.40 x 9.70 m) paved with mosaics. Debris included roof tile fragments. On the east side of the hall were five smaller rooms, also with mosaic floors. To the northeast laid an apsidal church, 11.80 x 6.30 m in size, with an unpaved room opening out of the south and leading to a room or yard at the southeast corner. Next to the northern end of the wall was a room with a fine mosaic floor. To the west, there was an oblong room paved with mosaics and a stonepaved area with a paved yard south of it. There seems to have been an open space between the structure and the town wall. There were two inscriptions in the mosaics on the floor of the church. Dating Evidence: Byzantine pottery and coins were found in the houses on the terrace and the western slope, but no discussion of stratigraphy was given by the excavators and it is unclear whether the entire site was stratigraphically excavated. On the basis of the associated pottery the burial caves have been assigned to two phases: The first and second centuries AD and Late Roman to Early Byzantine periods. The eastern burial cave may be more precisely dated to the fifth- to seventh-century on the basis of its grave-goods.

Plan of the Summit Church after A. Ovadiah and C.G. de Silva 1984 Supplementum to the Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 129 139

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Site Name: Beth Shearim Site Number: 32 Location: Judea, map coordinates 1624.2344. Type of Study: Multi-focus Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Large town Description: The settlement was on the top and southern slopes of the hill; it covered an area of more than a 100,000 squ. m. The great necropolis was a semi-circle northwest of the settlement. The cemetery contains extensive catacombs, family tomb caves and mausolea. There were 11 burial areas, five of which were fully excavated and four only partially excavated. The largest, Catacomb Number 1, contained 16 rock-cut funerary chambers and 380 burials of various types. A rescue excavation also found a Byzantine long-cist grave, cut into the soft limestone. In the beginning of the Byzantine phase, additional structures were constructed in the northeastern side of the hill. A public building dating from the Late Roman phase was still in use, it was 15 x 40 m in size with large well-worked stones. Description of Religious Structures: The synagogue was a rectangular (15 x 53 m) building with a courtyard. Three openings led from the street to the courtyard and from the courtyard to the basilica, two rows of columns divided it into a nave and two aisles. A unique feature of this synagogue was its unusually high bema. At a later phase, the middle entrance into the hall was blocked and the plastered walls acquired polychrome decorations, marble slabs and Greek dedicatory inscriptions. Dating Evidence: The necropolis dates from the second to the fourth centuries and was apparently contemporary with the occupation of the settlement until its destruction in the fourth-century AD. A single coin from AD 341346 in a long-cist grave provided a Terminus Post Quem of AD 341 for the grave-fill and subsequent layers. There were efforts to reconstruct some houses or rooms in the Byzantine phase. The latest coin dated from AD 565-578. The settlement was said by the excavators to have been deserted in a fire, dated to the second half of the fourth-century. But this dating was based on a hoard of 1200 coins from the second half of the fourth-century found in the burning layer of the public building, so strictly provides only a Terminus Post Quem for the destruction of that structure. Dating for Religious Structures: The synagogue dates to the third-century AD, on the basis of third-century lamps and local imitations of terra sigillata. The later synagogue dates to the first half of the fourth-century, based on Late Roman lamps and pottery and coins from the reign of Constantine I and his immediate successors. Previous study: 1871 Konder; 1936-1940 Mazar; 19531955, 1958 Abigad; 1956, 1959 Mazar; 1997 Lariah Bibliographical references: Mazar B. 1957 Beth She’arim – Report on the excavations during 1936-40 Volume 1: The Catacombs I-IV Jerusalem (‫אביגד נ' ומזר ב' תשנ"ב ‘בית שערים’ בשטרן א’ )עורך‬ ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ 245-231 , Plan(s): Unavailable

Plan after Bahat Y. 1981 ‘A Synagogue in Beth-Shean’ in Levine L.I. (ed.) Ancient Synagogues Revealed Jerusalem, 83

Plan of the Monastery after Beaumont in E.F. Fitzgerald G.M 1939, A Sixth Century Monastery at Beth Shean (Scythopolis) Philadelphia, Plate II

Site Name: Berachot, Horbat Site Number: 33 Location: Judea, map coordinates 1638.1168. Type of Study: Extensive Settlement Excavation.

Plan of the Synagogue Outside the Walls, phase Three, after '‫ ארץ ישראל ח‬,’‫נ' צורי תשכ’ז ‘בית הכנסת העתיק בבית שאן‬,155 140

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

Type of Site: Unknown Description: Survey information indicates that the site covered approximately 24,000 squ. m. Although most of the settlement was concentrated on the eastern slope, in an area no larger than 10,000 square m. The settlement was densely built, with many buildings, cisterns, agricultural installations and caves. Description of Religious Structures: The first phase of the church was a cave, plastered and paved with coarse white mosaics. At its southwestern corner a small long-cist grave measuring 0.75 x 0.55 m, it contained a secondary burial. The second phase comprised a main hall, a crypt, a narthex and an atrium surrounded by rooms. The cavechurch of the first phase became an extensive crypt, measuring approximately 4.50 x 3 m. Elaborate polychrome mosaics covered its floor. Entry was through two opposing staircases, from the two aisles of the church. The arched ceiling was approximately 3 m above the floor. The main hall was a basilica paved with mosaics, measuring 15.50 x 12.20 m. Two rows of columns divided the hall into a nave and two aisles. There were two side rooms that projected eastwards from the church, flanking the apse. The three entrances from the narthex were in the centre of the nave and the aisles; the nave measures 3 x 13.70 m and bows slightly on both sides. Its floor was paved with coarse mosaics. Three entrances led from the narthex into a square atrium measuring 13.40 x 13.40 m. Another opening connected the narthex to a large room in the south. West of the church complex was the atrium and rooms (4.30 - 5.30 m) adjoined it on the south and west. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating Evidence for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: A fourth-century pottery lamp was used to date the first phase of the structure but its context was unreported. Tsafrir and Hirschfeld suggest that the church dated to the second half of the fifth-century, on the basis of the mosaic floors and comparisons to other, dated, mosaics. Previous study: 1976, Tsafrir and Hirshfeld; 1978 Hachlili Bibliographical references: Tsafrir Y. and Hirschfeld Y. 1993 ‘The Byzantine Church at Horvat Berachot’ in Tsafrir Y. (ed.) Ancient Churches Revealed Jerusalem, 207-218; Tsafrir Y. and Hirschfeld Y. 1978 ‘A Church of the Byzantine phase at Horvat Berachot’ Qdomiot 44, 120-128; Hirschfeld Y. and Tsafrir Y. 1979 ‘A Church of the Byzantine Period at Horvat Berachot, Israel’ Dumbarton Oaks Papers 33, 338-389 Plan(s):

Site Name: Beth Bad (Ummer-Rus) Site Number: 34 Location: The Judean Hills, map coordinates 152.121. Type of Study: Non-Scientific Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The basilica measures 13 x 9.70 m. A narthex (10 x 2.60 m) with one entrance in the west wall led to the basilica through three entrances in the basilica’s west wall. Two rows of columns, with three columns each separated the hall into a nave and two aisles. The chancel was contained within the nave and the bema was raised two steps above the hall of the church. The apse was external and semicircular and was 2.30 m in depth. The plastered stone and mud walls were 0.70-0.90 m thick. Elaborate polychrome mosaics with one Greek and one Aramaic dedicatory inscription covered the floors. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: Sixth- or seventhcentury, no dating evidence was reorted. Previous study: 1899 MacAllister Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 126127 Plan(s):

Plan of the Church after 1899 ‘Encore l’église d’Uomm er Rouse’ RB 8, 453 Site Name: Bethany Site Number: 35 Location: The Judean Hills, map coordinates 174.130. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Churches Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The first basilica measured 34(?) x 17 m. It had a bema and a chancel,

Plan after Solar G. from Tsafrir Y. and Hirschfeld Y. 1993 ‘The Byzantine Church at Horvat Berachot’ in Tsafrir Y. (ed.) Ancient Churches Revealed Jerusalem, 208 141

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

contained in the nave and an apse measuring 4 m in depth, flanked by two small rooms measuring 4 x 2.70 m each. The church was paved with mosaic floors showing circular emplacements for columns. The walls were 0.90 m thick. The second basilica was almost a new structure, although in plan it was similar to the first basilica. It measured 26 x 17.50 m. It had an atrium and a portico or a narthex. Burials occupied all the available space in the portico. Large stone slabs visible at floor level covered two of the tombs. The other graves were beneath the stone pavement of the portico and cut into the mosaic pavement of the first church. Three entrances led into the church from the west wall and there was another entrance in the north wall. Two colonnades supported the four piers (two on each side). There was another tomb in the western part of the nave, cut into two layers of mosaic floors. Two small rooms, measuring 4 x 3.75 m, flanked the internal apse measuring 4 m in depth. The walls were 0.90 m thick and there were traces of plaster and red paint on the interior of the walls, in addition to the mosaics. The floor had a polychrome mosaic pavement. There was another church with an elongated plan (16 x 5 m) on the south side of the atrium, with two entrances, one on the west side and one on the north side. It had a polychrome mosaic floor. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’ Dating for Religious Structures: The first church was dated to the fourth-century on the basis of the style of its mosaic floor. The second church was said to date to the fifth-century but no dating evidence was reported. Previous study: 1949-1953 Saller Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 29-31; Saller S.J. 1957 Excavations at Bethany (1949-1953) Jerusalem Plan(s):

Site Name: Bethel Site Number: 36 Location: Judea, map coordinates 172.148. Type of Study: Non-Scientific Multi-focus Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Unknown Description: The Byzantine settlement was very large, with a northeastern gate and eastern wall. It had a small Byzantine cemetery with nine graves, of which eight were excavated. These contained skeletons, grave goods and Byzantine pottery sherds. Four large cisterns were found in the southwest corner of the mosque area, they were a part of a Roman-Byzantine building complex, which included courtyards with heavy flagstone paving. Description of Religious Structures: There was a Byzantine church and, east of it, a monastery. There were Byzantine rooms under the mosque, possibly part of the monastery due to their proximity to the church. Additional churches, dedicated to Abraham and Jacob, were found on a hill east of the settlement. No further details reported. Dating Evidence: Sixth- to seventh-century AD pottery laid underneath the paving in the courtyard of the Byzantine complex. It appeared that this layer was sealed but this was not entirely clear. Dating for Religious Structures: Unknown Previous study: 1934 Albright and Kelso; 1954, 1957, 1960 Kelso Bibliographical references: Kelso J.L. (ed.) 1968 The Excavation of Bethel 1934-1960 (AASOR 39) New Haven Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: Bethlehem Site Number: 37 Location: Judea, map coordinates 170.125. Type of Study: Multi-focus excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of religious structures: The famous Church of the Nativity was a large two-phase basilica, built by Constantine I and reconstructed by Justinian I. The Constantinian church was a basilica measuring 27.70 x 26.80 m. It had an atrium (27.70 x 26.80 m) and had three entrances in the west wall. According to Bagatti, there was a white mosaic floor between two walls parallel to the original façade. He argues that there was a narthex between the atrium and the hall. The hall had three entrances in its west wall. Four rows of nine columns divided the hall into four aisles and a nave. A flight of three steps in the middle of the east end of the nave led to an octagonal building (18.60 m in diameter) above the Cave of the Nativity. There were two rooms with entrances at the east end of the exterior aisles (6.30 x 4 m). Bagatti argued that there was a polygonal apse between the two chambers. In the centre of the floor was an opening surrounded by an ambulatorium. An opening was set in the ceiling of the octagon about the Place of the Nativity. Bagatti believed that the altar stood there and above it the ciborium and not an oculus through which it would have been impossible to see the Place of the Nativity. Three entrances led to the basilica, its walls

Plan of the church after S.J. Saller 1957 Excavations at Bethany Jerusalem, 10 142

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

Site Name: Biet Hashita Site Number: 39 Location: Beth Shean valley, map coordinates 191.217. Type of Study: Compound Excavation. Type of Site: Monastery Description: The monastery consisted of eight rooms surrounding a central square courtyard; entry was through a gate 1.20 m wide. The courtyard was paved with basalt slabs. West of the courtyard a 0.90 m wide doorway led to a room with a Byzantine wine-press. A coarse white mosaic floor with a pipe took the liquid to a circular door 1.50 m deep and 1.35 m in diameter. It had plastered walls and its floor was paved with white coarse mosaics. Northeast of the wine-press was a group of small narrow rooms with no paving. There were five such rooms in the northern edge of the building and three smaller rooms below. There were two main rooms southeast of the courtyard. Both rooms were 4.66 m long, but the entrance room was 0.60 m wider. Both were paved with mosaic pavement, with a large red Greek cross in the centre of the front room. They had solid plastered foundations. The front room was 0.40 m higher than the courtyard floor. From the front room, two stone steps lead to the church floor through a 0.85 m wide doorway. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Description’ Dating Evidence: Excavations found glass and pottery sherds dating from the fifth to sixth centuries AD. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1952 Aharoni Bibliographical references: (‫כהן ר' תשנ”ב ‘מנזרים – בית השיטה’ בשטרן א’ )עורך‬ ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ ’‫; אהרוני י' תשי"ד ‘חוות נזירים ביזנטית בקרבת בית השיטה‬955 , 215-209 ,‫ידיעות י"ח‬ Plan(s):

were one m thick and it was paved with both white and coloured mosaics. During Justinian’s reign, the basilica was reconstructed to measure 53.20 x 26.80 m, with an atrium to the west of the church. There was a narthex with three entrances in its west wall, with several rooms on the north side of the narthex. One had a large pool below its mosaic floor; and it had marble covered walls. The nave widened and the aisles narrowed proportionately. There were four rows of columns with 11 columns in each row. The area east of the nave and aisles was lengthened and widened into a projecting apsidal transept (36 m long). Three external semi-circular apses (4.50 m in depth, the walls 2 m thick) in a triconch shape were constructed in place of the octagonal building of the Constantinian church. There were two flights of steps in the centre of the nave facilitating access to the Cave of the Nativity. The mosaic floors and pavements in the courtyards were covered and repaved. About 100 m north of the Church of the Nativity another church was built on a slope, but only it’s western, southern and part of the eastern walls and part of the apse remain. The church was paved with a mosaic floor incorporating an inscription. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating Evidence for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The Church of the Nativity was, of course, one of the most famous churches in the world and its general chronology well established on historical grounds. Constantinian and Justinianic phases were not in doubt but the precise chronology of specific features was less certain. Previous study: 1934 Harvey; 1962 Saller Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 33-37 ‫יונה מ' תשנ”ב ‘בית לחם’ בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬-‫אבי‬ 191-186 ,‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: Bethlehem in Galilee Site Number: 38 Location: Lower Galilee, map coordinates 168.238. Type of Study: Partial Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: Surveys indicate scores of caves in the area, some with signs of human use, an olive-press and the foundations of a large structure. Description of Religious Structures: The church was orientated to the east. The church was 7 m long and 11.85 m wide. It had a coloured geometrical mosaic floor with fragments of a Greek inscription. There was a chancel screen with marble columns. The nave, north aisle and apse were destroyed. There were fragments of roof tiles and ash on the floor. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: ‘Fifth and sixth centuries’, on the basis of stratified ceramic finds. Previous study: Ovadiah 1965 Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. and de Silva C.G. 1984 Supplementum to the Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 209 Plan(s): Unavailable

Plan after A. Ovadiah 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, Plate 9 Site Name: Bir el-Kot Site Number: 40 Location: Judea, map coordinates 170.125. Type of Study: Compound Excavation Type of Site: Monastery Description: The monastery was square; measuring 30 x 35 m and its entrance was in the eastern wall. The opening was two m wide, paved with white mosaics and provided with two benches leaning against the north and south walls of the gatehouse (15). An opening in the north wall leads to a small room (14). North and northwest of Room 14 were areas 16 to 18, used for burials. Cave 18 was under the church. It was a natural cave modified and used 143

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

for burial. The gatehouse (15) led to a large central courtyard (13), surrounded on all sides by porticos and paved with geometric mosaics with five inscriptions. There was a partly rock-cut and partly constructed underground cistern (8 x 6.30 m area and 7 m in depth). A large central pillar supported the ceiling and the cistern had two wellheads. In the northeast corner of the courtyard room (3) linked the courtyard with the church and Room 4, it was paved with white mosaics. Room 4 was paved with polychrome geometric mosaics with a five-line inscription. Room 5 communicated with room four through an opening in the northern wall. It had two stone-built and plastered benches, which were 0.50 m high and 0.70 m deep; the floor was paved with polychrome mosaics. Rooms 6 and 7 contained a wine-press and an oil-press and were paved with white mosaics. There were mangers in Room 8 and Room 9 connected at an early phase with room 8. There was damage in Room 9 and areas 10 to 12. North of the courtyard was a cave cut into rock, which the monks used to bury their dead. There were four inscriptions in Georgian in the area of the monastery. The monastery was mostly built of fieldstones and re-used stones from the Church of the Nativity, according to Corbo. The walls were one m thick. Description of Religious Structures: The church (1) was elongated, approximately 7.50 x 19 m in size. It had a semi-circular internal apse (2.50 m in depth) and a mostly destroyed mosaic floor. On the southwestern side of the church were two opening: One led to a church (2), which was once paved with mosaics, with an entrance leading to Room 3. The other opening led to a corridor paved with mosaics leading on its eastern side to the courtyard (13) and from its southern side to Room 4. Dating Evidence: The monastery was said to date to the second half of the sixth-century AD, on the basis of an inscription and because stone was re-used from the Church of the Nativity. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1952-1953 Corbo Bibliographical references: Corbo V.C. 1955 ‘I Dintorni: Khirbat Abu Ghunneim ed I Monasteru di Nord’, in Corbo V.C. Gli Scavi di Kh. Siyar el Ghanam e I Monsteri dei Dintorni Jerusalem, 141-145 Plan(s):

Site Name: Bodeda, Horvat Site Number: 41 Location: The Negev, map coordinates 140.890. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Inhabited Quarry Description: The 30,000 squ. m site ‘Lost Settlement’ was, in fact, a quarry, supported by walls that gave the impression of structures and streets. There were only six excavated structures. Three of the six were located inside rubbish pits within the quarry. One was a four-room building with two stone niches in the walls. The second structure was a square room (2 x 2 m). The structures were of undressed stones. Description of Religious Structures: The third structure was a church. The building was a rectangular room facing east, with crosses and Greek inscriptions carved and painted onto the walls. Dating Evidence: Pottery in a dump suggests a Byzantine date. Dating for Religious Structures: ‘Byzantine’, no dating evidence provided. Previous study: 1952 Barslavi; 1965 Rothenberg; 1974 Meshel and Sass Bibliographical references: Mashal Z. and Sass B. 1974 ‘Horvat Bodeda’ IEJ 24, 284-285 Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: Capernaum (Kfar Naum) Site Number: 42 Location: Lower Galille, map coordinates 2042.2541. Type of Study: Extensive Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Town Description: Capernaum measures 40,000-50,000 squ. m. A Roman road crossed the settlement. The small black basalt buildings surrounded the white limestone synagogue and church. Excavations show the planning to be orderly and regular. From the synagogue to the church was a main street stretching from the north to the south. Several alleys stretching from east to west led to the main street and divided the town into quarters. Excavations took place in several rooms built against the southern wall of the church. The southern façade was 0.90 m wide. From east to west, Room 24 measured 6.60 x 2.30 m. Room 25 measured 6.60 x 2.75 m and Room 26 measured 6.60 x 3.35 m. There were no floors in any of the rooms. Room 27 was irregular in shape; it measured 6.90 x 1.70 m and 1.25 m to the north and had a plaster floor. Complex II was found between the synagogue and the church on the main street. It was divided into four areas. The southeastern area was entered through Room 50 from Street 41. Five of the rooms opened to Courtyard 51, while two other rooms opened into Courtyard 46. The southeastern area was entered from the south through Street 41. Two rooms were excavated. The northeastern area was entered through Street 61. The rooms surrounded and gave access to Courtyard 60 and 62. The northwestern area was entered from Street 71. The area was composed of a courtyard sorrounded by rooms. Two of the rooms were excavated, but the rooms to the west were not excavated. The complex was constructed of basalt blocks and the floors were paved with basalt slabs.

Plan after Corbo V.C. 1955 ‘I Dintorni: Khirbat Abu Ghunneim ed I Monasteru di Nord’, in Corbo V.C. Gli Scavi di Kh. Siyar el Ghanam e I Monsteri dei Dintorni Jerusalem, 140 144

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

front of the building had five openings, three leading to the hall and two to the courtyard. The courtyard had three additional openings in its north side. The hall was a basilica; it had a nave and three aisles. Along the eastern and western walls were double benches. The courtyard was an irregular trapezoid divided by columns. Further measurements and building materials were unreported. Dating Evidence: Detailed stratigraphical analysis (based on the finds including coins and pottery) indicates construction in the Roman phase and occupation in the Byzantine period. The latest Byzantine phase was said to date to the first half of the seventh-century and consists of an organized settlement plan, with two m wide straight roads flanked by large well-constructed plastered buildings. The next phase was dated by pottery and coins to the Early Islamic period (mid-seventh to mid-eighth centuries AD). The settlement maintained the same plan, although there were new structures and modifications. The earthquake of AD 748 ended the second phase. Dating for Religious Structures: The ‘House of St. Peter’ was in use from the first-century and Herodian lamps were found under the foundations of the house. There was Roman phase pottery on the floors dating from the first- to the fourth-century. There were no precise grounds on which to base the dating of the octagonal church. At the end of the fourthcentury and the beginning of the fifth-century, the ‘House of St. Peter’ still existed. The construction of the octagonal church should have taken place between the beginning of the century and the year AD 570, according to Corbo, when the Pilgrim of Piacenza mentioned the church. Coin and pottery sealed under the mosaic floors of the church implied that it was founded in or after the fifth-century. The apse and baptismal font were added later. Corbo argued that only a short time had passed between the construction of the church and this addition, yet there was no evidence to indicate the precise date. The date for the abandonment of the church was also unknown. Corbo dated the synagogue to no earlier than the second half of the fourth-century and believed it was completed in the fifth-century, based on a detailed stratigraphical study. He states that the synagogue continued to exist until the end of the Byzantine phase. Previous study: 1838 Robinson; 1856 Wilson and Anderson; 1881 Kitsner; 1905 Kohl and Watzinger; 1921 Orfali; 1968 Corbo and Loffreda; 1978 Tsifiris Bibliographical references: Corbo V.C. 1969 The House of St. Peter at Capernaum Jerusalem; Corbo V.C. 1969 ‘Capernaum’ RB 76, 557-563; V.C. Corbo 1975 Cafarnao – Gli Edifici della Citta Jerusalem Plan(s):

Complex III was only partially excavated and was located to the east and across the street from the church. It also appeared to have been divided into two areas. The walls and floors were also constructed from basalt stones. Complex IV was also partly excavated. It was located east and across the srtreet from the synagogue. The complex included rooms and courtyards and like the other structures was constructed of basalt stones. The eastern area covered an area of 20,000 squ. m. A well-defined stratigraphical sequence was established in Area A, at the summit of the site. Description of Religious Structures: ‘St. Peter’s House’ was to the south of the synagogue. It was an ordinary house distinguished only by one room with graffiti scratched into the walls mentioning Jesus as Lord and Christ. There were some 124 fragments of Greek graffiti, 18 Syriac graffiti and 15 Hebrew graffiti. Renovations made to the hall included the addition of limestone paving, coloured plaster and pilasters carrying arches to support a new roof. In the fourthcentury, renovations were made to the site, the house was isolated and protected by an outer wall. An atrium (9.73 x 2.50 m) with limestone paving adjoined the eastern side of the house, with an additional room to the north. An octagonal church replaced the complex in the fifthcentury AD. The church was concentric in plan, spread out from a central octagon, 7.90 m in diameter, to a larger octagon, 16.53 m in diameter. At the centre of the church, small arches rested on limestone pillars and the resulting structure roofed with clay tiles. The basalt and mortar foundations supported white limestone walls. On five sides (north, northwest, west, southwest and south) were 2.50 m wide porticos. The porticos terminated on both sides with two annexes in the east. A narrow corridor, also giving access to the greater octagon, connected the annexes. An apse and a baptismal font were a later addition to the church, in the east, blocking the corridor that connected the two annexes. The apse was external and semi-circular and projected 1.20 m from the outer octagon. The apse contained a mortar baptismal font, 0.75 x 0.65 m in size. Two steps led to the bottom of the plastered font. The room used for worship in ‘St. Peter’s House’ was directly underneath the inner octagon, presumably, it measured 22.50 m on its largest axis. Entry to the church and the two rooms in the east was through the portico. The pilasters in the portico were angular, apart from the two pilasters in the east ajoined to the two rooms. From the portico, entry to the large octagon was through three limestone openings, one on the west side, one on the north west side and the third on the south west side. Very little survived of the walls of the church and so their construction was unclear but the entire church was paved with mosaics, raised 1.5 m above the floors of ‘St. Peter’s House’. Tiles point to the existence of a tiled roof on wooden beams. The synagogue stood in an elevated position, between Complex 2 and Complex 5. It was constructed of two units, the hall, measuring 18.65 x 20.40 m and a courtyard in the east. There was a small adjacent room in its northwest corner, which opened into the hall. The 145

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Site Name: Caesarea Site Number: 43 Location: The Sharon, map coordinates 1400.2115. Type of Study: Multi-focus Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Unknown Description: Byzantine Caesarea had a surrounding wall 2.5 km in length and several areas were excavated. One of these was a square tower, forming an integral part of the wall, 7.5 m wide and projecting 2.5 m from the wall face. An opening in the inner face of the wall led to the tower’s plastered interior. Another wall abutted the wall from the inside; it had an opening leading to the tower. The secondary ashlar wall was 1.6 m wide. There was a circular brick installation of poor quality between the tower and the curtain wall. An opening 0.30 m wide allowed access inside. Two m in front of the tower was a pavement of stones. Just south of the tower inside the wall, there was a sarcophagus inside a stone-lined pit containing Byzantine amphorae. A rescue excavation in the south of the settlement found a 22 m-long segment of the settlement wall with two openings. The western face of the ashlar-built wall was on a fieldstone foundation. The bedding of the eastern face rested on cobblestone and sand, with large ashlar blocks similar to those of the western face. A core of fieldstones, gravel, pottery shreds and mortar bonded the two faces of the wall, which were a little over 2 m wide. Two semi-circular city walls were still recognizable in aerial photographs beyond the rectilinear and shorter line of the Arab-Crusader wall. The road system emerging from the city suggests the existence of four gates. The sea eroded the north Byzantine gate; the southern was a triple monumental gate. Cardo W1, exposed in the southwestern zone for 400 m was not colonnaded. The eastern Crusader wall marked the line of the cardo maximus. Several preserved columns suggest it was a colonnaded street. The western end of the decumanus maximus was excavated in the northeastern corner of the temple platform. So far there were no indications that it was a colonnaded street. East of the Crusader settlement, Yevin excavated a length of a Byzantine street. In the southern part of the excavation there was a large courtyard, paved with reused marble slabs. In the north of the courtyard there was a triangular opening with two marble columns and there were two pre-Byzantine statues east of this. North of the triangular opening was a room measuring 5.10 x 10 m, paved with crude white mosaics. It led to a flight of 10 stairs going up to a higher street. The street north of the stairs was paved with crude white mosaics. There were structures along the large courtyard and the street. In every test excavation at the site there were Byzantine streets, houses, or industrial installations, suggesting intensive occupation. Small-scale excavations also indicated that the aqueduct and the dam in the Taninim River dated to the fifth-century. Efforts to improve and renovate Caesarea took place in the sixth-century; the streets were repaved and provided with new columns. Two structures were noteworthy: a small bathing house and a courtyard structure called ‘the archive’, noted for its inscription indicating an official use. Building W2S4 had three levels. A garden and a portico comprised the lowest level, the middle level included most of the building: A courtyard surrounded by

Plan after Corbo V.C. 1975 Cafarnao – Gli Edifici della Citta Jerusalem, 223

Synagogue, Photo by A. Harris

Basalt structures 146

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

platform. They were 21 m long, 5 to 5.2 m wide and 6 m high and open to the west. The side walls were 1.4 m thick and, at each end of these, arched openings 2.5 m wide provided passage between the vaults. There was also a window in the upper part of the rear wall. Description of Religious Structures: East of the settlement walls, at the top of a hill, Yevin excavated a Byzantine structure, possibly a church, near the cemetery. The hall measured 11.50 x 13.50 m and faced east. The floor was paved with polychrome elaborate mosaics. There was an external semi-circular apse 2.90 m deep and a narthex, although its measurements went unreported. There was a small cruciform church in the northern area. Barrel vaults covered the transepts of the church and there was a dome over the crossing. Frescos depicting crosses adorned with precious stones and Greek letters, presumably the Alpha and Omega, covered the vaults. The structure was connected to another on the east and cisterns and passageways surrounded it. There was also a synagogue, measuring 9 x 18 m and facing south, although entry was through a short eastern wall near the settlement. From the south, several small structures were connected to the synagogue, beside which ran a paved street. The synagogue had mosaics with Hebrew inscriptions and lamps with menorah symbols were found. The synagogue was rebuilt, facing south again, with a long and narrow atrium (2.60 x 11 m), paved in white with polychrome designs and a Hebrew inscription. The atrium led to another hall with columns and additional Hebrew inscriptions. In the centre of the hall, was a circle 0.25 m in diameter, paved with stone slabs and surrounded by mosaics. Fire had destroyed the synagogue. Dating Evidence: Coin evidence, pottery and stratified deposits provided a chronology for the town. Peleg and Reich dated the wall's original construction to after the mid-fourth-century on the basis of an AD 324-361 coin sealed below a floor contemporary with the construction of the gate. Pottery associated with the construction of the wall suggests a date in the fifth-century or later. Coin evidence indicated that the gate received a ‘balcony’ in the late seventh-century. An inscription near the eastern gate dates the construction of a tower to between the end of the fourth-century and AD 536. Excavators claim that the Mithraeum Horrea was originaly constructed in the second- or third-century. The rear part of Vault 1 was turned into a mithraeum in the end of the first-century or beginning of the secondcentury. It later reverted to use as a warehouse until the seventh-century. The Inner Harbour Horrea was constructed in the third-century. Dating for Religious Structures: The excavators dated the church to the sixth to seventh centuries and the first synagogue from the third to fourth centuries. The excavators used a (sealed?) hoard of coins dating to AD 355 near the building to determine the latter date. The synagogue was rebuilt in the middle of the fifth-century, as indicated by the inscription in the hall. It was said to have been abandoned in the eighth-century. Previous study: 1873 Konder and Kitzner; 1945 Ori; 1951 Yevin; 1959, 1964 Froba; 1960-1962 Negev; 1956, 1962 Avi-Yonah, Negev; 1975, 1976, 1979 Levine and Netzer; 1971 Bull; 1994-1999 Porat Y.

columns on three sides, a triconch hall and another courtyard surrounded by rooms or shops facing the east. Marble and polychrome stone paved the floors in the hall and courtyard. Marble veneer lined limestone stone walls; there were glass wall mosaic and bronze ornaments. The courtyard was paved with marble and the floors of the room partly with marble and opus sectile and partly with polychrome mosaics. Robbing badly damaged the upper level. There was a water basin and pipe south of the complex. To the north was a long corridor, paved with polychrome mosaics that separate the building from the rooms north of it. Two aqueducts carried water to the city. The high level aqueduct reached the city as a double arcade supporting two channels. The later of these was dated by an inscription to the reign of Hadrian, but the earlier channel’s date was disputed. The lower level aqueduct consists of a masonry tunnel, 1.20 m wide and two m high and got its water from an artificial lake constructed in the fourthcentury AD. A Byzantine terracotta pipeline reached the city from the north. A network of lead and terracotta pipes ran under the streets. In the later part of the Byzantine period the water system deteriorated and wells replaced the pipelines in some parts of the city. A bath complex was located one km north of the city’s wall and 300 m east of the high aqueduct. The excavated remains cover an area of approximately 525 squ. m. It contained (according to the excavators), a praefurnium, apodyterium, caldarium with two solia and a tepidarium and frigidarium. There was also a latrine and a large pool (53 squ. m). Rows of ceramic pots were fixed into the side of the pool and freshwater fishbones were found in the silts within it. West of the praefurnium and north of the latrine there was a service court. Surrounding the frigidarium were four rooms with opus sectile floors. A courtyard was located south of the frigidarium. The frigidarium contained a circular pool and a bench. There was also a small pool to the southeast. The bath’s water came from the high aqueduct, almost half a km to the west and this water was collected in a cistern built one m above floor level. Ceramic pipes under the floors brought water to the various structures of the complex. The harbour was constructed of cement incorporating pozzolana. The outer mole and breakwater on the south and west penetrated 400 m into the sea. The inner basin was rock-cut on its inland side, incorporating the closed harbour. The Inner Harbour encompassed an area measuring 250 x 150 m. The entrance into the harbour was from the north, at the west end of the south mole and was flanked by three colossal statues on either side. The Intermediate and Outer Harbours underwent largescale reconstruction in the fifth- to sixth-century. By that time, the inner harbour was already silted, providing a new area for the construction of buildings. Many warehouses were found in Caesarea, but only the Mithraeum Horrea and the Inner Harbor Horrea were dated to the Byzantine period. The Mithraeum Horrea consisted of a series of small parallel flat-roofed vaults, 30 m long, 5 m wide and 5 m high, all opening to the west. Arched openings provided access between adjacent vaults. The Inner Harbor Horrea consisted of two series of six parallel vaults flanking a broad staircase. The vaults were erected over the open square below the Herodian temple 147

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 44-45; Lehmann C.L. 1995 ‘The Combined Caesarea expeditions: The Excavation of Caesarea's settlement Wall, 1989’ AASOR 52, 121-131; Patrich J. 2001 ‘Urban Space in Caesarea Maritima’ in Burns T.S. and Eadie J.W. (eds.) Urban Centers and Rural Contexts in Late Antiquity East Lansing Michigan, 77-110; Patrich J. 1996 ’Warehouses and Granaries in Caesarea Maritima’ in Netzer E. (ed.) Caesarea Maritima – A Retrospective after Two Millennia Leiden-New York-Koln, 148-175; Horton F.L.1996 ‘A Sixth-Century Bath in Caesarea’s Suburbs and the Transformation of Bathing Culture in Late Antiquity’ in Netzer E. (ed.) Caesarea Maritima – A Retrospective after Two Millennia Leiden-New York-Cologne, 177-189 ‫יונה מ' תשנ"ב ‘קיסריה’ בשטרן א' האינציקלופדיה‬-‫נגב א' ואבי‬ 1369-1391 ,‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

Site Name: Chorazim Site Number: 44 Location: Lower Galilee, map coordinates 2031.2575. Type of Study: Extensive Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Town Description: The site covered 70,000 squ. m. The streets divided the site into several quarters. The synagogue was located in the middle of the village and paths led to it. Near the synagogue were six large buildings forming the central district of the settlement. In the centre of the settlement, next to the synagogue, stood at least five large interconnected buildings. Three of them were excavated, A, B and C. A street divided the synagogue from Building C; a second street separated Building B from the synagogue, a cul de sac separates Buildings A and B. Most of the ashlar walls were 0.70 m thick. At a later phase, the walls of the buildings were between 0.30 and 0.40 m thick. The main opening of Building B was in the south wall and led to a paved room. The main opening of building A was in the west wall and led to an elongated room. Excavators were unable to locate the main entrance of Building C. The main entrances were about 2 m wide and were divided by a column; additional external openings were about one m wide. Building A had three such openings, in the north, east and south walls. Building B had four openings, three in the north wall and one in the eastern wall. Building C had one opening, in the wall that faced the synagogue. Building A had rooms that surrounded a central courtyard, divided in two. Area 15 was a paved area; with columns along the entire south wall. Areas 19 and 50 were divided with a low wall, on which stood four columns. There were two underground spaces in the building. A square opening near the main entrance led to a plastered underground room, measuring 1.2 x 2 x 1.5 m. There was a second cistern under the east wall of the building, it measured 1.5 x 1.5 x 3 m and had an arched roof. There was no central courtyard in building C, the rooms connected through wall openings. The wall between Area 59 and Area 69 was low and had a top row of columns. Area 52 opposite the synagogue was an elongated space with two openings, one led to the synagogue and the other to an area north of the synagogue. There was a row of stone slabs on the eastern side, under these slabs was a channel, part natural and part man-made. Inside was a hoard of more than 400 bronze coins. There were three underground spaces under the building. North of the building was a square opening to a cistern in the white paving. The plastered cistern was oval and had a pillar in the middle that carried the ceiling. The cistern measured 3 x 4 m and was 3.5 m deep. There was another plastered cistern to the south, with seven steps reaching the bottom. Yeivin believes that this hole was a miqve. South of the possible miqve there was a third, unplastered, hole. Three of its walls were stone covered and there was a square opening to the south. Description of Religious Structures: The original synagogue was a basilica. South of the synagogue was an open courtyard. From the courtyard, steps led up to a raised surface and then to the building’s three entrances. The openings led into the hall that contained 12 columns in two vertical rows and one horizontal

Byzantine Praetorium – phase 3 after Patrich J. 2001 ‘Urban Space in Caesarea Maritima’ in Burns T.S. and Eadie J.W. (eds.) Urban Centers and Rural Contexts in Late Antiquity East Lansing, 91

Byzantine Caesarea in the sixth-century by Iamim A, after Patrich J. 2001 ‘Urban Space in Caesarea Maritima’ in Burns T.S. and Eadie J.W. (eds.) Urban Centers and Rural Contexts in Late Antiquity East Lansing, 87 148

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

row. There were stepped benches along three of the walls. The building was altered after a partial destruction. The plan of the columns was changed, part of the front steps was no longer in use and instead two openings were created: A narrow one leading to the western part of the façade, a rebuilt western wall and a wider opening leading to the steps through a new eastern stairway. Ceramic tiles found around the synagogue indicate that it had a tiled roof. A plaster floor later covered the basalt paving. Dating Evidence: The excavators said that during the end of the third-century and the beginning of the fourthcentury the settlement was spread all over the hill and was bordered by the Chorazim River. The town suffered partial destruction and was then rebuilt in the middle of the fourth-century and continued to exist until the eighthcentury. The excavation report indicates coin and pottery finds, but contains no discussion of stratigraphy nor sealed finds, so it was not possible to evaluate this chronology from published evidence. Dating for Religious Structures: Excavation of the layers below the synagogue yielded Late Roman coins and pottery. Excavators concluded that the construction of the synagogue had ended towards the end of the fourthcentury and the courtyard construction had only ended in the fifth-century. There were two coin hoards in and around, the synagogue. One hoard under a channel covered with stone slabs, contained over 400 coins. The second hoard, cut into the southern wall next to the synagogue, contained about 150 coins. The latest coins were from the beginning of seventh-century, although interestingly most were from the end of the fourthcentury. Previous study: 1869 Wilson; 1907-1905 Kohel and Watzinger; 1926 Macholi and O’ri; 1962-1964 Yeivin, 1980-1984 Yeivin, Tanay and Soler Bibliographical references: ‫’ ארץ ישראל‬1964-1962 ‫ייבין ז' תשל"ג ‘החפירות בכורזין בשנים‬ 157-144 ,‫י"א‬ Plan(s):

Chorazim Synagogue Site Name: Dabiyye Site Number: 45 Location: The Golan, map coordinates 2184.2684. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Synagogue Description: Excavations found a small complex of rooms. Between the rooms an area of paved floor was laid on a foundation layer of basalt pebbles. East of the rooms was a soil floor. The walls were of squared, roughly dressed, stones. The floors were used as foundations for the later synagogue. Description of Religious Structures: The synagogue was rectangular; it measured 15.05 x 13.35 m. The walls were approximately one m thick and built of basalt ashlar. Two rows of columns divided the hall into a nave and two aisles. The structure was paved with ashlar flagstones and the lack of paving approximately one m from the walls may indicate the former existence of benches along three walls (not the façade). The main entrance into the synagogue was in its south wall; it was slightly off-centre to the east and was 1.43 m wide. An additional opening was in the northern end of the west wall; it was 0.80 m wide and led to an adjacent room, destroyed by modern usage. Dating Evidence: An unidentified coin, which may be from the second half of the fourth-century, was found underneath the synagogue. Pottery sherds found on the floors of the rooms predating the synagogue date to the third and fourth centuries AD. Dating for Religious Structures: Nearly 700 coins in the construction fill, ranged from the third- to the fifthcentury (among them a gold coin dated to c. AD 400). The coin evidence and sealed pottery were said to date the construction of the synagogue to the fifth-century or the beginning of the sixth-century AD. The excavation reports do not indicate the length of occupation. Previous study: 1964-1981 Gutman, Urman, Maoz; 1982 Maoz Bibliographical references: Ma’oz Z.U. 1991 ‘Excavations in the Ancient Synagogue at Dabiyye’ ‘Atiqot 20, 49-65; Killbrew A. 1991 ‘Pottery from Dabiyye’ Atiqot 20, 66-73; Ariel D.T. 1991 ‘Coins from the Synagogue at Dabiyye’ Atiqot 20, 74-80 ‫מעוז צ' תשנ”ב ‘דביה’ בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ 384-383 ,‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

Plan of Synagogue and Structures after ‫’ ארץ ישראל י"א‬1964-1962 ‫ז' ייבין תשל"ג ‘החפירות בכורזין בשנים‬ ,147 149

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Site Name: Dibon Site Number: 47 Location: Dead Sea area, map coordinates unavailable. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Church and Structures. Description: The area to the north of the church contained additional buildings that according to the excavators were Byzantine. They were partially excavated. A room measuring 6.3 x 5.2 m was built of roughly dressed ashlar about 0.90 m thick. A hypocaust was found below the floor. The furnace, which was a small barrel vault, lay under the north wall of the room. In each corner of the room was a round recess. A hall was later added on the south side of the room. It measured approximately 12.90 to 6.30 m. The walls vary in thickness from 0.60 to 10.1 m. The masonry varies widely and appeared to have been re-used. The hall was divided into six bays by pilasters. Plaster patches were found on the walls. The hall had two doors, one 1.50 m wide near the northeast corner and another 0.85 m wide in the northwest corner. Byzantine sherds were found underneath its floor. Description of Religious Structures: Pillars divided the north church into a nave and two aisles. The nave was 8.20 m wide. The south aisle was 3.75 m wide and so probably was the north aisle, although the north wall was not exposed. The nave was paved with flagstones. There was a low step in front of the chancel screen at the east end of the nave. Two further steps led up into the apse. Flagstones were found in the south aisle. The pavement of the apse stopped short of the curve of the apse, pointing to a possible bench. A structure that the excavators termed the diaconicon of the north church abutted the church from the north. This formed, according to the excavators, an additional outer aisle. Inside it was a small apsidal projection forming a font. A platform extended across the facade of the church, in front of the south door it was 2.15 m wide but it narrowed to 2.10 m to the north. A porch or a narthex was later added. A row of flat stone slabs laid parallel to the facade of the church, 2.4 m distant from it. Square pedestals were found on top of the slabs. The atrium extended beyond the excavated area. A church or baptistery was only partially excavated on the east side of the town, inside the city walls. The wall of the apse was 1.30 m thick. A trefoil depression was found immediately below the surface. This measured 1.14 x 0.84 m and was lined with mortar; it was built inside an apparent apse jutting out of the north wall of the church. The Gateway Church had a circular plastered font, 0.65 m in diameter and was enclosed by stones. On the eastern side the font opened into a rectangular bay. A low (0.20 m) wall built of squared blocks surrounded the font on three sides. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: According to the excavators, stratified pottery and coins indicated that the North Church dated to no earlier than the second quarter of the sixth-century and probably the third quarter of that century. No dating evidence was reported for the Gateway Church.

Plan of the Synagogue after Z.U. Ma’oz 1991 ‘Excavations in the Ancient Synagogue at Dabiyye’ ‘Atiqot 20, 52 Site Name: Dapit, Horbat Site Number: 46 Location: The Arava, map coordinates 1500.9001. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Lone Structure Description: The site had three building phases; the early stone structure measured 23.70 x 18.20 m and consisted of 13 rooms surrounding a central courtyard measuring 10.50 x 8 m. The entrance was in the eastern wall, 2.30 m wide; the gate itself was a room (5 x 3.50 m) with arches that supported a stone roof. On both sides of the gate (south and north) were elongated rooms (5 x 1.70 m), with two more elongated rooms in the eastern part of the building. The nine rooms were identical in size (5 x 3.50 m). The external walls were 0.90 m thick and the internal 0.50 m. In the second phase, the structure underwent no radical change but the walls were brick built. In the third phase, the southeastern corner room became 6 x 5 m and its walls were reinforced, the entrance was from the east and was 1.20 m wide. The rest of the structure became a courtyard, with three hearths in the northwest corner. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Description’ Dating Evidence: The structure was dated to the firstcentury on the basis of its pottery. It was said to have been in continuous use until the fourth-century. Finds include pottery characteristic of the second- to fourthcentury. Cohen dated the second phase of construction to the third-century. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1965 Rothenberg; 1983-1984 Cohen Bibliographical references: Cohen R.1984 ‘Horvat Dapit’ ESI 3, 16-17 ‫; כהן ר' תשנ"ב ’אתרים מן‬67-66 ,‫ דפית’ חא פ’ד‬.‫כהן ר' תשמ’ד ‘ח‬ (‫התקופה הנבטית והרומאית בהר הנגב’ בשטרן א' )עורך‬ ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ 1053 , Plan(s): Unavailable 150

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

measuring 7.4 long x 3.15 m wide and 3 m deep. In a later phase, there was an arch above the cistern. Rough mosaic covered the floor of the atrium, which was then plastered. Water flowed into the cistern through three plastered channels. West of the atrium, there were two structures measuring 3 x 6 m, one of which had a staircase. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: Fourth-century coins in the sand under the church provide a Terminus Post Quem for its initial construction. A fifth-century coin found in the area north of the southern wall of the northern outer aisle indicated to the excavators that the church was rebuilt in the end of the fourth- or the beginning of the fifth-century. Previous study: 1923, 1924 Garstang; 1950, 1952 Leibowitz; 1980-1989 Stern; 1979-1983 Dauphin Bibliographical references: Dauphin C. 1993 ‘Dora-Dor: A station for Pilgrims in the Byzantine phase on their Way to Jerusalem’ in Tsafrir Y. (ed.) Ancient Churches Revealed Jerusalem, 97-90 ‫נמל‬-‫ עשר שנות חפירה בעיר‬:‫שטרן א' תשנ’ב דור המושלת בימים‬ ‫פיניקית לחוץ הכרמל ירושלים‬-‫ישראלית‬ Plan(s):

Previous study: 1950-51 Winnet; 1952 Reed; 1952-53 Tushingham; 1955-56 Norton Bibliographical references: Winnet F.V. and Reed W.L. 1964 The Excavations at Dibon (Dhiban) in Moab (AASOR 36-37) New Haven; Idem 1972 The Excavations at Dibon (Dhiban) in Moab 1952-1953 (AASOR 40) New Haven Plan(s):

Plan of the North Church at Dibon after Winnet F.V. and Reed W.L. 1972 The Excavations at Dibon (Dhiban) in Moab 1952-1953 (AASOR 40) New Haven Site Name: Dor Site Number: 48 Location: The Sharon, map coordinates 142.224. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The church complex stretched over an area of 1,000 squ. m. At its centre stood a large basilica (25 x 14.50 m) with two aisles, a nave and a semi-circular apse in the eastern end of the nave, whose outer radius was 4 m. The ashlar walls of the church were 0.60 m wide and were plastered on the inside. Small patches of mosaic were found in the nave and the two aisles. There were two additional aisles to the north and the south, 4 m wide in the west and widening to 4.5 m in the east, running along the entire length of the building. Four rooms divided the northernmost aisle. The western room (6 x 3.3 m) was paved with white mosaics, with a staircase base in its southeastern corner. The next room was 8.7 m long, paved with stone slabs, which led to an antechamber 5.2 m long, which was originally paved with plastered slabs. This gave access to a shallow plastered basin or pool 4.4 m long, 2.1 m wide and 0.97 m deep. Stairs led down to the pool on the eastern and western edges and the next two rooms were paved with mosaics. The first measured 6 x 4.5 m, the second measured 6 x 4.5 m. East of the second room a stone step gave access to an elevated area, where marble screens were found. This area and the southernmost aisle were destroyed, but patches of mosaics were found. A tomb covered with marble slabs and a hole in its middle was located here. There was a grey marble column inscribed in Greek: ‘A stone of the Holy Golgotha’. To the west of the church, there was a stone paved atrium (18.5 x 13.25 m) with a large cistern underneath,

Plan after Dauphin C. 1993 ‘Dora-Dor: A station for Pilgrims in the Byzantine phase on their Way to Jerusalem’ in Tsafrir Y. (ed.) Ancient Churches Revealed Jerusalem, 92 Site Name: E’ira, Tel Site Number: 49 Location: The Negev, map coordinates 1487.0713. Type of Study: Multi-focus Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Unknown Description: In the Byzantine period a large and dense walled settlement existed in Tel E’ira. In the Byzantine phase the width of the wall was 1.70 m. There were houses abutting the walls. It had a large paved courtyard in the centre, with a cistern and three wings. There was a large Byzantine structure in the eastern border of the site with two halls and a room; it measured 11 x 16.50 m. Description of Religious Structures: In the eastern part of the site was a large monastery containing a church. The monastery spreads over an area of 800 squ. m. The church was in the middle of the monastery. It had an internal apse in the eastern wall. It was paved with an elaborate mosaic pavement including an eight-line inscription and two crosses. 151

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

screen in the middle of the nave also belonged to this phase. Dating Evidence: Not applicable. Dating for Religious Structures: 13 Greek and one Syrian inscription gave dates for the three phases: The first phase dated to c. AD 415, the second phase to AD 442/3 and the third phase to c. AD 490. Previous study: 1951 Avi-Yonah, Kahana and Landou Bibliographical references: Tzaferis V. 1987 ‘The Greek Inscriptions from the Early Christian Church at ‘Evron’ Eretz Israel 19, 36-45 '‫ בשטרן א‬,’‫יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב ‘כנסיות קדומות – עברון‬-‫אבי‬ ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ ‫יונה מ' תשט"ז ‘עברון’ עלון מחלקת העתיקות של מדינת‬-‫; אבי‬802, 35-34 ,‫ו‬-‫ישראל ה‬ Plan(s):

Dating Evidence: The base of a bowl was decorated with a cross, probably dating to c. AD 500 was found in one of the houses and other pottery of this date was recorded. On the basis of finds in the destruction layer, occupation was said to have ended in the end of the sixth- or the beginning of the seventh-century AD. Dating for Religious Structures: Unavailable Previous study: 1956 Aharoni; 1979 Chochavi, Birn, Cohen; 1979 Kochavi; 1980 Beit-Arye; 1981 Beit-Arye and Finkelstein; 1982-1987 Beit-Arye Bibliographical references: ‫ תל’ בשטרן א' האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬,‫אריה י' תשנ”ב ‘עירא‬-‫בית‬ '‫; בירן א‬1216-1221 ,‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ 42 ‫תשמ"ז ‘תל עירא וערוער בשלהי ימיה של ממלכת יהודה’ קתדרה‬ 33-26 , Plan(s):

Plan of Area M after ’‫בירן א' תשמ"ז ‘תל עירא וערוער בשלהי ימיה של ממלכת יהודה‬ 42 ‫קתדרה‬,29

Plan after V. Tzaferis 1987 ‘The Greek Inscriptions after the Early Christian Church at ‘Evron’ Eretz Israel 19, 36

Site Name: E’vron Site Number: 50 Location: The Sharon, map coordinates 159.266. Type of Study: Outdated Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: Not applicable Description of Religious Structures: The first church comprised an open court and an atrium surrounded by three porticoes with three columns in each portico. A basilica measuring 10.60 by 14.50 m was divided into a nave and two aisles by two rows of five columns each. Beyond a third row of columns south of the southern aisle, was an additional hall. The basilica had a semicircular external apse and two more rooms attached to the north. The entire church had polychrome mosaic floors, some of them incorporating green glass cubes. The second phase of the church had new mosaics in the hall and both rooms north of the apse. There was a baptismal font with two steps in one of the rooms. Inscriptions indicate a repair in the roof of the church, although - unsurprisingly perhaps – no archaeological evidence exists to support this. Both rooms north of the apse had later mosaic floors. In it’s third phase, the church underwent extensive modifications. The eastern portico of the atrium was blocked and converted into a narthex, which extended south into the southern portico. The traces of a chancel

Site Name: ed-Deir, Khirbat (Negev) Site Number: 51 Location: The Negev, map coordinates 1739.1038. Type of Study: Compound Excavation Type of Site: Monastery Description: The monastery was a rectilinear building measuring 10.45 x 12.50 m. The external walls were 0.90 m thick, the internal walls 0.80 m of thick grey limestone with a mortar core. The structure had two symmetrical areas, connected by a long, narrow corridor. The corridor was paved with white ceramic tiles and each area was divided into two rooms, the south rooms measuring 3.40 x 3.70 m, the north 3.70 x 4.45 m. Four openings connect the four rooms to the corridor. Two openings lead between the south and north rooms in each area. The entrance’s monumental doorframe (0.95 m wide) was made of stone, with a cross-roundel in the centre of the lintel. Tessarae found in the structure indicated that the building was partly paved with mosaic floors. From the building, a path led down to a church. Description of Religious Structures: The church measured 3.15 x 6.65 m; its walls were 0.90 m thick. The nave had an internal apse with a window and baptismal font. The entrance to the church was in the north wall and the south wall had an entrance leading through a tunnel to a cave measuring 2.15 x 3 m. The 152

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

church was rectilinear (11 x 10 m) and in its eastern part was a bema, measuring 5 x 7 m. There were two niches in the eastern wall attached to the bema. The hall was paved with mosaics and included a three-line Greek inscription. Three rooms were found in the western part of the hall. The central room measured 6.50 x 4.50 m and provided passage to the other two flanking rooms. The baptismal chamber was located to the east of the cave-church; it measured 7.50 x 3 m. A small font was found in the corner, connected to the opening of a large cistern, also opening inside the church. A small chamber, measuring 3 x 1.90 m, was found beyond the western wall of the church. This was paved with mosaics including a nine-line Greek inscription. The excavators believed this to be a burial chamber. Dating Evidence: Hirschfeld ascribed the construction phase to the late fifth- or early sixth-century AD. Occupation appears to have come to an end in the midseventh-century. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence'. Previous study: 1920 Marcoff and Chiti; 1983-1982 Hirschfeld and Birger Bibliographical references: Hirshfeld Y. 1999 The Early Byzantine Monastery at Khirbat Ed-Dier in the Judean Desert: The Excavations in 1981-1987 (Qedem 3) ‫; הירשפלד י' ו‬86-84 ,‫ע’ט‬-‫הירשפלד י' תשמ"ב ללא כותרת חא ע’ח‬ '‫; הירשפלד י‬34-31 ,‫בירגר ר' תשמ"ד ללא כותרת טבע וארץ כ”ו‬ ‫' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬-‫ ח'רבת א‬,‫תשנ”ב 'דיר‬ 420-423 ,‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

eastern side of the cave was apsed. The cave contained a well cut into the rock – the source of the water in the font. The doorway was decorated with a cross and a Greek inscription. Dating Evidence: The excavators suggest that the monastery dated to the late fifth- or early sixth-century AD and stood until the mid-seventh-century. Although it was said that Byzantine and early Islamic pottery sherds were found at the site, no indication was given of any stratification. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1946 Steve Bibliographical references: Hirschfeld Y. 1999 The Early Byzantine Monastery at Khirbat ed-Deir in the Judean Desert: The excavations in 1981-1987 (Qedem 38); Steve A.M. 1969 ‘Les Monuments – Khirbat Ed-Deir’ RB 76, 559-565 Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: ed-Deir, Khirbat (Arava) Site Number: 52 Location: Dead Sea area, map coordinates 1739.1038. Type of Study: Compound Excavation Type of Site: Monastery Description: The monastery was located on three different levels. The gardens were laid out in the bed of the canyon, above them were the church complex and refectory and, above those, were the cells. A paved pathway linked the three levels and their various elements. The walls of the monastery were, on average, 0.7 m thick, with an outer course of ashlar and a core of fieldstones and rubble. The inner surfaces were faced with white plaster and painted plaster was found in the refectory. Red-coloured grog-tempered plaster coated the cisterns. The floors were mostly mosaic, but there were large stone slabs in some areas, presumably where there was heavy traffic. The refectory complex was built as a single unit around a central courtyard. The elongated refectory was 5 x 25 m in size. It had two stories with a kitchen which incorporated various hearths on the ground floor. A mosaic floor overlaid rubble from the ground floor, suggesting a refectory above. The terraced cells included two towers at the highest and lowest points. There was a smaller church attached to the church wall which was paved with mosaic including a Greek inscription. The structure led to a cave measuring approximately 5 x 6 m. Thin walls divided the cave into a number of separate areas. The gardens of the monastery included terraces and plots approximately 2,000 squ. m in size. Two cisterns stored floodwaters and surplus water went into a large storage pool that could contain 450 squ. m. A massive dam, 2.5 m high, formed the pool, built across the wadi. Rainwater piped along by channels into the garden formed an additional water-source. Description of Religious Structures: The church complex included the church, which was built into a cave (25 x 10 m in size and 5 m high), a baptistery and a burial crypt. A large natural cave was utilised for the church, partitioned into a main hall, a church and three auxiliary chambers, a central chamber and two smaller ones branching off to the north and the west. The hall in the

Plan after Hirschfeld Y. 1993 ‘The cave church at Khirbat ed-Dier’ in Tsafrir Y. (ed.), Ancient Churches Revealed Jerusalem, 244 Site Name: Ed-Dschunene (Burj el-Ahmar) Site Number: 53 Location: Judean Hills, map coordinates 179.130 Type of Study: Non-Scientific Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The church had a triconch plan, measuring 19.44 x 14.70 m. It had one 153

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

A narrow corridor, paved with stone slabs on the south and packed soil on the north, separated the two parts of the structure. One part consists of three rooms, their walls built with rough-worked stones and varying widths. One large southern room and two smaller southern ones were found. Hizmi stated that the two rooms were once one large room. An entrance in the eastern wall was 1.5 m wide with a L-shaped wall in front. A survey found agricultural installations around the farmhouse. One of the wine-presses included a threading floor and a collecting vat. The rock-cut surface measured 3.5 x 4 m and was 0.20 m deep. Fieldstones increased the height of the sides. A narrow (0.10 m wide) channel connected the surface with the collection hole. The hole measured 1.2 x 1.5 m and 0.80 m deep and was below the level of the threshing floor. Description of Religious Structures: Not applicable Dating Evidence: Byzantine, no dating evidence was provided. Dating for Religious Structures: Not applicable Previous study: 1983 Hizmi Bibliographical references: Hizmi H. 1992 ‘A Byzantine Farmhouse at Giv’at Ehud, Near Modi'in’ Libber Annus 42, 289-296 Plan(s):

entrance in the west wall and three apses creating a projecting apsidal transept. The central apse was semicircular and internal and the two other apses were semicircular and external. The depth of the central apse was 4.25 m and that of the transept apses 2.70 m. The walls of the church were 1.40 m thick. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: Sixth-century, based on architecture and construction technique. Previous study: Saller 1949-1953 Bibliographical references: A. Ovadiah 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 51-52 Plan(s):

Plan after Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, Plate 18 Plan of the Building after Hizmi H. 1992 ‘A Byzantine Farmhouse at Giv’at Ehud, Near Modi'in’ Libber Annus 42, 290

Site Name: Ehud, Giv'at Site Number: 54 Location: Judea, map coordinates 1538.1471 Type of Study: Compound Excavation Type of Site: Farmhouse Description: A fieldstone wall, in an 8 m radius, enclosed a semi-circular courtyard. There were three rock-cut troughs connected by channels and plastered in the northwestern corner of the courtyard. Stairs reached a cistern to the north of the central building. The structure was rectangular, 10 x 6.5 m large. The ashlar walls were 0.40 to 0.50 m wide stand on the bedrock. The west wall (c. 1 m) was wider than the other walls and Hizmi stated that it was widened at a later phase. There was a staircase near the entrance built on the existing mosaic floor and there were traces of plaster on both the inner and the outer walls. Along the north wall, a narrow, shallow, channel carried water into the cistern. The building had two entrances: one in the western wall, measuring 0.75 m and one in the eastern wall, measuring 0.60 m. The threshold was above floor level, with a staircase leading down to a room, which was paved with white mosaics.

Site Name: Ein Boqeq Site Number: 55 Location: Dead Sea area, map coordinates 185.067. Type of Study: Compound Excavation Type of Site: Fort Description: The fort was a square structure, measuring 20 x 20 m, with square corner towers measuring 6 x 6 m. The walls were 1.80-2 m thick and were of roughly hewn limestone ashlar with a rubble core. The fort had a single gate, located off-centre in the south wall. The gate appeared to have been 1.8 m wide and been secured by large iron nails, as thick as the wall. A path from the delta ascended up the slope to the gate, measuring 11 x 7 m, led to the threshold, which was constructed of grit. There were two internal blocks of ashlar structures, one in the eastern area of the fort and the second in its north. Room 4, the southern room in the eastern block, measured 3.4 m x 3.65 m. The entrance was 0.75 m wide. Room 3 measured 3.5 x 3.75 m and a 0.75 m wide doorway opens to the courtyard. 154

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

In the northern block, Rooms 7 and 8 were previously a single room that was only divided into two rooms in the last phase (4); a 0.55 m opening connected the two rooms. Entry to room 8 was from room 7 that had a 0.76 m opening into the courtyard. Room 9 measured 3.95 x 3 m and had a partially pipe-lined channel leading from the courtyard. Entry was from the courtyard through a doorway, 0.73 m wide, with a timber ceiling. There were several floors corresponding to the four phases in the rooms, mostly packed soil and mortar. The North West Tower measured 5.85 x 5.40 x 4.15 m. A 1.70 m long corridor led from a 1.00 m wide doorway to the ground floor of the tower. The corridor was funnel-shaped, starting at 0.70 m and widening to 1.10 m. The entrance to the ground floor room was 1.10 m wide and 1.65 m high; the room measured 3.25 x 2.75 m. The tower had several pavements, indicating the different phases of the fort; a wooden ceiling divided it into two floors. The North East Tower measured 4.15 x 6.05 x 5.25 m. The ground floor measured 2.8 x 3 x 6 m. The corridor that leads to it had the same funnel shape as the northwest tower. The passage measured 4.40 x 1.70 m, the ground floor room measured 3.5 x 2.4 m. There were four ovens in the corridor on the third floor. The fieldstone ovens were apparently in use over a long period, as indicated by the large amount of ash. There was a grave in the north end of the hallway. The South East Tower measured 4.10 x 1.15 x 5.70 m; the doorway was 0.70 m wide and 1.60 m high. The interior of the tower measured 3.30 x 2.80 m and included the usual funnel-shaped corridor (4.45 x 2.20 m), with a tabun. Again, the tower was divided into two levels by a wooden partition and again several floors were found, corresponding with the different phases of use. The South West Tower measured 5.80 x 4.15 x 5.90 m. This tower lacks the usual corridor, the entrance led directly to the first floor room, in which the stoke hole of an oven was found. Again, a wooden floor divided the tower into two levels. All the structures mentioned above, open into the L-shaped courtyard of the fort. Like the rest of the fort, the courtyard had a sequence of pavements. A one km-long channel fed the waters of the Ein Boqeq spring into a series of stone-plastered pools, two of which survived. The waters of Ein Noyit were collected in a 3 x 3 m structure, called a nymphaeum by the excavator, near the origins of the spring. A channel that led the water 200 m away to a 10.25 x 10.25 m structure was used as a control pool to direct the water to the fields and the fort. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Description’ Dating Evidence: A detailed stratigraphical study based on coins, pottery and other small finds indicated four phases. The first phase was from the first third to the second third of the fourth-century. The second phase took place until the middle of the fifth-century, the third phase ended with the Persian invasion of AD 613/614 and the fourth and final phase took place from the year AD 624 until AD 632-635. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1958 Gichon; 1966 Applebaum; 19671954 Shapir and Roll; 1975 Fisher

Bibliographical References: Gichon M. 1993 En Boqeq: Ausgrabungen in einer Oase am Toten Meer Rhein Plan(s):

Plan of the Fort after Gichon M. 1993 En Boqeq: Ausgrabungen in einer Oase am Toten Meer Rhein Site Name: Ein el Fawwar Site Number: 56 Location: Judean Hills, map coordinates 183.138. Type of Study: Partial Non-Scientific Compound Excavation. Type of Site: Monastery Description: The monastery consisted of a group of rooms including a church and an irregular courtyard to the west. The main complex was entered through a small open courtyard north of the church. A low step led to the inner courtyard. This courtyard provided access to the church. The foundations were rubble coated with plaster and the walls of the courtyard were of rough masonry. Description of Religious Structures: Entry to the church was through a small porch, found walled up. The church measured 8.50 x 3.50 m. It had one entrance in the west wall and another in the south wall. The bema was one step higher than the floor of the hall. A chancel was found and a badly preserved apse 1.75 m deep. Adjoining the south wall there was a rectangular room partly curved out of the rock, its floor was 0.10 m lower than the floor of the church. The plastered walls were 0.90 m thick. All the floors were paved with polychrome mosaics and the courtyards were paved with white mosaics. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: Said to be Byzantine but no other information given. Previous study: 1931 Hamilton Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 54-55; Hamilton R.W. 1931/32 ‘Mosaic Pavements at ‘Ein El Fawwar’ QDAP 1, 151-152 Plan(s): 155

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Bibliographical references: Hamilton R.W. 1935 ‘Note on a church and wine-press at ‘Ain El Jedide’ QDAP 4, 111-117 (‫ בית השיטה' בשטרן א’ )עורך‬- ‫כהן ר' תשנ”ב 'מנזרים‬ ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל‬ 955 ,‫ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

General Plan of the monastery after Hamilton R.W. 1931/32 ‘Mosaic Pavements at ‘Ein El Fawwar’ QDAP 1, 52 Site Name: Ein el-Jedida Site Number: 57 Location: Judea. Map coordinates 164.129. Type of Study: Non-Scientific Compound Excavation. Type of Site: Monastery Description: The entrance to the complex was from the south. A small courtyard with two rectangular rooms divided by a passage on the north, part of a gallery in the west, a wall in the east and a small church with an anteroom to the south survived. The courtyard was paved with coarse white mosaics, bounded in the north and west by irregular stone slabs. There was a limestone ashlar barrel-vaulted cistern underneath the courtyard. A church (measuring 4 x 5 m) stood southeast of the courtyard and in front of its door was a Greek inscription. Entry was through a narrow doorway at its northwest corner. A 0.20 m high step was one m from the east wall. The church had an internal apse between two rectangular niches in its eastern wall. West of it there was a long rectangular unpaved room and north of the courtyard there was an eastern room divided into two parts (A and B), containing a wine-press. Area A, which had a floor 0.60 m higher than Area B, was paved with coarse white mosaics. A pipe led the liquid to a brickbuilt vat in the southeast corner of B. The vat was 1.55 m deep, its rim and bottom paved with mosaics. A bench 0.40 m high occupied the rest of the east wall of B. A cylindrical stone table 0.65 m high and 1.85 m in diameter stood on the floor of the room. In the western part of the courtyard was a rectangular room, measuring 5 x 7 m. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Description’ Dating Evidence: The excavator dated the inscription to the Byzantine phase by its epigraphy and by comparison to other, dated inscriptions. Although there was much sixth-century pottery on the site, its context was unreported. A single eighth-century Ummayad bronze coin was also found but its context was also unclear. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1934 Hamilton;

Plan after A. Ovadiah 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, Plate 19 Site Name: Ein et Tabigha (The Church of the Sermon on the Mount) Site Number: 58 Location: Lower Galilee, map coordinates 201.252. Type of Study: Non-Scientific Compound Excavation. Type of Site: Monastery Description: A church and associated rooms. Description of Religious Structures: The church was comprised of a single hall, 7.20 x 4.48 m. It had a small partly rock-cut external semi-circular apse (1.75 m deep) in the east. It was partly rock-cut and partly built of small basalt stones, plastered over. Illegible graffiti, including crosses, were visible on the inner surfaces of the apse. The church had a small narthex, measuring 4.50 x 2.50 m in the west. To the north was a small room (3.20 m square) entirely cut into the rock, with a niche in its west wall. The walls were rough basalt and were plastered and decoraded with stone-cut crosses and inscriptions. The narthex and the nave were paved with mosaics. There was a slight difference in floor levels, the floor of the hall was higher than that of the narthex and the apse was again higher. The apse was paved with mortar and the rest of the floors were paved with mosaics. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The church was dated to the end of the fourth-century. Repairs to the mosaic were 156

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

said to have taken place at the end of the seventhcentury. Previous study: 1935 Bagatti Bibliographical references: Loffreda S. 1981 ‘The Sanctuary of the Sermon on the Mount’ The Sanctuaries of Tabgha Jerusalem, 52-57; Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 59-60; Baramki D.C. 1935/36 ‘Excavations in Palestine 1934-5’ QDAP 5, 194 Plan(s):

Bibliographical references: ‫פטריך י' תשמ"ה ‘עין פארה’ בשטרן א’ )עורך( האיציקלופדיה‬ 916-915 ,‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: Ein Hanniya Site Number: 60 Location: Judea, map coordinates 165.124. Type of Study: Non-Scientific Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The courtyard was paved with white mosaics and surrounded by porticos. A portico on a raised platform stood between the courtyard and the narthex. The polychrome mosaic paved narthex measured 3 x 10 m. Three openings in its eastern wall led into the hall. In a later phase, the spaces between the columns in the narthex were blocked, allowing openings for doors and converting the narthex into a closed porch with a room on either side. Two rows of five columns divided the hall into a nave and two aisles; it was paved with elaborate and polychrome mosaics. From the hall, a step led to the bema and two steps further into the internal, round apse. Under the altar there was a rectangular cavity with a marble casket, containing bones (relics?) and a rectangular marble block hollowed out to form two receptacles. The east and south walls, as far as the narthex, were rock-cut and other walls were of ashlar. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: Baramki dated the church tentatively on art historical grounds to the fifthor sixth-century AD. He also claimed that the church continued in use until the start of the eighth-century, because of possible iconoclast damage to the mosaics. Previous study: 1932 Baramki Bibliographical references: Baramki D.C. 1934 ‘An Early Christian Basilica at ‘Ein Hanniya’ QDAP 3, 113117 ’‫ עין חניה' בשטרן א‬- ‫יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'כנסיות קדומות‬-‫אבי‬ ‫)עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל‬ 803 ,‫ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

Plan of the Church of the Sermon on the Mount after Ovadiah A. 1970, Corpus of theByzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, Plate 23 Site Name: Ein Farah Site Number: 59 Location: Judean Hills, map coordinates 178.137. Type of Study: Compound Excavation Type of Site: Monastery Description: 19 caves were cut into the rock, mainly in the upper cliffs of the southern side of Wadi Kelt. Their entrances were natural cracks, disguising the caves within. There were no windows and ventilation holes in these caves. There were six different kinds of caves, small cells 6-10 m square, multi-level cells and caves with a large internal space. Some caves had storage niches cut into their walls. A characteristic common to several types was a horizontal entrance shaft cut into the rock, 2-5 m high. Some of the caves had water holes, despite a plentiful water supply from the Ein Farah spring. Paths of Byzantine date linked the cells to one another. Description of Religious Structures: The church measured 6.50 x 13 m. The church had ashlar walls and an apse (shape unreported), as well as a small marble column. The floor was paved with black and white marble in geometrical patterns. Dating Evidence: No dating evidence. Dating for Religious Structures: The church was dated to the beginning of the fourth-century. Previous study: 1896 Jullien

Plan after Ovadiah A. Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn 1970, Plate 20 Site Name: Ein Neshot Site Number: 61 Location: The Golan, map coordinates 2687.2153. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Small Village 157

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

was a curved gutter and in the end of the northern arm of the U, a dolphin was carved into the stone. The upper lip reached the head of the dolphin and drained through a hole in its mouth. A pottery pipe 0.80 m in diameter was found 0.50 m above. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Descriptions’ Dating Evidence: Byzantine pottery was found around the apparatus. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1952 Tzory Bibliographical references: '‫ביזאנטי בעין שוקק סמוך לבית שאן‬-‫רייך ר' תשנ"ו 'נימפאון רומי‬ *11-*8 ,28 ‫עתיקות‬ Plan(s): Unavailable

Description: The site spred over 25,000 squ. m. The synagogue was at the edge of the site on a slope facing southwest next to a round structure. A platform supported by walls surrounded the synagogue on three sides. Description of Religious Structures: The synagogue was on a terrace in the northwest edge of the village. Its east wall (0.90 m thick) served as a support wall to the buildings attached to it from the east. The hall was rectangular, measuring 12.65 x 11.40 m. Two rows of columns, with three columns in each row divided it into a nave and two aisles. Around all the walls were threestepped stone benches. The main entrance was in the southern façade, slightly off centre, 1.20 m wide. The whitewashed walls and columns had inscriptions in Hebrew and Greek and there was a plaster floor. Attached to the southeastern corner of the hall was an additional chamber. Its floor was higher than that of the synagogue. A one m wide opening led from the eastern wall of the hall to the room. A later shelf blocked the opening. There was a new floor and the walls were replastered. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’ Dating for Religious Structures: There were eight fourthcentury coins in the foundations of the synagogue, mainly from the end of the fourth-century (AD 383-395), providing a Terminus Post Quem of AD 383 for the building. A hoard of 193 coins (with 115 identified coins) was discovered under the paving in front of the main entrance of the synagogue. The latest coins in the hoard were from AD 408-424 providing a Terminus Post Quem of AD 408 for this paving. In an earlier room west of synagogue 51 coins were found, of which 34 were identifiable. The latest coins date to AD 425-450. The two hoards were of very small bronze coins and may have been burial offerings. Previous study: 1969 Gal; 1971 Barlev and Hartal; 1971 Ben-Ari; 1978 Maoz Bibliographical references: ‫מעוז צ' תשנ”ב 'עין נשוט' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ 1203-1201 ,‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Ma’oz Z. 1988 ‘Ancient Synagogues of the Golan’ BA 5 116-128; Ariel D.T. 1987 ‘Coins from the Synagogue at En Neshot’ IEJ 37, 147-157 Plan(s): Unavailable

Site Name: Ein-Gedi Site Number: 63 Location: Dead Sea area, map coordinates 1870.0965. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation Type of Site: Synagogue and Seasonal Settlement. Description: The survey of En-Gedi indicated that in the Roman-Byzantine phase the settlement had spread on and around Tel Goren and onto the banks of Nahal Arogut. The excavations at the top of the tel did not show the nature of the structures or settlement. An excavation in the area surrounding the synagogue found streets and building entrances west and northwest of the synagogue. A street leading from the miqve to the synagogue was also excavated. The structures had mudbrick walls. West of the synagogue was an excavated room (7), the entrance to a building (11) was excavated and two rooms which opened into the courtyard. North of the synagogue, Room 9 was excavated and parts of Antechamber 10. Two tabuns were found on the floor. There was an isolated settlement approximately 1,200 m northeast of the Byzantine village. The site covered an area of 300 x 20-30 m. The path that led to the settlement arrived from the east, with support walls at its sides. The path rose towards the monastery, crossed it and continued to the west, towards Nahal Arugut. There were about 30 structures on either side of the road. These included two pools and 28 structures. The plastered pools were located approximately in the centre of the site. The upper pool had an irregular shape and measured 5.5 x 4.7 m. Its bottom part was rock-cut, its upper part was constructed and the walls were 0.9 m thick. There was a rock-cut platform from the north edge of the pool to its bottom. The lower plastered pool was square and measured 5 x 5 m. Its walls were 1.2 m thick. There was a rounded limekiln (eight m in diameter) in the northern part of the site. There were 28 stone structures located on either side of the path. The walls were between 0.7 and one m thick, the floors were of packed pale soil. The Byzantine inhabitants settled directly on the early Roman layer. Each structure had an entrance of its own, not necessarily at the same place. They varied in width between 0.5-0.7 m. The structures could be divided into two groups: 25 structures were of an irregular plan and three adjacent structures which were larger, better planned and better built. These building were located on the eastern side of the path near the pools. There was a regular distance of six m between these structures. The northern structure was 7.9 x 4.5 m, rectangular and divided into two rooms.

Site Name: Ein Shoqeq Site Number: 62 Location: Beth Shean Valley, map coordinates 2115.1922 Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation Type of Site: Nymphaeum? Description: Four pedestals were found in row in an eastwest orientation. An almost identical space of 2.5 m stood between the three western pedestals and the distance between the two eastern pedestals was 8.9 m. The excavator assumed that there were two additional columns in this space. If this was the case, the row of columns was 17 m long. The pedestals were made of hard limestone. There was a column nearby, 0.45 m thick at its base. There was also an elongated stone slab with six elongated hollows. Inside, there was a stone-built pool, full of water. It resembled a bench and had five limestone slabs in an angular U-shape, set on an ashlar platform. The upper lip 158

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

The central structure was the largest, measuring 6 x 6 m and was square in shape. A hearth was located in its southwest corner; there were ceramic vessels on the floors. The southern structure was rectangular and measured 4.6 x 4.3 m. The other structures were similar, apart from 7, constructed of one central room with two smaller rooms and a built manger in the central room. All other structures comprise only one room and its internal space was on average 4.7 squ. m, with several hearths. Description of Religious Structures: The synagogue was a trapezoidal structure; its length on the eastern side was 13.50 m, in the west 15.50 m and its width 10-9.50 m. There were two openings in the northern side, one in the centre and the second next to the northeastern corner. A bema was located opposite the northern wall; east of it was a seat abutting the wall. The synagogue had an elaborate mosaic pavement. Adjoining and surrounding the synagogue were various rooms and houses. The synagogue underwent later changes; the central opening was blocked and became a niche 1.10 m wide and 0.35 m deep. There was a wide green ribbon painted on both sides of the niche and a bench between the niche and the northeast opening. Benches with three steps were built along the south wall. The hall had a nave and two aisles. Three openings were cut into the western wall and there was a three columned exedra with two entrances to the west of the building. The third phase synagogue featured an apse orientated to Jerusalem in the centre of the building and the western exedra became an additional aisle. To the west, was a 3 m long narthex with openings in the south and north and a water font next to the southern opening. This synagogue was also trapezoidal; its length in the east was 13.50 m, in the west 16 m and its width 12.50 m. It also had two small rooms. Outside the synagogue, next to its northwestern corner, there was a stone staircase. The floor had an elaborate polychrome mosaic with two Hebrew and three Aramaic inscriptions. The white plastered walls of the synagogue had red painted decoration. Dating Evidence: The streets and houses surrounding the synagogue were said to be Byzantine but no dating evidence was given. There were two layers of occupation in the isolated settlement, with pottery, glass and coins from the Roman and the Byzantine phases. Hirschfeld indicated that there was a stratified sequence but did not give details of the finds or their locations. Dating for Religious Structures: Pottery and glass sherds indicated that the synagogue was probably built at the beginning of the third-century AD but there was no published stratigraphical sequence, nor was it clear whether the finds were sealed. The excavators said that the destruction was by fire around AD 530 but do not give evidence for this. Previous study: 1949 Mazar; 1961-1962 Mazar, Donayebski and Dutan; 1964-1965 Mazar Donayebski and Stern; 1970-1972 Berg and Porat; 1993 Hadas Bibliographical references: Mazar B. Dothan T.K. and Dunayevski E. 1963 Ein-Gedi – Archaeological Excavations 1961-1962 Jerusalem; Hadas G. 1996 ‘'En Gedi’ ESI 15, 102 40-7 ,96 ‫הירשפלד י' תש"ס 'יישוב מתבודדים מעל עין גדי' קתדרה‬ Plan(s):

Plan after Bereg D., Porath Y. and Netzer E. 1981 ‘The Synagogue at En-Gedi’ in Levine L.I. Ancient Synagogues Revealed Jerusalem, 117 Site Name: el-Beiyudat, Khirbat Site Number: 64 Location: Samaria, map coordinates 1945.1522. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The church was a basilica with three distinct phases. In the first phase it was divided into aisles by two rows of columns, measuring 23.60 x 15.50 m. The eastern apse had a dedication inscription in its mosaic floor. A bema and a chancel screen were located in the nave. The main entrance (1.50 m wide) was from the slab-paved road to the south. There was an additional entrance to the southern aisle east of the main doorway, but this additional entrance was later blocked. The entrance from the narthex also belonged to the first phase of the church. It was at least partly paved with a white mosaic floor, which was found under the apse and the platform. Later, the brick-built eastern room (3.2 x 4.4 m) was added and an inscription inserted in the mosaic floor. The majority of changes took place in the second phase. The nave became smaller as the narthex expanded. The narthex was longer than the width of the church. It was 6.20 m wide and had a row of columns along its length. A burial cut through the mosaic between the northernmost column base and the eastern wall of the narthex. It was 1.5 m long, 0.40 m wide and 0.60 m deep. An opening 1.30 m wide led from the narthex to the nave. There was an additional room to the south of the apse. Entry was through an opening from the southern aisle. There were two benches on the southern side of the wall dividing the apse from the southern aisle. An opening in the eastern wall of the northern aisle led to a paved passageway out of the church, which was later blocked. Benches surrounded the church on three sides and there was a new floor (apart from in the southern aisle). An ambo protruded from the northwestern part of the platform, with a dedication 159

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

inscription at the floor of the platform. The southwestern side room, (6.2 x 4.2 m) was a later addition. Its walls were also made of bricks on a stone foundation and it had a dedication inscription in its mosaic floor. In its third phase, the church had a new mosaic floor in the apse and a platform with a dedication inscription. The walls of the church were of ashlar limestone on their outer face, but smoother on the inside by the additions of fieldstones. Traces of plaster were found only on the inner walls. The plaster was in two layers, the first was mixed with pottery fragments and applied thickly and the second layer was finer and thinner. There were patches of red coloured plaster in several places, mainly in the apse. Burned beams and patches of ash indicated, according to the excavators, that the church was destroyed by fire. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The inscription in the third church dated the floor to the fourth year of the indiction during the reign of Emperor Flavius Justinus. There were two emperors of that name, Justin I (AD 518527) and Justin II (AD 565-578). Thus, the fourth year of the indiction might have been AD 525 or AD 570. Hizmi prefered the later date because the inscription cannot be dated before the mid-sixth-century on epigraphical grounds. There were Roman pottery sherds under the road leading to the church and this was taken to indicate that the church was in existence some time before the date given by the inscription for the third church. Previous study: 1986 Hizmi Bibliographical references: Hizmi H. 1986 ‘Khirbet elBeiyudat’ ESI 5, 10-12; Hizmi H. 1990 ‘The Byzantine Church at Khirbat el-Beiyudat: A Preliminary Report’ in Colbi S.P. (ed.) Christian Archaeology in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 245-264 ‫ ח'רבת‬,‫; היזמי ח' תשנ”ב 'ביודאת‬35-36 ,‫היזמי ח' תשמ"ז חא פ"ט‬ ‫' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬-‫אל‬ 154-155 ,‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

Site Name: el-Kiliya, Horbat Site Number: 65 Location: Samaria, map coordinates 1826.1487. Type of Study: Compound Excavation Type of Site: Monastery Description: The site was a Roman fortress which was used in the Byzantine period as a monastery. It consisted of two square buildings, several caves, a large water hole, carved stairs, a monastery and agricultural terraces. The north building (I) measured 20.70 x 20.70 m. The entrance was from the south through Building II. The rooms were set around a central courtyard. All rooms opened into the courtyard but none of the rooms opened into each other. There were five burials underneath the mosaic floor of an elongated room in the north of the building facing the courtyard. Four trough-like tombs were in the centre of the room. They were half cut into the rock and half built and used for multiple burials. Building II was south of Building I and adjacent to it, it measured 33.60 x 26.70 m. Entrance into the building was through an arched southern gate, 2.2 m wide. A corridor 5 m long and 3.5 m wide led to the courtyard, measuring 19.4 x 15.1 m, the courtyard was paved by irregular stone slabs. An additional corridor, measuring 11.1 x 4.8 m ran along the northern wall and led to a corridor and courtyard that continued to the north and surrounded Building I. An opening connecting Building II and Building I was set in the centre of the northern wall. Rooms on three sides, (south, west and east) surrounded the courtyard, which was open. The southern area of Building II included four rooms. Their floor was partly of stone slabs and packed chalk. The partially excavated western area included 11 rooms, four of which were outside the western wall of Building II. Most floors utilised the natural rock, sometimes with the addition of packed chalk. The eastern area included seven rooms, built on a slope in two rows. The height difference between this eastern row of rooms and the western row was one m on average. There was a monastic cell approximately 150 m from the centre of the site in the steep slope. The cell was cut into a natural shaft in the dolomite. It covered an area of 44 x 16 m and had six rooms, two water holes and a pool. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Description’ Dating Evidence: Excavations found Byzantine pottery, lamps and coins. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1988-1989 Magen; 1992 Shion Bibliographical references: Magen Y. 1990 ‘A Roman Fortress and a Byzantine Monastery at Khirbat ElKiliya’ in Colbi S.P. (ed.) Christian Archaeology in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 321-332 ‫’ בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬-‫ח'רבת אל‬, ‫מגן י' תשנ”ב 'כיליה‬ ;784-783 ,‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ -‫מגן י' תשמ"ט ‘מבצר רומי ומנזר מן התקופה הביזאנטית בחירבת אל‬ II ‫; שיאון ע' תשנ"ז 'חפירות בניין‬50-45 ,86-85 ‫כיליה’ קדמוניות‬ ‫כיליה )רימונים(' מחקרי יהודה ושומרון – דברי הכנס‬-‫בח'רבת אל‬ 191-205,‫השביעי‬ Plan(s):

Plan of the church after Hizmi H. 1993 ‘The Byzantine Church at Khirbat el Beiyudat in the Lower Jordan Valley’ in Tsafrir Y. (ed.) Ancient Churches Revealed Jerusalem, 156 160

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

Dating for Religious Structures: Di Segni concluded that the inscriptions date to the late third or early fourth centuries AD. Three inscriptions may possibly be of a later date. The excavator argued that the synagogue flourished in the fourth and fifth centuries. It ceased to function before, or during, the reign of Justinian I but resumed at the end of Byzantine rule in Palestina and continued in the Early Islamic period. Previous study: [?] Magen Bibliographical references: Magen Y. 1993 ‘Samaritan Synagogues’ in Manns F. and Alliata E. (eds.) Early Christianity in Context Jerusalem, 193-230 ‫מגן י' תשנ”ב 'בתי הכנסת השומרונים ופולחנם' מחקרי יהודה ושומרון‬ 229-263 ,‫– דברי הכנס השני‬ Plan(s):

Plan after ‫ בניין 'חפירות ע' תשנ"ז שיאון‬II '(‫כיליה )רימונים‬-‫מחקרי בח'רבת אל‬ ‫ יהודה‬,‫ ושומרון – דברי הכנס השביעי‬191-205 Site Name: el-Kirbe Site Number: 66 Location: Samaria, map coordinates 1671.1846. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Samaritan Synagogue Description: The site covers an area measuring 5,000 squ. m. At its centre were an oil-press and buildings. The synagogue was at the outskirts of the settlement. Description of Religious Structures: The synagogue was a long rectangular building orientated west to east towards Mount Grizim. The structure had four parts: a hall, an elongated exedra, a paved courtyard and an atrium. The hall measured 14 x 12 m and its walls were 1.8 m thick to carry the arched ceiling. They were built of large wellworked stones with a core of smaller stones and grey mortar. All the stones were re-used. The main entrance was located in the east wall that faces Mount Grizim. There were two rows of seats along the inner walls of the hall. The atrium extended eastwards, though its measurements could not be determined. At the north eastern part of the courtyard a bench apparently extended the entire length of the façade. At the north part of the courtyard was a row of small rooms built of re-used stone. Beyond the south wall was a small courtyard paved with irregular stone slabs, later turned into an entrance hall. A wall of fieldstones enclosed the courtyard and an entrance gave access from the atrium. North of the hall was a 2.3 m long exedra, the same length as the synagogue. The entrance was from the east. Another entrance led from the exedra to the synagogue. The synagogue was paved with polychrome mosaics including six Greek inscriptions and religious symbols. There was a seventh inscription on the soft limestone lintel in the entrance. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’.

Plan after ‫י' תשנ”ב 'בתי הכנסת השומרונים ופולחנם' מחקרי יהודה ושומרון – מגן‬ 243 ,‫דברי הכנס השני‬ Site Name: Elusa (Haluza) Site Number: 67 Location: The Negev, map coordinates 117.056. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavations. Type of Site: Unknown Description: There was a Byzantine quarter in the northwestern part of the site and a cemetery was used in the third and fourth centuries AD. Description of Religious Structures: The East Church complex measured 77.40 x 29.60 m. Four porticos surrounded the large atrium (32 x 28 m), which had a round depression (a pond or fountain?) in the middle. A monumental staircase, stretching the entire length of the portico led up to the eastern portico. The floor of the atrium was paved with marble and the columns of the porticos were constructed of limestone. Three openings, built at the spaces between the columns led into the basilica. The basilica measured 39.45 x 17.20 m; its walls were 0.80 m thick. The basilica had two aisles separated by ten columns. There were three apses at the end of the nave and the aisles. The central apse measured 5.65 m in diameter, the north apse 3.35 m and the south apse 3.82 m. In addition there was a seven-stepped structure, measuring 2.47 x 1.39 m. This marble-covered structure had a small surface at the end of the steps and a bronze banister on both sides of the stairs. The base of the altar was lined with marble. The T-shaped bema was 161

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Dating Evidence for Religious Structures: The architectural sculpture from the synagogue was typical of the third or fourth centuries. Previous study: 1934 Mayer and Reifenberg; 1936-1935 Hebrew University; 1969 Yeivin Bibliographical references: Mayers L.A. and Reifenberg A. 1939 ‘The Synagogue at Eshtemo’a – Preliminary Report’ JPOS 19, 314-326 Plan(s):

two steps higher than the floor of the hall in front of the main apse. The bema in front of the two side apses was one step higher than the floor of the hall. There was a chancel screen around the bema. The two side apses appeared to be from a later phase. Originally, two square rooms flanked the apse. In a later phase, the rooms were transformed into side apses, leaving small wall cupboards. There were large white, very small polychrome and golden, tesserae and ceramic tiles in the aisles. Dating Evidence: The tombstones in the cemetery dated from AD 426 to 603. Dating for Religious Structures: The church at Eluza was dated to the late fourth- or early fifth-century and it was suggested that it became a three-apsed basilica at the beginning of the fifth-century A.D. Previous study: 1938 Billi; 1973, 1979, 1980 Negev Bibliographical references: Negev A. 1993 ‘The Cathedral at Haluza (Eluza)’ in Tsafrir Y. (ed.) Ancient Churches Revealed Jerusalem, 296-283 Plan(s):

Plan after Yeivin Z. 1993 ‘The Synagogue of Eshtemo’ in Levine L.I. Ancient Synagogues Revealed Jerusalem, 120 Site Name: Es-Samra, Khirbat Site Number: 69 Location: Lower Galillee, map coordinates unavailable. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The foundations of the aisled basilica (measuring 10 x 15 m) had two rows of four square piers forming the aisles. The mosaicfloored nave terminated in a raised rectangular chancel, screened from the body of the church. A rectilinear space in the centre of the nave mosaic probably indicated the position of the ambo. There were three Greek inscriptions incorporated into the polychrome floor mosaics. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: Makhouly disregarded numismatic evidence and pottery and provided no dating evidence in his report. He dated the church to the fifthcentury; later Tzaferis dated it to the sixth-century. Previous study: 1944, 1946 Makhouly Bibliographical references: Tzaferis V. 1993 ‘An Early Christian Church at Khirbat Samra’ Dothan, 227-245 ‫הלצר מ' סג"ל א' וקאופמן ד' )עורכים( מחקרים בארכיאולוגיה‬ ‫ מוגשים למשה דותן חיפה‬:‫ישראל‬-‫ובהיסטוריה של ארץ‬ Plan(s):

Plan after Negev A. 1993 ‘The Cathedral at Haluza (Eluza)’ Tsafrir Y. (ed.) Ancient Churches Revealed Jerusalem, 289 Site Name: Eshtemoa Site Number: 68 Location: Judea, map coordinates 155.090. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Synagogue Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: A rectangular structure, measuring 10 x 20 m. The walls had two faces with a rubble fill and were about one m thick. The hall was a continuous space with no columns. Its long walls were located in the north and south and were between three and 3.5 m in width and its short walls in the east and west were between 1.2 and 1.5 m. The northern wall was 3.32 m thick, allowing for three deep niches, one large, two small and a bema. In the space between the bema and the eastern wall were two stone benches, one above the other. Along the entire southern wall were additional two benches. All three entrances were through the narrow eastern wall; the middle one was larger than the two flanking it. The floor of the synagogue was paved with mosaics including an Aramaic inscription. The narthex (15 x 15 m) was adjacent to a street or courtyard paved with large slabs. Three steps led up from the street or courtyard to the narthex. There was a water cistern at the foot of the northern part of the narthex and a stone bench near its southern wall. Fragments of red tiles probably indicated the existence of a tiled roof. Later alterations included a second mosaic floor. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating Evidence for Religious Structures’.

Plan of the Church by Ovadiah R. after Ovadiah A. and de Silva C.G. 1984 Supplementum to the Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 233 162

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

re-used basalt and limestone. A semi-circular apse orientated the church. Four rows of seven columns divided the basilica into a nave and four aisles. On both sides of the apse, two doors gave access from Aisles 3 and 4 to a balustrade that surrounded the crypt on an elevated level. Walls separated this opening from an outer passage that gave access to a baptistery in the southeastern corner of the complex. At the southern side, the floor of this passageway was partly supported by the ceiling of a barrel-vaulted chamber that could be entered from the southern façade of the church by a small door. The main basilica entrance led to the nave. Additional doors, probably dating to a later use of the basilica were found in the northern and southern walls. The basilica was paved with a mosaic floor. The courtyard extended to 26 m in length and an estimated 26.50 m in width and so was probably almost square. A colonnaded hall seems to have framed the interior, although the evidence for this was obtained by probing rather than excavation. The floor of the courtyard (and probably the rooms) was paved with fine basalt slabs. Under the basilica was a crypt, but its description was not published. The eastern part of the centralised church was better preserved, as the church was constructed on a slope rising sharply to the east. The eastern wall measured 23.7 m in length. Four apses were found in four corners of the church. The southeast apse was perfectly preserved, measuring 6.2 x 3 m and was partitioned from the rest of the buildings by chancel screens. Its floor was paved in white and brown tiles and patches of plaster were found on its interior wall. In the back of the apse stood a 0.74 m hexagonal basalt column decorated in geometrical patterns. A step led up to the apse from the floor of the church. The northeast apse was also separated from the church floor by a step. Rows of building stones were found in the middle of the step. The floor of the apse was paved in yellow, red and black floor tiles in geometrical patterns. A basalt sarcophagus (1.12 x 0.59 x 0.59 m) was set against the back wall. On its façade, a cross design applied in plaster was partially preserved. Two graves with soft limestone covering slabs (0.52 x 1.72 m and 0.60 x 1.74 m) were inserted into the floor in front of the sarcophagus. Many small glass cubes were found in the grave fills. The octagonal room formed by the four apses had an octagonal central room. The entire floor between the inner and outer octagons (5.5 m) was paved in polychrome slate slabs forming geometrical patterns. The inner octagon was separated from the rest of the structure by a row of basalt stones. Six column bases were found in each corner of the octagon. Between columns B2 and B3, a limestone threshold was preserved in which horizontal slots were cut. Those slots were aligned with horizontal slots in B2 and B3. A narrow (0.51) entrance was found between B2 and B3. The eastern area of the octagon was separated from the outer aisle by two walls, 0.94 m wide. Inside was a semi-circular step-like structure (3.5 x 2.6 m and 0.54 m wide). In the western part of the octagon, slabs paved the floor. Those on the east side were laid in a repeated cruciform pattern. There was only one access, on the north side. Dating Evidence: The Byzantine baths had two phases. The first was dated to the beginning of the fourth-

Site Name: Gadara (Umm Qays, Umm Qeis) Site Number: 70 Location: Lower Galilee, map coordinates unavailable. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Churches Description: A terrace in Gadara contained two churches and Byzantine buildings. In the northern part of the terrace there was a colonnaded courtyard (32 x 32 m). Entry to the courtyard was through the Decamanus Maximus, by three entrances. The inner space was open and the colonnades covered one, three or four sides. A line of rooms along the eastern side of the terrace opened into the eastern passageway. In the central part was a complex consisting of two churches. The larger, a centralised church, was located in the middle of the terrace and the other, a basilican church, was against its southern wall. The Byzantine baths were on a steep slope west of the acropolis and near the western theatre. The southern part was on an artificial terrace and the northern part had been hewn into the rock. The Decumanus Maximus skirted the complex on its northern side. Another street ran along the southern facade and gave access to two vaulted rooms in the terrace foundation. There were ten rooms in the building. Room III measured approximately 14.50 x 9 m. There was a recess in the eastern part of the room measuring 8 x 4.5 m. The room was originally barrel vaulted, the vault spanning the north and south walls. The recess contained a hot bath and an arched opening in the south wall in phase one and led to another hot bath in Room I, which measured 9.50 x 10.40 m. In the second phase, a hot bath was built against the opening from the south, disconnecting Room I from Room III. The north wall had an arched opening connecting Room III with Room IV, which became smaller in phase two. In the western part of the room a door led to Room V. Below the floors was a hypocaust with basalt pillars. In each corner stood a grey granite column, 4.70 m high with a Corinthian capital in white marble. The southern part of the room held a semi-circular alevus. Hypocausts heated both rooms. Several chimneys had been set into the walls. There was a furnace in Room VII. In the second phase, the room fell into disuse as a bathroom. Room V was located in the southwest corner. The main part of the room measured 6.8 x 4.7 m and a recess to the south measured 3.5 x 3.5 m. Both room and recess were equipped with hypocausts with basalt pillars. There was a flue cut into the east wall. In phase one, the room was accessible from Room I through a door in the east wall. This door was blocked in the second phase. Partial excavations into Room IX showed it was 19 x 10.5 m in size and heated by a hypocaust. A door in the west wall led to Room X, which measured 5.8 x 6 m and had a hypocaust with basalt pillars. The partial excavation of Room VII showed that it measured approximately 5.8 x 5.8 m and was heated by a basalt-pillared hypocaust. Beside the doorway to Room IX was a small semicircular cold-water basin. Room IX measured 5.8 x 5.8 m. Description of Religious Structures: The church was nearly square and measured 21.50 x 20.10 m. It was orientated east-west and had a large courtyard (26.47 x 26.00 m) in the west. The complex was constructed of 163

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

century. The excavators date the end of the second phase to the first half of the seventh-century AD on the basis of earthquake evidence. Dating for Religious Structures: The excavators dated the church to the fourth-century, despite the disturbances in the stratification caused by modern military activity. There was no dating evidence for the centralised church. Previous study: 1976-1979 Wagner-Lux and KJH Vriezen; 1986 Holm-Neilsen, Neilsen and Gorn Anderson Bibliographical references: Holm-Neilsen S. Neilsen I. and Gorn-Anderson F. 1986 ‘The excavation of Byzantine Baths in Umm Qeis’ ADAJ 30, 219-232; Vriezen K.J.H. and Mulder N.F. 1997 ‘Umm Qays: The Byzantine Buildings on the Terrace. The Building Materials of Stone and Ceramics.’ SHAJ 4, 323-330; Wagner-Lux U. and Vriezen K.J.H. 1980 ‘A Preliminary Report on the excavations at Gadara (Umm Qes) in Jordan from 1976-1979’ ADAJ 24, 157-161 Plan(s):

Description of Religious Structures: A church was built in the western edge of the settled hill, surrounded by a wall with openings to the west and the east. It was a basilica measuring 10.50 x 14.70 m with a rock-cut internal apse and four columns. There were three entrances in the western wall. The church was paved with mosaics. The courtyard, west and south of the church was paved with stone slabs. The walls of the church were of ashlar blocks. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: There were sixth- to eighth-century pottery sherds in the church, including a lamp inscribed with a menorah, but the stratigraphical position of these was not reported. Previous study: 1980-1982 Ilan; 1982 Ilan and Dinor Bibliographical references: ‫ חורבת' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬,‫אילן צ' תשנ"ב 'גבעית‬ ;267-266 ,‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ '‫אילן צ' ודינור א' תשמ”ז 'גבעית ישוב קדום בספר מדבר שומרון‬ ‫בארליך ז"ח )עורך( שומרון ובנימין – קובץ מחקרים בגאוגרפיה‬ 130-114 ,‫היסטורית עופרה‬ Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: Gaza Site Number: 72 Location: The Gaza Strip, map coordinates 100.100. Type of Study: Multi-focus Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Unknown Description: West of the synagogue, was a wellpreserved industrial complex spread over 250-300 squ. m, surrounded by a wall. The complex included two rooms; there were two pools in the western room. East of the installation was a 3 m wide paved street, in a north-south direction. On the other side of the street was a large structure, partially under the synagogue. The structure contained five rooms; it was approximately 5 x 7 m in size and had pottery walls on stone foundations. A great many finds, several not in situ, were on the floors of the building. Among the finds was a pottery bowl, probably from the fourthcentury and stone anchors and needles. 10 m northeast of the synagogue was a water pool. Description of Religious Structures: The synagogue was a large building (26 x 30 m) with a southeast-northwest orientation. It consisted of a wide nave and two aisles on either side separated by rows of columns indicated by archaeological evidence. There appeared to have been three doorways on the northwest, the central one opening onto the nave and those on either side led to the inner northern and southern aisles. An additional entrance was located in the southwestern wall. Ovadiah stated there was probably a semi-circular apse some 3 m in diameter at the southwest end of the building. The nave was paved with mosaics and later with marble. The mosaic floor survived in the outer southern aisle, it was elaborate and included Greek inscriptions. There were many fragments making four chancel screens in the eastern part of the synagogue. Dating Evidence: There was a large quantity of Byzantine pottery and glass sherds at the site but the relationship between the finds and structure was uncertain. Dating for Religious Structures: The excavators argued that the synagogue was built in the end of the fifth- or

Plan of the baths after Homes-Fredericq D. and Hennessy J.B. (eds.) 1989 Archaeology of Jordan II2 Leuven, 600 Site Name: Gav’it, Horbat Site Number: 71 Location: Samaria, map coordinates 1845.1598. Type of Study: Unknown Type of Site: Church Description: Horbat Gav’it was situated on three hills. On the middle hill were the buildings and on the east and west hills were different installations such as water-holes and graves. The buildings were uniform: Each had an underground basement and an external structure near a courtyard, usually with a water hole. These occupied two areas: One at the top of the hill and its eastern slope and one on its northern slope. There were large underground caves and cave complexes in the settlement and around it. 164

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

Plan(s): Unavailable

beginning of the sixth-century on the basis of finds beneath its foundations. Previous study: 1922 Pithian-Adams; 1967 Ovadiah Bibliographical references: Ovdiah A. 1981 ‘The Synagogue at Gaza’ in L.I. Levine Ancient Synagogues Revealed Jerusalem, 129-132 Plan(s):

Site Name: Grizim, Mount Site Number: 74 Location: Samaria, map coordinates 175.178. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: A large Byzantine enclosure surrounded by a wall and towers was located on the highest peak of Mount Grizim, measuring 83 x 100 m. The site consisted of two parts, the north and south complex. In the centre of the south complex stood an octagonal church surrounded by a square enclosure. The southern enclosure consisted of fortified walls and had four square corner towers (measuring 8.60 x 9.60 m each) and an additional one in the southern wall. In the northern wall was an elaborate gate structure; measuring 8.60 x 9.60 m. Massive walls surrounded the gate. Passages connected the watchtowers. Stone slabs paving the area between the church and the columns matched the walls of the church and the columns. West of the church was a large cistern, which probably drained the pavement around the church. In the northern area, a western wall that protruded from the northwestern tower continues west in a straight line, the construction was similar to that of the southern area. In the northwestern corner, another wall, with a tower at its centre, protruded from a square tower. Description of Religious Structures: The church measured 30 x 37.4 m; it was built around a central axis and had eight sides. The diameter of the interior of the octagon was 21.40 m and that of the internal colonnade was 12.80 m. A narthex (9.40 x 4 m), probably paved with marble, led into the church from three openings the central one was the largest. The narthex also opened into two side chapels. The two small eastern chapels (9.34 x 3 m) were attached to the central apse. The two small western chapels (7.94 x 3.50 m) were attached to the narthex and entry was through a triangular room. The chapels had apses 1.34 m deep. A long narrow corridor opening into the church was between the two western chapels. There was a large internal apse (8.60 m deep) in the centre of the church, flanked by small square rooms (3 x 2.75 m). The roof rested on an octagon of eight pillars and 14 columns (two columns were recorded between every two pillars, except in front of the apse where two columns were missing). Mosaics and marble slabs covered the walls and mosaics paved the church floor. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structure’. Dating for Religious Structures: According to Procopius, Zeno built this complex in AD 484. No on-site archaeological dating evidence was included in the published accounts, although architectural analogies have been suggested. Previous study: [?] Magen Bibliographical references: Magen Y. 1990 ‘The Church of Mary Theotokos on Mount Gerizim’ in Colbi S.P (ed.) Christian Archaeology in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 333-342; Ovadiah A. Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn 1970, 140-142 ‫ הר' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬,‫מגן י' תשנ”ב 'גריזים‬ 359-350 ,‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

Plan after Ovdiah A. 1981 ‘The Synagogue at Gaza’ in Levine L.I. Ancient Synagogues Revealed Jerusalem, 129 Site Name: Grarit, Horbat Site Number: 73 Location: The Gaza Strip, map coordinates 096.091. Type of Study: Partial Non-Scientific Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: Excavations took place only in the east part of the church. It was a basilica, 13 m in length and an estimated 13.50 m wide (on the basis of the floor). It probably had an internal apse, 2.50 m in depth. There was a rectangular room south of the apse, approximately 3.15 x 2.80 m in size. Large parts of the floors of the polychrome and complex mosaic floors of the nave and the aisles survived, along with a Greek inscription located near the bema. The basilica was orientated to the southeast. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The inscription indicated that the mosaic floor dated to AD 598 and probably related to the redecoration of the church. Previous study: 1917 Drake Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 128-129 ‫יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'כנסיות קדומות – חורבת גררית‬-‫אבי‬ ‫ג'ראר(' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬-‫)ח'רבת אם‬ ‫; ללא מחבר‬801 ,‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ 38-37 ,‫ס"ב‬-‫תשמ"א ‘חורבת גררית’ חא ס"א‬ 165

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

460 by the hoard of 1,953 gold coins found stored in a cooking pot inside the final plaster floor. This provided a Terminus Post Quem for the last synagogue. The beginning of the Byzantine phase was determined from the hoard’s latest coins and the finds and ceramics were typical to the late fifth and mid-sixth centuries. Meyers concluded that the earthquake of AD 551 brought down the synagogue, on the basis that many architectural elements fell eastwards down the slope. Previous study: 1905 Kohl and Watzinger Bibliographical references: Meyers E.M. (ed.) 1990 Excavations at the Ancient Synagogue of Gush Halab Winona Lake Plan(s): Plan after Magen Y. 1990 ‘The Church of Mary Theotokos on Mount Gerizim’ in Colbi S.P (ed.) Christian Archaeology in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 333-342 Site Name: Gush Halav Site Number: 75 Location: Lower Galilee, map coordinates 191.290. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Synagogue Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The synagogue was a basilica measuring 13.75 m x 11.00-10.60 m. The main entrance was in the southern wall, with an eagle carved on the underside of the lintel, it was 1.70 m wide. Another major entrance was located in the northwest corner of the building, it was 1.15 m wide and led outside the building through four steps and a flagstone path, it was blocked at a later phase of the building. Eight columns that stood on pedestals divided the hall into a nave and two aisles. As the wall was irregularly shaped, the aisles varied in width. The bema was just west of the main doorway. The full extent of the first bema was unknown because a second, smaller bema was built on top of its west side. The later bema measured 1.46 x 1.17 m and was 0.30 m high. It extended into the western aisle and was plastered. There were plastered stone benches along the western wall of the synagogue during all building phases. They protruded 0.40 m to 0.45 m from the walls and were 0.40 m above the floor level. There was a long and narrow corridor attached to the synagogue from the west and two rooms in the eastern corridor. The western corridor ran the entire length of the building and access was through a 0.70 m wide doorway in the western corner of the southern facade. The floor level was raised several times in the Byzantine phase. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for religious structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The excavator, who cites stratified mid-third-century coins in support, dated the first synagogue to AD 250-306. Stratigraphical evidence suggested a major disruption of the building’s history around the end of the Roman period and the excavators decided to correlate this with the AD 306 earthquake. The second synagogue was dated AD 306 to 363. Roman coins of later than AD 306, but before AD 363, in stratified deposits may support this. The synagogue was quickly rebuilt and was dated to AD 363-

Plan After Meyers E.M. (ed.) 1990 Excavations at the Ancient Synagogue of Gush Halab Winona Lake, 76 Site Name: Ha’shora Site Number: 76 Location: The Golan, map coordinates 2041.2643. Type of Study: Non-Scientific Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Synagogue Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The structure measured 17 x 14.5 m and was orientated towards Jerusalem. Two columns divided the hall into a nave and two aisles. Along the walls were benches and entrance was from the south. The synagogue was paved with basalt slabs. An oven was located near the synagogue’s southern wall. As were walls of other structures attached to the synagogue. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’ Dating for Religious Structures: There were pottery sherds from the first- to the seventh-century and coins, but no stratification was reported. Previous study: [?] Prester Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. and de Silva C.G. 1984 Supplementum to the Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 556 Plan(s): Unavailable 166

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

Type of Study: Multi-focus Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Synagogue and baths. Description: The total area of the excavated baths was 5,200 squ. m, mostly out of roughly hewn basalt stones. Marble and limestone slabs paved the pools, which were clad with stone slabs. The floor pavements were of limestone and the walls were plastered, stone clad and decorated, although little remained of these decorations. Light limestone was used to roof the various halls. Clay and lead pipes were used to carry water. In the Roman phase a corridor led from a street to the bath complex. The entrance corridor led to the Hall of Piers. The latter was so called because of the row of large piers built on either side of the hall and forming its two long walls on the east and west. The hall was rectangular and covered an area of 280 squ. m. Next to it was the Hall of Inscriptions. Dozens of Greek inscriptions were found on the marble slabs of its floor. This hall was central to the complex and also served as an intersection leading to the other parts. It was an elongated rectangle measuring 202.5 squ. m. There was a large bathing pool in the southern part of the hall. Two rooms connected the hall to the Oval Hall. Oval vaults spanned the passage rooms. The smaller eastern room was square (4.1 x 4.1 m). The western room measured 9 x 5 m and had a bathing pool in its centre. The Oval Hall was 23.8 m long and 11.9 m wide. A stepped 1.2 m deep bathing pool was built in the centre and there were four bathtubs in the semi-circular alcoves in the rounded corners of the hall. The Hot Spring Hall comprised the area around the source of the spring. There was a large hall to its east and a smaller room to its south, each contained a pool. The hall of the spring was rectangular, 9.1 x 18.8 m and at its centre was an oval bathing pool. The Hall of Fountains was the largest of the bathing halls. It had a wide central area and narrow wings to the north and south. It covered an overall area of 635 squ. m. Many openings led to other parts of the complex. There was a large pool in the centre and 28 fountains surrounded it (14 on each side). A long and narrow area was found west of the western façade of the bath complex. It was 70 m long and 8-10 m wide. Excavators argued that the few entrances connecting it with the complex and its location outside the complex meant that it was a service area. The excavators attributed several changes to the Byzantine phase: the in-filling of the three central pools and several baths and laying new stone floors above them. The inscriptions found in the floors covering the pools may have dated these activities. Description of Religious Structures: The synagogue structure comprised the hall, rooms attached to it from the east and a narrow court on the south and west. There were two entries into the synagogue; one was an opening into a narrow corridor, which led to an opening into the hall. The other entrance was from the east; with a narrow corridor divided into two rooms. From the first room, an opening led to two side rooms. From these rooms a third corridor led to the hall. South of the corridor, two rooms were adjacent to the hall. The hall measured 13 squ. m and had two rows of columns running north south and east to west. These effectively divided the hall into a nave and three aisles and there were low benches against

Site Name: Hadat, Horbat (Shal’abim, El-Hadatha, Haditha) Site Number: 77 Location: The Judean Hills, map coordinates 151.143. Type of Study: Partial Compound Excavation. Type of Site: Monastery Description: A fortified monastery, details unreported. Description of Religious Structures: The earliest church was a structure with one hall and an apse. The later church was a basilica measuring 12 x 7.70 m with two entrances into the hall. There was an external semicircular apse orientated to the east and paved with polychrome mosaics. The apse was 2.20 m deep; its walls were 1.10 m wide. Two rows of three columns separated the nave from the two aisles. There was a three-line Greek inscription at the bottom of the stairs leading to the bema. In the eastern corner of the hall was a chancel screen. The basilica incorporated the earlier church and it was not symmetrical. The south wall stayed in its place, but the north wall moved further north and was no longer in line with the apse. Its worked limestone walls were 0.50-0.70 m wide. There was another excavated room, identified as a church, in the compound; it measured 5.25 x 4.25 m. An area of polychrome mosaic was in the southeastern corner of the room, with two Greek inscriptions facing east. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The church was said to date to the fifth-century AD and, with various changes, had remained in use until the sixth-century. The small church was also thought to be Byzantine. Previous study: 1962 Cohen Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn 1970, 110111 (‫ חורבת' בשטרן א’ )עורך‬,‫יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'חדת‬-‫אבי‬ ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ 803 , Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: Haiyan, Khirbat Site Number: 78 Location: The Judean Hills. Map coordinates 175.145. Type of site: Non-Scientific Compound Excavation. Type of Site: Monastery (?) Description: There were other structures in addition to the church, including a wine-press. Description of Religious Structures: An apse paved with a white mosaic floor. There was no report of any other details. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: Dated by Callaway to the fifth-century and said by him to have been rebuilt in the sixth-century. No other details were reported. Previous study: 1969 Callaway Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. and de Silva C.G. 1984 Supplementum to the Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 235; Callaway H. 1969 ‘Khirbat Haiyan’ IEJ 19, 239 Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: Hammat Gader Site Number: 79 Location: Lower Galilee, map coordinates 2125.2320. 167

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

the walls. A platform with steps leading up to the apse and a chancel screen rised against the middle of the south wall. The apse was a rounded rectangle and measured 4.50 x 2.10 m. The main entrance to the synagogue was at the southeast corner of the whole complex, in the east wall. A narrow court had a bench on its right side. The court led to a small room that widened to the west. There were thick pillars to either side of the entrance to the forecourt and room. Three steps at the right end of the room led to the basilica. Four rooms annexed the hall, two of them adjoined the east room of the basilica and the other two laid to the east separated by a court running north south. The latter were entered through the court; the first room was a roughly square chamber, measuring 4.70 x 4.90 m, which led to another chamber measuring 4.70 x 5.50 m. From this room a doorway opened to the narrow court that led to the entry room. The larger (6.65 x 3.65 m) room adjoining the basilica communicated with the hall and the entry room. It had a broad bench along its eastern wall, a narrow bench against its south and west wall and led to the smaller northern room adjoining the hall (2.80 m square). It could also be entered from the narrow court, on its south and west sides. The basilica was bordered by another narrow court; it was entered through a door in the middle of the west side of the synagogue and another on its south side, to the west of the apse. A diagonal wall closed off an area of the courtyard at its southern end. There were many ceramic tiles in the rubble. The basilica and entry room were paved with coloured mosaics incorporating four Hebrew inscriptions. Dating Evidence: The site was dated by a detailed stratigraphic study, although full information on finds from stratified contexts was not published. The complex was constructed in the second-century and three Greek inscriptions from the baths were dated to AD 491-518. Analysis of the inscriptions by Di Segni and Hirschfeld suggests the baths underwent reconstruction (due to an earthquake, according to the excavators) in the beginning of the sixth-century. Hirschfeld and Solar suggest that the baths were disused in the ninth- or tenth-century AD, as indicated by Arabic inscriptions. Dating for Religious Structures: There were Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine coins as well as a Byzantine lamp in the synagogue. The excavator argued that the synagogue dated to the first half of the fifth-century. The title comes appeared in an inscription and Jews were not permitted this title after the year AD 433, but the units of currency mentioned in the inscriptions preclude a date before the fourth-century. The date of the inscription would, therefore, be sometime between c.AD 400 and 433 (assuming that the relevant legislation was enforced) even if so a date for the inscription does not automatically mean a date for the synagogue. Previous study: 1932 Sukenik Bibliographical references: Sukenik E.L. 1935 The Ancient Synagogue of El-Hammeh Jerusalem; Di Segni L. and Hirschfeld Y. 1986 ‘Greek Inscriptions from Hammat Gader’ IEJ 36, 251-268; Hirschfeld Y. and Solar G. 1981 ‘The Roman Thermae at Hammat Gader – Preliminary Report’ IEJ 31, 197-219; Hirschfeld Y. 1997 The Roman Baths of Hammat Gader: Final Report Jerusalem

Plan(s):

Plan of the Synagogue after Sukenik E.L. 1935 The Ancient Synagogue of El-Hammeh Jerusalem, Plate VII Site Name: Hammat Tiberias Site Number: 80 Location: Lower Galilee, map coordinates 2019.2417. Type of Study: Multi-focus Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Unknown Description: The site extended from the hot springs to the southern boundary of ancient Tiberias. The buildings were on an artificial step parallel to the seashore. The excavated gate in the south settlement wall comprised two projecting towers. Both measured 6.50 m on the north side and 5 m on the south side and were 5.80 m wide. The walls were well-packed fieldstones with an inner core of rubble and clay, with a cobbled floor between the two towers. A street ran along the west side of the synagogue, its maximum preserved width was 4 m. It was paved mostly with irregular flagstones mixed with cobbles. Description of Religious Structures: Excavations identified an early basilican public building, which may have been a synagogue and a later and more confidently identified synagogue. The early synagogue had basilica plan. Its width varies from 14 m in the north to 14.50 m in the south. At the western end, it was 10.05 m and in the eastern end, it was 11.30 m. The building was approximately a square divided by three rows of columns, with three columns each, into a nave with one aisle to the west and two to the east. There were four added irregular rooms to the south of the building, three of them mostly destroyed and only one was preserved. The rooms were about 3 x 2.50 m each. Entry to Room 36 was from the easternmost aisle. Most of the floor of the hall was paved with elaborate polychrome mosaics incorporating Jewish symbols and ritual objects, as well as inscriptions in Hebrew, Aramaic and Greek. The Byzantine synagogue was a basilica with a nave and two aisles. It measured 32 x 17.30 m and included the hall, an atrium, a narthex and a western hall. The limestone and basalt ashlar walls of the hall were 0.560.70 m thick. The two rows of eight columns divided the hall, measuring 18.30 x 60 m, into a nave and two aisles with another transverse row of four columns that formed (according to Dothan) an exonarthex. Access to the hall was through three entrances in the north wall. The 168

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

entrance to the western aisle was 0.60 m wide. No measurements were available for the other entrances. The hall connected with the western hall by three entrances in the western wall. The central entrance was 1.40 m wide and each of the others was 1.05 m in width. Two rooms flanked an internal semi-circular apse at the end of the nave. The floor of the nave was paved with mosaics. The long western hall was slightly irregular in its northern part. Its maximum length was 19.80 m by 6.80 m and its floor was paved with closely fitted flagstones. There was a small apse in the northern wall (1.10 m radius). To the west of the apse in the southeast corner was an almost square room measuring 3.20 x 3.50 m, which served as a cistern. An adjacent plastered room was next to the cistern. Adjacent to the apse on the west was a large (4 x 5 m) room with access to the western hall through a one m wide doorway. There was one square and one L-shaped room to the east of the apse. Dating Evidence: The street and gate were dated by a detailed stratigraphical study to the Byzantine and early Islamic periods. Dating for Religious Structures: The early synagogue was dated by a detailed stratigraphical study to the first half of the third-century. The synagogue was either disused at the end of the fourth-century or at the beginning of the fifth-century. The late synagogue dates to the fifth-century and continued in occupation until the middle of the eighth-century, when an early Islamicperiod synagogue succeeded it. Previous study: 1921 Shloshez; 1961-1962, 1962-1963 Dothan Bibliographical references: Dothan M. 1983 Hammath Tiberias – Early Synagogue and the Hellenistic and Roman Remains Jerusalem; Dothan M. 2000 Hammat Tiberias -Late Synagogues Jerusalem Plan(s):

Synagogue Site Name: Hanita (Kh. Hanuta) Site Number: 81 Location: Western Galilee, map coordinates 166.276. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: Non applicable Description of Religious Structures: The church was a basilica, measuring 14 x 17 m and oriented west east. It had an external semi-circular apse, 3.90 m in depth. Two rows of four columns divided the hall into a nave and two aisles. The nave measured 13 x 7 m and the two aisles 13 x 3 m. The church was paved with mosaics and contained two Greek inscriptions. The narthex (12.40 x 3.20 m) was in the west and was part of the church, with a single entrance in its west wall and three entrances in the west wall of the nave. The church was paved with elaborate polychrome mosaics with two dedication inscriptions in Greek. Its walls were 0.80 m thick and decorated with wall mosaics and marble. There were holes in the mosaic floor showing where a chancel screen had been. Possible iconoclast damage was reported. Dating Evidence: Not applicable Dating for Religious Structures: Avi-Yonah suggested that the style of inscription dated the church to the fifth or sixth centuries. In support of this, he argued that the narthex was part of the church only after AD 520. He saw the possible iconoclast damage as an indication that the church was still in existence in the seventh-century. Previous study: 1940 Avi-Yonah; 1956 Frousnitz Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 70-71 ’‫יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'כנסיות קדומות – חניטה' בשטרן א‬-‫אבי‬ ‫)עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל‬ '‫; פראסניץ מ' תשכ"א 'הכנסיה הביזנטית בחניטה‬801 ,‫ירושלים‬ 68-69 ,‫בידעיה מ' )דוחובני( וגיל א' )עורכים( מערבו של הגליל חיפה‬ Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: Hanot, Khirbat Site Number: 82 Location: Judea, map coordinates 1545.1244. Type of Study: Single Structure Rescue Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: There was a Byzantine polychrome floor mosaic, 10 x 4.25 m in size

Plan after Dothan M. 1993 ‘The Synagogue at Hammat Tiberias’ in Levine L.I. Ancient Synagogues Revealed Jerusalem, 65 169

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

A paved trail led from the garden to the centre of the laura. There were about 35 cells on the slope between the monastery’s core and the ‘hanging’ cave. Each of the cells had a water hole with a single room structure above it and next to it a small plot of land. Nearby was a cave that may be the ‘Hanging Cave of Hariton’. Its height was about 15 m above ground level and it was reachable by ladder, through two lower caves. The lower cave at ground level was bell-shaped, measuring approximately 7 x 15 m, along its edges three water cisterns were installed. Four m above the floor of the cave was an opening to the cave above it. There was a small rock-cut church in the top cave, with plastered rock-cut niches. At the eastern edge of the cave was a large cistern. In the northern wall of the upper cave, about 3.50 m above ground level was entry to a large niche. A narrow passage led to the bellshaped niche, which was one by two m in size. It was yellow plastered, rock-cut and had a Greek inscription and three crosses. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Description’ Dating Evidence: No evidence reported. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1982 Hirshfeld Bibliographical references: ‫ מנזר' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬,‫הירשפלד י' תשנ”ב 'חריטון‬ 548-546 ,‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s): Unavailable

under Ottoman and Mamluk remains. The mosaic floors suffered iconoclast damage, it had a two-line dedication inscription in Greek: ‘At the time of the holy and beloved priest and holy father Theodorus, was performed all the work of adding the niche, the equipment and the laying of the stones of the edge of the church together with the Diaconicon, from the foundations. In the month of April of the twelfth indiction.’ The south and north walls ranged in width between 1.8 m and 2.5 m. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The inscription did not indicate the exact indiction and the possible dates were AD 563, AD 568, or AD 593. Previous study: 1985-6 Shenhav Bibliographical references: ‫ 'ח'רבת חנות – מסורת ביזנטית קדומה על מקום‬1997 '‫שנהב א‬ 181- ,‫קבורתו של גלית' מחקרי יהודה ושומרון דברי הכנס השביעי‬ 189 Plan(s):

Site Name: Hefer, Tel (el-Ifshar) Site Number: 84 Location: The Sharon, map coordinates 1415.1976. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavations. Type of Site: Village Description: In the Byzantine phase the settlement spread over the entire tel and beyond it, the tel area was more than 40,000 squ. m. Byzantine evidence was found in three layers: Excavations in Layer 3 found a building and parts of buildings, constructed of dressed limestone blocks and paved with stone slabs. Finds included pottery, lamps and animal bones, mainly of cows and sheep. Under the surface were the walls of structures belonging to Layer 1, the few remains were similar to those of Layer 2. There were large holes in Layer 1, dug into earlier layers that contained a large quantity of pottery. The pottery belonged mainly to the sixth-century and young pigs predominate in the animal bone assemblage. There was a wine-press in the northeastern part of the site, probably belonging to the settlement of Layer 3 although no description was given. Description of Religious Structures: Not applicable Dating Evidence: The pottery in Layer 3 dated to the fifth-century, while that in Layer 2 seemed to belong to the sixth-century. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1979-1982 Porat and Paley Bibliographical references: Paley S.M. and Porath Y. 1979 ‘The Regional Project in ‘Emeq Hefer’ IEJ 29, 236-239; Paley S.M. and Porath Y. 1980 ‘The Regional Project in ‘Emeq Hefer’ IEJ 30, 217-219 '‫ תל אל אפשר‬:‫פורת י' דר ש' ואפלבאום ש' תשמ"ה 'תל חפר‬ 175-163 ,‫בקדמוניות עמק חפר תל אביב‬

Plan after ‫על מקום קדומה א' תשנ"ח 'ח'רבת חנות – מסורת ביזנטית שנהב‬ '‫ מחקרי יהודה ושומרון דברי הכנס קבורתו של גלית‬,‫השביעי‬181-189 Site Name: Hariton Site Number: 83 Location: Judean Desert, map coordinates 1726.1172. Type of Study: Compound Excavation Type of Site: Monastery Description: The monastery occupied both sides of a small wadi. The core of the monastery was surrounded by walls and three corner towers. The northern tower was 11.40 x 15.60 m in size and built of two areas. Many segments of agricultural terraces and a complex watering system included water reservoirs, cisterns and pools survived on the slopes west and south of the main monastery. There was a large water reservoir at the top of the wadi that crossed the garden. The reservoir was a rectangular structure, 14 x 19.20 m, built of well-worked stones. It was divided into a central hall and two adjacent rooms to the west. Its ceiling was arched and was supported by columns. The reddish plastered walls contained large quantities of ground pottery. There were two additional reservoirs in the centre of the garden. One was circular in shape and measured seven m in diameter and the other was rectangular, 10.30 x 3.20 m in size. There were thirty-five cisterns in the garden area, each with an adjacent plot. There was a cell above each cistern and plot. 170

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

‫יונה מ' תשנ”ב ‘עין שבע’ בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬-‫אבי‬ 1209-1207 ,‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

Plan(s):

Plan of the Wine-Press after ‫ תל אל אפשר' בקדמוניות י' דר ש' ואפלבאום ש' תשמ"ה 'תל פורת‬:‫חפר‬ ‫ עמק חפר‬175-163 ,‫תל אביב‬ Site Name: Heptapegon (Ein Sheva, Et Tabgah, Tabgha) Site Number: 85 Location: Lower Galilee, map coordinates 2017.2532. Type of Study: Compound Excavation Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The church consisted of two building phases. The first was a oneroomed church measuring 17.30 x 8 m. It had six piers on the north and south walls of the church with three arches. It had an external, semi-circular apse, 2.60 m in depth; its walls were approximately one m thick. In the second phase, the length of the church complex the courtyard and the hostelry reached 56 m from north to south and 33 m from east to west. The church was a basilica measuring 19 x 25 m with a transept, which protruded 1.75 m in each direction. Two rows of five columns divided it into a nave and two aisles. Four semicolumns separated the transept from the nave and aisles. The eastern wall was straight and between it and the wall of the apse was a narrow corridor. There was a room to either side of the apse. The apse was internal and semicircular and attached to it was a semi-circular bench. From the narthex there was an opening to the atrium, which was diamond-shaped (13 x 23 m) and was surrounded by rooms from east, south and west. The construction materials were mainly basalt, with limestone column bases and windowsills. The walls were between 0.60 and 0.95 m thick and the church was paved with an elaborate polychrome mosaic including two Greek inscriptions. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating Evidence for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The church have a Terminus Post Quem of 395, provided by a coin of AD 395-408 found in the foundation of the church. Previous study: 1911 Karga; 1932 Mader; 1968 Bagati and Lofreda; 1979, 1980 Rosental and Herskovitz Bibliographical references: Loffreda S. 1981 ‘The Sanctuary of the Multiplying of the Loaves’ The Sanctuaries of Tabgha Jerusalem, 18-38; Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 56-59

Plan of the basilica (Phase 2) after Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, Plate 22 Site Name: Hermeshit, Horvat (Ne’ot Quedomim) Site Number: 86 Location: Ayalon Valley, map coordinates 156.147. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation Type of Site: Unknown Description: Two miqvaot were found north of H. Hermeshit. The excavated miqve was entirely rock-cut and subterranean with a rock-cut entrance passage worked into the rock. A series of steps descended to a vaulted entrance that led to the bath, which was entirely plastered, in some places with several layers. There was a large rock-cut wine-press 50 m west of the ritual bath, which had a 4.5 x 4.5 m treading surface. Its floor was paved with mosaics and its sides were plastered. In the centre of the floor was a square-shaped pressing basin. A few m south of the wine-press was an unexcavated plastered cave with a stepped entrance. There was an oilpress on the northern slope, its central building measured 11.2 x 14.2 m, which consisted of two rooms, paved with white mosaics. The north building had an outer face of large dressed stones and an inner face of small stones. The south building was of similar construction. Four broad steps, (one m high) led to an entrance in the south wall. A partially excavated courtyard (A) extended between the buildings and, to the east, there was a Byzantine cistern. Description of Religious Structures: There was a church on the northeast slope of the hill. The church was rectangular, orientated east-west and measured 6.20 x 171

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

a series of wall niches. Between the niches were semicircular pilasters on pedestals. There were three niches in the western wall and four in the northern and southern walls. The rock-cut and ashlar building had a small court to the north (7.2 x 5.7 m) with a staircase at its side. The hall of the monumental building became two separate units in its Byzantine phase. The Byzantine walls were ashlar and fieldstones. The northern unit contained a small courtyard in the east and two rooms. The lower course of the arch that supported the ceiling was in the western room. The Byzantine floor was directly on bedrock, about 0.5 m below the robbed earlier floor. The eastern room contained a round small pit cut into the bedrock. The courtyard had a bench on its southern side and a pit cut into bedrock. The southern unit consisted of only one room. There were traces of a central arch in the room and its floor was partly paved with flat fieldstones. In the courtyard, there was a rock-cut pit 1.4 m in diameter with a narrow channel towards the east. At a later date a flight of steps was added to the corner of the court, partly covering the water basin. There was an oil-press near the monumental building. A single room of this had been excavated, measuring 5.5 x 7.8 m. The walls were constructed of well-worked stones on the outside and a combination of large and small fieldstones on the inside. Two arches supported the ceiling. The southern wall was ashlar built. Entry was from the east through a narrow opening. There were pressing installations in the centre of the room. Other structures belonging to the Byzantine phase were east of the monumental building. To the southwest there was a 10 x 14 m two-storey structure with four rooms, paved with white mosaics. In the centre of the group of rooms excavated east of this building, was a small mosaic-paved courtyard with a cistern, manger and stairs leading to the second floor. In the southern area, at the edge of the building complex was an alley 2-2.5 m wide, which ended in an open space south of the central church. A large courtyard, measuring 10 x 13 m, had an opening in its western side. The complex was on a slope and an elongated building measuring 25 x 8 m supported its northern area. The building included three rooms, a square room in the centre and rectangular rooms on either side. A central arch supported the ceiling in the centre room. There was an oil-press in the eastern room. Description of Religious Structures: There were three Byzantine basilican churches. Columns divided each of these into a nave and two aisles and all had mosaic floors. Each church had two rooms flanking the apse and a baptismal font. The North Church was in the lower area of Lower Herodium. It was rectangular and measured 10.4 x 8.5 m. A bench ran around three of the walls. The apse was square and a rectangular bema was paved with mosaics and had a chancel screen. South of the bema was a small room, 2.2 x 1.9 m in size, with a small plastered pool partly sunk into the floor of the room. Each side of the pool was 0.60 m. North of the bema was another room of a similar size, also paved with mosaics. Three doors led from the narrow (1.8 m) narthex into the church. The narthex was paved with mosaics and entrance was from

8.40 m. It had stone walls, plastered on the outside. Two entrances to the church survived, both 1.5 m wide and located on both sides of the southwestern corner. The church was paved with mosaics and had a vaulted roof. Dating Evidence: The ritual bath was not precisely dated, although it was termed ‘Byzantine’. Greenhut also dated the large wine-press to the Byzantine phase by its layout and pottery. The oil-press employed a Byzantine type of crushing mechanism and on it was an intact sixthseventh-century AD lamp. The domestic structures had two building phases. They were constructed in the Early Roman phase and were re-used in the Byzantine and Early Islamic phases. The courtyard also had two building phases. On the basis of finds it was suggested that the early phase belongs to the Early Roman and the later phase to the Byzantine and Islamic periods. Dating for Religious Structures: Unavailable Previous study: [?] Greenhut Bibliographical references: Greenhut Z. 1988-1989 ‘Horvat Hermeshit (Neot Qedumim)’ ESI 7/8, 81-83; Greenhut Z. 1989-1990 ‘Horvat Hermeshit (Ne’ot Qedumim) - 1989, ESI 9, 141-143; Greenhut Z. and Yron-Lubin M. 1991 ‘Horvat Hermeshit (Ne’ot Qedumim) – 1990’ ESI 10, 123-124; Yron-Lubin M. 1996 ‘Horvat Hermeshit (Ne’ot Qedumim) – 1993’ ESI 13, 66-68 Plan(s):

Plan of Area B after Yron-Lubin M. 1996 ‘Horvat Hermeshit (Ne’ot Qedumim) – 1993’ ESI, 66 Site Name: Herodium Site Number: 87 Location: Judean Desert, map coordinates 1731.1192. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Unknown Description: A small settlement of monks existed at the site in the Byzantine phase. The monks lived primarily in the disused baths, which still had their roof. They built cells and ovens in the building and a small house in one of the rooms outside it. No further information about this phase of the site was available. The Roman-period monumental building, measured 14.9 x 14 m and consisted, in the first phase, of a single hall. The northern and southern walls were 2.6 m thick, whereas the western wall was 1.8 m thick and the eastern wall was 0.9 m thick. The buried rear western wall served as a retaining wall. Plaster covered the exterior of the building; the interior was elaborate with 172

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

its southern, narrow side. A courtyard provided access to the church in its southern part. There were three rooms attached to the basilica and narthex from the north. The eastern room was paved with mosaics incorporating a Greek inscription. The smallest, western, room had a staircase leading, presumably to the second floor. Entry into this room was from the narthex and it led to the middle room and the eastern room. Both the middle and western rooms were paved with coarse white mosaics. The Eastern Church was rectangular, measuring 12.3 x 8.3 m, with a circular apse and floor mosaics. Three doors led into the church from a narrow (2.5 m) narthex paved with coarse white mosaics. Entry to two mosaic paved rooms in the south of the church was through the nave. There was a baptismal font in a niche built in the eastern wall of one of the rooms (4.5 x 2.9 m) and a tomb built under the floor. The second room was larger, measuring 7.8 x 2.9 m, with a partly preserved inscription in the floor. The Central Church was in the centre of Lower Herodium. There was evidence of an earlier Byzantine phase under the western half of the church. This consisted of a small vaulted room. The church was rectangular, measuring 11.4 x 10.2 m, the south western corner was cut into the bedrock, with a circular apse and a mosaic paved bema. Four columns separated the nave from the two aisles. The hall was paved with mosaics. South of the apse, in an attached square room (2 x 2 m), there was a monolithic baptismal font. It measured 1.10 m in diameter and 0.85 m high. North of the apse another small room, paved with white mosaic, was badly preserved. The main entrance to the church was through the southern wall and there was no narthex, yet a small paved area provided a kind of porch. In the west a narrow corridor was found leading into the northern aisle, but this entry was later blocked. Attached to the north aisle there was a trapezoidal room, entered through the nave. Along two of its walls ran benches with elevated sides. The walls of the church were built of re-used stone, some of it dressed. Dating Evidence: Not reported Dating for Religious Structures: The northern church dates to the middle to the second half of the fifth-century based on the mosaics, inscriptions and architectural criteria. The Eastern Church’s date was unclear, Netzer argued that the letter-forms in the inscription in the mosaic floor were different from those found in the north church and so dated it to the second half of the sixthcentury or the beginning of the seventh-century AD. The mosaic floors, Netzer argued, belong to the fifth- and sixth-century. The Central Church was said to be the latest, also on the basis of its mosaic floors. Previous study: 1967-1962 Corbo; 1970-1967 Prester; 1970 Netzer; 1997-2000 Netzer Bibliographical references: Netzer E. 1990 ‘The Byzantine Churches of Herodium’ in Colbi S.P. (ed.) Christian Archaeology in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 165-176; Netzer E. 1981 Greater Herodium (Qedem 13) Jerusalem ,80-77 ‫נצר א' בירגר ר' ופלר א' ‘כנסיותיה של הרודיון’ קדמוניות‬ ‫; נצר א' קלמן י' לוריס ה' תש"ס ‘מבנים ממזרח לביניין‬44-32 142-137 ,10 ‫המונומנטלי בהרודיון תחתית’ מחקרי יהודה ושומרון‬ Plan(s):

Plan of the Central Church by Cohen E. after 41 ,80-77 ‫נצר א' בירגר ר' ופלר א' ‘כנסיותיה של הרודיון’ קדמוניות‬

Plan of the East Church by Cohen E. after 38 ,80-77 ‫נצר א' בירגר ר' ופלר א' ‘כנסיותיה של הרודיון’ קדמוניות‬

Plan of the North Church by Cohen E. after 33 ,80-77 ‫נצר א' בירגר ר' ופלר א' ‘כנסיותיה של הרודיון’ קדמוניות‬ 173

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Site Name: Hesheq, Horbat Site Number: 88 Location: Upper Galilee, map coordinates 1757.2619. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Farm Church – a unique site-type. Description: Horbat Hesheq was an isolated structure, approximately 150 m north of the outskirts of Horbat Maoz. Overall, it measured 21 x 16 m, with two entrances in the south wall and the eastern entrance descending into a small rectangular room measuring 2.5 x 3.0 m with a domed ceiling, built of well-dressed ashlar. The north wall opposite the entrance was cut into natural rock. A rock-cut shelf, 0.10 m wide, ran along the entire width of the room. The floor was missing and only rubble built foundations remained. An entrance in the western end of the building led to a mortared stone water reservoir measuring 10.0 x 3.0 x 3.0 m. Plastered natural rock formed the north wall of the reservoir. Stone slabs laid on a series of seven stone arches form the ceiling. There was an opening between the second and third arch. The building stands against the natural rock face. It, therefore, offered direct access to the second floor of the building from the north. Description of Religious Structures: The second floor formed a small church (8.50 x 11 m). The atrium was located directly above the reservoir and had an opening for drawing up water. The narthex served as the building’s northern entrance, it was two m wide and led into the church through three entrances. Two rows of three columns and two engaged pillars divided church into a nave and two aisles. It had a central external apse, with a small niche to its south and possibly another small niche to its north (unexcavated). The floor of the southern niche was 0.15 m higher than the floor of the southern aisle and covered with a veneer of thin marble panels. The apse was lined with ashlar. The bema was 0.40 m higher than the floor of the hall and was raised by a single step. The mosaicpaved southern aisle and nave included five Greek inscriptions. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: Inscription 3 dates the mosaic to the month of April in the year 582 of the 12th indiction. The only date that corresponds with the indiction and the finds was AD 519. Unfortunately no other dating evidence for the structure was available. Previous study: Mid-1970s Frankel; 1985-1988 Athroughm Bibliographical references: Athroughm M. 1990 ‘Horbat Hesheq – A Unique Church in Upper Galilee: Preliminary Report’ in Colbi S.P. (ed.) Christian Archaeology in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 351-378 Plan(s):

Aviram M. ‘Horvat Hesheq, a Church in Upper Galilee’ in Tsafrir Y. (ed.) Ancient Churches Revealed Jerusalem 1993, 55 Site Name: Hison, Biq'at Site Number: 89 Location: Negev Mount, map coordinates 1165.9787. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Seasonal Settlement Description: There were large terraces. Three rectangular structures were found in the middle of the site, measuring about 5 x 5 m. The excavated structure measured 6 x 5 m and had ashlar-faced walls with cores of small stones. The opening in the southwest of the structure was 0.8 m wide. The elliptical building had what may be a stock enclosure. It measured 6.5 x 8 m and had walls built of river stones. There was a circular structure to the north, 1 m in diameter, with walls of cut stone and a packed soil floor. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Description’. Dating Evidence: Pottery finds were taken to indicate a date between the sixth- and eighth-century for the settlement. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1985Avni Bibliographical references: ‫; רוזן ס' תשנ"ה ‘בשולי‬70 ,‫אבני ג' תשמ"ח ‘בקעת חסון’ חא צ"ב‬ ’‫ הארכיאולוגיה של נוודים פסטורלים בהר הנגב‬:‫האמפריה‬ 29-4 ,4 ‫ארכיאולוגיה‬ Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: Horkaniya (Mird, Castelion) Site Number: 90 Location: Judean Desert, map coordinates 1847.1252. Type of Study: Compound Excavation. Type of Site: Monastery Description: In the Byzantine phase, monks settled in the structure on the peak. The room south of the church was paved with polychrome mosaics in the same phase. There was a Byzantine burial cave in the lower west side 174

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

flagstones of flaky bluish slate and harder white limestones. Traces of an ambo survived between the easternmost pier of the north row and the northwest corner of the chancel. The chancel was two steps above the floor of the church. It projected into the nave as far as the first pair of arched piers. The steps were re-used marl blocks and the chancel screen base was built with the same sort of blocks. The three apses were all semicircular. The central apse was 3.5 m in diameter, the north apse was two m in diameter and the south apse was slightly more than two m in diameter. Dating Evidence: The excavators stated that the two south rooms were probably contemporary with the church but provided no further dating evidence. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1965 DAT; 1980-81 Graf and Eadie; 1983 Graf, Eadie and Oleson; 1986, 1987, Oleson, Oelson, K 'Amr, Schick, Foote and Somogyi-Csizmazia 1991-1992 Bibliographical references: Oelson J.P. 'Amr K. Schick R. Foote R.M. and Somogyi-Csizmazia J. 1993 ‘The Humeima Excavations Project: Preliminary Report of the 1991-1992 Campign’ ADAJ 31, 461-502 Plan(s): Unavailable

and eight graves were discovered under a white mosaic pavement. In Shik’s map, the monastic cells were located west of Horkaniya hill. Description of Religious Structures: The northeastern part of the structure became a church, measuring 5.50 x 16 m. Its floor was paved with white mosaic and attached to the north and south walls were two piers, which probably carried arches to support the roof. There was one entrance in the west wall and a second in the middle of the south wall and a part of an external semi-circular apse 3.40 m in depth, with chancel post fragments. There was a rectangular room at the south side of the church; its walls were 0.70-0.80 m thick. An elongated rectangular courtyard connected the church and the monastery. Dating Evidence: The mosaic floor of the rectangular room attached to the church was dated to the fifth- or sixth-century. Dating for Religious Structures: Unreported Previous study: 1877 Shik; 1913-1027 Mader; 1953 deLanga; 1960 Wright; 1973 Mashal; 1971 Feldman Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 111112; Perrot C. 1963 ‘Un Fragment Christo-Palestinien Decovert a Khirbet Mird’ RB 70, 506-511 ‫פטריך י' תשנ"ב 'הורקניה' בשטרן א' )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ 450-447 ,‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s): Unavailable

Site Name: Hzor-Ashdod Site Number: 92 Location: The Shefela, map coordinates 123.130. Type of Study: Non-Scientific Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: A basilica, measuring 10.50 x 12.50 m. The church might have had an external apse. Two rows of three columns divided the hall into a nave and two aisles. In the western wall of the hall, three entrances opened into a narthex. The bema was raised two steps above the floor of the hall. The floor was paved with polychrome mosaics and bore two Greek inscriptions. On the north side of the basilica, a series of rooms were paved with mosaics containing Greek inscriptions. The walls were 0.50 to 0.70 m thick. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: A Greek inscription indicated that the mosaic was laid in AD 512. No other dating evidence for the structure was available. Previous study: 1956 Ori and Ovadiah Bibliographical references: (‫יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'חצור אשדוד' בשטרן א’ )עורך‬-‫אבי‬ ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ 801 , Plan(s): Unavailable

Site Name: Humeima Site Number: 91 Location: Jordan, map coordinates unavailable. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: There were two churches in Humeima. Two rooms adjoined the lower church from the south but appeared to be unrelated to it. The southeast room had four installations: a row of stones along the south wall of the church, a second row of stones along the west wall of the room, a third row between the two arch springers and a fourth row along the east wall. These rested on top of a flagstone pavement identical to that of the church although 1.5 m lower. Two north south arches roofed the room. One doorway was located in the middle of the east wall, a second in the middle of the west hall led to the southwest room. Half the room was paved in flagstones similar to the church, while the other half was floored with packed soil. Description of Religious Structures: The Lower Church was a basilica, measuring 21.5 x 15 m. Two rows of five arch piers divided the basilica into a nave and two aisles. The east end of the church terminated in a raised chancel and apse and the two smaller aisles terminated in two smaller semi-circular apses. Benches were built from cobbles and mud-bricks along the southwest and north walls. In the southwest of the church was a badly damaged staircase. Immediately to its west there was a niche. A doorway in the middle of the north wall led to a northwest room and a second door led to the northeast room. The partially excavated northwest room had three arches spanning the room and a bench ran along the west wall. Its floor was packed soil and there was a springer for a north-south arch just west of the door. A staircase along the east wall was made of re-used marl. The pavement in the church and the rooms was of irregular

Site Name: Ja’hazam, Khirbat Site Number: 93 Location: Judea, map coordinates 176.123. Type of Study: Non-Scientific Complex Excavation. Type of Site: Monastery Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: A long room, measuring 6 x 20 m. The construction method was unreported. It was paved with polychrome mosaics, in geometrical patterns. There were two mosaic floors, one laid on top of the other. North of this room was a room paved with white mosaics and it contained what may be stone-built beds. A 175

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Greek inscribed tombstone was found in a small room to the east, which had a floor with geometrical mosaics. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Dating for Religious Structures: ‘Sixth-century’, but no dating evidence reported. Previous study: 1954 Corbo Bibliographical references: Chitty D.J. and Jones A.H.M. 1929 ‘Khirbat Ja’hazam’ PEQ 61, 156-163 Plan(s): Unavailable

Site Name: Jemameh, Khirbat (Rochama) Site Number: 95 Location: Gaza Strip area, map coordinates 1208.1012. Type of Study: Compound Excavation Type of Site: Monastery Description: The excavated structure (30 x 25 m) consisted of a courtyard complex with sturdy exterior walls. A narrow corridor led into the courtyard from the west, from which there was access to the various parts of the building. The walls were generally of mud-brick on fieldstone foundations and internally plastered. The courtyard and most of the rooms were paved with mosaics, but some rooms were paved with pottery sherds set in a plaster bed. There was a small ceramic basin sunk in the floors of two rooms and the courtyard. Two rooms in the northwest part of the complex appeared to have been part of an earlier structure. Room A had three crosses in black tesserae on its floor, surrounding what seems to be a deliberately destroyed patch of mosaic. To the north was another badly preserved room (A1), paved with potsherds. A vestibule paved with white mosaics was aligned with an earlier structure and it seemed that rooms also surrounded the U-shaped courtyard, at least on its north and west. There was a well-dressed limestone crypt underneath the northern part of the courtyard. The tomb within the crypt comprised a square shaft, at the bottom was a large stair case leading to the arched tomb entrance. Two burial compartments separated by a broad partition divided the rectangular tomb chamber. There was a rectangular cistern under the floor of the west area of the courtyard. Room III was an unpaved square room abutting Room A and sharing its orientation. A trough was located in the courtyard just outside the door. Room VII occupied the greater part of the north side of the building. It was paved with coarse white mosaics, its central panel had polychrome tesserae in a geometric pattern. The room had two doorways, one leading into the inner courtyard and a second entryway was from Room V in the east. Room V, the smallest in the complex, was paved with potsherds. It opened to the courtyard on the south and Room IV on the west. Rooms VI, VII and VIII composed the east wing of the building. There were two building phases. Room VI, with its decorated mosaic floor, had only one large rectangular room to the east. A blocked northern doorway indicated the entrance. The rooms underwent a number of changes and repairs. The room to the east of VI was divided into two rooms of unequal size and an apse built of well-dressed limestone. Masonry was added to the southern room, which was paved with stone slabs. There were fragments of marble near the apse, possibly parts of a chancel screen. A 1.60 m wide doorway was found in the west wall of Room VI, directly opposite the apse. The room was paved with high quality polychrome mosaic pavement. Room VII was paved with coarse white mosaics. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Description’ Dating Evidence: Pottery dated to the Byzantine phase was found, although Gophna and Feig did not indicate its location or stratification. Rather, the excavators rely on stylistic analysis of mosaics and architecture for dating purposes. Although six Byzantine or early Islamic lamps were found in the tomb, the tomb was looted and so

Site Name: Jannaba et-Tahta, Khirbet Site Number: 94 Location: Judea, map coordinates 1451.1215. Type of Study: Rescue Excavation Type of Site: Lone Structure Description: Rescue excavations covered an area of 36 squ. m. Among the features were rock-cut steps leading to a rocky surface and a small plastered basin (0.14 m in diameter, 0.24 m deep) and a 0.27 m wide channel running down slope for 1.66 m in a southwesterly direction. A layer of plaster fragments, pebbles and pottery sherds filled the channel. Above this fill there was a 0.10 m thick layer of plaster, mixed with sand, acting as the bedding for a coarse mosaic floor with a dedication inscription. Reading ‘The laying of the mosaic took place in the time of the divinely-beloved prester ---anus, indiction 12’. The inscribed mosaic floor and bedrock were plastered over. A new basin was cut and was fed by several rock-cut channels. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Dating Evidence: The inscription is dated to the sixthcentury. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1975-1976 Dauphin Bibliographical references: Dauphin C. 1991 ‘The Excavation of a Byzantine Site at Khirbat Jannaba etThata’ Atiqot 20, 111-117 Plan(s):

General Plan after Dauphin C. 1991 ‘The Excavation of a Byzantine Site at Khirbat Jannaba et-Thata’ Atiqot 20, 112 176

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

the south aisle. The hall had a square apse paved with badly preserved mosaics carrying a Greek inscription; the nave was wider than the aisle. The second phase of the church was smaller, also built of ashlar and had a narthex paved with white mosaics. Its size was approximately that of the old south aisle. The third phase of the church was a little larger (0.30 m on each side), but with the same plan. The foundations of the mudbrick walls were 0.50 m deep and constructed of large river pebbles. This structure had new mosaic pavements. The fourth phase of the church was built of plastered mud-bricks and, was enlarged by 0.30 m on either side. There were additional small rooms in the south of the church. This structure was later turned into a warehouse for the fifth-phase church, which was built over it. The fifth-phase church was a small structure, entered through steps leaning against the fourth-phase church’s north wall. The church had mud-brick walls and a mosaic floor. Dating Evidence: Not applicable Dating for Religious Structures: Baramko dated the synagogue to the beginning of the eighth-century based on the architecture (including the mosaic) and unstratified coins. The mosaics found in the southern aisle of the church in Tel Hassan were similar to those found in the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem, dated to the fourthor fifth-century. However, it was possible that the mosaic belonged to the earlier church and the church itself dates to the reign of Justinian I. Given that the chronological relationship between the mosaics was uncertain, these can only offer the most general guide to dating the a-Natle church. The report claimed that the destruction of the second church on the site was in the mid-eighth-century. Dating for the third phase rests on a dubious historical link with the earthquake of 747. The reports also assert that the final church dated to the early ninth-century without providing evidence for this. Previous study: 1868 Waren; 1909, 1911 Neldaka, Tsilger and Zlin; 1936 Baramki; 1950 Kelso; 1951 Detweiler, Vinet and Pritchard Bibliographical references: Baramki D.C. 1935-1936 ‘An Early Byzantine Basilica at Tell Hadsan Jericho’ QDAP 5, 82-88; Kelso J.L. 1949/51 ‘Excavations at New Testement Jericho and Khirbat En-Nitle’ AASOR 29/30, 50-52; Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 72-75; Baramki D.C. 1936 ‘An early Byzantine Synagogue Near Tell Es Sultan, Jericho’ QDAP 6, 73-76 Plan(s):

these cannot be considered as being from a sealed context. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1958 Gophna and Feig Bibliographical references: Gophna R. and Geig N. 1993 ‘A Byzantine Monastery at Kh. Jemameh’ Atiqot 22, 97108 Plan(s):

Plan of Monastery after Gophna R. and Geig N. 1993 ‘A Byzantine Monastery at Kh. Jemameh’ Atiqot 22, 97 Site Name: Jericho Site Number: 96 Location: Judea, map coordinates 191.140. Type of Study: Partial Single Structure Excavation (Tell Hadan), Non-Scientific Excavation (e-Nitle), NonScientific Excavation (Tell es-Sultan). Type of Site: Two Churches and a Synagogue. Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: There was a Byzantine structure identified as a church next to a synagogue in Tel Saltan. The structure was rectangular and measured 10 x 13 m. Two rows of square columns divided the church into a nave and two aisles. The semi-oval external apse was orientated southwest towards Jerusalem. There were two stones built against the northwest wall of the aisle. Only one entrance allowed access to the nave at the northeast side. An elaborate polychrome mosaic with an Aramaic inscription, as well as a shofar, a lulav and a menorah, covered the floor of the synagogue. There was a basilica in Tel Hadan, with a nave and two aisles. Two rows of columns separated the hall, four columns to a row. The excavator assumed that the church had a double bema, based on three column bases in the centre of the bema area that divided it in two and fragments of a marble chancel screen. Attached to the church were three rooms adjoining it to the north. The floors were paved with polychrome mosaics. The measurements of the basilica, according to a reconstruc-tion, were 37 x 18 m. The walls were one m thick and were covered with mosaic fragments. There was an additional church in Khirbat a-Natle. The church was an ashlar basilica, only partly excavated. The south wall was built of soft limestone. There was a room in the east end of

Plan of the Church at Khirbat en –Nitle after Kelso J.L. 1949/51 ‘Excavations at New Testement Jericho and Khirbat En-Nitle’ (AASOR 29/30), 52 177

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

basin was set into the floor in the centre of the room, with a step to descend into it. The basin was 0.80 x 0.90 m and 0.50 m in depth. Between this basin and the apse was another, smaller basin measuring 0.48 x 0.27 x 0.04 m in depth, only its base survived. There were two mosaic floors, one on top of the other. On the lower floor was a Greek inscription. To the west of the baptistery was another room (Room 2), 6.6 m wide with a mosaic pavement with two Greek inscriptions. The second apsidal room - the church (Room 3), was to the north of and adjacent to the baptistery, connected by a mosaiccovered step. At a depth of one m was a second apsidal room with an internal apse, 3.60 m in diameter, paved with mosaics. There was a small marble box (a reliquary?) in situ in the mosaic floor, its cover level with the pavement, it measured 0.32 x 0.17 m and was 0.18 m high, including the lid. The foundation of a limestone chancel screen was also in situ, separating the church from an additional room (Room 4), 2.8 m wide, also paved with mosaics. Outside and adjacent to the southern wall of rooms 1 and 2, was a bigger room (Room 5). A fragmentary mosaic pavement continued to the east of Room 6. The passage between the rooms was 0.75 m in width. The foundations of a basalt stone wall 1.12 m wide separated Room 5 from Room 6. Irregular basalt paving slabs paved the floor in Room 6. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: One of the inscriptions gave a date of AD 536 for the first phase of the church. No more details were provided. Byzantine pottery found in the second phase church may have indicated the same date, although as its location and stratigraphy were not indicated, this was uncertain. An epigraphic analysis of the inscriptions indicated, according to Sarissalo, a date in the second quarter of the sixth-century AD. Previous study: 1961, 1963 Sarissalo Bibliographical references: Sarissalo A. 1961 ‘Kafar Kama’ IEJ 11, 197; Sarissalo A. 1963 ‘Kafar Kama’ IEJ 13, 149; Sarissalo A. and Palva H. 1964 A Byzantine Church at Kfar Kama Helsinki ‫יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'כנסיות קדומות – כפר כמא' בשטרן‬-‫אבי‬ ‫א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ‬ 802 ,‫ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

Plan of the Church at tel Hasan, Jericho after Baramki D.C. 1935/1936 ‘An Early Byzantine Basilica at Tell Hadsan Jericho’ QDAP 5, 88

Plan of the Synagogue after Baramki D.C. 1936 ‘An early Byzantine Synagogue Near Tell Es Sultan, Jericho’ QDAP 6, 74 Site Name: Kama, Kfar Site Number: 97 Location: The Galilee, map coordinates unavailable. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church (?) Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The various rooms of a Christian structure were partially excavated, since a later building stood above them. The baptistery (Room 1) had an east orientated apse 3.60 m in diameter. A

Plan of the North Church after Ovadiah A. and de Silva C.G. 1984 Supplementum to the Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 143 178

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

north. The narthex had a mosaic floor with a Greek inscription in the centre. There was a rectangular tomb in the narthex, partly covered by the mosaic floor. Three doorways led from the narthex to a nave and two aisles. The nave was paved with white marble and red tiles. There was a semi-circular central apse in the eastern end of the nave, the cancel was 0.5 m above the floor of the hall and a chancel screen was found. In a later phase, the chancel ended two m to the west. The north and south aisles were paved with mosaics. Two rows of seven columns divided the building into a nave and two aisles. There was another church added to the southeastern side of the church at a later phase. It was paved with geometrical mosaics and had a cruciform font. In a later phase, there was a small apse in the eastern wall of the church. The room adjoining the church on the west had a mosaic floor. Two doorways, one in the south wall and one in the west wall, connected it with the north aisle. There was a tomb dug into the northwest part of the room and this area was probably turned into a storeroom at a later phase. Dating Evidence: There was no dating evidence in the robbed Cave 1. Byzantine pottery was found in Cave 2 and fourth-century coins and a glass flask were found in Cave 3. Yet it was unclear whether these finds dated the burials in the caves, as the report did not indicate if they came from a sealed stratified context or were associated with skeletons. Dating for Religious Structures: Gorni and Avi'am dated the church to the sixth-century on the basis of the ceramic finds and the style of the mosaics. They claim that it continued in use until the seventh-century. Previous study: 1990 Porath and Avi'am; 1993 Gorni and Avi'am Bibliographical references: Porath I. and Avi'am M. 1991 ‘Horbat Kenes (Carmiel)’ ESI 10, 82-83; Avshalom-Gorni D. and Avi'am M. 1996 ‘Horvat Kenes’ ESI 15, 25-27 Plan(s):

Site Name: Kanaf, Horbat Site Number: 98 Location: The Galilee, map coordinates 2145.2531. Type of Study: Extensive Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Small Village Description: The settlement covered over 15,000 squ. m. The houses were spacious and the paths traced their way up the hill to the synagogue located at the top. There was a paved street along the north side of the synagogue. Description of Religious Structures: The synagogue had a trapezoidal plan on an axis from basalt stones and was orientated west. Its west wall measured 12.50 m, its east 13.25 m, its south 15.85 m and its north 16.40 m. A side entrance was located in the north wall. There were parts of the re-used columns and doorways in subsequent layers. West of the synagogue was a rectangular courtyard, measuring 9.30 x 3.80 m. Dating Evidence: According to the excavator, Horbat Kanaf was re-settled only in the second half of the fourth-century and abandoned again in the seventhcentury AD. Dating for Religious Structures: The only finds in connection with the synagogue were pottery sherds in the fill of its foundations. The latest belonged to the fifth-century, providing the construction of the building with a Terminus Post Quem. There were also four coins in the foundations of the synagogue, the latest had an earliest date of AD 498, so the coin gives the structure a Terminus Post Quem of AD 498. Previous study: 1885 Oliphant; 1932 Sukenik; 1978-1980 Maoz Bibliographical references: Maoz Z. 1979 ‘The Stones of Hurbat Kanaf’ Israel Land and Nature, 64-67 ‫מעוז צ' תשנ”ב 'כנף חורבת' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬ 810-807 ,‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plans: Unavailable Site Name: Kenes, Horbat (Karmiel) Site Number: 99 Location: The Galille, map coordinates 1779.2580. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Church and Burial Caves. Description: There were three burial caves. Cave 1 included a partly stepped domos that led to a rectangular entrance and a rounded burial room. A rock-cut channel carried rain water away from the tomb. There were burial troughs cut into the east and north walls of Cave 2, with another in the southwest corner and the entrance destroyed. Cave 3 had a rock-cut entrance; a small room opened into a rounded burial room (2.5 x 3.0 m), which contained a clay sarcophagus covered with terracotta tiles. A narrow niche worked south of the chamber contained another clay sarcophagus covered with terracotta tiles. There were coins and jewellery with the burial. Description of Religious Structures: Entry to the church was through an atrium, the western part of which had not been preserved. It was paved with stones on a bed of gravel and had columns on the north, south and east. In the north and south it included mosaic paved porticos. Later the north portico was divided into rooms. A rockcut tomb in the south portico had two long stone slabs set flush with the mosaic floor. Three stone paved steps led from the atrium to the narthex, later enlarged to the

Plan of the Church after Avshalom-Gorni D. and Avi'am M. 1996 ‘Horvat Kenes’ ESI 15, 26 179

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Site Name: Khan el-Ahmar Site Number: 100 Location: Judean Desert, map coordinates 181.133. Type of Study: Non-Scientific Single Study Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: There was a church at the centre of the east wall of the monastery. Description of Religious Structures: The church was a basilica (26 x 14 m) with a platform or a narthex to the west; its ceiling was supported by arches. There were three entrances in the west wall, two in the north and one in the south. Two rows of columns, four to a row, the last two engaged with the apse, divided the hall into a nave and two aisles. Three piers each on the north and south walls supported the arches. The bema was raised one step above the floor of the hall and the fragment of a chancel screen was contained within the nave. There were three apses: The central apse was external and rectangular (three m in depth) the smaller apses were internal (1.50 m deep). North of the northern side apse was an elongated rectangular chamber with an entrance leading to the north aisle. To the south of the southern side apse was another rectangular room and at the middle of the south wall of the basilica there was a third small rectangular room with a connecting doorway to the south aisle. The basilica was probably originally roofed with timber, but later covered with a dome. The walls were between 0.80 to 1.10 m thick and decorated with wall paintings. The floor was paved with polychrome mosaics. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The excavator dated the church to the end of the fifth-century. Previous study: 1927-30 Chitty Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 103104 Plan(s):

Site Name: Khadfin (Khisfin) Site Number: 101 Location: The Golan, map coordinates 226.250. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavations. Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: Church A was a partially excavated basilica with three external apses. Two rows of columns divided the church into a nave and two aisles and there was a chancel screen. There were mosaic pavements in the nave and in the southern aisle with a Greek inscription. The floors suffered apparent iconoclast damage. There were rooms in the southern aisle of the church. The church underwent three building phases. Church B was located about 200 m from Church A. The excavators found two mosaic floors, one on top of the other. Stone slabs served as the base course of the upper mosaic floor. A five-line dedication inscription in Greek gave a date for the church. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: Church A ‘Byzantine’ but Church B was firmly dated AD 561 or 618 by the inscription. Previous study: 1972 Ben-Ari, Urman and Bar-Lev Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. and de Silva C.G. 1984 Supplementum to the Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 229-230 Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: Khudriya, Khirbat Site Number: 102 Location: Judea Hills, map coordinates 177.146. Type of Study: Unknown (Non-Scientific). Type of Site: Monastery Description: A monastery, comprising a church and an industrial structure. The industrial structure was on a terrace south of the church. It included a number of small rooms, an olive-press, a wine-press, a series of storage vats, a storage cave and three large cisterns. Description of Religious Structures: The church consisted of a nave, an apse and two additional rooms paved with mosaics. The nave had a mosaic floor. There was a baptismal font with a mosaic floor decorated with geometrical patterns, as well as additional rooms. Dating Evidence: Unavailable Dating for Religious Structures: Unavailable Previous study: 1966, 1968-9 Callaway Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. and de Silva C.G. 1984 Supplementum to the Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 235-236 Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: Kissufim Site Number: 103 Location: The Negev, map coordinates 0959.0893. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: A basilican church measuring 16 x 13 m. The church had limestone walls. Hollows in the mosaic floor indicate that two rows of five columns divided the hall into a nave and two aisles.

Plan after Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, Plate 44 180

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

nave, attached to the northern foundation wall. A wall separated the nave from the apse and the bema was one step above the floor of the hall. The church had an internal apse (2.50 m deep), a narthex (11 x 2.10 m) and an atrium at the west end. The atrium contained a cistern to the southeast. The dressed stone walls of the basilica were 0.90 m thick. The addition of masonry at the northeast and southeast corners had changed the external apse into an internal one. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The excavator reported that Byzantine pottery dated the church to between the fourth- and sixth-century. Previous study: 1931 Bramki Bibliographical references: Baramki D.C. 1935 ‘Recent Discoveries of Byzantine Remains in Palestine’ QDAP 4, 118-119; Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 120-121 '‫יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'כנסיות קדומות – חורבת כופין‬-‫אבי‬ ‫בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות‬ 802-801 ,‫בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

Elaborate polychrome mosaics, with a number of Greek inscriptions covered the floor of the nave and aisles. There was a tomb in the middle of the northern aisle. Its opening was covered by a large marble slab, fragments of which survive. The church had a stone-paved narthex measuring 11 x 2 m and a stone-paved atrium. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: A seven-line Greek dedicatory inscription in the mosaic paving in the nave dates the floor to the 4th August AD 576. Another Greek inscription was set into the mosaic floor between two columns in the western row. It indicates that work on the mosaic pavement in the southern aisle began on the 4th July, AD 578. Previous study: 1930 Ory; 1977 Cohen Bibliographical references: '‫כהן ר' תשנ”ב 'אתרים מן התקופה הנבטית והרומאית בהר הנגב‬ ‫בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות‬ ‫; כוהן ר' תשל"ט ‘כנסייה ורצפות‬1053 ,‫בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ 24-19 ,45 ‫פסיפס ביזנטיות ליד כיסופים’ קדמוניות‬ Plan(s):

Plan of the Church after ‫כוהן ר' תשל"ט ‘כנסייה ורצפות פסיפס ביזנטיות ליד כיסופים’ קדמוניות‬ ,4520 Site Name: Kofin, Horbat Site Number: 104 Location: Judean Hills, map coordinates 160.114. Type of Study: Non-Scientific Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The basilican church measured 12 x 20 m and had a nave and two aisles. Foundation walls built of dressed stones and rubble separated the nave and aisles. There was a rectangular flagstone-built cavity in the middle of the

Plan of the Church after Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, Plate 50 Site Name: Krayiot, Tel Site Number: 105 Location: The Negev, map coordinates unavailable. Type of Study: Church Type of Site: Very large town Description: The site covers an area of 200,000 squ. m. 181

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

the monastery and two buildings with a street running in between. Description of Religious Structures: The basilica measured 25 x 45 m. In front of the entrance in the western side was a stone paved open area. The walls were dressed basalt stones, laid in two rows with a fill of small stones and mortar. The walls were finished with a thick coat of plaster. The nave measured 15 x 24 m and was rectangular with two rows of eight columns each. The basilica ended with a raised apse and two flanking rooms, 6 x 4 m in size each. Entry to the rooms was through openings in the side aisles. During Phase Ib, a baptistery was added to the southern flanking room. A new mosaic pavement was laid and a baptismal font installed. The hall was paved with polychrome mosaics with four inscriptions. One Greek dedicatory inscription gave the date of the laying of the mosaic floor and a second was a dated dedication inscription. On the north and south of the basilica were two symmetrically arranged wings, both containing two long rooms with a small square room between them. An atrium measured 13 x 18 m and occupied almost half of the church compound. It was a large open court surrounded by porticos and had a small entrance chamber. The entrance chamber and court were paved with large basalt slabs. The northern and southern porticos were paved with mosaics. There was no floor on the western side of the atrium. The outer opening was 1.80 m wide and the entrance leading to the atrium was 2.50 m. A large (partly excavated) cistern occupied the entire area below the court. A thick coat of hydraulic plaster lined the cistern. In Phase I the eastern portico served as a narthex. This was sealed off at a later phase to become an enclosed inner court and entrances were left only at the southern and northern ends. At the southern end of the narthex was a flat basalt stone with an iron handle, this sealed off entry to an underground passage that led to a vaulted crypt. The crypt (6.25 x 2.40 m, over 2 m high) had three burial troughs, three on each side of the long walls. Dating Evidence: The excavators proposed three main phases, from the fifth- to seventh-century. They published no detailed justification for this, although it seems to be based on statigraphical analysis. Dating for Religious Structures: A dedicatory inscription in the mosaic floor dated it to the reign of Maurice Tiberius (AD582-587). Previous study: 1970 Urman; 1971-1974 Tzaferis Bibliographical references: Greg R.C. and Urman D. 1938 Jews, Pagans and Christians in the Golan Heights: Greek and other Inscriptions of the Roman and Byzantine Eras Atlanta; Tzaferis V. 1993 ‘The Excavations of Kursi – Gergasa’ ‘Atiqot 16, 1-65 ‫צפיריס ו' תשנ”ב 'כורסי' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ 782-780 ,‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

Description of Religious Structures: Excavations took place in a Byzantine basilican church, measuring 27 x 16 m. It had an internal apse higher than the hall with a polychrome mosaic pavement. Two rooms flanked the apse, which had a broken chancel screen. The southern room had a baptismal font. The mosaic had medallions with images, which suffered apparent iconoclast damage. The southern aisle was mostly paved with white mosaic but also had a polychrome mosaic with geometric and floral designs. Each of the aisles had an entry from the narthex. There was a memorial inscription in Greek on the southern wall. The nave had a damaged polychrome mosaic pavement depicting the four seasons in its corners. Along the front wall (entrance) was a Greek dedication inscription: ‘God guard the fruits of your household’. The narthex measured 8.5 x 4.5 m and was paved with white mosaics. There was a stone-built crypt beneath the narthex. The crypt contained two skeletons, five Byzantine oil lamps and six complete glass bottles. Only one entrance led into the church from the atrium. The courtyard measured 10 x 15 m and was paved with large stones. There was a porch in front of the church. The courtyard contained an oven as well as a bell-shaped well. There were large amounts of Byzantine glass sherds in the well Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The excavators dated the church to the reign of Leo III by apparent iconoclast activity. Previous study: 1992 -1994 Derslere and Govrin Bibliographical references: Derfler S. 2003 ‘The Byzantine Church in Tel Krayiot and Religious Iconoclasm in the 8th Century: The 1991-1994 Seasons of Excavations’ ARAM Periodical 15, 39-47 96 ,'‫' חא ק‬1991 ‫גוברין י' תשנ"ג 'תל קריות‬ Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: Kursi Site Number: 106 Location: Lower Galilee, map coordinates 2113.2478. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Small Village and Monastery. Description: The site covered an area of 18,000 squ. m. The settlement had a compact plan with organized streets and drainage channels, surrounded by rectangular well preserved plastered walls measuring 145 x 123 m and 0.70 m to 0.80 m thick. The main entrance to the monastery was in the centre of the western wall. It consisted of a 2.50 m wide gate. From the main gate a street led to the basilica and opened into a spacious court and out towards the settlement on the shore. The basalt stone outer road was the exact width of the gate, the inner street was much wider and on the eastern end of the street near the church, it was eight m wide. There was a large building in a small area north of the gate, which was over ten m long and initially consisted of two halls. Renovations in a later phase included a new (and poorly made) gate and a repaved street with 0.40 m of packed soil. The renovated northern structure had a new western wall which reduced the size of the rooms and a staircase built against the eastern end of the building. There was an excavated area of 22 x 15 m in the northwestern part of 182

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

broken into and robbed. Three burial caves were excavated. Cave I was comprised of a rectangular burial chamber measuring 2.6 x 2.4 m, 2.2 m high, with three acrosolia. Each had a burial shelf parallel to the walls of the room; the entrance faced east and was above floor level. Cave II had a burial chamber measuring 2.10 x 2.10 m and was 1.50 m in height. There were three wide acrosolia installed along the walls with three burial shelves in each acrosolium. The entrance was above floor level and led to the chamber through three stairs. Cave III was poorly quarried in comparison to the other two. Its burial chamber measured 2.50 x 2.60 m and was 2 m high. Two cut steps led from the entrance to the burial chamber, with three acrosolia along the northern, southern and western walls, each containing a burial. The roof of the cave collapsed in antiquity according to the excavators. There were scores of individual burials in the cave. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Description’ Dating Evidence: The ceramic assemblage from the excavated caves showed use from the fifth-century AD and the seventh- or eighth-century AD. Candlestick oil lamps and wheel-made lamps suggested use from the fifth- to seventh-century AD and lamps with raised knob handles are dated to the seventh to eighth centuries. Unfortunately, the caves were later disturbed by looting. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1985 Avni and Dahari Bibliographical references: Avni G. and Dahari U. 1990 ‘Christian Burial caves from the Byzantine phase at Luzit’ in Colbi S.P. (ed.) Christian Archaeology in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 301-314 Plan(s):

Plan of the church after Ovadiah A. and de Silva C.G. 1984 Supplementum to the Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 239

Church Site Name: Luzit Site Number: 107 Location: Judea, map coordinates unavailable. Type of Study: Compound Excavation Type of Site: Cemetery Description: There were 20 burial caves in Luzit. The majority of the graves were cross-shaped in plan. The tombs consisted of a single room with three acrosolia, in which were one to three burial shelves. Round blocking stones sealed the entrances to the caves. There were crosses scratched above the entrance or on the walls of the acrosolia in some of the caves. All the caves were

Plan of Cave 1 after Avni G. and Dahari U. 1990 ‘Christian Burial caves from the Byzantine phase at Luzit’ in Colbi S.P. (ed.) Christian Archaeology in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 302 Site Name: Magen Site Number: 108 Location: The Negev, map coordinates unavailable. Type of Study: Compound Excavation Type of Site: Churches Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. 183

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

surface, in distances of 1.5-5 m from each other. All graves were sealed and undisturbed. The burials of women included glassware, cosmetic implements and coins. The first Byzantine building was part of a complex of buildings in the western edge of the tel. The building was rectangular, measuring 15 x 12 m, with a central courtyard. Two large doorways led from the central courtyard into two rooms, each with two columns to support the roof. On the west side of the building, a partition divided another room. A wall divided the central courtyard into two areas, the southern including many burnt layers. The entrance to the building was in the west. The outer walls were 0.8 m to 1.00 m thick and were built of two courses of rough limestone with packed soil floors. 20 m north of the first structure there was the second. This was also rectangular, measuring 17 x 7.90 m. The building had three rooms, two were paved in stone slabs and the central room with mosaics, which also had two entrances and near the main entrance a Greek inscription was found. It seems that there were additional rooms to the north and south. Description of Religious Structures: Possibly a church, the third building was located 30 m northeast of the second building. It consisted of a large hall 21 x 14.5 m in size and rooms to the south and was orientated east-west. Southwest of the hall was another room paved with mosaics. The room measured 10 x 8.7 m and was divided in two. This building was also paved with mosaics in its central room and in a western room, which had crosses incorporated into the mosaic decoration. The plastered brick walls had a foundation of fieldstones and large pebbles. Dating Evidence: Elder and Baugarten published much Byzantine pottery from the first building but failed to provide stratigraphical and locational details of this material. They dated the second building to the Late Roman phase and fourth- to sixth-century pottery was included in the report. Dating for Religious Structures: There were Roman and Byzantine finds on the floors, but the date of the possible church was uncertain. Previous study: 1981 Alder and Nahlieli; 1981 Baumgarten Bibliographical references: Elder I. and Nahlieli D. 1982 ‘Tel Malhata – Roman-Byzantine Sites’ ESI 1, 67-79 Plan(s):

Description of Religious Structures: The site was comprised of a large central basilica, two smaller churches that flanked its southern and northern sides and a baptistery. The central basilica had one unusual feature, it widened as it progressed towards the apse. It was 14 m long, 8 m wide in the north and 12.20 m wide in the south, near the apse. Two rows of five columns divided the hall into a nave and two aisles. The apse was badly preserved and an area of the bema projected 1.5 m into the nave. It was 0.20 m higher than the floor of the hall and was stone constructed. It included a marble chancel screen. A narthex led into the hall; it was paved with a mosaic floor measuring 3.20 x 5 m with a Greek inscription. There was a spacious atrium, in the middle of which was a cistern. The entire church was paved with mosaics. The mud-brick walls of the church were 0.90 m thick; the facade was of limestone. Pottery sherds and plaster covered the mud-brick walls. Polychrome plaster coated the internal walls of the church. The northern church was comprised of an atrium, a hall and a baptistery. The church was long and narrow, but lacked an internal colonnade. It had a mosaic floor and a sanctuary, located to the east of the hall. The southern church contained an atrium, a narthex and a basilican hall. The entire interior was paved with polychrome mosaics. In the middle of the baptistery stood a cruciform baptismal font. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: Pottery finds in the central basilica included a large number of jugs from the sixth and seventh centuries. The church was apparently abandoned because of a fire. Previous study: [?] Tzaferis Bibliographical references: Tzaferis V. 1993 ‘Early Christian Churches at Magen’ in Tsafrir Y. (ed.) Ancient Churches Revealed Jerusalem, 283-285; Tzaferis V. and Dinor E. 1978 ‘The Church of St. Cyricus near Kibbutz Magen’ Qadomiot 41, 26-29 Plan(s):

Plan of the Central Church after Tzaferis V. 1993 ‘Early Christian Churches at Magen’ in Tsafrir Y. (ed.) Ancient Churches Revealed Jerusalem, 284 Site Name: Malhata Site Number: 109 Location: The Negev, map coordinates 152.069. Type of Study: Rescue Excavations Type of Site: Small Village Description: South of the tel on an area of about 15,000 squ. m were 300 graves and three Byzantine structures. The Byzantine graves were built 1-2 m underneath the

Plan of Byzantine Building after Elder I. and Nahlieli D. 1982 ‘Tel Malhata – Roman-Byzantine Sites’ ESI 1, 68 184

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

porticos on the east, north and south of the atrium, which consisted of four columns on each side. The atrium was paved with slabs of limestone. There was a well at the centre of the atrium, an imperfect rectangle measuring 5.5-5.75 m east west and 4.3-4.05 m north south. This was preserved to a maximal depth of 3.5 m. It was rockcut but walls of small stones gave it additional support and were coated with water resistant plaster. The cistern was vaulted and fed by water drained from the extensive roofs of the complex. A door in the southeast corner of the atrium led to three rooms. An additional door in the southwestern corner led to four more rooms and a small courtyard. In the south eastern corner of the small courtyard was an entrance to Building IX which predated the church and was incorporated into its structure. It measured 8.6 x 9.5 m and had three rooms, the first with a staircase attached to its northern wall. From the eastern portico in the atrium three openings led to the nave, the middle opening was 1.75 m wide and the side doors were 1.05 and 1.1 m wide. Later the southern door was blocked and the northern narrowed to 1.05 m. The basilica was 14.7 m wide and 27 m long. There were patches of white plaster with red traces in several places in the basilica. The floor of the nave was paved with mosaics and both aisles were paved with stone slabs. There was a burial under the northern aisle. Along the whole length of the southern wall of the southern aisle ran a stone-built bench. The bema was two steps higher than the floor of the nave. Two small rooms, 3 x 3 m each, to either side surrounded an internal apse with a three-stepped synthronon. A door in the southern wall of the southern aisle led to an irregularly built room, 16.25 m long x 3.5 m wide at the western end and 6.5 m wide at the eastern end. Stone-built benches ran along the eastern and western walls. Entry to the baptistery was through a door in the southern aisle of the basilica and one leading from the side room described above. At a later phase, the door from the basilica narrowed and even later completely blocked. The baptistery measured 5.5 x 6.5 m. It was paved with stone slabs and had stone-built benches along the eastern, western and southern walls. There was a cross-shaped baptismal font sunk into the floor in the centre of the room. Entry to an irregularly-shaped room, measuring 4 x 4.5 m, was through the baptistery and the atrium, although the opening was later blocked. The West Church was located in the southwest corner of the settlement, next to the wall. There was an atrium measuring 10.7 x 12.25 m surrounded by porticos, with three columns on the shorter eastern and western sides and four columns on the southern and northern sides. The entire atrium was paved with stone slabs on top of a layer of sand and crushed stone, apparently excavated from the small cistern in the centre. Its approximate diameter was 3.5 m and its walls were covered with small stones and coated with plaster. There was a staircase along the southern wall of the atrium and a door east of the staircase with openings that led to two rooms. Later a channel was built through the second room and the entrance blocked. The internal measurements of the church were 10 x 17.50 m, the main entry leading from the atrium was 1.6 m wide and the side entrances were 0.75 m. Two rows of four columns divided the basilica

Site Name: Mamshit (Mampsis, Carnab) Site Number: 110 Location: The Negev, map coordinates 156.948. Type of Study: Extensive Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Village Description: The Nabatean buildings in Mamshit were in continuous use through the Late Roman and Byzantine phase. Roman and Byzantine coins and pottery found in the layers served as evidence. A protecting wall was built around the settlement in the Late Roman period, probably during the reign of Diocletian. This wall surrounded an area of about 40,000 squ. m. Its length was about 860 m and it varied in thickness between 1.3 and 1.6 m. In most areas it consisted of two double-faced walls joined, each of about the same width. Between the walls was usually a thin filling of rubble. On the northern side, facing the road, four towers protected the wall; all were located at a corner or a turning point of the wall. The southeast tower was about 5.5 m square and contained one room (3 x 3.5 m). The eastern tower was approximately the same size. The northern tower was in fact a room of Building X that was incorporated into the wall. The northwestern tower was the strongest; it measured 6.7 x 7 m and contained a vaulted room 4.5 squ. m. The wall had two gates, the main one was in the north and it consisted of a passage roofed over by two arches protected by two flanking towers. The gateway was 2.7 m wide and the gate chamber was 5 x 6 m in size and paved by flagstones. Along the eastern and western walls of the room were stone benches. Above the benches rose engaged pilasters which supported the arches that carried the roof. The gate was stone-built, with fine ashlar for the pilasters and door jambs. The flanking towers were built of coarser stones, with filling of smaller stones and mortar. A single arch roofed the eastern tower (4 x 5 m) and an entrance led into the tower from the southern, inner side. Entry to the western tower was from the gate chamber, which measured 3.35 x 6 m. There was a smaller gate in the west, it was a simple opening in the wall, 1.8 m wide, widening to an inner space of 2.5 m. The gate chamber measured 3.55-3.85 x 3.9 m. The front wall of the gate and the door jambs were made of ashlar and the interior of the gate was made of squared blocks of stone. There were two postern gates. The southern postern gate was 1.5 m wide. The northern postern gate was a simple opening in the wall (1.1 m wide). In the Byzantine phase, Christian symbols appeared on the lintels. There were thirty structures in the residential area. In the town’s southeastern area three public buildings were excavated, the East Church, the Market and House XII. Description of Religious Structures: The East Church was in the highest part of the settlement, next to the southeastern corner of the settlement wall. The complex measured 25 x 55 m. The outer walls of the church complex were of ashlar. The interior walls were of coarse, very roughly dressed, stones. They were also only doorposts, doorpost capitals and ashlar lintels. The interior walls were plastered, first with rough mud plaster and then with finer layers of sand plaster and lime plaster. The only access to the church was from the north by a monumental stairway (11.6 m wide) leading up to three openings in the northern atrium wall. There were 185

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

into a nave and two aisles. The bema was raised two steps above the floor of the nave, which was paved with polychrome mosaics. The apse was internal and had a synthronon and two flanking rooms. The northern room measured 1.9 x 2.2 m and the southern 2 x 2.3 m. There was a bench along the southern wall of the basilica. All plastered interior walls had two layers, a thick mud plaster and a finer white plaster above. The columns were made of soft limestone, which suggested that there was a framework of beams to carry the roof. The layer of burnt material (the burnt roof timbers?) indicating a fire liad directly on top of the mosaic floor. Three rooms were attached to the church on its southern side; they were coarsely built, except for the walls on the basilica side. Dating Evidence: Ten fourth-century coins found in a pocket beneath the city wall gave it a Terminus Post Quem of the fourth-century. Sealed coin and pottery evidence from successive floors in the North Gate indicated that it was in use from the beginning of the fourth-century AD onward. Negev argued that the wall was pre-Byzantine, as can be inferred from the relationship of the wall with the churches and Building IX, all of which necessitated changes in the existing settlement wall. Dating for Religious Structures: Both Eastern and Western Churches were dated to the second half of the fourth-century or later. The Western Church was dated by the style of the crosses found in its mosaic floor and the Eastern Church by fourth-century coins found embedded in mortar in the walls. Previous study: 1901 Mosil; 1914 Wooly and Lorence; 1937 Kirk and Guy; 1956 Applebaum; 1965-1967 Negev Bibliographical references: Negev A. 1988 The Architecture of Mamshit Final Report – Volume II: The Late Roman and Byzantine phases (Qedem 27); Sheredhevski J. 1991 Byzantine Urban Settlements in the Negev Desert Beer-Sheva ‫א' נגב תשנ”ב ‘כרנב’ בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ 843-831 ,‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

East Church

West Church Site Name: Maon (Judea) Site Number: 111 Location: Judea, map coordinates 1627.0909. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Synagogue Description: A Byzantine settlement was mainly located in the western side of the tel. This included a Byzantine fort at the head of the tel, as well as several wine-presses and an olive-press. There was a synagogue on the northern slope. Description of Religious Structures: The synagogue was an elongated structure on a south-north axis. It measured 10.50 x 15.50 m. The outer part of its well-worked stone walls was between 0.90 and one m thick. In its first phase, the synagogue had three openings in the eastern wall and the hall had no columns. Polychrome plaster patches found on its internal walls and tiles suggested a wooden roof. The synagogue was paved with (probably mostly white) mosaics. Along the walls, areas of two or three benches survived and in the southwestern corner of the hall there were benches utilising the natural rock. The rock also formed the ceiling for an underground ritual bath. Its opening was outside the hall, adjacent to the building’s western wall. The baths included two small rock-cut rooms and a large bathing pool. The entrance room was 2 x 4 m and was 2 m high. Grey plaster survived on its walls. The rock-cut floor was

General Plan of Mamshit after Negev A. 1988 The Architecture of Mamshit Final Report – Volume II: The Late Roman and Byzantine phases (Qedem 27), 10-11 186

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

higher than that of the pool and an opening 1.5 m wide led to the room with the pool. In the bottom of the opening, a hard 0.30 m high limestone slab with a channel led water to the room with the pool. The pool was four m long, three m wide and three m deep. Four steps, along the entire length of the pool descend to the bottom. Near the ritual bath’s opening was the opening to a 20 m long hide and escape system. In the second phase, the synagogue was 3.5 m shorter, by building a wall in its southern part. The remainder of the space was an entry room, with a stone bench installed along its length. The original white mosaic floor survived. The entrance to the new room was through the southern entrance in the eastern wall. Two openings led from the entrance room into the basilica. The central opening, 1.5 m wide, was set in the middle of the new wall. The second opening to the hall was one m wide and was near the corner of the new wall with the eastern wall. An arrangement of benches allowed entry from the opening in the eastern wall directly to the opening to the hall, which was 0.40 m higher than the floor. Two steps led from the opening to the hall floor. Two colonnades, each comprising four square columns each, were added to the hall. Each row carried four arches. Finds included broken pieces of a large white marble menorah Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The excavators dated the first synagogue to the second half of the fourthcentury because of finds including ceramics, glass and coins dating to AD 364-375. Amit and Ilan argued that the second synagogue dated to the end of the fifth- or the beginning of the sixth-century. They argued that the lack of early Islamic finds indicated cessation at the end of the Byzantine phase. Unfortunately, although the excavators list their rich finds, no indication of the location of the finds, nor their stratification, was indicated. Previous study: 1968 Chochavi; 1979 Hirchfeld; 19871988 Ilan and Amit Bibliographical references: Ilan Z. and Amit D. 1988/89 ‘Maresha – 1987/1988’ ESI 7-8, 123-125 -91 ‫עמית ד' ואילן צ' תש"ן ‘בית הכנסת במעון שביהודה’ קדמוניות‬ ;175-115 ,92 Plan(s):

Site Name: Maon (Nirim) Site Number: 112 Location: The Gaza Strip, map coordinates 0937.0822. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation Type of Site: Synagogue Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: Nothing remained of the synagogue’s western part and little of the rest of it. The internal length of the structure was 15 m. The width from the wall to the middle of the nave was 9.5 m. The ashlar-built walls were on average 0.9 m wide, although the south wall was 1.25 m in width and preserved along 14.5 m. It appeared that the three openings of the building were located in the southern wall. The northern wall was constructed from the external apse and two straight walls connected to it from east and west. The eastern wall consisted of only a 1.25 m area that survived, which was 0.75 m in width. The building was orientated to the northeast and the apse to Jerusalem, the apse was semicircular and well constructed of dressed stones. It was 3.30 m wide and the thickness of its walls was 0.60 m. A small bema was built in front of the apse, also of dressed stones; it measured 0.75 x 0.60 m. Columns indicated that the building was a basilica. The church was divided into a nave and two aisles. The aisles and the southern part of the nave were paved with limestone slabs and the rest was paved with an elaborate polychrome mosaic floor. South of the nave was the floor of an atrium paved with stone slabs. There was a cistern northeast of the building. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The Jewish symbols in the mosaic pavement were typical to the mosaic floors of Byzantine synagogues in Palestina. The mosaic was more precisely similar to a mosaic of a church found in Shalal. On the basis of the comparison to the mosaic from Shalal and other mosaics, Avi-Yonah argued that the two mosaics were laid by the same artist and that the mosaic dated to the first third of the sixth-century. 71 coins were found both between its foundation and beneath its floor. All identifiable coins were from the fourthcentury. Thus, the synagogue was fourth-century or later. Previous study: 1957-1968 Levi; [?] Avi Yona Bibliographical references: ‫ד' בר"ג תשנ"ב ‘מעון )נירים(’ בשטרן א' )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬ ;969-968 ,‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ 77 ,6 ‫לוי ש' תשכ"א ‘בית הכנסת העתיק במעון )נירים(’ ארץ ישראל‬ ‫; רחמני ל' תשכ"א ‘בתי הכנסת במעון )נירים( המציאות הקטנות‬8185-82 ,6 ‫והמטבעות’ ארץ ישראל‬ Plan(s):

Plan of the Synagogue after 92-91 ‫עמית ד' ואילן צ' תש"ן ‘בית הכנסת במעון שביהודה’ קדמוניות‬, 117

Plan after 78 ,6 ‫לוי ש' תשכ"א ‘בית הכנסת העתיק במעון )נירים(’ ארץ ישראל‬ 187

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

and to the south an external apse was built, protruding three m. Two rows of five columns divided the hall into a nave and two aisles and the floor was paved with polychrome mosaics. There was a courtyard in the north and east of the synagogue. There were two entrances in the eastern wall. The walls were of plastered stone and the floors were covered with mosaics. Building C was really a second phase of Building B and entailed some changes in the interior of the building. A new mosaic floor was constructed 0.30 m above the earlier one and there were benches along the walls apart from the southern wall. There was a bema built on top of the earlier mosaic floor in front of the apse, measuring 6 x 2 m. The floor of the bema was paved with stone slabs and was 0.10 m above the floor of the hall. The courtyard to the east and north of the synagogue was in continuous use from the second phase of the synagogue. Two entrances in the east wall led to the courtyard. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The excavators stated that it was necessary to rely mainly on the evidence of finds from outside the synagogue, especially in the courtyard in the east and the building adjoining the synagogue from the southwest. Three occupational phases were allegedly contemporary with those of the synagogue. Pottery lamps relating to Mosaic Floor B pointed to the fourth- to fifth-century. The pottery relating to Mosaic Floor C indicated a sixth- to seventhcentury date. Few of the sherds were stratified and even fewer came from the synagogue itself, which placed the dating of the site in some doubt. Previous study: 1974-1977 Tsafiris Bibliographical references: Tzafiris V. 1982 ‘The Ancient Synagogue at Maoz Hayim’ IEJ 32, 215-244 ‫צפיריס ו' תשנ”ב 'מעוז חיים' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬ 967-966 ,‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

Site Name: Maon, Horbat (Judea) Site Number: 113 Location: Judea, map coordinates 1627.0909. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Small Village Description: A Byzantine settlement approximately 10,000 squ. m in size, located mainly in the western side of the tel. A survey located a Byzantine fort at the head of the tel, several wine-presses and an oil-press. A large structure on the northern slope was identified as a synagogue. Description of Religious Structures: The synagogue was an elongated structure on a south-north axis; it measured 10.50 x 15.50 m. The synagogue had two building phases. In the first phase the building had three openings in the eastern wall and the hall had no columns. The floor was paved with mosaics and most of the areas that survived were white. Along the walls were fragments of two or three benches. In a second phase, the hall was made smaller by building a wall in its southern part, with two openings. A bench was built along the new wall. The entrance to the new room was through the southern entrance in the eastern wall. Two rows of four square columns each were added to the hall. The columns carried a system of arches that supported the roof. Under the southwestern part of the hall a miqve (ritual bath) was excavated. Its opening was outside the hall, adjacent to the building’s western wall. The baths included two small rooms cut into the rock and a large bathing pool. An important find was a broken large white marble menorah. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The finds include glass lamps and vessels, pottery and pottery jugs. Some of the finds were fourth- to fifth-century but most were from the sixth- to seventh-century. There was a coin of AD 364-376 and two fifth-century coins. It appeared that the building was abandoned in the seventh-century but no indication of the stratigraphy or location of the finds was given. Previous study: 1968 Chochavi; 1979 Hirchfeld; 19871988 Ilan and Amit Bibliographical references: Ilan Z. and Amit D. 1988/89 ‘Horvat Maon, Synagogue’ ESI 7-8, 123-125 (‫אילן צ' ועמית ד' תשנ"ב 'חורבת מעון )יהודה(' בשטרן א’ )עורך‬ ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל‬ 971-969 ,‫ירושלים‬ Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: Maoz Hayim Site Number: 114 Location: The Jordan Valley, map coordinates 2020.2108. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Synagogue Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The early synagogue was small and its plan was almost square, measuring 12.50 x 14 m. Two rows of four rectangular bases indicated that columns divided it into a wide nave and two narrow aisles. In the centre of the southern Jerusalemorientated wall was an unworked stone bema, which protruded into the centre of the nave. There was a slabpaved floor only 0.10 m below the floor of Building B. Building B was constructed on top of Building A. The builders lengthened the structure northwards by four m

Plan after Tzaferis V. 1981 ‘The Synagogue at Maoz Hayim’ In Levine L.I. Ancient Synagogues Revealed Jerusalem, 86 188

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

Site Name: Marda (Masada, es-Sabba) Site Number: 115 Location: Dead Sea area, map coordinates 1837.0804. Type of Study: Compound Excavation Type of Site: Monastery Description: Entrance to the monastery was through what was termed by the excavator ‘The Byzantine Gate’. This was a solid arched stone gate, 1.2 m wide and above 2.5 m high. From the gate a packed soil path led to the core of the laura. This was divided into two parts: Religious and domestic. The domestic area was located west of the church in the wall rooms. Column spolia were found in these rooms as well as built and plastered benches. In one room, a Byzantine wall created two areas with niches built in the wall. There were large amounts of pottery in these rooms. Opposite the domestic area was a large (250 squ. m) courtyard. There were thirteen monastic cells. Most cells were small structures, mostly divided into two or three rooms, on average about 7 x 5 m in size. The cells had storage niches and windows. Packed soil paths run between the cells. Description of Religious Structures: The church measured 10 x 5 m. Entry was through a narthex (approximately 5 x 3 m) with one entrance in the west wall and a window in the north wall. The church had one entrance in the west wall, another entrance and a window in the south wall and another entrance and two windows leading to a small room with four windows (3.50 x 3.50 m) paved with a polychrome mosaic floor. There were several niches in the walls of the room. There was a second room attached to the square room. It was a long and narrow room measuring 8 x 3 m. The arched windows were narrow on the outside and widened on the inside. The church ended with a single internal apse (2 m deep) facing east including a window. In the floor of the apse was a long trench. West of the small room was a narrow corridor leading north of the hall into the courtyard. The courtyard had four recesses in the west hall. The plastered apse walls were limestone and the other walls of the building were inlaid with broken pieces of pottery and stones in geometric or plant patterns. All of the walls were one m thick. There were patches of mosaics preserved in the church. Dating Evidence: Hirschfeld argued that Marda was built in the second half of fifth-century AD or in the beginning of the sixth-century AD, because of the similarity between Marda and the laura of Heptestomos, which was founded in AD 510. Dating for Religious Structures: Yadin stated that the church dated to the fifth-century on the basis of the style of its mosaic floor. Previous study: 1851 de-Susi; 1858 Ray; 1867 Worren; 1875 Kondor; 1909 Domshavski and Bronov; 1905 Sandal; 1925 Halks; 1932 Sultan; 1953 Gutman and Alon; 1953 Livna and Mashal; 1955 Avi-Yonah; 1956 Aharoni and Gutman; 1963-1965 Yadin Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 136-137 ‫הירשפלד י' תשמ"ט ‘מצדה בתקופה הביזאנטית – מנזר מרדה’ ארץ‬ (‫; ידין י' תשנ"ב 'מצדה' בשטרן א’ )עורך‬262-224 ,'‫ישראל כ‬ ‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל‬ 978-990 ,‫ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

Plan of the monastery after ‫הירשפלד י' תשמ"ט ‘מצדה בתקופה הביזאנטית – מנזר מרדה’ ארץ‬ 224 ,'‫ישראל כ‬ Site Name: The Monastery of Martyrius at Ma’ale Adumim Site Number: 116 Location: Judea, map coordinates 178.133. Type of Study: Compound Excavation Type of Site: Monastery Description: The site stretches over 25,000 squ. m and with an agricultural area. It was composed of a monastery complex, an open courtyard and a hospice for pilgrims. A wall enclosed the monastery complex and there were two gates in the eastern wall, one on each side of the church complex. The southern gate was blocked while the complex was still inhabited leaving the northern gate as the sole gate (1.80 m wide). A stone 2.50 m in diameter was part of the gate defences. The gate led to an entrance (8.40 x 3.80 m), there was a rockcut floor and troughs were built on both sides of the entranceway. To the south was a room, which led to another room. The entrance room opened into a large square paved with flagstones with a pierced stone in the centre. To the west of the square were rooms that went out of use in the second building phase of the monastery. A paved passageway led to the centre of the monastery. The north wing had a large burial cave at its centre. Above the cave was a partially damaged inscription. A staircase, partially worked in the rock, led down to a finely plastered cave. The eastern part of the wing underwent changes. Opposite the church there was an imposing room with a mosaic floor. Along the entire east-west wing there was a roofed corridor paved with white mosaics. Its western end extended to the refectory. North of the corridor were a number of rooms. The dining hall complex, according to the excavators, was located in the northwest corner of the monastery and measured 31 x 25 m. Entry to the refectory was through an oblong room, 11 x 4 m in size to the east. Its floor was paved with mosaics and there were benches built along the walls. A wide entrance led from the oblong room to the central hall. There was an additional entrance in the southwest corner, blocked up during the second phase of the monastery. The refectory was a basilica, measuring 26.6 x 12 m. The stonework of its ashlar walls was unusually large and the floor was lower than that of the kitchen and the rest of the monastery. Two rows of seven columns each divided the hall into a nave and two aisles; the ceiling had wooden beams carrying tiles. Stone ben189

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

ceiling. The entrance was from the north. The chapell had a mosaic floor, a stratigraphical analysis of which indicated that it belonged to the last construction phase. Dating Evidence: A Greek dedicatory inscription in the refectory of the monastery contained the date of the completion of the buildings. The dates given were by indiction, the initial years of the indiction in the phase in question, according to Magen, fell in 522, 537 and 552. The construction of the refectory and renovation of the monastery could have taken place during any one of these years. Dating for Religious Structures: No other dating evidence for the church was provided by its excavators. Previous study: 1983-1984 Magen Bibliographical references: Magen Y. 1993 ‘The Monastery of St. Martyrius at Ma’ale Adummim’ in Tsafrir Y. (ed.) Ancient Churches Revealed Jerusalem, 170-196; Magen Y. and Talgam R. 1990 ‘The Monastery of Martyrius at Ma’ale Adumim (Khirbet el-Murassa) and its Mosaics’ in Colbi S.P. (ed.) Christian Archaeology in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 91-152 Plan(s):

ches ran along the walls of the hall. The white plastered walls had red-coloured inscriptions and paintings. The floor was paved with a mosaic floor and included the foundation inscription for the entire monastery. The kitchen was a large hall, (21 x 6 m) located south of the refectory. The entrance was from the south through two doorways. There was an open courtyard in front of the kitchen partly paved with flagstones and mosaics. Near the entrance was a large cellar, partly hewn in the rock and partly built. The kitchen ceiling was held by seven arches, which carried a second storey. Stones and mosaic fragments fell into the kitchen floor below. The southwest wing consisted of a courtyard, measuring 22 x 14 m, paved with a white mosaic floor. There was a large cistern (10 m deep) below the courtyard, which ran the width and length of the entire courtyard. An elaborate system of water channels led the water to the rest of the monastery. West of the courtyard, a portico with three rooms behind it was paved with white mosaics with a black border. The southeast wing had an additional entrance to the monastery, through a gate in the east wall, 2.5 m wide. The gate was blocked during the second phase. A lane paved with flagstones led from the gate to the main courtyard of the monastery. To the east was an open paved area containing mangers. In the southwest corner was a storeroom 20 x 7 m, with three steps leading down to it. A row of six pillars supported the vaulted ceiling. According to the excavator, a hospice was located at the northeast corner of the monastery. It measured 43 x 28 m and consisted of four rooms paved with flagstones and installations on the western side, used as stables, according to the excavators and of eight long and narrow rooms paved with white mosaics with a red or black border. The hospice also included a chapel, 11 x 8 m in size, with a polychrome mosaic floor. Description of Religious Structures: The church complex was located in the middle of the eastern side of the monastery. The church was not aligned with the general building plan, because it predated the monastery. In the first phase, the ashlar-built church had walls covered with painted plaster and mosaic floors. Two entrances led to the church complex from the north and south. From the north, a rectangular hall, 8 m in length, with a coloured mosaic floor and painted plastered walls led into the church. The hall was open and to the west were two small rooms. There were plastered benches along three of its sides and at it centre was a reddish tombstone. A wide gate led from the hall to the narthex, which measured 4 x 6.5 m. Some changes took place in the narthex: It was enlarged towards the west and a bench was placed along its entire length. A wall separated it from the church. There was a damaged polychrome mosaic floor in the second phase of the church. A large entrance led from the narthex to the church, which measured 15.5 x 6.6 m. The church had a raised bema. North of the church was a large room paved with white mosaics. South of the nave was a chapel, measuring 15 x 4.6 m, also paved with polychrome mosaics. The church led to a room with a cistern at its centre. South of the church were several additional rooms. A second chapel was found on the west end of the southeastern wing, measuring 7 x 5 m. On the eastern side of the church was an apse, with a stone-vaulted

Plan of the monastery after Magen Y. and Talgam R. 1990 ‘The Monastery of Martyrius at Ma’ale Adumim (Khirbet el-Murassa) and its Mosaics’ in Colbi S.P. (ed.) Christian Archaeology in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 94 Site Name: Masos, Tel (el-Mashadh) Site Number: 117 Location: Eastern Negev, map coordinates unreported. Type of Study: Compound Excavation Type of Site: Monastery Description: The (almost fully excavated) monastery was located in Area D. The entrance to the building (Room 610) had a floor but it collapsed with the supporting vaults. Room 623, situated under Room 610 contained seven tombs, five on the western side of the room and two on the northern and southern rooms. The tombs were made of limestone and covered with limestone slabs. 190

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

There were two or three skeletons orientated to the east in each tomb. Room 612 led to the paved entrance from Courtyard 600, extending before it to the north. From the entrance, a stairway led to the elevated church. The entrance also opened into an inner courtyard, through a 2.60 m wide opening, with a row of stone columns in the eastern area creating a sort of corridor. With the exception of four rooms (641, 613, 610 and 630), most of the rooms were accessible from the inner courtyard. Rooms 611, 637 and 639 had pilaster foundations indicating a vaulted ceiling. Room 632 had charred wooden beams on it floor, indicating that it had a timber ceiling. There were two limestone ovens in Room 637. A wall on its east and south enclosed exterior Courtyard 600. The eastern wall continued southwards into an area where there was another courtyard (700), the southern part of which was destroyed. Description of Religious Structures: Rooms 601 and 602 were orientated to the east. They had a limestone slab floor and pillars that carried vaults. Room 601 was 7.80 x 6.50 m. The apse was rectangular and was divided from the hall by a wall, built on top of the limestone slabs. Dating Evidence: The pottery recovered in the excavation was from the end of the Byzantine period to the early Islamic period. Graffiti on plaster in the debris in Room 623 had been dated on epigraphic grounds to the eighthcentury. The excavators dated the monastery between the seventh- and the beginning of the eighth-century, but it was unclear from the published accounts why earlier activity was impossible. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1975 Kempinski and Fritz Bibliographical references: Aharoni Y. Kampinski A. and Fritz V. 1975 ‘Excavations at Tell Masos (Khirbet el-Meshash)’ Tel Aviv 2, 72-124; Kampinski A. and Fritz V. 1977 ‘Excavations at Tell Masos (Khirbet elMeshash)’ Tel Aviv 4, 136-158 Plan(s):

Site Name: Matta Site Number: 118 Location: Judean Hills, map coordinates unavailable. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The southern part of the building and its mosaic floor were destroyed. The entire length of the northern wall (12 m), a part of the western wall and half of the projecting rectangular apse (2.70 x 2.40 m) had survived. The estimated measurements of the church were 11.25 x 6 m. The walls of the church were 0.80 m wide. These were plastered and stuccoed. The northern part of the chancel and a step in front of it were preserved. The church had two entrances. One entrance was from an adjoining structure in the northwest. It was 0.70 m in width and began approximately 0.20 m above the mosaic floor of the hall. This led to a northern room containing a mosaic floor measuring 1.20 x 1 m. The main entrance from the narthex in the west was 1.50 m in width. A 0.20 m wide and 0.10 m deep channel, rock-cut, plastered and covered with tiles, was found along the west wall. The mosaic floor enabled some reconstruction of the structure. The polychrome mosaic floor in the hall was 9.30 m long and stopped a little short of the bema. The bema measured 6 x 1 m, it was located in the east of the room and had a chancel. The walls were plastered in white plaster. West of the outer wall, a covered channel brought water to the cistern in the southwest. The narthex was 2.80 m wide, with five steps built in two different phases of construction. The entrance to the narthex was not in line with the entrance to the hall, but slightly to the north. Ceramic tiles suggested a timber roof. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The excavators argued that the existence of the narthex and style of the mosaics indicated a date in the sixth-century. Previous study: 1968Goduvitz Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. Ovadiah R. Gudovitz S. 1976 ‘Une Eglise Byzantine a Matta’ RB 83, 421-431 Plan(s):

Plan after Ovadiah A. Ovadiah R. Gudovitz S. 1976 ‘Une Église Byzantine à Matta’ RB 83, 422 Site Name: Mavo Modi’in Site Number: 119 Location: Map coordinates 1480.1490. Type of Study: Compound Excavation Type of Site: Monastery Description: The monastery in the Byzantine phase consisted of a church, a large hall with an adjoining chamber and a large oil-press. Hall 103 was in the northwestern corner of the complex; it measured 4.30 x 10.5 m. The hall had three openings, two in the eastern wall and one in the southern wall; the hall was paved with coarse white mosaics. Room 111 was attached to Hall 103 and measu-

Plan after Kampinski A. and Fritz V. 1977 ‘Excavations at Tell Masos (Khirbet el-Meshash)’ Tel Aviv, 155 191

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

red 4 x 4 m. There were two openings, one in the eastern wall and one in the western wall. There was a stone basin in the hall. The oil-press comprised the eastern part of the complex, divided into two halls, 113 and 115 (partly excavated), separated by a wall, the basis of which was rockcut. Hall 113 measured 11.20 x 9.2 m and had four openings, two in the western wall, one in the southern wall and one in the eastern wall. Two pillars and a fallen arch indicated that the hall had a ceiling. There was a niche and also a collecting vat in the hall. The central rock-cut mosaic-paved courtyard (107) contained a hard limestone cistern with a channel and a grave. The grave was rock-cut and a protruding frame surrounded the grave shaft. Later alteration in the courtyard included the construction of a small room and a wall to form a narrow corridor (2.40 m). The corridor opened into the church, the hall and the oilpress. The corridor was paved with a coarse white mosaic. Doors in the external walls of the church and the hall indicated the existence of an external courtyard. This would have included three unexcavated cisterns and a wine-press. The wine-press was located about 13 m northwest of the complex. It includes a treading floor measuring 4-3.70 x 4-3.50 m, partly plastered and partly paved with coarse white mosaic. It also included a sump and a collecting vat. Description of Religious Structures: The church was in the centre of the northern area of the monastery. It measured 9 x 4.50 m and included a hall and a raised bema with a stone step. Two pillars carried arches on which the roof rested. There were three entrances to the room in its western part, the widest was 0.94 m wide and was located in the western wall. There were two more openings (both 0.74 m wide) in the northern and southern walls facing each other. Polychrome mosaics paved the hall. The bema mosaic included crosses. Dating Evidence: The epigraphy of inscriptions suggested that the monastery existed during the sixth-century AD. The two coins found in the outer courtyard date to the sixth-and the beginning of the seventh-century but their location does not necessarily relate to the construction of the monastery. The excavator argued that the later corridor (106) was a narthex and that the monastery was constructed before the middle of the fifth-century. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1976 Eisenberg Bibliographical references: ‫איזנברג ע' ועובדיה ר' תשנ"ח ‘מנזר ביזאנטי במבוא מודיעין’ עתיקות‬ 19*-1* ,36 Plan(s):

Site Name: Meiron Site Number: 120 Location: The Galillee, map coordinates 1915.2664. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavations. Type of Site: Unknown Description: There was a Byzantine structure in the northwest portion of the Patrician House. It was a rectangular building, measuring 5.74 x 4.12 m. The structure re-used several walls from ‘Layer 4’ and was orientated northsouth. Meyers stated that, originally, the structure may have consisted of two small rooms divided by a wall. The walls consisted of two rows of fieldstones. Description of Religious Structures: The partly-excavated synagogue was rectangular and measured 27.5 x 13.6 m. It was built on a step cut into the northeastern slope of Mount Meiron, near the peak. Its façade was well preserved, it was 0.90 m thick and had three openings, the central opening was large and the two flanking ones were smaller. Two rows of eight columns divided the synagogue into a nave and two aisles and a row of four columns added another aisle at its northern end. There was a straight area in front of the façade and a rock-cut bench on its western side. In the southeastern corner of the hall was a room attached to the synagogue. Dating Evidence: A foundation trench slightly to the north of the structure included Early Byzantine pottery sherds and eight fourth-century coins. Meyers assigns a late fourth-century date to the wall and structure, which he claimed were contemporary. Dating for Religious Structures: The finds in the foundations of the attached room allowed the excavators to date the construction of the synagogue to the thirdcentury. Among the associated finds were Late Roman pottery and five sealed coins, the latest of AD 276-282. The excavators believed that an earthquake in AD 363 destroyed the synagogue and village. Previous study: 1971-1972, 1974-1975, 1977 Meyers Bibliographical references: Meyers E.M. 1981 Excavations at Ancient Meiron, Upper Galilee, Israel 1971-1972, 1974-1975, 1977 Cambridge Plan(s):

Plan of the monastery after ‫איזנברג ע' ועובדיה ר' תשנ"ח ‘מנזר ביזאנטי במבוא מודיעין’ עתיקות‬ *2 ,36

Plan of the synagogue after Meyers E.M. 1981 Excavations at Ancient Meiron, Upper Galilee, Israel 1971-1972, 1974-1975, 1977 Cambridge, 16 192

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

courtyard. The public building measured 7.35 x 6.45 m. The opening was in the northern area of the eastern wall, near the cistern occupying the western part of the wall. There was a single stone bench along each of the walls. The structure appeared to have been barrel-vaulted. A mosaic floor paved the hall in the later phase. There was a plastered floor belonging to the early phase 0.15 m below the mosaic and there were polychrome plastered walls. Ceramic tiles were found in deposits covering the floor. Dating Evidence: There were pottery sherds dating from the second- to the fifth-century in the underground rooms under the synagogue. Unfortunately, this does not help to date the rooms or the synagogue. Dating for Religious Structures: Two coins sealed under the mosaic floor in the northeast corner of the basilica date the first phase of the synagogue. The first dates to the middle of the fifth-century and the other was unidentifiable. The mosaic floor of the first phase of the synagogue was dated, therefore, to the middle of the fifth-century or later. Ilan dates it to the end of the fifth, beginning of the sixth-century. In the fill between the early and later floor of the western hall there was a coin of AD 395-408, which provided a Terminus Post Quem of AD 395 to the first phase floor. There was a hoard containing 485 coins in a shallow hole cut under the floor of the vaulted western room. The coins appeared to have been dropped through a round hole in the stone floor. The earliest coins were from the fourth-century and the latest coin was from AD 1193. Ilan and Damati base their dating on this and other dated finds and argue that the synagogue continued in existence up to the twelth-century. Previous study: 1981-1983 Ilan; 1984-1987 Ilan and Damti Bibliographical references: Ilan Z. and Damati E. 1987 Meroth the Ancient Jewish Village Tel Aviv '‫אילן צ' ודמתי ע' תשמ”ה ‘חפירות בית הכנסת של מרות’ קדמוניות ט‬ ‫; אילן צ' ודמתי ע' תשמ"ז 'בית הכנסת ובית המדרש של‬50-44 , 87-96 ,'‫מרות הקדומה' קדמוניות כ‬ Plan(s):

Site Name: Meroth Site Number: 121 Location: The Galilee, map coordinates 1998.2708. Type of Study: Multi-focus Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Town Description: The settlement covers an area of 40,000 to 50,000 squ. m. The structures ranged around the peak of the hill. Excavations uncovered a system of cisterns, a public water pool and channels that fed the pool. The pool was located southwest of the ancient olive grove next to the synagogue. There was a ritual bath in the northern area of the village. It was an oval rock-cut room, with narrow stairs leading to the bottom. There were several winepresses in the east and the west, as well as a stone with a single screw to press olives in the northern part of the village. About 200 m south of the hill was another, higher, hill with a rectangular structure and a rock-cut cistern, this yielded Byzantine pottery and a coin of Justinian I. 159 graves were found surrounding Meroth, mainly in six concentrations. All the graves were cut into the rock. Excavations located six underground room systems under the southeastern part of the synagogue. The system had several openings, one of them inside the synagogue near the main entrance. The entrance corridor was blocked in the second phase of the synagogue. The largest room measured 6 x 5 m and narrow passages led between the rooms. One of the rooms was coated with hydraulic plaster. Meroth was surrounded by a wall in the Roman and Byzantine periods. Description of Religious Structures: The synagogue had undergone three phases. In the first phase, construction took place on a partly levelled, partly built surface, with soft kirtun stones. It was a basilica divided by two rows of columns into a nave and two aisles. There were two bemas inside the synagogue, one in the east (17.6 x 0.90 m) and one in the west (its size unclear as a new bema was built over it in the second phase). The earliest floor was of plaster, but 50 years later, according to Ilan and Damati, it was replaced with a mosaic floor. The hall measured 11.40 x 17.90 m internally; the entrance was through a portico paved with flagstones with two column bases, 3.2 m wide. The entrance was 2.52 m wide. An arched structure adjoined the hall from the west and entry was from the western wall. The room measured 3 x 2.9 m and had plastered walls. There was a courtyard south of the building along its entire width and there was a clear area east of the building along its entire length. An eastern opening allowed access from this part of the courtyard. The entire courtyard measured 12.70 x 28 m, including the western arched room, the portico and the courtyard. In the second phase, hard limestone walls and flagstones repla-ced the mosaic floor. The western bema’s measurements increased to 1.84 x 1.44 m and it was 1.13 m high. There was a higher floor in the portico with new soft stone flagstones. Additional changes took place in the third phase. The north wall moved into the building, standing on the stone benches along the north wall and the hall was 1.30 m shorter. The north wall became the facade, with a central entrance and two flanking entrances to either side. The floor of the hall was 1.30 m lower than the entrance. The rebuilt south wall had no entrances. The portico and eastern courtyard created a room along the walls of which were stone benches. The courtyard was used to create a public building with its hall located in the west of the

Top Plan of the Early Synagogue, Bottom Plan of the Late Synagogue after ‫צ' ודמתי ע' תשמ"ז ‘בית הכנסת ובית המדרש של מרות הקדומה’ אילן‬ '‫קדמויות כ‬, 89 193

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

ashlars. An elaborate mosaic floor paved the building, including a Greek inscription. Dating Evidence: Pottery finds were employed to date the site from the fifth to the sixth centuries AD. Dating for Religious Structures: It was suggested by the excavators that the church and its alterations belonged to a short period during the fifth-century AD. Previous study: 1936 Giv’on; 1984 Safrai and Lin Bibliographical references: Safrai Z. 1985 ‘Mishmar Ha’Emek’ ESI 4, Jerusalem; Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 138 '‫יונה מ‬-‫; אבי‬20-19 ,'‫ללא מחבר תשכ"ט ‘משמר העמק’ חא ט‬ ’‫ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'כנסיות קדומות – משמר העמק' בשטרן א‬ ‫)עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ירושלים‬ 802, Plan(s): Unavailable

Synagogue

Site Name: Misr, Kafr Site Number: 124 Location: Lower Galilee, map coordinates 1900.2280. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Synagogue Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The first phase of the synagogue was a rectangle measuring 13.65 x 17.50 m, surrounded by 0.80 m wide walls on all sides. The hall measured 12 x 15.70 m; there were two rows of four columns each, running north-south and dividing the hall into a nave and two aisles. The floor was paved with flagstones, in the southern aisle the paving were of white limestone, which contrasted with the black basalt stonework of the rest of the building. Basalt-stepped benches were found in the hall, the height of the steps of the benches was uneven. The structure appeared to have had two entrances: One in the north wall (approximately 1.40 m wide) and one in the east (1.33 m wide). Polychrome stucco covered the interior walls. The second phase of the synagogue, although rebuilt, retained the same proportions and elements of the earlier structure. A 1.44 m wide wall was added along the outside of the building on the northern and eastern sides. It enclosed a 2-3.50 m wide corridor that provided access to the hall. There were two limestone steps in the centre of the hall. In the third synagogue, there was a limestone apse (2.80 m in diameter) on the southern side of the building. The apse was set within a square structure that extended to form two rectangular rooms on either side of the apse. Only the eastern room survived, with one entrance in its southern wall and paved with irregular stone slabs. The central area of the hall was paved with mosaics including a fragment of an inscription in Hebrew. A wall, forming a room measuring 2.50 x 3.00 m, blocked access to the eastern entrance in the eastern area of the corridor and there was another entrance in the western wall. The inner area of the corridor was paved with mosaics. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The mosaic in the second phase synagogue was dated to the fourth-century and those from the third phase to the late fifth-century. Sealed fourth-century pottery beneath the gravel and mortar bedding of the third phase synagogue floor provided a Terminus Post Quem for this. Sealed sixth- and

Site Name: Michmash (Mukhmas) Site Number: 122 Location: Judean Hills, map coordinates 176.142. Type of Study: Outdated Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The church was a basilica, mostly destroyed. Only parts of the nave floor and a part of the northern aisle, survived. It probably had at least three columns in each of the rows that separated the nave from the two aisles. A polychrome mosaic covered the floor and included a Greek inscription. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’ Dating for Religious Structures: The church was dated to the sixth-century AD on the basis of the epigraphy of the inscription and the mosaics. Previous study: 1931 Hamilton Bibliographical references: ’‫יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'כנסיות קדומות – מכמש' בשטרן א‬-‫אבי‬ ‫)עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל‬ 802 ,‫ירושלים‬ Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: Mishmar HaEmek Site Number: 123 Location: Jezreel Valley, map coordinates 163.224. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Industrial area below a later church. Description: A large courtyard (measuring 31 x 25 m) was excavated. Eight installations for retting flax, as well as a wine-press, a rock-cut cave and a water supply system were found with a large cistern in the entrance. Sixthcentury walls, damaging some of these installations enclosed the courtyard. The wine-press platform was paved with a mosaic, depicting a cross in its centre. Six or seven rooms and a new press with a large stone basin later replaced the flax-treating apparatus. Description of Religious Structures: Excavations took place in the nave, south aisle and apse of a church, together measuring 4.50 x 10 m. In a secondary phase, there was an external (semi-circular?) apse in the eastern wall with a marble cross, apparently a part of the chancel. The foundations of the church were on natural rock and in some places, rough stones levelled the surface. The east and south walls were well-chiselled 194

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

built of large stones and along its western wall were three rooms measuring 4 x 5 m. A large courtyard was located in the east, with an additional room in its northeastern corner. On the outskirts of the hill and the cliff area were rooms forming a surrounding belt. In the east of this, at the summit of the site, was a protruding tower and next to the tower was a stair system leading to a lower level. The lower level was composed of many structures and caves cut into the rock. In the east, a wide tower was built into the wall and, to its west, there were open spaces leading to the entrances to cellars. The entrance to the underground cellars was rock-cut. A rectangular plastered cistern (measuring 7 x 5 m) with a supporting column, collected water. Description of Religious Structures: A church, with a nave measuring 6.60 x 18.20 m and an adjoining room measuring 4 x 11.4 m. The structure was of roughly cut local stone. In the eastern part of the church there was a raised bema paved with stone slabs and 2.85 m deep. Three steps led up to the bema and at its edge was a marble chancel screen. There was an apse in the eastern part of the bema inserted between the walls of the church, its construction was finer than that of the rest of the church and it was also covered with white plaster. The entrance to the church was through the west wall. Another entrance led from the adjoining (unexcavated) room through the south wall of the church. Dating Evidence: Excavators reported no datable objects and the inscriptions have not been deciphered. The site was dated to the end of the Byzantine period. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1871 Palmer; 1901 Musil; 1914 Wolly and Lorence; 1916 Vigand; 1979 Baumgarten Bibliographical references: ‫באומגרטן י' תשנ"ב 'מצפה שבטה' האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות‬ ‫; באומגרטן י' תשמ"ו‬996-993 ,‫ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ 97-108 ,‫'מצפה שיבטה’ דמותה של עיר ביזנטית בנגב חיפה‬ Plan(s):

seventh-century material was found beneath early Umayyad features and on the floor of the eastern room. Onn dated the construction of the synagogue to the third-century AD, with the first phase lasting until the beginning of the fourth-century. According to Onn’s chronology for the site, the second phase belongs to the early fourthto mid-fifth-century and the third phase was between the middle of the fifth-century and the seventh-century. Previous study: 1984 Buchman; 1984 Porat; 1984-1985 Onn; 1987 Onn Bibliographical references: Onn A. ‘The Ancient Synagogue at Kafr Misr’ 1994 ‘Atiqot 24, 117-134 Plan(s):

Plan after Onn A. ‘The Ancient Synagogue at Kafr Misr’ 1994 ‘Atiqot 24, 118 Site Name: Mitzpe Shivta Site Number: 125 Location: The Negev, map coordinates 1126.1364. Type of Study: Evaluation Type of Site: Monastery Description: The site comprised a complex of structures measuring 160 x 180 m, surrounded by a wall on the western side. The wall was one m wide and constructed of worked stones. It had an opening topped by an arch, (3.6 m wide) with a pair of pillars that carried the arch and narrowed it to 3 m wide. Later a wall built underneath the arch took the gate out of use. Towers were incorporated into the wall, mainly in the east. The site was comprised of two ‘levels’: On the top level three structures were built in the open. One was a water storage system, constructed of three circular tanks measuring 18 m, 9 m and 6 m in diameter. The tanks were connected by one m wide passages. The second structure was east of the water system and was a complex rectangular structure, measuring 12.1 x 14.5 m

Plan of the church after Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, Plate 57 195

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Site Name: Motza (Colonia, Qaluniya) Site Number: 126 Location: Judean Hills, map coordinates 165.133. Type of Study: Partial Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: Excavations uncovered the whole of the north aisle, the nave, a part of the south aisle and chancel screens. The narthex was located west of the church, with another small church in the north side of the church. The church had two rooms: Room one appeared to be the hall of the church. Entry to Room 1 was through a door from the north aisle of the church. The church foundations consisted of a thick layer of stones in order to level the surface of the natural slope. The walls were thickly plastered on the inside and outside, with no entrances found. The floors were of polychrome mosaics with two Greek inscriptions. There were no measurements in the published descriptions of the site. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: ‘Fifth to Sixth Centuries’, no dating evidence reported. Previous study: 1942 Baramki; 1964 Bacchi Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 139-140 Plan(s):

Hebrew. Entry into the hall was through three openings: one large and two smaller flanking it. Two rows of six columns divided the hall into a nave and two aisles. Its width was 14.94 m and 19 m of its length survived, although the entire length was unknown. Dating Evidence: In area H there were coins and glassware from the sixth to seventh centuries. Occupation of the settlement was said by the excavator to have ended by fire in the eighth-century. Dating for Religious Structures: The construction of the synagogue was dated to the late sixth-century on the basis of pottery found beneath its mosaic floor. Previous study: 1919 Angelbach and McKay; [?] Vincen and Lagranz; 1921 Vinsen and Krir Bibliographical references: No author 1983 ‘Na’aran’ ESI 2, 72-74 ‫יונה מ' תשנ”ב ‘נערן’ בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬-‫אבי‬ , 1078-1079‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

General plan after No author 1983 ‘Na’aran’ ESI 2, 73 Site Name: Nablus (Schem) Site Number: Samaria, map coordinates unavailable. Type of Study: Partial Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Samaritan Synagogue Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The excavations were not complete. The synagogue under the mosque was orientated west-east. To the west of the mosque was an open courtyard measuring 16 x 10.2 m. Excavations so far show that it was paved with stone slabs and underwent many changes. The entrance to the building was from the west. At the southern side were mosaic floors. In the centre of the building was a plastered quadrangular pool, each side 4.25 m long and 0.40 m deep. The structure was octagonal in shape. Circular installations (not usual household ovens) were cut into the rock near the synagogue and contained animal bones and olive branches. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’ Dating for Religious Structures: Written Samaritan sources indicated that the synagogue dates to the fourthcentury, that it later became a house and than a mosque. Previous study: [?] Magen Bibliographical references: Magen Y. 1993 ‘Samaritan Synagogues’ in Manns F. and Alliata E. (eds.) Early Christianity in Context Jerusalem, 230-193 ‫מגן י' תשנ”ב ‘בתי הכנסת השומרונים ופולחנם’ מחקרי יהודה‬ 263-229 ,‫ושומרון – דברי הכנס השני‬ Plan(s): Unavailable

Plan of the church after Ovadiah A. and de Silva C.G. 1984 Supplementum to the Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 157 Site Name: Na’aran Site Number: 127 Location: Beth Shean Valley, map coordinates 1905.1445. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Unknown Description: Excavations found a plastered building paved with a two-tone mosaic floor in area H. The north and south walls were bricks on a pebble foundation. Stonepaved streets and alleys separated the houses. Here too, the brick walls (0.6 m wide) stood on a pebble foundation. There were ovens, silos, a grinding installation and small plastered reservoirs in the lower level of the houses. Stone steps led to the upper levels. Description of Religious Structures: The synagogue had a L-shaped courtyard surrounded by a wall. The short arm was orientated east-west and was 8.70 m long, north - south the building was 10.25 m long. The northern part of the courtyard was paved with river stones that gave way towards the centre of the courtyard. South of the pool was an entry into the narthex, which was also Lshaped, with one arm (that passing in front of the hall) measuring 3.64 x 17.40 m and another arm measuring 3.35 x 10.20 m. The narthex was paved with mosaics depicting a menorah and containing an inscription in 196

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

Site Name: Naboriya, Kfar Site Number: 129 Location: Lower Galilee, map coordinates 197.267. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Unknown Description: In the western part of the site a part of the Byzantine town was excavated. A Late Roman district was found to the northwest of the synagogue. No details were reported. Description of Religious Structures: The first synagogue measured 9.35 x 11.20 m and had two rows of benches on the plaster floor along each wall apart from the southern wall, which was orientated to Jerusalem. There were two entrances in the southern wall one in the northeast corner and one almost in the centre of the southern wall. There were two bemas attached to the south wall. In the second phase, six columns were added, creating a basilica measuring 11.20 x 13.85 m. The entrance was moved to the centre of the southern wall. The excavators assume that there was an additional opening in the eastern wall and that two bemas were set against the south wall. To the south of the synagogue was an exedra with four columns. There were additional benches along the plastered eastern and western walls. In a third phase, the synagogue increased in size to become an eight-column basilica, measuring 11.60 x 16.90 m. There was another entrance in the northern wall of the building and the eastern opening was blocked. The level of the floor was higher and a good quality plaster floor covered the two bemas. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’ Dating for Religious Structures: Pottery found in sealed layers dated from the Early Roman, or the beginning of the Middle Roman, period. The last phase of the synagogue dated to AD 564 or later, on the basis of coins from the reign of Justinian I found in the foundations and a Hebrew inscription dated the third phase of the synagogue, date unavailable. Previous study: 1905 Kohel and Watzinger; 1960 Avigad; 1980, 1981 Meyers Bibliographical references: ‫ כפר’ בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬,‫מאיירס א' תשנ”ב ‘נבוריה‬ 819-821 ,‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s): Unavailable

Site Name: Naharon, Tel Site Number: 130 Location: Beth Shean Valley, map coordinates 1968.2127. Type of Study: Partial Excavation Type of Site: Unknown Description: Long rooms and a rectangular room (measurements and build unreported) were excavated. The excavation uncovered much pottery, glass, metalwork and coins. A system of built and plastered water channels, as well as bell-shaped pits, was found in close proximity. They were full of animal bones, pottery, glass sherds and coins from the end of the Byzantine period and the early Islamic period. There were two heads from monumental Roman sculptures in holes at the side of the tel. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Description’. Dating Evidence: All structures on the mound were said to date from the Byzantine phase but no supporting information was provided. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1974 Adelstein; 1977, 1978 Vitto Bibliographical references: Vitto F. 1980 ‘Tel Naharon’ IEJ 30, 214; Vitto F. 1981 RB 88, 587 Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: Nazareth Site Number: 131 Location: Lower Galilee, map coordinates 179.235. Type of Study: Multi-Focus Excavations. Type of Site: Church Description: Artificial caves and parts of the Byzantine church complex have been excavated within modern Nazareth. Description of Religious Structures: The Byzantine church was on the same site as the Crusader and modern Church of the Annunciation in the centre of Nazareth. The Byzantine basilica was built over the sacred cave and they were linked by two staircases in the northern aisle of the church. The staircases were rock-cut and the walls plastered. The building measured 19.50 x 39.60 m. It had a nave and two aisles separated by two rows of columns. Entry was from the atrium. The floors of the church were all on one level, apart from the floor of the northern aisle. This was lower because of the need to provide an access to the cave. The church was paved with (badly-preserved) mosaics, including a Greek inscription. There was a built cistern in the middle of the nave (measuring 0.60 x 0.65 m), with seven steps leading to the bottom. The plastered cistern was 6.75 m deep. There were Christian symbols and graffiti inscriptions on the walls. A row of rooms south of the nave had patches of mosaic paving. These may be part of a monastery attached to the church to serve it with clergy. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: Pottery typical of the third and fourth centuries AD and coins from the end of the fourth-century and the beginning of the fifth-century, were found under the floor of the south aisle, providing a Terminus Post Quem for the basilica of the fifth-century. Bagatti credibly dates the church to the fifth-century. Previous study: 1899 Welnik; 1955 Bagati Bibliographical references: Bagatti P.B. 1967 Gli Scavi di Nazaret, Vol 1: Dalle Original Secolo XII Jerusalem Plan(s):

Synagogue 197

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

corner, behind the court was the northern gallery. The final church (Negev argued for one, or possibly two, earlier churches) was 12.5 x 5.5 m in size. It had a raised bema, paved with marble, on top of an earlier marble pavement with plastered walls. The basilica itself measured 10.70 x 20.90 m and had a single apse connected by a short wall to the eastern wall. Irregular spaces flanked the apse, from their edges continued two low walls. The space south of the apse was paved with stone slabs. The floors of the nave and northern aisle were paved with limestone slabs. At some point, before the floors were decorated, the basilica was extended by two m. Entry to the South Church of Nizzana was from a gate 1.5 m wide in the east wall of the enclosure wall (its foundation only found in the eastern end). There was hard-packed soil between the wall and the church. Access to the basilica was by two doorways, one led to the north aisle and the other larger one to the narthex and atrium. There was a stone bench in the centre of the west wall and a small cistern in the southwestern corner. The entry to two additional rooms to the north was through the atrium. An entrance 2.65 m wide led to the nave of the church and a second, 1.12 m entrance led to the southern aisle. The basilica measured 14.10 x 20.80 m. It had a central internal large apse with two smaller internal apses on its sides. The chancel closed off all three spaces, uniting them into a single sanctuary. The bema was raised two steps above the floor. Two rows of five columns divided the hall into a nave and two aisles. The floors of the basilica and atrium were paved with limestone slabs. Entry to the church was from the southern aisle measuring 6.22 x 13.20 m. The hall was divided into a nave and two aisles, with a single apse and an additional room. Room 5 was located behind the apse and led through another doorway to the southern apse. The East (Monastery) Church was unexcavated. The only mention of the church was of an inscription found in a mosaic floor of the structure. Dating Evidence: The excavators dated the earliest building in Nizzana to the second-century BC on the basis of pottery, glass and lamps found in sealed foundation trenches. Negev argues that the fort predates the North Church on the basis of planning and construction. He gives the fort an early fifth-century date, based on an increase in the amount of glass and pottery. There were Ummayad coins in one of the rooms of the fort and one building received a mosaic pavement, apparently with a dedication inscription to Justinian I (AD 527-565), although the building and its location were unknown. Dating for Religious Structures: There were two dated Greek memorial inscriptions in the North Church, one from AD 464 and the other dated to AD 475. The South Church contained hundreds of papyri, among them 195 dating to AD 512-689. An inscription on a capital dated to 601/2. Coins of Justinian I (AD 527-565) were found in the filling below a pavement. The South Church was said by the excavators to be later than the North Church and after AD 565, on the basis of architectural details. Previous study: 1838 Robinson; 1871 Palmer; 1902 Mussil; 1916 Vigand; 1921 Alt; Colt 1936-1935 and 1936-1937; 1987 Urman

Plan after Bagatti P.B. 1967 Gli Scavi di Nazaret, Vol 1: Dalle Original Secolo XII Jerusalem, 92 Site Name: Nizzana Site Number: 132 Location: Negev Mount, map coordinates 0970.0318. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Unreported Description: The fort of Nizzana was on the summit of a ridge that dominated the area. On the highest point of the ridge at its northeastern end was the North Church, lower down, to the south on a lesser ridge stood the South Church. The Byzantine buildings had limestone roofs as well as walls. The plastered walls were rubble-filled. Arches carried the upper floors and roofs. Floors were usually of packed soil, but some rooms were fitted with limestone paving. The fort measured 35 x 85 m and had corner towers and two towers on its western side. The main gate of the fort was in the southern wall and was 3.30 m wide; the secondary gate was in the east and faced the lower settlement. The external walls of the fort averaged 1.40 m in width, of the same construction as the rest of the settlement. At first, rooms were built along the western wall of the fort but later rooms were built along its eastern wall. These rooms had undergone repeated repair and rebuilding and the excavator argued that it was unclear when they originated. Two arches supported the stone slab roofs of all structures. In the centre of the fort was a large water cistern roofed with seven arches carrying stone slabs. Description of Religious Structures: The North Church was just outside the north wall of the fort, built on the walls of the Nabatean fort. The main entrance was from the East, a monumental staircase led from the Lower Settlement to the southern entrance. In the atrium’s centre there was a cistern and an opening into the columned eastern gallery, which was paved with limestone slabs. A single opening in the south of the atrium led to a complex of rooms used for burials, as well as the southern courtyard. Two openings in the southern courtyard lead to the basilica. An additional entrance led to the baptistery west of the basilica through an entry room into a two-columned exedra. The baptistery measured 11.20 x 5.40 m, with a font embedded in the centre of the floor. The floor was paved with marble and mosaics. The used water drained through a pipe into a small cistern, west of the font. At a later phase, there was a small church and two rooms flanking it in the northern side of the church, behind it was the northern court, with a cistern in its western 198

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

Site Name: Nuseib Uweishira Site Number: 133 Location: Judea, map coordinates unavailable. Type of Study: Compound Excavation Type of Site: Monastery Description: The building was 40-45 m long and 25-30 m wide. The building contained two main courtyards, paved with flat stones. The one at the southern western corner was probably rectangular and the other, at the centre of the building, was approximately L-shaped. The central courtyard measured 14.5 x 13.5 m and had a cistern in the eastern part and a small channel that fed it. There were rooms in several rows around three sides of the building. The northern row was unexcavated and only a division wall and a fragment of mosaic were known. There were two short, parallel rows of rooms on the eastern side of the building. Limited information was available on these rooms: entry to Room 17 was through Room 35 and it had another opening in its eastern (opposite) wall. To the west of Room 17 there was a very narrow corridor of a drainage system (0.50 m wide), covered on three sides with thin stone slabs. The western row consisted of two rooms. Room 42 was a parallelogram and measured 4.2 x 3 m with a mosaic floor and an opening that led to the church. Room 35 was trapezoidal in shape and measured 3.6-5.6 x 4.2 m. It had a mosaic floor, probably white and there was one opening on the eastern side. There were five or six rooms in the southern row, all but one adjoining the central courtyard. The exception, Room 11, was located south of Room 15. These rooms from east to west were: Room 36 (3.4 m square) with a white mosaic floor and Room 13 (3.8 x 2.2 m) also paved with mosaics. Between Rooms 13 and 16, an area approximately 7.4 x 4.5 m was probably divided into a smaller room and a larger L-shaped room. The small room was paved with mosaics and ceramic tiles and the larger room was paved with slabs. Room 14 was very badly preserved, with a patch of white mosaic and coloured mosaic probably derived from the second storey. There was a stepped pool south of the room. Description of Religious Structures: There was a church in the northeastern part of the complex. The church was orientated to the exact east. Entry was from the west through a narthex. The church and narthex protruded into the central courtyard, creating its L-shape. The narthex measured 8.0 x 2.8 m. Entry was through its long western side, by a wide door (2.7 m wide). South of the entrance door was a roughly built bench and there was a lime floor in the room. The entrance to the church from the narthex was through a 1.1 m opening. Only the southwestern part of the church had survived – the estimated width was 5.5-7.0 m and its assumed length was 9.5 m. The church was paved with polychrome mosaics including a Greek dedication inscription. Dating Evidence: The excavator considered that the ceramic finds date the monastery to the end of the fifthcentury and the beginning of the sixth-century. Dating for Religious Structures: Di Segni suggested that the inscription found in the entrance to the nave dated the church (and the complex) to between AD 420 and AD 520. Previous study: 1976 Netzer and Lass; 1980 Netzer and Birger

Bibliographical References: Colt H.D. 1962 Excavations at Nessana London ‫א' נגב תשנ”ב ‘נצנה’ בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ 1088-1084 ,‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

Plan of the East Church after Ovadiah A. 1970, Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, Plate 61

Plan of the North Church after Ovadiah A. 1970, Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, Plate 60 199

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Bibliographical references: Netzer E. and Birger R. 1990 ‘A Byzantine Monastery at Nuseib Uweishira, West of Jericho’ in Colbi S.P. (ed.) Christian Archaeology in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 191-200; Di Segni L. 1990 ‘Nuseib Uweishira: The inscription’ in Colbi S.P. (ed.) Christian Archaeology in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 201-204 Plan(s):

the structures had ‘window walls’: Walls with large windows (0.60-0.70 m high) positioned about 0.70 m above the floor. The rooms were unusually narrow, measuring between two and 3.5 m. Thin basalt slabs found in the rooms may have been a part of the fallen roof. There were also roof tiles and a lamp inscribed with a cross. Description of Religious Structures: Not applicable Dating Evidence: There were third- to fourth-century pottery sherds in Layer 4 and pottery of fifth- to sixthcentury date in Layer 3. Dating for Religious Structures: Not applicable Previous study: 1969-1968 Urman Bibliographical references: Urman D. 1985 The Golan – A Profile of a Region in the Roman and Byzantine phases (BAR International Series 269), 22, 198 ‫מעוז מ' תשנ”ב ‘גבעת אורחה’ בשטרן א' )עורך( האיציקלופדיה‬ 267-269 ,‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: Pachal (Pella) Site Number: 136 Location: Jordan Valley, map coordinates unavailable. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Large Town Description: The Byzantine town contained a street and structures at the foot of the monumental staircase west of the church. The structures underwent several phases of repair and reconstruction. One building had a semicircular exedra with a water channel along its outer wall, it was part of the settlement baths. The ashlar exedra was 1.25 m wide and had a later shelf added to the semicircular wall with a channel constructed on top. There was a series of adjoining limestone barrel-vaulted chambers along the western wall of the exedra. Vault 1 was rectangular, 5.85 x 2.90 m in size. The eight tombs were excavated in the East Cemetery. Tomb 5 was used in the Byzantine period and was irregular in form, consisting of a central chamber with two acrosolia. Surviving steps show that entry to the tomb was from the west. Tomb 6 was also used in the Byzantine period. Its form had been greatly disturbed by internal rock fall, but included a central room with two north-south graves. There was also Byzantine material in tombs 7-8. These were two separated tombs joined by damage to the wall separating them. Tomb 7 contained the largest number of finds from the latter part of the Byzantine period. Tomb 7 was a rectangular room with graves cut into the floor. There was a five-line Greek inscription on the lintel of the tomb. It contained the burials of two soldiers by the name of Yochanan in AD 521/522. The East Cemetery contained the west wall of a Byzantine structure (0.60 m wide) built of rubble. The east wall remained unexcavated, although from the wall eastwards the bedrock formed a roughly horizontal surface. The pottery on the surface and in two occupation layers was all dated to the Byzantine period. Description of Religious Structures: The East Church was on the eastern slope that overlooked the settlement. It had three apses and an atrium adjoining its west wall. The church measured 28.23 x 46 m and the atrium measured about 18 x 18 m, with two columns, one on either side in front of the southern façade and an octagonal pool in the centre. Two rows of seven columns

General plan after Netzer E. and Birger R. 1990 ‘A Byzantine Monastery at Nuseib Uweishira, West of Jericho’ in Colbi S.P. (ed.) Christian Archaeology in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 196 Site Name: O’tzem (Kh. Beth Mamin) Site Number: 134 Location: The Shfela, map coordinates 121.116. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: A basilica partly destroyed by building activity in the middle ages. Excavations took place in the nave, the north aisle and the narthex. The polychrome and elaborate mosaics in the nave, the northern aisle and the narthex survived. There were four Greek inscriptions in the mosaic and one indicated the date of the end of the construction of the church. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The inscriptions dated the church to the fifth- to sixth-century. No more details were provided. Previous study: 1956 Gofna Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 151-152 ’‫יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'כנסיות קדומות – עוצם' בשטרן א‬-‫אבי‬ ‫)עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל‬ 803 ,‫ירושלים‬ Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: Orcha, Giv’at Site Number: 135 Location: The Golan, map coordinates 2302.2595. Type of Study: Multi-focus Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Very large town. Description: About 600,000 squ. m in area. In the Byzantine period the settlement was mainly on the southwestern slope, near the road. The northern part of the excavation was comprised of many rooms that do not make a coherent plan. In the southern part of the excavation, there were two buildings with a common wall, surrounded by streets on the east, west and south. There were square niches in many of the walls. Almost all of 200

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

fifth- to the seventh-century. Ribbed amphorae of the sixth- to seventh-century, as well as two fourth- and two sixth-century coins, were found in the fill in the exedra of the apsidal building. There were Byzantine to Early Umayyad pottery sherds and coins in the fill inside the vaults. Byzantine objects, pottery and coins were found in the tombs in the East Cemetery. Dating for Religious Structures: A sealed hoard found in the chancel indicated a late fifth-century date for the East Church. The excavators dated the church to the fifth- or sixth-century on the basis of its architecture and mosaic floors. According to McNicoll, the finds fail to narrow the date further. He suggested a date of AD 530. The construction of the nave of the Civic Complex Church was dated to around AD 400, based on the coin from AD 337-350 found in the bedding of the floor of the atrium. However, this provided only a Terminus Post Quem of AD 337 for the atrium. None of the pottery found in soundings beneath the church had a date later than the middle of the fifth-century, but it was unclear whether these sherds were stratified, so their chronological significance was unclear. The second phase of the church was difficult to date, as the layers in the three apses were disturbed. The sherds from below the bema were largely from the fourth- and fifth-century. McNicoll dates this phase to AD 525 to AD 550 and argued that the earthquake of AD 717 destroyed the church, but gave no evidence necessitating this assertion. Previous study: 1958 Richardson and Punk; 1967-1979 Smith Bibliographical references: McNicoll A.W. Smith R.A. and Hennessy B. 1982 Pella in Jordan 1 Canberra; McNicoll A.W. 1992 Pella in Jordan 2 Sydney; Smith B. 1989 Pella of the Decapolis Wooster Plan(s):

divided the hall into a nave and two aisles. The external semi-circular centre apse measured 6.70 m and the two internal semicircular apses flanking the central apse measured 2.90 m wide each. McNicoll stated that originally access to the church was through seven doors: three doors in the west wall and two doors each in the north and south walls. The eastern door in the south wall was converted to a window shortly after construction (excavators found window glass sherds near the opening). More windows were found in the east end of the church, where one window was found in each side apse and three more were found in the central apse. The church was slightly irregular. It was a little narrower in the east and wider in the west due to natural conditions. It was constructed of large rectangular blocks of stone, wall width varied from 1.18 to 1.24 m thick for the central apse, through 0.88 to 0.92 m thick for the north and south walls and 0.96 m wide for the west wall. There was a basalt chancel about 0.46 m above the floor of the nave, which protruded into the aisles. A finely carved white marble chancel screen ran along the chancel. There was a semi-circular stone and mortar bench in the central apse. A reliquary was found in the middle of the sanctuary. The nave and central chancel were paved with marble. Parts of the walls and ceiling had glass mosaics. The West Church was a three apsed basilica with two rows of columns. The walls were about one m thick and constructed of re-used stone. The hall measured 23.22 x 28.99 m and had six entrances. Two entrances were in the west wall, two led into the northern aisle and two into the southern aisle. The sanctuary and atrium had ceramic tile roofs. Most of the paving was of grey limestone embedded in mortar. Some areas were paved with polychrome glass mosaics and there was a sarcophagus under the floor of the apse. The atrium measured 34.70 x 35.2 m. It was colonnaded on all four sides and paved with white limestone. Entry was through the west wall in line with the doorway into the sanctuary. In the second phase, the church was less elaborate, several entrances were blocked and some of the decorations plastered over. The destruction of the second church (by earthquake, according to McNicoll) led to its rebuilding, although the enclosure walls and the atrium were left alone. The Civic Complex (Cathedral) Church was a rectangular building with three apses at its east end. It measured 19.25 x 29.65 m (excluding the apses) and faced southsouthwest. The two smaller flanking apses were internal and the large, middle apse was external. Two rows of 10 columns divided the hall into a nave and two aisles. The hall was mainly paved with flagstones and areas of mosaic. Excavations beneath the east wall show that a straight wall had stood there instead of the three apses. The colonnaded atrium led to three main entrances in the west wall. The atrium was approximately 17.45 x 17.80 m in size, its central portion was unroofed and porticos surround it on four sides. The church had ashlar walls, varying in width from 0.80 to 1.00 m. Some of the stones were re-used. The monumental western approach to the church dated to AD 614. It consisted of a wide staircase, a colonnade, a terrace and a portal cut into the west wall. The earthquake of AD 717 apparently destroyed the church. Dating Evidence: The stadium became a midden in the Byzantine phase, including Byzantine coins from the

Plan of the Civic Complex Church, phase A, McNicoll A.W. 1992 Pella in Jordan 2 Sydney, 148 201

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

built between the first and second columns, north and south of the bema. Marble panels on the west side enclosed the bema, with an ambo in its northwestern corner. The central apse contains a synthronon. The hall was entered through three openings from an atrium located to the west of the church. The early church had an atrium and narthex, which were later turned into a peristyle atrium court. The atrium had flagstone pavements with four columns on either side. Entry was through the western and northern rooms, in the northern part of the church complex. Both the early and later church had a baptistery. The room measured 2 x 2.3 m and contained a cruciform font surrounded by four columns with an ashlar platform. The church was constructed of ashlar blocks with a rubble and mortar core. The walls were internally plastered. There were some spolia and other re-used stonework. The floors of the north and south aisles were paved with mosaics. The nave, bema and central apse were paved with marble and purple sandstone. Wooden beams and ceramic tiles indicated a timber roof, covered with tiles. The Ridge Church was located at the northern edge of the Byzantine city and was just inside the city walls. The building measured 18.1 x 13.5 m. The church had a nave and two side aisles. A step led up to the chancel and one of the rooms flanked the apse. The aisles were separated from the nave by five columns on each side. There were pilasters on the eastern and western ends. A cistern was found under the western part of the nave. It measured 2.8 x 3 m and was rock-cut. The bedrock was plastered on all sides and three arches supported the roof. A round portal located next to the southern wall gave access to the cistern. Almost nothing survived of the pavement, yet the excavator seemed certain that the floor was paved with mainly white mosaics, as there were a large number of white tesserae. Several black and brown cubes point to a possible pattern. Three doors at the western end of the church lead to a three m deep narthex that was approached by steps leading up from a courtyard. The steps extended through the whole of the church. Dating Evidence: The scripts on the scrolls date to the fifth or sixth centuries. Dating for Religious Structures: A detailed stratigraphical analysis of the Petra Church dated it to the mid-fifthcentury or early sixth-century. The church was remodelled in the early or mid-sixth-century and was destroyed by fire in the end of the sixth- or the beginning of the seventh-century. No dating evidence was reported for the Ridge Church, but on the basis of the mosaic fragment it may be dated to the fifth- or sixth-century. Previous study: 1992-1993 Bikai; 1993-1994 Fiema Bibliographical references: Fiema Z.T. Schick R. and ‘Amr K. 1995 ‘The Petra Church Project: Interim Report, 1992-94’ in Humphrey J.H. (ed.) The Roman and Byzantine Near East – Some Recent Archaeological Research Ann Arbor, 793-303; Fiema Z.T. Kanellopoulos C. Waliszewski T. and Shick R. 2001 The Petra Church Amman; Bikai P.M. 1996 ‘The Ridge Church at Petra’ ADAJ 40, 481-489 Plan(s):

Plan of the East Church after McNicoll A.W. 1992 Pella in Jordan 2 Sydney, 154 Site Name: Petra Site Number: 137 Location: Jordan, map coordinates unavailable. Type of Study: Multi-focus Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Large Town Description: There were Christian niches in the Orna tomb, a-Dier and the ‘monastery’. A town quarter dated to the fourth-century. The basilica was only a part of a larger architectural entity. Excavations revealed Room I (later termed the ‘Scroll Room’), Room II (the vaulted room) and a paved courtyard with a portico, north and northeast of the later church. Room I was a quadrangle 5.5 x 5.2 m. The room had three heavy pilasters forming the springing for arches. Room II was an irregular quadrangle 6.2 x 4.3 m. It had a barrel-vaulted ceiling. The courtyard was 9.7x 5 m and had an irregular paving of rectangular sandstone slabs. Description of Religious Structures: The Petra Church was a basilica measures 25 x 16 m. The early church had two square rooms that were later remodelled into apses. Two rows of eight columns divided the hall into a nave and two aisles. Along its walls, burnt wooden benches were discovered. The bema was raised two steps above the aisles and the nave and projected into the nave as far as the second set of columns from the east. Walls were 202

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

Plan(s):

Plan of the synagogue after ‫ש' גולדשמיט תשל"ג ‘שרידי בית כנסת בתל של כפר קרניים’ ארץ‬ 39 ,11 ‫ישראל‬ Site Name: Qasile, Tel Site Number: 139 Location: Gush Dan, map coordinates unavailable. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church or Synagogue. Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The basilica stretched from east to west on an area measuring approximately 7.70 x 7.30 m. Two rows of three columns each divided the church into a nave and two aisles. The entrance was located in the east of the building. The floor was paved with mosaics, in which survived two Greek dedication inscriptions and a Samaritan inscription. Some letters in the latter inscription were unusually orientated. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: Under the basilica was a coin dating to AD 585-602. This led Kaplan to date the building to the first quarter of the seventh-century. Previous study: [?] Kaplan Bibliographical references: Tsafrir Y. 1981 ‘A New Reading of the Samaritan Inscription from Tell Qasile’ IEJ 31, 223-226; Macuch R. 1975 ‘A New Interpretation of the Samaritan Inscription from Tell Qasile’ IEJ 25, 183-185; Ovadiah A. 1987 ‘The Greek Inscription from Tell Qasile Re-Examined’ IEJ 37, 36-39 11 ‫קפלן ח' תש"ל 'כנסיה שומרונית במיתחם מוזיאון הארץ' קדמוניות‬ 84-78 , Plan(s):

Plan of the Petra Church after Fiema Z.T. Kanellopoulos C. Waliszewski T. and Shick R. 2001 The Petra Church Amman, 42 Site Name: Qarnaim, Kfar Site Number: 138 Location: Western Galilee, map coordinates 1995.2030. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Synagogue Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The synagogue was located in the southern edge of the village. The structure measured 11.3 x 10.6 m. The foundations were made of well-cut large and medium-sized stones. Its original plan was that of a house with four rooms, the largest in the southeast probably being a courtyard. The structure apparently became a large hall in the Byzantine period. It was paved with mosaics, depicting a menorah and shofar as central motifs. The mosaic floor was laid on top of the internal walls of the earlier building. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: Avi-Yonah dated the mosaic to the sixth-century on stylistic grounds. Previous study: [?] Goldsmith Bibliographical references: ‫גולדשמיט ש' תשל"ג ‘שרידי בית כנסת בתל של כפר קרניים’ ארץ‬ 40-39 ,11 ‫ישראל‬

Plan of the church (?) after 11 ‫קפלן ח' תש"ל 'כנסיה שומרונית במיתחם מוזיאון הארץ' קדמוניות‬, 78 203

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

was dated to the beginning of the sixth-century on the basis of a concentration of 180 coins found in a fill between the upper and lower benches. The latest identifiable coin was from the AD 491-518. The excavators dated the last floor in the synagogue to the beginning of the seventh-century. The dating was based on a hoard of 82 coins found underneath the floor. The latest of these dated to the late sixth-century. Previous study: 1884 Shomacer; 1967 Gutman; 19691971 Urman; 1971-1972 Urman; 1975-1976 Ben-Ari, Barlev; 1978 Barlev and Maoz; 1982-1984 Maoz, Hachlilli and Kilborough; 1983 Kilbourough Bibliographical references: Ma’oz Z. and Killbrew A. ‘Ancient Qasrin: Synagogue and Village’ 1988 BA 51, 5-19 ‫מעוז צ' וקילברו א' תשנ”ב 'קצרין' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬ 1428-1423 ,‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

Site Name: Qasrin Site Number: 140 Location: The Golan, map coordinates 2161.2661. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: A small village. Description: East of the synagogue was a 35 x 45 m excavated area of the village. The site in its entirety measured 15,750 squ. m. The earliest structures excavated belonged to Layer 5 and were contemporary with the first synagogue. The stones used were circular with small basalt fragments. There were several rooms under the unpaved public square of Layer 6 and under the street east of the synagogue. There was a room with a ‘window wall’ and what may be a storage room. A large number of tools, as well as pots and storage jars were on the floors of these buildings. Most of the structures from Layer 5 continued into Layer 6. The structures usually had one large room with a ‘window wall’, a second floor and an open yard, but in other structres more than a dozen rooms were added. The settlement comprised both simple and extended structures, densely packed and separated by narrow alleys. The extensions to buildings were of roughly worked basalt stones with a square or rectangular shape. There were a few fragments of stone between the large stones. The floors were paved with rough basalt slabs, or river stones. The area east of the synagogue became an open public space with a street and a drainage system. Description of Religious Structures: The first phase of the synagogue had a hard white plaster floor, with grooves cut into it to imitate a stone floor. The building was almost square (15.30 x 15.20 m), with six columns, a pair of benches and a main opening in the northern wall. The later synagogue was much better preserved. It was trapezoidal and aligned north-south. Its walls were not equal in size: the north wall 15.40 m, the south 14.95, the east 17.95 m and the west 17.40. Its corners were not strict right angles. The walls of the synagogue were between 1.10 and 0.90 m thick, built of well-worked basalt stones, with smaller stones and soil between the large basalt stones. Areas of plaster with red lines were preserved inside the synagogue. The entrance in this phase was built in the middle of the northern façade, the frame measuring 1.43 m wide and 2.43 m high. There was an additional opening in the western wall, 1.20 m wide. Two rows of four columns divided the hall into a nave and two aisles. There was an opening to an additional room (3.65 x 2.65 m) in the southeastern corner of the hall. Mosaic fragments indicated that the floor was covered with mosiacs. There were two stepped benches along all the walls built of well-worked stones. The excavators argued that an earthquake damaged the building and led to the construction of a supporting wall and a new floor. Dating Evidence: The settlement developed continuously. Continuous use of the structures from the fourth-century to the mid-eighth-century was suggested by six coin hoards. The largest included 9,000 bronze coins dated to the mid-fourth-century. Dating for Religious Structures: The floor of the first phase of the synagogue was given a Terminus Post Quem by fourth-century pottery sealed beneath it. The excavators dated the building to the end of the fourth- or the beginning of the fifth-century. The later synagogue

Plan of the synagogue and nearby structures after Ma’oz Z. and Killbrew A. 1988 BA 51, 12

Structures and Synagogue 204

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

To the east there was a room paved with a white mosaic floor, at the end of which was a plastered cistern. Southeast of the settlement were three tombs. Tomb B comprised a central room with three acrosolia containing six to eight burials each. In the second phase the central room also contained burials, presumably because there was no more room in the acrosolia. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Description’ Dating Evidence: The excavators dated the site to the end of the second half of the third-century AD on the basis of a coin of AD 244-238, lamps and pottery. Occupation of the settlement ended at the end of the fifth- or the beginning of the sixth-century, according to Magen, who argued that this was due to the Samarian rebellion. Pottery in Tomb B was said to indicate two phases of use, one in the third-century to the end of the fifth- or the beginning of the sixth-century and the other in the sixthand seventh-century. However, the dating evidence provided was limited. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1979-1982 Magen Bibliographical references: Magen Y. 1982 The Archaeological Discoveries at Qedumim –Samaria (Qedem I); Magen 1983 ‘Qedumim – A Samarian Site of the Roman Byzantine Phase’ Qadomiot 15.2-3, 76-83 ‫מגן י' תשנ”ב ‘קדומים’ בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ 1342-1339 ,‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

Synagogue Site Name: Qedumim Site Number: 141 Location: Samaria, map coordinates 1650.1793. Type of Study: Multi-focus Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Unknown Description: There were three worked stone architectural units in Area C. Storage caves were located in the cellars of buildings. Building I consisted of a cellar with an oilpress. The pressing room measured 8 x 6.5 m, was paved with large irregular stones and its walls coated with white plaster. Caves may have served as storage places for the oil as they were connected to the oil-press. Two rooms made up Building II and cut stones and fragments of mosaic indicated that this had a second storey. In the corner of one of the rooms was an opening into a cave. Only the eastern wall of Building III survived. Northeast of Area C was an additional oil-press, it includeded a central room, containing the pressing apparatus. An elongated room west of the central room contained the equipment for fixing the pressing screw. Additional rooms lay to the north, south and east of these rooms. A miqve was northeast of the oil-press. The miqve was originally part of the cistern, with additional steps and a partition wall. Area F was southwest of Area C. The excavators argued that this area formed the limit of a Samaritan settlement in the south. An oil-press was found between two rectangular buildings. Phase 1 was characterised by good quality construction with ashlar blocks, phase 2 was of lower quality and poor planning. Floors were raised in the second phase indicating the passage of some time between phases. Construction work prevented a large-scale excavation of Building I. There was a miqve, a round stone well and a small crushing basin at its western end. Entry to Building II was from the west through an alley paved with irregular stones and descending from the north. A large rock-cut cistern coated with reddish plaster was at the centre of the alley. Additional entrances were located at the southern wall of the building, serving as passages to the oil-press. An opening led westwards from the alley to a miqve, through a descent on plastered steps. The plaster was reddish brown painted over black. An opening at the south end of the alley led to an open space from which steps led through a doorway to the oil-press. The pressing apparatus was located at the northern chamber.

Plan of the remains of two oil-presses, three large houses and a ritual bath in area C. after Magen Y. 1983 ‘Qedumim – A Samarian Site of the Roman Byzantine Phase’ Qadomiot 14.2-3, 170 Site Name: Ramat Hanadiv Site Number: 142 Location: The Carmel, map coordinates 1441.2166. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Villa and water system. Description: There was a Byzantine villa in the northeastern part of the site, at Horbat Aqav. Two phases were distinguished, the construction and later changes. The structure was square and measured 22 x 23.4 m. Local limestone blocks, many re-used, comprisd the walls. The outer walls were 0.8 m thick and the inner 205

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

walls 0.6-0.7 m thick. The walls were faced with a fieldstone and mortar fill and had ‘stretchers’ to ensure stability. The floors were layers of packed soil and fieldstones, generally paved with limestone. Simple white tesserae were scattered around the site. There were no mosaic floors on the first floor and so these tesserae may have been used to pave the upper floors. Fallen vaults also indicated the existence of a second storey. Fragments of ceramic tiles suggested a tiled roof. The complex had a wide southern gate (1.40 m) and a narrower (1.20 m) western gate. The western gate opened into a small room, which led into the internal stone paved courtyard which measured 15.4 x 8.5 m. Wings in the west, north and east surrounded the courtyard. The west wing comprised two rooms: The smaller one provided access to the courtyard through a doorway and entry to the long and narrow one was through the small room. The north wing included a large hall and three rooms connected by ‘window walls’ and water drainage channels, east of the two rooms was a square hall. The east wing was the largest, two northsouth walls partitioned it and windows were cut into these support walls. Layers of red soil (imported to the site) surrounded the structure. There was a large cistern 5 m south of the structure. Next to it was a wine-press, consisting of a treading floor 5.7 m in diameter with a collecting tank. In the second phase there was a rectangular room in the northern part of the courtyard. This reduced its area by about a third. Two doorways provided access from the new room to the rest of the structure. There was a stone bench along the western wall of the east wing in the courtyard. An L-shaped wall was added to the southern room of the west wing. The Byzantine site in Horbat ‘Eleq was located at the top of a spur descending eastwards from the central ridge of Ramat Hanadiv. The site showed the continued use of a tunnel, an aqueduct and a pool. This was indicated by reddish plaster containing crushed pottery. An aqueduct carried surplus pool water to Shuni. There were over 2,000 coins near the opening of the tunnel. The pool was square, measuring 11.2 x 11.2 m and was located near the eastern end of the aqueduct. Entry was through a wide staircase in the southwestern corner and there were fragments of Byzantine jugs on the floor. Description of Religious Structures: Not applicable Dating Evidence: The structure in Horbat Aqav dated to the fifth-century AD or later on the basis of coins and potsherds found under the floor of the building. The second phase dated to the late early seventh-century on the basis large amounts of pottery found in the ‘pottery pit’. As no Ummayad evidence was found on site, the excavator assigns its abandonment to the mid-seventhcentury AD. Layer II, the Late Roman to Byzantine phases at Horbat ‘Eleq, was dated to the third- to seventh-century AD by architectural finds and analysis of the finds including sealed coins, lamps and pottery. Dating for Religious Structures: Not applicable Description of Religious Structures: 1873 Konder and Kitzner; 1984-1998 Hirschfeld Bibliographical References: Hirschfeld Y. 2000 Ramat Hanadiv excavations – Final Report of the 1984-1998 seasons Jerusalem Plan(s):

Plan of the Byzantine villa at Horbat Aqav (Phase 1) after Hirschfeld Y. 2000 Ramat Hanadiv excavations – Final Report of the 1984-1998 seasons Jerusalem, 42

Horvat Aqav North

Horvat Aqav South Site Name: Ramat Rahel Site Number: 143 Location: Judea, map coordinates 1708.1275. Type of Study: Multi-focus Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Unknown (possibly a monastery?). 206

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

rooms were paved with stone slabs. In the northwest room three layers of paving were discovered one on top of the other. In the other rooms, too, were clear signs of alterations and additions. The excavators assumed that they belonged to the two Byzantine phases identified. There were two ovens next to the southern wall of one of the rooms. In the other rooms there were stone benches along the wall. Sherds of large storage jars were strewn all over the floor of one of the rooms. The excavators concluded that these rooms represented a monastery near the church. About 20 m west of the church was a large building. Its main part was two halls. In Stratum II (the Byzantine phase) their length was approximately 15 m. Their walls were one m thick; the foundations were mostly set deep into the soil. The southern hall was approximately seven m wide and the northern hall was slightly less than five m wide. The ceiling rested on arches carried by pairs of columns. Entry to the halls was from the west. The floors were lower than the ground level outside. The northern hall was paved with flat flagstones and to the left of the entrance was a large stone basin. The southern hall also had a flagstone pavement and three stone steps led from the entrance to the floor of the hall, which was about one m deeper than the outside ground level. Both halls had earlier floors. In the northern hall (260), the earlier floor had a thin coating of stone with a thin layer of lime 0.30 to 0.40 m below the later floor; in the southern hall (257), a paving of small stones was immediately under the later floor. The rubble in both halls contained a large number of tiles, indicating a tiled roof. Hall 260 had an additional northern entrance and stone cells between the bases of the arches only on Layer IIa – the earlier Byzantine layer. To the south of Hall 257 was a courtyard measuring 4.50 x 6.50 m, whose only opening was from the western side. The excavators suggested that these structures were part of the Kathisma Monastery. Dating Evidence: The excavators claimed that there were only three Byzantine layers. The Late Roman and First Byzantine Layer was dated to the third- and fourthcentury. The Second Byzantine Layer was dated to the fifth and sixth centuries. The Third Byzantine Layer was dated to the sixth and seventh centuries. The only structure for which they provide individual dating evidence was the bathhouse. Many tiles bearing the stamp of the Tenth Legion were found in situ. The stamp probably indicated that the bathhouse was built during the time the legion was stationed in Jerusalem, which was in the second- or third-century AD. There were small quantities of Byzantine objects on the pavements and in the tanks. The plaster in the cisterns included sherds of Byzantine pottery. The excavators concluded that the bathhouse was in use until the seventh-century AD. It was unfortunate that no such detailed evidence was given for the other structures. Dating for Religious Structures: The excavators gave the date of the mid-fifth-century AD because this was the date of the foundation of the Kathisma Monastery. The pottery found on the floors of the complex, according to Aharoni, belonged to the latest Byzantine phase. Previous study: 1931 Mazar and Stekelis; 1954 Aharoni; 1961-1962 Aharoni

Description: South of the Byzantine church was a bathhouse. At its centre were three rooms paved with mosaic floors. There was a bath in the southwestern corner of the central room. The sides of the bath were of clay and white tesserae lined its base, while a lead drainage pipe at the bottom ran into another ceramic pipe. An additional small room with two columns led to another room entirely paved with tiles. There were several large cisterns around the bathhouse. A complex of rooms from the Byzantine phase was discovered at the eastern end of the tel, to the south of the church and east of the bathhouse. A row of three large rooms, the northernmost and largest was 10.5 x 6.5 m in size, with massive walls 1.2-1.5 m thick. Military trenches dug into this area destroyed most structures. A courtyard 13 m wide separated the structure and the rooms of the complex. South of the bathhouse, additional rooms were discovered on either side of a narrow alley. A drainage channel, covered by stone slabs, ran from east to west along the alley. In the central room on the north side of the alley there was a large oven and a plastered channel. The rooms on the southern side were paved with stone slabs and, in two rooms, three layers of paving were found one on top of the other. On the lowest of these floors there were two large Byzantine jugs. In the adjoining room there was a basin paved with mosaics and fragments of the circular stone of an olive-press. In the northwestern corner of the excavation was a Byzantine building. At its centre was a courtyard surrounded by pillars. The courtyard was paved with large stone slabs and, in its northwest corner, there was a conduit leading to a large cistern. There were many tesserae underneath the stone paving-slabs. On the south and west of the courtyard were rows of rooms. Entry to the southwestern corner of the building and the two western rooms was from the western colonnade. There was no direct entry from the courtyard to the western room. The location of the main entrance to the courtyard was unclear. There were sherds of Byzantine pottery in all the rooms of the latest phase of the building. Shelves or benches were found in two rooms and were later additions, as was a narrow wall built in the centre of the western colonnade and a kitchen installed to its south. Aharoni claims that this building dated from the Roman period but continued in use through the Byzantine period. Description of Religious Structures: The church on the northeast side of the tel was a rectangular hall, 22.3 x 15 m in size. It had a nave and three aisles, divided by three rows of columns into two vertical aisles and one horizontal. There was a semi-circular apse on the inside of the church, but externally it was octagonal. There was a continuous foundation in front of the church, which may have been a narthex or an open porch. The walls were 1.6 m thick, with foundations two m deep. The structure was constructed with re-used blocks. Originally, the entire church had an elaborate polychrome mosaic pavement. There were eight rooms to the south of the church, on either side of a long and narrow corridor. The vaulted roof had rested on pillars in almost all of the rooms. All 207

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

ons in Hebrew and Aramaic. Additionally, there were baseless square basalt columns. The plastered walls and columns had decoration and inscriptions on the plaster. There were geometric patterns on the walls of the hall and the columns were covered with red painted inscriptions in Aramaic and Hebrew. In the third phase a narthex was added north of the hall, stretching the entire length of the hall and extending 4 m to the east. The narthex was paved in mosaics with inscriptions in Aramaic and Hebrew. On the eastern side of the hall, there was a narrow corridor, paved with packed soil, along the entire length of the hall. Many minor changes also took place: The columns were replastered; benches were added along the walls of the aisles, the bema was widened, the stairs were at the front and a low wall, 0.75 m, was built parallel to the bema. There were patches where the mosaic floor weakened and in other places, a new floor was laid. It appears that, shortly before the destruction of the building, work began on a new mosaic floor but the artist only had time to complete the floor base and begin the frame in the southern part of the hall. There were piles of tesserae, sorted according to colour and a pile of stones which were probably the source of these cubes in the hall. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The excavator dated the earliest synagogue to the beginning of the fourth-century on the basis of architectural comparison, coins and pottery. The second phase was dated to the end of the fourthcentury or the beginning of the fifth-century on the basis of the ceramics and the style of the mosaic. The third phase was dated between the fifth- and seventh-century. Previous study: 1974-1980 Vitto Bibliographical references: Vitto F. 1980 ‘The Synagogue of Rehov, 1980’ IEJ 30, 214-217 104 -100 ,'‫ויטו פ' תשל”ד ‘בית הכנסת של רחוב’ עתיקות ז‬ Plan(s):

Bibliographical references: Aharoni Y. 1964 Excavations at Ramat Rahel – Seasons 1961 and 1962 Rome; Aharoni Y. 1962 Excavations at Ramat Rahel – Seasons 1959 and 1960 Rome ‫אהרוני י' תשנ"ב 'רמת רחל' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬ 1484-1479 ,‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

Plan after Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, Plate 62 Site Name: Rehov Site Number: 144 Location: Beth Shean Valley, map coordinates 196.207. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Synagogue Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The synagogue was a basilica lying on a north-south axis. There were three building phases. In the first phase the synagogue included a hall measuring 19 x 17 m, with walls 0.80 m thick constructed of large ashlar with a core of smaller stones. The building had four entrances, three in the north wall and one in the eastern wall. It was paved with polychrome mosaics. Two rows of 5 columns divided the hall into a nave and two aisles. The columns were constructed of square basalt stones. There was a bema in the southern part of the synagogue and two small mosaic paved rooms to either side. The southeast corner of the bema contained the southernmost column in each row. The worked stone bema was 8.90 x 2.80 m. There was a square hole, paved with white mosaics and plastered, at the front of the bema. There was a plastered mortar bench along the eastern wall. The building was destroyed by fire and a second building was erected over it, keeping to the plan of the first building and adding a bema on the northern side of the nave, with steps leading up from either side of the bema. The floor was paved with mosaics, with inscripti-

Plan after Vitto F. 1980 ‘The Synagogue of Rehov, 1980’ IEJ 30, 90 Site Name: Rehovot-in-the-Negev Site Number: 145 Location: The Negev, map coordinates 108.048. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Large Town 208

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

Dating for Religious Structures: A bishop (whose name was later defaced) and a man named Stephanus, built the church in the year AD 445 or AD 449, according to an inscription in the Northern Church. According to an inscription the burials in the north church were from AD 488 to AD 555. This indicated, according to the excavators, that the church already existed in the second half of the fifth-century. The earlier Central Church was of an unknown date, the later church had been assigned to the mid-sixth-century because of an inscription cut into the marble floor of the nave giving its date as AD 550/1 or AD 554/5. However, this dated only the floor and not the entire church. Previous study: 1975-1977 Tsafrir and Rosenthal; 19781979 Tsafrir; 1986 Tsafrir and Holom Bibliographical references: Tsafrir Y. 1993 ‘The Early Byzantine Town of Rehovot-in-the-Negev and it’s churches’ in Tsafrir Y. (ed.) Ancient Churches Revealed Jerusalem; Tsafrir Y. 1988 Excavations at Rehovot in the Negev – Volume 1: The Northern Church (Qedem 25); Tsafrir Y. and Holum R.J. 1988 ‘Rehovot-in-the-Negev: Preliminary Report 1986’ IEJ 38, 117-127 124 ,‫ עונות חפירה' קדמוניות י”ב‬4 – ‫צפריר י' תשל"ט 'רחובות בנגב‬ 132Plan(s):

Description: At its peak the settlement spread over 120,000 squ. m. There was a structure in Area A, in the southeast of the settlement, with several rooms attached to a courtyard. Three rooms were roofed with vaults and covered with stone slabs. The floors were paved with smooth flagstones. In Area B, in the south of the settlement, were two buildings with large courtyards. Five rooms around a courtyard were partially or fully excavated. The roofs were stone slabs leaning on arches and there were some plastered walls. The kahn in Area C was a square structure, 30 x 30 m in size. It consisted of rooms surrounding a courtyard on three or four sides. The courtyard was large and included a cistern. The fully excavated two rooms were in the western wing of the structure. One opened into the internal courtyard and the other into the street west of the building, which was on a higher level. In the northwestern area of the building was a hall with two rows of stone mangers between pillars that supported arches. The cemetery was located north of the settlement and contained 30 excavated graves. The graves laid very close to one another and were rectangular in shape, cut into the soft rock. The graves were orientated to the west and marked by stone structures. Associated gravestones usually bore a memorial inscription and a cross. Description of Religious Structures: There were four churches in the settlement. One church was located in the centre, another at the settlement’s eastern limit and two beyond its residential area. Only the central and northern ones were excavated. The central church was a 20 x 12 m basilica, with a single apse and two rooms flanking it, built on a slope. Its eastern area was on top of a vaulted substructure. It stood on top of an earlier church, of which we know little. A semi-circular bench lined the walls of the apse and its floor was paved with marble slabs. Attached to this church to the south was another church. The North Church was one of the largest church complexes known in the Negev. It was located in the north-north-western part of the town, outside the main residential area. It was a three-apsed basilica with two rows of columns, measuring 24.80 x 13.10 m. There was a bema attached to the eastern apsed wall, projecting into the hall and was surrounded by a chancel screen. There was a large crypt under the chancel, measuring 3.20 x 4.25 m, with two flights of stairs leading into and out of the crypt. The lower part of the crypt was rock-cut and its upper part constructed of stone walls and a vaulted ceiling. The entire crypt had marble veneer covering its walls. In the north of the church was a chapel and in the south a staircase tower and an additional room. The eastern side had an external narthex forming the main entrance and an elongated hall. To the west there was a square room and an atrium with a large cistern. Dating Evidence: The building in Area A was dated to the fifth-century, based on the Byzantine pottery sherds excavated underneath the building. The abandonment of the structures in Area B was dated to the beginning of the eighth-century, based on the sealed pottery found in the structure. The kahn in Area C was dated to the Late Roman phase, but was associated with Byzantine artefacts.

Plan of the North Church after Tsafrir Y. 1993 ‘The Early Byzantine Town of Rehovot-in-the-Negev and it’s churches’ in Tsafrir Y. (ed.) Ancient Churches Revealed Jerusalem, 298 Site Name: Rimon, Horbat Site Number: 146 Location: Judea, map coordinates 137.086. Type of Study: Multi-focus Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Large Town Description: The site covers over approximately 100,000 squ. m. At the top of the hill was the synagogue, a large square structure. The settlement included many caves and two late Byzantine ovens were found east of the synagogue. On the floor of one of the rooms to the north of the two ovens, five pottery sherds were found inscribed with an Aramaic incantation. 0.5% of animal bones found in Horbat Rimon in the Roman-Byzantine phase were pig bones. Description of Religious Structures: The first synagogue was clearly a public building and its excavators believed that it was a synagogue. The northern wall was longer than the eastern and western walls. The southern wall was not found. The floor was paved with packed chalk over 209

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

small stones. There were many decorated architectural elements. West of the first synagogue was a long and narrow space running along the hall. Later, walls forming a large rectangle measuring 34 x 29.50 m surrounded the first phase of the synagogue. The synagogue was in the northwestern side of the complex and around it were rooms. The second phase of the synagogue was a rectangular basilica measuring 9.50 x 13.50 m with a north-south axis. Its north, east and southern walls were new. Two rows of three columns each divided the hall into a nave and two aisles. A rectangular bema (5 x 1.70 m) was built attached to the wall orientated to Jerusalem. There were three entrances in the building’s southern wall and south of the synagogue was a narthex measuring 16 x 3.50 m and orientated east-west. The third phase of the synagogue had a new stone floor and five stones had inscribed menorahs. Dating Evidence: West of the synagogue, in a space between two stones in a wall, a hoard of 64 bronze coins was found. These dated from the third, the fourth and the beginning of the fifth-century. Thus the hoard had a Terminus Post Quem of the early fifth-century. Dating for Religious Structures: The finds under the floor of the earliest building were from the middle of the third-century AD. Kloner dated the structure to the second half of the third-century and the last synagogue was dated to the end of the sixth-century and the seventh-century by pottery, glass and coins. A coin dating to AD 575-582 found underneath the last floor of the third building provided a Terminus Post Quem for this floor of 575. Previous study: 1978-1981 Kloner Bibliographical references: Kloner A. 1989 ‘The Synagogues of Horvat Rimon’ Ancient Synagogues in Israel – Third to Seventh Century CE (BAR International Series 499), 43-48; Horwitz L.K. 1998 ‘Animal Bones from Horbat Rimon: Hellenistic to Byzantine Phases’ ‘Atiqot 34 Jerusalem, 65-76 Plan(s):

Site Name: Rugalit (Kh. Jurfa) Site Number: 147 Location: Judean Hills, map coordinates 150.120. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: Entry to the 10.70 x 14 m basilica was through an atrium with three entrances. A trapezoidal narthex led into the hall with three openings in its west wall. It was paved with white mosaic. The nave and aisles were paved with polychrome mosaics. The church had an external rectangular apse (2.25 m deep) and a chancel screen. Based on gaps in the polychrome mosaic floor, it appeared that two rows of three columns divided the nave from the aisles. The east wall of the basilica was 0.90 m thick. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: Gofna and Zoshman stated that this was a sixth-century church, but indicated no dating evidence. Previous study: 1958 Gofna, Zoshman Bibliographical references: The Department of Antiquities 1959 ‘Roglit’ IEJ 9, 143; Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 157-158 ’‫יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'כנסיות קדומות – רוגלית' בשטרן א‬-‫אבי‬ ‫)עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל‬ 806-805 ,‫ירושלים‬ Plan(s): Not available. Site Name: Sabiya, Horbat Site Number: 148 Location: The Sharon, map coordinates 1409.1773. Type of Study: Partial Multi-Focus Excavation. Type of Site: Mausoleum and Jar Installation. Description: Excavations took place only in the interior of the structure. It appeared that its external measurements were 4.50 x 4.50 m. It was located in the southern edge of the settlement and its entrance was towards the settlement, to the north. Its lower part was built into a hole dug in the ground, at least one m deep. Supports made of stones and plaster strengthened the lower areas of the walls. The limestone ashlar walls were between 0.50 to 0.35 m thick. The floor was of packed plaster and river stones. The structure included a central room, 1.80 m wide with a new approximate length of 2.80 m long. The room appeared to have been completely plastered. There were two burial troughs, east and west of the central hall. The troughs were approximately 0.90 m wide and 2.20 long. The areas between the troughs and the central room were 0.15 m wide and 0.50 m high and constructed of small stones and plaster. The ‘Jar Installation’ measured 9.5 x 5 m and was apparently half underground when in use. The walls had an inner and an outer course. The outer wall was 0.50 m thick and made of small stones and pebbles held by very strong mortar. The inner course was lower than the outer wall (0.85 m high). It was made of small stones and mortar in which many storage jars were set horizontally with their openings facing the centre of the room. Above the jars, the levelled and plastered surface of the lower wall formed a shelf 0.25 m wide. The room had a white mosaic floor with a large pit in the middle of the floor. It measured 1.20 x 0.80 m and was 0.55 m deep, with a

Plan of the synagogue after Kloner A. 1989 ‘The Synagogues of Horvat Rimon’ Ancient Synagogues in Israel – Third to Seventh Century CE (BAR International Series 499), Plate XXV 210

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

wall was 2.3 m wide. The west wall was 0.68 m wide, built of large stones on a foundation of fieldstones in the north and stone slabs in the south. The ashlar-built east wall was also narrow, about 0.80 m. The apse in this wall was later than the establishment of the synagogue, built as it was on top of the polychrome mosaics paving the hall. The entrance to the hall was located in the west and was 2.2 m wide. Along both long walls and either side of the entrance were two rows of soft limestone benches with footrests. In the second phase, there were also benches along the east wall. The hall was paved with polychrome mosaics depicting the Ark of the Covenant. In the second phase of the building, there was a stone pavement on top of the earlier mosaic pavement. West of the hall was a 3.4 m wide narthex with thin south and north walls. Its façade was of hard limestone. There were four column bases, three of them in situ. The narthex was paved with a white and red mosaic of poor quality. In the last phase of the synagogue, there was a wall between the columns blocking the entrance. The semi-circular atrium, 33 m in diameter, was paved with polychrome tesserae. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The excavator argued that the mosaic, coins and architectural elements indicated that the synagogue dated to the fourth-century. Use of the building ended during the Samaritan revolts and it was poorly restored at the end of the Byzantine period or at the beginning of the Islamic period. Previous study: [?] Magen Bibliographical references: Magen Y. 1993 ‘Samaritan Synagogues’ in Manns F. and Alliata E. (eds.) Early Christianity in Context Jerusalem, 193-230 ‫מגן י' תשנ”ב 'בתי הכנסת השומרונים ופולחנם' מחקרי יהודה ושומרון‬ 229-263 ,‫– דברי הכנס השני‬ Plan(s):

mosaic floor and plastered walls. The floor of the room sloped slightly towards the pit. There was a stairway of four plastered, high, narrow steps in the northeast corner of the structure. The two upper rows of jars consisted of halves of large, common, storage jars. Each had been cut in two, forming a smaller upper half, about 0.18 m high and a larger lower half about 0.25 m high. The top row consisted of the two halves set alternately into the plaster, forming deep and shallow recesses. The second row contained only the larger halves. The bottom row comprised cylindrical vessels 0.25-0.28 m deep, with flat bottoms and narrow mouths. These jars were set in the wall with their mouths facing the centre of the room. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Description’ Dating Evidence: The mausoleum was damaged and it was not certain that the finds were in situ. The many pottery and glass finds were understood to show that the mausoleum was in use from the end of the third-century BC to the fifth- or sixth-century AD. Fourth-century pottery sherds in the foundation trench of the wall and a complete Byzantine oil lamp and sixthcentury coin within the structure dated the Jar Installation. The excavator suggested that the room dated to the fourth- or fifth-century and was used as a rubbish pit in the fifth or sixth centuries. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1972 Ayalon and Zeltzer; 1974 Ayalon Bibliographical references: Ayalon E. 1979 ‘The Jar Installation of Khirbet Sabiya’ IEJ 29, 176-181 Plan(s):

Plan by Zak N. in Ayalon E. 1979 ‘The Jar Installation of Khirbet Sabiya’ IEJ 29, 176 Site Name: Samara, Khirbat (Deir Sror) Site Number: 149 Location: Samaria, map coordinates 1609.1872. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Village Description: The site exceeds 30,000 squ. m and was enclosed by a wall. There were at least six large public buildings. The synagogue was located on the eastern edge of the settlement. Description of Religious Structures: The synagogue faced east towards Mount Grizim and was constructed of large re-used cut stones. It was constructed of five parts: a hall which included a narthex on its eastern side, a narthex, an atrium built in a circular shape, a courtyard in the north and assorted rooms in the south and east. The hall measured 16.4 x 12.7 m. The north wall was 2 m thick and built of re-used ashlar blocks. The south

Plan of the synagogue after ‫י' תשנ”ב 'בתי הכנסת השומרונים ופולחנם' מחקרי יהודה ושומרון – מגן‬ 234 ,‫דברי הכנס השני‬ 211

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Description’. Dating Evidence: There was a fourth-century coin at the bottom of the pool beneath an infill containing large quantities of Byzantine pottery. Byzantine finds in the tomb included storage jar sherds and a cross-decorated lamp. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1987-89 Gibson, Ibbs and Kloner Bibliographical references: Gibson S. Ibbs B. and Kloner A. 1991 ‘The Sataf Project of Landscape Archeology in the Judean Hills: A Preliminary Report on Four Seasons of Survey and Excavation’ Levant 23, 29-54 Plan(s): Unavailable

Site Name: Samra, Khirbat Site Number: 150 Location: Judea, map coordinates 1842.0970. Type of Study: Multiple-focus Excavations. Type of Site: Unknown Description: 12 structures were located and six structures excavated. The structures were mostly uniform, apart from one structure, a large room (7 x 4-3 m). Most houses had entrances orientated to the east and some to the north and south. All the houses contained a burnt layer. There were ovens, niches, shelves and storage areas in the rooms. In some rooms there were two burnt layers, with ovens constructed on top of the first of these. There was a lamp with a Greek Christian inscription in one of the structures. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Description’. Dating Evidence: There was fifth- and sixth-century pottery in the structures. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1968 Bar Adon Bibliographical references: 85-83 ,'‫אדון פ' תש”ן 'ח'ירבת סמרה' עתיקות ט‬-‫בר‬ Plan(s):

Site Name: Sepphoris (Zippori, Saffuriya) Site Number: 152 Location: Lower Galilee, map coordinates 177.239. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavations. Type of Site: Unknown Description: So far only a few of the buildings excavated in Sepphoris were Byzantine. A narrow street running north-south and several nearby rooms have been dated to the Byzantine phase. Large walls built of stones that belonged to a large building of an unknown plan from the end of the Byzantine phase. On the southern side of the street and at its eastern extremity, three ruined vaults have been excavated with a diameter of 4.2 m and an internal length of 4.2 m. Each vaulted room led into the street through a wide door. The street walls were up to 1.3 m thick. A house constructed over houses of the Roman phase was excavated and designated the 'Nile Festival House’ because of its elaborate mosaic. It measured 50 x 35 m with an irregular overall plan, similar to an elongated rectangle, with two wings to east and west. The main entrance to the building faced the colonnaded street on the west. In front of the entrance, the sidewalk was paved with mosaics with an eight-line inscription. The entrance led to a courtyard room which corridors led to the rest of the house. The west wing contained the ‘Nile Festival’ room, as well as other rooms paved with geometric mosaics. The ‘Nile Festival’ room measured 7.6 x 6.2 m and contained a polychrome Nilotic mosaic covering the entire floor. There was a central basilican hall, measuring 13.5 x 10.5 m. Its mosaic floor had been damaged but elaborate fragments survived. The east wing of the house contained a courtyard with rooms opening onto three sides. The door on the west side of the courtyard led to the basilican hall. Three intact rooms were north of the courtyard and had geometrical pavements. The westernmost room contained a drain for water from the channel providing water to the other two rooms. Another building was east of the ‘Nile Festival House’. It consisted of six rooms; one with an elaborate polychrome mosaic floor, the other rooms had mosaic floors with geometrical patterns. The pavements were renovated and repaved with mosaics featuring geometrical designs around the intersection of the two colonnaded streets. There were three Greek inscriptions blessing the work. The Roman theatre became a quarry and was used for raw materials for the chalk industry. There were more than 30 ritual baths in Sepphoris, indicating a strong Jewish and/or Samaritan presence in the settlement.

Plan of the settlement after 84 ,'‫אדון פ' תש”ן 'ח'ירבת סמרה' עתיקות ט‬-‫בר‬ Site Name: Sataf Site Number: 151 Location: Judea, map coordinates 16210.13080. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation Type of Site: Landscape Description: An agricultural terrace was excavated in Trench 9. It consisted of a wall of large stones and retained a stony backfill (unexcavated) and a terrace fill containing Byzantine materials. At least two separate phases of Byzantine terracing were found in Area B. Earlier collapsed terraces were repaired in the Byzantine phase, the terrace fills associated with these repairs had an extremely stony surface with a boundary wall on part of it. The second phase was the reconstruction of the Early Roman terrace to the south with a wall built of smaller stones retaining a stony backfill, which also contained Byzantine sherds. The pool in Area C measured 4.5 x 2 m and had two steps in the northwest corner and a lead pipe outlet in the southeast wall. Pottery sherds from the Byzantine phase were the backing for the plaster on the internal walls. There were Byzantine finds in the Early Roman grave in Area F, probably re-used in the Byzantine phase. Grave construction was unreported. 212

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

tributions by Netzer E.K. Cytryn-Silverman K. Di Segni L. et al) 2005 The Sepphoris Synagogue: Deciphering an Ancient Message Through Its Archaeological and SocioHistorical Contexts Jerusalem Plan(s):

Description of Religious Structures: The dressed limestone Christian basilica (12.50 x 7.5 m) was partly excavated. In the later phase, the church was paved with mosaic floors. 0.5 m below the mosaic floor was a lime mortar floor resting on the rock. In the east there was a square rock-cut apse (3 x 2.50-3 m) and a baptismal font to the west. Several walls were rock-cut. These were all, according to the excavators, part of the earlier phase of the church. In the later phase the direction of the walls was slightly changed. The walls were 0.75 m thick, of well-dressed limestone set in lime mortar. Two rows of three columns divided the hall into a nave and two aisles. An area of a mosaic floor with an inscription of a dedication in Aramaic indicated the existence of a synagogue. There was an additional inscription in Greek belonging to a synagogue from the fifth-century, as were several Hebrew characters in mosaic fragments. There was a synagogue to the north of the settlement’s centre. The entrance to the building was in the south wall. A narrow narthex led to the hall, which had only one aisle on its north side, it was separated from the rest of the hall by a row of five columns. There were a number of rooms attached to the synagogue on the south, but no details were provided. The synagogue had a mosaic floor, incorporating Jewish symbols and Biblical scenes and geometric deigns with Aramaic inscriptions. The northwest part of the building was destroyed. The excavators stated that finds indicated that the bema was located at the end of the hall in front of the elaborate mosaic. Dating Evidence: The excavators claimed to have clear evidence of continuous use and reuse of vaults from the Late Roman to about AD 700, as attested by the postReform Umayyad coins in the fill, the latest of which dated to AD 697. A wall on the southern side of the street dated to the Early Roman phase, which suggested that the vaults dated to the same period. The ‘Nile Festival House’ had a Terminus Post Quem of the Roman phase. The excavators dated it to the fifthcentury, although they give no dating evidence. The house east of the ‘Nile Festival House’ was destroyed and rebuilt in the fourth-century and was dated to the fifthcentury. Again, no dating evidence was provided. The pavements in the area of the colonnaded streets were dated to the fifth-century. No dating evidence was provi-ded. Many of the Byzantine structures of Sepphoris show signs of destruction by fire at the end of the phase. Dating for Religious Structures: The only available dating for the church was ‘Byzantine’. The synagogue was dated to the sixth-century, on the basis of a preliminary study of the finds and the mosaics. Previous study: 1983 Strange; 1985 Meyers; 1931 Waterman; Netzer and Meyers; 1975-1985 Tzok; 1985-1989 Meyers, Netzer and Meyers; 1990 Netzer and Weiss Bibliographical references: Waterman L. 1937 Preliminary Report of the University of Michigan Excavations At Sepphoris, Palestine, in 1931 Ann Arbor; Netzer E. and Weis Z. 1995 ‘New evidence for Late Roman and Byzantine Sepphoris’ in Humphrey J.H. (ed.) The Roman and Byzantine Near East: Some Recent Archaeological Research Ann Arbor, 162-176; Meyers C. Martin Nagy R. Meyers E. Weiss Z. (eds.) 1996 Sepphoris in Galilee. Cross-Currents of Culture Raleigh; Weiss Z. (with con-

Plan after Waterman L. 1937 Preliminary Report of the University of Michigan Excavations At Sepphoris, Palestine, in 1931 Ann Arbor, 5

Plan of the synagogue at Shepporis after Netzer E. and Weis Z. 1995 ‘New evidence for Late Roman and Byzantine Sepphoris’ in Humphrey J.H. (ed.) The Roman and Byzantine Near East: Some Recent Archeological Research Ann Arbor, 175 213

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation Type of Site: Burial caves Description: There were two caves (Caves 200 and 300) with evidence of Byzantine use. The former shared an entrance with another (Cave 100) containing Hellenistic burials. The entrance was nearly square (0.60 x 0.55 m), located 1.1 m above the floor in the western wall. There was a blocking stone in situ. The tomb comprised a square burial chamber 2.6 x 2.5 m in size and 1.7 m high. Seven acrosolia surrounded the chamber, one on the north wall and two on every other wall. The ceiling was roughly hewn and almost flat. Five of the acrosolia were large and rectangular. Acrosolion 4 was kidneyshaped and Acrosolion 7 was irregular. The rectangular openings excavated shelves over one m wide and two m deep. There were some fieldstone partition walls. There were 25 fully extended skeletons in the tomb, in a prone position, with large amounts of pottery, lamps, glassware, coins and jewellery. Cave 300 was ten m west of Tomb 200. It was a kidney-shaped room with a vaulted ceiling, measuring 2.1 x 3.2 m and 1.8 m high. Access was through an opening (0.60 x 0.50 m), 0.80 m above the floor, on the southern side of the chamber, blocked with a single rectangular stone. It contained no bones. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Description’. Dating Evidence: The grave goods in Cave 200 were largely undisturbed and were dated to the fourth- and fifth-century. In Cave 300, a lamp was dated to the fifthto seventh-century. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1990 Selingman and Stark Bibliographical references: Seligman J. Zias J. and Stark H. 1996 ‘Late Hellenistic and Byzantine Burial caves at Giv'at Sharet, Beth Shemesh’ Atiqot 29, 43-62 Plan(s):

Site Name: Sera’, Tel Site Number: 153 Location: The Negev, map coordinates 119.088. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation Type of Site: Unknown Description: There was a water system north of the religious structure. The system included stone-built channels and a plastered cistern. A bathhouse was excavated at the top of the southern cliff. It included a hypocaust with arches built of bricks intended to carry the floor of the hot room. There were ceramic pipes in the walls as well as a system of plastered channels. In Area D was another water system, including stone channels and a cistern. The pool contained scores of water jugs from the fifth and sixth centuries AD. In Area R a part of a well-preserved bathhouse was excavated. The structure included a hypocaust with arches built from bricks and ceramic pipes. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Description’ Dating Evidence: The water system was dated to the fifthto sixth-century on the basis of pottery finds. The bathhouse’s later phase was also dated to the fifth- to sixth-century by pottery and coin finds. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating’ Previous study: 1972-1979 Oren Bibliographical references: ‫ תל’ בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬,‫אורן א' תשנ"ב 'שרע‬ 1563-1570 ,‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: Shalal Site Number: 154 Location: Gaza Strip, map coordinates unavailable. Type of Study: Partial Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: Only the centre of the mosaic of the church survived, including a single column base. The area of the church was approximately 8 x 15 m. There was a Greek inscription in the elaborate polychrome mosaic floor. Translated it read: ‘this temple with rich mosaics did decorate our most holy bishop… and the most pious George, priest and sacristan in the year 622 according to the era of Gaza, (in the 10th year of the indiction.)’ There was a burial underneath the inscription. In the west end of the floor there was another, but illegible, inscription. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: A Greek inscription indicated that the mosaic floor was added to the church in AD 561/2. Previous study: 1917 [?] Bibliographical references: Trendall A. 1957 The Shellal Mosaic Canberra; Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 163 ’‫יונה מ' ועובדיה א' תשנ”ב 'כנסיות קדומות – שלאל' בשטרן א‬-‫אבי‬ ‫)עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל‬ 806 ,‫ירושלים‬ Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: Sharet, Giv'at Site Number: 155 Location: Judea, map coordinates 14910.12765.

Plan of tombs 100 and 200 after Seligman J. Zias J. and Stark H. 1996 ‘Late Hellenistic and Byzantine Burial caves at Giv'at Sharet, Beth Shemesh’ Atiqot 29, 43 214

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

survived of the first synagogue, the walls were apparently built of undressed fieldstones, but incorporated ashlar. It seemed that the basic plan of the two phases of the synagogue was the same. They had basilica plans, each with two rows of columns. The principal entrance was from the north. A second entrance was located in the southwestern corner, from which an internal flight of steps led down to the main floor level of the synagogue. Plastered benches run along the longer walls of the hall. There were more benches along the northern wall, opposite the second phase bema. This bema appeared to have two levels and was attached to the south wall. On the eastern side of the building the foundations were rebuilt in the second phase. The new walls were constructed entirely of fieldstones, apart from re-used ashlar and were plastered. There were large quantities of irregular and mostly white, tesserae, although none in situ and very few bonded together. The cubes were found throughout the building and hinted that it may have been paved with mosaics in its entirety. Along the northwest corner of the second phase building and behind its bema was a plastered bench from the first phase of the synagogue. The west wall also survived from the first phase of the synagogue and was part of later buildings. The columns of the second phase of the synagogue were re-used from the first synagogue. The second synagogue also collapsed. Meyers believed the cause was a major earthquake and suggested that of AD 419 as the most likely candidate. Dating Evidence: The tombs yielded little dating evidence. In T-29 North were Late Roman and Early Byzantine pottery sherds including a fourth-century bowl rim. In T-29 South there were Byzantine and Arab pottery sherds. Dating for Religious Structures: Several sealed finds help to establish a chronology of the synagogue. The architectural elements of the first synagogue were badly shattered and this may be consistent with earthquake damage. The only strong earthquake in the third or fourth-century was in the winter of AD 306, which was consistent with the pottery and numismatic evidence. The data was also suggestive of a date after AD 300 for the beginning of the later synagogue. There was no break in the coin evidence from the fourth-century. A sealed deposit within the bema containing a coin of AD 337341 may have dated the later synagogue to after 337. This was interpreted to suggest that the second synagogue was in existence by the middle of the fourthcentury. Another sealed find, within a declivity, contained Late Roman pottery and a late fourth-century coin. There was a sharp break in the coin evidence in the site after AD 408 and the excavators suggested a sudden abandonment of the site. Previous study: 1970-1972 Meyers Bibliographical references: Meyers E.M. Kraabel A.T. and Strange J.F. 1976 Ancient Synagogue Excavations at Horbat Shema, Upper Galilee, Israel 1970-1972 Durham Plan(s): Unavailable

Plan of tomb 300 after Seligman J. Zias J. and Stark H. 1996 ‘Late Hellenistic and Byzantine Burial caves at Giv'at Sharet, Beth Shemesh’ Atiqot 29, 60 Site Name: Shede Nahom Site Number: 156 Location: Beth Shean Valley, Map coordinates 195.214. Type of Study: Non-Scientific Compound Excavation. Type of Site: Monastery Description: There was a large hall with a mosaic floor north of the church. A system of additional rooms surrounded a wide courtyard. One of the rooms northwest of the church had a polychrome mosaic floor. Description of Religious Structures: The church, measuring 6.20 x 11.80 m, had one entrance in the west wall with a solid basalt threshold. It had an external apse and a bema and chancel along the entire length of the hall. The hall ended in an external semi-circular apse. Elaborate mosaics paved the floor. There were also two tombs. A small room adjoined the north wall of the church, paved with polychrome mosaics. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: Tzori dated the church to the sixth-century but no dating evidence was available. Previous study: 1955-1956 Tzori Bibliographical references: No author 1957 ‘Sede Nahum’ RB 64, 261 Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: Shema, Horbat Site Number: 157 Location: The Galilee, map coordinates 1914.2647. Type of Study: Multi-focus Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Unknown Description: There were several adjoining rooms or structures to the east, west and south of the synagogue and were found to be contemporary with it. The survey accounted for a mausoleum, seven tombs, a cistern and a miqve. Three tombs were excavated. ‘Soundings’ were excavated in the lower terraces in the eastern slope of the hill. The soundings indicated a cistern, a ritual bath and an ‘industrial area’ comprising rooms, streets and rockcut chambers. Description of Religious Structures: Evidence suggested the existence of two successive synagogues. Very little

Site Name: Shepherds’ Fields (Beth Sahur) Site Number: 158 Location: Judea, map coordinates 170.123. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. 215

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Type of Site: Church Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The first Byzantine phase of the site was a natural cave paved with fragments of polychrome mosaics on the bare rock. Later the cave was converted into a cave church, a rectangular structure, measuring 11 x 15 m, with an arched ceiling of ashlar blocks, which terminated in the east with an internal semi-circular apse, eventually shifted to the north. There was a second mosaic floor laid about 0.30 m above the first mosaic floor. The floor in the apse and the narthex was one step higher than the floor in the hall. An entrance to the old sanctuary was on its southern side and a flight of about 17 steps was part rock-cut and part built. To the north, adjacent to the hall two rooms were added. The western one measured 2 x 7.5 m and connected to the hall through an entrance in the western corner of the southern wall. Later the room became two separate units and the entrance blocked. The eastern room measured 2 x 4.5 m and had a much higher pavement than both the hall and the western room. A small entrance in the northern wall of the hall connected with a burial chamber. There were two small windows in the upper part of the southern wall, while two other windows in the northern wall faced two rooms adjacent to the church. The construction of a more elaborate basilica (30 x 15 m) took place a century later. Two rows of five columns supported its roof and it was paved with polychrome mosaics and had a chancel. Its apse was semi-circular on the inside and rectangular on the outside, it was external and protruded 2.60 m from the east wall of the church. Walls constructed by heavy limestone blocks, forming a rectangular area of 60 x 40 m, surrounded the basilica. The atrium extended from the narthex to the wall in the west. The earlier cave church became an underground building and access to it was from the southern aisle. The western room became a cistern. The eastern part of the cave church was used as a burial vault. It contained over 100 skeletons, accompanied by oil lamps, cross-shaped pendants and coins. The open courtyard around the basilica was paved with plain white mosaics. Tzaferis stated that the Persian invasion destroyed the basilica, which was replaced by a less well-built structure. After the Arab invasion, this became the focus of a monastery, enclosed by a wall with four watchtowers. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: Tzaferis suggested that the first Byzantine activity at the site was in the fourthcentury, with the church constructed in the fifth. He assigned the basilica to the sixth-century and the later enclosed monastery to the seventh. None of these dates can be taken as secure given the lack of published evidence. Previous study: 1970 Tzaferis Bibliographical references: Tzaferis V. 1973 ‘Sheperds’ Field (Beit Sahur)’ IEJ 23, 118-119; Tzaferis V. 1973 ‘Beit Sahur’ RB 80, 421-422; Tzaferis V. 1975 ‘The Archaeological Excavations at Shepherds’ Field’ Libber Annus 25, 5-52 Plan(s):

Plan after Tzaferis V. 1993 ‘The Early Christian Site at Shepherds’ Field’ in Tsafrir Y. (ed.) Ancient Churches Revealed Jerusalem, 204 Site Name: Shilo Site Number: 159 Location: Judea, map coordinates 178.162. Type of Study: Multi-focus Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Two churches Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The Pilgrim’s Church measured 11.70 x 25 m and was oriented eastwest. Its walls were 0.60 m thick, built of dressed stones. On the inside, smaller stones were placed in the gaps between the large stones. Rough clay with Byzantine pottery sherds coated the walls. The chancel was higher than the nave and was provided with a chancel screen and paved with mosaics. The entrance to the nave was in the centre of the west wall; its floor was covered with mosaics. There was a large number of tiles. To the west of the nave was a narthex measuring 6 x 2.4 m that was paved with mosaics. An entrance was located at the north end of the west wall. A room to the north was reachable through the narthex and from the hall through an opening in the southwest corner. It measured 7.10 x 4.80 m and was divided by two stone columns into two parts. Its east wall was very thick (1.6 m). The floor was paved with elaborate mosaics containing a memorial inscription. An additional room to the north had an entrance from the northwest and no mosaic pavement. The atrium was to the west; it was a little longer than the narthex and measured 6.50 x 4.45 m. A cistern or pool paved with white mosaics was found to the north of the 216

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

atrium. The entrance to the atrium was from the ramp through a narrow corridor. The ramp led to a street 10 m away. The basilica measured 15.20 x 40.4 m, located in the eastern side, on top of an earlier structure. The stone walls were 0.60 m thick. The interior of the walls was smoothed and the exterior thickly plastered. The entrance to the atrium was from a street paved with mosaics and was originally through three openings, two of which survived. It measured 13.7 x 10.2 m and paved with stone slabs. The narthex measured 13.7 x 3 m. The hall measured 20.5 x 13.7 m. It had three entrances, one to the nave and two to the aisles. Six columns on each side separated the nave from the aisles. The church was paved with elaborate mosaics and included four polychrome floor mosaics and a single dedication inscription. The mosaic pavement suffered apparent iconoclast damage. The mosaic paving in the atrium and the street was of coarse white mosaics. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The Pilgrim’s Church was dated to the early fifth-century on the basis of the mosaic floors and architectural elements. Sealed coins of AD 420 and AD 450 and one other fifth-century coin suggested a date in the middle of the fifth-century or later. The excavators believed that the church’s end was violent and the destruction layer contained Arab coins. Sealed pottery dated the use of the basilica to the fifth and sixth centuries AD. The excavators assume that it was disused during the Samarian rebellion on the basis of the burnt layer on the mosaic floor in the nave and the damage to the aisles, dated by them to AD 484-529. The second phase of the church, the excavators believe, was in the first half of the sixth-century. They argued that iconoclast activity and the destruction of the church dated to the middle of the eighth-century, the latter perhaps being associated with the earthquake of AD 747/8. Previous study: 1915 Shmidat; 1926-1932 Kir; 1981-1984 Finkelstein; 1990 [?] Bibliographical references: Kjaer H. 1930 ‘The Excavation of Shilo 1929’ JPOS 10, 87-174 ‫קמפינסקי א' תשנ”ב 'שלה' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ '‫; דדון מ‬1536-1542 ,‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ 175-167 ,32 ‫תשנ"ז ‘כנסיית הבסיליקה הביזאנטית בשלה’ עתיקות‬ Plan(s):

Site Name: Shivta Site Number: 160 Location: The Negev, map coordinates 114.032. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavations. Type of Site: Town Description: Byzantine Shivta covered an area of 80,000 squ. m. The shape of the settlement was an irregular oval. The settlement covered the slope of a mountain but the houses and walls were built in a continuous line, which ended in nine streets with lockable gates. The houses were well-spaced, the yards were large and Negev believed that there were gardens inside the settlement. The streets were 4-6 m in width and unpaved with several curvilinear open areas. The structures had a common plan. From the entrance, a small room led to the yard and from the yard to the other rooms. There was a well in the yard and stairs leading up to the second storey. A partial test excavation was carried out in the ‘Stable House’. The structure was an irregular rectangle measuring 18 x 19 m, divided into two areas. Test excavations in Area A found a rectangular (8 x 7 m) area. Two entrances were found, one from Area B’s courtyard and one in the eastern wall leading outside. A row of five square pillars divided Area A into two halls. There was a narrow (3 x 7 m) hall in the west and a wider hall (3.7 x 7 m) in the east. A solid wall divided the narrow hall into two rooms. Trough-shaped installations were along the south wall, constructed of slabs with a bottom made of plaster and small stones. Arches roofed one area. The entire limestone structure was between 0.60 and 0.70 m wide. Description of Religious Structures: The South Church had a narthex, with the entrance to the church lying in its southern corner. From the narthex, there was an opening to a small room in the west, from it a second narrow opening led to the southern aisle of the basilica. A third opening led to the narthex. From the narthex two openings led to the nave and the northern aisle. The basilica was almost square, measuring 17.60 x 18.20 m. Two rows of six columns divided it into a nave and two aisles. The basilica had three internal apses, (depth of central apse: 2.40 m, of smaller apses: 1.25 m).The two smaller apses ended in a small semi-circular recess. The hall had a bema raised two steps above the nave of the church and a chancel screen. The walls of the basilica were not at right angles and were 0.70-80 m thick. North of the northern aisle was a church and north of the narthex a large baptistery. In the east of the baptistery was an apse with a cruciform font. Excavations by Negev indicated that this was not the original plan of the church. It was first a single-apsed basilica with two square rooms to its sides. The floors had limestone and marble paving. The North Church was at the edge of the settlement, measuring 22.50 x 12.70 m. Entry was from a large atrium, measuring 15 x 21 m and paved with limestone slabs, through an opening in its south wall and the north wall. On the atrium’s, north and south sides were rooms with arched ceilings. There was a stair-room built against the north wall and a well in the western part of the atrium. A portico led to the basilica that later became a narthex (12 x 3 m) with three openings leading into the

Plan of the church after 168 ,32 ‫דדון מ' תשנ"ז ‘כנסיית הבסיליקה הביזאנטית בשלה’ עתיקות‬ 217

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Negev dated the church to the second half of the fourthcentury and based this on an inscription found by Culet, which dated the completion of the work to AD 505. Culet did not report where the inscription was found. Negev wished to attribute the inscription to the North Church. There were mid-fourth-century coins in the floor of the first church. Negev dated the baptistery to the end of the sixth-century. The church dated to the beginning of the seventh-century, arguably before AD 648, the date of the latest tomb. The excavators do not report any dating evidence for the Central Church. Previous study: 1901 Mussil; 1905 Zosan, Saviniak, Vensen; 1914 Wolly and Lawrence; 1916 Vigand; 19341938 Culet; 1958-1960 Avi-Yonah; 1970-1976 Negev; 1972-1974 Rosenthal; 1980-1982 Segal; 1985-1986 Margalit and Chen Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 166-17 ‫סג"ל א' תשמ"ו דמותה של עיר ביזנטית בנגב חיפה‬ Plan(s):

basilica. The basilica measured 12.15 x 19.50 m and was divided into a nave and two aisles by two rows of six columns each, resting on square bases, the last four columns connecting with the T-shaped chancel. Two or three steps raised the bema from the floor of the nave. The basilica had three apses, two steps led to the two smaller apses (2 m in depth) and three steps led to the central apse (2.50 m in depth). There were small semicircular recesses in the back of the two smaller apses. An opening in the southern aisle led to a chapel (15 x 4 m) with an internal apse (1.50 m), this was paved with mosaics that included a dedication inscription. A second opening in the southern aisle led to a baptistery (11.50 x 5 m) adjacent to the church, the font was cruciform and had three steps in two of the opposite arms. The baptistery had an internal apse (1.80 m in depth) and three windows in its south wall, three m from the floor. A chancel screen separated the font from the nave. There were indications of a second floor, including two small rooms above the apses. A crudely constructed supporting wall later enclosed the church. The atrium, the narthex and the church were used for burial, the dates in the burial inscriptions range from the beginning to the end of the seventh-century. The walls were two sides of ashlar with rubble filling; were one m thick and decorated with coloured plaster and later were half faced with marble slabs. Marble panels covered the lower area of the apses. The south church was paved with mosaics and white marble slabs. Its walls were covered with painted plaster. The Central Church was built in the northwest corner of the ‘Governor’s House’, located in the centre of the new settlement quarter. It was orientated east-west; the entrance was in the west and the apses in the east. The church was an irregular rectangle, measuring 25.70 x 15.60 m. From the street, a narrow narthex (2.50 x 13.70 m) led to the nave. The narthex and the street immediately outside the atrium were paved with fine stone slabs. The atrium was entered through two square pillars and two engaged pillars and led to the hall through three entrances, two 1.50 m wide and the south entrance 1.20 m wide. Next to the central entrance, was an opening to draw water from a well. The hall measured 17.53 x 13.63 m, two rows of four columns divided the basilica into a nave and two aisles. The nave and aisles were paved with rectangular stone slabs. In front of each apse (three apses, a large central apse and two small apses flanking it), was a bema. The central bema protruded 4.20 m into the hall and was two steps higher than its floor. The two side bemas protruded 1.20 m into the hall and were lower, requiring just one step. The bemas were paved with white mosaics. Three additional entrances led into the hall, two in the north wall of the church and one in the eastern wall. Openings in the aisles led to additional – unexcavated – structures. Dating Evidence: Negev was unable to date exactly the rooms in the ‘Stable House’. He suggested that the structure cannot be earlier than the fourth-century on the basis of architectural elements. Dating for Religious Structures: Two inscriptions dated the South Church to around AD 350, although it was rebuilt in AD 500 and its floor mended in AD 640. The foundation date of the North Church was uncertain.

Plan of the Central Church after Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, Plate 67 218

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

North Church

South Church Site Name: Shlomi Site Number: 161 Location: Western Galilee, map coordinates 162.278. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Lone Structure Description: The Byzantine complex covered 500 squ. m. The excavated complex comprised a courtyard containing a cistern, measuring one m in diameter. In the western area of the courtyard an opening led to the main room (Room 1), the opening was one m wide. Another room was in the northwest corner of the courtyard (Room 4). South of Room 1 were two additional rooms, Rooms 2 and 3. There were three Byzantine phases in the structure. In Phase A a coarse white mosaic floor covered the courtyard which contained a cistern. It was rock cut, with a level floor and bell-shaped plastered walls. Its maximum depth was 4.25 m. The lower floor in Room 4 also belonged to this phase. It was paved with river stones and divided by a channel constructed by two levels of stones laid directly on the rock, the channel was stone covered. Rooms 2 and 3 had dressed stones walls and plastered floors. Phase B was the continuation of the construction of the building. At this phase the courtyard led to Room 12, which had a mosaic floor with geometric patterns and walls of dressed stones with a stones and soil filling. The

Plan of North Church after Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, Plate 67

Plan of South Church after Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, Plate 68 219

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

southern unit consisted of two Rooms (2 and 3). The plastered walls of Room 2 measured 4.65-4.35 x 4.003.80 m. The floor in Room 2 was a polychrome mosaic floor with a Greek inscription. In Room 3 there were four rock-cut steps 0.27 m in height. In the northwest section of the site, a fill of small and crumbling stones covered the floor and blocked the entrance. Above the former entrance there was a new entrance. In Phase C, use of the northern section of the complex ended. There was an additional courtyard (2), with an additional cistern (2), it was 5.02 m deep and completely plastered on the interior. The courtyard connected to the southern wall of the original complex. The new wall foundations were of packed soil and the walls were two courses of stones with a fill of stones and soil. Cistern 1 became a rubbish pit. There was no trace of burning in the southern part of the settlement, in marked difference to the destruction by fire of Rooms 1-3. Description of Religious Structures: Not applicable Dating Evidence: Phases A and B were dated by the excavator to the sixth-century by the pottery, this was supported by the discovery of a half follis of AD 498518 in the mosaic floor in Room 1. Phase C was dated to the beginning of the seventh-century by a Greek inscription in the mosaic pavement which mentioned the year AD 610. Dating for Religious Structures: Not applicable Previous study: 1976-1978 Dauphin Bibliographical references: '‫דופין ק' תשל"ד 'חווה של מנזר מן התקופה הביזנטית בשלומי‬ '‫; דופין ק' תשמ"ו 'חפירות שלומי' בידעיה מ‬29-25 ,24 ‫קדמוניות‬ 485-515,‫)עורך( קדמוניות הגליל המערבי תל אביב‬ Plan(s):

Site Name: Shoni Site Number: 162 Location: The Carmel, map coordinates 2157.1455. Type of Study: Multi-focus excavation. Type of Site: Unknown Description: Parts of a Roman theatre were dismantled in the Byzantine phase and rebuilt. A fill of sand and soil with irregular stones above covered the floor of the orchestra. Paving lay on top of a 0.70-0.80 m thick fill. The paving stones were approximately 0.35 m, laid in a semi-circle, creating a new orchestra surface about a third larger than the former one. Many of the irregularly laid stones were re-used. The orchestra terminated in a low wall, east of which the paving was regular. There were also Byzantine-phase pools and stepped water-courses, their bottoms floored with a variety of mosaics, ranging from plain white to elaborate floral designs. Successive floors in several pools suggested intensive and sustained use. After the structure passed out of use as a theatre it became an industrial area. Associated features included olive-presses, weights and storage containers. Description of Religious Structures: Not applicable Dating Evidence: The excavators claim that the theatre became an industrial area in the sixth-century and identified the olive-press complex as a late Samaritan type, used in the sixth- to eighth-century. Dating for Religious Structures: Not applicable Previous study: 1875 Konder and Kitzner; 1902 Pon Milinen; 1987-1988 Shenhav Bibliographical references: ‫שנהב א' תשנ"ב 'שוני' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה‬ 1515-1516,‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: Siyar El-Ghanam Site Number: 163 Location: Judean Hills, map coordinates 172.124. Type of Study: Non-Scientific Compound Excavation. Type of Site: Monastery Description: A rectangular room (3) with two pillars (one was rock-cut), supporting an arch was paved in flagstones and had three stairs in its southeast corner, partly built and partly rock-cut, with the beginning of a second staircase in the southwest corner. Two entrances in the eastern wall led to square room (4), with engaged pillars used to strengthen the walls. Room 5 had channels connecting it with to the cistern in Courtyard 14. Room 7 connected with Courtyard 14 through an opening in its east wall and was paved with stones. There was a manger against the north and south walls and a long narrow corridor with a water channel along the external eastern wall, paved with flagstones. There was damage in the central and eastern part of the monastery. Courtyard 14 laid in the eastern part of the monastery. It was paved with flagstones and included channels plastered with strong hydraulic plaster mixed with pottery. The channels were 0.24-0.26 m wide and 0.26 m deep. Rock-cut and constructed Rooms 15 and 16 were parallel to Room 3 and on the same level. Room 16 included

Plan after Dauphin C. 1993 ‘A Byzantine Ecclesiastical Farm at Shlomi’ in Tsafrir Y. (ed.) Ancient Churches Revealed Jerusalem, 192 220

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

paved courtyard. A bema was raised two steps above the floor of the nave; it had a chancel and an internal apse, 2.70 m in depth. The walls of the church were 0.90 to one m thick. There were probably polychrome mosaics on the walls of the apse. Dating Evidence: The excavator identified two Byzantine phases. An early phase was dated to the fourth-century and a second phase to the sixth-century. Use of the monastery was said to end in the eighth-century. The dating evidence for this whole chronology was very poor. Dating for Religious Structures: The excavator argued that the earliest church must be earlier than the sixthcentury, as that was the date he assigned to the second church, built on top of it. Previous study: 1934 Gowarmani; 1951-1952 Corbo Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, 105; Corbo V.C. 1955 Gli Scavi di Kh. Siyar el Ghanam e i Monsteri dei Dintorni Jerusalem, 19-56 Plan(s): Unavailable

pillars and both rooms were irregularly paved with stone slabs. Entry to Rooms 18 and 19 was from the west courtyard (15); they were paved with white mosaics. Two pillars supported the walls of Room 18. To the south of Room 19, in the courtyard, was a small staircase leading to a large underground cave. To the south of the courtyard (15) was an irregular room (21) entered from the east and from the north. It was paved with small flagstones and featured a small pool (connected with Cistern 62) and two pillars. There were 22 small stone and mortar installations built against the west wall. A five-stair staircase in the corner of the room led up to courtyard (15). A part of the floor was paved with white mosaics and a part in flagstones. Rooms 22, 24, 25 and 26 were paved with flagstones and had plastered walls. Rooms 24, 25 and 26 opened to Cisterns 61, 62 and Cave 60. Room 27 protruded into courtyard. It was rectangular, with plastered walls, paved with polychrome mosaics. A channel under the floor led water to the cistern. The hydraulic-plastered channel had stone covering slabs. Room 23 was almost square and was paved with white mosaics; its walls were partly rock-cut. There was a small hole in the northwest corner next to the threshold. The room was on top of a cave, 1.80 m deep. Corbo assumed that the southern courtyard (29) provided access to the monastery. The low, wide stone staircase led to entrances in the south and north walls of the monastery. The courtyard included channels to carry water. Three presses were excavated; Room 36 led to one of the presses and was paved with flagstones. Room 37 was built on top of a cave, its floor was entirely missing and it contained a staircase leading down to the cave. Very little remained of Rooms 38, 40 and 42. There was a mud-brick oven in Room 44. The floor was partly paved with flagstones and included a floor mosaic with a Greek inscription. There was a large basalt millstone in Room 44 and another one in the eastern area of Courtyard 29. To the south of the bakery, was a small room, paved with white irregular mosaic. In the south corner, two stairs led up to the courtyard. Cave 56 contained small pools. Corbo suggested that it was used as a wine cellar. There was a series of connected caves. There was a rock-cut and partly stone-built cistern (Cistern 61) in courtyard 15. It was barrel-vaulted on three arches leaning on six pillars. The plastered cistern had three openings, two to the west and one to the east. Cistern 62 was near rooms 21-23, it was square and c. 8 m high. Four arches carried the stone slabs that roofed it. Cave 63 was an underground cave, almost entirely rockcut, plastered with hydraulic plaster. South of the monastery, on a wide rocky surface, there were wineand oil-presses and there were two cisterns east of the presses. A wall surrounded the monastery. Description of Religious Structures: The earliest phase consisted of a church with a semi-circular apse and several rooms in the southern part of the complex. The apse was constructed of flinty blocks of stone and its thickness varied from 1.3 m in the centre of the apse to two m in the north. The excavated building was mostly of the later phase. It measured 16.70 x 5.10 m. There were two entrances in the south wall and stairs led to a

Site Name: Sokho, Horbat Site Number: 164 Location: Judea, Map coordinates 1476.1228. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Religious structure, possibly a monastery. Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The structure comprised two rooms; one (partly destroyed) was located to the north, while the other (5 x 6.4 m, with walls 0.8-0.9 m wide) was on a levelled rock platform to the south. The lower part of the southern and eastern walls was rock-cut, the upper parts of the south and east walls and the rest of the walls were of cut stone. Only the south and east walls of the northern room survived, its eastern end was partly rock-cut. There were fragments of white marble tiles in the centre of the room and roof tiles on the floor of the room. In the northern room the plastered south and east walls survived. There was a rock-cut area in the eastern wall. Benches were found along both walls, these were partly rock-cut and partly built of fieldstones. The floor in the northern room was 0.60 m lower and was paved with mosaics; three rock-cut steps connected the two rooms. There were also roof tile fragments in this room. East of the northern room there was an unfinished semi-circular foundationtrench, probably intended for an apse. Polychrome mosaics in the southern room underwent, possibly, iconoclast alterations. In the northern room the mosaics included two Greek inscriptions: A 4-line funerary text and a secondary 12-line text. Excavation did not continue below the mosaic floor. Dating Evidence: Stylistically the mosaic had been dated to the fifth-century and the excavators claimed that iconoclast damage implied abandonment in the eighthcentury. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1980 Gudovitch Bibliographical references: ,27 ‫גודוביץ ש' תשנ”ו ‘מבנה ביזאנטי לרגלי חורבת שכה’ עתיקות‬ *23-*16 Plan(s): 221

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

The next unit measured 4.90 x 4.50 m. Next to its eastern and western walls there were two stones forming the bases for columns carrying an arch that supported the ceiling and roof. There was an opening in the southwest corner of the room. The third unit measured 4.90 x 3.40 m and was paved with flagstones. Walls divided the unit into three smaller units in a north-south direction, with an opening in the eastern wall. The fourth unit measured 4.70 x 4.10 m, but the courtyard facing the western wall was missing, although there were flagstones in several places. This row of units ended in a one m wide corridor. The southwest wing of the complex included three large units with a clear internal division. The south unit measured approximately 9 x 4.8 m. In the west, a wall divided it into two. The smaller room measured 3 x 4.50 m. An opening was found in the eastern wall, which led to the courtyard. To the north was a second unit measuring 4.80 x 8.50 m, with a smaller western room and an identical opening that led to the courtyard. The third unit measured 8.20 x 4.20 m with no internal division. The seven units described face an internal courtyard measuring 11 x 6 m. The northern row of rooms included five roofed spaces and an underground miqve to the east. The eastern unit consisted of two rooms, measuring 4.90 x 3.80 m and entry was from the corridor. The adjacent unit measured 5.10 x 2.90 m and entry was through the corridor, with openings in the eastern and western walls. The two additional units measured 5 x 2.10 m and 5.49 x 2.40 m. Attached to the complex, in the east, was an underground rock-cut miqve. A rock-cut corridor and seven steps 4.20 x 1.90 m in size led to the miqve through 1.90 m high opening. The height of the plastered miqve from the bottom of the hole to the ceiling was approximately 3.30 m. From the entrance to the floor of the miqve were four rock-cut steps. The third step was 0.60 m wide and 0.24 m high. This was a bench running along the miqve wall. The miqve floor slanted towards the centre but the excavation did not reach the bottom of this feature. The northern area of the complex appeared to be an addition to the original southern part. There was a room above the miqve measuring 3.40 x 2.40 m. The adjacent hall measured 6.50 x 3.40 m with a partly flagstoned floor. There was a U-shaped installation parallel to the south wall of the hall. It was stone-built and measured 0.70 x 0.60 m. A long corridor (orientated east-west and measuring 9.70 x 1.50 m) was paved with flagstones. To the north of the corridor were storerooms. The eastern room measured 3.90 x 3.80 m and had a rock floor. The adjacent divided room measured 4.40 x 3.40 m and the last northwest room measured 3.50 x 3.40 m. In the northeast corner of Complex 2, about one m outside the wall of the building, was a rock-cut shaft measuring 2.2 x 1.2 m and 3.4 m deep. There was a step cut into the wall of the shaft and a rock-cut niche (1.40 x 2.5 m) in the north wall of the shaft. Complex 6 was located in the southeast of the settlement and bordered on Sumaqa’s synagogue. It was trapezoidal in shape and surrounded by stone walls. Its excavated portion was 7.80 m. The west wall was 17.20 m long, the east wall was 17.70 m, the south wall 36.60 m and the north wall was only partially excavated. The south wall included an arch built over a large underground cistern.

Plan of the structure after *18 ,27 ‫גודוביץ ש' תשנ”ו ‘מבנה ביזאנטי לרגלי חורבת שכה’ עתיקות‬ Site Name: Sumaqa Site Number: 165 Location: The Carmel, map coordinates 1539.2307. Type of Study: Extensive Settlement Excavation Type of Site: Town Description: Sumaqa’s living, working and industrial installations cover approximately 30,000-35,000 squ. m. Structures stood in rows, built close together and yards and alleys stood between them. The dressed stone structures in Sumaqa had arches supporting the ceilings. Complex 2 was in the southwest of the settlement. The complex was trapezoidal in shape and its walls were unequal in length. The north wall was 16 m long, the south 23 m, the west 32.40 m and the east 33.50 m. The complex covered an area of 655 squ. m. A vertical shaft and an entry to the rock-cut basement were in its northeast corner, with an entrance in the east. The complex had 0.50-0.60 m thick walls; most floors were powdered rock and rammed soil, although there were also flagstone floors. In several rooms the roofs rested on columns. Entry to the complex was through a gatehouse (5.00 x 3.60 m, divided into two rooms) located in the southern wall of the complex. The eastern room was 1.10 m wide and the western room was 1.90 m wide. Irregular flagstones paved the floors. North of the gatehouse there was a central courtyard and to its east were four units in the row. The gatehouse connected with the southern unit. Its internal measurements were approximately 5.00 x 2.50 m. Two walls inside the unit formed a secondary division, probably from a later phase. 222

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

The wall was 0.50 m thick and built of well-worked hard limestone. An opening led from the synagogue courtyard into the western area of the complex. The east wall was the thinnest in the complex, 0.40 m on average. A stonebuilt bench ran along the west wall. There were six units in the northern part of the complex. One excavated unit in the centre of the complex included a room, measuring 5.60 x 3.70 m, entry was from the northwest corner and it was 0.70 m above the floor, due to height differences. The floor consisted of crushed rock. The unit included an internal courtyard, paved with flagstones, measuring 5.50 x 3.20 m. A partly excavated additional unit, adjacent to the first, was similar to the first unit. This room measured 4.10 x 4.00 m. The entrance was in the northern wall and 1.15 m wide and an opening in the south wall led to a courtyard measuring 4.50 x 3.40 m. The third unit of a similar plan included a room measuring 4.10 x 3.20 m and the southern area measuring 4.00 x 3.90 m. Entry to the room was from the north; the entrance measured 1.20 m wide. Twelve installations were surveyed in Sumaqa and five fully or partially excavated. The installations typically include at least one floor usually built with small stones and then plastered. In most installations, there were two or more such floors. Each installation had at least one cistern and often a pool or several pools. An enclosing wall surrounded each installation. In each of these installations there were stone pillars pierced with parallel incisions. The largest installation (3) covered an area of 3.50 m and the smallest (5), an area of 0.80 m. Two oilpresses and five wine-presses were fully or partially excavated in Sumaqa. Description of Religious Structures: The synagogue stood halfway down the southern slope. The builders appeared to have cut into the rock to produce a flat surface, on which to build the synagogue. There were three doorways in the well-hewn stones façade. East of the façade was a 4.40 m wide courtyard or narthex. At the northern portion of the courtyard was a stone base measuring 1.90 x 1.10 m and 0.30 m high. The hall appeared to be a basilica divided by two rows of columns into a nave and two aisles, measuring 18.40 x 13.60 m. The plastered synagogue had a tiled roof. In the alley opposite the synagogue there was a row of stones 8.60 m long which formed a bench. Dating Evidence: The reports included a detailed discussion of the finds and their dates. Dar dated the southern part to the second to third centuries and stated that the northern area was later (no dating was provided for this phase.) The finds suggested, according to the excavators, the abandonment of Complex 2 in the sixthor seventh-century. Dar dated the construction of Complex 6 to the end of the second-century. The complex was disused in the first half of the sixthcentury, possibly due to a fire. The workshops and presses were also assigned to the Byzantine period. Dating for Religious Structures: Dating the synagogue was difficult as no sealed finds were excavated. Previous study: 1905 Kohel and Watsinger; 1983-1988 Dar Bibliographical references: ‫דר ש' תשנ"ח סומקה – עיירה יהודית בכרמל תל אביב‬ Plan(s):

Plan of Complex 6 after 104 ,‫דר ש' תשנ"ח סומקה – עיירה יהודית בכרמל תל אביב‬

Plan of Complex 2 after , 78‫דר ש' תשנ"ח סומקה – עיירה יהודית בכרמל תל אביב‬ 223

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Church C was also north of the cardo; only its eastern area was excavated. The church had an external semicircular apse, with a semi-circular bench. Its walls were of ashlar and the chancel base was of limestone. The aisles were not symmetrical; the north one terminated at the east wall with a semi-circular recess. The south aisle ended with a narrow apse, which was as deep as the central apse. The church was paved with colourful mosaics and the plastered walls had polychrome geometric designs. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: Church A was dated to the sixth-century. A dedication inscription in the southern aisle of the baptistery in Church B mentioned saints Cosmas and Damian, requiring a fourth-century or later date. In the centre of the building, another inscription dated the baptistery to AD 591. Another inscription mentioned the name Procopius and gives the same date as in the centre of the building. Church C was dated to the sixth-century. Previous study: 1950-1955 Epstein and Anati; 1951 AviYonah, Shulman Amiran and Dothan Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. and de Silva C.G. 1984 Supplementum to the Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Jerusalem ‫אפשטיין ק' תשנ”ב 'סוסיתא' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬ 1104-1102 ,‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

Plan of the synagogue after 48 ,‫דר ש' תשנ"ח סומקה – עיירה יהודית בכרמל תל אביב‬ Site Name: Susita (Hippos, Qal’at el-Hisn) Site Number: 166 Location: Lower Gallilee, map coordinates 212.242 Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation Type of Site: Unknown Description: The settlement had a street grid with public buildings at the junctions. The cardo crossed the settlement from east to west. There was a nymphaeum in the middle of the cardo and next to it a large underground water pool, accessed by stairs. Some distance from the pool was a water hole; there were water holes next to most small structures. The abundance of rich architectural items spread along the cardo indicated the existence of elaborate public buildings. The settlement’s wall contained many towers. There were artificial stone rows in the sea and caves used for burial in the hillside. Description of Religious Structures: Church A was north of the cardo; it measured 36.40 x 17.50 m. It had one entrance in its west wall, opposite an external rectangular apse, 4.90 m deep, with a marble chancel screen. There were compartments in the north and south walls. The walls of the church were 0.80 m thick, the walls of the apse were constructed of basalt stones and re-used basalt and granite stones formed the foundations of the church. The largest of Susita’s churches, Church B, was south of the cardo and east of the public baths. It measured 20 x 40 m and was a basilica with an internal apse. The bema was higher than the floor of the hall and a chancel contained within the nave separated it from the hall. It was divided by two rows of nine (according to Epstein) or eight (according to Baggati) columns each into a nave and two aisles. The western wall of the church had three openings and before them an atrium and a paved corridor. The floor of the church was marble and the roof had ceramic tiles resting on wooden beams. The basalt semi-circular internal apse had a particularly thick wall behind it. Five curved plastered steps built of white stones were inside the apse. To the north of the church was a baptistery divided by two rows of four or (according to Bagatti) two columns into a nave and two aisles, with three internal semi-circular apses. Near the centre of the middle apse was a cruciform baptismal font set into a floor paved with polychrome mosaics. The apse also had a re-used chancel screen.

Plan of Church B after Ovadiah A. and de Silva C.G. 1984 Supplementum to the Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 164 Site Name: Susiya, Horbat Site Number: 167 Location: Judea, map coordinates 1598.0905. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Very large town. Description: The site covered three hills and an area of 300,000 to 400,000 squ. m. The settlement comprised caves and large houses as well as a ritual baths. There were menorahs inscribed on lintels and doorjambs had slots for mezuzah. There were narrow alleys and paths between the closely built structures. A six m wide street 224

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

Dating for Religious Structures: There was a Justinianic coin under the benches in the southern part of the hall and a fourth-century coin under the mosaic in the narthex. Although Yeivin took pottery loosely associated with the building to indicate that it was built at the end of the fourth- or in the fifth-century and abandoned in the eighth- or ninth-century, this cannot be sustained simply on the basis of finds from floor levels. Previous study: [?] Reifenberg and Mayer; 1969 Gutman; 1971-2 Gutman; 1984-5 Negev; 1985-7 [?] Bibliographical references: Negev A. 1983 ‘Excavations at Carmel (Kh. Susiya)’ IEJ 35, 231-252 ‫ חורבת' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬,‫ייבין ז' תשנ"ב 'סוסיה‬ ;1096-1101‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ ‫ עיר יהודית בתקופת התלמוד' מחקרי‬- ‫ייבין ז' תשנ"ג 'חורבת סוסיה‬ 196-191 ,‫יהודה ושמרון דברי הכנס השלישי‬ Plan(s):

led from the outskirts of the settlement in the south through the settlement to the synagogue in its centre. Along the road, on both sides were large buildings measuring 25 x 25 m. Lanes connected with the main road and divided the settlement into squares. Of 14 large structures, two were excavated. The first house was square and measured 13.6 x 11.7 m; it was divided into two symmetrical areas by a central wall running eastwest. A common wall divided each of the areas into two rooms of unequal size. The walls were 0.7 m thick and built of well-worked stones on the outside and smaller cut stones on the inside. The roof was of wooden beams and mortar, leaning on arches supported by columns built into the walls. The excavated area of the second structure consisted of 47.5 m. The first part of the building was 23.5 m long and consisted of three units. The first two had a small antechamber and a room with ashlar walls. Unit 4 consisted of an antechamber and a room on each side. Although the excavation of Unit 5 was not completed, it consisted of a hall 7 m long, Room 8 contained large ovens built of stone. There was an additional excavated unit at the northern end of the street leading to the synagogue; the unit consisted of two rooms separated by an alley. The partly excavated northeast tower measured approximately 11 x 6.5 m, it had stone walls. Entry to the tower was through a door in the eastern wall. The approach to the first and smaller excavated cave was through a passage worked in the rock; stairs led to the entrance, more steps led from the entrance to the floor of the cave. The cave consisted of a large hall (9.3 m long) and a small rounded chamber. In the eastern part of the roof was a round opening and two smaller windows in the western end of the cave. The second cave was entered through a sloping antechamber over 4 m long, covered by a sloping barrel vault of ashlar. On the northern side, just in front of the entrance to the cave, was a rock-cut ritual bath, a cistern to the east of the cave supplied it with water. The natural cave was irregular and consisted of two large halls joined by a narrower corridor. The maximal height of the cave was three m, the outer hall was 14 m long and its maximal width was ten m. The second hall was 13 m long and 7.5 m wide at its widest part. Description of Religious Structures: The synagogue was to the west of Horbat Suseya itself. Doorways led into the courtyard from the north and east, there were porticos on three sides of the courtyard. In the two eastern corners of the courtyard, there were small chambers. There was a cistern and an opening leading to a series of caves in the middle of the courtyard. The building was comprised of a hall, the narthex to the east of the hall and a long narrow wing to the south. At the southern end of the narthex, steps led up to a second story above the southern wing. The southern wing had two chambers. Three doors led from the narthex to the hall. The synagogue was orientated to Jerusalem by a bema in the north wall and there was a second bema. A three-panelled mosaic covered the floor. Dating Evidence: Sealed fifth-century pottery under the floors of the first house provided these with a Terminus Post Quem. Other finds from the complex were unsealed.

General plan after ‫ עיר יהודית בתקופת התלמוד' מחקרי ז' תשנ"ג 'חורבת ייבין‬- ‫סוסיה‬ ‫ יהודה ושמרון‬192 ,‫דברי הכנס השלישי‬ Site Name: Tamar Fort Site Number: 168 Location: Negev Mount, map coordinates 1731.0485. Type of Study: Compound Excavation Type of Site: Fort Description: The fort was square with four corner towers, a single entrance and internal structures built against the walls around a central courtyard. The fort measured 38 x 38 m, the towers measured 6 x 6 m. In the centre of the courtyard was a large water pool measuring 38 x 10 x 10 m. A roof of limestone slabs carried by wooden beams shaded it. According to Gichon there were three internal structures, two were barracks (strigae) and one the headquarters (principia). One structure was in the southwest corner and the other in the southeast corner. The headquarters, according to the excavator, were in the northeast corner and contained offices and the unit’s temple (sacellum). The commander’s quarters were in the eastern corner and were linked directly to the headquarters. There was a guardroom on the southwest side. 225

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Plaster coated some of the walls and there was painted plaster in the commander’s quarter and in the headquarters building. In the first phase, the rooms in the barracks were 3.80 x 5.50 m in size and in the second phase, they fell to 3.80 x 4.50 m, but there was an additional three m wide balcony. In the third phase, some of the rooms were divided into smaller rooms and may have been converted to storage or workrooms. The rest of the space was a storage area for food or armaments. A system of beams held up by columns carried the ceiling. West of the gate was a large bakery with ovens and a basalt millstone. There were three staircases, two on either side of the gate and one in the southern corner. The ashlar-faced walls of the fort were surrounded by towers. The quality of construction in different areas of the wall implied several groups of workers with different levels of skill. The walls were 1.10 m thick with thick white plaster on their external face. The gate was 2.80 m wide, but was reduced to one m in the third phase; the passage was 6 x 3 m in size. A tower on the summit of the hill to the south of the fort measured 3.80 x 3.80 m. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Dating Evidence: The stratification was clear and associated with pottery and coins. The fort was erected in the last quarter of the third-century AD and the second phase of occupation dated to the fourth to fifth centuries and ended with general destruction. The third phase was short, perhaps about 12 years, in which refurbishment and changes took place. Use of the fort ended in the seventh-century. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1973-1974 Gichon Bibliographical references: Gichon M. 1976 ‘Excavations at Mezad Tamar, 1973-1974 IEJ 26, 188-194 '‫; גיחון מ‬91-90 ,‫מ’ט‬-‫ללא מחבר תשל"ד ‘מיצד תמר’ חא מ’ח‬ 117-114 ,28-27 ‫תשל"ה ‘חפירות בתמרה בשנת תשל"ג’ קדמוניות‬ ‫מצד' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה‬, ‫; גיחון מ' תשנ”ב 'תמר‬ 1603-1600 ,‫החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

Site Name: Taninim, Tel (el-Milat, Tel) Site Number: 169 Location: The Sharon, map coordinates 1410.2160. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Reservoir and pool. Description: The reservoir was a rectangular chamber measuring 15 x 7.5 m. It was reinforced with cornerand wall-buttresses, as well as secondary supports along the south wall. A 0.06 m layer of plaster coated the rough stone walls. A flight of stairs descended from the west wall to the plastered bottom, which sloped slightly from east to west. At a later phase, the structure was a dwelling. There were two entrances near the southeast and northwest corners and a partition wall in the centre. A stone ramp ran along the entire length of the south wall. There was a 0.13 m wide ceramic pipe embedded in mortar and encased with flat rectangular limestone blocks with a round pottery basin in the southwest corner of the reservoir. A second stone ramp led westwards from the basin into an unexcavated building. Extending southwards from the reservoir was a rectangular fishpond. The plastered piscina measured 5 x 2.75 m and connected into the southwest corner of the reservoir and the eastern edge of the west ramp. A flight of stairs descended from the southwest corner to the floor. There was an elliptical hole in the floor of the piscina. There were 16 complete amphorae embedded lengthwise in a mortar casing on the floor of the piscina. Each jar base was inserted into the mouth of an adjacent one and each amphora had a rectangular opening cut into the centre. Another plastered structure with a floor of white stones shared the east wall of the piscina. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Dating Evidence: Sixth-century sherds embedded in the plaster gave a Terminus Post Quem to the reservoir’s last use. Several bronze coins of Constantine I found in the southeast corner of the reservoir might imply earlier use, but could have been lost at any time later than their date of minting. A possibly Umayyad period bag-shaped amphora may hint at later activity. Dating for Religious Structures: Not applicable Previous study: 1996-1997 Stieglitz Bibliographical references: Stieglitz R. 1998 ‘A Late Byzantine Reservoir and Piscina at Tel Tanninim’ IEJ 48, 54-65 Plan(s):

Plan of the reservior and piscina after Stieglitz R. 1998 ‘A Late Byzantine Reservoir and Piscina at Tel Tanninim’ IEJ 48, 59

Plan of the fort after Gichon M. 1976 ‘Excavations at Mezad Tamar, 1973-1974’ IEJ 26, 190 226

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

broad outer walls were ashlar and the inner walls were 0.8 m thick. Other structures included a courtyard, a corridor and an apsidal hall. Two limestone columns in the courtyard indicated possible porticos. A square cistern, 7.2 x 7.2 m large and 3.2 m deep, was in the courtyard. Its ceiling consisted of basalt slabs resting on ten arches arranged in two rows. The cistern wall supported one side of the arches; the other rested on a row of 5 basalt columns, its walls were coated with hydraulic plaster. Rain drained into the cistern from six chancels located at the top of the cistern walls. A narrow corridor (2.6 x 24.5 m) extended on a northsouth axis between the courtyard and the apsidal hall, ending in two apses (2.4 m in diameter). The apsidal hall was rectangular measuring 7.3 x 15 m and had a semi-circular niche facing east (6 m in diameter). A pair of rooms flanked the hall, the small room in the east measured 2.9 x 4.3 m and the large room in the west 3.0 x 9.8 m. There was a large hall (7.2 x 15.0 m) and a narrow corridor (1.8 x 15.0 m) north of the hall, beyond the two northern rooms. South of the centre of the building was a group of rooms whose excavation was not yet complete. Later, an east wing (5.8 x 39.0 m) adjoined the building, with especially thick outer walls (1.25 m) and a polychrome mosaic floor. A semicircular hollow was later cut into the mosaic floor. Description of Religious Structures: The basilica was excavated 80 m northeast of the baths. The basilica was a square-shaped complex, surrounded by walls and measuring 38 x 38 m. The complex had courtyards, additional rooms and a drainage system. The central basilica had a semi-circular apse orientated to the east. Entry was from a courtyard to the west and the hall measured 14.50 x 12 m. The basilica was originally a secular administrative building, but in a later phase was apparently used as a mosaic-floored Christian church (21 x 15 m). About 100 m south of the basilica was a large exedra, 32 m long. In the space between its internal and external walls, there were mosaics and benches. The northern synagogue was also a square building, measuring 20 x 20 m with a north-south axis. There was a single aperture, two m wide, in the centre of the northern wall, opening to a street paved with smoothed basalt slabs. Two rows of four columns divided the hall into a nave and two aisles. The floors were paved with polychrome mosaics with a Greek inscription and stone slabs in the centre. At a later phase, the building was altered: Walls were added and the floors changed from mosaic to stone. The Anchor Church was on Mount Berenice. It measured 48 x 28 m, its plan included an atrium and a mosaic-floored hall with three apses. Entrance to the atrium was through a narrow opening in the south wall. An underground cistern measuring 7.5 x 7.5 m and 5 m deep was found in the middle of the atrium, its ceiling supported by four stone arches. Two channels fed the cistern, one channel drained the roof of the church and another the courtyard. Rooms surrounded the atrium. There was an oil-press next to the outer wall of the church. The narthex was almost completely destroyed, but it was known that it was 4.5 m wide. A single entrance into the narthex was found. An entrance at the

Site Name: Tiberias Site Number: 170 Location: Lower Galilee, map coordinates unavailable. Type of Study: Multi-focus Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Unknown Description: There were extensive baths next to the cardo and the market. The bath’s length from east to west was 42 m and from north-south 31 m and it covered 1,300 squ. m. The structure had two wings: The west wing included the bathrooms and included a hypocaust and channels, pottery pipes and pools and the east wing included the wardrobes and public rooms. The floors were polychrome mosaics. North of the ritual baths, a structure with columns covered a large area (probably a market place). West of the ritual baths and the porticoed area was a part of the central street, the cardo. On both sides of the cardo were porticos, with shops opening into the street. These were approximately was 33 m wide. 100 m north of the synagogue a long (50 m) area of the Byzantine settlement wall was found, parallel to the beach. The wall was 2.50 m thick, faced with ashlar, with a core of small stones and mortar and on the north side of the wall was a tower 5 x 2.5 m. Hirschfeld stated that this wall surrounded the entire settlement. There were two towers on the western peak of Mount Berenice. Both measured 7.5 squ. m and access to the ramparts was through steps built against the wall. Two towers (7.2 x 8.4 m), almost square and built of ashlar, stood ten m apart on the west peak and the slope of Mount Berenice, a wall stretched between them. There was also a trapezoidal pool (5.8 m deep, 7.9 x 15.9 m) lined with small fieldstones and covered with a layer of greyish plaster 0.8 m thick. The basalt gate tower in Area B measured 8.4 x 8.4 m and its walls were 1.2 m thick. The excavators cleared the semi-circular space in front of the gate, which was paved with crushed chalk and contained monumental basalt stone seats. A stone parapet, which formed a part of the settlement wall, was found behind the seats. The corner of the seats was 7.2 m distant from the gate, forming a ‘piazza’, paved with plaster. Later, a straight wall running from the settlement wall to the tower blocked the piazza. There was a gateway in the settlement wall, located 0.7 km south of the southern tower, on the hilltop. The gate led into a building complex measuring at least 25 x 35 m, in which two mosaic floors and a large underground space were found (15.5 x 5.2 m in size, 2.00 m deep). The plaster walls were partly rock-cut and partly constructed and there was a stairway on the west wall. A cistern was found north of the mosaic floors, it measured 3.8 x 4.5 m and was 3.5 m deep and three arches supported the ceiling. The excavated foundations of the south segment of the Byzantine settlement wall were 320 m long and 1.8 m thick. The wall descended southwards from Mount Berenice; this part of the wall was fieldstone-built. Four towers were excavated at intervals of 100 m, the foundations of three small towers (3 x 5 m), as well as the stone walls of a larger, fourth tower (7 x 11 m) have been preserved. The wall measured 2.8 km. There was a 'basilica' in Area F extending over at least 1600 squ. m. The structure had basalt foundations; the 227

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

north side of the narthex led into a 4.3 x 7.5 m room in the north wing of the church. Three entrances led from the narthex into the hall. The central doorway was 1.8 m wide and the two narrow side entrances 1.1 m wide. Two rows of seven columns supported arches and divided the basilica into a nave and two aisles. In the end of the nave and aisle were three apses. The two smaller side apses flanked a larger central one. Two rows of stone benches were found around the central apse and the chancel screen was found in situ, 6.3 m from the apse wall. There was an altar in the middle of the apse. A large marble slab laid at the base of the altar and under it was a large block of basalt stone. The stone weighed almost half a ton and was similar to an anchor stone, but was much larger. The basalt-built church was paved with mosaic floors, in the aisle and marble slabs in the nave. The north part of the church wing had three additional rooms paved with polychrome mosaics; two doorways connected it directly to the hall. Excavators found the massive revetments that had supported the foundations of the church next to the steep slope. Dating Evidence: There were fourth-century pottery sherds under the floors of the ritual bath next to the cardo. In Area B, there were sixth-century pottery sherds and coins under the floor of the open space in front of the gate. There was no material later than the Byzantine phase in the building entered from the gate. Telgam suggested that the mosaic floors found in this building were typical of the sixth-century. Material found in the foundations of the settlement wall (south segment) included mainly sixth-century pottery sherds. The excavators dated the basilica in Area F to the mid-fourthcentury AD. Dating for Religious Structures: The excavators dated the ‘basilica’ to the second-century AD, on the basis of pottery sherds found in its foundations and said that the basilica may have become a church in the fifth- or sixthcentury. This appeared to be based on dating the mosaic floors on art historical grounds. On the basis of its mosaic floor, the North Synagogue had also been dated to the sixth-century. The Anchor Church was dated to the Byzantine period on the basis of pottery sheds sealed with the anchor stone. Hirschfeld argued that the absence of any Umayyad finds, as well as the dismantling of elements of the church in that phase, indicated the abandonment of the church after the Islamic conquest. He further stated that the church was then destroyed by the great earthquake of AD 749. Previous study: 1875 Green; 1887 Shomacher; 1956-1954 Rabani; 1964-1968 Drukas; 1973-1974 Prester; 1976 Vito; 1979-1978 Berman; 1989-1990 Hirschfeld; 1980 Harif Bibliographical references: Hirschfeld Y. 1994 ‘The Church at the summit of Mount Berenice, Tiberias’ BA 57.3, 122-137; Hirschfeld Y. 1994 ‘Tiberias, Mt. Berenice - 1992’ ESI 14, 33-37; Hirschfeld Y. 1997 ‘Tiberias’ ESI 16, 35-41; Ben-Aryieh R. 1997 ‘Area B: Mosaic Floors’ ESI 16, 41-42; Hirshfeld Y. 1991 ‘Tiberias - 1990/1991’ ESI 10, 96 Plan(s):

Plan of the basilica (Late Phase) Ovadiah A. 1970 Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Bonn, Plate 71

Plan of the church on Mount Berenice after Hirschfeld Y. 1994 ‘Tiberias, Mt. Berenice - 1992’ ESI 14, 34 228

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

the nave to AD 785 and the second dated the mosaic on the bema to AD 756. Previous study: 1886 Schumacher; 1959 Lux and Mittmann; 1974 DEIAHL; 1977-83 Danish Team; 19851986 Piccirillo and Attiyat; 1986 Weber Bibliographical references: Piccirillo M. and Attiyat T. 1986 ‘The Complex of St. Stephan at Umm er-RasasKastron Mafaa’ ADAJ 30, 341-351 Plan(s): Unavailable.

Site Name: Truman, Kfar (Kh. Er-Ras, Kh.‘Irma) Site Number: 171 Location: Judea, map coordinates 143.154. Type of Study: Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Church Description: Two Byzantine phases were identified, which included floors and walls that did not make a comprehensive plan. The earlier phase walls had earthfilled cores. The later phase walls were constructed of fieldstones and had flagstone floors. Description of Religious Structures: Although details were uncertain, the basilica measured 5.40 x 9.50 m, was paved with mosaics and included a Greek inscription indicating that the reconstructed church was part of a monastery. The aisles measured 1.70 x 9.50 m each and were paved with coarse white mosaics with red and black elements, later repaired. Two later additional rooms measured 1.40 x 1.70 m and 2.10 x 1.7 m respectively. Dating Evidence: Said to be ‘Byzantine’ but no dating evidence was given. Dating for Religious Structures: There were late sixthcentury AD coins from the Byzantine or early Islamic phase. Previous study: 1958 Zoshman; 1998 Oren and Spatlovitz Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. and de Silva C.G. 1984 Supplementum to the Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 101-102; Zvilichovsky V. 1960 ‘Chronique Archéologique - Kfar Truman’ RB 67, 402 Plan(s): Unavailable

Site Name: Umm Zakum, Khirbat (El Awja et Tahta) Site Number: 173 Location: Judea, map coordinates 194.149, Type of Study: Partial Non-Scientific Single Structure Excavation, Type of Site: Church Description: The church was a part of a complex of buildings surrounded by a fence and included built and plastered channels and rock-cut cisterns for water supply. Description of Religious Structures: The church was orientated slightly north of east-west. It had a semicircular apse, which the excavator assumed to be internal. There was a room behind the apse, the entrance to which was probably from the east. A grave lay in the southeast corner near the apse. The floor of the church was paved with geometrical mosaics. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’, Dating for Religious Structures: Fifth- to sixth-century on the basis of pottery. However, it was uncertain whether this came from sealed contexts. Previous study: 1972 Shantour Bibliographical references: Ovadiah A. and de Silva C.G. 1984 Supplementum to the Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 236-237 Plan(s):

Site Name: Umm er-Rasas (Maafa) Site Number: 172 Location: Jordan, map coordinates unavailable. Type of Study: Compound Excavation. Type of Site: Monastery Description: The ruins cover 30,000 squ. m and included fortifications. An unenclosed part of the settlement extended outside the walls to the north. The monastic complex contained two adjacent churches connected by five steps and with a paved, apsed, courtyard, later converted into a church. Description of Religious Structures: The Church of Bishop Sergius was a single apsed structure with a sacristy in the north and the presbytery two steps higher than the nave. The base of the altar and a bench for the clergy were found in situ. The floor was paved with elaborate mosaics including four inscriptions: one indicating the year of the mosaic as AD 587. Iconoclasts later damaged the mosaics. The Church of St. Stephen was one m higher than and to the south of, the Church of Bishop Sergius. This church also had an apse and an elevated presbytery, two steps higher than the nave. Access to the Church of St. Stephen was possible from two doors along the south wall. This church was paved with elaborate mosaics and contained two inscriptions. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: In addition to the inscription of 587, two inscriptions date the re-floorings of the Church of St. Stephen. One dated the mosaic in

Plan of the church after Ovadiah A. and de Silva C.G. 1984 Supplementum to the Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land Jerusalem, 237 Site Name: Upper Zohar Site Number: 174 Location: The Negev, map coordinates 1730.0715. Type of Study: Compound Excavation Type of Site: Fort Description: The excavator stated in his report that the fort occupied approximately 26 squ. m, however, according to the plan below, it covered a larger area. It formed an enclosure with a square tower built on each corner of the enclosure. Limestone was used for the doorways and 229

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

outer corners of the towers. The tower chambers were Lshaped and entry to the northern towers was through doorways in the north curtain walls. Entry to the southeast and southwest towers was from doorways in the east and west curtain walls respectively. The main walls were built of coursed faces both outside and inside with a fill of soil and rubble. The walls were 1.00-1.5 m thick. The excavator states that the curtain walls enclosed 17 squ. m, but again the plan shows the area should be larger. Staircases provided access to the wall walks. On the eastern side there was a range of internal buildings. Initially, there were three rooms, but only the central one survived. Of the other two rooms, only foundations remain and some traces of flooring survived below the surface of the courtyard. The centre room had a white plaster floor and a bench against the southern wall. A circular cistern, 3.75 m in diameter and five m deep was located north of the centre of the courtyard, there was evidence of vaulting on the east side. In the western side of the fort was a gateway approximately two m wide. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Description’, Dating Evidence: A detailed stratigraphical excavation dated by stratified finds, although it was unclear from the final report which, if any, of the finds were sealed. Harper concluded that the Upper Zohar fort was occupied from the late fifth- to early seventh-century. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1985-1986 Harper Bibliographical references: Harper R. 1989 Upper Zohar - An Early Byzantine Fort in Palaestina Tertia, Final Report of Excavations in 1985-1986 Oxford Plan(s):

Type of Study: Non-Scientific Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Synagogue Description: See ‘Description of Religious Structures’. Description of Religious Structures: The synagogue stood at the highest point, in the north of the village. There was a row of four column bases to the north. The main building (originally, perhaps, 19 x 15 m) was on an east-west orientation and had traces of a polychrome mosaic floor. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating Evidence for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The style of the mosaic suggested a fourth-century date, but the structure need not be contemporary with this floor. In 1921, Vinsen published two lintels from outside the building with decoration which suggested that it was of the so-called ‘Galilean’ type – conventionally dated to the third- or fourth-century. However, direct dating evidence for the structure was absent. Previous study: 1921 Vinsen; 1950 Sukenik Bibliographical references: No author 1921 ‘Remains of an Ancient Synagogue at Yafa, Galilee’ PEQ 53, 182183; No author 1921 ‘Chronique, Vestiges d’une Synagogue Antique Yafa de Galilee’ RB 30, 433-438 ‫בר"ג ד' תשנ"ב 'יפיע' בשטרן א’ )עורך( האיציקלופדיה החדשה‬ 594-592 ,‫לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ Plan(s): Unavailable Site Name: Yarmot, Tel Site Number: 176 Location: Judea, map coordinates 147.124. Type of Study: Partial Single Structure Excavation. Type of Site: Lone Structure Description: The site dated to the beginning of the Byzantine period. A large building, measuring about 75 x 75 m, covered an area of 5,000 squ. m. The structure was constructed of two wall systems; the primary system consisted of two walls, which were two m thick with very deep foundations. The second system had thinner walls, only 1.5 m thick. The excavator believed that its construction was unfinished, since there were only few floors. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Description’ Dating Evidence: Two Byzantine pottery sherds were found in the foundation trenches of the public building. The excavators argued that the Stratum I dated to the third to fourth centuries AD and that a building of such massive proportions must be either a fortified farm or a khan (caravanserai) on a trade route. The walls cut by the building were entirely different in construction and orientation from the Stratum I building. Dating for Religious Structures: Not applicable. Previous study: 1970 Ben Tor; 1980 de Miroshedzi Bibliographical references: Ben-Tor A. 1975 ‘The First Season of excavations at Tel Yarmuth, 1970’ Qedem 1, 55-87 (‫ תל' בשטרן א’ )עורך‬,‫מירושדז'י פ' תשנ"ב 'ירמות‬-‫דה‬

Plan after R. Harper 1989 Upper Zohar - An Early Byzantine Fort in Palaestina Tertia, Final Report of Excavations in 1985-1986 Oxford, 118

‫האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות בארץ ישראל‬

761-758 ,‫ירושלים‬ Plan(s):

Site Name: Yafi’a Site Number: 175 Location: Lower Galilee, map coordinates 1763.2326. 230

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

church took place in the 14th indiction. The narthex and atrium were paved with white mosaics. The atrium was to the west of the church and contained a cistern. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: The first inscription in the mosaic of the church in Area C dated to AD 631/2 if the ‘city’ mentioned was Elusa and the calendar was that of the Provincia Arabia, but, of course, other ‘cities’ were possible. The second may have dated the church to AD 588/9. The use of the church in Area D was claimed to continue to the eighth-, ninth- or tenth-century, although the report mentioned no dating evidence for this. Previous study: 1995-1999 Eshel, Magness, Shenhav Bibliographical references: Eshel H. Magness J. and Shenhav E. 2000 ‘Khirbat Yattir, 1995-1999: Preliminary Report’ IEJ 50, 153-226 Plan(s):

General plan after Ben-Tor A. 1975 ‘The First Season of excavations at Tel Yarmuth, 1970’ Qedem 1, 58 Site Name: Yattir, Horbat Site Number: 177 Location: The Negev, map coordinates 1516.0846. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Churches Description: The site covered a hill. Almost all of the structures had cisterns and were around a courtyard that opened into a cave. There were other structures on the slope. Description of Religious Structures: There was a basilican church in Area C. Two rows of six columns divided the hall into a nave and two aisles. The aisles were paved with simple white mosaics; the area of surviving mosaic in the nave was paved with geometrical mosaic above an earlier, more elaborate, mosaic paving. A Greek inscription dated the floor to the year 526 ‘in the era of the city’; the inscription further indicated that this was a monastic church. An additional Greek inscription found in the atrium stated that the construction of the church was in the ninth indiction of the year 483. In the southern part of the centre of the atrium was a cistern. There was another cistern with a bell-shaped interior, roofed with a stone vault. A system of water channels under the atrium apparently carried the overflow to an additional cistern to the north of the church. No details on the construction and materials of the church were available. There was another Byzantine basilica in Area D. The eastern end of the church had eroded downhill so its length could not be determined. The ashlar walls ran northeast to southeast and the church was orientated to the southeast. The northernmost walls contained several re-used stones. Colonnades divided the hall into a nave measuring 12.5 m wide and two columns, two m wide each. The church was originally paved with polychrome mosaics but a later mosaic floor was white. A Greek dedicatory inscription indicated that the work on the

Plan of the church after Eshel H. Magness J. and Shenhav E. 2000 ‘Khirbat Yattir, 1995-1999: Preliminary Report’ IEJ 50, 160 Site Name: Yeroham, Mezad Site Number: 178 Location: The Negev, map coordinates 1408.0438. Type of Study: Multi-focus Settlement Excavation. Type of Site: Large town Description: The site covers about 100,000 squ. m. There was an extensive Byzantine settlement concentrated in the northern part of the site. A structure was excavated in the eastern part of the northern elongated hill. The building (A) covered an area of 800 squ. m, made out of three units with a common central courtyard. Each unit had two areas with a common courtyard and each area was composed of two attached rooms. The soft, dressed limestone walls of the rooms were 0.60 m wide. On the site’s central hill was a system of buildings (B) with at least six separate units. A street 2.70 m wide separated two units on its eastern side and two units on its western side. In the western area was a single unit (C) comprising 13 rooms arranged around a large central courtyard, measuring 10 x 8 m. The floors were of packed soil above a fill of small stones, the external walls were dressed stone, but most of the internal walls were built of rough stone and were plastered. There were wall-cupboards in three rooms. There were three structures (D) spread over 950 squ. m in the eastern area. These units were similar to the one in the western area. South of these three units was an additional unit (E). This was a square structure, measuring 16 x 16 and made 231

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Description’ Dating Evidence: Late Roman and Byzantine pottery (third- to fifth-century AD) characterised Stratum I. Radiocarbon dating for the plaster used in the ritual baths using a method developed by Folk and Valastro366 gave two dates AD 505±65 and AD 529±65 at 1σ. The plaster contained pottery sherds from the third- to fifthcentury AD. The excavator dated the end of occupation to the seventh-century as no Arab pottery was found in the survey and excavation. Pottery sherds were found in a five-stepped cistern, dating it to the third to fifth centuries. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1975, 1976, 1977, 1979-1981, 1989-1983 Leibowitz Bibliographical references: Leibowitz H. 1977 ‘Tel Yin’am’ IEJ 27, 53-54; Leibowitz H. 1978 ‘Tel Yin’am’ IEJ 28, 193-194; Liebowitz H. and Folk R. L. 1980 ‘Archeological Geology of Tel Yin’am, Galilee, Israel’ Journal of Field Archaeology 7, 23-42; Liebowitz H. 1981 ‘Excavations at Tel Yin’am: The 1976 and 1977 Seasons: Preliminary Report’ BASOR 243, 85-92 Plan(s):

of six rooms surrounding a courtyard measuring 9 x 7 m. The central room in this unit was east of the courtyard and measured 8.50 x 6.50 m; its floor was paved with fine slabs. In the western part of the site there was a square structure (F) 14 x 14 m, constructed of six rooms surrounding a central courtyard. There was a ceramic oven in the western corner of the room. Description of Religious Structures: See ‘Description’. Dating Evidence: Pottery and coins found on the floors of Structure A dated to the fifth-and sixth-century. In Unit C the pottery found on the floor was dated to the fifth and sixth centuries, with more Byzantine coins of the same period. In D the pottery on the floor dated to the fifth- and sixth-century. However, all of this material was from floor deposits. Dating for Religious Structures: See ‘Dating Evidence’. Previous study: 1870 Palmer; 1954 Glick; 1965, 19661976 Cohen Bibliographical references: Glueck N. 1955 ‘The Third Season of Explorations in the Negev’ BASOR 138, 7-8; Cohen R. 1968 ‘Mezad Yeruham’ RB 75, 405-406 '‫כהן ר' תשנ”ב 'אתרים מן התקופה הנבטית והרומאית בהר הנגב‬ ‫בשטרן א’ )עורך( האינציקלופדיה החדשה לחפירות ארכיאולוגיות‬ -23 ,‫י’ט‬-‫; ללא מחבר תשכ"ו חא י’ח‬1053 ,‫בארץ ישראל ירושלים‬ ‫; ללא מחבר תשב"ט‬3-1 ,‫; כהן ר' תשכ"ז ‘מצד ירוחם’ חא כ’א‬24 -‫ התקופה הרומית ביזאנטית’ חא כ’ח‬- ‫‘סקר ארכאולוגי של ישראל‬ 34-32 ,‫כ’ט‬ Plan(s): Unavailable. Site Name: Yn’am, Tel Site Number: 179 Location: The Galilee, map coordinates 198.235. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Hamlet Description: Tel Yin’am consisted of a circular mound about 80 m in diameter east-west and 85 m in diameter north-south. Liebowitz suggested that the settlement extended 100 m to the west from the foot of the mound and 100 m to the north. Three Stratum I structures were excavated in Area B. Building A was divided into two rooms by a north-south cross wall with a one m wide doorway. The western room had a cobbled pavement in the north side of the room and an oven opposite a doorway leading to a second room. Pottery sherds and fragments of a chalk bowl were found next to the oven. The building had two occupational phases represented by an earlier cross-wall. Building B consisted of a short span of the east-west wall and part of the north south cross-wall. The western part of the building was eroded and the paving of the western room ended abruptly as the modern surface of the tel droped to a lower elevation than that of the paving. A part of the southern wall of Building C was excavated and evidence on its continuation to the east and a northern cross-wall was obtained. Leibowitz concluded that the Late Roman/Byzantine buildings were small and generally consisted of two cobbled rooms. Two streets were reconstructed according to the position of the structures, an east-west street separated Buildings A and C and another east-west street separated Buildings A and B. A structure identified as miqve consisted of five steps descending a total 1.5 m into a large rectangular basin, 1.7 x 1.2 m in size. All surfaces were white plastered.

Plan of the miqve after H Liebowitz 1981 ‘Excavations at Tel Yin’am: The 1976 and 1977 Seasons: Preliminary Report’ BASOR 243, 90 Site Name: Yoqne’am Site Number: 180 Location: The Carmel, map coordinates 1604.2289. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavations. Type of Site: Small Village Description: The site covers an area of 10,000 squ. m. The surface of the site sloped steeply from south to north and was terraced. There were very few excavated structures from the Byzantine phase in Yoqne’am. Description of Religious Structures: Possibly, a church existed in Yoqne’am between the fourth and seventh centuries AD. There was a mausoleum of the Roman phase incorporated into the first (Byzantine) and second (Crusader) church as a crypt in the eastern part of the building. The excavation under the Crusader church 366 Folk R. and Valastro S. ‘A successful technique for dating mortar in carbon 14’ Journal of Field Archaeology 3 203-208. The validity of this method might be questioned.

232

Appendix Three: Site Catalogue

monastery and several more around the monastery. Enlarged and plastered natural caves made up the cisterns. An olive-press was located in the southern part of the monastery, constructed of two parts. In the southwest there was a crushing apparatus and east of it a circular rock-cut surface, with a rock-cut channel leading to a rectangular hole. Next to the oil-press a store of cooking and storing vessels dated to the Byzantine phase was found. There were many cross decorations on architectural elements from the monastery. There were walls with an inner face of small stones, plastered and an outer face of ashlar blocks. Across a plastered path east of the monastery, there was a large building which contained baths. The baths were 10 x 10 m and included a stoke-room, a caldarium and frigidarium. The stoke-room included two rectilinear areas of mortar laid on the rock floor. The hypocaust was rectangular with square and semi-circular niches. Square tiles made up both the floor and the ceiling of the hypocaust. There was a cistern in the western part of the building. Near the baths to the east was a mortar floor with five embedded Byzantine jars with their necks cut off and holding a large quantity of olive pips. The complex had rough stone walls. A plastered alley separated a large complex from the church. Its width was 2.5 m. The complex was spread over 400 squ. m and was square (measuring 15 x 15 m), ending to the south in a large courtyard and a water cistern. A rectangular building (12 x 7 m), orientated north-south, was built on the northwest area of the eastern wall of the square structure. A storeroom was excavated in the northeast part of the complex. Another bath had a stoke-room, a hypocaust, a caldarium and a tepidarium. The brick hypocaust had round pipes (material unspecified in report) and was 1.5 m deep. The caldarium was 4 x 8 m, it was paved with white mosaics. The frigidarium was also rectangular and paved with mosaics. In its southwest corner there was a built bathing pool, one m high and wide and 0.60 m deep. A large cistern was located in a nearby structure. There were many industrial installations in the settlement, mainly oil- and wine-presses and a large farmhouse with a pool and a wine-press at the periphery of the site. There were cemeteries around the settlement. Religious Structures: The church in the centre of the settlement was a basilica. It measured 28 x 15.30 m, the atrium was five m wide and so was the narthex. Entry into the church was from the narthex, by two side entrances. Three steps led into the church from the north. There was a single main entrance in the atrium and the narthex. Entry into the hall was through three openings from the narthex. There was a cistern at the western wall of the atrium, it was first paved with white mosaics and stone slabs covered it at a later phase. During this phase, a wall divided the atrium in two. The apse was in the eastern end with a room flanking it on either side. The atrium was paved with white mosaics but the rest of the floors were paved with elaborate polychrome mosaics that included a Greek inscription. North of the northern entrance to the narthex there were two rooms and a vestibule, indicating, according to Fisher, a second phase. There were ceramic tiles on the floor.

indicated that the Crusaders partially used an earlier Byzantine church as foundations for their walls. An apse was clearly discernable, as were the foundations of two square rooms to either side of the apse, as well as a wall separating the northern aisle from the nave. Two columns may also have belonged to the Byzantine church. There were early walls in the eastern and western ends of the building. Scattered tesserae may have indicated the existence of a mosaic floor. Dating Evidence: See ‘Dating for Religious Structures’. Dating for Religious Structures: No dating available. Previous study: 1881-83 Condor, Kitchener; 1977-1988 Ben-Tor Bibliographical references: Ben-Tor A. Avissar M. Portugali Y. 1996 Yoqne’am I - The Late phases (Qedem Reports) Jerusalem Plan(s):

Plan of the Byzantine church after Ben-Tor A. and Rosenthal R. 1978 ‘Yokneam et Environs’ RB 85, 100 Site Name: Zichrin, Horbat Site Number: 181 Location: Western Samaria, map coordinates 1466.1634. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavations Type of Site: Village Description: The site covered an area of 30,000 squ. m and included a monastery. This measured 35 x 25 m and also included a courtyard surrounded by rooms and industrial installations. Entry into the complex was from the north. From the entrance there was access to the western rooms or to a large hall, paved with mosaics in the east. The courtyard measured 9 x 8 m, surrounded by columns with four corner pillars that carried arches. In the west there were six rooms and an underground rockcut room, accessed by stairs, which stretched underneath the entire western wing of the monastery. Two large circular openings in the ceiling of the room enabled access from the rooms above directly to the underground space. In the eastern part of the courtyard, a two column passage led to a room containing a cistern with an arched opening. Along the wall, a pipe carried the water drained from the roof. There were three more cisterns in the 233

E. Ribak: Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina

m and Hall 2 3.5 x 7.5 m. They had solid stone walls and stone paved floors. There was a large subterranean complex underneath the building. The excavators identified two building phases: Phase A – a hall (7.2 x 13.2 m in size) had a polychrome mosaic floor with a Greek inscription. There were two rows of curved stone benches with ashlar ‘footstools’ built along the walls, apart from the west wall. Narrow rooms with plastered floors extended on both sides of the hall, one in the south and probably two in the north. In Phase B, a small apse (1.8 m in radius) was integrated into the east wall of the hall, replacing the benches. There was a pair of chancel screens in front of the apse. The building had an atrium with a plastered floor and a cistern in the centre. There was a mosaic pavement in the northwest and south and a miqve three m north of the synagogue. It was paved with white mosaics and there were three steps across the bath. Description of Religious Structures: There was a Byzantine-period monastery measuring 30 x 20 m with a central courtyard (8 x 12 m) surrounded by rooms, with entry from the north. The west wing of the monastery included an oil-press. The oil-press included a vestibule and a crushing room. There were two additional rooms with screw-pressing apparatus. In the south wing of the monastery the rooms were plastered and had flagstone floors. There were four to five interconnected subterranean spaces under the monastery, with four to six plastered rooms (2 x 2 m), reached by a rock-cut staircase in the north of the monastery. A public building adjoined the monastery on the southeast on a higher terrace. The excavators identified it as a Samaritan synagogue, orientated west-east towards Mount Grizim. It had a large, mosaic-paved, square courtyard 14 x 14 m, which had a cistern and a drainage system in the centre. The synagogue’s narthex was paved with a 3.5 m wide white mosaic floor. Its hall measured 16.5 x 15 m and had three entrances in its western wall and a small apse built of fine ashlar in the eastern wall. There was a polychrome mosaic with a Greek inscription in the east and four columns, a limestone capital and roof tiles in the hall. Dating Evidence: Ayalon and his co-authors dated Phase A to the fourth- or fifth-century and Phase B to the sixthcentury, but no stratigraphic or any other dating evidence was reported. The layout and components of the winepress were considered to date it to the Byzantine period and pottery found on the floor suggested use up to the eighth-century. Dating for Religious Structures: The monastery was built in the sixth-century and was abandoned only in the eighth-century according to the excavators. They say that the synagogue dated to the fourth to fifth centuries, but no dating evidence was reported. Previous study: 1989-1991 Ayalon Bibliographical references: Magen Y. 1993 ‘Samaritan Synagogues’ in Manns F. and Alliata E. (eds.) Early Christianity in Context Jerusalem, 193-230; Ayalon E. Neidinger W. and Matthews E. 1989/1990 ‘Horvat Migdal’, ESI 9, 137-138; Ayalon E. Neidinger W. and Matthew E. 1991 ‘Horvat Migdal, (Zur natan) - 1990’ ESI 10, 114-115; Ayalon E. Neidinger W. and Matthews E. 1993 ‘Zur natan (Horvat Migdal)’ ESI 13, 45-46 Plan(s): Unavailable

Dating Evidence: Ceramics and coins in the foundations of the monastery dated to the second half of the fourthcentury. The excavators concluded that the building dated to the first half of the fifth-century, yet the finds in the foundations provided only a Terminus Post Quem of the second half of the fourth-century. Dating for Religious Structures: Coins and pottery found under the floors of the narthex and the apse indicated to the excavator that construction started in the first half of the fifth-century and that the second phase took place in the second half of the fifth-century or the sixth-century. Previous study: 1982-1985 Fisher Bibliographical references: ,72-71 ‫פישר מ' תשל"ד 'החפירות בחורבת זיכרין' קדמוניות י"ח‬ 40-36 ,‫; פישר מ' תשנ"ג 'חורבת זיכרין' חא צ"ט‬121-112 Plan(s):

General plan from 113 ,‫פישר מ' תשל"ד 'החפירות בחורבת זיכרין' קדמוניות י"ח‬ Site Name: Zur Natan (Khirbet Majdal, Horbat Migdal) Site Number: 182 Location: The Sharon, map coordinates 1508.1832. Type of Study: Multi-focus Excavation. Type of Site: Monastery and Samaritan (?) synagogue. Description: The excavated area consisted of an oil-press with a round grooved stone and below it a collecting vat and screw-weight. There was a Byzantine wine-press paved with mosaics. It had a threading surface measuring 6.5 x 7 m with a hollow for the screw in the centre and two collecting vats with steps and settling pits. There were also two surfaces with a small mosaicpaved collecting pit. There was a building in Area B2 at the south of the site. The building was a complex of halls and rooms. The halls were orientated east-west. Hall 1 measured 2 x 11 234