Reframing The Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, And Representation 3030224473, 9783030224479, 9783030224486

Table of contents :
Foreword......Page 5
Preface......Page 7
Contents......Page 9
Chapter 1: Reframing the Vernacular and Other Tales......Page 12
1.1.2 Commodification......Page 13
1.1.3 Memory and Practices of Everyday Life......Page 14
1.1.4 The Sphere of the Spiritual and the Ecological......Page 15
1.1.5 Reinventing Self and Rewriting History......Page 16
1.2.1 Colonial Vernacularism......Page 17
1.2.2 Postcolonial Re-turn: Modernist Popular Vernacularism......Page 18
1.2.3 The New Order’s Reversal......Page 19
1.3 Reframing the Vernacular......Page 21
References......Page 22
Chapter 2: Landfill Vernacular......Page 24
2.1 The Need for Affordable Housing......Page 25
2.2 Living in Contested Spaces......Page 26
2.3 Bantar Gebang: The Main Landfill of Jakarta......Page 27
2.4 Meaning of Vernacular and the Case for Landfill Vernacular......Page 30
2.5 BGBJ and the “Appetite for Construction”......Page 35
2.6 Opportunities and Barriers for Landfill Vernacular......Page 37
2.6.2 Working with Waste Producers to Create Better Materials......Page 38
2.7 Conclusions......Page 40
References......Page 41
Chapter 3: ‘Bale Kulkul’ Architecture as the Representation of Balinese Autonomy Tradition......Page 42
3.1 Introduction......Page 43
3.2.1 The Tradition of Autonomy in Puri......Page 44
3.2.2 The Tradition of Autonomy in Desa Adat......Page 45
3.2.3 The Tradition of Autonomy in Banjar Adat......Page 46
3.3.1 The Representation of the Tradition of Autonomy of Bale Kulkul Adat Depicted Through Building Use......Page 47
3.3.1.1 Application of Building Function Aspect in Bale Kulkul Adat in Puri, Pura, and Bale banjar......Page 48
3.3.2.1 Ornamental Diversity of the Bale Kulkul Used in Puri, Pura and Bale Banjar......Page 49
3.3.3 The Representation of the Tradition of Autonomy of Bale Kulkul Adat in Terms of Site Conditions......Page 50
3.4 Conclusion......Page 51
References......Page 52
4.1 Introduction......Page 53
4.2 Piano Burning as Performance Practice......Page 54
4.4 The Distribution of the Sensible......Page 57
4.5 Cultural Burn: The Event......Page 58
4.6 Cultural Burn: An Acoustic Ecology......Page 61
References......Page 63
Chapter 5: The Effects ‘Share-Economy’ Based Accommodation Service on Vernacular Settlement (Case Study: Yogyakarta’s Sultanate Palace Complex)......Page 65
5.1.1 Airbnb and the Share-Economy Form of Accommodation......Page 66
5.2 Methodology......Page 67
5.3.2 Gentrification and How It Changes the Neighbourhood......Page 68
5.4 Data Collection and Findings......Page 70
5.5 Discussion......Page 71
References......Page 73
Chapter 6: The Shift of Symbolic Meaning of Joglo Houses for People in Brayut Tourism Village......Page 75
6.2 Overview of Brayut Village......Page 76
6.3 Method......Page 77
6.4.1 The Shift of Symbolic Meaning in Joglo 1......Page 78
6.4.3 The Shift of Symbolic Meaning in Joglo 3......Page 79
References......Page 84
Chapter 7: Designing for Vernacular Landscape Through Ecosystem-Approach: A Case of Floating Settlements at Dal Lake, Kashmir......Page 85
7.2 The Context......Page 86
7.2.1 Actors Within the Ecosystem......Page 87
7.4.1 Regenerative Environments of Fish Markets......Page 89
7.4.2 Making Aquatic Weed Useful......Page 90
7.4.3 Organization of Craft Workshops......Page 91
References......Page 92
8.1 Introduction......Page 94
8.2 The Community of Bali Aga......Page 95
8.3 The Journey of the Pengotan People......Page 96
8.4 The Religious and Social Life......Page 97
8.5 The Making of Place......Page 98
8.5.1 The Place for Living......Page 99
8.5.2 The Place for Worshipping......Page 100
8.5.3 The Architecture and the Making of Place......Page 101
8.6 Conclusion......Page 103
References......Page 104
9.1 Introduction: Revisiting Vernacular Architecture from Builders Roles......Page 105
9.2 Minangkabau Vernacular Architecture: Rumah Gadang and the Tukangs......Page 106
9.3 Tukang Tuo: An Approach to the Case......Page 108
9.4.1 Re-stating the Existence of Kaum......Page 110
9.4.2 The Reviving of Local Building Knowledge......Page 111
9.4.3 Establishing Local Builders Networking......Page 113
References......Page 114
10.1 Introduction......Page 115
10.2 Baiga Tribe......Page 116
10.4 Methodology......Page 118
10.5.1 Settlement......Page 119
10.5.2 Spatial Organization......Page 120
10.5.4 Flooring......Page 122
10.5.5 Walls......Page 123
10.5.6 Roofs......Page 124
10.5.7 Doors......Page 125
10.5.8 Windows......Page 127
10.5.9 Plaster......Page 129
10.5.10 Compound Wall......Page 130
10.6 Discussion......Page 131
10.7 Findings......Page 132
References......Page 133
Chapter 11: Meaning, Time, Communication: Reflecting on the “Aceh Method” and Vernacular......Page 135
11.1 Introduction......Page 136
11.1.1.1 VERNADOC......Page 138
11.1.1.2 Photography......Page 141
11.1.1.3 Virtual Worlds......Page 143
11.1.2 Meaning, Time and Communication Value in/of the Vernacular......Page 144
11.1.2.2 The Researcher......Page 147
11.2 Conclusion......Page 148
References......Page 149
Chapter 12: Identity Representation and Conflict Prevention in Community Mosques of Malang Raya, East Java, Indonesia......Page 151
12.1 Introduction......Page 152
12.2 Community Mosques and the Patterns of Identity Representation: Between Affirmation and Disaffirmation......Page 153
12.2.2 Disaffirming Identity......Page 155
12.3 The Socio-Political Context of Mosques and the Patterns of Identity Representation......Page 159
12.4 Conclusion......Page 162
References......Page 163
13.1 Introduction......Page 164
13.2 Theory......Page 165
13.3 Method......Page 166
13.4 Discussion......Page 167
References......Page 177
Chapter 14: Coping Strategies in Vernacular Architecture: Adaptation and Adjustment for Contemporary Needs at Pinggan Village, Kintamani, Bali......Page 179
14.2 Human Coping Strategy in Built Environment......Page 180
14.3 Research Method......Page 181
14.4.2 Adaptation and Adjustment for Children Comfort......Page 182
References......Page 184
Chapter 15: Vernacularity and Place: Re-presentation of Fishing Huts of Bahrain at the Venice Biennale......Page 185
15.1.1 Vernacularity......Page 186
15.1.2 Historical Vernacularity and Contemporary Vernacularity......Page 187
15.2 Vernacularity and Place......Page 190
15.3 Research Methodology......Page 191
15.4.1 Fishing Huts......Page 192
15.4.2 Fishing Huts, Sea Life, Fear and Nostalgia......Page 195
15.5 Conclusions: Vernacularity and Place......Page 199
References......Page 201
Chapter 16: Relation of Binary Opposition Structure (Rwa-Bhineda) Mount-Ocean: A Case Study on Cultural Heritage of Pura Batukaru-Pakendungan/Tanah Lot in the Perspective of Ecofeminism in Bali......Page 204
16.1 Introduction......Page 205
16.2 Research Methods......Page 206
16.3.1 Characteristic of the Binary Opposition Structure (Rwa-Bhineda) According to Traditional Balinese Culture......Page 207
16.3.2 Meaning of Ecofeminism Wisdom of Binary Opposition of Mount-Ocean (Batukaru-Pakendungan/Tanah Lot)......Page 209
16.3.3 Actualization of Ecofeminism Wisdom of Mount-Ocean Binary Opposition in the Development of Bali......Page 213
References......Page 216
17.1 Introduction......Page 218
17.2 Literature Review......Page 219
17.4 Results and Discussions......Page 221
17.4.1 The Reclamation Project Perceived as the Menaces in the Social Capital of the Local Community......Page 222
17.4.2 Lack of Awareness on the Conservation Programs Among the Local Community......Page 226
17.5 Conclusion......Page 227
References......Page 228
18.1 Introduction......Page 230
18.2 Literature Review......Page 231
18.3 Methodology......Page 232
18.4 Site Studies: The Traditional Malay Settlement in Kuala Terengganu......Page 233
18.5.2 Spatial Pattern and Boundaries as Social Perimeter......Page 234
18.5.3 Public Spaces as Social Bonding Spaces......Page 236
18.5.4 Landscape Environment and Architectural Significance as a Good Social Environment......Page 237
18.6 Discussions......Page 240
18.7 Conclusion......Page 241
References......Page 242
19.1 Introduction......Page 244
19.2 Literature Review......Page 246
19.3 Research Method......Page 248
19.4.1 Pulau Belimbing......Page 250
19.4.2 Sipungguk......Page 251
19.4.3 Rumbio......Page 252
References......Page 254
20.1 Introduction......Page 256
20.2 Cultural Acculturation......Page 257
20.4 Keraton Kasepuhan of Cirebon......Page 258
20.5 Result and Discussion......Page 260
20.6 Conclusion......Page 264
References......Page 265
21.1 Introduction......Page 266
21.2 Research Method......Page 267
21.3 Case Study: Kathmandu Valley......Page 268
21.4.1 Form of the Sites......Page 270
21.4.2 Activity of the Sites......Page 272
21.4.3 Image of the Sites......Page 273
References......Page 275

Citation preview

Gusti Ayu Made Suartika · Julie Nichols Editors

Reframing the Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, and Representation

Reframing the Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, and Representation

Gusti Ayu Made Suartika  •  Julie Nichols Editors

Reframing the Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, and Representation

Editors Gusti Ayu Made Suartika Masters Program in Architecture and Development & Planning Udayana University Denpasar, Bali, Indonesia

Julie Nichols School of Art, Architecture and Design, Vernacular Knowledge Research Group University of South Australia Adelaide, SA, Australia

ISBN 978-3-030-22447-9    ISBN 978-3-030-22448-6 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22448-6 © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Foreword

Vernacular architecture is contextual and particular in respect to place, geography and culture. Vernacular buildings and settlements involve uses of local resources, respond to local climate and produce regional and local identities. Rapid development, uncontrolled growth, urbanization and other forces of change have profound impacts on vernacular architecture. The challenges that face vernacular architecture are many. They range from commodification of culture through the use of vernacular building forms and appropriations of traditional materials by the tourist industry to mindless imitations of vernacular building elements so as to invent national or regional identities. As we become more global we also face the challenge of how to conserve, preserve and sustain local vernacular building practices and unique regional architectural and settlement characteristics. Within this context of continuity and change, discourses pertaining to the role and uses of vernacular architecture in terms of political contexts, meaning, and representation have not been adequately addressed as “themes” within contemporary conversations on vernacular architecture. The First International Conference on Cultural Communication and Space (ICCCS) and the Ninth International Conference on Vernacular Settlements (ISVS) held at the Department of Architecture, Udayana University in Bali, Indonesia, November 28–29, 2018, brought together scholars and professionals from a wide variety of disciplines to participate in an international dialogue involving these less developed themes. Framed within the context of “vernacularity” and “culture” the conference attracted a wide range of scholars and professionals from a variety of disciplines to collectively focus on two areas. The first was our understanding of vernacularity in the context of “globalization, cross-disciplinarity, and development.” The second was to discuss how “vernacularity has been treated, used, employed, manipulated, practiced, maintained, learned, reconstructed, preserved and conserved, at the level of individual and community experience.”

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Foreword

Papers presented by participants in the conference addressed topics categorized into the following sub-themes: • • • • • • • • • •

Transformation in the vernacular built environment Vernacular architecture and representation The meaning of home Symbolic intervention and interpretation of vernacularity The semiotics of place The politics of ethnicity and settlement Global tourism and its impacts on vernacular settlement Vernacular built form and aesthetics Technology and construction in vernacular built forms Vernacular language – writing and oral traditions

This book is a collection of papers from the conference. The scholarly writings and research investigations that make up this book represent a rich tapestry of case studies, points of view, arguments and readings that examine and reframe the complexities the vernacular within the frameworks of politics, semiotics, and representation. Together, the chapters in this book present a multi-disciplinary and international discourse about the place, relevance, perceptions, transformations and contemporary usefulness of vernacular built environments. Department of Architecture Texas Tech University Lubbock, TX, USA

Joseph Aranha [email protected]

Preface

The word vernacular is widely circulated. The Oxford English Dictionary defines the word as “the language or dialect spoken by ordinary people in a particular country or region”, or in regard to the built environment, vernacular implies “architecture concerned with domestic and functional rather than monumental buildings”. The use of the word vernacular has also been extended generically to embrace vernacular music, vernacular sport, vernacular crafts, vernacular literature, vernacular art, vernacular modernism, etc. In so doing, a variety of academic disciplines have become involved, to include architecture, anthropology, linguistics, cultural studies, and other regions of academic endeavour. Paradoxically, language itself also reveals other problems – some cultures do not have a word for vernacular and interpret implied meanings differently. We cannot even assume that an agreed cross-cultural meaning exists – some languages do not have the word vernacular in their dictionaries. So vernacular has an immense range of meanings and contexts. Possibly, its widest use is in the area of vernacular architecture, a subject already explored in great depth. The purpose of this conference is to investigate three lesser developed themes: The first is the political context of vernacular subjects (such as architecture). The second addresses meaning in the vernacular. The third deals with how the vernacular is presented and represented. But we also know that these three regions overlap in complex ways and address a wide variety of themes. We seek to address such complexity by focussing on the interstices between subjects rather than on individual subjects such as architecture, culture, language, art, or design. The word vernacular also conveys a state of being native, original, and contextual to geography and places. In many locations, it embraces entire environments, their art, culture, and the very existence of indigenous societies. How the word is to be comprehended is a moot point, but how a vernacular existence is to be understood and accommodated by postmodernity is a herculean task involving debate at an archaeology of levels. Hence, “vernacularity” is also part of the global equation. It has been a source of political and social conflict and dispute for decades over issues such as the survival of indigenous communities in places like Australia. The commodification of people and places, the strategy of global tourism, has deep vii

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impacts on vernacular life, its customs, traditions, aspirations, and sensibilities. Accepting the inevitability of globalisation and its universal impacts on local cultures, we need to go no further than the conference venue in Bali to witness its effects. Here, we can observe the erosion of traditions, the designation of traditional villages as tourist destinations, the establishment of World Heritage Sites, and overall the redeployment of urban meaning to focus on the global over the local. Given the complexity of the above situation, it is the prime goal of this conference to reflect this context and to invite participants from a wide variety of disciplines to participate in an international dialogue on “vernacularity” and culture. The conference therefore seeks to concentrate on two major domains. First, it attempts to reframe our understanding of vernacularity by addressing the subject in the context of globalisation, cross-disciplinarity, and development. Second, it discusses the phenomenon of how vernacularity has been treated, used, employed, manipulated, practiced, maintained, learned, reconstructed, preserved, and conserved at the level of individual and community experience. We therefore invite scholars from a wide variety of knowledge fields to participate in enriching and engaging discussions as to how both agendas can be addressed. This international gathering has been initiated collaboratively by the Centre for Cultural Communication and Space (CCCS), the Research Centre for Smart City, Tropical Engineering-Architecture Program, and Master’s Program in Architecture of Udayana University, the University of South Australia and its Vernacular Knowledge Research Group (VKRG), and the International Society for Vernacular Settlement (ISVS). This event is also following the successful conduct of the 8th ISVS International Conference by the Department of Architecture of Hasanudin University in Makassar, Sulawesi, in 2016. This international conference involved four keynote speakers including Emeritus Professor Anthony Reid (Australian National University, Australia), Emeritus Professor John Lang (University of New South Wales, Australia), Professor Abidin Kusno (York University, Canada), and Professor Ramesh Biswas (Austria). It has produced publications in the form of conference proceedings and journal articles. This scholarly work published by Springer represents the first category. Denpasar, Indonesia Adelaide, Australia May 2019

Gusti Ayu Made Suartika Julie Nichols

Contents

1 Reframing the Vernacular and Other Tales������������������������������������������    1 Abidin Kusno 2 Landfill Vernacular����������������������������������������������������������������������������������   13 John Devlin 3 ‘Bale Kulkul’ Architecture as the Representation of Balinese Autonomy Tradition��������������������������������������������������������������������������������   31 Christina Gantini 4 Cultural Burning and the Interstices of Two Vernacular Cultural Forms����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   43 Campbell Drake 5 The Effects ‘Share-Economy’ Based Accommodation Service on Vernacular Settlement (Case Study: Yogyakarta’s Sultanate Palace Complex)����������������������������������������������������������������������   55 Trias Mahendarto 6 The Shift of Symbolic Meaning of Joglo Houses for People in Brayut Tourism Village ����������������������������������������������������������������������   65 Purwanto Hadi, Vincentia Reni Vitasurya, and Eduardus Kevin Pandu 7 Designing for Vernacular Landscape Through Ecosystem-Approach: A Case of Floating Settlements at Dal Lake, Kashmir������������������������������������������������������������������������������   75 Tanya Talwar and Sanjeev Singh 8 Place Making and Ordering Life. Case Study: The Bali Aga Village, Pengotan��������������������������������������������������������������   85 Himasari Hanan and Dwinik Winawangsari

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9 Identifying Local Builders’ Roles in Physical Transformation of Minangkabau’s Rumah Gadang ��������������������������������������������������������   97 Feni Kurniati, Hafsah Salamah, and Sri Suryani 10 Transformation in Vernacular Architecture of Baiga Tribe of Central India����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  107 Shikha Patidar, Brishbhanlali Raghuwanshi, and Sonal Tiwari 11 Meaning, Time, Communication: Reflecting on the “Aceh Method” and Vernacular ������������������������������������������������������������  127 Julie Nichols and Darren Fong 12 Identity Representation and Conflict Prevention in Community Mosques of Malang Raya, East Java, Indonesia��������������  143 Yulia Eka Putrie and Widjaja Martokusumo 13 Transformation Versus Preservation of Vernacular Architecture in Bali: A Lesson from Bali Aga Villages������������������������  157 Tri Anggraini Prajnawrdhi 14 Coping Strategies in Vernacular Architecture: Adaptation and Adjustment for Contemporary Needs at Pinggan Village, Kintamani, Bali�����������������������������������������������������������  173 Antonius Karel Muktiwibowo and Made Wina Satria 15 Vernacularity and Place: Re-presentation of Fishing Huts of Bahrain at the Venice Biennale ������������������������������������������������  179 Ranjith Dayaratne 16 Relation of Binary Opposition Structure (Rwa-Bhineda) Mount-Ocean: A Case Study on Cultural Heritage of Pura Batukaru-Pakendungan/Tanah Lot in the Perspective of Ecofeminism in Bali����������������������������������������������������������������������������  199 I. Nyoman Wardi 17 Preventive Measures and Formulas for the Sustainability of Vernacular Settlements in Malaysia��������������������������������������������������  213 Nor Zalina Harun, Nur ‘Adilah Hassan, and Noordeyana Tambi 18 Physical Attributes Significant in Preserving the Social Sustainability of the Traditional Malay Settlement������������������������������  225 Nor Zalina Harun, Najiha Jaffar, and Puteri Shireen Jahn Kassim 19 Revisiting the Minangkabau Traditional House in the Central Area of Sumatra: The Case of Limapuluh Koto and Bangkinang����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  239 Muhammar Khamdevi

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20 The Influence of Cultural Acculturation on Architecture Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon��������������������������������������������������������������������  251 S. Anggraeni Dyah and Farhan Kahirillah Zein 21 Transformation of Traditional Vernacular Settlements: Lessons from the Kathmandu Valley ����������������������������������������������������  261 Chandani KC, Sadasivam Karuppannan, and Alpana Sivam

Chapter 1

Reframing the Vernacular and Other Tales Abidin Kusno

Abstract  To reframe the vernacular to address issues around politics, semiotics and representation is to demand multiple actors on opposite sites to address their interests and concerns over the physical environment and its contradictory forces. This chapter consists of two parts. The first part teases out five spheres of inquiry: power of the state, forces of capitalism, practices of everyday life, the propensity of religion and ecology, and the reconstitution of identity. It shows how these spheres shape multiple actors who in turn shape their interaction producing thus the vernacular as the site of contestation. The second part uses Indonesian history as an illustrative example of how the vernacular could be studied politically as a site of contestation. Keywords  State · Commodity · Everyday · History · Politics · Contestation · Popular · Official · Kampung · Colonial · Postcolonial It seems clear to everyone that Indonesia (if Bali can be its representative) has a rich building heritage. And it perhaps feels more Indonesian to say that the rich building heritage includes the vernacular environment is (always) with us along with its wisdom and potential for surviving into the future. It follows that we tend to think that the vernacular is not only always with us, but is always the same: the same object with the same interested people who think the same thoughts. As such we tend to ignore that the vernacular is a product of time and place in a context of power relations that are not unchanging. This paper starts with some of the things I have learned about the term “vernacular” and how it might be productively analyzed through a set of inquiries. Then, something about locating it in a time and space, in a context, which then is about periodization. And if we talk about periodization, we are talking about a break, a shift or a rupture in giving meaning to the “vernacular.” And finally, there is the A. Kusno (*) Faculty of Environmental Studies, York University, Toronto, ON, Canada e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 G. A. M. Suartika, J. Nichols (eds.), Reframing the Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, and Representation, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22448-6_1

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A. Kusno

question of how to give a political frame to the vernacular. This means to address the term in a context of a struggle for recognition, inclusion and survival.

1.1  C  oming to Term with the Vernacular: Five Spheres of Inquiry From my research, I couldn’t find the use of the term “vernacular” in Indonesian architectural writings before the 2000s [1]. The term was never used until quite recently. None of the workshops or conferences on Indonesian architecture in the 1980s and 1990s used the term vernacular [2]. The most commonly used term was “traditional” such as in traditional houses (rumah tradisional). It may be interesting to ask why the term vernacular was only starting to be used in the 2000s and not earlier, when the object that the term refers to is largely the same: “traditional houses,” “living houses” and so on. Perhaps there is something about the new millennium that has given rise to the use of the term vernacular?

1.1.1  The Politics of the State I suspect the emergence of the “vernacular” (in place of the traditional) in Indonesia today is associated with the feeling about the arrival of a new time. The notion of “tradition” or the “traditional” is seen as belonging to the previous era when politics and culture of the state intersected. As I will discuss in further detail, both colonial and postcolonial states sought to prolong its occupancy of power through identification, mediation and appropriation of the “traditional” [3]. Particular built forms, identified as “traditional” were preserved for colonial project of modernity and postcolonial nation-state building. This cultural politics of the state underscores the constructed nature of traditional/vernacular built environment in the service of political and economic interests. The collapse of Suharto’s regime (1966–1998) has resulted in the devolution of power and funding to the provinces, which in turn has given rise to the reassertion of local identities and new claims of traditionality. It is not clear if the new era of decentralization promotes the use of the term “vernacular” to differentiate the new era from the old time, but politics continues to play a role in the production of architecture and the meaning invested in it.

1.1.2  Commodification Be that as it may, today we see more and more architects and architecture historians using the term vernacular. Some are quick to differentiate the “vernacular” from the “traditional”. They think that the vernacular is more capable of dealing with time,

1  Reframing the Vernacular and Other Tales

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with change, and more open to innovation, whereas the traditional refers only to a timeless heritage subjected to preservation. They feel that the vernacular overcomes the impasse of the binary opposition of the modern and the traditional. For them, tradition + innovation = vernacular. This I think is where architects are involved in the continuous “invention of tradition”. They work with local governments to re-tool what has been identified as vernacular environment from the perspective of branding, heritage industries and competition in global economy [4]. This also suggests that the speeding up of time in capitalist modernization has not only led to the destruction of vernacular environment, instead the latter survives in and through commodification and consumption generated by international tourism. In this sense, the preservation of vernacular built forms (or the adaptation of them for contemporary use) is secured by the condition that is different from that under which the buildings were originally constructed. The reconstruction of the vernacular carries simultaneous creative destruction and construction associated with capitalist globalization.

1.1.3  Memory and Practices of Everyday Life The two sets of force fields identified above, that is, the authority of the state and the power of capitalism constitute a “form of dominance” that both destroy and reconstruct the vernacular. On the other hand, the increasing acknowledgement of the term vernacular is due to the question of how power works to exclude subalterns or marginalized populations. Postcolonial studies, for instance, asks questions about whose vernacular are being embraced, for whom knowledge or culture is produced and who benefits or suffers from its application. Yet, if the built environment represents power and its socio-political structure, it also carries with it fissures or contradictions that can be exploited by the disaffected. The vernacular environment can be conceived as a constructed life of (once) marginalized communities (e.g. indigenous people) as a refuge from the violence of the public domain dominated by settlers’ ways of life. The preservation of urban and cultural landscape is in part an effort to make place for memories against displacement and discrimination (See Hayden, Jacobs). In such cases, the vernacular is linked more to the present struggle than to any past associated with a handling down of a tradition from the past to the present. The evocation of place and memory situates the vernacular in a site of contestation. Such reframing of the vernacular has broadened the field to cover the uneven geography of the urban which once only known to planning and international development. The realities of ­marginalization in the everyday life of people in “shanty towns,” “irregular settlements”, and kampung have become issues that matter to the field of vernacular architecture. For those who embrace this expanded field of the vernacular, it seems to be for at least three reasons. First, the vernacular serves to acknowledge the non-­ monumental, the popular, the ordinary or the informal as a legitimate expression of

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architecture. Second, it democratizes architecture by acknowledging the agency of (non-architecture) people in building their own built environment. Third, it accepts changes in built form and sees the incremental, the trial and error techniques in building a house, as creativity in design culture. But we could also add a wealth of critical concepts developed in postcolonial urban studies such as “informality,” “occupancy urbanism,” “gray space,” “quiet rebellion,” “subaltern urbanism,” and “spaces of insurgency” to account for the ways in which people are engaged in politics through their everyday life. In this sense, the vernacular is a counter current, an action term capable of presenting new demands and opportunities to ask “who gets what, when and how”. The built environment in its vernacular expression thus can be framed as a material representation of political practices aimed at unsettling power arrangement.

1.1.4  The Sphere of the Spiritual and the Ecological The vernacular is most productive (which means politically useful) when it is constructed out of multiple oppositions: the high and the low, the monumental and the everyday; the center and the periphery. There is however a continuing debate about whether the everyday is ever fully colonized and always already within the framework of the dominant, or it is irreducible to domination and that it can be located somewhere outside the structure of power, and from there it stages counter practices. For this position, the category of the everyday includes embodied experiences, the sensory, the tactile, the spontaneous, and the improvisatory that resist the spectacle industries. In other words, the vernacular in its enduring routine of the everyday life is governed by a different logic that is irreducible to commodification, such as the spiritual, the ethical, the ecological- terms that are conceptualized as somewhat capable of evading the control of capital and the state by virtue of its real or imaginary power. In the context of struggle against injustices, degradation and exploitation, for instances, the spiritual and the ecological is often mobilized on the basis of restoring unity. Here, the ecological and spiritual concepts represent values that could be mobilized for democratic actions against exploitation of environment. For instance, the resistance against reclamation of Tanjung Benoa mobilizes the eco-spiritual ethics of Balinese Hinduism which sees the Island of Bali as “a land of spiritualism where all inhabitants, alive or unanimated, live side by side in harmony” [5, p. 163]. And on this basis, the reclamation of Benoa Bay represents an imposition of ecological injustice. The issue is not about sharing the economic benefit but that the economic gain should be brought about by spirituality (not by any business or developmental logic). Here, the spiritual and the ecological are recollected and mobilized in the context of asymmetries of power. They represent a mode of agency that is both deeply-human and extra-human and thus irreducible to the worldly dominant power and yet they become tangible by collective struggles.

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1.1.5  Reinventing Self and Rewriting History While the vernacular is most productive when it engages with the struggle of the present, its utility is also due to a deep psychic of those (such as Indonesians) who are yearning for rootedness or place-ness that is tied to the construction of selfhood. This factor invites us to look at the vernacular in terms of identity and difference. The notion of vernacular allows a line to be drawn between the self and the other, the insider and the outsider, indigeneity and alien. This alterity, as Ranajit Guha, subaltern studies historian once pointed out, takes its position within a relationship of power. The Latin verna “is the memory of an ancient subjugation which includes a home-born slave” [6]. Guha also notes that in India “‘vernacular’ established itself as a distancing and supremacist sign which marked out its referents, the indigenous languages and cultures, as categorically inferior to those of the West and of England in particular”. And in the system of colonial education, “the initial moment of vernacular history was already incorporated in a hegemonic and masterful view of the past that was not the verna’s own” [6, p. 300]. Guha’s critique is similar to that of Josef Prijotomo, the Indonesian architectural theorist. For Prijotomo, the notion of vernacular stigmatizes certain built environment as it holds others (the architectural, the cultured, or foreign influenced) up as the norm [7]. In this sense, the term reproduces colonialism as the European would be placed at the apex of an architectural hierarchy and the vernacular at the bottom. For Prijotomo, the concept of vernacular suggests an inferior status as it reproduces recolonization of one’s own language by another group speaking a different language. What Prijotomo suggests is that the notion of vernacular makes sense only if we acknowledge the condition of coloniality in our contemporary time. We could also add that the term vernacular homogenizes the diverse structure of subordination and so any undertaking (by anti-colonial nationalist) to retrieve the vernacular as an idealization of pre-colonial society and culture takes the risk of dissolving diversity into a single (national) past. Such critique recalls Indonesia’s own colonial history, but the vernacular also serves as a heuristic device for a search for a layer of culture (or civilization) considered as “authentic,” “indigenous,” or “local” that is assumed to lie underneath layers of external influence. In architectural discussion, we thus heard about the foreign (represented by the “land-based” architecture of walls and stones derived from the tradition of the West, the Indic and the Sinic) and how it is different from the indigenous spatial conception, the “water-based” civilization, the Austronesian living houses and the local cosmopolitanism of “nusantara.” The vernacular thus has developed in tandem with the identification of (local) agency, as in “genius loci” which is inseparable from a more problematic question of origins, and authenticity. What I have indicated so far is that despite the various receptions, the term vernacular is understood as a relational term, and that it makes sense only within a matrix of power relations. In this sense, when the vernacular is understood as “different culture,” “culture at the margin/periphery,” or “oppositional culture,” it could also be appropriated by dominant culture to represent a form of dominance. And, similarly, no dominant culture can exhaust the vernacular.

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Fig. 1.1  Reframing the vernacular

What I am proposing here is to see the vernacular as a site of contestation that the vernacular is not singular, that it operates within a constellation of power relations, as represented by a matrix of five spheres of inquiry (Fig. 1.1). It follows that in this matrix the vernacular gains substance only in certain social formation at particular moment in time. In the following section, by way of illustrating the working of some components in the matrix, I narrate a political history of Indonesian architecture where the vernacular serves as a site of contestation.

1.2  A Tale of Two Vernaculars 1.2.1  Colonial Vernacularism Vernacularism could be said as dating back to the nineteenth century examples of imperialism and have been widely discussed to characterize a strategy of colonization leading up to WWII. For Indonesia, during the first half of the twentieth century, some Dutch architects (such as Henri Maclaine Pont, Thomas Karsten and Vincent van Romondt) were drawn to “traditional architecture” that they found in the colony. They sought to use the construction methods and styles of some of the houses the selected in the archipelago to create a new architectural form [8]. By doing so, they were also in some ways responding to the political climate of the “ethical policy” launched by colonial government. I can only indicate the sharp edge of what I understand by Dutch “ethical policy.” That is the opening, from the 1920s onwards, of a new political agenda by the colonial government to maintain the occupancy of power. The agenda was to encourage the participation of the colonized in developing a distinctive form of cultural modernity, a synthesis of (for our case) the achievement of the “east” and the “west” in architecture. The strategy was to produce “architecture of association” by incorporating elements of indigenous (especially expressive) architectural forms. There have been many studies on these architectural forms, but I would like to emphasize three points, the last of which is most important and yet has not been explored:

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• First, Dutch architects in the early twentieth century had already staged a series of heated debates about “vernacularism” in terms of what part of traditional structures could be counted as “architecture,” what sources were “indigenous” and what counted as “foreign” influences. In other words, they were already talking about categories, identity and identification in their account of Indonesian past and future architectural strategies [9]. • Second, this architectural debate has the effect of creating a category of the high or official vernacular one that passed the architectural evaluation. • Third, around the same time when this was happening, a different kind of vernacular built form, known as kampung, was also coming into the attention of both Dutch and Indonesians. The kampung apparently featured quite importantly in Indonesian anti-colonial literature in the 1920s (during what Takashi Shiraishi called the Age in Motion-zaman pergerakan). For example, in the collection of stories by Indonesian radical, Mas Marco Kortodikromo, kampung was described against the modernity of colonial city (by which Mas Marco was also fascinated), but he mobilized kampung to criticize colonial neglects. For Mas Marco, kampung was as important as other architecture identified by architects. Kampung was where most people (rakyat) lived, and its presence revealed the reluctance of colonial government to tackle housing issues for the rakyat. We could say that Mas Marco was mobilizing “popular” vernacular settlements to address colonial injustices. We could say therefore that, back then in colonial time, there was already contestation about issues of “whose vernacular”? The stage had already been set for us to see the vernacular as a site of contestation. Let me now move on to a brief period between Dutch colonialism and Indonesian Independence that is the period of Japanese military occupation (1942–1945). We tend to ignore or forget this brief period of colonialism, but the kampung environment (or should we now call it the “popular vernacular”) was a central framework for Japanese occupancy of power. Unlike the Dutch, Japan saw in kampung a medium for communicating its intention to win popular authority. Japan’s direct involvement in the organization of the Indonesian kampung neighborhoods and the militarization of everyday life was a strategy of rule that was starkly different from the “indirect rule” of Dutch colonialism. The need for war mobilization demanded Japan to win popular authority by enacting everyday practices of gotong royong (mutual-help) and ronda (night-watch) in the kampung. The Japanese military glorified kampung as the embodiment of Indonesian identity while staging some newly constructed model kampung as the future of liberated Indonesia. To gain popular support, the Japanese military government sought to reverse the Dutch “high vernacularism” by focusing on the kampung vernacular as the signifier of rakyat, the Indonesian people.

1.2.2  Postcolonial Re-turn: Modernist Popular Vernacularism The depth of the Japanese reversal of the representation of power is up for further research, but I think it was profound. Sukarno, the first President, liked to talk about the dark age of Dutch colonialism in contrast to the time of light (which uncon-

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sciously echoed the propaganda of Japan as “the light of Asia”). As soon as the transfer of sovereignty in 1950, the first Housing Congress was held, and it was organized around the “kampung question” and the “healthy houses for the rakyat.” Kampung was immediately a popular subject for it represented the  rakyat, but I don’t mean that kampung itself was favored. It was in fact despised by the political elites. For instance, Vice-President Mohamad Hatta (in 1952) had said, “most people live in a place that looks more like a cow sheds than a house. Such kind of housing is simply not appropriate for an independent and respectful nation” [10]. But the same Hatta also instructed that “the house of people should be made of materials from Indonesia” [11]. What the nationalists did was to establish a common sense that the kampung was a symbol of (Dutch) colonial neglect and that kampung folks were the embodiment of people-nation, and so what was needed for the new nation was modern housing. And the Indonesian nationalists aimed not for a short political agenda (as in the case of the military Japan), but for a long occupancy of power. The nationalists saw in housing, a project for building people-nation. We have here a reworking of popular vernacularism to gain popular authority in the context of decolonization. The value of Indonesian nationalism of Sukarno era was clearly not that of the old aristocracy symbolized by the official vernacular architecture of pendopo or kraton favored by Dutch architects. The postcolonial state was “revolutionary” in that sense that it rejected the high vernacularism of the Dutch colonial era, and by doing so it organized itself around popular vernacularism through a concern about people’s housing. Yet, as indicated above, Indonesian nationalism also gave no hope to vernacular kampung. The postcolonial state was a modernist state which sought to mobilize homegrown resources, from materials to practices of gotong royong, but the aim was to build “a new house for every household.” We can call this effort an expression of “modernist popular vernacularism.”

1.2.3  The New Order’s Reversal Let me move forward to the New Order of Suharto (1965–1998). For Indonesians over 30 years of rule was clearly a complex era because at least some parts, a large piece or tiny bit, of all of us was somewhere inside the New Order project. We embraced development, we wanted progress, we wanted to move up, and for those who lived in Jakarta, they or their parents would want them to leave behind kampung, to be part of real estate civilization, to become “middle class,” to become Indonesian. Behind this aspiration, was a deep transformation of self, of culture and society. For Suharto there was no serious political project, which was not also about dismantling Sukarno’s version of socialist modernity. The political project of Suharto (which grew out of the tragedy of 1965) was organized in opposition to popular revolt. Its violent ascendancy to power had made it difficult to build legitimacy, without major contradiction, on “popular vernacularism” of a socialist blend. It was also clear that the state just could not afford to build a house for each household. What the New Order did was to allow the kampung grow to take advantage of its

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labour supply while preventing it from becoming a political force. This was done by a “cleaning” of kampung through a program to eliminate “communist influence” through education, campaign and surveillance. The working class (or better semi-­ proletariat or workers from informal sectors) would be “permitted” to build their own self-help kampung/urban vernacular dwellings through “gotong royong” and neighborhood organization as far as they did not pose a political threat to the state. This measure has dislodged kampung people from its political subjectivity. It follows that the kampung could be conveniently removed/evicted to make way for development projects. This strategy of rule has turned popular vernacularism (embodied in kampung) into the other “heterotopic” space to be feared, controlled and exploited. It has an impact on the subsequent fate of kampung, as demonstrated in the continuous criminalization, marginalization and eviction of kampong throughout the history of postcolonial cities. What happened to buildings under “high vernacularism,” those associated with what we know today as the non-kampung “traditional architecture” which fascinated Dutch architects but ignored by the early nationalist elites? The high traditional architecture continued to be recognized, according to the government, as a “fine heritage” for they “have a very sophisticated structural system.” They however were put in the past as heritage for “all these buildings are constructed of timber, bamboo and ijuk (whereas) the current trend is for families to move out of these buildings into smaller new houses rather than maintain the large community structure” [11, p.  16]. As early as 1967, in conjunction with the year of international tourism, this “fine building heritage” was preserved as touristic object (obyek wisata) for “cultural wonder.” By the 1970s, the Indonesian government was quite clear in their architectural strategy: “preservation of existing traditional structures and the building of new ones” [11, p. 16]. In postcolonial Suharto, the Beautiful Indonesia in Miniature (TMII), built in 1975, was an example of this state preservation effort. It museumized traditional structures, as an object for display. The curating of high “traditional customary houses” (the rumah adat) to represent the 27 provinces (then included East Timor) in a park created a material for public education and tourism. It also served the need of the state to imagine its territory and diversity in the name of pre-colonial national tradition. Through TMII, the state reinvented the “high vernacular” as a collection of timeless “fine building heritage” to complement the New Order project of development. The official vernacularism of TMII generated interests in traditional architecture among architects. I still remember in the mid-1980s there were series of conferences on “Indonesian architecture” ranging from those that celebrated cultural heritage to those that were critical to the spectacle of traditional forms. Meanwhile outside the conference room, the government promoted imageries of the high vernaculars especially the aristocratic roof of Joglo to be used for government and commercial buildings. As a political symbolism of Suharto regime, Joglo sought to take society backwards, as if the new generation of Indonesians belonged to the old authority. Yet, as in the colonial era, official vernacularism while regressive was essentially a project of “development.” By representing authority and hierarchy via pre-colonial symbolism, the state sought to stabilize its domain, to overcome the social contra-

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diction of development and to prevent popular revolt. This political formation however was inherently unstable but with the help from the military, it achieved some stability and order for few decades. The vernacular was in the grip of the state.

1.3  Reframing the Vernacular What I have presented is a story about vernacular buildings as it is told through a political perspective. If this framing has some value it suggests that the discussion of vernacular architecture (in Indonesia) should not occlude popular settlements, such as kampung, and the larger urban context within which they are located. The field thus would have to be expanded as suggested in the matrix of relationship (Fig. 1.1) to capture the forces that operate in and through the vernacular. Our conceptual framework no doubt is informed by our own subjectivity or positionality. The setting up of two types of vernacular building, each traceable to a class position is deliberate but I hope it serves the objective of framing the vernacular as a site of contestation. We should thus ask what does it mean when the vernacular includes a reference that is filled with tension, as in the uneven creation, maintenance and transformation of categories, the official and the popular? On the one hand, there is an acknowledgement and thus acceptance of the vernacular as an important part of our built environment. But on the other hand, due to politics, the acceptance has become conditional as some limitation on what counts as vernacular is tied to the question of whose vernacular? As far as the story is concerned, I have suggested that the Dutch colonial ethical policy introduced high vernacularism whereas Japan’s military occupation displaced this Dutch political representation by registering the importance of popular vernacularism. The postcolonial nationalists of the Sukarno era reworked further Japan’s popular vernacularism through social housing initiatives. And the New Order of Suharto registered its own epoch by shaping both official and popular vernacularisms to fit its political and economic projects. In the end both the official and the popular are rooted in a past and might dwell unevenly in a future. So, by way of ending let me speculate their political potential, and in doing so, I will draw on some other components in the matrix of relations, especially those concern ambiguities, contradictions and resistances. Let me go back briefly to the time of Suharto. It is important to note that the political arrangement of New Order’s vernacularism had never been coherent. As indicated above, it moved between cultivation and exploitation, containment and dispossession in its relations with the popular vernacular. This contradictory impulse has found its most visible expression in all the capitalist modernization projects in the city where super modernist towers are located side by side or face to face with the kampung. This has made the city an arena of spectacle as much as a site of contestation that ranges from “quiet resistance” to open conflict situations especially when the government decided to remove kampung from its location for development projects. But could the kampung, as the embodiment of the popular vernacular, survive the passage of capitalist time? Such question triggers memories that have not been forgotten. In 1983 in Yogyakarta (at the height of the military regime), the local government intended to evict a kampung along Kali (river) Code. In response, Romo

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Mangunwijaya, an architect, who was also a catholic priest and a community activist, organized a kind of “quite resistance” by “upgrading” the kampung along the banks of Kali Code with colorful painting. We can consider what Romo Mangun did was a kind of semiotic mobilization to stop the government from evicting the poor from their habitat. Today, we can see a loud echo of Romo Mangun’s tactics. The Kampung Pelangi (the rainbow village) in South Semarang for instance has recently caught the attention of tourists (thanks to social media) when the local government set aside a budget to encourage kampung folks to paint their dwellings in at least three colors. This “urban agenda” immediately gained support from communities and business sectors who contributed further to the budget to cover many more kampungs with many more colors. This participatory movement is to save kampung and to generate revenue from tourism seem to enact the power of “popular vernacularism” but it also enjoys the sort of patronage unavailable in Romo Mangun’s time. Kampung Pelang idemands a different way of thinking about the vernacular as the site of contestation as the oppressed (tertindas) is now rewarded or celebrated for its marginality. Kampung Pelangi clearly stands in a particular relation to the way capital and politics work in Indonesia today. The kampung has been ­incorporated into the circuit of capital through tourist industries. It participates in the power arrangement created by the government, but what has happened to Kampung Pelangi is not short of a strategic engagement in a battlefield for the popular vernacular to win a war. The Kampung Pelangi reworks Romo Mangun’s earlier popular vernacularism, but it also represents a new movement. The agents of the vernacular are no longer the government, the architects, the cultural experts or the international organizations who have an office up there or out there. The agents of the vernacular today include komunitas, a multitude of young community organizers, local intellectuals and entrepreneurial activists as well as radicals (who recalls the early twentieth century Mas Marco Kartodikromo of colonial Indonesia) who discover and identify popular vernaculars as carrying potential for social change. The government is working with the multitudes to reframe the vernacular but how such democratization of the vernacular allows us to talk about domination, marginalization, exclusion and resistance, which I think is what makes the study of the vernacular both interesting and important.

References 1. Maybe I need to find more documents, but the earliest I have is from 1989 in the writing by Budi Sukada on architectural typology. Sukada used the term vernacular to refer to the architectural strategy of Mario Botta. The term was only taken up seriously in 2002 through an international conference called “Vernacular Settlement in the New Millennium: Resistance and Resilience of Local Knowledge in Built Environment” organized by University of Indonesia under the leadership of Gunawan Tjahjono who studies at UC Berkeley where Nezar Alsayyad, Dell Upton and Paul Groth were by then already major players in the shaping of discourses around vernacular architecture. 2. The popularity of “vernacular” architecture is tied to the intense economic growth that took place in the West following the end of WWII which has led to the production of society of mass consumption. In the aftermath of the failure of 1968 movements, critics on the left in the

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West began to address the domination of industrial mass production and consumer culture. It gave meaning to Bernard Rudofsky’s exhibition “architecture without architects” which could be said as an effort to criticize the homogenization of built form by the “international style” architecture. Paul Oliver played a key role in popularizing the term. He visited Indonesia in the 1980s to find contributors for his multi-volume studies of vernacular architecture. 3. Existing studies on politics of architecture have shown how the vernacular was exploited for national identity as well as for reinforcing, as in the case of Fascism, the myth of Aryan superiority. 4. AlSayyad, N. (ed): Consuming Tradition, manufacturing Heritage: Global Norms and Urban Forms in the Age of Tourism. Routledge, London (2001). 5. Suwidjana, I., Arivia, G., Dwikartika, G., Lustanto, R.: The eco-spiritual ethics of Balinese Hindus challenged: The case of the reclamation of Benoa Bay. in Budianta, M., et al. (eds). Cultural Dynamics in a Globalized World: Proceedings of the Asia-Pacific Research in Social Sciences and Humanities, Depok, Indonesia, November 7–9, 2016.163. Routledge, London (2018). 6. Guha, R.: The Authority of Vernacular Pasts. Meanjin 51(2), 299 (1992). 7. See: Prijotomo… Resistance to foreign term by some Indonesian architects deserves attention. For instance, the notion of “architecture.” Despite the familiarity of the term for students of architecture, the very definition of architecture (as defined by Vitruvius) has never been quite accepted. Debates continue until today about the difficulties with the term “architecture.” Consider how Romo Mangunwijaya replaced architecture with an Indic term: “Wastu Citra”; consider how Josef Prijotomo rejected Vitruvian framework by proposing the concept of “liyan” (the other); consider how Yuswadi Salya and Ardi Moersid kept reminding students about architecture is not represented by its physicality, instead it is the embodiment of mysteriumfascinans; Consider also how Robi Sularto, a philosopher of Balinese architecture believed that the architecture in Bali is “born,” not built. Consider how various attempts have been made to localize architecture by various terms: “ethnic architecture”; “regional architecture”; “arsitektur nusantara”; “arsitektur klasik Indonesia”; “arsitektur Pancasila” and so on. Behind this struggle was an attempt to define identity and difference, and to deal with the presences of or influences from outside: the colonial, the Indic or the Sinic. There are thus interests in finding the true, the authentic typical “traditional” architecture that assumed to lie underneath layers of supranational influences. 8. Wright, G.: The politics of design in French colonial urbanism. University of Chicago Press, Chicago (1991). 9. For a documentation of the debates, see Sudradjat, I.: A Study of Indonesian Architectural History. p. 25–35. PhD Dissertation, Department of Architecture, University of Sydney (1991). 10. “Sering2 saja berkata, bahwa sebagian besar dari pada rumah2 rakjat lebih menyerupai kendang sapi daripada kediaman manusia. Perumahan sematjam itu tidak lajak bagi suatubangsa jang merdeka dan tahu diri”. As cited in Hadinoto, K. 5 Tahun Djawatan Perumahan Rakjat. 11. Hatta (1952): “Rumah rakjat hendak dibuat dari bahan dan material jang dihasilkan oleh bumi Indonesia”.As cited in Hadinoto, K. 5 Tahun Djawatan Perumahan Rakjat.

Chapter 2

Landfill Vernacular John Devlin

Abstract  This paper makes the case for Landfill Vernacular – the hybrid style of construction that combines locally-sourced natural materials with objects reclaimed from waste, as demonstrated at Bantar Gebang landfill in West Java, Indonesia. This technique is used to build small homes and workplaces for the people working in the informal recycling industry. Utilising photographs and referencing existing literature the paper argues that within these humble dwellings reside the seeds of a potential contribution to making urban housing more affordable, particularly in informal settlements. The background for this research discusses the housing challenges facing low-income communities, with an emphasis on the situation in Jakarta. Next, the conditions in the waste picker villages at the landfill are described, and then argues that the neighbourhoods and buildings there represent an emerging vernacular. Next the paper introduces BGBJ, the social enterprise that the author has been involved with for the last 4 years. This project has attracted hundreds of international and domestic visitors and is currently establishing an upcycling workshop in the landfill to assist construction projects. The discussion involves the potential of waste as a construction material and expands on the opportunities to: (a) educate the next generation of vernacular builders, and (b) improve the quality of reclaimed material available for building. The conclusions drawn from the research suggest that landfill vernacular can be developed into a technique suitable to help other groups in need, such as refugees from natural or manmade disasters. Keywords  Vernacular · Landfill · Social enterprise

J. Devlin (*) UniSA, Adelaide, South Australia, Australia e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 G. A. M. Suartika, J. Nichols (eds.), Reframing the Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, and Representation, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22448-6_2

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2.1  The Need for Affordable Housing Shelter fulfils one of our most basic needs. Despite the rapid technological progress of the last century individuals and families still require a roof over their heads, protection from the elements, and a place to safely store their possessions. A home is one of the most valuable assets a person can have access to. Unfortunately for millions of people around the world this simple refuge is either absent or inadequate. Many governments, for a variety of reasons, fail to provide low-income families with adequate housing and neighbourhood infrastructure. In these cases, communities must help themselves to construct buildings suitable for living and working. Charles Abrams [1] points out that this has been the case for most families in the past, particularly in rural areas where villagers could organize unpaid, reciprocal help and source free materials locally. However, in urban habitats it has been much more difficult to achieve the same degree of success with self-help construction. Traditional rural lifestyles became harder to maintain during the second half of last century, causing many families to either fully or partially relocate to the city in search of an income. After independence, rural-to-urban migration was a significant driver of urban population growth in Indonesia. For example, Jakarta’s population quadrupled in size to 9.1 million between 1975 and 1995 [2]. The current population of the city is thought to be around 12 million but due to circular migration and informal settlement it is hard to estimate accurately how many people occupy the city. Self-help housing in Indonesia is commonly represented by the kampung, a type of settlement that is characterized by informality, irregularity, illegality, flexibility and resilience [3]. As of 2012, kampung houses accounted for approximately 74% of total housing stock in Jakarta [4]. The kampung is often the place where new migrants can go to find accommodation and work, usually tapping into an existing social network that links back to ancestral villages. Kampung neighbourhoods and other informal settlement provide vital grounds for developing social capital, essential for those living precariously. UN-Habitat’s 2003 report “The Challenge of Slums” claims that government policies and planning in Indonesia have been wholly inadequate for the needs of the poor and represents an abdication of duty (p. 212). According to Tunas and Peresthu [4], the Indonesian government invests only 1.5% of its budget on public housing, most of which is aimed at lower middle-class housing, leaving the situation in the kampungs unattended. They predict if this trend continues then the country’s slum population will reach 27 million people in the year 2020. Considering this, it seems that low income families in cities like Jakarta must find their own solutions to the housing crisis or create new networks and responses.

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Fig. 2.1  Luar Betang – a kampung near Sunda Kelapa, the original port of North Jakarta

2.2  Living in Contested Spaces Whilst the private sector plays a major role in providing for the middle- and high-­ end of the market, development of low-income housing in Jakarta has been neglected since the inception of the city [5]. Tunas and Peresthu [3] explain that people unable to enter the formal housing market started occupying areas that developers did not touch, such alongside railway tracks and rivers, under highway bridges and coastal or marshy areas (see Fig. 2.1). As the city has grown these once marginalised spaces have become more desirable to developers and have turned into a scene of conflict between different classes of citizens. During the 80s and 90s Jakarta invested heavily in toll-roads that served the middle-class families leaving the city for gated communities in the suburbs. However, due to terrible traffic congestion many are now returning the city to live in supposed “green” superblocks closer to work, education and leisure. The past 20 years has seen a 50% decrease in the size of kampung land area [2], pushing families to outlying areas and shifting the burden of commuting onto those without private transport. Kusno [6] indicates that the informal settlements are now seen by the government and middle-class residents as sources of pollution and crime, giving them a handy excuse to demolish kampung neighbourhoods.

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Fig. 2.2  Image from Luar Betang showing the result of no waste collection service

Agenda 21 of the Rio Earth Summit [7] stressed the importance of providing all citizens with shelter, but part of achieving this requires the ability to secure the land and rights to the city. Low-income families in informal settlements must deal with the anxiety of insecure tenure because either the home or land is often owned by someone else, or their legitimate rights are hard to prove. Without security occupants are understandably unwilling to invest in their dwellings and other publicly used facilities. Building on illegally occupied land has several negative implications for the inhabitants including unsafe water and sanitation, fire hazards, flooding, little or no solid waste collection (Fig. 2.2), and a lack of legal address for access to government education, health care or registering to vote [8].

2.3  Bantar Gebang: The Main Landfill of Jakarta Despite the drawbacks of living in informal settlement people continue to inhabit these areas because of a sense of community, access to work, and lack of better alternatives. With population growth expected to continue it seems likely that informal settlements will remain an important part of the urban landscape. The Bantar Gebang landfill, located a few miles outside of the Jakarta city limits in the neighbouring city of Bekasi, is a current example of people occupying contested space. Since 1986 the landfill has grown to become one of the biggest in SE Southeast Asia. Receiving between 6000 and 8000 tonnes of municipal solid waste every day the landfill now covers over 108 hectares, with its environmental and economic impact manifesting over a much wider area (Fig. 2.3).

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Fig. 2.3  Zone 3, Bantar Gebang landfill. BGBJ Hostel/Hub can be seen on the left in middle of the scene

Since the opening of the waste disposal facility, thousands of people have been attracted to the area in search of work. These people often arrive with few assets or qualifications. Newly arrived workers usually join a waste picking gang through the introduction of a friend and have their accommodation provided for by their boss. This  scenario allows them to reside close to work and bring reclaimed material home for other family members to help with the processing. Many families choose to enter waste picking because it offers a reliable source of income, the potential for a jackpot discovery, and a flexible work day [9, 10] (Fig. 2.4). However, living in close proximity to a landfill brings with it several negative impacts for health and well-being. Air quality is often poor, an air monitor gave readings worse than any other major city that day. This isn’t surprising as it is common for the recycling companies to burn large piles of unrecyclable material, creating huge clouds of toxic smoke that drifts into the residential areas and stick to everybody’s clothes. Some of the dwellings seem quite neglected and despite the occupant’s attempts to make repairs many could do with renovations. Up to 12 families can share the same sanitation facilities which drain into nearby streams and lack privacy, clean water, and hard surfaces. Leachate seeps from the landfill to contami-

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Fig. 2.4  In this scene Resa and a guest visit some neighbours to discuss the prolonged absence of a father

nate the groundwater, where people sometimes get shower water from, and soils where people try to grow vegetables like cucumbers and other leafy greens. Vermin and insects including flies, rats, and bugs are attracted to the waste and share the same living space providing ample annoyance and vectors for illness. In short, these villages feature all the same sorts of troubles as the kampung neighbourhoods in the city but with extra rubbish added to the mix (Fig. 2.5). The landfill itself has reportedly been over or nearing its official capacity for several years. The government of Jakarta is reluctant to continue its reliance on the landfill and is aggressively pursuing the development of waste-to-energy facilities located throughout the mega-urban region. Although that will still leave a significant catchment area from which the landfill will receive waste, it is unclear where this will leave the waste pickers at the landfill and those that operate within the city. Introduction of waste-to-energy in other parts of the world has brought formal and informal elements into competition and waste pickers have found themselves further marginalised. For now, this place is home to around 3000 families who work here and live in the informal settlements. However, rather than seeing this community as disposable as the waste from which they create their income, these people display a tenacity and determination to provide for their families that should be celebrated and supported.

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Fig. 2.5  These houses have been built up against a concrete wall used to delineate the landfill boundary

2.4  M  eaning of Vernacular and the Case for Landfill Vernacular Vernacular buildings are made of locally available materials, employ local, mainly renewable, sources of energy, and adopt construction practices that favour recycling and respect for nature. (Brian Edwards – Rough Guide to Sustainability [11])

This section introduces  various ideas about vernacularity and relates them  to the findings at Bantar Gebang, articulating a case for Landfill Vernacular. It is clear that the dwellings at Bantar Gebang meet all of Edwards’ criteria in the quote above, albeit in a subversive way. Firstly, what can be more available at a landfill than waste material? Free, already manufactured, and located within carrying distance reclaimed material has serious sustainable credentials. With structure

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Fig. 2.6  Walls are constructed in an overlapping patchwork to repel water, yet in rainy season damp remains a problem

provided by locally grown bamboo struts and beams, the walls are infilled using sheets of plywood, banners, and plastic that are layered in a way to repel rain, reminiscent of the weatherboard houses found in Australian suburbs (see Figs.  2.6 and 2.9). Not without modern conveniences the houses obtain energy for lighting, fans, television, refrigeration and the charging of mobile phones by illegally patching into the local power supply, meaning free electricity with an environmental footprint below, or on par with, any of the new mega-complexes of the city (see Fig. 2.7). However, unlike the high-rise apartment buildings with power-hungry air-­ conditioning units, these houses could easily upgrade to a sustainable supply with the relatively cheap addition of solar panels. As to “a respect for nature” the waste pickers enjoy an extremely short commute to work, foregoing the reliance on fossil-fuel powered transport that other citizens use. In addition, their efforts on the landfill to reclaim material necessary for the recycling industry creates a saving of virgin natural resources for which they barely get compensated for. Waste pickings contribution to greening the city has been criminally unrecognised thus far. Whilst these houses may lack some of the elegance associated with other Javanese vernacular styles they are not without charm or merits and are no less vernacular. As Vellinga [12] indicates there is a tendency for literature in this field to present “a selective and idealized picture of vernacular traditions” with a focus on quaint bamboo, mudbrick and thatch constructions highly appealing to tourists and urbanites. He goes on to argue that not only does this fail to do justice to the adap-

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Fig. 2.7  Ad-hoc electrical wires connect the houses, providing energy for fans, lighting and charging

tive nature of vernacular traditions, it also reinforces the impression that vernacular architecture belongs in the past, with little to offer the future. So, what does landfill vernacular have to offer? Heath [13] argues “because the ‘intent’ of the vernacular builder differs from that of the architect, one tends to approach vernacular building not as art, but as the material manifestation of a culture  – as an artefact. As such, vernacular buildings become touchstones for such cultural information as patterns of culture, sources of tradition, and development of building techniques”. The waste picker villages are a physical representation of the other side to consumer culture that neglects to provide the poorest members of its society with the most fundamental piece of human infrastructure. Furthermore, they manifest the grittiness of a people capable of making home in a hostile environment where others dare not step. And in this way, the landfill vernacular of Bantar Gebang can stand proudly alongside the more familiar vernacularity of the North American frontier or Sub-Saharan Africa (Fig. 2.8). It should be remembered that vernacular styles have often emerged in the face of adversity, amidst changing conditions and uncertainty. Jackson [14] claims that emphasising only the local or regional aspects of the vernacular misses the important distinction the word implies between standard form and vernacular form. He goes on to say, “whatever its merits, whatever its limitations, the vernacular represents a departure from a standard form, a form based on tradition or a generally accepted set of rules and principles”. In this way, vernacular emerges as a mutual adjustment between two distinct classes, and adjustment to an environment whether that be economic or climatic. At the landfill we see a pronounced culture clash between the urban and traditional, organic and inorganic, rich and poor, and a

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Fig. 2.8  A landfill vernacular house is comprised of many different layers, when something goes wrong the family simply patch up the breach and carry on working. The multi-­ generational neighbourhoods produce a close-knit community of helpers

unique departure from accepted traditional materials expressed in a technique that still utilises the same community-driven approach to construction that has built villages for centuries (Fig. 2.9). Heath [13] maintains that “when values or necessity alter a previously operating set of circumstances in order to be responsive to the dictates of a new region, the artefact enters the vernacular threshold. It is the alteration of the conventions originally shaping the object that defines the nature of vernacular.” The houses, and building materials, on display at the landfill are perfect examples of adaptation working both ways – the housing style has been adapted to take advantage of the locally available materials, and the waste objects have found new life as building material. The reclaimed materials have shifted from objects of zero value to be components in an asset of vital importance. As Mitcham [15] claims “The vernacular house is human dwelling made visible, enriched with material traces from its lived past” and in this case the past of others also. But do these villages merit recognition of a style of their own? Heath [13] emphasises that objects become vernacular when there is an altered set of conventions due to an idiosyncratic response, and when such patterns are adopted by enough members of a region to produce a regionally appropriate response, the object becomes vernacular. In this case it could be argued that instead of limiting the response to a geographic region we can claim that this response has taken place within the much broader global community of informal waste workers and their families (Fig. 2.10).

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Fig. 2.9  Bamboo frames provide structure for mixed-media roofing with similar materials used as mud suppressants

Fig. 2.10  Waste picker neighbourhood with toilet in foreground and a waste mountain in background

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2.5  BGBJ and the “Appetite for Construction” The Kingdom of BGBJ1 is a youth development concept started in 2014 by Resa Aprianengsih and her friends, including this author, that aims to make Bantar Gebang landfill into “The Best Dump Ever!”. Resa is a local resident who has lived at the landfill since the 1992 when her family arrived to work in the recycling industry. After earning a university degree, in 2004 she began providing free informal education and mentoring to the local waste picker children and created a recycling company to employ and empower females. BGBJ has been an expansion of this work with the aim of encouraging young adults to take on roles of responsibility and continue learning new skills by creating a community hub and a series of small social enterprises. The BGBJ provides free lessons in English, art and crafts, computer skills, first-­ aid, music and sports, and also organises sponsored field trips. In 2015 a project was undertaken to create a hostel and café at BGBJ with a four-bedroom dorm to accommodate guests from all over the world. The guests can take part in cooking lessons, learning activities, working bees, and the kids love to practicse their English and show them around the neighbourhood. To help fund the project, in addition to the hostel and day trips, the BGBJ sells a range of natural balms, t-shirts and other merchandise. Over the last few years BGBJ has attracted global media attention having been featured on media channels such as Al Jazeera, BBC, and Metro TV in Indonesia.2 “Appetite for Construction” is one of the fledgling social enterprises that has developed out of the BGBJ. Perched on the roof of BGBJ at the boundary between the village and an active corner of the landfill, this workshop affords an elevated perspective on the actions of the dump. The project aims to provide facilities for creativity and construction that enables local residents and visitors to work on a variety of building projects and exchange knowledge. These facilities include the “Room for Improvement” upcycling workshop and a growing tool library. The Appetite for Construction project began in response to the needs and constraints at the BGBJ. Over the course of 2–3 years the land occupied by the BGBJ had been slowly cleared out and converted from a recycling and material storage space to the kid’s club/community hub. When new furniture is required, it was usually made from recycled material such as pallets, crates and other sources of wood, including collapsed warung or broken kaki-lima (Figs. 2.11 and 2.12). As the group’s confidence and tool selection has grown these pieces have also become more ambitious and refined. Having the space for this kind of activity has allowed guests a chance to share their knowledge and experience as well, attracting a different sort of tourist. Over the last year a team of tradespeople from Australia  BGBJ (Pronounced biji-biji) stands for Bantar Gebang: Biji. In Bahasa Indonesia Biji means seed and plurals are signified by repeating a word, so the name means “The seeds of Bantar Gebang”. 2  Anyone interested in learning more about the BGBJ can like “The Kingdom of BGBJ” on Facebook, or search for BGBJ on YouTube, #BGBJ on Instagram, or visit our website at www. bgbj.org 1

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Fig. 2.11  A visiting teacher from England showing photos of his travels

Fig. 2.12  Om Dave putting the finishes touches on the “Room for Improvement” upcycling workshop, a room largely made from reclaimed materials, cheap bricks, free labour, and endless jugs of Ibu Mel’s es Kopi

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and a researcher from Ireland have been working with the families of some of the children who come to BGBJ to build new toilet facilities near their homes. This is a highly encouraging development and shows some promise that we can achieve our goal of making significant improvements to the working and living conditions at the landfill. However, very much in phase one, there is hope that this project will continue to grow. Eventually the project aims to assist the families in moving out of homes owned by the bosses and into self-help/self-built housing on communally owned land.

2.6  Opportunities and Barriers for Landfill Vernacular This paper has briefly surveyed the need for affordable housing in urban habitats and discussed some of the main barriers people face living in informal settlements. By exploring this case study at the landfill it has shown that people are able to use reclaimed objects and combine them with natural materials like bamboo to create shelter. The previous section, introduced a social enterprise that is combining a strong sense of community with a genuine spirit of hospitality to attract a wide range of international visitors. In doing so the members of BGBJ have managed to create a sustainable business, garner worldwide attention, and enlist the help of dozens of new friends to help them build their youth centre and workshop. However, it would be naïve to paint the scene at Bantar Gebang too brightly. Unlike some of the other examples of vernacular building in Indonesia, the villages at Bantar Gebang do not project a harmony with nature, or utopian vision. The tourists that visit BGBJ may be filled with admiration for the people residing here, but no one dreams of retiring to these villages. Life at the landfill is tough and filled with hazards. The dwellings provide the families with shelter from the elements and privacy but also present some danger. In strong winds houses are known to fall over, and roofing material becomes airborne. The electricity is often done by unlicensed workers using degraded cables. Sanitation is poor, and clean water is difficult to obtain. The buildings themselves are probably quite flammable and cooking is done on gas and wood stoves of questionable quality. Mould and bed bugs thrive in the often damp conditions and the children frequently suffer from coughs, rashes and other infections. Yet still, as highlighted, this style of building, if supported and nurtured may offer some solutions for people less fortunate than the waste pickers. The remainder of this section will discuss two aspects that require urgent attention to help realise the potential of landfill vernacular.

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2.6.1  E  ducation in Vernacular Design and Building with Reclaimed Materials An important theme within vernacular architecture and design is appreciating the authenticity of style and lack of formal training. Mitcham [15] states that “one becomes a vernacular builder the same way one becomes a vernacular speaker – by growing up, living, and dwelling in a particular place and a particular time.” In some locations these styles have emerged over many generations and become part of a harmony between climate, built environment and way of life; something that has much to teach about sustainable design. However, in the case of landfill vernacular, and more generally construction using reclaimed materials in urban informal settlements, there is a much greater need to understand what makes certain designs successful and quickly develop appropriate technologies for construction. Situations might compel untrained people to build dwellings, wire up electricity, and attempt plumbing without fully understanding all the necessary safety precautions that licensed professionals must take. In high density urban neighbourhoods this lack of understanding could be fatal, or at least very costly if fires and floods spread to multiple houses. Whereas bamboo and mudbricks can be flexible and forgiving, some materials found in waste, such as treated pallets, can be very hazardous and should not be used. With best intentions the landfill vernacular builder can inadvertently put their families and neighbour’s health in jeopardy. It is then recommended a break from usual vernacular tradition and encourage the development of a curriculum and certification in this type of design and construction. This could then be incorporated into either formal or informal education for teenagers and adults; and start to create open-source standards and plans that can assist in disseminating the best designs and techniques.

2.6.2  Working with Waste Producers to Create Better Materials Industrialisation, urbanisation and consumerism have gone hand in hand with a big change in the amount and composition of material in the waste streams. The design of many products, especially packaging, means that despite being made of very durable material many objects found in waste have only been used once before being consigned to garbage, or worse becoming litter. The waste pickers reclaim the material having recognised that the objects still have an exchange value and can be sold to recycling middlemen. However, when these waste objects are reimagined as part of a house, furniture or accessory they become upcycled into something of higher value and multi-use. Upcycling waste into something useful decreases the cost of living and the need for virgin materials, two essential components for sustainable urban development. Therefore, this pathway of value creation could be utilised to encourage waste creators to separate materials and therefore reduce waste.

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The home-owners around Bantar Gebang use objects reclaimed from waste to substitute traditional or modern materials. Apart from some cleaning, cutting and shaping the objects are used as they are found. Given the current access to tools, machines, and upcycling know-how they are limited as to what types of waste can be made useful again. For example, much of the inorganic material found in household solid waste is from small pieces of plastic packaging which by themselves make for poor construction material. However, at BGBJ several workshops have been hosted demonstrating how plastic bags and wrappers can be densely packed into empty plastic bottles to make cheap bricks suitable for rudimentary construction (see www.ecobricks.org for more details). This technique requires no extra equipment, just a lot of plastic bags, bottles and patience. However, as 3D printers become cheaper to obtain, many new applications for waste plastic will be possible. As is often the case, in the absence of funds people need to employ a mix of hard work and ingenuity to provide for themselves. This is the ethic behind Earth ships, a flexible and sustainable type of construction developed by Michael E Reynolds which has become increasingly popular in North America, Europe and other parts of the world [16, 17]. Earth ships are closely related to the buildings we see at Bantar Gebang in their use of reclaimed and salvaged materials. Earth ships often use old automobile tires rammed with earth to provide structure and insulation, but can also use drinks cans, glass bottles and a variety of other objects. The only limits to this type of construction is the availability of materials, tools, and guidance from a competent builder. However, in the case of landfill, unless the waste arrives as part of the municipal solid waste the builders have no chance of utilising it. With the continual construction and demolition occurring in Jakarta there seems to be a plentiful supply of reusable material circulating, it just needs to be set aside for this purpose. This also goes for the waste produced by commercial and industrial companies in the shops, factories and workshops throughout the area. Their waste is currently a cost to business, yet with slight changes in production processes these materials could become ideal building material and potential source of income. As shown in the work of Dr Singh Intrachooto [18], upcycling can produce high-quality interior architectural components when given the right treatment. His team has been working with the Thailand government and businesses to develop best practices for upcycling and recently created an upcycling certificate that could help incentivise companies to think more carefully about the waste they produce. Considering all this exciting potential for building with waste from so many urban sources, the desperate need for affordable housing, and rising costs of virgin materials it is vitally important that governments rethink how to manage waste in the future.

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2.7  Conclusions what gives the vernacular way of life its vitality and persistence is its ability to adjust to circumstances, to external factors beyond its control, provided that somewhere in the environment there is some institution identified with permanence and long-range purpose. Lack of financial resources, lack of any control over the future, lack of social acceptance – all can be compensated for if the environment contains some symbol of an established order that takes the needs of the vernacular into account, that gives security and a sense of belonging to the wider community. This is what the feudal castle, the manor house, the parish church once stood for. In America, in the past, that is what the plantation house, the meeting house, the mill or the factory stood for. In the contemporary world it is the road or the highway, the subdivision street, the street in the trailer court that has come to be the acknowledged symbol of permanent authority, a vision for the future that includes us all. (JB Jackson – Urban Circumstances [14])

I have decided to wrap up my argument for landfill vernacular with the extended quote above because it traces the various symbols of juxtaposition to power that has faced and motivated vernacular builders in different locations over time. The proposition from this case study is that the landfill itself represents that same type of symbol to the waste pickers. Not part of the consumer culture but perversely reliant upon it for an income, the waste pickers have a conflicting relationship with the mountain of rubbish. Whilst they have access to the rubbish they can employ hard work and minimal tools to provide for their families, yet they also know that the longer they stay in its vicinity the more they are exposed to risk and danger. In the same way that the passing of feudal castles and plantation houses took away the necessity of those related vernacular styles, the recent shift in governmental attitudes to waste management also threatens the closure of the landfill. And, just how those styles continue to inform and inspire architects and builders of today, operating in better circumstances, so to can the villages of Bantar Gebang teach something about home making in difficult situations. The paper argues that the case for a “Landfill vernacular” is demonstrated by the dwellings constructed and maintained by the informal waste workers at Bantar Gebang landfill on the outskirts of Jakarta. The case study highlights opportunities to use tourism as a means of raising funds and skill-sharing to develop this style and help the local community make home and neighbourhood improvements. Projects like the tool library and upcycling workshop have potential to accelerate construction and allow for safer designs and materials. These programs could be extended into other low-income communities. Population growth, shortage of housing and growing quantities of waste make Landfill Vernacular a potentially attractive approach to provide affordable housing to low income families. As Bredenoord and van Lindert [19] claim, solving the worldwide housing problem is only possible if self-help housing is incorporated into housing policy. The author has demonstrated that recognising Landfill Vernacular as something to be proud of and improve upon, then the local government will be encouraged to protect the homes of the waste pickers and invest money in assisting them (re)build their neighbourhood. By activating the landfill communities, the government can play a vital role in creating a living laboratory for exploring sustainable building and construction with reclaimed

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materials. Designing houses that can be self-constructed from a mix of local natural materials and durable found materials can be a useful strategy in improving the habitat conditions of the urban poor and families dislocated by manmade and natural disasters.

References 1. Abrams, C.: Man’s struggle for shelter in an urbanizing world. MIT Press (1968). 2. UN-Habitat.: The Challenge of Slums  – Global Report on Human Settlements. Earth scan Publications on behalf of UN-Habitat (2003). 3. Tunas, D., Peresthu, A.: The self-help housing in Indonesia: The only option for the poor? Habitat International, 34(3), 315–322 (2010). 4. Surahman, U., Higashi, O., Kubota, T.: Evaluation of current material stock and future demolition waste for urban residential buildings in Jakarta and Bandung, Indonesia: embodied energy and CO2 emission analysis. Journal of Material Cycles and Waste Management 19(2), 657– 675 (2017). 5. Silver, C.: Planning the megacity: Jakarta in the twentieth century. Planning the Megacity: Jakarta in the Twentieth Century (2007). 6. Kusno, A.: The green governmentality in an Indonesian metropolis. Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography 32(3), 314–331 (2011). 7. UN: Agenda 21: Earth Summit - The United Nations Programme of Action from Rio. United Nations Conference on Environment and Development UNCED or the Earth Summit Rio de Janeiro Brazil 1992 (1993). 8. Satterthwaite, D.: Getting land for housing; what strategies work for low-income groups? Environment and Urbanization 21(2), 299–307 (2009). 9. Millar, K.M.: Reclaiming the Discarded: Life and Labor on Rio’s Garbage Dump. Duke University Press (2018). 10. Godden-Bryson, C.: Waste Pickers in Asia: Contesting value and values. In Recycling Cities (pp. 107–146) (2011). 11. Edwards, B.: Rough Guide to Sustainability A Design Primer. Futures (2010). 12. Vellinga, M.: Anthropology and the challenges of sustainable architecture. Anthropology Today 21(3), 3–7 (2005). 13. Heath, K.W.: Defining the nature of vernacular. Material Culture 20(2/3), pp. 1–8 (1988). 14. Jackson, J.B.: Urban circumstances. Design Quarterly (128), pp. 1–31 (1985). 15. Mitcham, C.: Thinking Re-Vernacular Building, 21(1), 32–40 (2005). 16. Harkness, R.: Earthships. Anthropology Now 3(1), 54–65 (2011). 17. Freney, M., Soebarto, V., Williamson, T.: Earthship monitoring and thermal simulation. Architectural Science Review 56(3), 208–219 (2013). 18. Mungkung, R., Intrachooto, S., Nudchanate, T., Sorakon, K.: Global Initiative on UPCYCLE Carbon Footprint Certification and Label Systems for Creative Waste Management and Greenhouse Gas Reduction. In M. Matsumoto, K. Masui, S. Fukushige, & S. Kondoh (Eds.), Sustainability Through Innovation in Product Life Cycle Design (pp.  551–563). Springer Singapore, Singapore (2017). 19. Bredenoord, J., van Lindert, P.: Pro-poor housing policies: Rethinking the potential of assisted self-help housing. Habitat International 34(3), 278–287 (2010).

Chapter 3

‘Bale Kulkul’ Architecture as the Representation of Balinese Autonomy Tradition Christina Gantini

Abstract  This study aims to interpret traditional aspects of the tradition of the autonomy in Balinese society through observation of the architecture of bale kulkul adat. The study is conducted by examining the architectural elements of the bale kulkul adat located in puri (a traditional palace), pura (a traditional village temple), and bale banjar (a traditional hamlet hall). This research emphasizes the importance of the architecture of bale kulkul adat to shape Balinese people’s way of thinking. It is seen as a manifestation of an object and cultural artefact as well as an autonomous entity in a village society. The ability to perceive bale kulkul adat as an architectural object establishes Balinese people’s knowledge of bale kulkul adat as a representation of the tradition, (1) verified by its purpose and use, and the mechanism of the sound it produces; (2) articulated visually in the decorative elements; (3) posited on the site according to a certain ordering principle related to other buildings to suit the surrounding environmental scale. The findings include the types of architectural bale kulkul adat which represent the tradition of the autonomy, namely: (a) the tradition of physical autonomy and (b) the tradition of non-physical autonomy. The tradition of physical autonomy is portrayed in the position on the site and in aspects of the terms of building aesthetics, while the tradition of non-physical autonomy is depicted through the building function. Keywords  Balinese traditional architecture · Bale Kulkul Adat · Balinese autonomy tradition

C. Gantini (*) Institut Teknologi Bandung, Bandung, Indonesia © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 G. A. M. Suartika, J. Nichols (eds.), Reframing the Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, and Representation, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22448-6_3

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3.1  Introduction Danesi states that the architecture of a building can be perceived as a narrative with specific meanings; in this case, bale kulkul adat is examined as a public building [1]. It has essential meanings which function as a tool of communication for various sacred and profane activities of Balinese people. In other words, within certain ­limits, it represents the Balinese people’s knowledge of the tradition of autonomy concept. The tradition of autonomy is the knowledge as the background and therefore main focus of this paper. The depiction of the Balinese people’s tradition of autonomy can be seen through the architecture of bale kulkul adat. This study scrutinises the architecture of bale kulkul adat located in puri, pura, and bale banjar in Denpasar, South Bali, and Singaraja, North Bali. The method of sampling used in this study is a non-random sampling technique. While the samples form chosen is purposive sampling [2]. Data analysis is conducted in two steps. The first step involves a literature review of studies on Balinese traditional architecture and identifying study objects based on normative rules using the normative critique method [3]. The next step requires examining the bale kulkul adat using the descriptive critique method [3]. At the time, when the Dutch occupied Bali and Puputan, the Badung War in 1906 occurred. Bali Island was still a traditional territory consisting of a conservative royal system of government. There are different systems of government before and after the arrival of the Dutch. Before that, the kingdom, desa adat and banjar adat, they perform autonomous, interconnected egalitarian government. During this time the king’s authority did not interfere with domestic affairs and power that are associated with the rules of desa adat and banjar adat [4]. After the coming of the Dutch this traditional structure is interpreted by the Dutch in hierarchical order. This hierarchical power structures have logical consequences, where at the time in 1945 when Indonesia was independent and became a Republican state, hierarchical power structures were carried out. Even now under the system of government and regional bureaucracy, egalitarian and autonomous systems and structures are still present and hidden in codes that can be observed in various aspects of the embodiment of objects of Balinese’s traditional architecture. One of them is in the embodiment of objects/cultural artefacts in the form of bale kulkul adat which is still used by Balinese people in various ritual and cultural activities that are both sacred and profane. Bale kulkul adat is a traditional tower where wooden girders (kulkul) are hung. It is hit to summon and to mobilize people. Every puri, pura and bale banjar in Bali have their own bale. They have different user communities, and have distinctive uses according to their purpose and meaning. The sound of kulkul in puri is never beaten and intended to gather villagers from desa adat and banjar adat. Commonly, bale kulkul can be found in puri, pura, dan bale banjar and have the same uses (but have different purposes and meanings), as a means of communication for (1) the royal family and citizens; (2) penyungsung pura (the traditional village society); and (3) krama banjar adat (the traditional hamlet community) [5–8]. The distin-

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guishing aspect from one another is (1) agreement on the meaning of the kulkul sound (signal) that is beaten, that is the different numbers of rhythms; (2) activities which it communicates; and (3) the masses or supporters from each puri, desa adat and banjar adat (penyungsung).

3.2  C  oncept Review: What Is the Tradition of the Autonomy in Balinese Culture? The principle of Balinese people’s tradition of autonomy is different from the principle of the autonomy in Indonesian State law. The Balinese tradition of autonomy refers to an understanding of independence, freedom to regulate as well as take care of oneself [9]. This is conducted from generation to generation by traditional Balinese society [4]. According to Sujamto and Suwitra [9, 4], traditional Balinese society have several criteria for the tradition of autonomy for anyone participating in Balinese society, these include: (1) power to abide by legal rules as well as the resolution of issues through customary law; (2) power to fulfil everyday activities under the auspices of traditional community leaders; (3) possess their own territory with certain limits, (4) participate within a group of people of the same traditions; (5) possess their own assets both worldly and religious. Based on the principles of the tradition of autonomy above, both the puri, the desa adat and the banjar adat, consist of social institutional entities that fulfil the criteria for the tradition of the autonomy [9, 4]. However, the criteria of the tradition of autonomy do not explicitly define the position of puri, desa adat, and banjar adat as autonomous, interconnected egalitarian systems and structures in Balinese social institutions. So that, this study is conducted to highlight the position of puri, desa adat and banjar adat as power structures that are not hierarchical, but horizontal and egalitarian.

3.2.1  The Tradition of Autonomy in Puri Puri is a collection of building units that consists of plots of buildings surrounded by thick and high walls intended for the king and his family. The function of puri includes: (1) a building intended for the residence of the king and his family; (2) the centre of government; (3) the centre of cultural arts activities; and (4) the centre of pesantian (religious learning) [10]. Additionally, puri is inhabited by the royal family as well as puri residents. Puri’s occupants are roban, parekan and panjaroan. They are considered as people of puri and they are different from desa adat and banjar adat people. Puri also has the power to establish legal rules in the form of laws issued by the king and then applied to a royal area called Paswara. Settlement of violations of rules at the royal

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level is carried out by a judicial body called kerta, positioned directly under the king’s authority and accompanied by several clergymen [11]. Traditionally, puri consists of the king (as leader), patih (from the brahmana caste) as an advisor, punggawa as deputy king, manca as the representative of punggawa, and puri people [11]. The royal domain (Kuta-negara) is generally divided into two, namely (1) jero-kuta which is a region within the royal city (puri); and (2) jaba-kuta which is an area outside the royal city [11, 12]. Prior to the settlement of the Dutch ­bureaucratic system in Bali, puri’s main wealth and income came from the king’s land (tanah druwe puri) in the form of tax (pajeg) [12–14].

3.2.2  The Tradition of Autonomy in Desa Adat There are two types of desa adat in Bali, these include: (1) Bali-Aga village, located mostly in the mountains area of Bali, it is an old village that still maintains systems and customs, and is not affected by Javanese-Hindu culture from Majapahit, and does not apply the social class system (caste system); (2) Bali-Apanage village (village units), located mostly in the Bali plains area, applies the social class system (caste system), and the system has a strong influence from Javanese-Hindu culture from Majapahit [11]. The natives of the Bali Aga village are those who are born into the villages and follow a customary law which is called wanua. On the other hand, Bali-Apanage villagers consist of a community group that inhabits a residential area, known as karaman/thani [15]. The traditional local regulations of the Bali-Aga village are oral and called pangeling-eling, kegaduhan, dresta, and sima [16]. Whereas in the village of Bali-Apanage, the traditional local regulations are written and called awig-awig [12]. Judgments handed down through the courts at desa adat, in both the Bali-Aga village and the Bali-Apanage village are decided through a local mechanism of deliberation [11]. The Bali-Aga village law structure recognizes two government systems, which may be considered as a twin as well as collective governance systems. Twin government systems means that desa adat is led by two people called bayan/kubayan. Whereas the system of collective governance means desa adat is led by a council (group of indigenous leaders) called sanat, tuha-tuha and tulaga. The Bali-Apanaga government system only recognizes a legal structure, where by desa adat is led by one leader called bendesa/kelihan. Desa adat’s income and wealth comes from the lands of community. The land ownership is organised through owners possessing full communal property rights as well as partial communal property rights. Full communal property rights are land rights which are controlled directly by desa adat or religious institutions such as Pura Kahyangan Tiga. On the contrary, partial communal property rights means the land is controlled by traditional villages but are used by krama desa (members of desa adat) with compulsory compensation (mutual assistance and voluntary cooperation for the benefit of desa adat) [4].

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3.2.3  The Tradition of Autonomy in Banjar Adat Banjar adat is a group of people who inhabit a residential environment and have a tradition and purpose of living together for the benefit of one another. They conduct activities together among members (sekehe suka duka) of the community in mutual cooperation to serve each other for financial (sekehe patus) benefit [7]. While the bale banjar is a building unit generally consisting of several building masses such as the bale paruman, bale kulkul, bale pewaregan, bale upacara and pura penyarikan banjar. This traditional building unit, located on a land plot, belongs to indigenous people (communal ownership). The residents of the banjar adat (krama banjar adat) are a group of people who are married, so that banjar members are the heads of the family. The banjar adat area is generally a physical environment with a linear pattern (Fig. 3.1), while the arrangement of residential areas demonstrate a grid pattern. Banjar adat has a physical structure as the social facility for the village called bale banjar adat. A banjar adat has a written rule called perarem and awig-awig banjar. Like in the desa adat, the judicial mechanism at the banjar adat level is also decided through the mechanism of deliberation (pesangkepan). The organizational structure, banjar adat is led by a banjar leader (kelihan banjar). The wealth of banjar adat is derived from the wealth of communally owned banjar land, taxes and fines for members of the banjar adat, including the dues system and the ngayahan banjar system (voluntary mutual cooperation and cooperation for the benefit of banjar adat).

A

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Fig. 3.1  Bale banjar’s position on the pattern of traditional Balinese residential environments

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3.3  Findings and Discussion Analysis of the representation of the tradition of autonomy is carried out on the embodiment of bale kulkul adat located in puri, pura, and bale banjar. The analysis here on two categories, namely physical and non-physical analysis of bale kulkul adat. Non-physical analysis includes the analysis of the tradition of autonomy and its conceptual representation and how it affects the function (use) of the building, by observing the purpose and usefulness of customary bale kulkul from each user in puri, pura and banjar adat. The physical analysis includes the explanation of the representation of the tradition of autonomy, firstly from the perspective of aesthetics and the variety of decorative ornamentation. Secondly the physical analysis takes into account the location of the Balinese’s kulkul adat by scrutinising the position and placement of bale kulkul adat on the site and its scale relative to the surrounding environment (Fig. 3.2).

3.3.1  T  he Representation of the Tradition of Autonomy of Bale Kulkul Adat Depicted Through Building Use The knowledge that is used as a tool for analyzing the traditions of autonomy from the non-physical perspective of bale kulkul adat in puri, pura, and bale banjar is understood from the concept behind the bale kulkul adat. Identification of the con-

Autonomy tradition

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Fig. 3.2  Framework for interpretation of concept formation

= Grouping for representations of Balinese’s tradition of the autonomy on the framework of interpretation

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cept of bale kulkul adat was achieved by examining various differences in the patterns of use for each of the case study environments – puri, pura and bale banjar. 3.3.1.1  A  pplication of Building Function Aspect in Bale Kulkul Adat in Puri, Pura, and Bale banjar Each of the cases for puri, pura, and bale banjar, the bale kulkul adat have their purpose or use determined based on the number of kulkul’s sound beats/beats’ taps and the sounds they produce. (1) The sound of kulkul ringing in puri is intended to summon and gather all the family and citizens of puri to mobilize (mass mobilization) for activities that are generally profane. Some community activities in puri that require period mobilization are marriage ceremonies, the burning of corpses (palebon), or when there is the coronation of a king. In the past, the mobilization of the masses through the sound of kulkul in puri became a principal part of the organization of society, especially when the kingdom was in a war, including the construction of dams and roads [11]; (2) The sound of the kulkul in pura is produced to gather all the traditional village residents in activities that are traditional, religious (parahyangan) and sacred. The sound of the kulkul in pura is delivered for the purpose, among others, as a signal for the gathering of traditional village communities (pengempon) for a variety of activities in pura. These activities might include it as a signal for the commencement of traditional and religious ceremonies, as well as during the processes of worshipping activities [17]; (3) The sound of kulkul in the bale banjar is generated to gather all the krama-banjar’s in various social-cultural activities (pawongan) and are mostly profane. The sound of the kulkul in a bale banjar is a sign of gathering together the banjar adat residents in any number of joyful activities. It is also a signal for the dangers posed by fire, flooding, and other calamities. It is a security signal for theft or if people become unruly in the banjar adat area. Kulkul in puri is sounded and beaten, to gather all the people of puri, ranging from the royal family, the nobles and their escorts, regardless of the hierarchy or relationships of banjar adat and desa adat. As an example, if the kulkul in puri is sounded to mobilize the masses for the burning of a corpse (palebon), then the traditional kulkul of puri is intended to mobilize people’s of puri and it is not designated for the desa adat and banjar people. In addition, if there is desa adat or banjar adat villager coming and helping in the burning activity in puri, it is because of the ayahan system also a known Balinese cultural practice. The ayahan system occurs through mutual cooperation where wages are withheld from desa adat and banjar adat communities as a form of respect and in grieving for the royal family. In return, all desa adat and banjar adat residents who pay these respects receive complimentary food and drink from the king for a full month or in accordance with the length of the palebon ceremonies.

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3.3.2  T  he Representation of the Tradition of Autonomy of Bale Kulkul Adat in Terms of Building Aesthetics The Tri Angga concept is a form of traditional knowledge which is used here as a tool to understand the traditions of autonomy relating to the physical aspects of bale kulkul adat, pura, and bale banjar. It is believed that the building aesthetic  is obtained from the Tri Angga concept, identifiable in the ornamentation used in bale kulkul adat. The Tri Angga concept influencing the bale kulkul adat consists of three parts of the building. They are as follows: (1) the foot part/base of the building is called bataran, that is, the lower part of the building (batis) made of stone; (2) the body part of the building, column (saka) and hanging sections of wooden kulkul (bale); (3) parts of the head of the building (crew), namely the uppermost part of the building precisely above the lambang (emblem) to the roof. 3.3.2.1  O  rnamental Diversity of the Bale Kulkul Used in Puri, Pura and Bale Banjar Commonly, the traditional ornaments applied in a bale kulkul adat may include forms of flora (pepatraan), fauna (kekarangan), a figure/geometric representation of flora and fauna (lelengisan), and geometric horizontal cornice (pepalihan). Sculptures of fauna are found and used in a bale kulkul adat in puri, pura and bale banjar in both South Bali and North Bali. However, special observations in North Bali (Singaraja city) found the use of geometric decorations or abstractions of traditional forms of sculpture applied to the body of bale kulkul adat in bale banjar act as a form of extension of old traditional ornamental (Fig. 3.3). The application of these abstractions does not appear in puri and pura in Bali. In the history of modern Western architecture, the abstraction of forms of ornamentation is uncommon. Likewise, with the bale kulkul adat in the bale banjar in North Bali, it appears this approach maybe a novelty of expression avoiding the use of ornaments in the building’s appearance. The novelty in the way of displaying it represents freedom, diversity and autonomy in the way of portraying bale kulkul adat in bale banjar that is separated from the dominance of decorative types commonly used in bale kulkul adat in both puri and desa adat. In a broader sense, the representation of freedom of interpretation and adaption of traditional symbols such as the bale kulkul adat also places and affirms that banjar adat is not controlled by puri and desa adat. This act is understood in this paper as being separated from the hierarchy of the power of puri and desa adat in Bali.

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Bale kulkul adat at puri Pemecutan, Denpasar, South Bali

Bale kulkul adat at pura Bale Agung, Sanur, Denpasar, South Bali

Full of carvings Form VISUAL OBJECT

Bale kulkul adat at bale banjar Gerenceng, Denpasar, South Bali

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Bale kulkul adat at bale banjar Paketan, Singaraja, North Bali

(transformative) Very geometric Building figure Building shape CONCEPTUAL OBJECT

Fig. 3.3  Comparing ornamental variety on bale kulkul adat in puri, pura and bale banjar

3.3.3  T  he Representation of the Tradition of Autonomy of Bale Kulkul Adat in Terms of Site Conditions The site orientation and positioning is employed as a tool for observing the tradition of autonomy in terms of the physical aspects of bale kulkul adat in puri, pura and bale banjar. The thinking behind the position and placement of the bale kulkul adat is related to the mass of the bale kulkul adat in relation to surrounding built forms. The layout of the bale kulkul adat in all of the sites at puri, pura, and bale banjar have similarities. The similarity consists largely of the settlement pattern utilising the bale kulkul adat as the centre of each location in puri, pura, and bale banjar. At the central location of the sound of the kulkul is most easily heard by the community. It is also a form of communication agreed upon by each community of puri, desa adat, and banjar adat. In addition the bale kulkul adat might also be located on the edge of a highway, at a fork in the road or on a cross-road, catus patha (this is known as great placement). Through its position on the site and scale of the environment, it can be seen that bale kulkul adat always occupies the centre of the area of puri and desa adat as well as the centre of the environment in banjar adat. Its unique presence in particular environmental conditions compliments the production of the range of the kulkul sounds. The boundaries for each user are associated with the reach or audibility of the kulkul. The territories of each of the puri, desa adat and banjar adat are autono-

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mous from one another as they are distinguished by the sound perimeter of the kulkul. The border is indeed not a clear boundary that can be seen with the eye and can be touched by the hand, with limits discernable by the listener. In architecture, the absence of visible and palpable boundaries does not mean there are no limits at all. Recognizing ‘audible boundaries’ is a crucial aspect of recognizing other boundary forms in the Balinese architectural repertoire. The introduction of boundary forms like this becomes essential, considering that the boundaries defined by the sounds of kulkul adat by Balinese people have a meaning. Consequently, the meaning are known and understood as territorial boundaries.

3.4  Conclusion The findings of the tradition of autonomy in the embodiment of bale kulkul adat can be traced to three main aspects. They are building functions (non-physical), building aesthetics (physical) and building layout (physical). First, the tradition of autonomy contributed to the realization of bale kulkul adat’s architecture on aspects of building use in puri, pura, and bale banjar represented through the use of bale kulkul adat. Each building serves different roles to support its community. Secondly, the influence of the tradition of autonomy on aspects of the building aesthetics in the bale kulkul adat are portrayed through the application of the decorative types used in puri, pura, and bale banjar. The study highlighted freedom and diversity in the community’s choice of decorative items as well as the final forms of building uses in bale kulkul adat. Moreover, this freedom declares that bale kulkul adat is an autonomous entity in the settlement pattern and its role within the community. Finally, the tradition of autonomy for the layout of the bale kulkul adat is asserted through the placement of bale kulkul adat based on the idiosyncrasies of the site and the scale of existing built structures in each location. The findings include, that there are ‘audible boundaries’ (invisible) defined by the kulkul sound produced. The local knowledge achieved in understanding and recognising audible boundaries as an alternative measure of territory as far as the hearing range of the kulkul is an empowering attribute for local communities in defence of their territories.

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References 1. Danesi, M.: Messages, Signs, and Meanings: A Basic Textbook in Semiotics and Communication Theory. 3rd edition. Canadian Scholars’ Press Inc. Ontario. Toronto (2004). 2. Neuman, W. L.: Social Research Method: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches, 7th ed., Pearson Education Limited, pp. 273–274 (2014). 3. Attoe, W.O.: Architecture and Critical Imagination. John Wiley & Sons. Chichester (1978). 4. Suwitra, I M.: Eksistensi Hak Penguasaan dan Pemilikan Atas Tanah Adat di Bali dalam Perspektif Hukum Agraria Nasional. Disertasi Program Doktor Ilmu Hukum Fakultas Hukum. Universitas Brawijaya, Malang, p. 110–146 (2009). 5. Roesmanto, T.: Rupa Bentuk Menara Masjid Kudus, Bale Kulkul dan Candi. Jurnal Arsitektur Universitas Bandar Lampung 4 (1), p. 32 (2013). 6. Saraswati, A.  A. A.  O.: Bale Kulkul sebagai Bangunan Penanda Pendukung Karakter Kota Budaya. Dimensi Teknik Arsitektur. 34 (1), pp. 7–12 (2006). 7. Andika, I P.Y.: Bentuk Bangunan Bale Kukul di Desa Buahan dan Desa Kuwum. Jurnal Anala, 1(15), pp. 3 (2016). 8. Saraswati, A.A.  O, et.al.: Kajian Identitas Arsitektur Tradisional Bali. Udayana University Press. Denpasar, pp. 21 (2017). 9. Sujamto: Cakrawala Otonomi Daerah. Sinar Grafika. Jakarta, pp. 5 (1991). 10. Budihardjo, R.: Konsep Arsitektur Bali Aplikasinya pada Bangunan Puri. Jurnal Nalars 12 (1), pp. 17–42 (2013). 11. Agung, A.A. G. P.: Peralihan Sistem Birokrasi dari Tradisional ke Kolonial. Pustaka Pelajar, Yogyakarta, pp.126, 102–107, 134–135, 143–145 (2001). 12. Gunawan, D.H.: Perubahan Sosial di Perdesaan Bali. Disertasi Program Doktor Studi Pembangunan. Universitas Kristen Satya Wacana. Salatiga, pp.121, 200 (2012). 13. Dwipayana, A.A.G.N.  A.: Kelas dan Kasta:Pergulatan Kelas Mengah Bali. Lapera Pustaka Utama. Yogyakarta, pp. 106–110 (2001). 14. Dwipayana, A.A. G.N.A.: Bangsawan dan Kuasa: Kembalinya Para Ningrat di Dua Kota. IRE Press.Yogyakarta, pp. 52–53 (2004). 15. Oka, I G.N.: Dasar Historis dan Filosofis Serta Tantangan ke Depan Keberadaan Desa Adat di Bali. Makalah Seminar tentang Strategi Pemberdayaan dan Model Desa Adat di Masa Depan. Denpasar, pp.2 (1999). 16. Windia, W.P.: Awig-awig Desa Pakraman. Sarathi 15 (3), (2008). 17. Dwijendra, N.K.A.: Arsitektur dan Kebudayaan Bali Kuno. Udayana University Press. Denpasar, pp. 49 (2009).

Chapter 4

Cultural Burning and the Interstices of Two Vernacular Cultural Forms Campbell Drake

Abstract  Investigating the complexity of vernacular subjects within the context of intercultural land ownership in Australia, this research examines how site specific performance can activate engagement in the spatial politics of contested Australian landscapes. The paper is centred on a performance event titled Cultural Burn that took place in 2016, on an 8000-hectare property acquired by the Indigenous Land Corporation as part of a land bank established for the dispossession of Aboriginal people. Drawing a comparison between the traditional Aboriginal land management practice of cultural burning, and the burning of a western cultural artefact, the research explores the cultural, ethical and political resonance of burning a piano on Barkanji Country within an ephemeral billabong. Addressing vernacularity in relation to how we are positioned at the interstices between subjects, knowledge systems, histories, traditions and practices, the research explores how vernacular subjects are presented, represented and practiced within an intercultural, cross-­ disciplinary and post-colonial context. Keywords  Cultural burning · Site specific performance · Piano burning

4.1  Introduction In order to explore how vernacular subjects are presented, represented and practiced within an intercultural, cross-disciplinary and post-colonial context, this paper is structured in three parts. Part one contextualises the event within an existing

An extended version of this paper is published as Cultural Burning and the Ongoing Impact of Colonialism in Australia in Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Working Paper Series Volume 286. Colonial and Post-Colonial Traditions, 2018-19. C. Drake (*) University of Technology Sydney, Sydney, Australia e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 G. A. M. Suartika, J. Nichols (eds.), Reframing the Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, and Representation, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22448-6_4

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community of practice in which a range of creative practitioners incorporate burning pianos in their performance works, including Arman, Annea Lockwood, and Gordon. Part two draws a comparison between the Aboriginal land management practice of cultural burning, and the burning of pianos within contemporary arts practice. It draws on Jacques Rancière’s concept of The Distribution of the Sensible [1] as an analytical framework within which to explore the operative potential of intersecting aesthetic and political practices within the field of site specific performance. Questioning the ongoing impact of colonisation, part three provides a close reading of the live Cultural Burn event in relation to the staged juxtaposition of Indigenous and non-Indigenous cultural practices, the piano and the Australian bush. Using place, space, landscape, technology (instrument), and community (audience, performer, tuner) as multiple agents, this chapter draws parallels between the ability of site specific performance to rename things differently, and Rancière’s concept of the distribution of the sensible, to provide insights into vernacular practices, spatial politics and cultural semantics specific to an Australian rural context.

4.2  Piano Burning as Performance Practice The origins of this field of performance practice that involves the burning of pianos are often attributed to the French born American artist Arman. The destruction of musical instruments, often by fire, was a recurrent theme in Arman’s work and two of his most celebrated works that involve the burning of pianos are Piano de Néron (Nero’s Piano) 1965 and Piano Flamboyant (Flaming Piano), 1966. New Zealand artist Annea Lockwood wrote a piece called Piano Burning in 1968. The composition specifies performers use upright piano that is beyond repair. In the composer’s words: Piano burning should really be done with an upright piano; the structure is much more beautiful than that of a grand when you watch it burn. The piano must always be one that’s irretrievable, that nobody could work on, that no tuner or rebuilder could possibly bring back. It’s got to be a truly defunct piano [2].

Contesting dominant forms of cultural production, Lockwood’s and Arman’s works are characteristic of a form of piano performance in which pianos are situated in unexpected settings and set on fire. Yoshita Yamashita first performed Burning Piano in 1973 [3] and 35  years later he re-watched the film and was inspired to repeat the performance. Situated on a beach in Japan, Yamashita played the burning piano wearing a protective fire fighter’s uniform. Yamashita’s work is characteristic of a group of piano performances in which the piano is situated in an unexpected setting, set on fire and then played (Figs. 4.1, 4.2 and 4.3). In counterpoint to the first three works cited from the late 60s and early 70s is the more recent work of Gordon Douglas. Douglas’s works involves the burning of a grand piano; however, I would argue that the significance and meaning of the work is

4  Cultural Burning and the Interstices of Two Vernacular Cultural Forms Fig. 4.1 Arman, Piano Flamboyant, 1966. ADAGP. (Licensed by Viscopy, 2017)

Fig. 4.2 Annea Lockwood, Piano Burning, (Piano Transplant No. 1), London 1968. (Photo by Geoff Adams. Licensed by Artist 2017)

Fig. 4.3 Yoshita Yamashita, Burning Piano, 2008

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Fig. 4.4  Douglas Gordon, The end of civilization, 2012. (Studio lost but found/VG Bild-Kunst. Licensed by Viscopy, 2017)

determined by the context in which the act of burning took place, in conjunction with the semiotic register of the piano as a vernacular cultural artefact of western origins. Produced in 2012 and titled The End of Civilisation (Fig. 4.4), Gordan’s video work is centered on the burning of a grand piano in the remote Cumbrian countryside on the border between Scotland and England. The work explores the symbolic order of the piano in relation to spatio-historical narratives and according to the artist’s statement, ‘The End of Civilisation is both a celebration and a warning —of fire as a symbol of optimism and hope, but also of risk, danger, and destruction’ [4]. Gordon writes: The piano started to represent for me the ultimate symbol of western civilization. Not only is it an instrument, it’s a beautiful object that works as a sculpture but it has another function entirely. I wanted to do something with a piano in a landscape of some significance and I suppose, as a Scotsman, there’s nothing more significant than the border. I thought it was beautiful to look from one country into another and I liked the idea that Hadrian’s Wall is, under a certain interpretation, a great end of civilization… I was overwhelmed to be in a landscape of such beauty, and with such a huge unfathomable history [5].

By burning the vernacular instrument synonymous with western cultural heritage, The End of Civilisation evokes multiple histories in time and space. While Gordan makes reference to Hadrian’s Wall and the end of the Roman Empire, the work can also be interpreted as a provocation for Scottish Independence. The meaning of Gordon’s work is framed by a combination of two registers: the semiotic register of the piano, and a challenge to the existing spatio-historical context of Hadrian’s Wall and the piano as a vernacular cultural artefact synonymous with western civilisation. In setting fire to the piano, Gordan also evokes the traditional cultural practice of lighting beacons as a sign of warning or admonition.

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He writes, ‘In the country, a system of beacon fires was at one time established to warn of incursions by the English’ [6]. Gordan, a Scottish artist re-enacting this traditional practice, invites an interpretive reading of the work as a form of nationalist protest. At the intersection of aesthetics and political practices, The End of Civilisation evokes multiple histories tied to its contested geopolitical context. In comparing Gordan’s work with Cultural Burn, I foreground the juxtaposition of traditional cultural practices and the burning of the piano to evoke a post-colonial context.

4.3  Cultural Burning as Aboriginal Land Management The term cultural burning is used to describe burning practices used by Aboriginal people to enhance the health of land and its people. Cultural burning means different things to different people. It could include burning (or preventing burning) for the health of particular species such as native grasses, emu, black grevillea, potoroo, bush foods, threatened species, or biodiversity in general. It may involve patch burning to create different fire intervals across the country or it could be used for fuel and hazard reduction. It may be used to increase access and amenity for people or as a part of culture heritage management. It is ceremony to welcome people to country or it could also be as simple as a campfire around which people gather to share, learn, and celebrate [7]. By foregrounding the traditional Aboriginal land management practices of cultural burning within the context of burning of a piano on Barkanji country, the research explores the relations between the staged juxtaposition of Indigenous and non-Indigenous vernacular cultural practices, a vernacular cultural artefact (the piano), and the duplicitous spatial politics of intercultural ownership specific to Culpra Station. In setting up a framework to explore these relations, I draw on Jacques Rancière’s concept of the ‘distribution of the sensible’ [8] as an analytical framework to explore how site specific performance can activate engagement in the spatial politics of contested Australian landscapes.

4.4  The Distribution of the Sensible In 2006, Jaques Rancière’s The Politics of Aesthetics: The Distribution of the Sensible was published. This book sought to reconfigure the relationship between art and politics by bringing together the’ necessary junction between aesthetic practices and political practices’ [9]. Within this text, Rancière establishes a typology of artistic practices distinguished by three regimes, which he defines as ethical, poetic and aesthetic. The third, resistant typology, the aesthetic regime, ‘expands the political field and reshapes our ideas of who can participate in politics, and what activity is even thinkable as political’ [10].

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Politics is commonly understood as ‘the activities associated with the governance of a country or area, especially the debate between parties having power’ [11]. While accepting this definition, Rancière proposes a second form of politics which he calls ‘real politics’ [12]. According to Rancière, ‘real politics’ are not restricted to governance and politicians, and instead ‘revolve around what is seen and what can be said, around who has the ability to see and the talent to speak, around the properties of space and the possibilities of time’ [13]. In outlining the operative potential of ‘real politics’ within the aesthetic regime, Rancière proposes that ‘knowledge and societal activities’ are predetermined by certain historical and political contingencies. Rancière defines (and opposes) these predetermined knowledge systems as ‘the distribution of the sensible.’ Challenging the fixity of historical categorisation, Rancière proposes that aesthetic practices are capable of disrupting the distribution of the sensible meaning to transgress the limitations of what is ‘perceptible, understandable and therefore artistically conceivable.’ Advocating creative intervention that can redistribute the sensible, Rancière suggests that intersecting aesthetic and political practices can produce a reordering of the senses. The effect of reordering the senses engenders a social change akin to Guattari’s production of political subjectivity [14], suggesting how aesthetic practices such as site specific performance can contribute to cultural politics. In alluding to how site specific performance practice can activate engagement in the spatial politics of contested landscapes, by intervening in the distribution of the sensible, I will now provide a close reading of Cultural Burn through an analysis of the relations between the ‘delimitation of space and time, the visible and the invisible, speech and noise, that simultaneously determines the place and the stakes of politics as a form of experience’ [15].

4.5  Cultural Burn: The Event At the time of returning to Culpra Station in the spring of 2016, much of the state of New South Wales was in flood and underwater. The station property borders the Murray river, and was inundated with water to flood levels not seen since 2011. The piano had been stored under a tarpaulin next to the camp kitchen. Having remained outside in the elements for a period of 12 months, it showed considerable signs of distress. From the flood marks on the ground I could see the waters were receding. Like a marker at a flood crossing, the piano too had indications of higher waters. Before I revisited the piano in the flood plain of Culpra Station, I had considered drowning or burying the piano. Such a gesture was inspired by the work of Richard McLester, Piano in the Sea (Fig. 4.5). But burying the piano on a property that was home to a number of Aboriginal burial sites [16] seemed insensitive and heavy handed.

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Fig. 4.5  Richard McLester, Piano in the Sea, 2008. (Licensed by Conical Sphere 2017 Photo copyright Conical Sphere Music (http://music.conicalsphere.com). All Rights Reserved. Photographer: Lucy Rose)

Opportunistically, I instead decided to combine both the act of burning and the act of drowning by locating the piano within the billabong [17] and setting it alight. I first moved the piano away from the camp kitchen [18] to avoid burning it down as well. Finding two pieces of old corrugated iron, I dragged them into the water as a kind of raft or stabilising device. Inch by inch I walked the piano into the water, several times almost dropping the instrument on its back, where I would not be able to retrieve it on my own. Once the piano was in position, I grabbed a jerry can full of unleaded petrol and doused the piano in fuel. With a pre-prepared fire stick, I touched the piano with the naked flame, the piano caught alight and the petrol vapour trapped within the piano ignited (Fig. 4.6). It was an unusually still afternoon in the gully. Leaves in the distance shimmered, but the sound of wind-rustling gum leaves was absent. The flames took to the piano with an enthusiasm I had not anticipated. As the fire progressed, the internal wires could be heard first expanding, then snapping, amplified by the reverberation of the internal sound board with an almost synthetic resonance. With the fallboard down, the keys did not ignite and instead let off a thick and yellowy sulphurous coloured smoke. As the fire took hold internally, flames shot out of the top, licking at the flood line marked on the gum trees behind like a horizontal datum. Burning hottest on the inside, the fire opened up and broke through the detailing on the front board. Chunks of burning piano embers broke off and plunged into the shallows with a fizzing sound that created concentric ripples on the surface of the water. Both destructive and protecting, the water acted as a sort of protective barrier from the fire spreading.

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Fig. 4.6  Campbell Drake, Filming Cultural Burn, Culpra Station, 2016. (Author’s Image)

As the fire engulfed the piano, natural oils within the larger structural timbers popped and echoed a vast distance across the water and adjacent pools. As the piano burned hotter, the sound became louder and echoed further from the source. The burning reflection on the water doubled the visual effect, and although they were drowned out, the bird calls from the gum trees above formed a kind of peripheral symphonic accompaniment. To my surprise, the abundant bird life did not leave; they seemed oblivious; perhaps they were accustomed to the sound of fire. A fish even flopped around in the shallows some meters from the piano (Fig. 4.7). After 45 min, the camera timed out, followed shortly after by the audio recorder, which had exhausted its battery life. The fire peaked but did not burn through. The piano did not collapse as expected. The vertical orientation of its structure with its feet sitting in the water resisted the flames. The piano continued to burn much longer than I had expected. Even though I had left, the performance continued as an ongoing dialogue between the piano and the landscape, the fire and the elements of water and air, between Indigenous notions of country and colonial histories.

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Fig. 4.7  Campbell Drake, Cultural Burn, Culpra Station 2016. (Author’s Image)

4.6  Cultural Burn: An Acoustic Ecology Usually taking place within a controlled and internalised environment, the placement of the piano outdoors inverts conventional piano practice. This inversion repositions the pianist to piano (human to non-human) interaction by assigning the environment (non-human) a more active role that is determined by the sonic and spatial qualities of the landscape, and the acoustic ecology within which the vernacular object is recalibrated. The term ‘acoustic ecology,’ coined by Murray Schafer, is a discipline studying the relationship mediated through sound between human beings and their environments [19]. In developing the term, Schafer devised a new terminology for soundscape studies. He defines background sounds as ‘keynotes,’ foreground sounds as ‘signal sounds,‘and sounds that are particularly regarded by a community are ‘soundmarks.’Schafer’s terminology helps to express the idea that the sound of a particular locality (its keynotes, sound signals and soundmarks) can express a community’s identity to the extent that a site can be read and characterized by sounds [20]. Adopting Schafer’s terminology, the keynotes or background sounds were characterised by water birds, frogs croaking and a multitude of insect noises. The sound

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signals or foreground sounds were dominated by the piano burning intermittently, overlaid with the sound of bird calls and flies passing within the range of the microphone. Lastly, the soundmarks, or sounds that are particularly regarded by a community, are defined by the distinctive sound of fire and the calls of native birds endemic to Culpra Station. Added to the acoustic ecology of Cultural Burn were the ‘echoes and reverberations that occur as sound is absorbed and reflected from surfaces within an environment [21],’ known as ‘acoustic coloration.’ Evoking the holistic notion of Indigenous Country [22], the acoustic coloration present within Cultural Burn is inclusive of the environment in flood and the effects of material and immaterial composition. The sound emanating from the piano burning in the billabong is reflected by the surrounding tree trunks, carried by the surface of the water, and echoed by the escarpment of the flood plain, such that ‘the sound arriving at the ear is the analogue of the current state of the physical environment, charged by each interaction with the environment’ [23]. The notion of a soundmark in relation to a piano evokes a type of sound that we are very used to hearing and therefore anticipate from this concert instrument. These predictable piano sounds produced by conventional human interaction with the instrument are what Rancière would characterise within a musical context as the distribution of the sensible. Within this notion we know the ‘sensible’ causal relationship between the fingering of the keys and the corresponding sound generated from hammers on strings. We are culturally attuned to this convention by the playing of particular melodies and harmonic chords that are instantly recognisable as the language of the piano. This language is perceived as complete, and sensible to the human ear. When the instrument is burned, the language of the piano becomes partial, and what arrives at the human ear are fragments of non-human interaction, the environment playing the piano. In the absence of normative modes of human interaction with the piano, the interaction is redefined as between the piano and the landscape. The resulting non-human to non-human interaction provokes a disruption in the distribution of the sensible, in which the landscape plays the piano and the piano speaks back its own guttural language. Coming out from the death of the instrument in the landscape, the natural element of fire that provokes the piano speaks by itself, re-distributing the sensible and reordering the senses to engage a different type of space-time that is political. Much like Gordan’s The End of Civilisation, Cultural Burn assigns the environment an active role in the making of meaning. Reframed by the performative act of burning the piano on Barkanji Country, Cultural Burn evokes the Aboriginal land management practices of cultural burning, and Indigenous notions of singing to country. In Australian Indigenous societies, the land and the songs associated with it are connected intimately. Singing is the main method of transmitting knowledge in an orally based society. Songs that are specifically land based come from ancestral beings, while other songs may be used for purposes such as healing [24].

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That night I camped out on the levelled ground above the flood plain. In the morning I woke early and returned to the billabong. This time I removed my shoes and walked cautiously across. I found the piano surprisingly intact, still standing upright. The cast iron frame had separated from the back posts. The piano strings, frayed, snapped and twisted, took on a distressed organic quality. In contrast to the piano’s timbers that had been almost entirely burnt away and released into the atmosphere, the metal components of the instrument remained intact. In re-discovering the cast iron frame, I found a certain poetic resonance within the artefact that is capable of multiple interpretations. Firstly despite my attempt to destroy the piano, and the landscapes attempt to consume it, this colonial instrument was only momentarily submerged only to resurface again dusty and worn but still intact. Secondly the remnants of the burnt out piano form a material composition that can be interpreted through a cross-cultural historical context. In decoding the piano remains in relation to Indigenous and non-Indigenous culture, Country and land, one notes the metal remnant’s alien presence within traditional Aboriginal culture. In contrast, colonial culture, in both a historical and contemporary context, has a fervent desire for metals and minerals that commonly define a non-Indigenous sensibility to land that is pursued, valued and understood as resource and in turn resourced. In the act of juxtaposing these two vernacular cultural forms; the piano and Aboriginal land management practice of cultural burning, some underlying tensions between Indigenous and non-Indigenous histories and interactions emerge. Subverting common understandings of two things, Cultural Burn resonates as political from Rancière’s perspective, in that it ‘presents familiar cultural forms combined in an unfamiliar way [25]. Bringing to life his idea that ‘suitable political art would ensure, at one and the same time, the production of a double effect: the readability of a political signification and a sensible or perceptual shock caused conversely by the uncanny, by that which resists signification’ [26]. Advocating the ability of site specific performance practice to illuminate pre-existing histories, Cultural Burn constructs new temporal materialisations between vernacular cultural practices, communities and environments that give rise to new political formations.

References 1. Rancière Jacques.: The Politics of Aesthetics: The Distribution of the Sensible, translated with an Introduction by Gabriel Rockhill, Continuum International Publishing Group, (2004). 2. Lockwood, Annea.:“Bonfire of the Ivories: Visualize Your Piano-Burning”. Utne Reader. Ogden Publications. (July 2009) Retrieved 22 April 2015. 3. Reuters.: Japanese Pianist Plays the Burning Piano at a Sunset Beach, ITN Source. (19 March 2008). Retrieved 22 April 2015. 4. https://www.gagosian.com/exhibitions/douglas-gordon%2D%2Dseptember-08-2012. Retrieved 4 April 2019. 5. https://www.theguardian.com/uk/the-northerner/2012/may/22/douglas-gordon-talkin-headcumbria-scotland Retrieved 4 April 2019.

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6. Cited in Ritchie, Leitch.: Scott and Scotland. London: Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, Green, and Longman, (1835) page 53. 7. http://www.firesticks.org.auRetrieved 4 April 2019. 8. Rancière.: The Politics of Aesthetics. 9. Ibid. 10. Coombs, Gretchen.: Activism, Art and Social Practice: A Case Study Using Jacques Ranciere’s Framework for Analysis. AAANZ ‘Inter-discipline’ conference proceedings | (2014). 11. https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/politics. Retrieved 4 April 2019. 12. Rancière.: The Politics of Aesthetics. Page 13 13. Ibid. 14. Guattari, Félix.: The Three Ecologies. London: Continuum, (2008). 15. Rancière.:The Politics of Aesthetics. Page 14. 16. Environment and Heritage Management Plan (DRAFT) Culpra Station, NSW, Prepared by Sunraysia Environmental, (2013). Pp. 39–40. 17. A billabong is ‘a branch of a river forming a backwater or stagnant pool, made by water flowing from the main stream during a flood.’ https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/billabong. The word billabong comes from the Wiradjuri language of south-western New South Wales: bila meaning ‘river,’ and bang meaning ‘continuing in time or space.’ Billabong is now in common use throughout Australia. https://www.questacon.edu.au/burarra-gathering/extrainformation/billabong.Retrieved 4 April 2019. 18. A camp kitchen is an open structure constructed from timber poles and a corrugated iron roof. 19. Kendall Wrightson.: An Introduction to Acoustic Ecology, Journal of Electroacoustic Music 12, (1999). 20. Truax, Barry, ed.: Handbook for Acoustic Ecology. Burnaby, B.C. Canada: ARC Publications, (1978). 21. Kendall Wrightson.: An Introduction to Acoustic Ecology. 22. When Aboriginal people use the English word ‘Country’ it is meant in a special way. For Aboriginal people, culture, nature and land are all linked. Aboriginal communities have a cultural connection to the land, which is based on each community’s distinct culture, traditions and laws. Country takes in everything within the landscape—landforms, waters, air, trees, rocks, plants, animals, foods, medicines, minerals, stories and special places. Community connections include cultural practices, knowledge, songs, stories and art, as well as all people: past, present and future. These custodial relationships may determine who can speak for particular Country. These concepts are central to Aboriginal spirituality and continue to contribute to Aboriginal identity. Source http://www.visitmungo.com.au/aboriginal-country. Retrieved 4 April 2019. 23. Truax, Barry.: Handbook for Acoustic Ecology. 24. https://aiatsis.gov.au/sites/default/files/products/discussion_paper/we-have-the-song-so-wehave-the-land.pdf Retrieved 4 April 2019. 25. Rancière.: The Politics of Aesthetics. Page 14. 26. Coombs.: Activism, Art and Social Practice.

Chapter 5

The Effects ‘Share-Economy’ Based Accommodation Service on Vernacular Settlement (Case Study: Yogyakarta’s Sultanate Palace Complex) Trias Mahendarto Abstract  As a historic quarter, Yogyakarta’s Sultanate Palace (Keraton) complex is one of the main tourist attractions in the city, while also a perfect case of a modern vernacular settlement. It has developed from being a territory of the Sultan’s Palace to becoming a modern settlement without losing many  historical characteristics. While the area is well equipped with hotels and hostels for interested tourists, there is a rising trend of ‘share economy’ type of lodging such as the ones that operates under the Airbnb Company. This type of accommodations is mostly cheaper and easily accessible through website and apps, key features to attract typically young tourists that are adept with such technology. Airbnb rooms are usually located inside regular houses or even historic ones. Yet due to the rising numbers, more rooms and houses are being converted into Airbnb lodgings, including those inside the historic palace complex. A literature study, combined qualitative research, survey, and data gathering from Airbnb’s website, analyse the effects of Airbnb lodgings inside and close to the palace complex. This research will analyse the data to determine the effects of the increased ‘share economy’ type of lodging services inside the historic Sultanate palace complex of Yogyakarta, and if this new type of accommodation will eventually change the Genius Loci of the historic complex, if it is not regulated. Keywords  Yogyakarta · Keraton · Airbnb · Vernacular settlement · Genius loci · Tourism · ‘Share-economy’ accommodation

T. Mahendarto (*) Universitas Atma Jaya Yogyakarta, Yogyakarta, Indonesia © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 G. A. M. Suartika, J. Nichols (eds.), Reframing the Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, and Representation, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22448-6_5

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5.1  Introduction The palace complex of the Sultanate of Yogyakarta is changing. This is due to many factors, such as an increase in the number of new residents in the neighbourhood, and also due to the status of the location as a mix of residential and tourism functions. As one of the main tourist attractions in the city and its vicinity to the Malioboro Street, there is an increasing trend for new accommodation on the inside as well as around the palace complex. Different forms of the accommodation include: hotels, hostels, and share-economy based accommodation, in which tourists can rent a portion of privately owned houses for a short term stay with a typically low rental price. This paper will focus on the effects of share-economy based accommodation (in this case: the accommodation that is listed in the Airbnb hosting service) on the architectural integrity of the palace complex of Yogyakarta and how new forms of tourist accommodation will affect the Genius Loci of the palace complex. The palace complex is interesting for tourists given its unique sense of place; the risk of losing its Genius Loci may result in the abandonment of the place by the tourists, and reduce the appeal of the palace complex to all patrons. We believe that by analysing the new type of low cost accommodation that is rapidly growing, it may give some insight into the effects to prompt new guidelines that may protect the Genius Loci of the palace complex.

5.1.1  Airbnb and the Share-Economy Form of Accommodation Airbnb is a share-economy based accommodation that rose to prominence due to its cost advantages compared with companies such as hotels in providing accommodation. The term share-economy is based on a system of peer-to-peer-based activity of obtaining, giving, or sharing the access to goods and services, coordinated through community-based online services [1], and in the case of Airbnb, they are concentrated on the service of accommodation. The main advantage of Airbnb accommodation is in its reduced rental price. This is achievable because it has the advantage of low taxes and the gaps in regulatory enforcements compared to the compliances required for traditional accommodation companies. These regulatory requirements include: safety standards and accessibility, as well as compliances [2]. The growing network of Airbnb accommodation is thought to be worth USD 38 Billion by the end of 2018 (according to Chatham [3]). ‘A major campaign has been aimed at fulfilling the needs of millennial generation tourists.’ Their heightened and marketed experience that differs from mass produced tourism, is called ‘live there’, according to business wire in 2016 [4]. With such ambition and capital, Airbnb will continue to influence and affect conditions in the hosting industry. As a share-economy business, it influences tourism networks on a global scale.

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It is also relatively simple to become a host at Airbnb. Few limitations exist for the host, given the lack of regulatory law in the share-economy industry. The types of accommodation also vary greatly, from sharing a room to renting a whole house, depending on the host themselves. Additional facilities and services increase the rentable fee. Due to these reasons, the number of Airbnb hosts have rapidly increased in many countries, especially within cities with famous tourist destinations around the world. In the case of Indonesia, in 2016, Airbnb has a yearly growth of host by 72%, with an income of USD 80 million according to a press released to CNN Indonesia in 2016 [5].

5.1.2  The Current Situation of the Palace Complex The palace complex of the Sultanate of Yogyakarta was built as a centre of governance and residence for the sultanate, in which the Sultan and his family resides. The term Jeron Beteng indicates the areas inside the old palace walls complex, in which it was also a residential area for the extended royal family and the Sultanate’s subjects. A decree from the Ninth King of the Sultanate gave the possibility for common people, specifically the poor families from around the palace complex, to live inside the palace complex [6]. That decree broke the exclusivity of the palace complex in terms of the type of residents permitted. Today there are diverse groups of people, even those from outside Yogyakarta, that live inside the palace complex. This changes the social construct and affects the ever evolving architectural identity of the palace complex. New residents impose their own design ideas within the compound and build modern houses. Arguably this demonstrates little effort or regard for maintaining the unique sense of place of their surroundings. Aside from residents’ own design preferences, the changing of the palace complex function into a tourism area also introduced new building types, such as restaurants, workshops, shops, as well as accommodation. These new types of buildings were being constructed with little consideration for the palace complex’s unique historical sense of place. Perhaps this was due to the evolving social status of the residents inside the palace walls [7]. Such development will slowly but surely dictate altered ‘genius loci’, as new buildings are disparate in their disregard of the traditional structure of the palace complex. In the near future, it is expected that the complex will reach a critical point where traditional buildings will be overwhelmingly replaced by buildings competing with the traditional structures.

5.2  Methodology In order to see the effects of share-based economy accommodation in the palace complex, this research gathered data thru Airbnb’s official website and used primary data collected via observation inside the palace complex for buildings utilizing the

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Airbnb approach. By survey, we established that there were many design changes in the list of the Airbnb buildings. All the data was organised and analysed through an interpretation method [8]. The hypothesis of this research investigated how the share-economy based accommodation affected its surrounding [8]. A literature review was conducted to ensure that the analysis was objective. The data collection and analysis had limitations. This research focused on the effects of the share-­ economy accommodation that are listed in Airbnb inside the ‘Jeron beteng’ area of Yogyakarta’s palace complex. The data collection and analysis of the Airbnb hosting accommodation was limited to hosts that are located inside the area of the old palace wall complex.

5.3  Literature Review 5.3.1  ‘ Genius Loci’ and Its Importance to the Surroundings and Its Residents The use of the term ‘genius loci’ in its connection with architecture was first coined by Christian Norberg-Schulz in his book “Genius Loci Towards a Phenomenology of Architecture,” as a way to identify certain characteristics of a site by comparison with another, creating a sense of place between locations [9]. Norberg-Schulz connected the perception of space with ‘Existence and Genius Loci’, creating a phenomenological trilogy in architecture [10]. A sense of place aids people’s perception of identity and connection with specific environments. This concept is more evident in areas where they have a strong and unique architectural style, such as old neighbourhood quarters, where its architectural identity is recognised itself into the city’s history. The sense of place of a certain region is always changing, and it is hard to pinpoint an exact or authentic ‘genius loci’ of place. Due to the dynamic conditions present in the built environment and the fluid nature of all societies the ‘genius loci’ concept also is in flux [11]. For some societies a strong sense of place is fostered to establish a strong sense of belonging and identity [12]. A new society may alter the perceived sense of place, as they have no memory of the past or previous conditions.

5.3.2  Gentrification and How It Changes the Neighbourhood Gentrification can be described as a phenomenon in which vacant or working class areas in the city centre are transformed into middle class residential areas or for commercial purposes [13]. In the gentrification process, typically the former society of the neighbourhood is altered or replaced with a different socio-economic demo-

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graphic. It is envisaged the transformed neighbourhood will have an upward ­economic trajectory. This transformation can be caused by the flows of capital or people due to its strategic location of the neighbourhood [14]. Such transformation will have a great effect on a society. New residents will motivate socio-economic changes. There are global examples of this and one such case may be seen in Amsterdam, in which the tenure conversion is contributing to the gentrification processes in the inner city of Amsterdam. It may be seen in the long term, as downgrading the neighbourhood and creating a type of ethnic segregation of families living in the area [15]. Gentrification causes land value increases which in turn raises rents. Even though the physical changes in the neighbourhood are not the essence of the movement, new residents will eventually renovate and rearrange their home to facilitate their needs, changing the architectural identity of the location. New commercial buildings that facilitate the new residents’ needs also may alter the previous aesthetic. This was the case for a heritage building in Yogyakarta, located in Jl. Sudirman, converted to accommodate its new function as a pizza hut restaurant [16]. In this case, the restoration team received instructions from the Department of Culture, but the result is a substantially altered version of the original heritage building (see Fig. 5.1). Often there is a displacement effect for the former residents. Wealthier residents, more to the area and eventually the neighbourhood experiences a shift in the previous demographics.

Fig. 5.1  Commercial buildings that alter a heritage building aesthetic. (Source: Creative Commons Google Maps, 2018)

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5.4  Data Collection and Findings According to the survey and observation that the author has conducted, and also with the data collected from the Airbnb website up until the middle of August 2018, there are forty two Airbnb accommodation offerings inside the palace complex. Houses that are also being offered as separate rooms in the listings are being counted as singular houses (Fig. 5.2). Among that number, twenty of them are complete houses rented as a whole (47%), four are hotels/hostel (10%), while the remaining are singular rooms. All of the hosts listed, generally received good reviews from their clients. Hospitality and standard of the accommodation appear to be well-received. In terms of architectural style, twenty-eight (66%) are buildings and rooms that still maintain the unique architectural style of the old palace complex houses, while the rest (33%) are designed in a more modern style. All of the houses are equipped with modern toilets and facilities that support guests’ needs. In regard, to the position of the accommodation, interestingly about thirty two (76%) of the accommodation are positioned at the South Eastern part of the palace complex. Regarding the rental price, it varies but not greatly from one to another, with the most cost effective being 10 USD for a single room and the most expensive is 240 USD for the whole house (Data taken for renting period in September 2018, which usually is not a very high tourist period according to Indonesia’s tourism department [17]).

Fig. 5.2  Airbnb location within the palace complex. (Source: Creative Commons Google Maps, author’s analysis, 2018)

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Airbnb accommodation offered inside the palace complex that maintained an architectural quality in keeping with the surrounding area was a major point of marketing for the accommodation. The opportunity of living in an old Javanese house is very attractive to the tourists giving them a sense of place in the experience of the Jeron Beteng. Some of the modern accommodations applied traditional architectural elements in their building designs. A popular approach included the fit-out of the bedroom interior with traditional carvings and soft furnishings. The whole living experience offered was exhibited in the full houses (even though for some of them, they are also being offered as separate individual rooms). The intangible experience of living inside old quarters is one of the major tourist attractions for the area [18]. That experience brings a sense of both exclusivity and inclusivity. Even if guests rent a portion of the house, the freedom and familiar situation of Airbnb accommodation presents as a more relaxed environment for the visiting tourists. The share-economy accommodation concentrated more in the South-Eastern part of the palace complex. The area is currently dominated by residential functions, complimentary to share-economy accommodation and also for day-visiting tourists. The experience of living inside a historic quarter in close proximity of other major tourist attractions such as the Palace, and the Tamansari complex was very popular. It is expected that the share-economy based accommodation will increase in the palace complex [19].

5.5  Discussion As shown in the data findings, the increased availability of Airbnb accommodation within the palace context will eventually affect the palace’s ‘genius loci’. These effects include a myriad of architectural styles, increased numbers of inhabitants as well as tourists which concurrently alters the ‘sense of place’. In order to define the ‘genius loci’ of a place, there are two main factors to consider, they are: the location (which include the building’s architecture, ornaments, style, proportions, etc.) and the socio-cultural demographic of the people who live at the location. In terms of preserving the ‘built’ ‘genius loci’ of the place, this trend is in the positive direction. The addition of traditional architectural elements inside modern and newly-built houses give a distinctive ‘feel’ compared with other surrounding areas outside the palace complex. With the rise of Airbnb accommodation in Indonesia, it is possible there will be more traditional houses that will be converted for this tourist market. In doing so, the process requires the houses to be well-maintained and often renovated to increase amenity with modern bathroom and kitchen facilities. The effort to maintain and evolve the genius loci of the palace is an attractive marketing aspect of the palace complex environment. The share-economy based accommodation is therefore a facilitator for tourism development for the future of the palace. Notably, the rise of the share-economy based accommodation also affects the social structures of the surrounding area. The growing number of residences may

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compromise some of the social connections between existing neighbours, with large numbers of short-term tourists residing in their area, inferring that local people typically have a greater psychological connection to the area, and are therefore invested in the ‘genius loci’ of the place. However belonging and identity may also change in unison with other socio-cultural changes in the environment. Whether this adversely affects the existing residents or not remains to be seen. The responsibility may be up to the residents to retain their autonomy in their chosen living environment. Rental accommodation brings its own challenges with managing both vacancy and occupied rates. Large amounts of unoccupied dwellings may be unhelpful for neighbourhood relations and community socialisation. Participation in community events and shared responsibilities of may be affected where short term rental properties prevail. Particularly in instances of community level activities such as the voluntary communal work kerja bakti, or voluntary night watch. The reconditioning of the houses, into restaurants, shops, traditional workshops, and other tourism-related functions to capture new and perceived needs and interests may be fulfilled with the Airbnb accommodation model. Increasingly, more restaurants, shops, and other economic functions continue to emerge inside the palace complex. Potentially there is a risk that the existing residents may be displaced by new owners driven by economic rationalism [20] a sole economic agenda may alter the existing “traditional” context. The original motivations of choosing accommodation in the palace complex may be challenged with an altered built environment and social demographic. If that is the case, then eventually the main attraction for tourists to stay in the palace complex to experience living in a historic quarter will be gone, as the complex becomes an artificial incarnation of the originally desired experience. It is possible it might become more of a historic quarter museum rather than a traditionally-modelled living space. Maintaining low rents for tourists will assist in maintaining the status quo. Yet if the palace complex becomes such an attractive tourism model for the region it is unlikely that accommodation process will remain low, as it will prompt economic investment and the cost of land and property will respond to the demand. In terms of built environment, the share-economy based accommodation not only assists in the conservation of the historic quarter, but it might also positively contribute to design and refurbishment choices of occupants and owners. New investment can also reduce the urban decline in some areas, and with the additional shops and other tourist facilities, there might be a resurgence in the maintenance and support of the architecture inside the palace complex. In terms of social community, however, the share-economy based accommodation has potentially negative effects. It will eventually trigger a gentrification process for the old community. It may ultimately price them out of the market for their dwelling spaces and replace them with a new community who have minimal emotional connection with the surroundings. Several cities around the world, such as New  York, Amsterdam, and Barcelona, have realised these competing interests need to be well managed, and as a result they have tried to regulate the share-economy based accommodation with new laws and regulations [21], but Yogyakarta has not followed their example. Yogyakarta has in general embraced the share-economy as it is too early to have felt the long-term effects of these changes at both a resident and government level.

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5.6  Conclusion The share-economy accommodation as a major feature in the palace complex, indicates there are many advantages. Maintenance of the built environment of the palace complex, such as the preservation of some of the unique architectural features have proved valuable. Some of the new buildings have designs utilizing these unique features of the old historic quarters. Contrastingly, it has also become a major trigger of displacement and gentrification in the residential areas inside the palace complex due to the economic pressure of the lucrative tourism business. Currently there are no laws and regulations that control design and building techniques utilised for Airbnb or considering the ‘genius loci’ of the palace complex. Whilst it is a process of slow change, the community that have attachments to that very sense of place may decline in numbers due to gentrification. Due to the share-economy accommodation’s popularity and advantages, its numbers will continue to rise in the foreseeable future, and its effects will become a major determining factor that shape the future of the palace complex’s evolving Genius Loci.

5.7  Continuation the Research This researcher acknowledged that there are many factors that can be also analysed in order to define a more concrete conclusion on the effects of share-economy based accommodation inside the palace complex. A mixture of qualitative and quantitative data gathering and analysis can become the next step to extend the research in order to find the perfect approach and regulation in order to maintain the ‘genius loci’ of the palace complex even with the addition of new share-economy based accommodations in the future.

References 1. Hamari, J., Sjöklint, M., Ukkonen, A.: The Sharing Economy: Why People Participate In Collaborative Consumption. Journal of the Association for Information Science And Technology (2016). 2. Houlder, V.: Airbnb Makes Most of Legal Wiggle Room to Beat Hotels. Financial Times (2017). 3. Forbes homepage, https://www.forbes.com/sites/greatspeculations/2018/05/11/as-a-rare-profitable-unicorn-airbnb-appears-to-be-worth-at-least-38-billion/#2799ed66274, last accessed 2018/12/02. 4. Business wire homepage, https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20160419006571/en/ Airbnb-Launches-New-Products-Inspire-People-%E2%80%9CLive, last accessed 2018/ 13/02. 5. CNN Indonesia homepage, https://www.cnnindonesia.com/teknologi/20171124160603185-257867/mengukur-bisnis-airbnb-di-indonesia, last accessed 2018/13/02.

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6. Soeroto, N.:Kesultanan Yogyakarta. Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Direktorat Jenderal Kebudayaan, Balai Kajian Sejarah dan Nilai Tradisional, Yogyakarta (1986). 7. Marlina, E., Ronald, A.:Ekspresi Budaya Membangun Pada Masyarakat Jeron Beteng, Kecamatan Kraton, Yogyakarta. Humaniora, Vol 23 No 2 Juni 2011 (2011). 8. Kohtari, C.R.: Research Methodology, methods and techniques. 2nd ed. New Age International Publishers, New Delhi (2004). 9. Norberg-Schulz, C.: Genius Loci: Towards A Phenomenology of Architecture. Rizzoli, New York (1980). 10. Habib, F., Sahhaf, S. M. K.: Christian Norberg-Schulz and the Existential Space. International Journal Of Architecture And Urban Development. Vol.1, No.3 (2012). 11. Loukaki, A.: Whose Genius Loci?: Contrasting Interpretations Of The “Sacred Rock Of The Athenian Acropolis”. Annals Of The Association Of American Geographers 87.2. Taylor and Francis, United Kingdom (1997). 12. Kepczynska-Walczak, A., Walczak, B.M.: Visualising ‘Genius Loci’ of Built Heritage. Proceeding Of The 11th Conference Of The European Architectural Envisioning Association, Milan 25-28 September 2013, Track 3, Pp. 451-457.NuovaCultura, Roma (2013). 13. Zuk, M., Et Al.: Gentrification, Displacement and the Role Of Public Investment: A Literature Review. Vol. 79. Federal Reserve Bank Of San Francisco, San Francisco (2015). 14. Lees, L., Slater, T., & Wyly, E.: Gentrification. Routledge, New York (2008). 15. Boterman, W. R., Van Gent, W.: Housing Liberalisation and Gentrification: The Social Effects Of Tenure Conversions In Amsterdam. Tijdschrift Voor Economische EnSociale Geografie 105.2, pp. 140-160.Wiley-Blackwell, USA (2014). 16. Rahmanto, N. I.: Advice Planning Dp2wb Dalam Pelestarian Bangunan Cagar Budaya. Sejarah dan Budaya: Jurnal Sejarah, Budaya, dan Pengajarannya, 12 (2), 146-158(2018). 17. Department of Tourism of DI Yogyakarta website, https://visitingjogja.com/downloads/BukuStatistik-Kepariwisataan-DI-Yogyakarta-tahun-2017.pdf, last accessed 2018/13/02 18. Orbasli, A.: The ‘Islamic’ city and Tourism: Managing Conservation And Tourism In Traditional Neighbourhoods. Tourism In The Middle East: Continuity, Change And Transformation, pp. 161-187.Channel View Publications, Bristol (2007). 19. Wang, C., Jeong, M.: What Makes You Choose Airbnb Again? An Examination Of Users’ Perceptions Toward The Website and Their Stay. International Journal Of Hospitality Management. Elsevier, UK (2018). 20. Zanini, S.: Tourism Pressures and Depopulation In Cannaregio. Journal of Cultural Heritage Management and Sustainable Development, Vol. 7 Issue: 2, pp.164-178. Emerald Group Publishing Ltd, UK (2017). 21. Oskam, J., Boswijk, A.: Airbnb: The Future Of Networked Hospitality Businesses. Journal of Tourism Futures 2.1: 22-42. Emerald Group Publishing Ltd, UK (2016).

Chapter 6

The Shift of Symbolic Meaning of Joglo Houses for People in Brayut Tourism Village Purwanto Hadi, Vincentia Reni Vitasurya, and Eduardus Kevin Pandu

Abstract  Joglo house is a symbol of nobility in Javanese culture and in the traditional social structure as to whom leads the community. It has a pendopo as a formal public meeting area. The shape of pendopo is represented by a high and wide roof span which reflect spatial and symbolic meanings. Brayut village is a traditional rural area which supported peri-urban agriculture of Kasultanan Yogyakarta in the 1800 era. This village has been reorganized as a traditional village for the tourism industry since 1999. Three Joglo houses represent some of the unique attractions for Brayut tourism village. The oldest Joglo house was built by Demang of Brayut as a regional leader in the 1890s. The change in the present governmental system negated the Joglo house’s use and therefore it is no longer a symbol of leadership in the village. This study explores the shifting symbolic meanings of Joglo houses in Brayut village. It examines three Joglo houses as study cases. The methods of collecting data includes interviews with the owners and mappings of the transformation of spatial forms and functions. The results show that the shift in symbolic meaning occurred in two important zones of Joglo house, i.e.: the pendopo and ndalem. The symbol of the leader turns into the pride of the descendants. Ndalem is a symbol of the sacred within the house yet it has been modified for the tourists. The altered symbolic meaning has not physically distorted the building form and it still suggests obedience to the ancestor in its representation. Keywords  Symbolic meaning · Tourism Village · Traditional architecture · Javanese house

P. Hadi · V. R. Vitasurya (*) · E. K. Pandu Universitas Atma Jaya Yogyakarta, Yogyakarta, Indonesia © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 G. A. M. Suartika, J. Nichols (eds.), Reframing the Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, and Representation, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22448-6_6

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6.1  Introduction Traditional houses are perceived as part of the local identity and reflective of the socio-cultural aspects of local society. Javanese traditional houses have continued to transform over time. The oldest documented traditional Javanese house is indicated in the relief of Candi Borobudur [1]. Human beings adaptability to climate and geological conditions, especially in Nusantara, motivated a different typology of architecture [2]. The Javanese house may be seen as an artificial environment where the manifestation of cultural values such as utilitarian functions, as well as symbolic meaning, coexist [3]. Architectural space in Javanese architecture coexists with traditional values [4]. There are five types of Javanese traditional buildings based on their roof designs, i.e.: Joglo, Limasan, Kampong, Tajug, and Panggang Pe. Three of them are used for residential cases [5, 6]. The Joglo house is considered as the highest grade of Javanese traditional houses and represents the upper-class stratification of the owner (leader and noble family) [7]. The Limasan house represents the middle-class stratification in Javanese society (landlord, trader or priyayi who has a special skill or high intelligence or social position). The Kampong house represents the lowest-class stratification (worker class) in Javanese society. The Joglo house is a symbol of local or community leader. The wide and high shape of pendopo Joglo roof represents this symbol in traditional society [8]. Studying Javanese houses means there are intangible aspects, that the locals believe give breath to its inhabitants, as well as housing their soul in the space. These intangible aspects are a part of the concrete as well as the symbolic reality, as understood by the locals [9]. The existence of the Joglo house in a village, of which there is only one per village in common. The pendopo Joglo as a leadership symbol in the traditional government (the era before 1945, the Indonesian independent year), was an administration office. The change of rural government system in Yogyakarta meant that the administration no longer lives in the pendopo Joglo but in another building known as the rural administration office [10]. The changing nature of traditional ways into modern practices have meant that the traditional values, particularly in the younger generation, disappear [11]. These types of traditional Javanese architecture are vulnerable to change, therefore, some locals see this as an elimination of the local rural authenticity. There is a transformation of symbolic meaning across generations, into practical meanings of house elements. This paper aims to examine the shift of symbolic meaning in traditional houses related to the development of a tourism village. The research will hopefully provide insight into the development and maintenance of traditional villages converted to tourism-focused enterprises.

6.2  Overview of Brayut Village Located about 10 km north of Yogyakarta in Sleman district, Brayut village is one of the nearest tourism villages to Yogyakarta. Brayut village was an old settlement which became peri-urban agriculture for Kasultanan Yogyakarta. Surrounded by a

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beautiful landscape and fertile land, Brayut village has historically been a prosperous village. This area was established as a tourism village in 1999. The settlement, as well as some well-preserved traditional houses, still occupied, became the main tourist attraction. This village has a uniqueness, there are three Joglos that collectively represent the existence of local leaders in a different period. Meanwhile, in other traditional Javanese village there is only one Joglo commonly. The oldest Joglo house was built in the 1890’s. As an old rural area, the name of Brayut village appears in Rijksblad no 11 of Kasultanan Yogyakarta in 1916 [10]. Rijksblad was the oldest formal document recording land administration orders under the Sultanate authority. Since 1916, Brayut village becomes a kelurahan (smaller administrative area under district in a rural area) as a part of Sleman district. Yogyakarta had an administration change in 1946 after the independence of the Republic of Indonesia in 1945. The government of Yogyakarta, under the Kasultanan Yogyakarta, simplified the 262 kelurahan into 86 kelurahan. Brayut village joined with four other villages and became one kelurahan named Pandowoharjo. After joining with other villages, Brayut no longer retained a lurah as a village leader but became a dusun (the smaller part of kelurahan) and lead by dukuh. The transformation in rural administration influences the traditional social stratification, for example, the pendopo Joglo no longer is the public administration for the community. In the modern era, changes from lifestyle to the mindsets of the people have impacted the younger generations inheritance of the house. The shift of symbolic meaning in the Joglo house is evident in the three Joglo houses of Brayut village. Brayut village has 3 Joglo houses which were built in different time periods and positions in the village (see Fig. 6.1). The differences describe different ownership in three administration eras. The first era, represented by Joglo 1 (the oldest), shows the authenticity of the Joglo house that was originally built as a community leader’s house. The second era, represented by the Joglo 2, has been enlarged in size with the addition of the pendopo. This Joglo from the 1942 era, demonstrates the upgrading of the house and a shift in the typology after the owner became the second lurah. This house was built in limasan style first. The third era, within which Joglo 3 is situated, replace the old house into a Joglo house after became a dukuh. This house was built in limasan style originally.

6.3  Method The comparison of three Joglos examines the shift of symbolic meaning in this research. By utilizing a mapping and reconstruction method based on interviews with the heirs within the community, the symbolic meanings still present within the village residents were interrogated.

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Fig. 6.1  Distribution map of the location of 3 Joglo houses in Brayut village. (Source: Authors, 2018)

6.4  Transformation of Joglo Houses in Brayut The symbolic meanings of the Joglo house demonstrate the eagerness of the heirs to preserve the house, but in embracing different motifs that have been evident in houses from the ancestors.

6.4.1  The Shift of Symbolic Meaning in Joglo 1 Joglo 1 was under the ownership of the heir of the first lurah in Brayut Village. Built-in the 1890s, the house has been well maintained as an authentic Joglo house. This house was vacant in 1989–2005, after 2005 the tourism board of Brayut requested if the heir would permit for the use of the house as a tourist attraction. So, this house became the main attraction of the Brayut Tourism Village. This house was listed as a heritage building by the government of D.I.  Yogyakarta in 2015. After it was declared as a heritage asset, the maintenance of the house is provided by the local government. The heir decided to preserve the house to celebrate the pride around their ancestral history. The symbolic meanings reflect in the pendopo

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Fig. 6.2  Identification of the existing condition of Joglo 1 and its symbolic meaning. (Source: Authors, 2018)

and ndalem areas of the Joglo house. These areas have been maintained but no longer share the same meanings and purposes of their historic past (see Fig.  6.2). Symbolic meaning in this architectural context refers the denoted use of the space as well as its implied meaning [12]. In Joglo 1, the symbolic meaning has shifted over time between the denoted and implied meanings of the spaces. The authenticity of this house is understood by the author to be demonstrated in the owner’s pride and obedience to their ancestors in retaining their traditions and reverence. The heir, and owner was the descendant of the first lurah and the first local leader in Brayut. Therefore the heir holds an honoured position in the local community.

6.4.2  The Shift of Symbolic Meaning in Joglo 2 Joglo 2 belonging to the second lurah of Brayut village. It was built in 1900 in the limasan style. The house received an addition to increase its size with pendopo Joglo in 1942. This transformation occurred as the owner (2ndgeneration of owner) became a lurah. As was the case for Joglo1, denoted and implied meanings coexist for this refurbished structure. The denotation meaning of Joglo 2 still remains as communal space but only for the family (see Fig. 6.3).

6.4.3  The Shift of Symbolic Meaning in Joglo 3 Joglo 3 belongs to one of the longest standing dukuh (local community leader) in Brayut village. Built in 1947, this pendopo Joglo was bought after being transferred from Tlacap village (the neighboring village to Brayut). The owner bought this house to highlight his position in society. As a local community leader, this house also represents the power of the owner (see Fig. 6.4).

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Fig. 6.3  Identification of the existing condition of Joglo 2 and its symbolic meaning. (Source: Authors 2018)

Fig. 6.4  Identification of the existing condition of Joglo 3 and its symbolic meaning. (Source: Authors, 2018)

Comparison of the symbolic meaning between builder generations and the heir generations describe in Table 6.1. Based on the drawings indicated above, the shift of symbolic meaning in Joglo house occurs in the shape and functional aspects of the design. In the shape, the wide and high roof symbolizes the power and authority of the owner [8]. In Brayut, particularly, this condition also represents the leadership symbol in the third house as well as it follows the inheritance system. Pendopo Joglo was added to the limasan house of a local leader in a different era. In ndalem as a sacred main house, the existence of senthong tengah (room in the center of the house as a sacred room in Javanese traditional house or also known as “krobongan”) represents the human and God relationships present for the owner. In the modern era (in 2000 era), these rooms and their symbolic meanings shift into the profane room (as a bedroom for example). This condition was caused by the loss of traditional beliefs misunderstood, discounted or forgotten by the modern generation.  The tangible features of the traditional house may be understood just as a part of the family legacy and provided for tourists [13]. The functional transformation is a response to the change of meaning and form to accommodate the present needs and generations of inhabitants [14, 15]. In line with this statement, senthong or krobongan in a traditional house in Brayut functionally adapt to meet many required modern needs, whether it be to fulfill a sleeping function or operate for tourist accommodation.

Name Joglo 1

Symbolic meaning Before (the builder generation) In shape: The wide and high roof is a symbol of the village leader. (the era of 1st lurah) In function: Pendopo: Administration office in local leader’s territory Ndalem: Residence of the owner

Table 6.1  Comparison of symbolic meaning in builder generation and heir generation

(continued)

After (the heir generation) In shape: The wide and high roof is the symbol of family pride and honour of the family history In function: Pendopo: Main tourist attraction in Brayut tourism village Ndalem: Homestay for tourist

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Name Joglo 2

Table 6.1 (continued) Symbolic meaning Before (the builder generation) In shape: The wide and high roof is a symbol of the village leader. (the era of 2nd lurah) In function: Pendopo: Administration office in local leader’s territory Ndalem: Residence of the owner Ndalem: Residence of the owner

After (the heir generation) In shape: The wide and high roof is a symbol of family pride and honor of family history In function: Pendopo: Family meeting room

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Source: Authors (2018)

Name Joglo 3

Table 6.1 (continued)

In function: Pendopo: Administration office in local leader’s territory Ndalem: Residence of the owner

Symbolic meaning Before (the builder generation) In shape: The wide and high roof is a symbol of village community leader as dukuh. (in the era of 3rd lurah)

Ndalem: Residence of the owner

After (the heir generation) In shape: The wide and high roof is a symbol of family pride and honor of family history. The Joglo house also improves the self-confident of the owner In function: Pendopo: Family meeting room

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6.5  Conclusion The symbolic meaning of Joglo house has continued to shift and adjust across generations of owners. In the modern era, Joglo house does not necessarily symbolize the power and authority of its historical past but instead reflects the interests of heir. The shift of symbolic meaning occurs in the building’s shape, power and authority and as a symbol for the village leader. The shift of symbolic meaning also occurs in its adjusted and altered function. This is demonstrated in the meaning of public space in pendopo Joglo (as an administration office) that has now been re-designed into a semi-private space (as a family meeting room). The meaning of senthong or krobongan as the sacred room (philosophical symbol) transformed into the profane room as a bedroom or tourist accommodation (practical symbol).

References 1. Prie, M. M.: Pancaran Limasan – The Brilliance of Limasan. 1st ed. Red & White Publishing – Tembi Rumah Budaya, Yogyakarta (2016). 2. Adiyanto, J.: Mencari DNA Arsitektur di Nusantara. in Seminar Arsitektur Nusantara IPLBI, May 2018 (2018). 3. Wardani, L. K.: Interior Spatial Arrangement of the Javanese House. in Exploring Noble Values of Local Wisdom and Prime Javanese Culture to Strengthen the Nation Identity, pp. 644–652 (2011). 4. Kartono, J. L.: Konsep Ruang Tradisional Jawa dalam Konteks Budaya. Dimens Inter. 3(2), 124–136 (2005). 5. Dakung, S.: Arsitektur Tradisional Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta, 2nd ed. CV.  Piala Permai, Jakarta (1998). 6. Ismunandar, R.: Joglo-Arsitektur Rumah Tradisional Jawa, 3rd ed. Dahara Prize, Semarang (1990). 7. Raffles, T. S.: The History of Java, 4th ed. Narasi, Yogyakarta (2016). 8. Kusno, A.: Guardian of memories: Gardu in urban Java. Indonesia (81), 95–149 (2006). 9. Laurens, J.M.: Arsitektur dan perilaku manusia. Penerbit PT Grasindo, Jakarta (2004). 10. Tashadi, Suwarno, P., Harjono, T., Harnoko, D., Moertjipto, and Prasetyo, B.: Kabupaten Sleman Dalam Perjalanan Sejarah, 1st ed. Humas Sekretariat Daerah Kabupaten Sleman, Yogyakarta (2002). 11. Cuthbert, A.: Venacular Transfomations: Context, Isues, Debates. In: Suartika, G.A.M. (ed.) Vernacular Transformations. pp. 7–39. Pustaka Larasan and Udayana University’s Program, Denpasar (2013). 12. Broadbent, G., Bunt, R., Jencks, C.: Signs, symbols, and architecture. John Wiley & Sons, (1980). 13. Lucia Asdra Rudwiarti, Anna Pudianti, Vincentia Reni Vitasurya, (2017) A Comparison Study of Tangible and Intangible Culture as Commercialisation Process of Tourism Village in Yogyakarta. E-Journal of Tourism:71 14. Plevoets, B., Sowińska-Heim, J.: Community initiatives as a catalyst for regeneration of heritage sites: Vernacular transformation and its influence on the formal adaptive reuse practice. Cities 78, 1–18 (2018). 15. V R Vitasurya, G Hardiman, S R Sari, (2018) Transformation of traditional houses in the development of sustainable rural tourism, case study of Brayut Tourism Village in Yogyakarta. IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 106:012060

Chapter 7

Designing for Vernacular Landscape Through Ecosystem-Approach: A Case of Floating Settlements at Dal Lake, Kashmir Tanya Talwar and Sanjeev Singh

Abstract  Indian vernacular and traditional knowledge systems, born out of long years of practice, have harmonized themselves with the local ecology. An amalgamation of various cultural, social, ecological and historical layers are distinctly visible at Dal Lake, Jammu and Kashmir. Though primarily known for tourism activities, Dal Lake houses about a thousand families, living on silted islands, whose socio-economic sustenance is dependent on water. The lake influences the everyday lives and activities of people such as cultivation, going to school, crafts, and trade. Local cultural practices of this region possess a historical continuity and have acquired ecological wisdom to adapt to their surroundings. Over time, it is not only the community that has come to depend on the resource, but small ecosystems have been generated as a response that befits Dal Lake. The threat of total eutrophication and high levels of pollution in the lake has resulted in a symptomatic response of rehabilitating this floating community away from its cultural resource. Although it is necessary to curb pollution levels, this isolation of human and natural systems might have adverse consequences. This paper aims to highlight the understanding of the environment in the philosophy of Kashmiri vernacular. Through these learnings, the authors propose three design strategies to sustainably inhabit Dal Lake and integrate the lake in lives of Dal dwellers, the people of Srinagar as well as the floating populations of tourists. The design attempts a vernacular landscape of sustenance and resilience for one of the few floating villages in India. Keywords  Ecosystem · Vernacular · Dal Lake · Floating village

T. Talwar (*) · S. Singh School of Planning and Architecture, Bhopal, India © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 G. A. M. Suartika, J. Nichols (eds.), Reframing the Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, and Representation, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22448-6_7

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7.1  Introduction One, amongst many, perspectives of vernacular architecture describes it as the unconscious ‘realization’ and ‘embodiment’ of the culture, nature and social interactions prevalent within society [1]. This paper predominantly explores social and ecological interactions that bind Dal Lake to the lives of its dwellers and critically develops a theoretical approach to design for eco-sensitive vernacular landscapes. In the case of Dal Lake, its dwellers have interacted and co-evolved with their environment while simultaneously modifying nature and actively maintaining it in a diverse and productive state [2]. Although, in recent years, human influences and unsustainable practices have left the lake in a derelict state. The growing population of dwellers, tourists and expanding encroachments are threatening the survival of the lake, many portions of which have already been lost to eutrophication. The proposed lake conservation and management plans involve various scientific remedial strategies as well as the displacement of human settlements from the marshy islands. The symptomatic approach of rehabilitating the community away from its cultural resource, though necessary to curb pollution levels, can adversely affect the ecology of the lake. The inhabitants are also dependent on the lake for livelihood. Traditional value systems of community ensure a sense of collective ownership and a conscious approach of sustainably managing the resource [3]. The community adopts a crucial role in the lake ecosystem and generates a web of relationships that link together biological components of the environment and human populace. Various ecosystems are further linked together through reciprocal exchanges. The paper is part of a broader design intent that attempts to develop adaptive strategies for ecological sustainability. Through the ecosystem approach, the authors attempt to form a holistic view of a site by investigating each component individually and as part of a larger web or chain of activities. Interdependencies are established to determine the impact one parameter might have on the entire cycle. In their research ‘(Re)reading Landscapes’ Duncan and Duncan write, ‘the web like the character of places and landscapes means that they are capable of sustaining multiple meanings and that multiple narratives criss-cross and thread through them.’ There is a need to conserve both biological and cultural diversity that are tied together [2].

7.2  The Context Dal Lake is a post-glacial, temperate, macrophyte rich shallow water lake located in the heart of Srinagar at an average altitude of 1583 m with a catchment area of 316 square kilometres and a maximum depth of 5.4 m [4]. It is an urban lake of significant economic value, used for tourist recreation, fishing, and harvesting of water plants. During winters, the lake also becomes a source for drinking water. It covers an area of twenty five square kilometres (25 km2) with features that include: floating gardens, built-up land masses with human settlements, and houseboat areas within its open waters.

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7.2.1  Actors Within the Ecosystem The Lake Colony  The dwellers, who inhabit the floating islands within the Dal Lake, have been an essential part of the city’s history. Since the late 19th century, dwellers practiced cultivation on floating gardens and shared a significant contribution in the city’s food supply. In his book “The Valley of Kashmir,” Walter R Lawrence reports that the dwellers, called Mir Behris, were registered tenants who had property rights on the marshlands and related water channels. They are a unique homogenous community, sharing common names, traditions, ceremonies, rituals and they perform common traditional occupations. Apart from agriculture, other significant sources of livelihood include tourism services and crafts. Houseboats are major tourist attractions providing an opportunity for experiencing the lake environment while living within it. Lake Ecology  The shallow water lake is ecologically rich in macrophytes or aquatic weeds that play a crucial role in governing the functioning of the lake. They contribute towards photosynthetic carbon fixation by locking large quantities of nutrients or rhizomes in their roots along with sediments that support larger weeds. They also provide suitable nesting and breeding grounds for both native and summer migrant birds and diverse groups of fish [5]. Crops are cultivated on the water through an ingenious method of floating gardens, locally called Radh and Demb. They form an essential part of the local economy and are responsible for about 35% of food supplies to Srinagar. They are formed from clay piled over compact mats of abundantly available reeds  – Typhaangusta and phragmitescommunis. The nutrient-rich water complements the function of the garden as a natural filter, maintaining an ecological balance in the region. The free-flowing roots harbour various aquatic animals, especially fish but also a population of dragonflies, frogs and ducks follow suit. The abundant chemical wastes make the system free of chemical fertilizers. During rains and flood, the farmers move their produce from islands to floating gardens that rise with the level of water and protect the harvest [5]. Vernacular Architectural Practices and Materials  In small-scale societies, building becomes a community-based activity. This facilitates transmission and refinement of skills and building techniques. The indigenous understanding of materials and methods of putting them together, as observed in Kashmir, is connected to all other aspects of living in the environment. A self-organized indigenous system of checks and balances comes into place that protects against exploitation of landscape beyond the needs of inhabitants. The old philosophy of ‘what can be saved from the building, can be used elsewhere’ is followed to develop architecture from by-products of other life processes. Also, locally available materials are appropriated from the environment without excessive processing (Fig. 7.1). The Taq and Dhajjidewari systems of construction are sustainable as well as protective against the seismic activities of the region. They are made of timber,

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Fig. 7.1  Web of Dal ecosystem detailing relationships between each component. (Source: Author)

earth, fired brick and traditionally finished inside with layers of mud and grass. The buildings depend on the insulation value of the clay mortar and unfired clay masonry of the interiors [6]. Another important system is that of the Burz-Pash roof, synonymous with the green roofs of today. Burza refers to the bark of the Birch tree [7]. Multiple sheets of the bark are put together to form a roofing material that is water-proof, non-­ degradable, with almost no contraction or expansion due to changes in weather. The primary layer of the roof is made with overlapped pieces of Birch tree covered with a four-inch thick layer of much and grass. During the spring season, the roofs come to life with lush greens, yellows, and red tulips [8]. The traditional building techniques are an essential part of Dal dwellers’ daily lives. Timber is an essential architectural material, not only because it is abundantly available but also for its constructional properties. On further examination, one would realize that what is described as craft today, was once a response to the daily needs of the people. The ornamentation is not merely aesthetic but is the connection between the sensibility of the craftsman and the beauty of the surrounding scenery. As an example, the khatamband and panjrakari are primarily the methods of ­constructing windows and ceiling. Their role in the beautification of interior spaces is an added skill of the craftsman.

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7.3  Alternative Approach to Design Development Both the lake and its dwellers have together evolved from traditions and knowledge passed from the preceding generations, independent from bureaucratic controls to form an ‘informal’ landscape. Each individual resident supports themselves in this environment but on a larger scale, the result is a seemingly self-organized community that is related and connected to the city of Srinagar. Their informal organization is dictated by their livelihood activities and influenced by seasonal changes in the environment. The primary focus of this study, includes the analysis of projects that are design-­ sensitive to environment and culture. In addition vernacular builders using or modifying traditional mechanisms that can be initiated at community level instead of relying only on external and technical interventions that may be both expensive and contextually unsuitable, reveals self-reliant and exemplary communities. This community and its landscape encompasses a complex and dense web of relationships and the agents or components and their interdependencies are apparent in this study. It is a delicate balance, and if the lake is affected negatively, then each factor reacts or changes to reach an equilibrium. Take for example the following instance of imbalance. The increased levels of pollution have disturbed these habitats especially that of shizothoracine fish that were once extensively used as food supplement. The schiziothoracides have been out-numbered by Carpiodes. The two fish species Cyprinuscarpiospecularis and C. carpiocommunis were introduced in 1956 to aid in the cleaning of the lake. Instead, they established and mutliplied within the nutrient and organic-rich waters [9]. The increased pollution levels are favourable for the prolific growth of aquatic vegetation, which seems to be more conducive for hardy species thereby altering the balance and diversity of species [9]. This paper proposes the design of three systems based on the traditional knowledge and eco-centric philosophy to guide future site planning and architectural development on the site.

7.4  Design Systems 7.4.1  Regenerative Environments of Fish Markets The current design of the community's built environment caters to an increased number of tourists, whose influx may have impacts such as affecting productivity of fish and food supplies. These demands for food may require managed fish farms where the mass rearing of fish yields higher incomes, as has been observed in the floating villages of Vietnam. Although fish farms provide for the commercial and mass rearing of fish, only a naturally ecologically responsive habitat can grow more fish without causing any adverse changes in the lake ecology. Increasing the density of fish through planting native trees, bushes, supporting algal growth, placing rocks

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Fig. 7.2  Conceptual design of fish habitats. (Source: Author)

and timber, designing fish attractors, may facilitate these increased human and natural requirements of the environment. Also, these techniques supplement the natural materials that have decayed or lost to siltation, erosion, dredging, and development, but were once present [10]. Providing fish habitats for both the species to thrive allows the lake to return to its original functions and conditions. As nature restores itself, the dwellers can adapt and discover ways to live with nature and also consume within its carrying capacity. Once established, these areas may turn into fish markets and food hubs that not only consume and enjoy the landscape but contribute to the growth of fishe stocks. The marketplace and eateries can be designed to minimise detrimental effects wherein the fish can consume waste food and filter, the area generating an ecosystem of its own (Fig. 7.2).

7.4.2  Making Aquatic Weed Useful The fast-spreading aquatic weeds cover a large portion of the lake. They invade aquatic habitats in polluted regions, fostering diseases and bad odours. In a sense, these weeds can be seen as highly productive, free crops that require no tillage, seeds, fertilizers or cultivation. They possess the potential to be exploited for food, fuel, fodder, crafts, construction materials, and wastewater treatment [11]. Treating aquatic plants as pollution control solutions means they can become a part of our daily lives and achieve cycles of use. A few abundantly available weeds in Dal Lake can be put to use in the following ways. Weed to Food  Fish can be utilized to convert aquatic weeds to valuable food. Using a polyculture technique Carp fish varieties can be deployed within the lake systems where houseboats dominate. These parts of the lake suffer from low oxygen, sunlight, and water movement. This technique requires fish species to  be selected based on their food requirements, to assist combatting the polluted waters [11]. Similarly, these fish may aid in strengthening floating gardens whose roots are

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harvested to make cultivation beds. Apart from this, grazing animals like ducks, geese, and swans uproot and consume underwater rooted plants and in turn, produce eggs and highly prized meat. Weed to Pulp  The paper mache industry of Kashmir is based on the reed’s natural production cycle. With extensive pollution and large spans of weeds now choking the lake, the pulp industry can be extended to handmade paper, cardboard, cemented reed blocks, compressed fibreboards, insulation material, and fertilizers. For example, the common reed (Phragmitescommunis) can be used to produce compressed fibreboard for residential construction. Presently in Kashmir, the stems of the plant are used to make kangris, baskets and wagoo mats that are used as insulation panels during winters [11]. Weed to Energy  Anaerobic decomposition of aquatic weeds can be utilised for biogas. The weeds with 95% water content provide high moisture content for fermentation. Water hyacinths provide necessary nutrients (nitrogen, potassium, and phosphorus) in abundance to nurture methane-producing bacteria. The production of biogas removes carbon from the ferment, and other elements remain as liquid sludge that is an organic fertilizer and soil conditioner equivalent to compost [11]. Weed as Food  Native food is packed with social, cultural and symbolic meanings. The identity of this region is reinforced with the delicacies it offers. Water spinach, watercress, lotus, water chestnut, cattail, Eurayle Ferox and yellow water lily are a few of the edible water plants amongst many that are relished and consumed as spiced nuts, medicines, pickles or in flour mixes and cooked vegetables. Weed to Construction Material  Thick, long, stems of the plants are harvested, dried, cleaned, compressed and knitted ‘endlessly’ in weaving looms into panels that can be cut to any required length. In Kashmir, this process is used to make ‘Wagoo mats’ that are extensively used during winters for insulation. The use of these mats can be extended to applications such as panels and furnishings to the construction of walls, floors, ceilings with cement or clay for reinforcement.

7.4.3  Organization of Craft Workshops The design program embraces spaces of work which include: boat building workshops, a paper-mache workshop and a wood-working space amongst many others. These designers tackle the inadequate supply of wood and its importance as a natural resource. The boat building workshop produces waste in the form of timber stubs, untreated logs, wooden off-cuts, and chips. The recycling potential of waste is utilized as a guiding factor for the design and organization of these buildings on-site.

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Direct Recycle  The stubs and off-cuts can be used as raw materials in the wood-­ working industry for the production of small artefacts. By refining wood chips to fibres, panels and particle boards can be made for doors and windows. The location of the workshop nearest to the wood-working space may facilitate the process of exchange and encourage recycling [12]. Indirect Recycle  Composting and landscape mulch techniques turn wood leftovers to organic garden manure. Mulch prepared from wood and layered on topsoil aids in weed control, reduces water losses and protects plant roots from frost [12]. A composting system design adjacent to the building for the workshop will consume the waste as and when it is released. This serves as the best resource use option for low-value wood materials whose recycling is not possible [12]. Lastly, cleaned, dried and refined wood chips are turned into fibres that can be the base materials for paper pulp production.

7.5  Conclusion The ecosystem approach lays out the economic, social and environmental aspects of the lake in a single framework. The authors attempt to utilize this framework as a guiding factor for future design development strategies to treat and improve the eco-­ sensitive landscape of Dal Lake. The modern practices of cultivation, excessive use of polluting diesel-boats, and lack of sanitation facilities have impacted amounts of lake pollution, some external interventions and rehabilitation may make a positive contribution over time. The benefits of reinforcing human-nature relationships sustainably are far-reaching both for the cultural identity of the community as well as for the sustainable environmental management of the lake.

References 1. Glassie, H.: Architects, vernacular traditions, and society. Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review, 9–21 (1990). 2. Gadgil, M., Berkes, F.: Traditional resource management systems. Resource management and optimization (1991). 3. Berkes, F., Folke, C., Gadgil, M.: Traditional ecological knowledge, biodiversity, resilience and sustainability. In: Biodiversity conservation. pp. 281–299. Springer (1995) 4. J&K Lakes and Waterways Development Authority. http://jklda.org/index.php/dal-nagin (2017). Accessed 12 February 2018. 5. Kundangar, D.  M., Sarwar, D.  S.: Dal lake, Kashmir. Hydrobiology research laboratory, Srinagar (1997). 6. Langenbach, R.: Don’t tear it down: preserving the earthquake resistant vernacular architecture of Kashmir (2009). 7. Rufai, S. A. Q.: A roof called burz-pash. Greater Kashmir. Accessed 11 November 2009.

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8. Parimoo, B.: The role of Kashmir Birch Bark unmatched in the annals of history in the world. Jknewspoint. Accessed 7 December 2016. 9. Abubakr, A., Kundangar, M.: Three Decades of Dal Lake Pollution. Restoration, Ecology, Environment & Conservation 15, 825–833 (2009). 10. Ewald, D.: Artificial fish habitat or fish attractors, which do we need and why? https://www. fishiding.com/recent-fish-habitat-news/artificial-fish-habitat-or-fish-attractors-which-do-thefish-need-and-why (2016). Accessed 31 March 2018. 11. Weeds, P.  O. U.  O. A.: Making Aquatic Weeds Useful, Some Perspectives for Developing Countries. National Academy of Sciences (1977). 12. Taylor, J., Mann, R., Reilly, M., Warnken, M., Pincic, D., Death, D.: Recycling and end-of-life disposal of timber products. Forest & Wood Products Research & Development Corporation, Australia (2005).

Chapter 8

Place Making and Ordering Life. Case Study: The Bali Aga Village, Pengotan Himasari Hanan and Dwinik Winawangsari

Abstract  The culture of Bali Aga is less elaborate in appearance than the aristocratic South Bali; however, the journey of the highland people toward a better and secure life in the future has been reflected in their concept of dwelling. The people’s  socio-cultural practices have shaped the spatial organization of their settlements their architecture. The preservation of an ancestral culture has resulted in an assemblage of artefacts that are arranged territorially. This paper firstly, describes the historical background of the establishment of Pengotan village; secondly, elucidates the ordering of buildings in the settlement, and, finally analyses the ordering system responsible for the built spatial organization. The paper discusses the making of place as central to processes of people’s religious and social belief systems. This paper broadens the understanding of the a vernacular settlement and the way vernacular buildings are being organized through this analysis. Keywords  Bali Aga · Conformity · Pengotan · Place-making · Territoriality

8.1  Introduction The Pengotan people are known as some of the highland people of Bali (Bali Aga) whose daily life are strongly related and oriented towards the Mount Batur in the Kintamani region. Their religion is Hindu, yet, they exercise local ritual practices which are entirely different. They used to live and worship in buildings that were constructed with local materials and embodied symbolic concepts and social imperatives in sustaining the community’s life. Harmony with God, with other human beings, and with nature are the prime motivations for spiritual and daily life [4]. Buildings and settlement are built accordingly, in which the spiritual life is prioritised above the daily activities. The concept

H. Hanan (*) · D. Winawangsari Institut Teknologi Bandung, Bandung, Indonesia © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 G. A. M. Suartika, J. Nichols (eds.), Reframing the Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, and Representation, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22448-6_8

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of harmony is also tied into spatial concepts. The settlement and architecture are shaped by the local builders who learn traditional construction techniques and ­processes from previous generations. The spiritual leader provides guidance to builders for the layout of buildings to reflect the spiritual world of the community, whilst utilizing local materials. Spirituality influences orientation for the location, form and methods of construction, as well as the use of buildings. This paper presents the results of an empirical study undertaken at Pengotan village between 2014–2017. Interviews and focus group discussions using formal and informal methods were conducted  with the community leaders and members. During religious and social events at the village interviews were conducted. Written materials were compiled from sources available in public and university libraries in Denpasar; thesis works from various universities in Java and Bali, and the village manuals (awig-awig). This paper will broaden understandings of the creation and operations of vernacular settlement. The paper investigates the changing nature of vernacular buildings. The paper discussion is centered around the process, the subject, and the object in the making of place at Pengotan village.

8.2  The Community of Bali Aga In the eighth century, Maharsi Markandya, a Hindu priest and his follower from the Aga village in East Java, were bestowed with the sacred mission of introducing the Hindu religion to the native inhabitants of Bali Mula and the established Bali Aga community [6, 13]. The Bali Aga community adopted belief systems of the Bali Mula with profound respect for the ancestors known as hyang. The Bali Aga set up their settlements based on the genealogical association of their ancestors (kahyangan) [6]. Among villages in the Kintamani region, a ritual network has been established in reference to the central temple at Mount Batur. Pengotan, in addition to six other villages, originated from the village Abang all of which forms the ritual network of Pura Pucak Tolukbiyu at the edge of Lake Batur ([11], 271). Each village has an independent temple for worshipping the ancestors. In addition, each village is permanently obliged to participate and contribute to the ritual ceremonies organized by the mother temple and the temple for heirlooms. Villagers have the freedom to take part in any ritual ceremonies within the ritual network. Equality of worship and engagement for all is encouraged and voluntary participation in the organization as well as participation in rituals is desirable. The original place of the ancestors is central to the ritual network and worshippers should pay it homage out of respect. The personal commitment to worship underlies the connection to the ritual network. [10, 11]. Ritual ceremonies might include thousands of participants travelling from various regions, to return to the same origin of place of their ancestral belief systems.

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In 1343, troops from the Majapahit kingdom from Java defeated the native people in the plains areas of South Bali, and as a result established the community of Bali Apanage. They challenged the existing Javanese Hindu social system. Bali Apanage and Bali Aga communities demonstrate difference practices. The Bali Aga do not accept the social systems such as caste-based societies and the ritual system directed by a single priest belonging to the highest rank of the society (Brahmin caste). The rituals in Bali Aga community are all directed by an organized group of highly respected people. The Bali Aga peoples organize temples for their ancestors, important gods, as well as local deities all to dwell. By contrast, the Bali Apanage community set up consists of  the typical three types of temple Pura Kahyangan Tiga for worshiping: (a) the god Brahma, (b) the god Wisnu and (c) the god Siwa [12].

8.3  The Journey of the Pengotan People The people of Pengotan do not have any inscriptions and written documents around the narrative of the origin of their village. The history of the settlement is established through stories and legends that are transferred from generation to generation. The Pengotan village it is believed originated due to a resettlement of the Pule village at the foot of Mount Abang in the Kintamani region [5, 10]. The Pule community has been connected to the Pemuteran community through the ritual network toward the temple Pura Gelagah Putih [5]. The Pemuteran village was reconstructed by the Pule people after a natural disaster and then merged as part of the expansion of the Pule village. A replica of the Pura Gelagah Putih was constructed, and sacred objects of the Pule village were relocated to the new Pemuteran village to symbolize the respect for the founder of the former village and the attachment to similar ancestors [2]. During the battle between the Bangli and Buleleng Kingdoms, the people of new Pemuteran lost their village and were rewarded with a piece of land by the King of Bangli [5] which is now known as the Pengotan village. Some of the residents of the new Pemuteran village went back to their former village. Others in the community moved to the Pengotan village and identified themselves as the people of Pengotan. The establishment of the Pengotan village embraced the concept of Bali Aga settlement due to numbers of inhabitants. The myths and legends around the Bali Aga community have always depicted the leaving and establishing of villages as a result of battles and disasters. Bali Aga village is known as a settlement for keraman satak (200 families) [10].

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8.4  The Religious and Social Life The Pengotan people do not distinguish between religion and social life. Rituals for the religion are so closely linked that they are inseparable from social life and worshippers’ needs. When rituals for the religion must be performed, all other works must be postponed and, vice versa. Rituals on a daily basis however are to be carried out after all the field works have been accomplished. People organize rituals in accordance with both the local tradition and the Hindu religion that is exercised nation-wide [5, 10]. Every Pengotan community member undertakes private rituals daily and periodically at the personal or family shrines (sanggah), in addition to the group rituals which are organized by the community in the village temple (pura). Group rituals are scheduled by the head of the community after referring to the lunar phase, and, in addition to that, the village must also participate in rituals of other villages that are connected in the ritual network. All together there are 18 common rituals to be organized in each year among members of the network and six rituals in the Pengotan village only [5, 10]. The place of worship in the village is strictly related to the origin of descendants. There are two groups of descendants, namely the Bedawan and Gelagah, and each group maintains its own social system in organizing ritual activities. The Gelagah group are descendants of people worshiping the temple of Pura Gelagah Putih at Mount Abang. They preserved and respected the tradition of their ancestors by constructing the temple Pura Gelagah in the village. The Bedawan group are descendants of the new Pemuteran people, and they erected a new temple Pura Bedawan for their worship though they also acknowledge the temple Pura Gelagah Putih as part of their ritual network. Both groups set up a council for organizing ritual activities in the temple. The Gelagah council consists of 16 members and the Bedawan of 20 members. The member selection is based on lineage as well as a rotation system. All members are married men who have children, and the membership is discontinued after the spouse passes away. Council members gain their positions in the Gelagah group based on the length of their marriage. A lengthier marriage equates to a higher position. Bedawan council members are assigned ritual preparation and organised into two positions of east and west. The east members prepare meat offerings and the west, are responsible for vegetable offerings. Outside the rituals in the temple, both councils work together in organizing ritual ceremonies of the village and sustaining the spiritual life of the inhabitants. The population numbers for each group differs. The Bedawan have 170 families and the Gelagah have 35 families in their cohort. Regarding the sustainability of these numbers within the settlement, the Bedawan community retains approximately these numbers, while the Gelagah community plans to expand. The Gelagah intend to accept more people moving to the village as they are considered as belonging to this group. In social activities, inhabitants of the village are differentiated according to land ownership and marital status. Krama ngarep is known as the family who owns agricultural land in excess of 1 ha; krama ngarep nyibakin refers to

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those who own less than 1 ha; and krama tapukan posess agricultural land but are not obliged to participate in ritual and social activities of the village. Krama bala angkep do not own agricultural land, yet is a married family whilst sekeha taruna are unmarried inhabitants. All inhabitants who own land are obliged to contribute to funds for rituals and maintenance of the village. The village has guidelines for rituals and social activities that apply to all inhabitants. The council ensures that ritual traditions of the forefathers are being preserved and passed on to younger generations. The council is charged with all activities related to spiritual life, and the priest of the village is responsible for the ritual ­processions. Social affairs, are the jurisdiction of the head of the village (bendesa), who is a descendant of the founder of the village. He ensures that all guidelines are correctly implemented in the daily lives of the villagers and that it does not contradict local customs. He manages social and personal interactions among inhabitants, land ownership, and village territory. In these day-to-day operations, he is assisted by some deputies and chiefs of districts (dusun/banjar).

8.5  The Making of Place The Pengotan people consider their settlement as a place for engagement in all aspects of the spiritual, social and spatial that equate to a single system [cf. 9]. The settlement is supposed to be the creation of a place that reminds people of the history and journey of life experience for the inhabitants. The spatial organization celebrates history as a living heritage. From the layout of the buildings and the experience of the place, in particular, the place of worship, people feel that they are under the auspices of their predecessors and are connected to their ancestry. Daily activities appear to be conducted by a large extended family whilst the community perform their ritual network. Limitations of the community are only determined by the capacity of the land to support a given population and the historical origins of the community. Equality and security become the primary concerns for the villagers in place-making in the settlement [5]. The spatial organization and building’s layout are correlated to the social and spiritual imperatives predetermined for the dwelling places of the ancestors. The grouping of buildings in the settlement is designed to create harmony in the interactions of local people with nature as well as their ancestors (Fig. 8.1). The north direction (kaja) is the orientation toward the highest point of the key natural features, such as Mount Batur. The south (kelod) is the lowest point and follows the topography of the land. A symbolic axis is constructed toward the Mount Batur terminating in the temple area. This axis serves as the main road and the passage for ritual processions in the settlement. Residential buildings are erected on both sides of the axis, in which the north side is identified as the most sacred place. The secondary road of the settlement divides the land into housing blocks. It also means the housing compound pattern is perpendicular to the central axis.

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Fig. 8.1  The layout of the settlement. (Source: Ref. [7])

8.5.1  The Place for Living The housing compound has a strict spatial structure and layout [6]. Each family has a typical housing unit consisting of personal worship area (sanggah), living area, and service area. The northern part is the most sacred place and dedicated to the family shrines. The building next to it is the place for living, in which sleeping and cooking activities take place (meten). Opposite, there is a structure for storing

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Fig. 8.2  The layout of the housing unit. (Source: Ref. [7])

u­ tensils and accessories used for rituals ceremonies (bale adat). The two buildings for living and storage are separated. However they are considered philosophically as inseparable units of the house. The open space in between is part of the housing unit and becomes the place where people meet and circulate. The southern part of the housing unit is considered as the dirty zone and reserved for the animals or field work utensils (Fig. 8.2). A housing unit follows the north-south axis. The personal or family shrines are positioned in the northern part of the unit. People present daily and periodically offerings in shrines. Raw materials and containers for offerings are separated from daily needs and kept in the storage space of the unit. The common space might be used temporarily for the arrangement of offerings in group or village rituals.

8.5.2  The Place for Worshipping The first building to be constructed in the settlement are the temples (pura), and they become the most significant and beautiful buildings that are made of materials more permanent than that of the houses. The Pengotan people dedicate their life and time to the harmonious living with their ancestors and gods who protect and guide their daily life. The spatial layout and physical appearance of temples reflect the people’s respect for the gods, ancestors and local deities. The journey of Pengotan people underpins the concept of social identity and territoriality in organizing the temples. Regarding their origins, each group of communities (Gelagah and Bedawan) build the place of worship separately. This method results in two territories of worshipping in the settlement, which also indicates the continuing process of growth of the community (Fig. 8.3). The dwelling place of gods and deities during ritual processions is called Pura Panti, and the dwelling place of the god of death and ancestors is called Pura Dalem. The Gelagah community, which existed before the Bedawan community, is entitled to build the Pura Panti and Pura Dalem at the eastern side, which is valued as the more sacred area in the temple terrain. The temples for the Bedawan’s are posi-

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Fig. 8.3  The layout of place for worshiping

tioned at the western side of the village and are larger corresponding to a greater population. Ritual processions and social activities of both communities are carried out at the inner court in the middle, the Pura Penataran Agung. The formal and monumental gate as the entrance to the place of worship is Kori Agung, and the side gate as the exit is Candi Bentar (Fig. 8.4).

8.5.3  The Architecture and the Making of Place The making of place at Pengotan village serves to materialize concepts of the living environment (micro-cosmos) as well as the imaginary world (macro-cosmos) [cf. 9]. The history of a changing, expanding and dynamic village context is being reflected in the spatial design and the origin of descendants. The making of place is about respect for ancestors and other village inhabitants. Buildings for worshipping gods and ancestors therefore become the focal point of the settlement as well as enhancing symbolic values of the community. The making of place and the architecture of temples, in essence, is to honor worlds of divinities and ancestors.

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Fig. 8.4  The gate structure

All ritual activities take place outside the buildings in that the architecture of temples is designed around the range of external activities in its surrounding. The temple is the place for people to pray, deliver, and store offerings to the gods and ancestors. Therefore, its architecture has to inspire people by seeing and experiencing the building as it represents that they are destined for a better life. Exterior aesthetics are similar in pavilion style; however, the interior design differs. Worshipping, in general, is to direct one’s attention to the sacred place where gods, deities, and ancestors are dwelling. The interior of the temple has the task of reinforcing the image of the sacred space. The excessive ornamentation of the temple materializes the symbolic meaning and the sense of sacred place. The main temple at Pengotan village (Semanggen Pura Kanginan) has been designed as a single building with simple geometry, a solid substructure, and modest exterior while its interior design directs people’s attention from the simplicity of the stepped substructure into the ornamented surfaces of the ceiling. The ascending quality of the floor indicates the respect of the building as well as differentiating it from the natural surroundings. The ornaments create an exciting tension in the spatial experience as the inside and outside have independent qualities. Over time, the interior of the temple changes most dramatically in its adoption of diverse ornamental designs. The emergence of various materials and the involvement of professional services in the construction of buildings go along with the increasing variation of ornaments within buildings. Due to greater availability of material and specialization of craftsmanship, the renovation of the temple nowadays is increasingly the concern of a specialist builder and artisan from the outside of

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Pengotan village. The spatial layout and form of the original temple are retained, however, currently it is fashionable and commonly appreciated to vary and experiment with ornament styles. There are no rules or a specific design ethos for the ornamentation. The emphasis for the community is their commitment to ancestral territoriality of origins and conformity in the spatial layout. Therefore, changes are welcome with regard to decorative elements. The wealthier community of Pengotan saves and contributes additional monies for the renewal of ornamentation inside the temple. The process of renewal is understood as one of adjustments and variations in the building tradition [3]. The builder and artisan give direction, along with the predetermined origin of descendants, in the place-making. They are approved to suggest embellishment in the spatial design whereas the majority of the people are only involved in the discussion of the expenses. The making of place is nowadays correlated to the novelty in interior design and the ability in raising funds to support such visions.

8.6  Conclusion By treating the settlement of Pengotan as a primary text and reading it carefully during the fieldwork, it offers a new understanding that vernacular settlement reflects both continuity and change [cf. 1]. The Pengotan people respect their ancestors and forefathers consistently through behavior and ritual. All changes to social or religious activities occur within a predetermined community framework [cf. 8]. Changes are generated by individual initiatives, yet, under the consent of the community. The attachment to the ancestors as a moral order is more persistent than the specific physical order in the interior design. The vernacular architecture responds to the renewal process and individual interests [3]. The need for representation of social identity and territoriality remains an important component of village life, however vernacular architecture adjusts and adapts gradually. The spatial design begins with the outline of a structure, and becomes more elaborate over time. Vernacular architecture may be differentiated by both constant as well as changeable elements. The production of architecture therefore follows the logic of an additive and open-ended way of making. The community holds the norms and rules of the forefathers, yet, simultaneously people add and propose new references hence update established norms and rules. Professional services based on individual preferences have extended the framework of social conformity in the making of place. Place-making in the vernacular settlement may be understood as a coalition of many parties over many generations affecting the outcomes of the built environment without domination by a minority. The desire for opulent and sophisticated settlements have generated a new form of coalition and new boundaries of conformity [cf. 14]. Collaborations between user, builder, and artisan have enabled new conceptions for architecture and place-making that goes beyond spiritual and social values,

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by which professionalism and individual expression are ultimately being integrated into the spatial organization and design.

References 1. Alexander, C.: The Timeless Way of Building. Oxford University Press, New York (1977). 2. Ardika, I.W., Parimartha, I.G., Wirawan, A.A.B.: Sejarah Bali, dari Prasejarah hingga Modern. Udayana University Press, Denpasar (2013) 3. Asquith, L., Vellinga, M. (ed.): Vernacular Architecture in the Twenty-First Century. Taylor & Francis, New York (2006). 4. Besar, I.  W.: Awig-awig Desa Adat Pengotan, Bangli. Lembaga Ketahanan Desa Adat Pengotan, Bangli (1999). 5. Dalang, J.: Pengotan religious leader: interview notes. Pengotan (2016). 6. Gunawan, D.  H.: Perubahan Sosial Di Perdesaan Bali. Program Pascasarjana Studi Pembangunan Universitas Kristen Satya Wacana, Salatiga (2014). 7. Hanan, H., Winawangsari, D.: Ordering Principles for Sustainable Dwelling Place. In International Conferences on 15th SENVAR and 2nd AVAN, 287–295, Department of Architecture Hasanuddin University, Makassar (2014). 8. Lee, S. H.: Continuity and Consistency of The Traditional Courtyard House Plan in Modern Korean Dwellings. In TDSR III(1), 66–78 (1991). 9. Oliver, P.: Built to Meet Needs, Cultural Issues in Vernacular Architecture. Elsevier Ltd., Oxford (2006). 10. Pasek, C.J.: Pengotan community council, interview notes. Pengotan (2016). 11. Reuter, T. A.: Custodians of the Sacred Mountains. Yayasan Obor Indonesia, Jakarta (2005). 12. Surpha, I. W.: Seputar Desa Pakraman dan Adat Bali. Pustaka Bali Post, Denpasar (2012). 13. Tonjaya, I.N.G.B.K.: Riwayat Empu Kuturan. Percetakan Ofset, Denpasar (1991). 14. Zhao, C.: From Shikumen to New-style: A Rereading of Lilong Housing in Modern Shanghai. The Journal of Architecture 9(Spring 2004), 49–76 (2004).

Chapter 9

Identifying Local Builders’ Roles in Physical Transformation of Minangkabau’s Rumah Gadang Feni Kurniati, Hafsah Salamah, and Sri Suryani

Abstract  Rumah gadang as a vernacular house of Minangkabau has undergone a series of physical transformations. These transformations represent changes in typical construction practices of rumah gadang in Minangkabau. This paper aims to scrutinise house-building practices conducted by tukang kampung (non-institutional village builders) in one of the oldest nagari (indigenous settlement) in Minangkabau, Nagari Sumpu. This approach is selected deliberately to investigate the re-­ construction process of vernacular architecture in the present context of Minangkabau, and to understand the concept of vernacularity manifested within the process. This study shows that the re-construction of rumah gadang by tukang tuo, Datuak Pe, has prompted a revival of vernacular architecture specifically in Nagari Sumpu. This also reveals that the practice of re-constructing rumah gadang results in another vernacular phenomena: restating the kaum’s (matri-kin) existence, reviving local building knowledge and methods, and establishing local builders’ networks, which are undeniably contributing to the understanding of the concept of vernacularity. Keywords  Rumah Gadang · Vernacular architecture · Tukang Tuo · The revival of vernacular architecture

9.1  Introduction: Revisiting Vernacular Architecture from Builders Roles By its very nature, vernacular architecture is referring to the buildings of and by the people. Buildings created without the aid of an architect or specialist designer, as stated by Rudolfsky [1] ‘architecture without architect’. In this sense, the absence of architects signifies the ‘native-ness’ and the ingenious aspects of the buildings. F. Kurniati (*) · H. Salamah · S. Suryani School of Architecture, Planning and Policy Development, Institut Teknologi Bandung, Bandung, Indonesia © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 G. A. M. Suartika, J. Nichols (eds.), Reframing the Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, and Representation, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22448-6_9

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Although this understanding is important to understanding vernacular architecture, when it comes to the notion of development such methodologies challenge vernacular understandings. Rapoport relays the definition of the process on how the design and build comes to fruition, ‘everyone in the society knows the building type and even how to build them’. Furthermore, he explains that in the context of vernacular architecture, either ‘owners’ or ‘the tradesmen’ participate in the process of building the house, though to different degrees. This, in fact, opens up opportunity to revisit the notion of vernacularity in recent developments of vernacular architecture particularly on the involvement of owners during the construction process. Vernacular architecture development appears to over time become less attractive or popular as a housing type of choice possibly due to the influences of urbanisation and modernisation in specific communities [3]. Therefore an increasing distinction between terms ‘owner’ and ‘builder’ eventuates as no longer does everyone learn the art of building. It has become a specialist practice. This study attempts to identify local builders’ roles in the construction of vernacular buildings to revisit the notion of vernacularity as a recent development in architectural discourse. These ideas are interrogated through a particular focus on vernacular buildings of Minangkabau people: ‘the great house’ translated as rumah gadang. Through this case, the notion of vernacularity, perceived as the local knowledge of how-to-build a house involves communally mastered methods conducted by members of the cultural society, is now being challenged with development.

9.2  Minangkabau Vernacular Architecture: Rumah Gadang and the Tukangs Rumah gadang as a vernacular house of Minangkabau has dealt with various transformations and continues to do so. These changes are represented in the physical attributes of rumah gadang specifically in darek (the highland area which is considered by Minangkabau people to be their cultural heartland). One of the darek areas in Minangkabau is called Luak Nan Tigo. This study focuses on one small part of the Luak Nan Tigo called Nagari Sumpu, in Tanah Datar Regency. Like other areas in Minangkabau, Sumpu has the matrilineal kinship system as part of the domestic house unit known as the rumah gadang. It used to accommodate a number of matrilineally-related nuclear families. However, today it is typically only the domain of one family. According to one of the bundo kanduangs (female figure in matrilineal kinship system in Minangkabau), Sumpu previously had about 200 rumah gadang within the nagari (indigenous settlement). Unfortunately this number has decreased to 68, and five more rumah gadang suffered destruction by fires in the years 2013–2015. For the nagari was identified as a

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national conservation area in 2013, it was tragic to lose some of the important historic houses to fire. Rumah gadang in Nagari Sumpu are often more than 100 years of age. Rumah gadang typically used to be built by family members as stated by Oliver [4] that vernacular buildings are ‘built by their owners, by communities’. One of the local authors from the nagari, highlights ‘[t]he house rumah gadang was built by my mother’s grandfather who moved from the main house due to its high density’ [5]. It is understood that rumah gadang was originally built using the system of ‘gotong royong’, meaning that members of the clan or the owners organised and orchestrated the construction. This is because the possession of rumah gadang is collectively owned by the kaum (a small unit of clan in matrilineal system). Rumah gadang are considered at risk heritage. For Sumpu, specifically this means urgent attention is required for the regionally rich vernacular architecture. To aid the cause of raising awareness around the rumah gadang, is to expand the discourse to include terms such as ‘vernacularity’. To what extent might understandings of ‘vernacularity’ assist in addressing the disengagement of the community regarding the recent physical conditions of rumah gadang? Alterations and refurbishment occur in some instances through the use of different materials such as the introduction of concrete elements. Yet other dwellings slowly collapse through lack of maintenance (see Fig. 9.1). These changes are caused by many factors, including the high cost needed to build and maintain a rumah gadang due to the limited access to materials, low income of the community, and the decreasing number of people leaving the nagari ‘marantau’ (the tradition of Minangkabau people to leave the nagari and stay in migrant lands). Preservation or refurbishment due to these challenging factors, in addition to a reduction of local peoples’ building skills and the absence of documentation of traditional houses causes the existing traditional housing stock to decline. Today, the building process of vernacular houses does not preclude building professionals such as lay builders, bricklayers, carpenters, engraver, etc. [6] This is an acknowledgment that vernacular housing like other forms of housing requires a breadth of building skills to achieve the building process.

Fig. 9.1  Current condition of several rumah gadangs in Sumpu

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In this regard, building a rumah gadang involves two parties: a master builder, whose job it is to manage and direct; and the workers, who are guided by the master’s instructions. In Minangkabau, Sumpu, the master builder is called tukang tuo. The term of tukang tuo refers to those who are socially approved and trusted by community to build and have mastered the local knowledge and skills sufficiently to understand the rumah gadang. Tukang tuo is the construction manager, while tukang is subordinate as the workers. The numbers of the rumah gadang new constructions are in decline, so this affects the practice of building in this traditional way. As it is ingenious and specific to locations, local builders are the main source of the building knowledge. It is challenging to find tukang in the nagari, especially tukang tuo. This study focusses on the actors of building and construction processes, rather than the bare artefacts they create. Thus, this study aims to focus on the tukangs, and to identify aspects of the vernacular that reinforce the significant role of Nagari Sumpu’s local builders.

9.3  Tukang Tuo: An Approach to the Case Tukang and tukang tuo. In Nagari Sumpu, the term tukang specifically refers to those whose work relates to either renovating rumah gadang or building rumah batu (house with bricks and concrete). In addition, tukang tuo is only the title which applies to the head of tukang who constructs/builds rumah gadang. Sumpu has only one tukang tuo in the nagari. He is Datuak Pe. Datuak is the customary title for a tribal leader, while Datuak Pe’s is Datuak Bagindo Majalelo, one of Sumagek tribe leaders. Datuak Pe is renowned for the construction of his first rumah gadang in 2014 (See Fig. 9.2). The big fire in 2013 destroyed five rumah gadangs in the nagari. In the re-construction of the first rumah gadang, there were principal actors who contributed to the reconstruction, they are (late) Eko Alvares from Pusaka Universitas Bung Hatta, Tirto Utomo Foundation, and the key figures from local community. The rebirth of rumah gadang in Nagari Sumpu forms a crucial record for the revival of vernacular architecture in Sumpu, Minangkabau. The revival was celebrated in a traditional ceremony, with its notoriety spreading throughout Indonesia, especially Sumatera and Java islands. Datuak Pe has an established reputation due to his role in the revival. Datuak Pe received commissions to refurbish three more rumah gadangs after the revival festival. There is another building currently being considered for refurbishment but the process is still being negotiated with the owner, the adat and the financier of the project. The limitations of the study include the sample size of tukang tuo being only one, as the author only knows of Datuak Pe in nagari at the time this study was written. To what extent can an exploration of the practices of re-constructing the rumah gadang in Nagari Sumpu reveal insight into the notion of vernacularity?

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Fig. 9.2  The first rumah gadang building by Datuak Pe

Fig. 9.3  Interviewing Datuak Pe

Tukang tuo is a key source in this study. Structured interviews were conducted with Datuak Pe to gather the oral history about the refurbishment and construction processes of the rumah gadang in Nagari Sumpu (see Fig.  9.3). Interviews took place on a site where his current project consists of the rebuilding rumah gadang in Nagari Jaho. This is the neighbouring nagari to Sumpu. Datuak Pe’s insight, understanding, and skills in reconstruction of rumah gadang are also more easily recalled in the physical experience of onsite interviews.

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At the first meeting, Datuak Pe was working in the rumah gadang so that for the first 30 min we observed how he worked. While waiting, we explored every room; we observed and noted the tactility of the materials, as well as the details associated with the craftsmanship. This was strategic in the data collection process and for Datuak Pe to appreciate also that the researchers are intrinsically engaged on site. Interviews were conducted on two occasions with questions ranging from Datuak Pe’s personal biographical details to his career milestones and professional background. The interviews culminated in reporting on the work experience and challenges of re-presenting rumah gadang in the nagari. All recorded interviews were collated to gain a greater understanding of the practice of building rumah gadang. The local reference for this form of architectural building practice is called ba-rumah gadang. Datuak Pe’s insight is to be organised by the researchers chronologically to explain the production of the rumah gadang. It may be argued that this simplifies the process of construction and misrepresents the rumah gadang as a dynamic and intuitive system of knowledge.

9.4  Re-building Rumah Gadang: Re-inventing the Vernacularity Over a 100 year period, rumah gadang is intrinsic to everyday life in Minangkabau. Pragmatically it is a dwelling place, but also it possesses significant socio-cultural symbolic meaning. Decaying is a natural part of the life, as well as the value of this type of vernacular architecture. However, the act of Datuak Pe re-building rumah gadang in Nagari Sumpu is a mehtod of re-inventing  vernacular architecture  of Minangkabau in the nagari, evident in three aspects: (1) kaum’s existence; (2) local building knowledge; and (3) local builders networking.

9.4.1  Re-stating the Existence of Kaum Refurbishing or rebuilding the rumah gadang affects the nagari. It also acknowledges and represents the physical presence of Minangkabau culture. The rumah gadang in the nagari therefore represents vernacularity on different scales. That the barumah gadang in Nagari Sumpu, consolidates the concept of the kaum, a small unit of a clan; although the rumah gadang itself is now built by tukang instead of members of the kaum. Moreover, for the kaum, there are two benefits coming along with the presence of rumah gadang: firstly, the physical presence of rumah gadang and its beauty as a cultural symbol of the community with its gonjong roof. Secondly the value of the kinship system also is represented in the building of a rumah gadang as it symbolises the cohesion within the family. The rumah gadang belongs to the kaum, as a

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key element in the matriarchal system of ownership and symbolic of the strong female roles in the community. However, female owners do not necessarily have control over the building of rumah gadang, for it is only built if every member of the kaum agrees to the condition. In this context, it means that male leaders mamak (mother’s brothers) and datuak (tribal leader), as well as bundo kanduangs (female leaders) need to agree on the approach around the reconstruction of rumah gadang. It is the tradition in Sumpu, that the kaum members all need to sign legal documents as a proof of the agreement between funding parties if they are located outside the community. The matrilineal kinship system in the kaum functions not only in the process of re-building rumah gadang, but also for its maintenance and management. External funding for these projects also demonstrates to the public the ability of the kaum’s members to cooperate in managing the kaum’s symbolic representation of identity: the rumah gadang.

9.4.2  The Reviving of Local Building Knowledge The reviving of local building skills and the ingenuity of the builders is an important aspect of the rebuilding of vernacular houses. Over a hundred years, rumah gadang experienced a range of remedial approaches from minor improvements such as altering floor levels and walls, replacing timber with concrete, to no improvements at all and eventual decay of the building. If there are no improvements in construction processes in rumah gadang, it potentially might lead to its destruction, which in local terms is called turun rumah. In Sumpu, those minor improvements in rumah gadang are usually conducted by local builder called tukang ketek (minor builders, relate to minor works of renovation of rumah gadang). In fact, Datuak Pe was initially a popular tukang ketek in the nagari, before he re-built a burnt rumah gadang in 2014. Datuak Pe’s beginnings around achieving his status of tukang tuo and success as the lead in this area of conservation, rebuilding and refurbishment of vernacular buildings, was due to his experience of working with timber during his career as tukang ketek. These in-depth understandings, together with his passion for his work have amounted to a strong reputation around his achievements and great appreciation from the local community. This meant he was bestowed the title tukang tuo; despite never having built a rumah gadang previously before his first rumah gadang in 2014 (see Fig. 9.2). Since his first rumah gadang, his knowledge is valued professionally regardless of his relation to the kaum. In contrast to the past,  whereby rumah gadang was always built by members of the kaum. In fact, through four rumah gadangs he has built so far, it shows that his roles in the process are essential, in terms of the revival of local building knowledge. The  construction process of rumah gadang conducted by Datuak Pe may be crucial to transfer the knowledge of building rumah gadang no longer communally possessed by the people.

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Datuak Pe conducts restorations with the assistance of other six tukangs and utilises a distinctive technical set of information (language and notes) to organise the works. A shared language is necessary for shared knowledge between tukang tuo and his team members during the construction process. For instance, labelling the posts which support a rumah gadang, (see Fig. 9.4), uses terms of orientation such as right and left (kanan and kiri), and front and back (muko and belakang) to determine their correct positions under Datuak Pe’s instruction. This technique aids the workers in their estimations of positioning main columns, whilst understanding the relationships between structural elements based on the proportional distance between one to the next. Furthermore, all instructions are verbally delivered to his team, as none of the team members are able to read architectural  drawings or the notes. All verbal instructions are relayed to workers for immediate translation of the verbal task to a hands-on outcome onsite. Datuak Pe represents the source of the knowledge and skills in re-building a rumah gadang. He monitors crucial processes such as positioning the posts, especially the main post, tunggak tuo (the first posts to construct in the house), and the sloping floor and roof (see Fig. 9.5). Datuak Pe reveals he has a mental picture of the appropriate scale and proportion applied in rumah gadang known as, ‘manuruik alua jo patuik’, meaning ‘follows in appropriateness’. Although it is difficult to measure, this is a very personal understanding established after in-depth interactions between the tukang and rumah gadang. Therefore, Datuak Pe is instrumental in producing a living vernacular.

Fig. 9.4  The notes of Datuak Pe

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Fig. 9.5  Datuak Pe supervising the construction of the curved roof from afar

Fig. 9.6  The timber suppliers for rumah gadang (left); the carvings of rumah gadang (right)

9.4.3  Establishing Local Builders Networking In re-producing rumah gadang in nagari, another phenomenon which entails the formation of the builders’ network appears. Since the three built rumah gadangs in 2014, it has ensured Datuak Pe an established network of workers suitable for the restoration process. Besides his six builders, he has several specific craftspeople and suppliers supporting his work. They are timber logging contractors, timber craftsmen who are  able to carve the timber, and the timber supplier. Due to rumah gadang’s specific needs for timber posts (see Fig. 9.6-left), of a certain diameter, length, strength, and age, it is challenging for Datuak Pe to fulfil these tasks alone.

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In fact, he has established a supply chain with wood suppliers of unmilled timber this process extends to locating the potential trees in the jungle for rumah gadang posts. The rumah gadang is distinctive with its elaborate carvings and motif designs. The meanings and knowledge are allegedly reserved for the craftsman and house owner. Datuak Pe produces some carvings himself which include those located at the upper wall of the front of rumah gadang (see Fig. 9.6-right).

9.5  Conclusion This study shows that the practice of re-building rumah gadang in Nagari Sumpu conducted by local builders  particularly tukang tuo and his tukangs, revived this vernacular architecture in the community. Some of the practices around the vernacular buildings included a new recognition of the matrilineal kinship system and connections to the kaum in the nagari. Another revisited practice is a celebration of local building knowledge in reconstruction and refurbishment of the rumah gadang, and the establishment of a local builders’ network in the community. All of these factors have contributed to the concept of vernacularity in the community of Minangkabau people in Nagari Sumpu. This study indicated building processes of rumah gadang enabled knowledge transfer between parties, such as the builder  tukang tuo and the tukangs through observation and narrative forms about the production of vernacular architecture. This enjoyment of the rumah gadang, resonated beyond the builders to the greater community to continue their relationships with a transformative and rich heritage.

References 1. Rudolfsky, B.: Architecture without architects – a short introduction to non-pedigreed architecture. Connecticut Printers, USA (1965). 2. Rapoport, A.: House form and culture: foundation of cultural geography series. Prentice-Hall, Inc., SA (1969). 3. Widiastuti, I., Sudradjat, I.: Pengaruh Modernisasi terhadap KonstruksiHubungan Konstruksi Hubungan Gender pada Arsitektur Masyarakat Berkekerabatan Matrilineal di Nusantara. (Unpublished research report P3MI). Institut Teknologi Bandung, Bandung, Indonesia (2017). 4. Oliver, P.: Encyclopedia of Vernacular vernacular Architecture architecture of the Worldworld. 2nd edn. Cambridge Uviversity Press, England (1998). 5. Radjab, M.: Semasa kecil di kampung 1  – anak Danau Singkarak. Balai Pustaka, Jakarta (2008). 6. Hourigan, N.: Confronting classifications – when and what is vernacular architecture?. Civil Engineering and Architecture 3(1), (2015).

Chapter 10

Transformation in Vernacular Architecture of Baiga Tribe of Central India Shikha Patidar, Brishbhanlali Raghuwanshi, and Sonal Tiwari

Abstract  Central India has a rich tradition of vernacular architecture. The paper aims to study the transformation in vernacular architecture of the Baiga tribe. The objective is to study the materials, construction techniques and the built forms. The methodology includes a literature review and an analysis of case studies of vernacular architecture of the Baiga tribe. The discussion and findings reveal peoples’ aspirations to be modern have altered their lifestyle. These socio-cultural conditions have resulted in the different spatial organization of settlements; new building materials and construction techniques which have all impacted on the resultant built forms. Conclusions include that lessons of vernacular architecture are of benefit if they are  integrated with contemporary practices  through innovative and holistic design approach. The suggestions need to be incorporated in the government policies so as to retain or conserve the unique characteristics of vernacular heritage. Keywords  Transformation · Baiga tribe · Policies

10.1  Introduction India is a land of diversity which can be broadly grouped into urban, rural and tribal populations. People from rural and tribal areas are migrating to the cities in search of jobs and better standards of living. Exposure to an urban lifestyle brings with it aspirations to be modern. On the whole the modern lifestyle does not typically match traditional ways of living. Therefore aspirations of modernity have resulted in significant transformation of settlements, built forms and public spaces. Pradhan Mantri Awas Yogana (PMAY)- Gramin (rural) is a rural housing program based on the Government’s commitment to provide “Housing for All” via this S. Patidar Vinyas, Bhopal, India B. Raghuwanshi (*) · S. Tiwari (*) School of Planning and Architecture, Bhopal, India e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 G. A. M. Suartika, J. Nichols (eds.), Reframing the Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, and Representation, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22448-6_10

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scheme by 2022. It aims at providing a pucca (permanent) house, with basic amenities, to all houseless community members as well as those households living in kutcha (temporary) and dilapidated houses, with an interest subsidy of 6.5% on housing loans [1]. Madhya Pradesh is a centrally located state in India. It has a rich biodiversity of flora and fauna. The state is known for its forty-six tribes. The population of scheduled tribals (ST) is 21.1% of the state population (15.31 million out of 72.62 million), according to the 2011 Census [2]. Some of the main tribes here are Baiga, Gond, Bhil, Bharia, Saharia and Korku. Total population of Scheduled Tribes (ST) 8.6% (10, 42, 81,034) of the population of the country is seven-hundred and five [2]. Article 366 (25) says: “Scheduled Tribes means such tribes or tribal communities as are deemed under Article 342 to be scheduled tribes for this constitution” [3]. These tribes are indigenous and untouched by the waves of civilization and demonstrate cultural evolution [4]. Tribal communities live in the forest and are isolated from the cities. Typical characteristics of their built forms may be easily identified, due to the strength of their customs and attitude, that they hardly accept things from outside world. Thus some of the finest examples of vernacular architecture are still present in the tribal areas [5]. Vernacular architecture reflects the environment, culture and historical context in which it exists. Vernacular forms are considered primitive and unrefined forms in design, not commonly seen as architecture, yet these primitive forms comprise a large percentage of the worlds built environment [6]. It is people and place specific.

10.2  Baiga Tribe The Baiga tribe are of Dravidian origin. They are forest dwellers from Central India, states of Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand. The name Baiga means a sorcerer or medicine-man [7]. They have a vast knowledge of medicinal plants and folklore. To conserve this valuable traditional and cultural knowledge involves a means of integrating it with modern life. These tribal communities have stagnant population  growth, low levels of literacy and access to high yield agricultural technologies. This means they are quite impoverished. Seventy-five such groups across eighteen States and one in Union Territory have been identified and categorized as Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group (PVTGs) by Government of India in 2006 [8]. Official recommendations were made in 2015 for growth and development of these tribes, focussed on improvements to housing and habitat, and conservation of culture. Each State and Union Territory are required to prepare a “Conservation-cum-Development (CCD) Plan” for each Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group (PVTGs) of their state [8]. The dwellings of the Baiga are part of their habitat which continues to evolve with the dynamic needs of the family. Today Baiga lifestyles have completely changed, as a result their settlements have also continued to transform (Figs. 10.1 and 10.2). They traditionally practiced of transient forms of cultivation, whereby it

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Fig. 10.1  Change in lifestyle: Baiga couple from 2005 to 2015. (Source: Author)

Fig. 10.2  Transformation in process. (Source: Author)

is an agricultural system in which plots of land are cultivated temporarily then abandoned to revert to their natural vegetation while the cultivator moves on to another plot [9]. “Geza Rohen once described primitive man as ‘free, untrammelled and truly self reliant’ in comparison with the member of more organized societies”. In

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other words, each individual is self-reliant and possesses valuable vernacular knowledge worth recording [10].

10.3  Aims and Objectives The paper aims to study the transformation in vernacular architecture of the Baiga tribe of Central India. The objective is to study the materials, construction techniques and built forms; and how some of these unique characteristics may be retained or conserved.

10.4  Methodology It includes literature and case studies analyses. Vernacular architecture of the Baiga tribe was documented to establish the main features of built form, spatial organization, foundations to the buildings, flooring  types, walls  structures, roof designs, doors, windows, plaster types, compound wall construction, ornamentation variations and types of animal sheds. These were documented in sketches, drawings and photographs. Two case studies were undertaken over a ten year period for Baiga Chak, Dindori, Madhya Pradesh in 2005 and from Keonchi, Amarkantak, Chhattisgarh in 2015 (Fig. 10.3).

Fig. 10.3  Google map of Baiga Chak, Dindori. (Source: www.earth.google.com)

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10.5  Observations- Transformation and Replacement 10.5.1  Settlement Baiga Chak is made up of fifty-two forest villages with an overwhelming majority of Baigas. Keonchi tribes have sustained a scattered settlement in the hilly forest of Achanakmar biosphere reserve, Amarkantak in proximity to the river Narmada. Open spaces catering for community activities are an important feature for social cohesion. Dwellings are situated along pedestrian routes that are also a source of social interactions. Settlements  are distributed amidst the natural environment (Fig.  10.4b). Sacred groves in the villages stage traditional practices on various festive occasions. Dwellings were made by the people themselves; community participation has an important role from construction practices to the decision making around the design. Dwellings were constructed with locally available materials (Fig.  10.4a) such as  mud, bamboo, wood and  handmade tiles. The  nature of materials used in the house, means they are completely biodegradable and reflects the ethos of tribal housing. In contemporary urban housing, materials purchased  from the ‘market’ and when obsolete cause environmental degradation and waste [10]. Dwellings in Pradhan Mantri Awas Yogana (PMAY)- Gramin (rural) are planned in a linear pattern with a road frontage. They are constructed by masons using modern materials like brick, cement and steel (Fig. 10.4c). All the dwellings are individual units in themselves, open and community spaces are rare. Communities have little role to play in the construction and design. Housing does not respect the natural environment from a sustainability perspective nor the character of the place (Fig. 10.4d).

Fig. 10.4a  Baiga dwelling. (Source: Author)

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Fig. 10.4b  Baiga settlement. (Source: Author)

Fig. 10.4c  Dwelling by PMAY- Gramin (rural). (Source: Author)

10.5.2  Spatial Organization The dwellings are usually rectangular in shape with the verandah (semi-covered space) in the centre and rooms arranged around it. There is a small pigsty as well as open space in the centre that divides the dwelling and the pigsty (Fig. 10.5a). The built form fulfills basic needs. It is decorated with earthen colours and artwork providing an attractive aesthetic (Fig.  10.5b). As the family  expanded, dwellings

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Fig. 10.4d  Housing by PMAY- Gramin (rural). (Source: Author)

Fig. 10.5a Baiga dwelling, 2005. (Source: Author)

became compact with the courtyard in the centre and rooms arranged around it. The space segregation was achieved with partition walls which resulted into number of rooms. The pigsty was attached to the backside of the dwelling (Fig. 10.5c). Domestic animals like pigs, goats, dogs and hens were part of their lives which is slowly disappearing.

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Fig. 10.5b  Side elevations Baiga dwelling, 2005, Typology 1. (Source: Author)

Fig. 10.5c  Side elevations Baiga dwelling, 2015, Typology 2. (Source: Author)

10.5.3  Foundation Dwellings utilized stone foundations. Eventually new materials were embraced through Pradhan Mantri Awas Yogana (PMAY)- Gramin (rural) and the foundations were made from reinforced concrete (RC).

10.5.4  Flooring Flooring was typically rammed earth with a cow dung layer applied over the floor. During festivals celebratory floral designs patterns were made and decorated with natural colours for the floors. These have been replaced by industrial products such

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as ceramic, stone or cement floor tiles. Eventually concrete floors were introduced, followed by the use of ceramic tiles. The tiles are factory-made and have regular shapes and sizes. These tiles typically have floral designs printed on them and seen as symbolizing a certain socio-economic status of the owner. Rammed earth fl ­ ooring was more dynamic as it could cater for change and new innovative designs. By contrast factory-made tiles are a relatively permanent choice and therefore their aesthetic remains fixed.

10.5.5  Walls Traditionally houses were temporary structures. The walls consisted of bamboo, mud, wattle and daub (Fig. 10.6a). Wattle and daub is a composite building material in which a woven lattice of wooden strips of wattle is then covered with daube, a sticky material like cow dung, wet soil, sand and straw. Changes in occupation patterns brought changes in the method of construction. As  the community  became less nomadic, they began to opt for alternative  built forms. Characterised by cob walls these dwellings were well-ventilated and enduring compared with the previous explained typology (Fig. 10.6b). Cob is a natural building material made from subsoil, water, fibrous organic material, and sometimes clay. The content of subsoil varies, and to achieve the right mixture it can be modified with sand or clay. Permanent dwellings of mud blocks signified settlement and permanency (Fig. 10.6c). These dwellings use partition walls to cater for growing families. Brick and cement mortar are finally introduced as pucca (permanent) material replacing the kutcha (temporary) by government policies and housing schemes (Fig. 10.6d).

Fig. 10.6a  Wattle and daub. (Source: Author)

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Fig. 10.6b  Cob wall. (Source: Author)

Fig. 10.6c  Mud block with mud mortar. (Source: Author)

10.5.6  Roofs Roof coverings originally consisted of thatch tied/braced with bamboo or fine timber branches (Fig. 10.7a). Hand-made tiles were subsequently developed and had evocative individuality in their uneven coverage as well as texture which brought about a unique aesthetic quality (Fig. 10.7b). Wooden trusses supported these tiled covered roofs. Factory-made moulded terracotta tiles eventually replaced the hand-

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Fig. 10.6d  Brick and cement mortar. (Source: Author)

Fig. 10.7a  Thatch roof. (Source: Author)

made tiles (Fig. 10.7c). Mass production and economic rationalization motivated the prioritization of asbestos as well as galvanized iron sheet as preferred materials (Fig. 10.7d).

10.5.7  Doors The dwellings originally had a single unprotected  opening  for the doorway. Therefore at night, in order to protect themselves from wild animals, a woven matting was  placed in front of the opening as a make shift obstruction (Fig.  10.8a).

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Fig. 10.7b Hand-made terracotta tiles. (Source: Author)

Fig. 10.7c Factory-made terracotta tiles. (Source: Author)

Given there were no fixed doors in the original designs, the changing needs of protection of food stuffs and people meant doors were required specifically to store grains. Therefore the timber shutter doors were introduced and could be bolted for additional protection, whenever needed (Fig. 10.8b). A modified version consisted of a battened and braced door (Fig.  10.8c). Plastic panel doors also replaced the wooden doors and braced doors over time (Fig. 10.8d). Plastic doors were compromised in terms of strength as well as aesthetics but are more cost effective.

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Fig. 10.7d  Galvanized iron sheet. (Source: Authors)

Fig. 10.8a  No fixed door

10.5.8  Windows The dwellings traditionally did not have windows. There is a gap between the walls and roof which permits ventilation. However today windows are created with modern materials such as iron or aluminum grills (Fig. 10.9d).

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Fig. 10.8b  Wooden panel door Fig. 10.8c  Ledge batten and brace door

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Fig. 10.8d  Plastic panel door

Fig. 10.9a  Decorated with cow dung

10.5.9  Plaster Plaster consisted of cow dung applied to wattle and daub, cob walls (Fig. 10.9a). This gave uniformity to the wall base. Earthen colours such as yellow ochre, red and white ochres bring a distinctive character to the built form (Fig. 10.9b). Lime plaster replaced the cow dung which then transitioned to a cement plaster (Fig.  10.9c). Arguably this choice of exterior render resulted in a more monotonous form of dwelling (Fig.  10.9d). Flexibility in decoration was available in cow dung layered walls.

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Fig. 10.9b  Decorated with earthen colours

Fig. 10.9c  Decorated with lime wash

10.5.10  Compound Wall A half height  wall/fence of hedges, bamboo or timber was typically  constructed around the dwelling, to protect it from animals. This barrier also enabled visual connection to the  street. In Pradhan Mantri Awas Yogana (PMAY)- Gramin (rural) streets were converted into roads. Compound walls are now constructed of mud or brick and obstruct the visual connection  to the street. The wall defines the open spaces between dwellings in the settlement. These spaces host daily activities: socialising, cleaning household items, children’s play whereas internal rooms conduct cooking, sleeping and storage aspects of daily life. These walls, decorated with motifs depict flora and fauna.

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Fig. 10.9d  Decorated with oil pigments

10.5.11  Ornamentation Cow dung render did not equate to any ornamentation on the compound walls (Fig.  10.9a). Naturally coloured mud render allowed for the making of creative floral design, motifs and art forms which added to the aesthetic appearance of the walls (Fig. 10.9b). The ornamentation was usually a female activity. Lime plaster was the next iteration of the render, with the use of oil or acrylic paints for more elaborate decorations (Figs. 10.9c and 10.9d). The integrity of these traditional artifacts is in their colourful contribution to the built environment. Art is an intrinsic part of life of individual, community, habitat, and as a ritual in this cultural context [10].

10.6  Discussion Tribal culture is a living world heritage too precious to be lost. Tribal habitat embodies principles living in  balance and in harmony with  the natural environment. Models of sustainable development are therefore  a process, a way of living. This  housing is a way of life, and not a model for mass production nor  through forms of  legislation [10]. Pucca (permanent) houses constructed under Pradhan Mantri Awas Yogana (PMAY)- Gramin (rural) with facilities similar to sanitary, gas and electricity connections, potable water are changing the rural landscape at a very fast pace [1]. The government is trying to replace kutcha (temporary) with pucca (permanent) structures.

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Table 10.1  Stages of transformation in architectural elements Architectural elements 1

Settlement

2 3

Spatial organization Foundation

4 5 6

Stages of transformation I II Scattered Scattered

III Compact

Flooring Walls Roof

Grain bins used for segregation Open foundation with stone Rammed earth Wattle and daub Thatched roof

Grain bins used for segregation Brick/ stone masonry Stone flooring Cob mud wall Terracotta tiles

RCC foundation PCC flooring Mud block Asbestos sheet

7 8

Doors Windows

Bushes Absent

Bamboo Absent

Wood Absent

9

Plaster

Mud plaster with earthen colors Wood/bamboo fence Natural colors, simple designs

Lime plaster Mud wall

Brick wall

11 Ornamentation

Mud plaster with cow dung coating Hedge with bushes No color

Ceramic tiles Brick wall Asbestos, galvanized iron sheet, Plywood Iron or aluminum grills Cement plaster

Oil or acrylic paints

12 Animal sheds

Detached

Attached

Colours, decorative design None

10 Compound wall

Partition walls

IV Compact along the road Partition walls RCC foundation

None

Source: Author

The government want tribes to become  mainstream citizens and it is evident that  complex acculturation processes have meant the contemporary Baigas have changed significantly Table 10.1. The table infers transformations have occurred in all the architectural elements from settlement to ornamentation. This process of transformation was originally gradual. Yet now there has been rapid transformation in rural landscapes of Central India which was once part of our cultural identity.

10.7  Findings The new housing provided by Pradhan Mantri Awas Yogana- Gramin (rural) does not address the social and the cultural needs of the people in the same ways as the traditional dwellings. Sometimes unknowingly, these indigenous tribal groups have become passive recipients to the transformation. Therefore the concept of transformation can be understood in terms of power relations. Tribes were self reliant,

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when they were dwelling in the forest and using locally-sourced materials sustainably. The introduction of modern materials have made them consumer dependent this has had major impacts on their economic an social lives.

10.8  Conclusion The government may be providing a shelter, yet Baigas understanding is different it is more aligned to the concept of a habitat- that is more a holistic way of dwelling in space and the environment. Therefore approaches to the design of living ­environments needs close alignment with the resident’s  way of life. Government policy in India has on the whole failed to address this all encompassing way of living in the village. There could be joint benefits in the traditional and modern ideas around settlement, interwoven and complimentarily applied for the communities to achieve a sustainable habitat. Therefore, lessons of vernacular architecture need to be integrated with contemporary practices of building as human environments continue to require innovative and creative approaches to dwelling spaces. Sustainably managed forests would assist communities like Baiga tribes in their housing and holistic environmental needs. Acknowledgement  We are thankful to Ar. Shikha Patidar of her survey of Baiga Chak in 2005. Study conducted in Keonchi in 2015 was a part of Vernacular studio of 3rd semester B.Arch (2014–2019) at School of Planning and Architecture, Bhopal. We are thankful to HOD Architecture Dr Rachna Khare, studio coordinator Dr. Ram Sateesh and students for their drawings and photographs. We are thankful to Tribal Research Institute, Indira Gandhi Rashtriya Manav Sanghralya (IGRMS) and Bharat Bhawan from Bhopal for sharing their research and publications. Lastly to Mr. Abid Baig for drafting and composition. We are grateful to the people of Baiga Chak and Keonchi for their love and cooperation.

References 1. Ministry of Rural development, Government of India, Homepage, https://pmayg.nic.in/netiay/ about-us.aspx. last accessed 2018/12/03. 2. Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India, homepage, http://censusindia.gov.in/, last accessed 2018/11/01. 3. Poornima, G.R., Kumar, M.N.: Constitution of India. 1st edn. Sapna Book House, Bangalore, India (2015). 4. Gautam, R.: Baiga The Hunter Gatherers of Central India. Readworthy, New Delhi, India (2011). 5. Patidar, S.: Madhya Pradesh ke Ankalpan. Kendriye Hindi Nideshalay, Pahle Pahal Publication Pvt. Ltd Bhopal (2017). 6. Ncube, C.: Vernacular and Modern Architecture Lessons from Corbusier. Homepage, https:// www.slideshare.net/chikoNcube/vernacular-and-modern-architecture-lessons-from-corbusier, last accessed 2018/10/02.

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7. Elvin, V.: The Baiga. Gyan Publishing House, New Delhi, India (2007). 8. Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Government of India, Revised Scheme of “Development of Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTGs)”. Homepage, https://tribal.nic.in/writereaddata/Schemes/4-5NGORevisedScheme.pdf. Annex-I Names of the Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTGs) - State / UT wise, List_of_Scheduled_Tribes_in_India, last accessed 2018/11/03 9. Shifting Cultivation, Homepage. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shifting_cultivation, last accessed on 2019/01/30. 10. Souza, R.: Warli House and Habitat1. Congress of Traditional Sciences and Technologies of India at IIT Powai, Bombay, 28 Nov-3 Dec1993. 11. Patel, S.: Housing for All by 2022 Assignment Delivered, Accountability Nil. Economic & Political Weekly, 51 (10), 38–42, (2016). 12. Ramanujam, R.: Forest Rights in Baiga Chak, Madhya Pradesh. Economic & Political Weekly, 52 (25 & 26), 47–50, (2017).

Chapter 11

Meaning, Time, Communication: Reflecting on the “Aceh Method” and Vernacular Julie Nichols and Darren Fong

Abstract  The “Aceh Method” has been coined here to contemplate a form of representing vernacular house typologies and to provide another “way of seeing”. Ways of seeing and understanding vernacular knowledge centred on the production of built form and their related socio-cultural conditions are revisited with this research through a multimodal platform of the “Aceh Method”. This method was devised to record, interpret and connect to the rich histories of vernacular architectural production in Indonesia critiqued through analogue and digital means. Rather than digging for additional remains of Acehnese architectural knowledge in the conventional sense of writing history, this proposal contributes to ways of understanding past built environments through a value analysis of immersive drawing and digital capture. In promoting a field of knowledge based on regional conditions, via onsite cultural immersion with the subjects and artefacts, this research will disseminate to the world value systems and technologies embedded in Acehnese vernacular heritage. Tackling challenges of natural disasters in Aceh, the “Aceh Method’s” representation techniques engaging socio-cultural conditions provides educational, intellectual and practical tools to meet communities’ future built environment aspirations. Keywords  Aceh method · Built cultural heritage · Vernacular knowledge · Cultural embodiment

J. Nichols (*) School of Art, Architecture and Design, Vernacular Knowledge Research Group, University of South Australia, Adelaide, SA, Australia e-mail: [email protected] D. Fong Vernacular Knowledge Research Group, University of South Australia, Adelaide, SA, Australia © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 G. A. M. Suartika, J. Nichols (eds.), Reframing the Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, and Representation, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22448-6_11

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11.1  Introduction The term “vernacular” is a noun in the English language. It reflects conditions, in the naming of buildings, traditions, and knowledge-sets of the past, intrinsic to socio-cultural practices, embedded with tacit know-how. The vernacular through this understanding also considers forms and practices influencing buildings that often sit outside the architectural canon (that consists of everyday architectures) [1]. The vernacular as a set of relations identifies the connection between building and place, as well as the cultural idiosyncrasies which have informed the design of the lived space. This study interrogates the terms “the vernacular” to realise it as a dynamic condition which is instead a “way of seeing” and understanding all of the previously mentioned ideas through two main strategies. These include representation of vernacular through – manual methods – pragmatically and conceptually enabling different modes of “visibility” predominantly through cultural immersion, in addition to digital methods – creating different avenues for perception and vision, again from the pragmatic to the conceptual. The expression of the vernacular, argued in this paper, therefore moves beyond the term in the English language to a reliance on other modes (drawing, photography and modelling) to “capture” a sense of the everyday architectures and knowledge structures which underpin them. The broad research question here is therefore how might built environments best respond to human needs? More specifically, how might we learn from vernacular environments in terms of their effects on human behaviour? This approach is focused on enhancing and expanding notions of the vernacular through representation to highlight its value and contribution to the past, present and to the future. It also may be seen as knowledge which may facilitate precedence to tackle contemporary and future built environment problems from natural disasters. It extends Paul Oliver’s (who was an esteemed scholar of the vernacular for more than 45 years) and Amos Rapoport’s (highly reputed cultural anthropologist) concept of vernacular architecture to include the notion of “cultural impact,” specifically through recording and drawing representations of these structures [2, 3]. Cultural impact refers to the “totality of human values, activities and artefacts which affect the formation of the building and give it meaning and direction to the lives that occupy it” [3]. According to Rapoport the “cultural impact” of the built environment may be experienced sensorially and this process is achieved conceptually through the “organization of meaning” – the connections between materials architectural form and its details; the “organization of time”  – as environments exhibit temporal dimensions and the “organization of communication” – social organization of space [4]. In the “Aceh Method”, these processes are equated as follows and explained further below: VERNADOC  – meaning; digital capture  – time; and communication  – virtual modelling of worlds. It is proposed, these “ways of seeing” and capturing “cultural impact” may be engaged  through the “Aceh Method”  – the title of this methodology. The Aceh Method embraces multi-modal forms of representation and offers the vernacular as ways of knowing, interpreting, learning, seeing intangible qualities and relationships

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as well as with physical vision, an alternative archetype of the vernacular, something that is dynamic and ever-changing. The Aceh Method establishes the vernacular within “shifting spatial constructs of culture” [5]. In its representation of physical as well as virtual space based upon our networked and globalised world, this method recognises that there exists altered spatial perceptions and identity with place [6, 7]. Beyond the modernist’s tenet of ‘form follows function’ being associated with vernacular architecture, instead, the Aceh Method permits understandings of the vernacular as products of “complex social and cultural relations spatially constituted” [8]. The vernacular represents sets of relations, both pragmatic and conceptual of the built environment, that encourages a reflection on contemporary ways of living, its inadequacies as well as its benefits, to reconnect with holistic and dynamic understandings of being in the world to impact future environments. The Aceh Method in its representations removes barriers of reductive terms of “architecture” and “non-architecture” to focus on “ways of seeing” to inform viewers’ understandings of the vernacular. It potentially opens the vernacular to what Brown and Maudlin call “the ‘hold-all’ category of ‘the other’” [5], but it is not the classification that is essential here, rather a ‘knowing’ or ‘insight’ associated with the everyday production of space and modes of viewing it. As the vernacular is often considered a product of tradition, ‘tradition’ can be understood as “a creative, adaptive and reflective process within modernity” contributing to the production of vernacular environments [5, 9, 10]. The Aceh Method is an effort to shift from the aesthetic characterisation of vernacular to rather a way of understanding how lived everyday space is created, and its social value as an educational tool for audiences ranging from architecture and design students, researchers and community’s living with it. Typically to community’s it is just what they do, not identifiable as different or a “thing” or by terminology such as vernacular. It is only when it is absent that its loss makes an impact. In loss, often an amnesia follows with how the everyday was organised and practiced, how the built spaces supported these activities, particularly if other housing forms replace the vernacular. From pragmatic and conceptual perspectives Rapoport’s ideas of “cultural impact” provide a means to reflect on the Aceh Method. Different modes of viewing and representing the vernacular ‘reveal’ layers of insight. Case study and fieldwork activities conducted at Lambunot Village, Indrapuri, Aceh Besar 2017 involved the manual documentation of five vernacular houses and some streetscapes. Drawings consisted of two dimensional projections such as plan, section and elevations. This data was informed by the  digital photography using the Gigapan to record the context, such as its vegetation, people, colour and activities. The virtual reality model was a recreation of these instances to create an immersive experience for viewers unable to be onsite. The “Aceh Method” has been coined to define these three main methods: VERNADOC (manual vernacular documentation), digital representations which includes Gigapan capture of the context and finally virtual reality modelling to provide an immersive experience. To date, the Aceh Method represents a pragmatic mode of seeing the vernacular. This study reflects on the methodology to layer it with a theoretical understanding. Why is a theoretical understanding important?

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Oliver, called for an anthropology of shelter in learning the vernacular, “only by endeavouring to understand the values of people can we get an insight into what shelter really means.” [1] As Marcus Vellinga, anthropologist and scholar of architectural anthropology, frames these ideas as giving architects training today which emphasizes the “cultural embodiment” and “cultural impact” of architecture [1]. Hopefully, it will follow that future architectural projects can then deliver more culturally appropriate architectural solutions for their societies through embracing theoretical ideas such as “cultural embodiment.” Therefore, by introducing the notion of “cultural embodiment” into the Aceh Method in conceptual terms, this paper provides a notional mapping of alternative ways of seeing “the vernacular” to bring about rich and insightful understandings suitable for adaptation to contemporary lifestyles.

11.1.1  The “Aceh Method”: A Detailed Description Recording and documentation works in Aceh, as well as the naming of the “Aceh Method” came about because of the destruction of Aceh’s built cultural heritage archives post-tsunami 2004 [11, 12]. Together with Acehnese colleagues we envisaged a multi-modal platform to safeguard memories, artefacts and archival materials in a digitally disseminated format, held in multiple locations so the re-construction of an archive would enable security of this re-established resource. As some of Aceh’s built cultural heritage was documented by the Dutch, particularly in photographs, and these materials are predominantly held in the Netherlands, the Aceh Method instead focuses on measured drawings of vernacular buildings Potentially these drawings may serve  as a resource for rebuilding projects in the future  as its subject matter predominantly  constitutes heritage at risk. The three main components of the Aceh Method are discussed below. 11.1.1.1  VERNADOC Pragmatically, VERNADOC (vernacular documentation) is a manual process involving measuring a building on site, whilst translating the measured elements immediately to the drawing board. This process begins in 4H pencil, where the lines are slowly and meticulously layered onto the page as the team of international students and staff achieve the measuring of the building. The environmental conditions are often challenging, as the drawing and measuring have to be undertaken in the dry season, the weather in Lambunot was very hot and humid. The drawing researchers must take care of their drawing as it is the original and only copy. They must protect it from dust, animal droppings and retain its intactness, as carefully as they can. The site work involves the pencil outline of the building, its elements and details all recorded. Materials and their textures should be captured  in the built space. All incidental personal items distributed in and around the space are also drawn presenting a narrative of use. Animals may be portrayed as part of the drawing in their enclosures if it is relevant to the projection, for example in section or

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elevation. People are not represented in this drawing method. This intensive process usually is completed after 1 week on site every day for eight hours. The team depart thereafter typically to an internal environment to prepare the inking stage of the process Employing  0.1  mm technical pens with different percentages of ink the artists, start with the outline in full strength ink and layer the drawing with texture and detail. The timber knots and grains are represented in a 20% ink hatching, the stonework is stippled and crafted for its form and texture, the vegetation around the building is shown in outline only, as props to the built space, not to take away from the built representation. After another week of full drawing days, the finely crafted works are completed with shadows in full strength ink and fine hatching at 45°. The whole process culminates in an exhibition (Fig. 11.1) of the drawings for villagers to ‘see’ their houses with their personal items populating their lived space. Conceptually, VERNADOC whilst it is a static representation of one projection of building in either plan, section, elevation or detail, it captures many dynamic aspects of life. In this way it represents an organisation of meaning for the researcher to the inhabitants. The objects placed around the house by the occupants are often lightweight and easily transferred to their next application. The representation suggests operations and activity from the hand bags on the wall (Fig. 11.2) to the flat woven baskets waiting for the de-husking of the rice or the hammock hanging beneath the house for baby’s sleep time, there is an essence of the flow of activities in and around the social spaces. The vegetation within close proximity of the house is often edible crucial to the menu of the occupants, a potential construction material, as well as shade-worthy. It presents an idyllic picture of proportion and relations between building, garden and social space and interconnected series of personal interactions. Unlike the photograph, the act of drawing is an “unveiling” and layering of activities over the week of the family and building’s life. It is in black and white and it is a labour of observation, of conversation, a record of interactions

Fig. 11.1  Photograph of exhibition space in the Tsunami Museum, Banda Aceh. (Source: Photograph by Darren Fong)

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Fig. 11.2  Scan of section and wall details through Aceh house, Indrapuri, Aceh Besar. (Source: Drawn by Asst. Prof. Sudjit S. Sananwai. Reproduced with permission)

between the artist and their subjects. It is an empowering and personal process which develops a deep set of relations, and arguably an insight only available in this ethnographical approach between the researchers, the village observers and the family environment, all playing out in the drawings. Paul Carter, theorist, artist and scholar of architectural history notes the power of the drawing to convey meanings, “…there is inside the outline a history of drawing. The lines on the map, the outlines on the urban plan, may pose as the minimalist representations of pure ideas, but they contain within them a history of earlier passages” [13]. Therefore, the artist has experienced “ways of seeing” the vernacular in its socio-­ cultural conditions, in its climatic context, as it is celebrated for festivals, how it is explained in everyday conversations, to what sacred and secret conditions it caters for, all of which arguably permits one type of knowing and understanding beyond all initial interactions. These are shared knowledges, strengthened by the cross-­ cultural interpretations and readings and recount of interactions between the drawing team of more than sixty people at the site. Carter again evocatively highlights the in between world of the representation and the life it captures, he states, Whether it is the outside world of the inner world, we write about it and draw it as if it were motionless…we seem to think much as we draw, in straight lines and flat planes. To get from one place to another involves a leap of imagination [13].

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Photography is another way of seeing, this time, the field of view is set by the photographer and the resultant image virtually instantaneous. The scene and lighting may have been carefully conceived over time but the act of capture is immediate. 11.1.1.2  Photography Practically, photography in these specialised forms of Gigapan capture as well as UAV drone-based images, presents a coloured and detailed view of the houses and their context. Through methods using specialist software for the stitching together of images or video, or extraction of images for photogrammetry also enables a measured view of the surrounding context to be achieved. As a freestanding mode of capture, the images reveal inquisitive community members attracted to the unusual Gigapan device and interactions that this as an unaccompanied piece of equipment achieves a unique anthropological dimension. Conceptually, photography removes the evidence of the creator of the image. “a description of the world is accounted most authoritative when it contains no trace of the knower” [13]. However, this is contributing to a static conception of place in a dynamic existence. Carter urges the photographer to let the shadow of the artist fall across the image, revealing movement behind the camera and the creation of the story of that place [13, 14]. As researchers we leave the sections of human bodies in the pictures (Fig. 11.4). In its first emergence into aesthetic nineteenth century practices, photography, was seen as a direct record of reality [15]. It was seen as the pure construction of the individual, and therefore at the mercy of their preferences and ideas. However,

Fig. 11.3  Section of a Lambunot house. (Author: James Reed)

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Fig. 11.4  Portion of a Gigapan image where children followed the camera. (Source: Photograph by Darren Fong)

photography and its relationship with and for societies in which it is produced changes with time. Baudelaire considered it to the detriment of imagination and at best could be considered a reasonable tool for recall of memories but never a work of art [15]. Matthew Edney historical geographer reports on how the camera legitimised “linear perspective” as one of the major projections for understanding spatial relationships. Despite evident obscuring of scale and proportion based on the scope of the lens [16]. As a result, the untrained nature of the photographers taking scientific records on field trips to new lands was disconcerting in its inadequate capacity to convey ‘reality’ for research and record [17]. Twentieth century theorists such as Walter Benjamin celebrated mass production of the photograph that had the capacity to shatter bourgeois traditions, “…destroying the ‘aura’ of the sacred, authentic and original art object” [15]. Benjamin also talked about the “optical unconscious” ability of photography to reveal details that may be unseen to the naked eye (Fig. 11.4). It is the split second of the capture of multiple images from the Gigapan and drone tools of digital worlds which reflects the ‘organisation of time’ as to that which Rapoport promoted. In the capture of these moments over time, there are instances of delight in the subject matter (see Fig. 11.4). In particular, the playful headshots of the children perplexed as well as intrigued by the positioning and interplay of these devices in their world. These instances safeguard memories of interactions between children in vernacular space. They record the intrigue and wonder in the first time experience of such technology. The tools are forms of engagement as well as performing timely capture of in situ activities. They are always only representative of such small moments over a lifetime, but valuable nonetheless. (Figs. 11.4 and 11.5)

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Fig. 11.5  The alignment of the rows and columns of images before processing in the Gigapan software. (Source: Photograph by Darren Fong)

11.1.1.3  Virtual Worlds Technically, the virtual world is produced through the collaging and interpreting of VERNADOC drawings and images from the digital photography to produce a suitably modelled environment (Fig. 11.6). Images for materials can be extracted from photographs. Suitably dimensioned computer-generated models can be produced from the scaled VERNADOC drawings. The limitations are only the time and budget to deliver the model in a reconstructed imagining of the original site and context. There is significant detail required to convince the viewer. However this process is also  dependent on their experience and expectation of the tool. The villagers were mesmerised by their house when viewing it through Google cardboard. It transported them into the neat and tidy world of the virtual (Figs. 11.7 and 11.8). This was precisely the aspect of the virtual that was unappealing to the researchers in their ambitions to transplant the viewer into digitally re-created Lambunot houses. Conceptually, Rapoport suggests that “spatial characteristics of the built environment also greatly influence the ‘organisation of communication’” in the village context [4]. A virtual world is an attempt to recreate these communications and to experiment with them. How are social relationships linked in the built environment and what motivates them? Observations of bodies in space both virtually and physically give the researcher insight into these social relationships. The virtual is used

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Fig. 11.6  Digital model of Aceh house in a virtual environment. (Source: Model created by James Wilson)

as a communication tool for the subject in space as well as for the researcher in observing the use of space. Virtual environments according to Schubert et al. create a “sense of presence” through “embodied action,” [18] where these engagements as a form of communication between the viewer and the space begin a memory-making experience.

11.1.2  M  eaning, Time and Communication Value in/of the Vernacular The commonality in these processes of organisation of meaning, time and communication, presented here as conceptually distinct areas of focus (in practice are interrelated) are they all involve choices [4]. The presence of choice means there is a design component. Organisation of meaning ensures consistent choices, typically culturally based and therefore able to de-coded by the community. In traditional societies the designers as well as users are often the same and therefore there is a level of integration of meaning and like-mindedness. In the organisation of time, traditional societies’ processes of change are considered slower-paced, as facilitators of change do not reach them quickly. Therefore, fewer choices potentially produce an “unself-conscious design process” [4]. In the twenty-first century information transfer is fast-paced with economics being the limitation of change in built forms.

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Fig. 11.7  [left hand side] Google cardboard viewing the virtual model of the Rumbia house, this lady’s house. (Source: Photograph by Julie Nichols)

Across Lambunot Village and evident in the streetscape representations (Fig.  11.9) there are increasingly the access to more design choices through education, social media and the internet. Compared with more culturally diverse societies, the choices are still limited in their focus on a particular ideal, which demonstrates an entrenched value system of villagers [2, 19–21]. Traditional societies present shared understandings of the key components necessary for  culturally acceptable and habitable solutions for living. Thus if the choices are limited due to these constraints the schema is clearly communicated. The organisation of communication is therefore a result of the schema of choice matching the built environment. By making the intentions of the space clearly visible and meaningful to the community, communicates “value” [4]. How does the Aceh Method facilitate the community, researcher and student experience and “ways of seeing” the “cultural embodiment” of the vernacular of Lambunot?

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Fig. 11.8  [right hand side] Google cardboard viewing the virtual model of the Rumbia house. (Source: Photograph by Julie Nichols)

Fig. 11.9  Streetscape Lambunot village. (Author: Rahmi)

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11.1.2.1  The Community Notably the Lambunot community appear to have lost some of the schema or insight which have contributed to the communication of everyday spaces. This in turn has confused meanings of the built environment over time. The Aceh Method is a connection with past design processes and choices empowering the community with lost knowledge systems through representations and drawings. It is a means to re-educate and re-acquaint them with schema that used to be known, such as their buildings perform well for their climate, their religo-cultural conditions; their economic positioning and so on. This does not prevent aspiration for another way of living, for modern conveniences [access to potable water, plumbed toilets and power supply to the house etc] and to improve their families’ status in life. “Aceh Method” interactions and exhibitions re-establish the intrinsic value of these buildings. Community members “see” their building, well-drawn and captured in beautiful representations on paper, in 3D walk-throughs as well as VR modes. Meanings, time and communication represent “cultural impact and embodiment” through the Aceh Method and its representations. The community see the intensive work of others in these creations and recognise how others value their everyday structures, which in turn motivates a re-thinking of their value assumptions. [This is largely anecdotal as we have not conducted structured interviews, but recounting the informal commentary of our community participants to us and to our colleagues]. Their humble buildings reveal beauty through texture, materials and traces of lived space in everyday objects, familiar and special to the occupant, organisation of meaning, time and communication are evident in the drawing or the digital capture (Figs. 11.7 and 11.8). 11.1.2.2  The Researcher Cultural immersion onsite through 2 weeks in contact with the community as part of their everyday life privileges the researcher with experiences of a way of ‘knowing’ (which may also be referred to as a form of learning) and communicating with the villagers. Learning communication through drawings and gestures in the absence of a common spoken language; forming friendships sharing meals; revealing stories of their houses; their histories; and personal details of their lives; participating in their social and familial interactions; and celebrations means we leave a “mark or presence” on departure from this intense period. Equally we feel the invaluable connection and integration which blurs the boundary of independent researcher to friend or colleague. It is not the role of the anthropologist or the architect it is somewhere in-between, which presents a unique yet still only one perspective on cultural embodiment. There is an emotional connection evident still between the community and the researchers when we visit Lambunot, it is felt and not expressed in words, only actions. The education of the researcher goes beyond the remote experience of

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analysis of literature or independent observation of the anthropological subject, it immerses the researcher in the sensorial environment of raw experience, it enables an appreciation and an empathy, understanding and knowing that only cultural immersion allows. 11.1.2.3  Student Experience Students’ immersion equally prompts a type of knowing and understanding remote study does not permit. The climatic conditions, the qualities of the environment, the cultural conditions which are foreign to many of the students, the over-stimulation of the senses which urban dwellers sustain when they move to a rural setting, all contribute to a reciprocal “cultural impact” from student to villager. Embraced or resisted by the student cohort their learning cannot but be impacted by direct exposure to construction practices, spatial understandings through drawings and connecting with international friends in the community, in the extended student cohort with Indonesian students and the staff. Social media extends the reach of daily trials and tribulations on site as the experience virtually reaches their hometown audiences to the events as they unfold in real-time. For years to come social media recount will remind them of anniversaries of these events. The exhibitions both in Indonesia and Australia connect the students to the work, and pride around the drawings as well as their personal connections with the inhabitants. The reactions of the community to the students’ drawings is a powerful reminder of the impacts they have made and the memories created. [Again, this is anecdotal in the witnessing of the community, seeing their houses in the exhibition, laughing, pointing, intricately examining the works, it was so rewarding for the students to have these experiences.] The re-telling of these processes in their return home and their celebration of their own exhibition of works is another means of an expression of their educational outcomes. It is also an introduction to the organisation of meaning, time and communication of these Acehnese communities (Fig. 11.9).

11.2  Conclusion The Aceh Method provided another way of knowing or revealing the production of everyday lived space of Lambunot. The vernacular is understood as a concept, facilitated in this research by the Aceh Method to open-up understandings beyond buildings of static, non-changing configurations of folk culture, but rather dynamic conditions of lived experience where “cultural embodiment” is foundational for Lambunot buildings. Multi-modal capture provides pragmatic and theoretical opportunities for rethinking contemporary development strategies. Educational value is evident in broadening our “ways of seeing” the vernacular. The Aceh Method empowers community, researchers and students with knowledge sets of sometimes forgotten meanings and rituals that “culturally impact” the production of

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space. It is invaluable in its insight as identifying an “incompleteness” of everyday lived space that has inherent social value. It demonstrates an adaptivity of lifestyles to “changing cultural, economic, social and technological conditions and, increasingly ecological concerns” [5]. As Iain Borden and Jane Rendall have highlighted built urban environments come about as a result of complex sets of relations [22, 23]. An understanding of the vernacular as ‘the other’ dynamic and representing everyday spatial practices, within architecture, pervasively projects the vernacular’s value for future development.

References 1. Vellinga, M.: A Conversation with Architects: Paul Oliver and the Anthropology of Shelter. Architectural Theory Review 21(1), 9–26 (2017). 2. Rapoport, A.: House form and culture. Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, N. J (1969). 3. Oliver, P.: Built to Meet Needs, Cultural Issues in Vernacular Architecture. Elsevier, Oxford (2006). 4. Rapoport, A.: Sociocultural Aspects of Man-Environment Studies, The Mutual Interaction of People and Their Environment. A. Rapoport and DeGruyter, ProQuest Ebook Central, 7–35 (2011). 5. Brown, R., Maudlin, D.: Concepts of vernacular architecture. The SAGE handbook of architecture theory. 340–368 (2012). 6. Castells, M.: The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture. Volume I, The rise of the network society (1996b). 7. Matthews, G. C., et al.: Method and apparatus for hibernation within a distributed data processing system, Google Patents (2000). 8. Jackson, P.: Towards a cultural politics of consumption. na. (1993). 9. Asquith, L., Vellinga, M.: Vernacular architecture in the 21st century: Theory, education and practice. Taylor & Francis (2006). 10. Bronner, S. J.: Building tradition: control and authority in vernacular architecture, Vernacular Architecture in the 21st Century. Taylor & Francis. 41–63 (2006). 11. Nichols, J., Fong, D., Avey, S.: Re-envisioning lost built cultural heritage: Post-tsunami Aceh. Proceedings for the International Conference on Engineering and Science for Research and Development 25–26 October 2016, Banda Aceh, Indonesia. Hosted by the University of Syiah Kuala, Banda Aceh, Indonesia (2016). 12. Nichols, J., Fong, D., Fadhil, N.: The ‘Aceh Method’ as a mode of seeing vernacular knowledge. Proceedings for the International Conference on Architecture 2017 (ICRP-AVAN), Unsyiah (Banda Aceh) and UiTM (Perak), 18–19 October 2017, Banda Aceh, Indonesia. Hosted by the University of Syiah Kuala, Banda Aceh, Indonesia (2017). 13. Carter, P.: Dark Writing: Geography, Performance, Design. University of Hawaii Press, Hawaii, USA (2008). 14. Thrift, N.: Movement-space: the changing domain of thinking resulting from the development of new kinds of spatial awareness. Economy and Society 33(4), 582–604 (2004). 15. Kriebel, S.  T.: Theories of photography: A short history. Photography theory. Routledge. 13–60 (2013). 16. Edney, Matthew H., Masood, E.: Mapping an Empire: The Geographical Construction of British India, 1765–1843. Nature 388(6642), 530–531 (1997). 17. Grimshaw, A.: The ethnographer’s eye: Ways of seeing in anthropology. Cambridge University Press (2001).

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18. Schubert, T., Friedmann, F. Regenbrecht, H.: Embodied presence in virtual environments. In Visual representations and interpretations (pp. 269–278). Springer, London (1999). 19. Wheatley, P., Ucko, P.J., Tringham, R., Dimbleby, G.W.: Man, Settlement and Urbanism (1972). 20. Rapoport, A.: An approach to the construction of man-environment theory. Environmental design research 2. 124–136 (1973). 21. King, A.: The transformation of Europe’s armed forces: from the Rhine to Afghanistan. Cambridge University Press (2011). 22. Borden, I., Rendell, J.: Intersections: architectural histories and critical theories. Psychology Press (2000). 23. Miles, M., et al.: The city cultures reader. Psychology Press (2004).

Chapter 12

Identity Representation and Conflict Prevention in Community Mosques of Malang Raya, East Java, Indonesia Yulia Eka Putrie and Widjaja Martokusumo

Abstract The phenomena of identity representations in mosques are strongly related to certain socio-political dynamics. Multiple strategies may be employed to represent the specific aims of the patrons. One aim is to prevent the possibility of conflicts in the community mosques in Malang Raya, East Java. Socio-political issues among Islamic groups in the region include  the struggle for mosques’ authority by a certain group deemed “hard-liners”. To explore the variety of communities’ responses to this issue through their mosque architecture, fieldwork research was conducted through documentation and semi-structured interview. One of the findings was various strategies of identity construction were helpful to the mosque community. These ranged from expressing group identity through explicit and implicit elements, to suppressing group identity by eliminating, negotiating, and even camouflaging significant elements of mosques. The different strategies are related to each mosque’s resilience to the external and internal dynamics. In spite of the different ways to represent identity, there is a mutual concern to prevent conflicts and to create a more peaceful religious environment. Keywords  Conflict prevention · Community mosques · Identity representations · Resilience · Malang Raya

Y. E. Putrie (*) School of Architecture, Planning, and Policy Development (SAPPD), Institut Teknologi Bandung, Bandung, Indonesia Department of Architecture, Faculty of Science and Technology, UIN Maulana Malik Ibrahim Malang, Malang, Indonesia e-mail: [email protected] W. Martokusumo School of Architecture, Planning, and Policy Development (SAPPD), Institut Teknologi Bandung, Bandung, Indonesia © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 G. A. M. Suartika, J. Nichols (eds.), Reframing the Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, and Representation, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22448-6_12

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12.1  Introduction Historically, the development of mosques in many parts of the Muslim world may assist understandings as one of the significant factors to this religious architecture, are the various socio-political contexts from which they originate. According to Eric Roose [4], “religious architecture in the Islamic world never simply ‘adapted itself’ to ‘its time’ or ‘its’ region’ but instead dynamically followed politico-religious alliances.” Oskar Verkaaik suggests religious buildings are often of greater importance for social or political discourse than for their religious purposes [7]. The common example of this is the rulers’ intent to reflect their power or authority through elaborate designs of grand mosques within their territories. Another example is the use of iconographic elements to represent the specific identity of the patrons, such as the establishment of different styles and heights of minarets in Masjid al-Azhar Cairo by a variety of rulers. Various strategies are implemented in many elements of mosque architecture to achieve socio-political aims of the rulers in the Muslim world. However, the tendency of the rulers or patrons to achieve certain socio-political goals through mosque architecture does not occur solely through  great mosque structures, but also to the smaller-scale community mosques. Diverse socio-­ political contexts have contributed to carefully crafted identity representations in community mosques. In general, a mosque is a representation of its community. It is the place where the community’s values, ideals, and principles are being actualized and materialized through its physical and non-physical elements. Muslim communities represent their idealism in many physical and non-physical aspects of mosque, such as the spatial arrangement, the consistent and popular use of calligraphy, and the presence of significant features like bedug (traditional drum in Javanese culture) and minbar. However, different groups or communities sometimes have different values, ideals, and perspectives in their preferences around some elements of the mosque. These differences may defer to personal or social conflict within the community. Therefore, the mosque acts as a site of idealism and a struggle for representation for some groups. Over the last decade, the expropriation attempts on the community mosques’ by a certain ‘radical’ group has drawn greater awareness and attention to Islamic groups, such as Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah. A specific affiliation or identity with particular elements in these groups’ community mosques, such as the use of ornament of mosques’ facades copying the organisational logos, attempts to directly correlate a mosque with the authority of these groups. These socio-political issues and phenomena related to community mosques, represents an explorative and qualitative study. The fieldwork was conducted to explore the various patterns and strategies of identity representation in community mosques in Malang Raya, East Java. As one of the leading education and tourism cities in Indonesia, Malang Raya is well-known as a multicultural region located at the heart of East Java. Hence, besides its role as the cultural base of Nahdlatul Ulama, Malang Raya is also a strategic place for other Islamic groups. The dynamic interactions

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between the Nahdliyin and other Islamic groups’ and as participants in their community mosques make a provocative study. The initial field observations conducted in 2013 throughout cities of East Java have found that the community mosques in Malang Raya have demonstrated explicit forms of identity representation compared to other regions in East Java. The research indicated at that time, that it might be the result of the dynamic interactions among Islamic groups regarding the mosques’ socio-political significance. Thus, the objective of this research is to explore the relationship between the local socio-political contexts and the patterns of identity representation displayed in the community mosques in Malang Raya, East Java. In the early stages of this study, 340 community mosques – affiliated and non-­ affiliated to certain Islamic group – were studied through observation, documentation, and informal interviews. From the preliminary data, 229 mosques highlighted awareness of the socio-political issues related to their building and communities. Further interviews were conducted to explore the awareness, values, perspectives, actions, interactions, and approaches towards the possibility of conflicts in the local socio-political context of their mosques. The data were coded through open, axial, and selective coding based on the grounded-theory research procedure, and were categorized into six aspects (causal conditions, phenomena, context, intervening conditions, strategies, and consequences) in order to understand and to find the relationship between the patterns of identity representation and the socio-political context of the studied mosques.

12.2  C  ommunity Mosques and the Patterns of Identity Representation: Between Affirmation and Disaffirmation There are two main patterns of identity representation phenomena in the community mosques that were studied. The majority of the community mosques identify a clear affirmation of their affiliations to a specific Islamic group such as Nahdlatul Ulama or Muhammadiyah. However, they differ in the affirmation strategies applied in their mosques. Only 34 of the mosques highlight their affiliation identity in an explicit way, while the other 150 mosques tend to show their affiliation in a more implicit way. On the other hand, 45 mosques show the tendency of disaffirmation towards an affiliation to a specific group through eliminating, modification, and even camouflaging significant elements of mosques. These various patterns and strategies of identity representation are described in Table  12.1. However, the patterns emerged from the data are not mutually exclusive. From Table  12.1, one can conclude that there are two main patterns and five strategies of identity representations in the community mosques studied. However, some of the mosques show ambiguities between affirmation and disaffirmation. These ambiguities will be explained further in the next part of this paper. The

Table 12.1  Patterns and strategies of identity representation in community mosques Patterns of identity representation Affirming identity

Disaffirming identity

Strategies Exposing explicit elements

Iconographic elements Organization logo, large in size, placed on the main exterior facade of mosques as permanent ornamentation Indicating with Connotative colours of specific organization, implicit such as green and white/ elements yellow for Nahdlatul Ulama, blue and white/ yellow for Muhammadiyah Parts of NU’s organization logo, such as nine stars, tali jagad (the rope that surrounds the globe)

Eliminating identity elements

Modifying identity elements

Camouflaging identity elements

Cultural elements –

Visual aspect such as bedug, minbar with specific model, the use of calligraphy to state the respectable names such as Khulafaur Rasyidin, Asmaul Husna

Spatial aspect such as arranging the women space based on group’s idealism

Auditory aspect such as playing the Shalawat Tarhim a moment before Adhan Ritual and non-ritual aspect such as Tahlilan, Istighotsah, Diba’an (traditionalist Muslims’ religio-­ cultural events and activities). Conceptual aspect. Naming the mosque with respectable concepts or names for the affiliated group, such as the name of Kyai, Wali Sanga, etc. Ritual and non-ritual aspect. Colours. Avoiding the Eliminating certain activities that connotative colours or considered as the representation of changing with the one group, such as Tahlilan. ‘neutral’ colours Sticking to ‘neutral’ activities, such Logos. Rejecting the as pengajian, or congregational offer to put specific organization logo on the prayers. Avoiding the use of massive calligraphy so that the mosque’s facade mosque is not considered by the community as one group’s mosque – Visual aspect. Modification of the minbar model so that it becomes accepted by all groups Spatial aspect. Arranging the women space so that all groups accept the arrangement – Visual aspect. Imitating the minbar model from other group which actually contrary to the group’s idealism

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following subheadings will firstly describe each phenomenon of affirming and disaffirming identity in some representative cases of community mosques.

12.2.1  Affirming Identity The majority of community mosques in Malang Raya affirm their specific affiliation to one group or organization, such as Nahdlatul Ulama or Muhammadiyah. The differences are the explicitness and implicitness of the affirming strategies. The explicit signs of identity are intended to be recognizable by the member of the Islamic group itself as well as people from other Islamic groups because of its clear, iconic, and popular characteristics. Meanwhile, the implicit signs are intended to be recognizable by a more limited cohort within the community. Table 12.2 describes some cases of both strategies of identity affirmation. The decisions around using explicit or implicit identity elements in the mosques appear related to the socio-­ political considerations, which will be discussed later in this paper. In the mosques with explicit identity affirmation, the organization logo is frequently exposed significantly at the main exterior facade, the fence, the minaret’s wall, or the main gate. However, Masjid Agung An-Nur tends to place the organization’s logo in a less exposed location below the terrace dome. These organizational logos are placed as iconographic ornaments above or below the name of the mosque. This pattern of placement has shown the sense of authority of the related organization. On the other hand, in the mosques with implicit identity affirmation, parts of the organization’s logo are frequently placed in the interior part of the mosque. Those iconographic ornaments are rarely used on the main exterior facade. Considerations on where to locate the iconographic ornaments on the mosques’ exterior or interior will also be discussed in the third part of this paper.

12.2.2  Disaffirming Identity Another interesting finding is that even though the mosque is a place where a community represents their identity and articulates their values, perspectives, and idealism, some mosques have decided not to affirm their specific identity by eliminating, modifying, even camouflaging some significant identity elements. Table  12.3 describes some cases of mosques with identity disaffirmation phenomena. The decisions to suppress or to disaffirm the specific identity of these mosques utilising various strategies have indicated each mosque reacts to its socio-political context. However, an overarching concern amongst the mosques in the study, is that each demonstrates the arising possibility of conflict which could effect the mosques and their communities.

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Table 12.2  Some cases of community mosques with affirming identity phenomenon Mosques cases and identity affirmation Masjid Agung An-Nur: exposing explicit elements

Description Exposing explicit identity affirmation phenomena through iconographic elements such as organization logo on the main exterior facade, as well as implicit cultural elements such as bedug and minbar, spatial arrangement of women space, ritual and non-ritual activities (istighotsah, diba’an, etc.), and the use of auditory elements (shalawat tarhim, two adhan on Friday prayer).

Masjid Jami’ Darussalam: exposing explicit elements

Exposing explicit identity affirmation phenomena through iconographic elements such as organization logo on the main exterior facade, as well as implicit cultural elements such as bedug and minbar, spatial arrangement of women space, ritual and non-ritual activities (istighotsah, diba’an, etc.), and the use of auditory elements (shalawat tarhim, two adhan on Friday prayer).

Masjid Jami’ Al-Isti’dad: indicating with implicit elements

Indicating affiliated identity with implicit identity elements. The affirmation of specific identity as Nahdliyin mosque (mosque of NU community) is conducted through iconographic elements such as connotative colors and ornaments (nine stars as a part of the NU’s logo) under the beams, as well as cultural elements such as bedug and minbar, spatial arrangement of women space, ritual and non-ritual activities (istighotsah, diba’an, etc.), and the use of audial elements (shalawat tarhim, two adhan on Friday prayer).

(continued)

12  Identity Representation and Conflict Prevention in Community Mosques of Malang… 149 Table 12.2 (continued) Mosques cases and identity affirmation Masjid Jami’ Daril Muhtadin: indicating with implicit elements

Description Indicating affiliated identity with implicit identity elements. The affirmation of specific identity as Nahdliyin mosque (mosque of NU community) is conducted through iconographic elements such as connotative colors and ornaments (a nine-pointed star as a part of the NU’s logo) under the dome and on the minbar, as well as cultural elements such as minbar, spatial arrangement of women space, ritual and non-ritual activities (istighotsah, diba’an, etc.), and the use of audial elements (shalawat tarhim, two adhan on Friday prayer).

Table 12.3  Some cases of community mosques with disaffirming identity phenomena Mosques cases and identity disaffirmation Masjid Ibnu Sina: eliminating identity elements

Description This mosque was the place of the ISIS declaration in 2014. This unpleasant experience has made the caretakers of this mosque highly selective in giving permissions to various activities held in the mosque. Any activities seen as affiliated to one specific group are forbidden in the mosque, such as istighotsah. The takmir said that istighotsah clearly refers to one group, and he didn’t want the mosque to belong to one specific group. Any aspect of the design seen as acknowledging one particular group should be avoided, such as bedug. The strategy to dissociate a specific identity occurs through eliminating specific ornamentation, particularly physical, ritual, non-ritual, visual and audial aspects of this mosque.

(continued)

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Table 12.3 (continued) Mosques cases and identity disaffirmation Masjid Jami’ Nurul Falakh: modifying identity elements

Description Masjid Nurul Falakh is actually the Nahdliyin mosque which possesses some ambiguities between affirmation and disaffirmation strategies. The caretakers of this mosque are people from multiple Islamic groups but dominated by the Nahdliyin. They seek to respect the heterogeneity of the mosque. Therefore, they found it unnecessary to place NU’s logo on the mosque’s exterior façade. They consider bedug as an adequate sign to show the Nahdliyin’s culture of this mosque. Some considerations of tolerance for the other groups may appear in other design elements, from the spatial division, the use of ornamentation, to the design of the minbar and the kullah. The females’ space has been relocated three rows from the front, although its position is not entirely behind the men position. The minbar model has also been modified to a smaller size than the regular minbars in NU cultures. The design of the kullah (the shallow pool for feet wash) is also smaller, and people can choose whether they want to step into the pool or not. The calligraphy of four Imams in Aswaja’s Fiqh traditions is also considered as reflecting the heterogeneity of the community members. The only aspect they keep in the mosque is the Nahdliyin’s ritual.

Masjid Al-Umm: The use of the throne-shaped minbar in this mosque initially made the researcher considered the mosque as the Nahdliyin mosque. The throne-­ camouflaging identity elements shaped minbar is not a part of mosques typically affiliated to modernist groups, such as Muhammadiyah and Salafi. It is widely used in nearly all traditionalist group’s mosques such as Nahdliyin mosques. The existence of the throne-shaped minbar has become a significant element of identity for Nahdliyin mosques. Thus, when the researcher found out that the mosque is not a Nahdliyin mosque, further observations and interviews were held to explore the backgrounds of the anomaly of this design decision. Eventhough the throne-shaped minbar in this mosque is similar to the minbars of Nahdliyin mosques by comparison, the mihrab area is equipped with a large curtain right in front of the minbar. There is no sufficient explanation for the existence of this large curtain, unless that it can be used to cover the mihrab area whenever needed. An interview reveals that this mosque actually tends to follow the modernist culture (the Salafi and Muhammadiyah) in its ritual and non-ritual activities, so the throne-shaped minbar is used in a different way from Nahdliyin mosques. This finding should be considered in addition to observational data of the ritual and non-ritual activities held in the mosque, particularly the Friday prayer activities. The mosque’s patron has also experienced several conflicts with Nahdliyin community in Malang Raya. From the interview, it was concluded that the involvement of some people from other groups such as NU and Muhammadiyah in the mosque management is one form of socio-political strategy to maintain the image of the mosque’s ‘neutrality’. (continued)

12  Identity Representation and Conflict Prevention in Community Mosques of Malang… 151 Table 12.3 (continued) Mosques cases and identity disaffirmation

Description

12.3  T  he Socio-Political Context of Mosques and the Patterns of Identity Representation Architecture, according to Simon Unwin, is inescapably a political field. With so many divergent perspectives and agendas around a design of place means it is a subject/object of political control [6]. Kath Woodward suggests that crises occur once unpleasant experiences such as threats or challenges to stability bring identity politics to the forefront [8]. Therefore, further interviews with the community mosques’ caretakers were conducted to study the socio-political backgrounds of the identity representations phenomena. Various socio-political as well as ideological considerations of these caretakers have assisted the researcher to gain a deeper understanding of how communities act and react based on their awareness on the socio-political issues related to their mosques. Table 12.4 summarizes the socio-political backgrounds and considerations behind each pattern of identity representation phenomena. As identity affirmations appear as the most popular strategies used in the design of the mosques, it is therefore noted that there is a perceived need to represent identity. These are socio-political considerations of importance to the communities. Woodward argued that “identities are marked symbolically and are reproduced through representational systems” [8]. Rapoport even distinguished private identity from public identity. Private identity according to Rapoport is the affirmation of identity to oneself and to one’s intimate group where the signs can be relatively ‘private’ or subtle and only required to be recognizable by the initiated. By contrast, public identity is evident to others by establishing a distinction between ‘them’ and

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Table 12.4  Socio-political considerations behind the patterns of identity representation in the community mosques Patterns of identity representation Strategies Affirming identity Exposing explicit elements

Indicating with implicit elements

Disaffirming identity

Eliminating elements

Modifying elements

Camouflaging elements

Socio-political considerations The strong awareness of the expropriation issues and the possibility of conflicts The strong historical background with specific Islamic group (the first establishment, the waqif (donor) affiliation, etc.) The strong engagement with the organization, following the top-down instruction to affirm affiliation identity in an explicit way Encouragements from the community and the main figures (kyai, organizational figures, etc.) The strong awareness of the expropriation issues and the possibility of conflicts The strong engagement with the organization, however initiating the various cultural strategies to affirm affiliation identity Internal dynamics of whether to express or to suppress specific identity, regarding hesitation or concern of unintentionally making the mosques exclusive and forbidden to others The strong awareness of the possibility of conflicts caused by different values and perspective towards mosques elements The hesitation or concern of unintentionally making the mosques exclusive and forbidden to others Unpleasant experience of being misused by radical group The strong awareness of the possibility of conflicts caused by different values and perspective towards mosques elements The hesitation or concern of unintentionally making the mosques exclusive and forbidden to others The willingness to negotiate the elements in order to maintain the peace and tolerance within the community with heterogeneous Muslim groups The strong awareness of the possibility of conflicts caused by different values and perspective towards mosques elements The hesitation or concern of unintentionally making the mosques exclusive and forbidden to others Unpleasant experience of several conflicts with other groups The need to keep the security of the mosque and the community in the middle of dynamic interactions between groups

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‘us’, so that the indications must be clear, redundant, and popularized [3]. In keeping with Rapoport’s explanation, there are two different strategies of identity affirmation in this study has identified, that is, explicit and implicit. Although both strategies are not mutually exclusive, implicit strategies occurred due to concern around the mosques appearing exclusive and therefore forbidden to others. These concerns were evident in the placement of the organization’s logo in the interior of the mosques with implicit strategies of identity affirmation. On the other hand, the strong awareness of socio-political issues such as expropriation by radical groups have made them feel the need to affirm the clear identity of their mosques. In this context, identity representation through architectural elements is considered as a way to handle the possibility of conflicts between groups in mosques. As stated by Woodward [8], “Crises occur when an identity position is challenged or becomes insecure.” According to Yasser Tabbaa, political and theological challenges elicited visual or architectural responses and reactions, one of which was to establish its difference against the challenging force [5]. Tabbaa also stated that the more intense the conflict, the sharper the self-image against the opponents defined through art and architecture [5]. Meanwhile, even though in general mosques were known as the place where communities represent their identity and articulate their values, perspectives, and idealism, some mosques in fact chose to disaffirm their identity. This phenomenon of identity disaffirmation can be seen as impression management in the symbolic-­ interaction perspective. According to Deddy Mulyana, “symbolic-interaction recognizes that overt aspect of activity does not automatically represent covert aspect of activity, because overt aspect may only be an impression management to please certain audiences, or to meet certain demands that are social, political, economic, etc.” [1]. Within various situations, a person or group of people’s perceptions of another person, situation, objects, even themselves determines their reactions [1]. Therefore, the various strategies of identity representation in these mosques are the result of each group’s perception of the possibility of conflict and other socio-political considerations regarding the mosques’ resilience. Furthermore, the efforts to disaffirm identity through modifying and camouflaging identity can also be seen from the perspective of hyper semiotics as the pseudo-sign or false sign. The strength of a sign as the messenger of truth can also be misused to convey false information [2]. In this study, the mosques caretakers’ political considerations have resulted in negotiations of design elements. Their decisions to disaffirm the specific identity through eliminating, modifying, or camouflaging identity elements highlighted idealism in mosque architecture may be challenged by socio-political context. Therefore, that process implies decisions are more political than ideological. Figure  12.1 summarizes the phenomena of identity representations and conflict prevention in the community mosques of Malang Raya, East Java.

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Ideological Aspect • Different ideal picture of mosque among Islamic groups • Different perspectives on some aspects of Islamic law and local tradition

Political Aspect

• Religio-cultural events and activities • Cultural physical elements of mosques (bedug, minbar, etc.) • The history of establishment and development of mosques

• The expropriation attempts on mosques • The shift of mosques' affiliation • The struggle for mosques' authority between groups

Intervening Condition • Limited funds • Limited space or area • Internal dynamics

Phenomena of Identity . Representations

Explicit Strategy

Implicit Strategy

Contexts • Mosques' setting • Awareness of conflict • Direct experiences • Shared-identity between community and mosque

Identity Disaffirmation

Identity Affirmation

Resistence

Historical-Cultural Aspect

Eliminating Identity Elements Strategy

Modifying Identity Elements Strategy

Camoflaging Identity Elements Strategy

Negotiation

Fig. 12.1  Relationship between the phenomena of identity representations and ideological, political, and historical-cultural aspects of community mosques

12.4  Conclusion The identity representations in mosques often indicate that there is a contest for identity differentiation between mosques and their communities. Identity representations in community mosques are a form of preventive actions regarding the possibility of conflict. These preventive actions were based on the communities’ inter-subjective views on various socio-political issues related to mosques. The different strategies taken by each mosque to prevent conflict depend on the mosque’s resilience to the external and internal dynamics. A mosque’s resilience to various socio-political challenges are strongly related to its engagement with its local community, important figures, the organization, as well as its strong historical and cultural background as an integral part of particular group. Some ambiguities in the patterns of identity representation were the result of the pros and cons among the communities themselves regarding the positive and negative impacts of the identity representation on their mosques. Overall, these phenomena have shown us that regardless of the different impacts of the strategies, all groups’ aim to maintain a peaceful religious environment in a heterogeneous society.

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References 1. Mulyana, D.: Metodologi Penelitian Kualitatif: Paradigma Baru Ilmu Komunikasi dan Ilmu Sosial Lainnya (Revised Edition). PT Remaja Rosdakarya, Bandung (2018). 2. Pilliang, Y.A.: Semiotika dan Hipersemiotika; Kode, Gaya dan Matinya Makna, Edisi ke-4. Matahari, Bandung (2012). 3. Rapoport, A.: Identity and Environment: A Cross-Cultural Perspective. In: Duncan, J.S. (Ed.). Housing and Identity: Cross-Cultural Perspectives. Croomhelm, London (1981). 4. Roose, E.R.: The Architectural Representation of Islam; Muslim-Commissioned Mosque Design in the Netherlands. ISIM/Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam (2009). 5. Tabbaa, Y.: Constructions of Power and Piety in Medieval Aleppo. The Pennsylvania State University Press, Pennsylvania (1997). 6. Unwin, S.: Analysing Architecture. Routledge, London (1981). 7. Verkaaik, O.: Religious Architecture: Anthropological Perspectives. Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam (2013). 8. Woodward, K.: Understanding Identity. Arnold Publishers, London (2002).

Chapter 13

Transformation Versus Preservation of Vernacular Architecture in Bali: A Lesson from Bali Aga Villages Tri Anggraini Prajnawrdhi

Abstract  Bali is famous for its unique architecture, and it has given a specific identity to Bali. This architecture represents one of the valuable ancestral inheritances. The role of beliefs, culture, and tradition have strongly influenced the architecture and settlements in Bali. However, the influence of modernization has had a transformative effect on the vernacular architecture and the Bali Aga (indigenous community) villages are not exceptional in that regard. Many buildings, including houses, in these villages have lost their ‘uniqueness’ due to alterations of form and structure. This study uncovers important factors contributing to transformation and preservation of the Bali Aga vernacular architecture. The case studies and interview analyses were employed for this research. Primary data collection took place after interviews were conducted with the local community; as well as the site observations at seven Bali Aga villages (Pedawa, Tigawasa, Cempaga, Pinggan, Sukawana, Sidatapa and Banyuseri). A qualitative analysis of secondary data from a literature review was also undertaken. The results show that the transformation of the architecture was influenced by changes in socio- economic prosperity  of the villagers, whilst the locals make every effort to sustain their values based on their beliefs. Keywords Bali Aga · Culture · Preservation · Tradition · Transformation · Vernacular

13.1  Introduction Bali Aga village is also known as Bali Mula village. These settlements developed during 9–11 AD [2]. The Bali Aga was considered the original settlement-type of indigenous Balinese. These villages are mostly located in the mountainous areas. In general, traditional village settlements in Bali are divided into two major parts, T. A. Prajnawrdhi (*) Udayana University, Bali, Indonesia e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 G. A. M. Suartika, J. Nichols (eds.), Reframing the Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, and Representation, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22448-6_13

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namely the Bali Aga and Bali Apanaga villages. The Bali Apanaga village is located in the lowlands of Bali consisting of migrants from Majapahit. ‘Rumahadat’ is a term associated with the traditional residential buildings. Alterations that have occurred to these Bali Aga houses are unavoidable given the perceived requirements of modern living. They include the form, shape and structure of the houses, predominantly as the socio-cultural requirements of the house have changed. A loss of meaning associated with activities such as cooking palm sugars and bathing corpses require different types of functionality of spaces for the occupants compared with the past. In general, Broadbent et al. [3] mentions that a traditional house is a reflection of the characteristic of the local culture, therefore it also includes norms, values, behavioural patterns, artefacts, and activities. These factors shape the identity of the traditional houses [19]. The majority of research on Bali Aga villages focusses on the existence of these traditional houses throughout Bali such Bali Aga villages in Kintamani and in Banjar district [21, 22]. This study complements earlier research on Bali Aga traditional houses yet differs in its focus on the comparative nature of the architecture of the seven villages of Pedawa, Tigawasa, Cempaga, Pinggan, Sukawana, Sidatapa and Banyuseri [2, 8, 27]. The traditional houses ‘rumah adat’ of these seven villages have undergone many changes and in some cases have been eradicated. For example in Banyuseri, rumah adat no longer exist, with only the ruins of the building reminiscent of the traditional village house. This research also involves analysis of a reconstruction of rumah adat in Banyuseri based on the knowledge of the local community about their traditional house. Change is part of life but may also compromise the future of the traditional houses of Bali Aga villages. Schulz [16] states, expressions of the local residents’ socio-cultural systems are reflected in their architecture. Therefore, what are the factors that cause the transformation of the form and function of the traditional house and at the same time why is conservation important and to whom?

13.2  Theory The house constitutes a primary need for most societies. One’s house often reflects the character of its owner; in its specific accommodation of idiosyncratic activities. Balinese traditional houses provide several their residents with  social, symbolic, morphological and functional purposes or needs [16, 20]. Thus, these houses are able to cater for both physical and non-physical needs of the residents, such as shelter and social functions as well as rituals [23, 25]. Cultural change evidenced in the built fabric occurs due to socially-adaptive ideas approved by the community such as the change of life style. In addition external factors can also cause, cultural changes such as environmental degradation or material shortages, ecological change which is irreversible [10]. The transformation of Bali Aga houses has been outlined above and therefore it becomes a question of how to mobilize the conservation of the traditional houses,

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indeed they may be considered as “heritage assets”. The term ‘heritage’ is considered as a type of inheritance and something that is transferred from one generation to another. Heritage may also be considered in two different forms from the notion of static monuments for preservation to that of living dynamic structures responsive to everyday needs and conditions [10, 11]. Friedman [6] states that heritage is viewed as part of a cultural tradition of society; therefore heritage carries the historical values from the past which are inherited from the ancestors. The importance of conservation for the society from which heritage sites are derived is arguably once  they have experienced loss of these environments. It raises more questions around if regeneration or duplication is an adequate replacement [18]. The UNESCO Convention of 2003 described the scope of ‘intangible cultural heritage’ and formerly recognized heritages contributing to the socio-cultural conditions of community. Intangible heritage includes norms, custom and cultural diversity, which means the plurality of the identities and practices of groups intrinsic to a society contributing to what constitutes cultural heritage and aspects requiring preservation [17]. Therefore in preserving ‘rumah adat’ of the Bali Aga villages, not only physical forms but knowledge around intangible cultural practices and rituals are crucial to highlight the significance of the built environment for the benefit of the younger generation [20]. Transformation in architectural terms potentially means a level of creativity may be applied to the architecture. It might be a design challenge to alter the architectural form to accommodate contemporary requirements of the residents which in turn has internal and external consequences [1]. “Design transformations of architectural forms, according to Ching, may include a variety of volumetric techniques from subtraction, addition, interlocking space, linked space” [4]. Whereas transformation in traditional building terms is considered as a physical product of a tradition. This is the case where “tradition” means the process of the handing down from the ancestor to the next generations; stories, beliefs, and customs, orally. In turn the traditional architecture reflects the originality of knowledge and results as a product of the transformation from one generation to the next generation. Hence transforming traditional architecture includes making changes with adjustments but the transformation is still able to provide traces derived from the original architectural forms and values [12, 26].

13.3  Method The case studies examined in this research provides a suitable method in its opportunity to actively engage with the villagers through interview and observation [7, 28]. Analysis of the forms and activities of the traditional house were conducted at the seven villages. Interviews with local residents and village experts who understand the concept of their traditional houses were conducted to obtain primary data. Interviews examined and identified the conservation process, changes to the environment and community as well as the causes of the transformation of the houses.

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Observations were recorded in a survey of the physical forms of the traditional houses ‘rumah adat’. Primary data around house elements and designs were recorded through measurement, documentation with photos and videos. Both data sets from interviews and observational surveys are seen as complimentary. Secondary data obtained from scholarly literature, supports the primary data and enriches the analytical processes. McCutcheon and Meredith [15] mention that using different types of data collection methods includes interviews and observational surveys through qualitative processes optimizes results. Furthermore, Stake [24] suggests case studies ground the researcher in the subject matter permitting a comprehensive enquiry of the object of study.

13.4  Discussion Rumah adat in the seven Bali Aga villages all possess similarities. They are a simple design. A single building for living is one of the main differences between the Bali Apanaga traditional houses. Bali Apanaga consists of several pavilions which have separate functions and are arranged based on the Sanga Mandala land division (nine areas organised around wind direction, sacred and profane factors). Each of the houses in Sidatapa, Cempaga, Tigawasa, Pedawa, Banyuseri, Pinggan and Sukawana enable the accommodation of several functions for the residents. These include: (1) a place for rest for both the parents and the children, the Bale or Pedeman; (2) a place for cooking, making palm sugar and eating termed Paon or Pawen, Amben Pandak and Gentong where drinking and water supplies for cooking are stored; (3) a place for praying to the ancestors and carrying out the socio-religious rituals called Pelangkiran, Pepaga, Pempatan Agung, Petuahan, and Bale Gede; (4) a place for storage called Sepen as well as the outdoor storage area named Jineng or Klumpu; (5) a place for socializing known as Ampik and Terempang (Fig. 13.1). The transformation of these houses can be seen in the following Table 13.1. As seen in Table 13.1, the transformation of the rumah adat is consistent across the multiple village sites examined in the study. The transformation also occurs across the entire house design from the roof, body, and to the foundation. The transformative process is the result of changing lifestyles and vocations; additional rooms required for bigger families or extended family accommodation; as well as different social and economic factors. Therefore the conservation of rumah adat in its “traditional” or previous form has proved to be a challenge. An increasing population density in Bali also means land values have escalated potentially calling for greater density of dwellings per hectare. These external pressures on village life mean the low density living of the traditional rumah adat are compromised and potentially under threat for higher density development. This population growth has become a major challenge for conservation of heritage sites and buildings. Since the government priority focuses more on the provision of infrastructure and facilities to cater for the growth, there is less attention on conservation of heritage sites [21]. Therefore there is insufficient focused-support from the government to sustain the

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Fig. 13.1  Rumah Adat in Banyuseri. (Source: [19])

rumah adat. In an environment where there is decreasing access to, and availability of, traditional building materials, it becomes near impossible for villagers to maintain their own houses. Local materials of good quality are very expensive due to the high demand but lack of supply. There is inevitably a change in the traditional materials occurs and they may be of a subordinate quality or not possess the required properties for the house to function environmentally and sustainably as it did previously. A level of discomfort persists as a result which has a cumulative effect on the residents. If they no longer feel comfortable in their rumah adat as it has proven to be too hot for their needs and then their desire shifts to other built environment options (Fig. 13.2). Rumah adat dwellings designs accommodated daily activities of the past, especially rituals and their daily lives based on their occupation. Some of these activities are still relevant to the contemporary requirements of communities residing in these rumah adat buildings. However, there are new activities related to changes in vocations; desired lifestyles, and the extension of the family that have required altered spatial design within and to these houses. Ideally, the conservation of rumah adat would cater for the physical form (the tangible aspect) as well as these the intangible (rituals) components of everyday life. Therefore the conservation of rumah adat needs to be done in both sides; the use of spaces within the house would be sustained if the activities are also sustained. However, the changed of spaces would be occurred if the owners no longer practice the past activities. Table 13.2 demonstrates there are some of the traditional elements are still part of the rumah adat and conserved as they are relevant to the house owners in the present time. Elements both indoor (ea. Pelangkiran, Pepaga, Selatan, see Table  13.2) and outdoor (ea. Sanggah Kemulan, Sanggah Dewa Pasek, see Table 13.2) that pertain to current rituals that occur inside and outside the house still

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Table 13.1  Transformation of building elements New form and materials (after yr. 2000) Building transformation Roof Body Base Pedawa Ceramic Adding new Timber rooms with new tiles, framed bricks and structure function such cement as as; TV room, floor storage, small material shops and bedroom Precast Tiles as Changes previous room concrete roof function to new as column cover base function

Opening on the roof (sky light)

Tigawasa

Wood frame structure

Tiles as roof cover Opening on the roof

Brick, wood and glass become new wall material Adding windows/ opening on the wall Merged the old house to new house As above Adding new rooms with new function mainly for commercials such as shops, area for bamboo craft production and selling the crafts Brick, wood and glass become new wall material Windows/ opening on the wall

Past form and materials (before yr. 2000) Roof body Base Tanah Bamboo Bamboo Polpolan framestructure- mat for (clay) for wall and floors no material openings

Column base from natural stone

Roof cover made of Alang-­ alang(grass) and bamboo shingles

As above

Tanah Polpolan for wall and small opening on kitchen wall

Tanah Polpolan for floors material

Column base from natural stone

(continued)

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Table 13.1 (continued) New form and materials (after yr. 2000) Building transformation Roof Body Base Change Adding new Cempaga Wood rooms with new the floor frame structure function such as into tiles for shops and additional bedroom

Sidatapa

Tiles as roof cover

Changes previous room function to new function

Opening on the roof

New material from brick for wall Adding new opening such as windows Changes previous room function to new function for commercials such as shops and home industry for snacks New material from brick

Wood frame structure

Tiles as roof cover

Banyuseri

Change the column base to cement covered with ceramic tiles

Past form and materials (before yr. 2000) Roof body Base Tanah Bamboo Bamboo Polpolan mat and frame for floors Tanah structure Polpolan for wall and no openings Alang-alang Column roof base from natural stone

Change the floor into tiles and cement

Bamboo frame structure

Change the column base to cement

Alang-alang roof

Adding new opening such as windows Rumah adat not Rum Rumah ahadat adat not available not available available

Bamboo frame structure

Bamboo mat and Tanah Polpolan for wall and no openings

Tanah Polpolan for floors

Column base from natural stone

Bamboo mat and Tanah Polpolan for wall and no openings

Tanah Polpolan for floors

(continued)

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Table 13.1 (continued) Past form and materials (before yr. New form and materials (after yr. 2000) 2000) Building transformation Roof Body Base Roof body Base Alang-alang Column roof base from natural stone Tanah Bamboo Bamboo Change Changes Pinggan Wood Polpolan mat for frame previous room the floor frame for floors wall and structure function to new into tiles structure have one function such as and opening cement shops and for near home industries kitchen wall Column Bamboo Change Tiles and New material base from shingles as metal as from brick and the natural roof cover column cement roof stone base to cover cement and precast concrete Adding more wall opening such as windows Tanah Bamboo Bamboo Change Most rumah Sukawana Wood Polpolan mat and frame the floor adat were frame for floors wood for into tiles structure structure empty and no wall and and longer being have one cement used by the small residents opening near the kitchen wall Column Bamboo Change Tiles and New material base from shingles as metal as from brick and the natural roof cover column wood roof stone base to cover cement Villager tend to move to new modern houses or

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Fig. 13.2  Rumah Adat in Pinggan. (Source: [19])

have a function today and are therefore conserved and maintained. Indoor shrines are a specific example of minimal changes that have taken place due to their continued function in today’s society. The outdoor shrines of the six houses have also been sustained. Though, there are some additional shrines added given the influence of Balinese Majapahit culture (Sanggah Jajaran and Tugu Karang). There have been some changes to the outdoor shrine materials from bamboo and the local Dapdap tree trunk into sandstones, cements and bricks. The form and aesthetics of these shrines have been changed due to new materials, but the function and the ritual activities are still the same. As mentioned in Table 13.1 changes of function or an additional commercial function may be extended to the rumah adat and is relatively common in these villages. Commercial opportunities may be seen as an effort to sustain the family rumah adat. Economics factors and opportunities are an important option to aid the conservation process. As mentioned by Gilmour [9] that conservation of heritage sites and buildings should include viable commercial strategies within the conservation methods. The focus on social and economic development is very important in a conservation method [5]. Therefore, the new function in these houses as shops or other commercial functions could support maintenance of the house. As has been established, it is a very expensive process. It is also expected by the community leaders that their ritual activities will be conserved, maintained and supported. Bali as a popular tourist destinations compared with other islands of Indonesia and around the world, has meant that the Bali Aga villages have featured in this market place. Some of Bali Aga villages have become tourist destination such as Penglipuran and Tenganan. The problem of the relationship between tourism and conservation is mostly the exploitation of sacred heritage both tangible and intangible for tourist consumption. Sometimes this relationship is problematic in that it can also lead to the destruction or mismanagement of cultural heritage sites. The tourism operator has a different agenda to the heritage conservator professional that potentially can create problems for sustained conservation [20]. The seven Bali Aga villages of the study have

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Table 13.2  Conservation elements Conservation Past elements Indoor Pedawa Pelangkiran (wooden small shrine for ancestors attached to the ceiling)

Presents Outdoor Indoor Pelangkiran Sanggah Kemulan Nganten (standing bamboo shrine for god and goddess) Pedeman Gede Pedeman Gede (holly bed for parents and doing rituals)

Tigawasa

Meja pemujan leluhur (stone table to worships the ancestors) Pelangkiran

Bale Gede (holly bed for parents and doing rituals)

Cempaga

Sanggah Jajaran

Meja pemujan leluhur

Pelangkiran Sanggah kemulan Penganten (standing bamboo shrine for god and goddess) Bale Gede Sanggah Dewa Pasek (standing wooden shrine for Dewa Pasek deity) Page

Page (additional wooden shrine for ancestors attached to the ceiling) Sanggah Amben Kemulan pemujaan (holy wooden Penganten table to worships the ancestors)

Amben pemujaan

Outdoor Sanggah Kemulan Nganten

Sanggah Jajaran (standing wooden shrines for extended ancestors) Tugu Karang (standing stone shrine for land/site guardian) Sanggah Kemulan Penganten

Sanggah Jajaran

Sanggah Dewa Pasek

Tugu Karang

Sanggah Kemulan Penganten

(continued)

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Table 13.2 (continued) Conservation Past elements Indoor Outdoor Pepaga (small wooden shrine for ancestors attached to the wall) Sidatapa Paga Kedulu (wooden main shrine for ancestors attached to the ceiling) Taksu (wooden shrine for Taksu deity attached to the wall) Apit Lawangan (shrine for Demon attached to the front/outside wall) Pesarean Gede (holly bed for the parents and doing rituals) Pelangkiran Sanghyang Semara (small wooden shrine for Sanghyang Semara deity) Banyuseri Pelangkiran Sanggah kemulan (standing bamboo shrine for god and goddess) Bale Gede (holly bed for parents and doing rituals) Pinggan Selatan (Holly Sanggah kemulan chamber for worshipping the ancestors)

Presents Indoor Pepaga

Outdoor

Paga Kedulu

Taksu

Apit Lawangan

Pesarean Gede

Pelangkiran Sanghyang Semara

Pelangkiran

Sanggah kemulan

Bale Gede

Tugu Karang

Selatan

Sanggah kemulan

(continued)

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Table 13.2 (continued) Conservation Past elements Indoor Outdoor Bale Daja (holly bed to do rituals) Sanggah Sukawana Selatan kaja (holly chamber kemulan to do rituals) Selatan Kelod (secured chamber to store money and gold)

Presents Indoor Bale Daja

Outdoor Sanggah Jajaran Tugu Karang

Selatan kaja

Sanggah kemulan

Selatan Kelod

Sanggah Jajaran Tugu Karang

sustained such tourism exploitation as yet, however the local government intends to promote Sidatapa, Cempaga, Tigawasa, Pedawa and Banyuseri as part of the Bali Aga cultural tourism project. If shared profits from tourism could filter into the village coffers to support the maintenance of the traditional houses then there would be a mutual benefit. However this model of equality between business operators and village chiefs does not always transpire. The natural resources and the attractive culture of these villages are unique. Therefore, the tourism program in these five villages needs to be carefully planned. The implementation of the plan needs to be continuously supervised, then the destruction of their culture and houses maybe avoided (Fig. 13.3). The conservation process in the East and West countries has different models and levels of investment from government and individuals. Based on a comparison heritage conservation model from Hongkong and Queensland, Lynne and Yung [14] mentioned that conservation process in the West called ‘setting centred’. This type of conservation is publicly funded mostly by the government or support from any other agencies upon successful grant criteria. Whereas conservation process in the East, limiting the responsibility only to the owners in order to minimise the disturbance from other people. Thus, this type of the conservation process is called ‘building centred’ [14]. Most of rumah adat in these seven villages are maintained only by the owners, as there is no financial support from the government or any other agencies for conservation. Conservation process is purely based on the owner’s ability, viability and understanding of their culture without any involvement from other parties. Therefore, there are some changes happening due to a lack of understanding of the conservation process and due to economic limitations of the residents who are unable to afford the maintenance of their houses (Fig. 13.4).

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Fig. 13.3  Rumah Adat in Tigawasa and Sidatapa. (Source: [19])

Fig. 13.4  Rumah Adat in Pedawa. (Source: [19])

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13.5  Conclusion The transformation of cultural heritage in these seven villages is to be expected. Several factors have triggered the process, with social and economically-driven aspects being the most influential in the transformative process. A conservation process dependent on the resources and skill sets of the owner, is limiting and most probably unsuccessful. The Bali Aga cultural tourism program could aid the community as well as with the support from the government, to preserve Bali Aga rumah adat and its associated intangible heritage which is rituals and tradition. The most important part of the conservation process in these seven villages is the ritual. Beliefs around their ancestors; gods and goddesses are strong and resilient. The ritual performances and functions offer specific cultural attributes, which are space and settlement relevant in the contemporary era. The public and private spatial structures of the traditional therefore are able to continue to resonate for current residents [15]. The space for rituals in these seven rumah adat acts as the centre of the orientation of the settlement and is maintained very well. As mentioned by Schulz [13] for the community this structure of space has sacred significance for ritual activities. In entrenched ritual practices, the Bali Aga community have the optimistic assurances that the conservation process should continue.

References 1. Antoniades, A.C.: Poetics of Architecture: Theory of Design. Van Nostrand Reinhold (1990). 2. Arini, N.K, Syahrudin, H, Sudatha, I.G.W.: Pengaruh model pembelajaran addie terhadap ketrampilan berpikir kritis pembelajaran IPA siswa kelas V di Desa Pedawa. Mimbar PDSG Undiksha 1(1), 1–10 (2013). 3. Broadbent G., Bunt, R., Jencks, C.: Signs, Symbols and Architecture. John Wiley & Sons. Chichester (1980). 4. Ching, D. K.: Architecture Form Space and Order. John Wiley & Sons, Inc (1979). 5. Dumcke, C., Gnedovsky, M.: The Social and Economic Value of Cultural Heritage: literature review. European Expert Network on Culture (EECN) (2013). 6. Friedman, A.: A Methodology for the Preservation of the Architectural Heritage of Sneedville, Quebec, Canada. Journal of Urban Design 12 (3), 359–373 (2007). 7. Flyvbjerg, B.: Five Misunderstandings about Case-Study Research. Qualitative Inquiry 12 (219), 219–244 (2006). 8. Ganesha, W, Antariksa, Wardani, D.K.: Pola ruang permukiman dan rumah tradisional Bali Aga Banjar Dauh Pura Tigawasa. E-journal Universitas Brawijaya 5 (2), 60–73 (2012). 9. Gilmour, T.: Sustaining Heritage: Giving the Past a Future. Sydney University Press, Sydney (2007). 10. Jokilehto, J. Definition of Cultural Heritage, ICCROM Working Group, Heritage and Society, Italy, http://www.iccrom.org/downloads/, last accessed 2005. 11. Jokilehto, J.: Considerations on Authenticity and Integrity in World Heritage Context. City & Time 2 (1), 1–16 (2006). 12. Hidayatun, M.: Pendopo dalam era modernisasi: Bentuk, Fungsi dan Makna Pendopoppada Arsitektur Tradisional Jawa dalam Perubahan Kebudayaan. Dimensi Teknik Arsitektur 27 (1), 37–47 (1999).

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13. Knowles, R.: Rhythm and Ritual, Maintaining the Identity of a Place. Journal Traditional Dwelling and Settlements 94, 94–96 (1996). 14. Lynne, A.  Yung, Y.: Heritage protection in the built environment in Hong Kong and Queensland: a cross-cultural comparison, The 12th Annual Conference of the Pacific Rim Real Estate Society (PRRES) (2006). 15. McCutcheon, M. D. Meredith, J.: Conducting case study research in operation management. Journal of Operations Management 11, 239–256 (1993). 16. Norberg-Schulz, C.: Intentions in Architecture. The M.LT Press, Cambridge Massachusetts (1977). 17. Parimin, A.  P.: Fundamental Study on Spatial Formation of Island Village: Environmental Hierarchy of Sacred Profane Concept in Bali. PhD Thesis, University Osaka, Japan (1999). 18. Pearson, M. Sullivan, S.: Looking After Heritage Places The basic of heritage planning for managers, landowners and administrators. First edn. Mebourne University Press, Melbourne (1995). 19. Prajnawrdhi, T.  A.: An investigation of spatial arrangement, form, and structural system of traditional houses in Pedawa indigenous village Bali. International Proceedings on IJCAET and ISAMPE Conference 2017, vol 159, pp. 1–6. Matec Web Conference (2018). 20. Prajnawrdhi, T. A.: An approach to sustainable urban development and conservation of cultural heritage in developing countries: An investigation of Denpasar. Unpublished PhD Thesis. University of South Australia (2015). 21. Savitri, A.: Shifting to other crops essential for Balinese. The Jakarta Post, 20 June 2011. http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2001/10/17/shifting-other-crops-essentialbalinese.html last accessed 2011/08/30. 22. Siwalatri, N.K.A. Prijotomo, J. Setijanti, P.: Sustainability concept of Bali Aga Architecture. Journal of Architecture & Environment 12 (1), 97–112 (2013). 23. Siwalatri, N.K.A. Prijotomo, J. Setijanti, P.: Spatial concepts of Balinese indigenous architecture. Procedia Social and Behavioral Science 179, 118–127 (2014). 24. Stake, R.  E.: The Case Study method in Social Inquiry. American Educational Research Association 7 (2), 5–8 (1978). 25. Sulistyawati: Preservasi Lingkungan Perumahan Pedesaandan Rumah Tradisional Bali di Desa Bantas, Kabupaten Tabanan. P3M, Universitas Udayana, Denpasar (1985). 26. Susilo, G. A.: Transformasi bentuk arsitektur Jawa. Jurnal Spectra, Vol XIII, No. 25. Pp. 13–26 (2015). 27. Wijana, N.: Analisis komposisi dan keanekaragaman spesies tumbuhan hutan di Desa Bali Aga Tigawasa, Buleleng, Bali. Jurnal Sains dan Teknologi 3 (1), 288–299 (2014). 28. Yin, R.K.: Case Study Research: Design and Methods. Fourth Edition edn, SAGE, Los Angeles (2009).

Chapter 14

Coping Strategies in Vernacular Architecture: Adaptation and Adjustment for Contemporary Needs at Pinggan Village, Kintamani, Bali Antonius Karel Muktiwibowo and Made Wina Satria

Abstract  Vernacular architecture in scholarly literature addresses issues which include different perspectives, contradictions, and tensions. Indeed these studies, enrich our understanding of the vernacular and develop vital discourse around its sustainability, functionality and practicability. These challenges are expressed in the Pinggan Village community. Known as ‘Bali-Aga’ and considered the oldest generation of the Balinese, the traditional settlements of this community are facing significant transformations. Given contemporary daily activities and needs, this research proposes coping strategies with regard to the evolution of to their vernacular built environment settings are required. This paper will argue that vernacular sustainability is facilitated through this “coping strategy” method if adopted by its users. Such strategies enable, vernacular architecture to retain its transformative qualities in accordance with the development of local knowledge. Transformation is dependent on skill-sets and material availability for best environmental performance to achieve desired contemporary living standards. A qualitative study involving a case study investigates the ‘coping strategy’ underpinning Pinggan’s community. The paper will explore the approach of the coping strategy whereby the community applies adaptation and adjustment to achieve their desired comfort level through their vernacular architecture. It will investigate further individual and communal action in the vernacular setting. In short; the coping strategy acts as a continuous negotiation process of sustaining tradition and inherited vernacular knowledge with present human needs. Keywords  Coping strategy · Vernacular architecture · Adaptation · Adjustment

A. K. Muktiwibowo (*) · M. Wina Satria Department of Architecture, Udayana University, Bali, Indonesia e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 G. A. M. Suartika, J. Nichols (eds.), Reframing the Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, and Representation, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22448-6_14

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14.1  Introduction The uniqueness of architectural tradition and culture at Pinggan Village presents some challenges. The first challenge relates to limited funds and resources for maintenance of vernacular buildings. Construction materials include bamboo for the wall elements and structure are sustainable but in practice, more expensive than their modern equivalents. For example, cumulatively modern building materials like zinc, metal tiles, and forms of construction like brickwork are more cost effective. The second challenge consists of the limitations of land and space availability in the traditional compound to provide a home catering to the contemporary needs of its inhabitants. As a simple analogy, one traditional house that once accommodated two to three people, in today’s terms should also accommodate the extended family. However, the footprint of the house and its vertical capacity are unable to cater for four and five persons. In addition, the expense of purchasing additional land in proximity of one’s relatives is expensive and potentially there is none available for building. The building should also feature the ritual elements important for. Processes of the community’s adjustment and adaptation to the changing conditions brought about by modern desires for alternative ways of living at the Pinggan village can be referred to as a ‘coping strategy’. Given the vernacular architecture typically exhibits very limited living and sleeping spaces which is uncomfortable for more than two residents of the house, it is the social structures and activities that ensure the ‘coping strategy’ is enacted. For example the children adjust their play and other socializing to suit the confined conditions by always being outside. Brief observations of the researchers in the field have identified some ways the children respond to or actively adapt their environment to facilitate their physical and psychological needs. The children’s strategy, if they feel uncomfortable around their dwelling spaces, is to play elsewhere and remove themselves from any encounters with built environmental stressors.

14.2  Human Coping Strategy in Built Environment MacArthur & MacArthur defines ‘a coping strategy as efforts that are either behavioral or psychological, to tolerate or minimize the impact of events, which are able to cause stress’ [1]. The term also refers to strategies to make adjustments to the extent of their individual resources to accommodate the demands of the charged environment [2]. Behaviors or thoughts about a situation or environmental stress or are consciously undertaken to enhance the individuals development of personal control as well as adjustment to the problem. Coping is defined as the behavior to moderate the internal or external demands of any particular stressful situation. Baron and Byrne states that an individual’s response may be termed ‘coping’ if it involves thought processes to overcome an environmental stressor affecting that individual [3].

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Lazarus and Folkman stated that the strategy which focuses on assessment occurs when someone modifies the way they think about a potential problem. For example: using rejection techniques or creating a physical or psychological distance from the stressor [4]. So Friedman suggests that coping behavior depends on the individual’s ability to assess and thereafter adapt to the perceived threat [5, 6]. According to MacArthur & MacArthur coping strategies are explained as special efforts, where behavioral or psychology skills are required to master, tolerate or minimize the impact of the stressful events [1]. In this case the terms ‘coping strategy’, according to Dodds references the individual strategies to make adjustments between the source and utilize resources to demand an altered environment [7]. Strategies thus far have emphasized application, while Berry focuses on adaptation [8]. He proposes a model including concepts: ecology, culture, and behavior. The theory behind these three concepts being that they exhibit an harmonious coexistence which may facilitate adaptation. Firstly, applying adaptation by adjustment, means there should be action demonstrated to reduce conflict. This might include self-adjusting behaviors that lead to harmony between the environment and the individual. Second, adaptation by reactions, means there should be a denial or rejection of negative actions enabling physical changes to the environment to enhance the harmony between the individual and environment. Third, adaptation of the withdrawal, whereby one migrates or moves to another place for the experience of a more well-suited environment to the individual needs [9].

14.3  Research Method The qualitative research methodology utilized several approaches including mapping behavior of residents to identify places of focuses around the site, in addition to interviews, observations and visual analysis. Narrative data was obtained through fieldwork and semi-structured interviews. Observational data was recorded using digital cameras and video camcorders, while mappings were obtained through children’s sketches. Thirty children from Pinggan’s elementary school were selected as research respondents. The ages of the children vary between 6 years and 12 years old participants. Individual and group children interviews were conducted together with drawing sessions of their own houses. This allowed them to share their experience, memory, stories, and attachments to their own houses. Based on children’ stories, their houses demonstrated adjustment and adaptation. For example, children drew their bedrooms and other related rooms as being adapted to achieve an acceptable certain comfort level. All research data was analyzed using categorization, data comparisons, and triangulation with descriptive interpretations.

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14.4  Children’s Coping Strategies in Pinggan Village 14.4.1  Ability to Control Environment The results of observations of the children at Pinggan Village, demonstrate several interesting findings. They have an excellent sense of territoriality in their neighborhoods. Their ability to show their understandings and orientation from their houses to the school, their friend’s homes, relatives’ dwelling space in the village and even how they make their way to their parents’ places of work. Baron and Byrne states specific efforts are demonstrated by the behavioral or psychological capabilities of the children in their mastery and control over their environmental habitats [3]. There are diverse socio-economic conditions for the occupants of Pinggan village. Some families have diverse sized houses, tracts of personally-owned land, and forms of income. Children have their own strategies to cope with environmental stress in their learning conditions and facilities in the school as well as their lack of facilities in their home. Children in Pinggan village are accustomed to accommodating the limitations of their physical facilities at both school and at home. At school, children’s resilience include dealing with damaged and dirty wooden tables and chairs, only a few available teachers. Importantly, they still seem to enjoy their lives. The economic limitations and lack of environment facilities require children to overcome the limitations of space in their house. One of them includes the opportunity for adaptation of rooms with their furniture arrangement. The first case included the arrangement reflected traditional home settings with non-specific space definitions to undertake activities for learning, sleeping, playing or other private activities. Room size and limited furniture available to them encouraged children to adapt and understand the limitations that exist with a lower level of ownership of the space and privacy. Books, toys, learning materials located in the living room were shared between all family members.

14.4.2  Adaptation and Adjustment for Children Comfort Coping strategy includes the process of self-adaptation to adjust to the stress of one’s environment. In Pinggan village, environmental adjustments can be categorized into several categories. The first category included making small adjustments such as changing the material, adding texture and decorating the space (see Fig. 14.1.). The second category involved altering the dimensions of the activity space. The third category related to the adjustment of the source of stress by moving the activity space to another room that was more suitable or preferred (see Fig. 14.2). The fourth category involved wholesale moving to your family’s relatives house, and facilities which were more appropriate. And the fifth involved building a new house with well-suited spaces avoiding environmental stress.

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Fig. 14.1  Changing bed sheet material from traditional mat to colorful cartoon rubber mat

Fig. 14.2  Children move to bigger room with more facilities such as TV, drawing table, and play station that allow them to play with their friends

The five categories appeared because of the requirements of the children who adjust to the environmental conditions inside their house according to their needs. The five categories are also influenced by the age and gender of the children. Some children are personally more adaptable to their environmental and less about specific attributes of their environment.

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14.5  Conclusion Pinggan’s children ability for adaptation and adjustment to their environments are determined by their creativity and intuition to cope with environmental stress which is in turn influenced by their economic and physical conditions. The five types of adjustment implemented by Pinggan families’ for their children’s satisfaction vary from altering physical properties, dimensions, room, as well as relocation to building reconstruction. Negotiations for both adaptation and adjustment of behavior and environment create the richness of Pinggan village architecture and the expression of both local inherited architecture and modern forms of settlement.

References 1. MacArthur: J  Coping Strategies. http://www.macses.ucsf.edu/Research/Psychosocial/notebook/coping.html (1999). 2. Jacobs, S. R., Dodd, D.: Student burnout as a function of personality, social support, and workload. Journal of college student development, 44(3), 291–303 (2003). 3. Byrne-Lynch, A.: Coping strategies, personal control and childbirth. The Irish Journal of Psychology, 12(2), 145–152 (1991). 4. Lazarus, R. S., Folkman, S.: Stress, appraisal, and coping. Springer Pub. Co. (1984). 5. Chodoff, P., Friedman, S.  B., Hamburg, D.  A.: Stress, defenses and coping behavior: Observations in parents of children with malignant disease. American Journal of Psychiatry, 120(8), 743–749 (1964). 6. Gonzales, N. A., Tein, J.-Y., Sandler, I. N., Friedman, R. J.: On the limits of coping: Interaction between stress and coping for inner-city adolescents. Journal of Adolescent Research, 16(4), 372–395 (2001). 7. Wiener, C., Dodd, M.: Coping amid uncertainty. Scholarly Inquiry for Nursing Practice: An International Journal, 7, 17–31 (1993). 8. Altman, I.: Human Behavior and Environment, Advances in theory and research, Plenum Press (1980). 9. Marsoyo, A.: Constructing Spatial Capital Household Adaptation Strategies in Home-based Enterprises in Yogyakarta. (PhD), University of Newcastle upon Tyne (2012).

Chapter 15

Vernacularity and Place: Re-presentation of Fishing Huts of Bahrain at the Venice Biennale Ranjith Dayaratne

Abstract  Vernacular is a product of a people native to a place. In architecture, the traditions and customs that produce them and the forms and meanings associated with them are intrinsic to the people. Vernacular buildings are located in place and give definition and meaning to place. They thrive in the contexts of isolation and self-containment nurturing the insiders as opposed to outsiders. This way, they inherit the characteristics that define both the people and place in the world. In Bahrain, fishing huts dotted the shore and they were a part of the vernacular. With globalization, its urban real estate had expanded exponentially extending the shore by land reclamation. Many fishing huts had been shifted, and sometimes simply abandoned. In 2009, they drew the attention of the State & others. Fascinated by the ‘vernacularity’ of the structures, fishing huts were reproduced at the Venice Biennale, representing Bahrain, winning the Golden Lion Award. Fishing huts gained stardom, and was awarded a place in the ‘grand tradition’ although it belonged to the little tradition. This paper traverses the process and examines the outcomes of the representation of the fishing huts at the Venice Biennale. It is aimed at gaining insights into the phenomena of vernacularity and its place in the contemporary world. The paper employs observations and examination of documentations to unravel the process. Although vernacularity is often attributed to those produced through customs and traditions with meanings of appropriation of space and place, the research shows that vernacularity could be an outcome also of a production that is driven by ad-hochism buttressed by unpretentious innocence. Keywords  Fishing huts · Bahrain · Vernacularity · Venice biennale

R. Dayaratne (*) University of Bahrain, Zallaq, Bahrain e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 G. A. M. Suartika, J. Nichols (eds.), Reframing the Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, and Representation, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22448-6_15

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15.1  Introduction The fishing huts of Bahrain existed for thousands of years on its shores and continue to date albeit in decline. Nevertheless, except perhaps by the fishermen themselves, they had hardly been looked at twice by the others, until some of them were placed on a pedestal at the Venice Biennale in 2010. Presented under the theme ‘Reclaim’, Bahrain dismantled three fishing huts from its shores and reconstructed them in this exhibition theatre as its’ country pavilion. Competing with many other modern and sophisticated pavilions, they offered the delight the fishermen would have rested there, enjoying an evening breeze; to the weary dwellers of the global world they stole away the Golden Lion Prize with a simplicity and honesty no other structure could match. What makes such a rudimentary vernacular hut, a great piece of architecture when placed on a global stage? Would such a structure be accorded such acclaim, had an architect built it or a student of architecture presented it as a proposal for his final design project in the University, if it was not part of the vernacular? The answer is most likely to be in the negative. Vernacular delights some of us but not all. In fact, it is the historical vernacular that is often so cherished even by those who value vernacular. Contemporary vernacular; built by the people of the modern world in an unselfconscious process is often perceived as negative: unattractive, ill-conceived and lack meaning. Governments as well as even some of the people who produce them themselves wish that they can exchange their rudimentary structures for more modern buildings. What is it that makes historical vernacular so valued while contemporary vernacular not? In the case of the fishing huts of Bahrain, what attracts us, the professionals, to such places? Why do we cherish the imagery and the spectacle of the shacks yet would be hardly willing to inhabit them as our permanent places of living? Why is it that the traditional vernacular; the buildings of the past, and the contemporary vernacular; the informal settlements and slums and shanties of the cities are being glorified by some of the professionals while their true inhabitants are often aspiring to cross over to the other side? The mystery of these phenomena perhaps lies in the idea of cherishable things, and its manifestations in the society as a driving cultural facet. The society laments and cherishes things that are disappearing and being lost, particularly things that have been imbued with delightful memories. It is one thing to cherish the vernacular yet another thing to live in.

15.1.1  Vernacularity Boudier and Alsayyad offer a fruitful discussion on the nuances of meanings associated with the dwellings that come about by everyday acts of people, under the rubric of tradition. Usually the products of common people without professional intervention, many labels have been used to refer to such constructions. As Bourdier and

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Alsayyad point out, and now well-known, ‘vernacular’, ‘indigeneous’, ‘primitive’, ‘tribal’, ‘folkloric’, ‘popular’, and ‘anonymous’ have been used to describe their characteristics [1]. As Oliver [2] shows, numerous other terms are also used such as ‘non-literate’, ‘pre-literate’, ‘unsophisticated’ and even ‘architecture without architects’. The most significant about these kinds of built environments, however, has been that they are products of ideas and practices handed down from one generation to another and have also had origins in the cultures of common people. Oliver who is an authority of vernacular architecture says that vernacular acquires value through the deep symbolisms they are imbued with [3]. Symbolisms, rituals, world views, superstition and beliefs enrich their meanings beyond everyday use-values [4, 5]. Inherent among them is a great reverence to the mother earth and the cosmos, the power of which is acknowledged in the historical vernacular [6] but not in the contemporary. At another level, Alexander sees historical vernacular as being alive, wholesome, enriched with ‘a quality without a name’ [7] and rising from patterns of places that represent people’s natural ways of being and doing things [8] which he calls ‘the unselfconscious process’. He argues that this way of building that existed for thousands of years is ‘timeless’ and has the capacity to produce wholesome places and heal the derelict environments of the world. Rapoport’s seminal book, House Form and Culture [9] is again a revered acknowledgement of the values of the vernacular and the ways in which culture is central to their making. As he shows, vernacular arises from the places in which they exist: all facets of the places and the people contribute in a complex manner to their making. Similarly, Denyer [6] offers deep insights into the vernacular of the African sub-continent, through which she articulates how they arise from the surrounding landscape, fused with the geography, and influenced by environment and the cultures of people. Fathy’s [10] seminal work on the traditional architecture of Egypt is a classic example of the architect’s interest in such buildings, which existed in abundance in the Middle Eastern region. Similarly, Brunskill [11], Knapp [12] and Oliver [2, 13] have explored the vernacular of many regions of the world and demonstrate that simple peasant buildings do possess complex and deeper meanings and are articulated by unsophisticated yet refined technologies. These studies establish the supremacy of the historical vernacular and suggest an implied acceptance of buildings done by ordinary people in the past as being the only meaningful vernacular.

15.1.2  Historical Vernacularity and Contemporary Vernacularity Not much has been explicitly discussed on the distinct differences between the historical vernacular and the contemporary vernacular, although Oliver has drawn attention to the overbearing reference to the past when talking about vernacular. In

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his Hepworth lecture to the Prince of Wales Institute, Oliver has said ‘Vernacular architecture continues to be associated with the past’ [14]. However, one particular work; that of Bourdier and Alsayyad [1] stands out which has stemmed from a graduate seminar focused on the very similarities and differences between the two. As Alsayyad writes in the preface, ‘this graduate seminar was primarily concerned with identifying linkages between two separate and usually distinct areas of study: vernacular rural dwellings, which interested Jean-Paul, and contemporary urban squatter settlements which interested me’ [1]. However, even in this publication, only 02 articles explore contemporary vernacular while 13 are focused on the historical. Of the 02 dealing with the contemporary vernacular, one paper discusses the perceptions people have of a certain village which turns out to be about other significant people rather than the vernacular buildings, processes or the places [15]. Interestingly, when dealing with the historical vernacular, the rudimentary structures are described in detail in terms of construction techniques, meanings of symbolism attached to their making, spatial values, symbolisms and usage [16, 17]. Many academics have implicitly clarified the differences between the two. Again, the historical vernacular has been more fully examined. For example, Habraken sees historical vernacular as outcomes dominated by making, where making and designing were the same. He says ‘most certainly, there was no separation of designing and making’ [18, p. 13] and that improvements came about ‘by chance under the eyes of alert individuals’ [18, p.  12]. Most importantly, ‘immediate interactions took place between people and the artifact’ [18, p. 13] and underwent ‘continuous transformations’ through many minds that ‘shared the form over a long time’ [18, p. 13]. On historical vernacular, Habraken writes ‘as in those of all developing countries – design service is neither available nor much needed. The user decides with the maker on the basis of conventional form; much in the way we found the farmer and the carpenter decide what to do’ [18, p. 23]. This domain is always defined in reference to the accepted way of construction of built environments in the modern world; formal. In other words, there is an undeclared agreement in the contemporary society that the professional (formal) way of building is the norm and everything else is an exception. As Habraken writes, ‘the term ‘informal’, in urban residential construction is generally used for those activities that take place outside the official plans and projections and without required permits’ [18, p.  155]. Contemporary Informal building, however, is not necessarily considered similar to the historical vernacular. Bourdier and Alsayyad, for example, write that ‘Vernacular in many parts of today’s world often cannot be considered indigenous because it relies on imported materials to achieve local styles’ [1, p. 6]. Bourdier et al. argue, In the third world countries, the overwhelming majority of urban poor live in traditional settlements. We often refer to these as ‘squatter’ or ‘informal’ settlements because we fail to see that behind those inadequate structures are traditional modes of existence, traditional lifestyles and traditional economies. [1, p. 63]

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Indeed, many often subscribe to the notion of the supremacy of the historical vernacular as legitimate. For example, in the forward to the ‘Vernacular architecture in the 21st century’, Alsayyed [19] wrote, ‘More research also needs to be done on the assumed utility of vernacular knowledge in the field of housing, particularly in relation to solving the problems of urban squatters’ implying that squatter housing is somehow not vernacular and inferior. Hamdi’s seminal book ‘Housing without Houses’ [20] written as a primer for dealing with low-income housing in an incremental manner is perhaps the only notable exception. Although Hamdi is not interested in vernacular per se, his attitudes and the treatment of the squatter and shanty settlements–contemporary vernacular–calls for understanding and valuing them as meaningful settlements in which people’s aspirations have been deeply invested. In a similar way, in referring to the slums and shanties, Rapoport [21] has also said that ‘these settlements are the closest thing we have today to traditional vernacular’. Kellett offers the most critical examination of the two and calls for treating the contemporary vernacular with the same appreciation of the historical vernacular (which Rapoport calls traditional Vernacular). In the keynote speech to the ISVS 5 seminar, Kellett [22] demonstrated the striking similarities between the two and argued that there is a great deal common between them. Based on previous works [23, 24], he argued that by looking at the processes of production of places, habitation and underlying social and societal dimensions, contemporary informal settlements, can indeed be understood more fully as ‘continuation of existing vernacular processes’ [25]. Nevertheless, contemporary vernacular remains unrecognized and ill-defined. Alsayyed writes, ‘we also need to know the significance of our own classification of emerging forms of squatting as a new vernacular’ (what Kellett calls contemporary vernacular). These distinctions, however, are not clear-cut and not all facets as listed must exist in any category of vernacular. Indeed, contemporary vernacular can even be a continuation of the historical vernacular, and in such situations, contemporary vernacular may exhibit just the same characteristics of the historical vernacular itself. When contemporary vernacular–buildings being constructed by people in the modern world–constitute the facets of the historical vernacular (either process or product characteristics) it is this type of vernacular that is often cherished rather than the others. This explains why informal buildings built today; slums, shanties and ad-hoc structures of the cities and even rural areas are looked down upon while valuing those that have been handed down from generations. A comparison between historical vernacular and contemporary vernacular could help understand these distinctions (Table 15.1).

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Table 15.1  A comparison between the historical vernacular and the contemporary vernacular Historical vernacular Based largely on traditions handed down from generation to generation; tradition revered

Contemporary vernacular Follows some traditions handed down from the past but are based mostly on popular everyday practices Changes slowly and resists change. Holds on to Adapts to changes faster; does not resist alien the past dearly ideas or practices Practices are largely unself-conscious Practices are more self-conscious Almost always indigenous: materials come Not necessarily indigenous because often the from the place materials come from outside Carefully defined specific constructions; Ad-hoc, makeshift constructions led by ingenuity refined over time to perfection adaptations, hodge-podge of things and unrefined ingenuity Less innovative More innovative Possesses and protects core culture base; Lacks a core or has a fragile core susceptible change happens in the periphery to abrupt and decisive change Produces and sustains values kept in high Indulges in values considered low in modern esteem in society societies Characterized by the compositions of forms Often possesses spaces and forms with qualities of balance, unity and wholesomeness and spaces with ad-hoc and uncanny makeup often yielding disorder, chaos and enriched by deep emotional appeal and unpleasantness enchantment Source: Author

15.2  Vernacularity and Place Verancularity and place are inherently interdependent although not much has been explored in those terms. More often than not, vernacularity is derived from place and in turn, invest in the place its significant meanings. The case of Bali epitomizes this transactional relationship. Bali as the world knows, is a unique vernacular storehouse, its architecture and landscape having been derived from intrinsic cultural practices of its people. Thus, Bali acquires its significance of place from the vernacularity of its landscape, structures, people, place names and ceremonies. In turn, maintenance and performances of these characteristics invest in Bali, the vernacularity it sustains. One significant study; that of Silva [26] examines the relationships between natural landscape, cultural place and the role of ritual and performance in creating both vernaculaity and place through a case study in Sri Lanka. Silva [26], examining the Buddhist Temple procession in Kandy, and how that generates Kandy as a place concludes that place is produced (in the case of Kandy) by repeated events such as, parading, marking geometrical patterns, sound performances, narrating, body performing and so on, producing and sustaining an inter-related network of performers and landscape. She points out that the streets of Kandy acquire its sacredness from the performances and writes ‘through these

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performances and everyday performances, streets around the sacred square are recognized as more divine’ [26, p. 193]. She concludes that ‘a dynamic interaction between ritual performance and the natural landscape setting results in the shaping of ‘cultural place’ and guiding the making of urban and architectural form and the everyday dwelling of people’ [26, p. 329]. This transactional relationship is indeed essential for vernacularity to retain its cherishable characteristics and acquire a place in the world, as well as for places to acquire their significance and become whatever they become. External interventions in the process are likely to create catastrophic consequences for both Vernacular and place, as has been seen in many tourist dominated destinations such as Bali, Sri Lanka and many other places across the world. These theoretical postulations of vernacularity make us understand how our perceptions change in different contexts. The production of vernacularity is also invariably immersed in the characteristics and the processes of the agency through which they come into being. These insights enable us to look at the case of the Fishing huts in Bahrain; both historical vernacular and contemporary vernacular simultaneously and how it moved across the boundaries to reach the world stage with the support of the state, and then became a victim of the misinterpretations of this state patronage and acquired status of stardom. The methodology of understanding these phenomena requires phenomenological insights rather than positivistic science, since they are multifaceted and emerge from complex interactions between traditions, culture, symbolism and context as Oliver [2, 3], Rapoport [9, 27] have shown.

15.3  Research Methodology This paper employs a multiplicity of research methods to investigate the acquisition, existence and transformations of vernacularity of the fishing huts in Bahrain. The inquiry is an examination of the rising of vernacular fishing huts to stardom and its manifestations. The study is longitudinal and has not been exhaustive. Its main method however is intense observation, backed by documentary research as well as inter-twining and generation of theory from those observations. The data were gathered from the publications related to the Golden Lion award, first-hand observations of the huts as well as participation in numerous events. The researcher thus immerses in a phenomenological search in that the observed is derived by the author through first-hand, lived-in experience of everyday life in Bahrain and the critical interrogation of these experiences to map and divulge underlying themes that have emerged. Its interpretations are woven from a composite of insights gained from readings and observations to create generalizable propositions.

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15.4  Contemporary Vernacular of Bahrain A small single-city state in the Arabian Gulf, Bahrain has been pursuing a global agenda ever since it discovered oil and was able to connect with the globalised world. Despite having a celebrated civilized history of 5000  years, and being in possession of the world’s largest burial mounds that lay claim to a past society which enjoyed ‘eternal life’, the contemporary developments are spearheaded by the desire to acquire global citizenship. Aspiring to be the financial hub of the Middle East, and acquire the status of a global satellite city, it has embarked upon an ambitious program of development of shopping malls, luxury villas, and modern banking and financial facilities to the detriment of the more traditional enterprises such as fishing and pearl diving that relied on the surrounding sea. However, it also wants to construct and maintain deep roots with them and retain their cultural heritage. Vernacular is where those roots lie and thus historical vernacular continued into contemporary vernacular is now being steadily re-discovered. In any case, in Bahrain, the majority of the people today do not think that they can build anything significant by themselves. While imported materials from around the world are available at affordable prices, inexpensive foreign labour from South Asia has made it possible to build without the local people having to toil. Hence, contemporary vernacular could perhaps be a misnomer for what may be seen as informal building taking place there. Nevertheless, some of the building practices may be placed within the vernacular rubric simply because they do not belong to the professional building practices. Such constructions include, • The fishing huts constructed in the shores of Bahrain (Made by the Bahraini fishermen themselves). • Additions and changes to the state provided government housing. (Construction mostly employing foreign labour) • Additions and changes to the present fabric of the existing villages. (Construction mostly employing foreign labour) • Reconstruction of temporary vernacular for the National day celebrations, and structures in shopping malls (foreign labour). • Seasonal construction of winter camps in the deserts of Bahrain (some hired labour). • The remains of the traditional villages such as in the Sitra Island and in Muharraq.

15.4.1  Fishing Huts Of the different practices of contemporary vernacular in Bahrain, fishing huts are perhaps the most authentic. On the one hand, they are a continuation (Contemporary Vernacular) of what has been happening (Historical Vernacular) on the shores of Bahrain for thousands of years. On the other, they are produced by the fishermen

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themselves to create patterns of places only they can imagine and visualize and in materials and structures that are rudimentary, basic and often available in Bahrain. A variety of such structures exist, the commonest being the open pavilion type mounted on stilts located in the sea with an approaching bridge connecting them to the shores. Two variations of this type seem to occur often; one that has only a bridge and the hut on the stilts in the sea while the other has an added small building at the foot of the bridge on land. Often, these land-bound structures provide additional facilities for cooking and storage and sometimes sleeping accommodation too. The huts in the sea are invariably open-sided with a short-railed edge and provide seating-in-the-round to help the fishermen to sit and chat, share a meal and be there relaxing. Another type of fishing huts exist only on the edge of the sea and hence without the needs of a bridge. These may be either open huts or fully enclosed, and when they are fully enclosed, the spaces adjoining the sea in the open will be transformed into a place of relaxation whenever needed, by means of erecting temporary seats from whatever objects and things available. Most huts are rudimentarily constructed using timber poles as a structure, timber planks for floors, plywood boards for cover and walls with occasional glazed windows if the structure is enclosed. Construction is ad-hoc and crude; uses unrefined wood, joined simply by nailing to create the structure and enclosure added on with whatever materials available. Wood planks, plywood boards, plastic sheets and sometimes pieces of carpets may be attached to the frame for an enclosure. The roof cover is similar; made with timber planks, aluminium sheets, plastic sheets, tent clothes, carpet pieces, and sometimes palm fronds (much like the barastis were made in the past) whatever that is readily available. There is no uniformity in the construction either of the structure, enclosure, floor or the roof. Instead, a conglomeration of materials make mosaics of surfaces often created as a result of patchwork repairs affected in the process of use and decay (Fig. 15.1). The appeal of the fishing hut however arises from this uncanny ruggedness in opposition to the careful compositions of shapes, materialities, textures, and the surfaces. Timber planks are often unevenly weathered, broken and patched up creating an unintentional mosaic, while the plywood boards often peel off exposing the veneers of the underlying layers here and there. Most huts have colourful, yet worn-out carpets to make the floor more livable and culturally appealing, around which the traditional cushioned seats and pillows will lie in-the-round inviting the folks to gather. Collectively, they construct an ensemble of ad-hoc manifestations of things with intrinsic colours and textures of bare materials radiating a sense of the rudimentary presence of spaces. Set often in similarly rugged geographical terrains of heaped rubble on the edge of water and sand, the place is charmed by the gentle breeze across its simple enclosure, the enormity of the sea and the emptiness of the sandy beach in which the fisherman refreshes with his fellowmen while sipping coffee, engaged in delightful narrations of the happenings of the days. Occasionally, however, enclosing walls may be painted with scenes of the shores themselves creating sharply contrasting, fully enclosed huts adorned by the ubiquitous dish antennas. Such fishing huts are more than mere shelter for relaxation and provide sleeping accommodation and cooking for fishermen. Although they are

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Fig. 15.1  Different types of fishing huts. (Source: Author)

Fig. 15.2  A night view of a fishing hut

currently few and far between, the signs are that the enclosed, air-conditioned fishing huts may emerge soon equipped with satellite TVs and wireless computers; more contemporary versions in which watching TV and digital chats may supplement the evening conversations. The fishermen now carry mobile phones into the seas and have added to the conversations at the fishing huts, cutting across the spatial boundaries of the ‘chat-room’ that had hitherto existed within the boundary of the hut (Figs. 15.2 and 15.3).

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Fig. 15.3  A variety of assemblies of huts. (Source: Camille Zakharia [28])

15.4.2  Fishing Huts, Sea Life, Fear and Nostalgia In addition to the simple pleasures of being in the rudimentary huts surrounded by the natural rusticity of the border of the sea, fishing huts are cherished for another reason by fishermen as well as the older Bahrainis. The fishing huts of Bahrain are intrinsically connected to sea life. It is the sea that has given rise to their existence: the materials, the forms, the spaces and places. It is the sea that has invested them with the fond memories and social life that the older fishing community may keep and cherish. Sea, however, has a larger audience in Bahrain than the fishermen. In the introduction to the brochure titled, ‘reclaim’ in presenting the fishing huts to la Biennale di Venezia, Sh. Mai Bint Mohammed Al Khalifa says, I was born and raised in a house close to Qala’t al Bahrain and would wake up every morning to the soothing sights of the sea. Such was the importance of the sea that I, as well as most Bahrainis, learnt to swim before I could even ride a bike…where is the sea to be found today? And where are the coasts that still live in our memories but have physically vanished from our maps, replaced by the urban sprawl that has robbed us of our cherished sea. [29, p. 5]

In a similar vein, a fisherman says, ‘‘Ever since we were young and used to go to the sea, this was our gathering place…they got this marina over there, it ruined this spot right here. Now no one can take a walk in this spot…50 years ago, there were no streets around. These houses weren’t here. This whole area was filled with sea. It used to reach the doorstep of the city”. “… My new fishing spot? What can I tell you about it, in comparison to what’s available it’s good, but the previous location was much better” (The sea interview II and III, Competition entry brochure).

Underlying the cherishing of the fishing huts exist powerful sentiments of the loss of the past [30]. Nostalgia is an expression of longing and an understanding that something of the past is absent in the present. It is not surprising that historical ver-

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nacular is cherished while contemporary is not. As Boym in her seminal book, ‘The Future of Nostalgia’ says, nostalgia is a ‘symptom of our age, a historical emotion’ [31, p. XVI]. Nostalgia and cherish-ability are closely connected: the former is a longing to a quality absent in the present yet had existed in the past while cherishability is a longing to a quality that exists in the present, which produces an alluring and charming presence. Indeed, Boym says ‘to unearth the fragments of nostalgia one needs a dual archeology of memory and of place, and a dual history of illusions and of actual practices’. Boym offers two kinds of nostalgia in order to understand its seduction and manipulation: restorative and reflective, the former attempting a ‘trans-historical reconstruction’, and the latter ‘dwelling on the ambivalence of human longing and belonging’ [31, p. XVIII). Restorative nostalgia does not present itself as nostalgia but as truth and tradition. Another reason for the charm of the fishing huts also comes from the fear; fear of change. Richardson shows how the architects rushed to document the local buildings in England in the 1860’s ‘fearful that industrialization would sweep them away’ [32]. In a similar way, some of the professionals and the culture protectionists in Bahrain are fearful that the connection to the sea-life Bahrain had in the past will be washed away by the reclamations and extensive urbanizations. Ansari points out, this has already happened, and only a small part of Bahrain’s coast is now accessible to the public [32]. Friend [33] shows the manifestation of this fear at the exhibition of Biennale as a persuasive force. The Bahrain Pavilion at first seems odd and intriguing, the poignant absence of water, except for the sounds of an unseen nearby Venetian canal, trigger memories of the sea followed by the sense of loss in the voices of local fishermen, who, in documentary interviews, are seen lamenting the demise of the Bahrain coastline and the rampant development, relocating and privatizing the coastline, moving it ever further away from the fishermen’s huts and out of bounds to public bathing. [33, p. 3]

Similar sentiments have been echoed by the other curators of the Venice Biennale-­ Bahrain pavilion; Noura Al Sayyeh, Head of Architectural Affairs, Ministry of Culture, and Harry Gugger; Director of Academic laboratory, LAPA, Lausanne. Alsayyeh [34] laments that the land reclamations have fractured the direct relationship with the sea and longs for a more direct relation while Gugger [35] blames the land reclamations & real estate development for transforming the relationship to a picturesque. Sh. Mai Bint Mohammed Al Khalifa, Minister of Culture [29] feels that the changing lifestyles are the real cause. Undeniably, fear manifests in many forms against change, which seems inevitable and unstoppable (Fig. 15.4). Reconstructed Vernacular and Ad-hochism  It is in this background that the fishing huts of Bahrain find their way into the exhibition gallery of the Venice Biennale. Both the setting and the theme of the exhibition was an ideal context to display the fishing huts of Bahrain because Venice itself had undergone reclamations in the past and therefore could sympathize with the land reclamations of Bahrain. Moreover, the mainstream architecture has been pushed into a precarious bewilderment with

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Fig. 15.4  The reconstructed fishing huts at the Venice Biennale. (Source: Al Khalifa [40, p. 228])

the deconstruction movement having challenged the very fundamentals of the ageold aesthetics of formal architectural practice. In December 2011 for example, Frank Gehry’s house in Santa Monica, California, which was an ad-hoc erection of a conglomeration of unorthodox structures built-in 1978 was awarded the AIA 25 year award for its impact on architecture. As Hayer writes, Adhering to the spirit of ad-hocism… Frank Gehry’s own house in Los Angeles is rather a collision of parts, built to stay but with a deliberately unfinished, ordinary builderlike sensibility of parts. An existing and very pedestrian two-story gambrel-roofed clapboard residence had much of its interior removed and walls stripped back to their original two-by-­ four stud frame, beams, and rafters. It was then expanded by wrapping the old house with a metal slipcover creating a new set of spaces around its perimeter. The anti-refinement type enclosure is built of the most mundane materials, corrugated aluminum metal siding, plywood, glass and chain-link fencing, and deliberately has randomly slanted lines and angled protrusions. Although the house retains a certain minimalist sense, the effort here is cluttered expressionistic and the sensibility is freely intended as artistically intuitive, of accident not resolved. The palette is anti-high-tech in preference for a visual presence that is off-the-shelf and ordinary ‘cheap tech’ [36, p. 228]

The aesthetics of the fishing huts seem perfectly in tune with the new aesthetics provoked by architecture such as Frank Gehry’s house and thus qualifies to be experienced as a great piece of architecture. The contemporary architectural thoughts have been rapidly moving in that direction. For example, Rem Koolhas proposal for the development of the Libyan Sahara for tourism, titled ‘Almost Nothing’, involves an uncanny production of rudimentary structures to experience the emptiness and the vastness of the unspoilt desert [37]. Friend writes that Koolhaas has not been commissioned to build a thing: ‘It’s preservation,’ he explains, if one begins to imagine mechanized buildings rising from the sands’ [33]. In Sri Lanka, some of the most upmarket, heavily booked tourist villages comprise rudimentary, open peasant huts nestled into the remotest jungles. Almost nothing as a ‘tourist facility’, there are often neither electricity, nor running water, cement floors, nor digital communication. The absence of the ‘presence of aesthetics’ created by the constructed contemporary vernacular offers simple natural pleasures, which has captured imaginations of people across the world [38] (Fig. 15.5).

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Fig. 15.5  Frank Gehry House, Santa Monica California. (Source: Hayer [36, p. 229])

The fishing huts of Bahrain thus acquired great reverence as splendid architecture, for it emerged at the Venice Bienalle at the right time; appealing to the global architecture community who are searching for a new ad-hoc aesthetic, rudimentary meanings of space and a return to the roots. The huts symbolized the plight of the fractured cultural relationship of the Bahraini society with the sea and its desire to regain a foothold in the cherished past. As Friend writes, In Bahrain, the “ecologically diverse seabed, [and] the shallow waters have been systematically in-filled and destroyed by offshore steel dredgers continuously scavenging sand for landfill and reclamation. The impact has been enormous, once clear waters and abundant seabed are turned into muddy underwater wastelands covered by kilometre-long dredging silt plumes. The resultant land reclamation has broken the Bahrainis connection with the sea and in some cases pushed the coastline several kilometers further out.” [33]

Reconstructed Vernacular and Vernacularity  In the aftermath of the rising of this vernacular fishing huts to stardom at the Venice Biennale, an interesting process was set in motion, not by any machinations, but by the simple joy of re-discovering a unique cultural dimension in Bahrain. These processes changed public perceptions and in turn affected the producers of the vernacular fishing huts themselves. One of the processes led to the recognition of ‘hitherto uncared for’ vernacular of Bahrain being recognized at the level of defining its cultural identity. This was most vividly visible in the Architectural Competition launched by the Ministry of Culture to transform a central car park located in front of Bahrain’s most significant building: Bab-Al Bahrain. While there were numerous entries of proposals to this competition, the winning entry was a proposal to create a huge reservoir in place of the car park and locate the replicas of the fishing huts in this water-mass. The judges had thought that, now that the fishing huts are the symbols of architectural identity of Bahrain as exemplified and celebrated at the Venice Biennale, they should be permanently displayed at this central square. However, the project was not executed. Nevertheless, change of perception is clear. Fishing huts swiftly moved from the ‘little tradition’ it belonged to and originated from, to the pinnacle of the grand tradition. The

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Ministry of Culture subsequently also began to use the images of the fishing huts to symbolize some facets of the cultural identity of Bahrain. As Noura Al Sayyeh pointed out at a lecture at the University of Bahrain in 2017, this had unintended consequences on the fishing huts themselves. The sudden arrival of stardom at the doorsteps of fishermen bewildered them and made them feel inadequate to the status that they have been awarded. From their perspective, an ad-hoc assembly of bits and pieces of material could not be presented to the world (although that was the very reason why it won the prize). Therefore, they decided to construct the huts using more sophisticated material and technologies as well as language of making more akin to formal processes. The outcomes have modified the characteristics of the vernacular, and had made its authenticity to erode and be diminished. The outcomes can be listed as follows. • • • • • • •

Construction of larger structures Use of imported and sophisticated materials Use of well refined materials Use of elements of popular middle-class architectural styles Use of imported furniture Use of extravagant colours Constructing them for show rather than for sincere use

Despite unintentional, re-presentations of fishing huts at Venice Biennale did change the vernacularity of the fishing huts from an intrinsic emergence of every-­ day practices, to a conscious fabrication of materiality for display and show. Although not all fishing huts have been so affected, and there remain a large part of the original authentic fishing huts intact, this transformation demonstrates the fragility of vernacular in the face of external interventions, either through excessive touristic visits, photoshoots and glorification or through patronage.

15.5  Conclusions: Vernacularity and Place 1. Vernacular can come into being through ‘accidental Adhochism’ instead of being driven by customs and traditions. This paper examined numerous dimensions of the fishing huts of Bahrain; contemporary vernacular that has been for a moment placed centre stage of the current architectural value system and discourses at the Venice Biennale 2010. In so, doing, it discussed the nature of the fishing huts that had until recently not been considered as worthy of academic examination, although they had been admired, enjoyed and cherished by the fishing folks of Bahrain. The fishing huts are simple, ad-hoc material erections by people on the shores of Bahrain that had created qualitatively rich spaces in which to socialize and enjoy the pleasures of being simple fishermen, and of being on the shores of Bahrain among the company of fellow companions in a culturally appropriate setting. They had created an aesthetic of ‘accidental ad-hoch-

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ism’, akin somewhat to those of the minimalistic deconstruction, by being artistically intuitive. The ensembles create low-tech, barely resolved yet defined enclosures to produce culturally rich spaces to exist always on the edge. Celebrating the joys of unease of being in-between ground and water, between solidity and certainty and fluidity and uncertainty, the huts offered the alluring comforts of material ruggedness and natural environmental experiences. 2. Lamenting the loss of connection to sea rekindled the cherishability of fishing huts emanating from nostalgia leading to fascination. More importantly, it also attempted to understand what sentiments and ideas laid underneath the recognition of the reconstructed fishing hut as the best country pavilion at this exhibition. Several sentiments were discovered as the forces by which the fishing huts had been propelled to this newly acquired status. The most compelling among them had been the reaction of the Bahraini people to the loss of the sea front of the island, which had defined its people and had provided them with their national identity. The ever-increasing land reclamations had dwindled the spaces available for the sea fronts to be joyfully experienced and had transformed the islands to insignificance. The temptations of the shopping malls had dragged the Bahraini people away from the seas willingly, yet unawares, which had unsettled those who had known the past and the relevance of this relationship to their cultural identity. The natural and inherent human tendency to long for the past clearly lay underneath these sentiments among both the fishermen and the others. Cherish-­ability of the past, nostalgia and fear of loss of the past were undeniable forces that had infused a sense of urgency to celebrate the past and bring back the memories and re-inculcate the desires to link with the sea, among the people with the intention of affecting lifestyles and planning policies. Indeed, it also represented the counter-­ balancing reaction to the yearning for global citizenship and the emergence of the ubiquitous shopping malls and the construction of the beach-facing villas that had arrived to replace the fishing huts. Undeniably, the people of Bahrain want to re-establish more personal relations with the sea. 3. Global search for an alternative truth and new aesthetics by returning to simplicity and rudimentary architecture propelled the fishing huts to stardom. The allure at the Venice biennale however overlaid these sentiments. While acknowledging the attention the reconstructed fishing huts drew to the plight of the Bahraini people’s relationship to the sea and their desire to regain a foothold in this relationship to establish a core facet of identity; the reconstructed fishing huts offered an affinity to the global search for alternative truths of architecture and new aesthetics. It recognized the joys of the simplicity of experience of the rudimentary hut from which all architecture had evolved, the roots to which the architects are now returning. Empathy could be established between the aesthetics of ad-hochism and ‘almost nothing’; the absence of glorified aesthetic theories and the emerging tendency of architecture to be perceived as mere spectacle. A chord could be stuck

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between the perceptions of many of those who valued vernacular of the past often struck by the visual and the spectacle, as Denyer put it, To Joseph Thomson travelling in the Savannah lands of east Africa in the last century, ‘it seemed a perfect arcadia’ …. Charmingly neat farms interspersed with immense shady trees and the charmingly neat circular huts with conical roofs and walls hanging out all round with clay worked prettily into rounded bricks and daubed symmetrically with spots. [6, p. 1]

4. All vernacular generates fascination with the picturesque of the other, which fishing huts were able to create. Rapoport says that an innate reason for the valuing of vernacular comes from what he calls a ‘fascination’ [39]. Undeniably, to some producers as well as spectators, vernacular has a charm. The magic, however, exists mostly in the historical, or among buildings of the other cultures; in other words, in the buildings of other times, other places and other cultures. In the case of the fishing huts of Bahrain, the ‘otherness’, and spectacle played key roles in their new values. The imageries have been alluringly captured and projected to invest and extract deeper meanings of associations with culture, nostalgia and fear in such a way that fascinations can be generated from the picturesque. The contemporary vernacular like the fishing huts of Bahrain appear to be able to acquire such status of the ‘spectacle’ only to the others: outsiders. Unless the passions of the others and the aspirations of the inhabitants of the vernacular switch the sides, the valued vernacular will remain as mere frozen images on the framed spectacles. 5. Vernacular will thrive only when its relations with its own place and people are nurtured with least external interventions. Re-presentation of the fishing huts at the Venice Biennale did recognize the sincere constructions and afforded them to be recognized for that simplicity and endurance. However, it also placed the fishing huts in an uneasy location; between the rudimentary place and the community to which it belonged, and the global community of spectators. In this uneasy balancing of the spectacle, there appeared to have arisen the tendency to abandon authentic vernacularity in acquiring the stardom through exhibitionism and imitation. The lessons are clear. Vernacular is fragile and would thrive if its relations with its own place and people are nurtured. Then, they will continue to produce the innocent, un-spoilt originality of an architectural arising from the rudimentary acts of people.

References 1. Bourdier, J., Alsayyad, N.: Dwellings Settlements and Tradition. University Press of America, London (1989). 2. Oliver, P.: Handed Down Architecture: Tradition and Transmission, in Boudier, J. P. (edited) Dwellings Settlements and Tradition. University Press of America, London (1985). 3. Oliver, P.: Shelter Sign and Symbol. Barrie and Jenkins, London (1975).

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4. Kus, S., Raharijaona, V.: Domestic Space and the Tenacity of Tradition among some Batsileo of Madagaskar, in Domestic Architecture and the Use of Space. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (1990). 5. Bawden, G.: Domestic Space and Social Structure in Pre-Columbian northern Peru in Domestic Architecture and the Use of Space. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (1990). 6. Denyer, S.: African Traditional Architecture. Heinemann, London (1978). 7. Alexander, C.: The Timeless Way of Building. Oxford University Press, New York (1979). 8. Alexander, C.: A Pattern Language. Oxford University Press, New York (1977). 9. Rapoport, A.: House Form and Culture: Foundations of Cultural Geography Series. Foundations of Cultural Geography Series. Prentice-Hall Inc., Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey (1969). 10. Fathy, H.: Architecture for the Poor. American University in Cairo Press, Egypt (1973). 11. Brunskill, R.W.: Illustrated Handbook of Vernacular Architecture (4th edition). Faber and Faber, London (2000). 12. Knapp, R. G.: China’s Vernacular Architecture: House Form and Culture. University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu (1989). 13. Oliver, P.: Dwellings: The house across the world. University of Texas Press, Austin (1987). 14. Asquith, L. et al.: Vernacular Architecture in the Twenty First Century. Taylor and Francis, London (2006). 15. Kawi, A.A.: The Oasis of Farafra in the eyes of its inhabitants in Bourdier, J., Alsayyad, N. (edited) Dwellings Settlements and Tradition. University Press of America, London (1989). 16. Lee, S.  H.: Siting and general organization of Traditional Korean Settlements, in Bourdier, J., Alsayyad, N. (edited) Dwellings Settlements and Tradition. University Press of America, London (1989). 17. Feldman, J.A. (1989) The design of great Chiefs house in South Nias, Indonesia, in Bourdier, J., Alsayyad, N. (edited) Dwellings Settlements and Tradition, London: University Press of America. 18. Habraken, J.: The Appearance of Form. Awater press, Cambridge (1985). 19. Alsayyed, N.: Dwellings, Settlements and Tradition: Cross Cultural Perspectives. University Press America, England (1989). 20. Hamdi, N.: Housing without Houses. Van Nostrand Reinhold, New York (1991). 21. Rapoport, A.: Spontaneous settlements as vernacular design, In Spontaneous Shelter: International Perspectives and Prospects, (ed). C. Patton, pp 51–57. Temple University Press, Philadelphia (1988). 22. Kellett, P.: Contemporary Vernaculars: Informal housing processes and vernacular theory, key note address at the ISVS-5 conference. Colombo (2010). 23. Kellett, P.: Constructing Home: Production and Consumption of Popular Housing in Northern Colombia. PhD thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne (1995). 24. Kellett, P., Napier, M.: Squatter Architecture: a Critical Examination of Vernacular Theory and Spontaneous Settlement with Reference to South America and South Africa. Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review 6(2-May 1995), 7–24 (1995). 25. Kellett, P.: Contemporary Vernaculars: Informal housing processes and vernacular theory, in ISVS eJournal 2(1), (2011). 26. Silva, W.: Performing Place, Natural Landscape, Cultural Place, Performances of Sri Lanka’s Traditional Settlements. An unpublished PhD Thesis. University of Nottingham, UK (2014). 27. Rapoport, A.: Vernacular Design as a Model System, in Asquith, L. et al (edited) Vernacular Architecture in the Twenty First Century. Taylor and Francis, London (2006). 28. Zakharia, C.: Reclaim: The Official Bahraini Contribution to the 12th International Architecture Exhibition in Venice 2010, Ministry of Culture, Bahrain. (2010). 29. Al Khalifa, M. Sh. Bint.: Reclaim: The official Bahraini Contribution to the 12th International Architecture exhibition in Venice, 2010. Ministry of Culture, Bahrain (2010). 30. Lowenthal, D.: The Past is a Foreign Country. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (1985). 31. Boym, S.: The Future of Nostalgia. Basic Books, New York (2001).

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3 2. Richardson, W.: New Vernacular. Laurence King Publishing Ltd., London (2001). 33. Friend, A.: Architecture of Almost Nothing, in http://www.blueprintmagazine.co.uk/index. php/architecture/architecture-of-almost-nothing/ accessed on 01st Jan 2012 (2010). 34. Al Sayeh, N.: Reclaim: The official Bahraini Contribution to the 12th International Architecture exhibition in Venice 2010. Ministry of Culture, Bahrain (2010). 35. Gugger, H.: Reclaim: The official Bahraini Contribution to the 12th International Architecture exhibition in Venice 2010. Ministry of Culture, Bahrain (2010). 36. Hayer, P.: American Architecture: Ideas and Ideologies in the Late Twentieth Century. Van Nostrand Reinhold, New York (1993); discussion p 228-230; exterior photo p 229. 37. https://www.designboom.com/architecture/bahrain-wins-golden-lion-for-best-national-pavilion-at-venice-biennale/ accessed on 23rd March 2018. 38. Dayaratne, R.: A Search for Idyllic Places of Leisure in the East: Recreation of the Vernacular Culture and the Traditional Social Space in Sri Lanka, in Aitchison et al (edited) Leisure Space and Visual Culture, LSA 84.243–261. (2004) 39. Al Ansari, F.: Public Open Space on the Transforming Urban Waterfronts of Bahrain - The Case of Manama City. An Unpublished PhD Thesis. University of New castle, UK (2009). 40. Khalifa, F.: Personal Communications (2012).

Chapter 16

Relation of Binary Opposition Structure (Rwa-Bhineda) Mount-Ocean: A Case Study on Cultural Heritage of Pura Batukaru-Pakendungan/Tanah Lot in the Perspective of Ecofeminism in Bali I. Nyoman Wardi

Abstract  This scientific work aims to reveal the wisdom of the relation the binary opposition structure of mount-ocean in the perspective of Ecofeminism in Bali. The case study is based on the cultural heritages of the Batukaru Temple and Pakendungan/Tanah Lot in Tabanan Regency. The study was conducted through data collection by observation, in-depth interviews and document study. The collected data is analyzed qualitatively using the Deep Ecology and Ecofeminism theoretical approaches. The results of the study showed that in relation of the binary opposition structure (rwa-bhineda), the cultural heritages of the Batukaru-Pura Pakendungan/Tanah Lot Temple which is a representation of the mount (masculine) and ocean/sea (feminine) is contained in the wisdom of cultural ecofeminism. The wisdom values of cultural ecofeminism are contained in them, namely: balance and complementary relation, integration, creativity, fertility, prosperity, harmony and welfare. The Ecofeminism wisdom of the interrelated binary opposition structure of the mount-ocean (Pura Batukaru-Pakendungan/Tanah Lot) can be used as a model or inspiration to change and improve the relationship of masculine-feminine social interaction in conducting duties and obligations with all its rights in various dimensions of social life in Bali. The Ecofeminism wisdom of the binary opposition of the mount-ocean can also be implemented in the government’s development policy in overcoming environmental degradation. Thus, there will be a balanced and successful development in the economic, ecological, social and cultural fields in a sustainable manner. Keywords  Binary opposition · Cultural heritage · Ecofeminism

I. N. Wardi (*) Department of Archaeology Faculty of Arts, Udayana University, Denpasar, Bali, Indonesia © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 G. A. M. Suartika, J. Nichols (eds.), Reframing the Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, and Representation, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22448-6_16

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16.1  Introduction Balinese culture has a strong historical roots in Austronesian culture and is enriched by the Hindu culture (Hinduism and Buddhism) from India, Chinese ethnic culture and the culture of Southeast Asian ethnicities. In the modern/colonial era (twentieth-­ century AD) the culture of Balinese (Hindu) came into contact with European culture which later helped to characterize its diversity and cultural values. Sedimentation of historical results and socio-cultural interactions builds Balinese culture as a cultural mosaic that is unique and monumental. The diversity and uniqueness of Balinese culture now seems to be a magical power that inspires various artists, scientists, cultural observers and tourists, even environmentalists from outside to come, witness and try to understand the existence and wisdom of Balinese culture from various dimensions. Among other things, the cultural heritage of the Batukaru Temple and Pakendungan/Tanah Lot are also popular as tourist attractions in Bali. Batukaru Temple is located in the upper part (kaje/mountain) of Wongaya Gede Village, Penebel District, Tabanan Regency. The Batukaru Temple, which is managed by eight traditional villages, is in the middle of the protected forest of Batukaru. Batukaru Temple is at an altitude of 833 m above sea level (asl). Since 2012 the cultural heritage of Batukaru Temple (Catur Angga Pura Batukaru) which has the status of Kahyangan Jagat (state temple) and Pura Ulun Swi (subak temple) has been designated by UNESCO as part of the World Cultural Landscape of Bali Province. Meanwhile, Pakendungan Temple/Tanah Lot which has the status of Pura Dang Kahyangan and Pura Ulun Swi (subak temple) located on the coast (beach), which is part of the Beraban Village, Kediri District. Both of these cultural heritages represent the binary opposition Gunung-Segara (Mount-Ocean) which is analogous to masculine-feminine in traditional Balinese culture. Based on the observations made of traditional phenomenons in Balinese culture, there are minor indications that in Bali it is a matrilineal society. This kinship system is apparent from the agrarian culture of Subak in Bali, when harvesting rice, a media of worship (Dewa Nini) was built from rice as a seat (stana) to glorify Dewi Padi (Dewi Çri). In fact, in the symbol of the God of Nini (Dewa Nini), there is masculine aspect, but he is fused in the Feminine (Dewa Nini) [1]. On the other hand, the use of the terminology nenek moyang (Ind: nenek = grandmother) but not kakek moyang (Ind: kakek = grandfather) in ancestral spirits worship in Indonesia (Bali) which is quite prominent since the Neolithic Age, especially from Megalithic civilizations, also indicates a more prominent matrilineal culture than patrilineal culture. The traces of matrilineal civilization in the historical evolution of civilization in Bali are now increasingly blurred and tend to be eradicated by the dominance of

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patrilineal civilizations. In patrilineal civilizations, important decisions in a family, community or governmental affairs (state) tend to be dominated by masculine groups as superior, while feminine groups are subordinate or inferior. As a consequence, physical development is quite rapid and uncontrolled, characterized by increasing population growth and environmental degradation. These ecological crises include: the scarcity of water resources, land, forestry degradation, environmental pollution, public health problems, and the emergence of social conflicts. According to the view of Ecofeminism, oppression of women in the form of environmental crises is caused by capitalists who are representations of the patriarchy. Frederick Engles (in 1884) in his book, The Origin of the Family, Private Property and The State, has outlined the relationship between capitalism and patriarchy. In early capitalism, women still considered working at home to reproduce children. Men work outside to produce goods (commodities) and services that make money for household reproduction [2]. According to Engels theory [2], capitalism as a representation of men, in producing mass goods and services has resulted in environmental damage. This paper aims to reveal the Ecofeminism wisdom of the binary opposition structure of Gunung-Segara (mount-ocean) which is represented in the cultural heritages of the Batukaru-Pakendungan/Tanah Lot temple in Tabanan in the context of sustainable development in Bali-Indonesia.

16.2  Research Methods Data collection was done by observation, in-depth interviews and literature/document studies. The objects observed were: artifacts (inscriptions, manuscripts, statues), monuments (palinggih/shrines), ecofacts, sites, myths, rituals and other cultural elements that exist and are related to the cultural heritage of the Batukaru-­ Pakendungan Temple/Tanah Lot. The informants from Pemangku Pura (temple priests), Pakaseh (Head of Subak Organization), Bendesa Adat (Chief of Traditional Village) and other community leaders. The collected data was then analyzed descriptively and qualitatively using the Deep Ecology theory approach from Arne Naess [3] and the Ecofeminism Radical-­ Cultural theory of Marily French [4]. The analyzed data is then interpreted and synthesized to obtain a clear picture of Ecofeminism wisdom related to the object being studied.

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16.3  Results and Discussion 16.3.1  C  haracteristic of the Binary Opposition Structure (Rwa-Bhineda) According to Traditional Balinese Culture Binary opposition is a system of two related categories, which in its purest form shapes universality [5]. In the perfect binary opposition, everything falls into category A or category B, by forcing these categories on the world, we begin to understand them. Thus, category A cannot exist for itself, as an intrinsic category, but only in structured relations with category B. Category A can be understood only because of category A is not category B. Without category B, here there will be no boundaries for category A, and therefore, there is no category A [5]. The logic of thinking binary opposition seems not only to be known in Western countries but also in the Eastern Countries (Asian), as in Indonesia and Bali in particular. The dichotomous (binary opposition) style of Balinese thinking is commonly called the logic of rwa-bhineda thinking. David J. Stuart-Forx [6] in his study of the cultural heritage of Besakih Temple states, that in Balinese and Old Indian thought dualism is an important principle in the making of classification. In Bali the concept of early dualism became mixed with Indian dualism. Both are further melted into the concept of self-religions which in Indian terms relate to the Sankhya doctrine, namely purusa (the cosmic aspect of masculine) and pradhana/ prakerti (the cosmic aspect of feminine). In this case, according to the views and belief systems of the Hindu community, the cultural heritage of the Batukaru Temple is seen as a representation of Dewa Gunung/Mountain God (masculine), while Pakendungan/Tanah Lot which is located on the coast represents the power of the Sea Goddess (feminine). Based on the phenomenon of traditional Balinese culture, there are implicitly two characteristics of binary opposition structure (rwa-bhineda), namely: (1) the constructive rwa-bhineda structure (ideal binary opposition); and (2) rwa-bhineda structure which is destructive [7]. The characteristic of binary opposition structures (rwa-bhineda) that are constructive, contain values, including: equality and balance, complementary (friendship, tolerance, empathy and compassion), integrity (unification), creativity, harmony (harmonious/beautiful/pangus), fertility, prosperity and happiness (prosperity), as in the male-female gender binary opposition (lanang-wadon). Aspects of binary opposition in a gender context (lanang-wadon  =  masculine-­ feminine) in traditional Balinese culture are expressed in various phenomena, such as natural, cultural and social phenomena.

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Meanwhile, the traits inherent in binary opposition (rwa-bhineda) which are destructive in character, namely: the two characteristics of life or the existence of something of contrasting nature and are always coexisting in conditions of conflict, hostility (confrontation), attack each other, and try each other to negate or dominate one another. So the traits inherent in binary opposition with destructive character, namely: ambitious, selfish, jealous, arrogant, greedy (loba), always suspicious, confrontational, disintegration, disharmony, destructive, and domination. This dichotomy relationship tends to be confrontational and destructive, because each has the ambition to attack and destroy (master) one another, such as the nature of Sura (deity) and Asura (bhuta/giant). These two characteristics of binary opposition that are always (hostile) contradictory in Bali are also expressed in the art of Calonarang performance, as a symbol of an eternal battle between good qualities represented by Barong figure and bad traits with Rangda figure. These two characteristics are eternal, and can be latent and sometimes demonstrative (manifest). In this case, the traditional Balinese society comprehends the concept of rwa-­ bhineda by stating that in life on the world, the two contrasting (good and bad) traits always coexisting in individuals or groups of people, sometimes even attached to a certain personal character of a god/goddess, or represented in a certain object or natural environment, such as a mountain (gunung) and a sea (segara). If the negative/ bad nature (bhuta/asura) is more dominant in the binary opposition structure, then the tendency of conflict, imbalance (reward), disintegration, disharmony, destructive and domination will occur. Conversely, if the positive/good character (deity/sura) is more dominant in the structure of the rwa-bhineda, then condition of the atmosphere of life is balanced and harmonious, integrated, prosperous and welfare (happiness) that will be realized. The important thing that needs to be done and as a challenge is every individual and community group (masculine-feminine), namely how to minimize the negative aspects of the rwa-bhineda, and optimize the positive aspects. According to Balinese cultural views, the character of the conditions of the nature of rwa bhineda are very dynamic and influenced by innate nature (talent, temperament) and the development of environmental conditions (humans with their culture, biotic and abiotic nature), and the conditions of the age or the universe (the influence of the universe/cosmic realm) at that time which is cannot be avoided or prevented. Ecologically, the interrelation of the binary opposition structure of the mountain-­ ocean (Batukaru-Tanah Lot/Pakendungan) is represented in the form of artifacts/ monuments (palinggih/shrines), melasti ritual and myths. Meanwhile, physio hydrologically the relationship of the binary opposition structure mount-ocean is immediately associated with the macro hydrological cycle (evaporation of ocean-­ mountain water – forests – rainwater – lakes and rivers).

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16.3.2  M  eaning of Ecofeminism Wisdom of Binary Opposition of Mount-Ocean (Batukaru-Pakendungan/Tanah Lot) As mentioned above, the cultural heritage of Batukaru Temple in Wongaya Village, Penebel subdistrict as a representation of Mountain God (Masculine), while Pakendungan/Tanah Lot located on the coast, namely Beraban Village, Kediri Tabanan subdistrict, represents the power of the Sea Goddess (Feminine). The Meaning of Complementary-Equality in Harmony Integration  When we view the orientation of the cosmological layout of the Batukaru-Tanah Lot/ Pakendungan Temple, it shows the orientation to kaje/mount – kelod/sea. This is also indicated by the position of the southern chord (the exit) and the Kori Agung (main entrance gate) which in the north of the Pakendungan Temple are in a straight line position to the Batukaru Mountain (Pucak Kedaton). Thus it can be stated that the cosmological relationship of Batukaru-Pakendungan/Tanah Lot is in binary opposition (rwa-bhineda). The relationship of the binary opposition structure of Batukaru-Pakendungan/Tanah Lot can be classified into the characteristics of binary opposition (rwa-bhineda) which are equal-complementary. The complementary characteristic includes reflection in sacred buildings (palinggih) in holy spring of Taman Beji Agung Pakrisan Temple at Babahan Village, Penebel district. In the building one palinggih (shrine) with two spaces (rong dua) is marked by two menhirs above it, which is a place of worshiping of the Sea/Ocean Goddess and the God of the Mountain (Giri Natha). Parallel and complementary binary opposition structure relations are also represented in the building of BatukaruPakendungan/Tanah Lot temple in a temple space which is located in the Kingdom Center of Tabanan (Puri Gede Tabanan). Likewise in the sacred building of Sanggah Gede (Family Temple) in Bali, especially in Tabanan, the alignment of the position of the binary opposition mount-­ ocean is immediately glorified in the form of the architecture of Palinggih Catu Meres (palm-roofed palinggih and at the peak/Menur closed with Kereb Pasu from clay in the form of a square) as a symbol of ocean (segara/laut), and Palinggih Catu Mujung (with roof of palm fiber maprucut) symbol of the mount/mountain. Palinggih of Catu Meres-Catu Mujung can also be found at the center of the Sawangan Lake (Danu Sawangan) at the Batukaru Temple site. The interrelation of the binary opposition structure mount-ocean that is parallel (balanced) and its complementary nature (harmony) is also represented by the presence of the sacred building (palinggih) of Pakendungan (representation of the sea nature) in the inner yard of Batukaru Temple in Wongaya Gede Village, and vice versa the existence of palinggih Batukaru/Pucak Kedaton (representation of forest/ mountain nature) in the inner yard of Pakendungan Temple (representation of sea nature) in Beraban Village.

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The symbolic integration of mount-ocean is also expressed in melasti rituals which is based on the myth of searching for tirtha amertha (holy water of eternal life) in the story of Ksirârnawa (Mandara Giri) which is revealed in the Adiparwa scripture. The unification of mount-ocean as a representation of the two gender aspects that have complementary (rwa-bhineda) masculine-feminine parallelism is also analogous and expressed in the lingga-yoni artifacts or Ardhanareswari Gods (statues of Çiwa- Parwati) which are made as a medium of worship of supernatural creative forces (God) in Hinduism to invoke rahayu (safety and health), kewibuhan (fertility and prosperity), and welfare (hita) of human life and its environment. The concept of binary opposition or rwa-bhineda gunung-segara (mount-ocean) which is analogous to the purusa-pradhana dichotomy (masculine-feminine) in indigenous Bali’s culture (Bali Aga) rooted in the Austronesian culture is also thought to have an influence or acculturation with Hindu culture, especially from the Sankhya philosophy school. The concept of the phallus-yoni (lingga-yoni) statue or deity Ardhanareswari shows the influence of the Sankhya philosophy. The Sankhya philosophical school is thought to have had much influence from the Pre-­ Aryan philosophical system (in India). The Sankhya school of philosophy is introduced by an enlightened person, the Kapila Guru who is thought to have lived in the sixth century BC [8]. Equal-complementary Mount (Batukaru)  – Ocean (Tanah Lot/Pakendungan) can also be analogous with the concept of Yin (Feminine) and Yang (Masculine) binary opposition in the Buddhist Taoist Philosophy in traditional Chinese culture which initiated by philosopher Lao Tse (fourth century BC) [9]. The binary opposition is in a parallel position or equal-complementary, and harmoniously integrated, such as husband and wife position (lingga-yoni, Ardhanarreswari figures) or also analogous to the position of the right hand (tengen/ lanang/purusha/masculine) and left hand (kiwa/wadon/pradhana/feminine) believed to be able to function more optimally for goodness. Through the parallel relationship, complementary and harmonious integrity between masculine (mountain) and feminine (ocean) as expressed in the symbol of the binary opposition structure of Mount (Batukaru)  – Ocean (Tanah Lot/ Pakendungan) is expected to create equilibrium condition, peace, tranquility, prosperity and welfare in a sustainable manner. The Meaning of Pollution Neutralization  In the context of mountain binary opposition in its function as a neutralizer for pollution, in this case, the emphasis is on the function of the sea (sea water) as an element of purification. The function of sea water (segara) in neutralizing pollution in this case tends to be interpreted in the context of intangible culture (spiritual-­cultural) values, namely mental impurities and psychological suffering, such as mala, klesa, papa, sangsara, or can be interpreted in the context of social and empirical natural environment.

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According to the teachings of Hindu Religion ethics, stated that mental impurity (spiritual pollution or sin) of an individual or group of people comes from three main sources, namely from the mind (manah), verbal or written words/discourse (wak), and from behavior (kaya). The three social psychology systems are considered to be interconnected and influence one another. Therefore, according to the teachings of Hindu ethics and morals, the three sources of pollution (manah-wak-kaya) must get serious attention in the practice of community life. As far as possible always controlled and maintained the purity. The concept of controlling the purity of the three social psychology systems (mind-words-behaviour) in Bali is known as the Trikaya Parisudha concept. Related to the function of the sea (segara) as neutralizing spiritual pollution or mental impurity, it is often mentioned in the sources of traditional literature as well as local community religious rituals, such as in the melasti ritual to segara (sea), the myth of God Ruci/Bhima Ruci, and other sources. Melasti or makiyis is one of the rituals of purification of the universe/village or cleansing of spiritual impurities (papa, mala, klesa, leteh/cuntaka/sepung, gering, kabrebehan) carried out by Hindus in Bali by processing and performing rituals at sea (segara). In general, the melasti ritual to ocean in Bali is carried out by traditional village institutions (pakraman village) every year in order to welcome the new year of Içaka (Nyepi/Silent Day) which falls in March/April (tilem-Caitra) (based on local Balinese calendar). But the reassurance ritual from Batukaru to Segara Tanah Lot/Pakendungan in a unique location, and the time was uncertain. This magical ascertainment ritual is generally associated with the condition of the world (state) which is considered chaos or kabrebehan (polluted), because it is either caused by natural or human made disasters. The sacred journey of certainty from Batukaru to sea of Tanah Lot/Pakendungan Temple usually lasts for 3 days on foot. The procession group (congregation), especially the symbols of the gods and their equipment, stop and stay twice at Pura Batur Agung (centre of King Palace Temple) or Puri Gede at Tabanan. In connection with the melasti ritual to ocean in order to welcoming Nyepi (Icaka’s New Year) in Bali, which is stated in Sundarigama manuscript. Another source, is the mantra of glorifying Dewi Gangga as the Goddess of Water (Ocean) [10]. It states that the function of seawater as a neutralizing agent, not only to purify (eliminate) mental impurities (mala, klesa, leteh/letuh/reged, cuntaka, kebrebehan), sin, but also to purify or expel evil thoughts/behavior (black-magic: neluh-­ nrangjana), eliminating disasters or suffering due to certain diseases, as well as a place to eliminate anxiety of thoughts and feelings (Balinese: keneh inguh or ibuk), and to get peace of mind. Meanwhile, the function of sea water (segara) as neutralizing physical pollutants that are physical and chemical must be interpreted in the context of carrying capacity of marine resources in renewing (renewable) pollution and to restore itself to normal conditions (equilibrium). That is, if the pollutant capacity exceeds the carrying capacity, sea water (segara) will not be able to neutralize pollutants optimally, so that there will be prolonged sea pollution. The existence of physical and chemical

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conditions of seawater, as well as its function (neutralizing pollutants) is certainly inseparable from the cultural spiritual values (intangible values) contained therein. The Meaning of Fertility, Prosperity and Welfare  The meaning of fertility, prosperity and happiness (welfare) of the binary opposition Gunung-Segara (mount-­ ocean) is symbolically expressed in the mythical story of the search for Tirtha Amerta (Holy Water of Eternal Life) by the sura (gods) and asura (giants) revealed at the front part of the Adiparwa scripture (the initial part of the Mahabharata scripture) and also mentioned in the Bima-Ruci myth. In the searching for Tirtha Amerta (Tirtha Kamandalu) it is told, that Sang Hyang Parwata, namely Mount Mandara (Mandara Giri) which is tall and large (wide) was revoked by Nagânantha Bhoga (name of dragon) with all its contents, then thrown into the sea, and used as a tool to stir segara (sea). The Gods all worship the Sea Goddess (Sang Hyang Samudra), and beg the Sea God to be sincere and merciful to the Gods. The Gods beg the Sea Deity would strongly resist the friction of the island (Mount Mandara). If tirtha amertha comes out of ksirarnawa (ocean milk), surely the life of all creatures in Tribhuwana/Triloka (Three Worlds: Bhurloka/ Underworld  – Bwarloka/Middle World  – Swarloka/Upper World) will be happy. Mount Mandara (Mandara Giri) is then rotated using Nagânantha Bhoga (dragon) as a rope. The Sura (Gods) hold the dragon’s tail, while the Asura (Giant) hold the dragon’s head. The effort to stir up the sea of milk (Ksirârnawa) is successful. Finally from the stirring of the sea (Ksirârnawa) the oil comes out from empehan (the sea of milk), then first goes out of ardhacandra (crescent), participates in Bhatari Çri (Goddess), then Çrilaksmidewi, horse of Ucceçrawâ, and gemstones kostubha (kostuba manik). But all of them came closer to the gods, none of them approach the Asura (Giants). Lastly Dhanwantari Goddess comes out carrying a cupu manik (bead jar) containing white holy water, which contains tirtha amerta, and is taken by Asura (Giants). “This is our part,” the Giants said. Mastery of the tirtha amerta by the Asura (Giants) is considered very dangerous and can threaten life in the world. Therefore, the Gods (Sura), especially Lord Vishnu disguised himself as a beautiful goddess and managed to seize the tirtha amerta. The Asura feel deceived and are not willing the tirtha amerta is taken and controlled by the gods. A fierce battle between the Sura (Dewa) and Asura (Giant) take place on the coast of Çangkadwipa Island. Then Lord Vishnu, assisted by Lord Brahma, Lord Iswara and other Gods, won the battle and took control of Tirtha Amerta (Tirtha Kamandalu). Then the gods enjoy Tirtha Amerta [11]. The searching for Tirtha Amerta in the Sea (segara) was also revealed in the Bima-Ruci scripture. In the book, it is told, at the instruction of a palace teacher named Bhagawan Drona, the figure of Ksatrya Bhima (one of the five brothers, Pañca Pandawa) struggling in the ocean realm and are successful in gaining purification and the highest spiritual discourse (dharma) from the Sea God (Dewa Ruci). Bhima is also successful in gaining the Tirtha Sanjiwani (Tirtha Amerta) for the happiness of eternal life. Based on the story of the search myth of tirtha amerta in Ksirarnawa (sea of milk) in the book of Adiparwa and the Bhima-Ruci, it was revealed that seawater is

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the (central) source of eternal life (tirtha amerta). Seawater (Samudera) is sacred, mysterious and contains various natural and scientific wealth that needs to be explored and developed. In the context of the macro hydrological cycle, the existence of marine resources as the centre of eternal life (tirtha amerta) is closely related to the existence of mountain resources, forests, lakes and rivers. Therefore the management undertaken needs to be done holistically in a single ecosystem. The Tirtha Amerta search myth by using mountains (Mandara Giri) to stir the sea of milk (Ksirârnawa) symbolically shows a masculine-feminine blend. With the Deep Ecology approach, it can be interpreted that the unification of masculine-­ feminine energy in life can give birth to positive energy associated with rahayu (safety, health), fertility, prosperity and happiness of life (moksha) on an ongoing basis. The symbolic unification of masculine-feminine energy was also visualized in the Lingga-Yoni statue in Bali which is quite widely found and is often used as a medium of worship by farmers (subak) in Bali to invoke agricultural fertility in rice cultivation. The combination of masculine-feminine power is also very popular, visualized and worshiped as the God of Ardhanareswara (blend of God Çiwa-Dewi Parwati) as the highest God in Hinduism. Thus, the melasti ritual to segara (sea) conducted from Batukaru to Tanah Lot/ Pakendungan which is based by the myth of Tirtha Amerta searching as revealed in the book Adiparwa, the Bhima-Ruci, and the Lontar Sundarigama, besides being meaningful for neutralizing pollution (sanctification), also symbolically intended to obtain harmony (peace, safety, health), fertility, prosperity and happiness (welfare) in a sustainable life.

16.3.3  A  ctualization of Ecofeminism Wisdom of Mount-Ocean Binary Opposition in the Development of Bali The actualization of the value of the Ecofeminism wisdom of the Mount-Ocean (Batukaru-Tanah Lot/Pakendungan) in modern life of Balinese society can be practiced with strategic efforts as follows. Socialization of Equivalent-Complementary Value of Feminine-Masculine  The socialization of the equal-complementary values of the binary opposition of mount-­ ocean needs to be carried out intensively for enlightenment and awareness of masculine in particular. The goal is that the masculine will willingly give up some of the public affairs to the feminine group, and take some domestic (family) affairs to ease the burden on the mothers (feminine) in the family. In patriarchal Balinese culture, the feminine in daily life is known to be very busy in matters of household and ritual. In addition, it is necessary to empower women institutions. Empowerment can start from youth groups (Pemuda-Pemudi Group or Daha Teruna and Dehe Bunga),

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banjar wife groups, PKK (Family Welfare Education) organizations at the Banjar or Adat Village level, through management education and training, democratic politics, leadership skills, and cultural political diplomacy skills. Feminine Education Rights and Opportunities Alignment  Because of the noble and heavy task and burden of a mother/wife (feminine group) in the process of growth and education of children in the family, as well as handling household affairs, it is natural that women are given proper respect in the form of greater opportunities for gaining a higher education or equal with masculine. The education, both professional and vocational education (certain skills) that are practical and efficient to increase family income later. Political commitment from the government to promote the feminine can also be pursued with the policy of giving scholarships that prioritize the feminine. Higher education for the feminine, in addition to being useful to improve the quality of more human resources, of course demographically can delay the age of marriage of citizens (residents). Providing opportunities for higher education for women, indirectly in the context of development, will have an impact on reducing population growth rates that are very dense and dangerous. Because the rapid and high population growth rate has consequences on the occurrence of ecological crises that have an impact on public health, and the tendency of social conflicts. This humanist social obligation, which is to give feminine higher education opportunities, is certainly not only intended for citizens or local residents (Balinese), but also applies to residents of other ethnic communities (non-Balinese) who live on this very small island of Bali (size: 5636.66  km2 with 4,200,100 peoples). This recommendation is conveyed, because there is a tendency for families in Hindu communities in Bali or other non-Balinese ethnicities to be patriarchal to provide discriminatory treatment to girls in the field of education, and to prioritize boys to get a higher education. Political Rights and Opportunities Alignment  After the Reform Era in Indonesia since 1998, there was a change in political paradigm which was important in the government in Indonesia, which was to become more democratic. Now feminine groups have opportunities that is strategic enough to occupy legislative positions (DPR/DPRD) and executives (Bupati/Mayor) at the District and Provincial levels, even at the National level. This of course can also be practiced in a more wise and balanced government political policy, if the feminine is given the opportunity. Problems and constraints generally lie in the cultural values that are hegemonized and dominated by masculine in the family. In this case, whether masculine (husband) as an example to support his wife in participating in a career in politics. Based on the value of the cultural wisdom of mount/gunung  – ocean/segara (Batukaru-­Pakendungan/Tanah Lot), namely integration and complementary alignment, it is necessary to change cultural values in masculine groups, and provide

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more or equal opportunities for the feminine to develop their career in a democratic social political field. Implementation in Environmental Public Policy  In line with the rapid development of the tourism industry in Bali, it seems not only to utilize coastal natural resources and urban areas as an attraction and development of tourism facilities, but also mountainous areas around the forest, subak areas, and around cultural heritages (temples). The beauty of the natural environment, namely mountain, forest, panoramic beauty of rice fields, the beauty of the coast and the sea, the coolness and cleanliness of the air, calm natural atmosphere, aesthetic and magical cultural heritages (temples) are often as determinant factors for investors (capitalists) to invest. The results is, the development not only has a positive impact on the socio-economic aspects, but also brings negative impacts that are quite alarming to the environment, such as environmental damage, pollution, desecration of the temple’s area, and other side effects. For example, the construction of villas and resorts in the upstream area (elevation ±891 m above sea level), namely around Pucak Petali Temple which is located in the upper reaches of Jatiluwi Village, Penebel Sub-District, violates the sacred area of Pucak Petali Temple which is one of the world cultural landscape from Jajar Kemiri Catur Angga Pura Batukaru. In addition, the construction is also indicated to violate protected forest areas. This area includes a water catchment area that drains irrigation water for the subak fields in the downstream. The insistence of developing tourism facilities (art shops, restaurants and other supporting facilities) also occurred at the site of Pakendungan Temple/Tanah Lot which caused the cosmic-magical forest (alas kandang mrana) and an eco fact (palinggih titimamah) to be destroyed and buried, and disturbed environmental aesthetic. Social conflicts had colored the construction of tourism facilities, either at upstream or downstream [7]. The construction of tourism facilities that exploit the cultural heritage and the natural environment around them, seems to ignore environmental ethics (environmental wisdom), especially the meaning of interrelation of Mount-Ocean (ecofeminism) which contains a value of balance, fertility, prosperity, and harmony. In the future to prevent and reduce environmental degradation and development deviations, especially tourism development in Bali which promotes cultural tourism, the value of Ecofeminism wisdom needs to be revitalized and implemented in development policies (Environmental Public Policy). Spatial policies inspired by the ethics of Ecofeminism (mount-oceanic philosophy) must always be monitored and accompanied by strict and consistent law enforcement if there are any irregularities. Thus, through tourism development with an environmental wisdom perspective, namely Ecofeminism (mount-oceanic philosophy), by placing a relatively balanced position between economic, ecological and social cultural sectors, sustainable development in Bali will gradually be realized.

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16.4  Conclusions and Recommendations 16.4.1  Conclusions The relation of cultural heritage of the Batukaru-Pakendungan/Tanah Lot temple contains various environmental wisdoms. Among other things, namely the wisdom of cultural Ecofeminism. Cultural ecofeminism wisdom value which is contained in the relation of the binary opposition structure (rwa-bhineda) of the cultural heritage of Pura Batukaru-Pakendungan/Tanah Lot as a representation of mount-ocean (masculine-feminine), namely: equal-complementarity, balance, harmony, integration, creativity, fertility, prosperity and welfare.

16.4.2  Recommendations The government and society should realize the meaning of the existence of the Ecofeminism wisdom of Mount-Ocean which is represented in religious rituals (such as melasti/makiyis) in Bali, especially those contained in the cultural heritage of the Batukaru-Pakendungan Temple/Tanah Lot. The ecosophy of interrelation of Mount-Ocean (Batukaru-Pakendungan/Tanah Lot) needs to be actualized in the practice of masculine-feminine social interaction, and in the government’s development policy (Environmental Public Policy) in an effort to overcome environmental degradation. Thus, there will be a balanced successful development in the economic, ecological, social and cultural fields in a sustainable manner.

References 1. Wardi, I N.: Tradition and Function of Cili on Agricultural Ritual of Subak in Bali. In Prasetyo, B., Nastiti, T. S., Simanjuntak, T. (eds.). Austronesian Diaspora A New Perspective. Proceedings pp. 427–443. Gadjah Mada University Press, Yogyakarta (2016). 2. Danardono, D.: Ekofeminisme: Kontradiksi Kapitalisme dan Etika Kepedulian. Dalam: Ekofeminsime Dalam Tafsir Agama, Pendidikan, Ekonomi, dan Budaya. pp. 43–54. Jalasutra, Yogyakarta (2013). 3. Keraf, S. A.: Etika Lingkungan. Pernerbit Buku Kompas, Jakarta (2002). 4. Arivia, G.: Filsafat Berpikir Feminis. Yayasan Junral Perempuan, Jakarta (2003). 5. Fiske, J.: Cultural and Communication Studies (translation). Jalasutra, Yogya & Bandung (2006). 6. Stuart-Fox, D.  J.: Pura Besakih: Pura, Agama dan Masyarakat Bali (translation). Pustaka Larasan, Udayana University Press and KITLV, Jakarta (2010). 7. Wardi, I N.: Marjinalisasi Kearifan Lingkungan Kosmologis Warisan Budaya Pura Batukaru-­ Pakendungan di Kabupaten Tabanan Bali. (Dissertation for Doctor Degree). Cultural Studies Program, Fakultas Ilmu Budaya Universitas Udayana, Denpasar (2018). 8. Cambell, J. (ed.): Sejarah Filsafat India. (translation from the original book The Philosophy of India was written by Heinrich Zimmer (1974). Pustaka Pelajar, Yogyakarta (2003).

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9. Prasetyo, T., Barkatullah, A. H.: Filsafat, Teori & Ilmu Hukum: Pemikiran Menuju Masyarakat yang Berkeadilan dan Bermartabat. PT Raja Grafindo Persada, Jakarta (2013). 10. Goudriaan, T., Hooykaas, C.: Stuti dan Stava: Mantra Para Pandita Hindu di Bali. Translated by I Made Titib. Penerbit Paramita, Surabaya (2005). 11. Dinas Pendidikan Dasar Provinsi Bali. Adiparwa, Denpasar-Bali (1997).

Chapter 17

Preventive Measures and Formulas for the Sustainability of Vernacular Settlements in Malaysia Nor Zalina Harun, Nur ‘Adilah Hassan, and Noordeyana Tambi

Abstract  A community development plan is the concept that implies the community participation, community empowerment and community capacity in which diverse community members contributed to achieving the goals and objectives for their communal benefit. The primary goals of the community development are to increase the levels of productivity and improve the living standards in term of social, economic, environmental and cultural aspects of the local community. However, throughout the motion of these plans and changes, numerous issues have been verified regarding sustainable community development. Hence, this study aims to assess the extent to which physical developments have affected the community in vernacular settlements in Malaysia. The uncovering of this issue may inform and act as a preventative measure for future sustainable development and community plan of vernacular settlements in Malaysia. Keywords  Community development · Sustainability · Vernacular settlement

17.1  Introduction The concept of sustainability has become the vital engine for every stage of development planning. The sustainability encompasses three pillars, which are economic, environmental and social. However, the paper will emphasise on the ability of a social interaction of humankind which may lead to social sustainability. Humankind and the concept of sustainability are intimately related, as humans have the responN. Z. Harun (*) · N. ‘Adilah Hassan Institute of Malay World and Civilization, The National University of Malaysia, Bangi, Selangor, Malaysia e-mail: [email protected] N. Tambi Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, The National University of Malaysia, Bangi, Selangor, Malaysia © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 G. A. M. Suartika, J. Nichols (eds.), Reframing the Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, and Representation, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22448-6_17

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sibility to construct and build a better environment in a way that it will enhance the productivity and quality of life and reduce the impact of non-sustainable natural resources. Community development programs serve as a social transformation platform to promote and enhance the social capital of local communities, particularly in vernacular settlements in most developing countries. Malaysia as an ASEAN country has started to implement the concept in order to protect the environmental ecosystem and social capital sustainability at the national level. In this study, social capital serves as an important mechanism in the formation of sustainability for social communities by promoting the preservation, as well as maintaining values of their local identity. This concept is delivered by enhancing the standards of living for local communities in order to achieve an environmental, economic, and socially sustainable outcome for all involved. Nevertheless, many issues and challenges have been identified towards making sustainable development a success, especially in vernacular settlements where there areas with high heritage value. These issues and challenges are also perceived as the main hindrances in the success of sustainable development in the sphere of the vernacular settlement. This study aims to assess the extent to which physical development has affected the communities. In this context of vernacular settlements, Malaysia aims to achieve the aspirations of the community for the development of sustainable vernacular settlements.

17.2  Literature Review The history of the sustainable development concept dates back to 1969, where the US National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) was introduced for environmental assessment impacts. From then, various models of sustainability have started to develop from the aspect of its impact towards the environment to the specifics of the society, as well as the policy involved. Meanwhile, the Brundtland Commission Report written in 1987 [1], was the first to introduce the concept of sustainable development as one of the solutions to the problem to meet the needs of the present society as well as future society [2]. The Brundtland Commission Report of 1987 described the term of sustainability as “a process that focused in reaching the environmental, economic and the social improvement, for both local and international level, and even a state that can be sustained in a certain level indefinitely” [3]. The extrapolation of the concept of sustainability does not only stress the roles of the development in ensuring the satisfaction of needs for both current and future generations, but also the possibility for future generations to achieve the intergenerational responsibility in consuming the resources [3]. Meanwhile, in the micro-scale of Malaysian context, Mokthsim and Salleh in, 2014 perceived the concept of sustainable development as the main tool in protecting the welfare and sustainability of a community from unplanned development [4]. This study, therefore, emphasised the connection between the social capital and vernacular settlement in contributing to the sustainability of a community.

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In a recent study conducted by Dayaratne in (2018) vernacular settlement was defined as a village that is developed by the people who are residing and working in it [5]. Dayaratne, also added that in this setting, the knowledge, wisdom, and the practices are passed down from generation to generation. Additionally, this settlement was also characterised by the people who practiced their inherited customs and traditions, which subsequently portrayed their cultural and heritage assets and the inherent social values [6]. The uniqueness of these characteristics was the main reason in justifying the need to preserve and protect the vernacular settlement such that future generations will acknowledge and appreciate the intrinsic values of the local identity. The presence of strong ties in the relationship contributed to the bonding of social capital among the community in the settlement or similar social group in the society [7]. It was noted that the strength of social bonding was reflected in the relationship and the quality of the social networks in a settlement. Based on the socio-cultural theory by Lev Vygotsky, (1997) there are two major components that can strengthen the relationship between the social capital and vernacular settlement, these are social networks and the local heritage [8]. These two components were deemed to be very intimately related in order to ensure the success of the sustainable community. Recent attempts to relate the social capital and the cultural heritage by, Murzyn-­ Kupisz and Działek, (2013) who described the function of public spaces such as jetty, squares and fields as a platform for social interactions among the locals in a vernacular settlement [9]. The study conducted by the researchers emphasised the roles of the activities formed at the common areas can indirectly promote the building of trust and, reciprocity as well as developing mutual understanding among each other. This implied that public spaces and facilities might produce a strong essence of social capital, which will subsequently generate three positive behaviours towards their heritage: (1) increases the awareness level of a community to preserve their heritage in the settlement; (2) creates strong attachment to their heritage; and (3) develop the willingness to preserve and protect their heritage. Hence, the social capital and vernacular settlement are dependent on each other as it can influence the continuity of the sustainable community of the locals. In the enthusiastic attempt to embrace heritage preservation, and the empowerment of social capital in the vernacular settlement and town, the integration of these two components, however, was faced with challenges regularly. Thus, many issues have been identified to ensure the success of sustainable community development at national and international levels. Considering these aspects, this study is intended to outline the underlying issues that may hinder the success of developing sustainable vernacular settlement areas in Malaysia. This paper will focus on the basis that strong social capital might protect vernacular settlement. Hence, preventive measures were taken to limit further changes and threats in such settlement so it can be formulated. Due to this concern, greater respect has been extended to compare the level of awareness among the locals residing in Kampung Seberang Takir, which has experienced major development also Kampung Pulau Duyong, which is a village that has received several incentives for heritage preservation projects.

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17.3  Methodology The study is exploratory research that employs a qualitative approach. The data was collected from two vernacular villages in Kuala Terengganu through site observation and semi-structured interviews. The selection of the villages, Kampung Pulau Duyong and Kampung Seberang Takir was made based on three main criteria: (1) both of the villages were to be in existence before or during British colonial period; (2) they should have a historic area and exercise traditional lifestyle; (3) and they both are fairly typical of other historic settlements in Malaysia. The site observation was guided by a prepared checklist, which functioned to identify the threats to the social capital of the communities in each village and to observe the variety of activities involving the local community. In this study, the respondents comprise of the communities surrounding the selected vernacular villages in Kuala Terengganu. Apart from the villagers, this study also included officers and researchers from two government agencies of the State Museum and State Archive as participants during the interview sessions. The interview questions were developed based on five categories which are: (1) the background of the area; (2) the type of threats that affect the social aspect of the locals; (3) the awareness of the importance of the heritage by local community; (4) the participation in the programs of the local community concerning conservation; and the (5) level of willingness of the locals to participate in the conservation programs. In the context of this paper, the second and third category, which is the type of threats that affect the social aspect of the locals and the awareness of the local community towards the importance of the heritage are the major concern as it can support the findings obtained from the observation method. The terms and variants used to capture the issues of sustainable community development during the interview sessions included the evolution of the vernacular settlements, heritage, sentimental attachment, sense of place, socio-cultural aspect and the community participation. In addition to that, the variables were tested to assess the changes and threats in the vernacular settlement were then subdivided into two underlying findings.

17.4  Results and Discussions In meeting the transformations and planning of the developments in the both Pulau Duyong and Seberang Takir Village, two main issues have been observed that negatively affect the development of the sustainable communities which are: (1) the reclamation project perceived as the menaces in the social capital of the local community; and (2) the lack of awareness among the local community on the conservation programs. Undoubtedly, there are a few secondary issues appeared in this study. However, this section will only discuss the two underlying issues elicited by the local community.

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17.4.1  T  he Reclamation Project Perceived as the Menaces in the Social Capital of the Local Community The pressures of the physical development in both villages have brought negative impacts on the cultural and social aspects of the local community. Based on the results, the reclamation projects were perceived as the menaces in the social capital of the local people. Reclamation is defined as the process of creating new land from the sea, wetlands and other water bodies for the purpose of the development. From the observations and interviews, it is demonstrated that the reclamation project has raised many threats that negatively affect the local community in terms of their social capital aspect. Table 17.1 illustrates the results obtained from the interviews, which were conducted in Pulau Duyong and Seberang Takir village. A total of 35 respondents participated from each of the villages for the interview session. In Pulau Duyong Village, the results indicate that the situation in which “the community is forced to move out from their area” received the least number of frequencies (14.29%) compared to other threats. Meanwhile, the highest percentage presented by the first threat (refer to Table 17.1) (51.42%), whereby 18 out of 35 respondents agreed that the “community is not being informed about the development” is the major contributor that negatively affects their social capital aspect in the village. The locals also mentioned that the authority did not provide any important information about on-going development in their village. A representative of the village, who is 67  years old, narrated the situations that happened in the village, as follows: The implementation of the developments is so fast as we can see the river is being reclaimed critically. But none of us knows for what reasons the implementation of the projects for. It shows that the authority is ignoring the roles of the locals. The voices of the local community do not have any values as they asked our opinions and suggestions only to fulfil their procedure.

The previous study conducted by Van Schalkwyk and Schoeman, 2015 also supported this finding, as it outlines that this issue is regarded as a threat to the social capital for the locals as the authority denied the roles of the local community in every stage of development [10]. Subsequently, the local community cannot play their roles accordingly even though the role of the local community is one of the essential factors in determining the success of sustainability in community development programs [11]. Table 17.1  Type of threats gathered from both Pulau Duyong and Seberang Takir Village

No Type of threats 1 Community is not being informed about the development 2 Exploitation of cultural resources 3 Community are forced to move out form their area

Pulau Duyong Village Frequency % 18 51.42 12 05

Seberang Takir Village Frequency % 03 8.57

34.29 24 14.29 08

68.57 22.86

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In contrast, the findings for Seberang Takir Village indicated that the exploitation of cultural resources represented the highest percentage (68.57%) as compared to the others. While the other two threats, which are (1) community are forced to move out from their area and (2) community is not being informed about the development received 22.86% and 8.57% respectively. In Seberang Takir Village, the reclamation project has caused the exploitation of cultural resources such as beach and river. Such circumstances have affected the social capital of the local community. The development of a new road along the coastal area (Corniche Road Project) (refer to Figs. 17.3 and 17.4) has affected the daily activities of the local people to stop as the coastal areas are being reclaimed for project implementation (Figs. 17.1, 17.2, 17.3, 17.4 and 17.5). The reclamation project has disrupted the physical activities of locals including swimming and picnics along the beach, as the areas intended for these activities have now vanished. A 58 year old woman, who lives nearby the beach, described the disturbance from activities that were carried out at the beach as follows: Before this project being implemented, the beach has become the attraction area for the local communities to do the leisure activities. Every evening, this area will pack with the local people as they will play the football, fly the kites and also picnic under the trees. However, the beach has changed after the implementation of this project. The area has become restricted as the local community cannot do these activities anymore.

Fig. 17.1  Plan view of a coastal area before implementation of the Corniche Road Project. (Source: Google map retrieved on 14 October 2018)

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Fig. 17.2  Dashed line indicates the area being reclaimed for implementation of the Corniche Road Project. (Source: Aerial image captured on August 2018)

Fig. 17.3  The picture shows one part of the coastal areas that being reclaimed for the project since 2012. (Source: Photo captured on August 2018)

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Fig. 17.4  The picture illustrates the current situations of the coastal area in Seberang Takir Village. (Source: Photo captured on August 2018)

Fig. 17.5  The bird-eye views of the coastal area in Seberang Takir Village before the implementation of the project. (Source: Terengganu State Museum)

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Another response from a 55  years old Malay contractor is recorded below, who said: Usually, every two weeks, the local communities will gather at the beach as we will conduct the gotong-royong to clean the beach areas. Right after the implementation of the new road project, it seems that we cannot continue this activity anymore.

In previous years, it can be proposed that the beach was the medium to promote the activities that can build and strengthen the locals’ relationship between one another. This finding correlates with antecedent research, which has proved that the public spaces certainly encourage mutual interactions among the locals [9]. The social activities are essential in a society as they are closely related to social capital, whereby it can strengthen relationships in the community as well as promote tolerance and reciprocity between one another. However, the exploitation of the cultural resources has caused the disruption of social activities for the locals and the loss of social activity simultaneously causes the loss of social capital of the local community [12].

17.4.2  L  ack of Awareness on the Conservation Programs Among the Local Community The second issue identified in this study is the lack of awareness of the programs concerning conservation among the local community. The findings have identified that the local communities in Seberang Takir Village have are not aware of the programme as only 13 of the respondents displayed positive reactions towards the questions on the awareness of their cultural heritage. Below, is one of the results from the interview, which illustrated the level of awareness of the local community. A 60 years old housewife, who said: I agreed with the new development even though I have to sacrifice the cultural heritage in this village.

Some of the respondents agreed to sacrifice their land and vernacular houses as they secured an amount of compensation from the authorities involved. Another response was from a 48 years old Malay trader who said: There is no need to preserve the cultural heritage in this village as we need to move forward. We need the development as this village located in a very strategic area to become one of the tourist attraction spots.

The findings from the research of Mustafa et  al., (2017), support this, which affirms that the awareness level of the local community that lives around the heritage areas had not reached the desirable standard [13]. The correlation between these findings with the previous study revealed that this issue is still and continuously happening especially in the vernacular settlements. This can be attributed to

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the lack of knowledge on the importance of cultural heritage, which then leads to lack of profound reflection on the diversity of relationship possibilities between cultural heritage and social capital of the local community [9]. The negligence to preserve and conserve the cultural heritage will consequently affect the sustainability of the social capital among the local communities. Thus, it is very crucial for the local community to realise that the desertion on the importance of cultural heritage preservation will cause the loss of the local identity, as it may be irreplaceable. On the other hand, the findings collected from the Pulau Duyong Village is contradicting as the local communities were very concerned and were aware of the importance of their cultural heritage. Based on the results of the interview session, 32 out of 35 of the respondents rejected the new development in their village. A 35 year old man, whom is a Malay native of Pulau Duyong Village, expressed his opinions about the development as follows: I do not agree with any new development in this village. We should preserve this vernacular village as it has a high value of cultural heritage. The development will cause chaotic and may destroy the cultural heritage in this village.

The village representative, who is 67 years old, supported the statement, saying: This village is located near to the town. Thus, there is no need to develop this village and upgrade to become another town. The new development will disturb the ambience of this vernacular village. Leave this village as it is.

These findings show that the local communities in Pulau Duyong Village possess a higher level of awareness on the importance of their cultural heritage for the present and future generations. This indirectly has become the evidence that knowledge and awareness are vital as it will enhance and secure the relationship between cultural heritage and social capital. This finding is corroborated by the research of Srivastava in, 2015 stating that awareness and knowledge are the key components in safeguarding the cultural heritage, which consequently will protect the intrinsic values of the local identity [14]. Thus, more efforts from the authority and other responsible organisations are needed in order to enlighten the local people on the importance of the preservation of cultural heritage so that the aspiration to build the sustainable community will become a reality.

17.5  Conclusion It is undisputable that developments play a significant role in contributing to the local economy as well as enhancing the living productivity of people. However, despite the extensive attention and debates among the researchers and practitioners on the benefits of development, it is apparent that minimal attempts have been made to practically and systematically implement the concept of sustainability in development process. The unsustainable development will lead to devastation especially to the vernacular settlements, and even worst, it will affect the cultural heritage as well as the social capital of the locals. Thus, in order for Malaysia to

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continue the aspirations to achieve sustainability in all aspect of developments including cultural, social and environmental, the authority needs to address the two issues that have been identified in this study. In respect to the issues identified, following are the preventive measures that can be implemented towards the formation of sustainable development: 1. A well-planned development that implements a bottom-up approach, which takes the roles of all parties involved namely, local community, public authority and the non-governmental organizations (NGO) into consideration. 2. A comprehensive and integrated development planning that fully considers the pivotal elements in vernacular settlement, which includes the environment, economic and most importantly the cultural and social aspect of the local community. This will then lead to contributions that sustains and benefits all the parties involved in the development process. 3. A development that implements a neo-endogenous developmental model, which consists of the features and principles towards creating sustainable development. 4. The cooperation between public authority and non-governmental organisations (NGO) in organising educational activities concerning heritage, which can amplify the knowledge of the local community about their cultural heritage. 5. The collaboration of all responsible parties to organise community outreach campaigns that encourage the locals to acknowledge and appreciate the values of the heritage in order to raise and strengthen their level of awareness on the importance of cultural heritage. Therefore, it is expected that the listed preventive measures would become the fundamental tools and guidelines for the public authority in making sustainable development a success, especially in vernacular settlements. Apart from that, it is worth to emphasise that a well-preserved vernacular settlement will establish a secure network of social capital, which consequently contributes to the well-being of the local community. Acknowledgements  The authors are indebted to the National University Malaysia (UKM) for this paper is made possible by the funding of the university under DCP Research Grant: 2017-008/4.

References 1. Brundtland, G.: Our Common Future: Report of the 1987 World Commission on Environment and Development. United Nations, Oslo, 1, 59 (1987). 2. Bridger, J. C., & Luloff, A. E.: Toward an interactional approach to sustainable community development. Journal of Rural Studies 15(4), 377–387 (1999). 3. Nocca, F.: The role of cultural heritage in sustainable development: Multidimensional indicators as decision-making tool. Sustainability 9(10), 1882 (2017). 4. Mokthsim, N., & Salleh, K.  O.: Malaysia’s Efforts toward Achieving a Sustainable Development: Issues, Challenges and Prospects. Procedia-Social and Behavioral Sciences 120, 299–307 (2014).

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5. Dayaratne, R.: Toward sustainable development: Lessons from vernacular settlements of Sri Lanka. Frontiers of Architectural Research 7(3), 334–346 (2018). 6. Moustafa, W.F.O.: Vernacular Architecture Approach to Achieve Sustainability in Informal Settlements. In: 14th Proceeding of Word SB, pp. 200–207 (2014). 7. Bonding Social Capital Homepage, http://www.socialcapitalresearch.com/what-is-bondingsocial-capital/, last accessed 2018/09/17. 8. Vygotsky, L. S.: The collected works of LS Vygotsky: Problems of the theory and history of psychology (Vol. 3). Springer Science & Business Media (1997). 9. Murzyn-Kupisz, M., & Działek, J.: Cultural heritage in building and enhancing social capital. Journal of Cultural Heritage Management and Sustainable Development 3(1), 35–54 (2013). 10. Van Schalkwyk, B.  B., & Schoeman, C.  B.: Evaluating the Presence of Smart Growth and Sustainability Principles in Integrated Transport Plans: A Case Study of the Tlokwe Local Municipality. WIT Transactions on State-of-the-art in Science and Engineering 86, 185–197 (2015). 11. Terzić, A., Bjeljac, Ž., Jovičić, A., & Penjišević, I.: Cultural Route and Ecomuseum Concepts as a Synergy of Nature, Heritage and Community Oriented Sustainable Development Ecomuseum, “Ibar Valley” in Serbia. European Journal of Sustainable Development 3(2), 1–16 (2014). 12. Putnam, R. D.: Bowling alone: The collapse and revival of American community. Simon and Schuster (2001). 13. Mustafa, S., Marzuki, M., Ramli, R.  S., Mapjabil, J., Abidin, M.  K. Z., & Yusoh, M.  P.: Pengurusan bandar warisan UNESCO dan penglibatan komuniti tempatan: Kajiankes di George Town, Pulau Pinang (Management of UNESCO heritage city and local community involvement: A case study of George Town, Penang). Geografia-Malaysian Journal of Society and Space 11(12) (2017). 14. Srivastava, S.: A Study of Awareness of Cultural Heritage among the Teachers at University Level. Universal Journal of Educational Research 3(5), 336–344 (2015).

Chapter 18

Physical Attributes Significant in Preserving the Social Sustainability of the Traditional Malay Settlement Nor Zalina Harun, Najiha Jaffar, and Puteri Shireen Jahn Kassim

Abstract  A traditional settlement is defined by a colony in which physical attributes and its occupants retain their daily traditions and skills, as well as other cultural practices. However, due to urbanization and economic development, certain traditional settlements in Malaysia are currently undergoing tremendous changes. Hence, this paper identifies the physical attributes that are significant for the preservation of social sustainability in the traditional Malay settlement. In this research, a qualitative methodology was used to identify the characteristics of the traditional settlements in Kuala Terengganu. In this study, street pattern, housing boundaries and open spaces were identified to be significant as key characteristics for the preservation of social interaction in the three traditional settlements studied. Therefore, the study concluded that methods and selections of such physical characteristics and space typology are significant in order to maintain the social sustainability in traditional settlement communities. Keywords  Traditional Malay settlement · Social sustainability · Physical attributes

18.1  Introduction A traditional settlement is described as an area with a sound and a strong sense of traditional village character inhabited by a society that preserves its cultural and traditional practices. Apart from that, it is not only a place for the development of social institutions but also for unification and representation of the identity of N. Z. Harun (*) · N. Jaffar Institute of the Malay World and Civilization, The National University of Malaysia, Bangi, Selangor, Malaysia e-mail: [email protected] P. S. J. Kassim Department of Applied Arts, Kuliyyah of Architecture and Environmental Design, International Islamic University Malaysia, Gombak, Selangor, Malaysia © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 G. A. M. Suartika, J. Nichols (eds.), Reframing the Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, and Representation, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22448-6_18

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Malaysian civilized society. Khoo [1] in his attempt to determine the significance and values of traditional settlement has come out with the most thoughtful and strong definition of traditional settlement, in which he referred to it as a place for people to settle down, where a community’s tradition and identity, as well as its culture, are embraced. Further to this Khoo [1] proposes that these settlements have rich historical values, and thus adding personal appreciative worth to it. However, most of the residential areas in the historical settlements that survived have appeared to be socially cohesive and culturally valued environments. In addition, the value of preserving and maintaining the traditional town or settlement in Malaysia has been popularized by Sulaiman and Shamsuddin [2, 3] depicted a distinctive remark indicating that the historic settlements are the imprints of the past, which acts as a living museum to acknowledge the root, identity, values and response to the development of the current built environment. Despite its significant historical and cultural values, many traditional settlements in Malaysia suffer from several major drawbacks concerning social and economic factors. The industrialization, rapid urbanization and tourism development were the major changes in the historic settlements in the last three decades of the twentieth century [4–6]. In the recent years, even though many historical settlements managed to survive at least partly, they are greatly affected by suburban development which tends to encircle them, as well as dominating the settlements. Due to this, the historical settlements have experienced significant changes in its social and economic organization. This seems to be different from the instance of tradition-al fabric, where most of it are preserved and remained intact. In addition, the historical settlements have become nonessential to modern administrative functions as well as modern activities. This is because the residential area, aside from the economic and cultural activities that are focused on urban life have shifted to the modern part of the settlement. Not only witnessing changes of the physical development, the loss of physical identity in the traditional settlement also resulted in the significant changes towards ethnic and social composition of the population. Apart from that, the out-migration from the original setting by middle and upper-income families was greatly affected by the development of residential areas located outside the traditional set-ting, that are equipped with better facilities and infrastructures. This study emphasizes on the failure in reducing problems as well as to preserves the entire special characteristic that mobilizes the social sustainability, which leads to an individualistic community. Therefore, in this research, the understanding of their roles and physical attributes were evaluated to enhance the social sustainability among community.

18.2  Literature Review In general, traditional settlements in the East Coast of Malaysia can be categorized as an informal settlement which exists naturally by their needs and beliefs. This is inline with the definition by the National Physical Planning Policy [7], described

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that the informal settlement consists of the following four types; the traditional village (Kampung Tradisional), the fisherman village (Kampung Nelayan), the indigenous village (Kampung Orang Asli) and the village over the water (Kampung Atas Air). The development and form of such settlement were generally unplanned, spontaneous, and have an organic pattern, where the buildings are in line, grouped or clustered [8, 9]. In general, most of the traditional settlements shared common characteristics. As an example, the existence of traditional settlements in Malaysia was greatly influenced by the presence of a river, in which it acted as an essential lifeline for the community, apart from it being the main artery of transportation for seafarers and fishermen [10]. Traditionally, the main focus of early settlements was the religious buildings, trading centres as well as the royal courts. There were numerous settlements that started as royal settlements, namely Kota Bharu, Kuala Terengganu, Alor Setar, Johor Bahru, and Kuching [11]. Apart from these, some of the traditional settlements that were located by the sea have grown becoming eminent trading centres as they were developed on the international trade routes, along with the organic, linear, and grid street patterns [12]. The physical attributes of the traditional Malay settlements in Kuala Terengganu are generally good examples of early settlement pattern and setting. A network of various street types together with densely packed individual houses are the two elements that typify these settlements. The buildings are mainly residential, commercial and religious. The original land use pattern appears to be simple and highly functional with coffee shops along the primary streets and the residential quarters extending to the river or the sea. Such physical attributes form the major arena of communal and commercial life. They also play an important role in the integration of the settlement by bringing various classes of people together. These settlements teach a great deal about social sustainability.

18.3  Methodology In this study, a qualitative approach was applied as the research methodology. This is comprised of library research, and aerial mapping and site observations. The literature review was conducted to analyze the contents of selected articles comprising journal articles, books, book chapters, urban and rural development planning department reports, newspaper, and web articles from official government portals. An exploratory literature review of more than 50 reference materials based on three main keywords, namely physical landscape, traditional settlements and social sustainability. The literature review was developed to assist in identifying the villages that have yet to be preserved and cross-referenced with those listed under the name of a traditional Malay settlement. The listed villages were examined using Drone Aerial Images captured in August 2018 in order to determine and verify their location and the existence of traditional settlement characteristics. The observation was conducted in three traditional Malay settlements attributes, consisting of settlement layout, street pattern, settlement and housing boundaries, open spaces,

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social spaces, and architectural qualities. The environment of the settlement was recorded using additional supportive materials such as video and digital camera imagery. The aerial view image collected by drone camera was provided in order to support the findings and the discussion in this study.

18.4  S  ite Studies: The Traditional Malay Settlement in Kuala Terengganu In this study, the traditional Malay settlements were located at Seberang Takir, Pulau Duyong and Paya village, which are situated in the district of Kuala Terengganu, Terengganu, Malaysia. Terengganu is one of the states located on the East Coast of the Malay Peninsula, adjacent to the state of Kelantan in its southern part and Pahang state in the south. In addition to that, Terengganu is coastal and has a large stretch of coconut trees along the coast. The strategic location of Terengganu is located at 500 km northeast of Kuala Lumpur and facing the South China Sea. Terengganu villages have their unique heritage values in historical aspects and the quality of the cultural landscape that can be promoted as a tourist attraction. Apart from that, it is also suggested that Terengganu River crossing the heritage city has a significant role in influencing local economic, social, cultural and religious life since the port development in the early 1800 [13] (Fig. 18.1).

Fig. 18.1  Maps of the traditional Malay settlement identified in this study. (Source: Google Maps 2018 : https://www.google.com/maps/d/viewer?ie=UTF8&hl=en&msa=0&ll=5.33449614442083 7%2C103.1274390397034&spn=0.014955%2C0.018239&z=16&source=embed&mid=1iwDYrf ufVaB52dVW8roaabmxA3o. August 23, 2018)

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18.5  Findings 18.5.1  Socio-Economic Activities The three villages identified in this study, Seberang Takir, Pulau Duyong and Paya village have a strong sense of Malay tradition inhabited by a society that has preserved their cultural and traditional practices throughout history. The economic activities of the local people in Seberang Takir Village are mainly fishing and manufacturing dried fish, anchovies, shrimp paste, and traditional food. Other than that, the production of batik craft, songket (traditional textile), copper and kris are also the legacy of the heritage existent in Seberang Takir Village. However, due to the impact of the new development, the values and identity of the traditional village have weakened, and the physical attributes of Seberang Takir Village simultaneously deteriorated. Meanwhile, Pulau Duyong Village is traditionally the place for boat manufacturing in support of the fishing community in Kuala Terengganu. The main occupation of local people in Pulau Duyong Village is related to the sea which includes craftsmanship, fishermen, making fishing equipment, boat drivers and small businesses. Subsequently, Paya Village is customarily the place for Kris-­ making. Nevertheless, due to the location of the village being central to the city, most local people from Paya Village have now been working in the town of Kuala Terengganu undertaking, numerous modern economic activities in the city such as commercial activities, factory manufacturing and office positions have become their choice of occupation.

18.5.2  Spatial Pattern and Boundaries as Social Perimeter Two patterns of arrangement were identified in the traditional Malay settlements, namely the grid pattern and the cluster pattern. The grid settlement and street pattern in Seberang Takir Village took no acquaintance of topography, the pattern and land allotment were organised to facilitate the development of city planning by establishing standard-sized lots. Alternatively, the cluster pattern or nucleated settlement and organic street pattern was found in Pulau Duyong Village. It was established as a defence mechanism during natural disasters (flood). This settlement layout occurred spontaneously according to their socio-economic activities, culture and belief and way of life. In the religious aspect, the layout setting of traditional houses faces the qibla wherein the orientation of the roof of a Rumah Ibu structure faces toward the direction of Mecca. The same features are distinguished in Paya Village where the village is characterised by the cluster settlement pattern and organic street pattern. This pattern was fundamentally created in a natural way depending on socio-economic and socio-cultural activities of the villages. Thus, as supported by Samsudin [14] where the nucleated or cluster pattern was the ideal arrangement for the settlement, which encouraged social interaction and strengthened relationships in line with their beliefs.

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In general, the river and the sea have surrounded the borders of traditional Malay settlements on the East Coast Malaysia. As an example, Seberang Takir Village and Pulau Duyong Village were surrounded by the river and sea, apart from it being circled by the main road. In contrary, the main road acted as the boundary between Paya Village and the newly developed buildings as shown in Fig. 18.5. Thus, it can be stipulated that the socio-economic activities of the community were significantly reflected by the boundaries. Likewise, this observation was found to be in agreement with the seminal work of Ghazali [13], who stipulated that socio-economy of locals is highly influent by a settlement boundary. Furthermore, the three settlements studied utilise the same type of materials as the boundary between the house compound, namely, wood, zinc, iron and concrete. Some houses employed plants as their property boundary, in which shrubs and small trees were mainly used as a hedge to separate different parts of the compound in order to delineate its territory. The examples of plants that were commonly used are Cocos nucifera, Bougainvillea spectabilis, and Mangifera indica. These boundaries acted as the means in segregating the public space and private space, to ensure the safety of residents. However, fences that surround their homes do not distract their relationship as neighbours because they provide a gate in the fence at the edge of their house that allows them to interact safely. In addition, not all houses are surrounded by solid boundaries, the fenceless concept also occurs in these three villages as people are free to interact with their neighbours. Furthermore, the non-physical boundaries concept is determined by the mosque’s location to call the locals to perform prayer. However, it is only found in Pulau Duyong Village. There are four mosques available in Pulau Duyong Village, located in four different parts of the village. The mosques serve as the focus of the local people in performing obligatory prayers as practised by the Islamic community. Historically, according to Rasdi [15], the mosque during the time of Prophet’s serves various functions, not only as a gathering place for Muslims and congregational prayers, but also as educational centres, military camps, hospitals, residences and places of worship. From the observations, mosques in village areas are more than just a place for Muslims to perform their compulsory five-time prayers daily but also as the centre point for the community. Contrarily, in Seberang Takir Village, there is only one mosque available located at the end of the village. Meanwhile in Paya Village, the unavailability of mosque is not perceived as a hindrance as the villagers will normally perform their prayer at another mosque nearby or Kuala Terengganu town. This section presents a review of the social perimeter that can be determined by the pattern of settlement, physical boundaries and non-physical boundaries which allow people to interact frequently among communities. The next section explains the interrelated aspects of public space and people activities, which is crucial in enhancing the bond among the communities.

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18.5.3  Public Spaces as Social Bonding Spaces The study discovered the houses in all study areas are near each other, and each house has a small household compound. The reasons for this include the land grant requirements, and for the natural disaster, these reasons have led to the changes in the spatial pattern. However, due to the scarcity of house compound spaces (a), the small-shared spaces have turned into interaction spaces for the community to improve the quality of social sustainability. In some way, it encourages people to increase surveillance and create a sense of kinship among the small groups of families. In the same tones, Karbodarahangi et al. [16], Idid and Shazarimin [17] viewed that the corresponding between the private and public area in village settlement develop the close neighbourhood relationship (Fig. 18.2). The adjacent spaces between the houses were also developed as a natural playground for children with no interactive features found in modern housing today. This situation can be found in the three villages of Seberang Takir Village, Pulau Duyong Village and Paya Village. However, Seberang Takir Village and Pulau Duyong Village have a greater similarity in the context of social spaces available at warung (mini restaurant) (b), jetty, wakaf (wooden shelter) (c) and pangkin (seating) along the roadsides and along the river and the beach as a platform for encouraging social interactions. Whereas the villagers of Paya Village prefer to interact at the warung (mini restaurant) along the roadside near to the city. Apart from that, it was observed that the streets have a significant role where variety of activities are being held such as morning market and wet markets where all the local goods are sold. The traditional streets in these villages were considered as a representative of public space and nodes where they are the foci for attention. Hence, these public spaces help in promoting the relationship between humans and building social networks. Moreover, it also acts as an efficient channel of movement that emphasises the quality of village life apart of it being one of the most comfortable social environments that provide aesthetics and interactions for everyone.

Fig. 18.2 (a–c) The physical attributes in the traditional Malay settlement. (Source: Site survey, August 2018)

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18.5.4  L  andscape Environment and Architectural Significance as a Good Social Environment This study shows that the communities in Seberang Takir Village, PulauDuyong Village and Paya Village appreciate their environmental settings. They perceived the mature environmental setting stimulate their emotional growth and experience, which finally affects their behaviour. Christine [18] long ago drew attention to the importance of the original setting of the Malay settlement as the expression of righteousness which strengthening the man’s devotion to his creator. It has also been shown that the Malay communities are good in communication, love to strengthen their fellowship among people, friendly and vigilant towards others. However, these values have disappeared in Seberang Takir Village and Paya Village due to the growth of new towns that have eroded the cultural and physical landscapes. Furthermore, the architectural characteristics of Terengganu traditional houses can still be found at Seberang Takir Village, Pulau Duyong Village and Paya Village. The basic form of these buildings has mainly been determined by the materials of construction, essentially from a timber. The diversity in types of houses reflects the history of the people and the local wisdom. For example, the main styles of Terengganu architecture are the Rumah Bujang Berpeleh and Rumah Limas Belanda or known as Rumah Limas Bungkus. Whereby the differences in both types of houses can be seen through the variations of the cross-roof. The vernacular architecture is produced by an organic material, a sustainable concept and provides the ability to adapt to the climate condition. However, the good original conditions of traditional houses can only be found in Pulau Duyong Village, whereas in the area of Seberang Takir and Paya Village many of the significant buildings of the early period continue to survive in various states of deterioration. Certain buildings are to be found with structural damage, though the majority have a sound structure. There are other instances in which interior surfaces and decoration have also deteriorated. In some cases, damage has been caused to the buildings because of insensitive repair work or restoration without using the original materials and design. The major reasons for the deterioration of historic buildings appear to be natural decay, neglect, human action and inadequate maintenance. One of the basic reasons for change of materials and design is due to limited availability of financial, technical expertise and original resources.

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Table 18.1  The comparison of physical attributes of traditional Malay settlement Component Settlement layout Street pattern Settlement boundaries Housing boundaries Open spaces Social spaces

Social interaction Architectural qualities

Types of houses Visual quality Socio economic activities

Seberang Takir Village Grid pattern

Pulau Duyong Village Cluster pattern

Grid pattern Road, river, sea

Organic pattern River and road

Traditional houses preserved and in good condition, but some of them replaced by new material Mixed types of houses – single storey house and stilt houses Low Traditional industries – sea-based activities, iron-making, dry fish and textile industry

Traditional houses preserved and in good condition, small numbers of houses changed by new material Almost all are stilt houses as protection against flooding High Sea-based activities, boat-making, traditional food, textile and homestay industry

Paya Village Cluster pattern

Organic pattern Road and new development building Wood, zinc, concrete but Wood, zinc, concrete, and Wood and iron fences but trees, but some of houses some of houses are not some of houses are not gated are not gated gated Yes Yes No Warung, mosque, house Warung nearest the town House compound, compound, Jetty, pangkin Wakaf, pangkin along along river the road, river and sea, jetty High High Low Traditional houses decreasing in numbers and some of them replaced by new material Mixed types of houses – single storey house and stilt houses Low Low traditional socio-economic activities, most of them works based on municipal activities

In conclusion, the environmental setting and qualities of traditional architecture influences the social interaction frequency of the villages. The findings of the physical attributes identified can be seen in Table 18.1. In addition, the illustrated on aerial view model has been created for supporting the findings (Refer Figs. 18.3, 18.4 and 18.5):

Fig. 18.3  Seberang Takir Village located at the suburbs of Kuala Terengganu town with grid pattern design. The grid layout in this village represents the power of organization related to political power. (Source: Drone image captured on August 2018)

Fig. 18.4  The settlement layout in Pulau Duyong Village is physically occurring in spontaneous way according to their socio-economic activities, culture and belief and way of life. (Source: Drone image captured on August 2018)

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Fig. 18.5  The settlement layout of Paya Village shows a clustered spatial setting that diminished over high-rise buildings and luxury development. (Source: Drone image captured on August 2018)

18.6  Discussions The results have shown how the pressure of modern, homogenizing development grow have threatened three traditional villages in Kuala Terengganu, one of the earliest state representing the Malay in Malaysia. This study is the reflection of people’s concern to safeguard and improve the quality of existing physical attributes in maintaining the social sustainability of the locals. It has been analysed that each of the physical attributes found in these settlements has significantly influenced human daily routines or activities including the surrounding contexts. The observations have shown that the land of settlement was occupied with beneficial and functional needs and activities rather than an aesthetic purpose. The spatial distribution of settlement appears harmoniously combined with the environment although the elements and components are being organised in a scattered formation. The study identified the communal space around the settlement is significant for local people to allow them to interact with each other frequently. However, the communal space must be strategically located in order to allow the people to reach the space within walking distance without ignoring the sense of privacy. The research has demonstrated that the Malay cultural landscape consists of human values, symbols and identity, which reflects the needs and aspiration of a Malay community.

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This study suggests that grassy open spaces are an important attribute in a traditional living environment to accommodate communal events, recreation spaces and as a cooling environment. Hence, it anticipated in supporting the making of friendly places to bring a sense of belonging to a settlement. The existence of open spaces as evident in Paya Village settlement was indicated by the frequency of social interaction. The findings also indicated that open spaces would contribute to a better community living environment as they indirectly preserve heritage value. It can be hypothesised, as follows “the more social interaction places exist in traditional settlement, the higher the quality of life and cultural landscape preserved”. This study has proven that physical attributes of the traditional settlement is a physical and social spirits inherited by a community. It is the place where people have taken root and flourished besides being a place that support cultural diversity and people bonding continuity. The destruction of any of these attributes would lead to the dissolution of social sustainability and the widespread of extinction of local and Malay wisdom. Findings from the literature review coupled with the observations, indicate that the cultural landscape of traditional settlement in Kuala Terengganu was once developed with high visual quality that signifies the authenticity of the sustainable settlement. However, current traditional settlement, as shown in Paya Village has turned into an isolated settlement surrounded by concrete buildings and construction progress. Thus, in the future, the opportunity for the people to appreciate the cultural quality of traditional settlement will be limited and the symbiotic relationships between human settlement, culture and environment will have diminished. The land reclamation process actively runs along the riverbank, which resulted in the decline of water quality and wildlife habitat. The Paya Village and Seberang Takir Village are also in development progress for reclamation and has an impact on the villages. This situation will lead to critical changes in the use of the land its transformation towards an urbanised living lifestyle. Thus, the loss of traditional Malay settlement environment will lead to the social sustainability values and the awareness of the culture and environmental setting slowly disappearing over time and will be less appreciated by the people. The findings indicated that the disappearance of the physical attributes in traditional settlement the slow fading of the image and identity of one’s community settlement and tradition, which has its consequences, deprives the lavishness of Malaysia’s diversity, cultural balance, and living heritage.

18.7  Conclusion In conclusion, typologies of traditional Malay settlements in Kuala Terengganu can be identified based on the layout setting of the house, the site context of the settlement, the geographical factors and the socio-economic activities. The traditional settlement in the urban context shows the lowest of existences of physical attributes concerning the lack of spaces for social interaction resulting in a reduced level of social sustainability. The changes that occurred include the modification of

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land use from traditional Malay settlement to becoming a commercial building. The lack of availability of religious places, open spaces and seating in the vicinity of the settlement were also influences the quality of social interaction among the society, which leads to the individualistic lifestyle. This study indicated that Pulau Duyong Village was categorised as an informal settlement, which contains a variety of physical attributes that demonstrate the strong values of a traditional settlement and achieved the effort of sustaining their cultures, tradition and their way of life. While Seberang Takir Village is a traditional village which is affected by future development. The physical attributes at these villages have slowly disappeared and are being replacing by modern development. Lastly, Paya Village is overwhelmed with the encroachment of development. The socio-cultural and socio-economic values have been disappearing in this village. It is highly possible for this traditional village to be demolished in the name of development. Thus, this paper intends to contribute to preserving the traditional Malay village through physical attributes identification. This study concludes that settlement layout, street pattern, open spaces, the architectural qualities and the socio-economic activities can promote the growth of the social sustainability of the villages. This kind of environment will enhance the relationship among the neighbourhood. The findings from this study can potentially contribute to the realisation of the country’s aspirations to enhance its rural liveability. Acknowledgement  The authors would like to express their sincere gratitude to the Ministry of Higher Education Malaysia (MOHE) in the support of this research. This research is funded by the Dana Cabaran Perdana: Akal Budi Melayu (DCP) for research project code (DCP-2017-008/3).

References 1. Khoo, S. N.: Streets of George Town. Areca Books, Penang (2007). 2. Shamsuddin, S., Sulaiman, A. B.: Lessons from Traditional Towns and Cities in Malaysia for Sustainable Future Places. In: Urban Design Issues in the Developing World: The Case of Malaysia and Nigeria, 1–21. Ahmad Bashri, S. and Mouktar, M.M (ed.). Universiti Teknologi Malaysia Press, Kuala Lumpur (2008). 3. Shamsuddin, S., Sulaiman, A.  B., & Amat, R.  C.: Urban landscape factors that influenced the character of George Town, Penang UNESCO World Heritage Site. Procedia-Social and Behavioral Sciences, 50, 238–253 (2012). 4. Twarog, S., Kapoor, P.: Protecting and Promoting Traditional Knowledge: Systems, National Experiences and International Dimensions, United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (2004). 5. Ani, A., Mohamed, N., & Rahman, N.  A.: Socio-cultural influences in the composition of traditional Malay house compounds in rural Melaka. ALAM CIPTA, International Journal of Sustainable Tropical Design Research and Practice, 5(1). (2012). 6. Radzuan, I.S.M.: Cultural heritage incentives for the conservation of traditional settlements: the case of Malaysia, Japan and South Korea/InderaSyahrul Mat Radzuan (Doctoral dissertation, University of Malaya). (2016). 7. Dasar Perancangan Fizikal Desa Negara 2030. PLAN Malaysia (Jabatan Perancangan Bandar Dan Desa) Kementerian Kesejahteraan Bandar, Perumahandan Kerajaan Tempatan. (2017).

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8. Setiawan, B.: Kampung Kota dan Kota Kampung. Potret Tujuh Kampung di Kota Jogya, PSLH UGM, Yogyakarta (2010). 9. Ossen, D. R., Idid, S. A., & Abidin, S. Z.: The Islamic Malay Traditional Towns, Learning Through the Attributes Special Emphasis on Johor Bahru, Malaysia (2010). 10. Widodo, J.: Urban Environment and Human Behaviour: Learning from History and Local Wisdom. Procedia-Social and Behavioral Sciences, 42, 6–11 (2012). 11. Shuhana, S.: Townscape Revisited: Unravelling the Character of the Historic Townscape in Malaysia. UniversitiTeknologi Malaysia Press, Kuala Lumpur (2011). 12. Arbi, E.: Petempatan serta bandar-bandar awal di Tanah Semenanjung. Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, Skudai (1985). 13. Ghazali, A.  Z.: Terengganu, dahulu dan sekarang. Persatuan Muzium Malaysia, Muzium Negara. (1984). 14. Samsudin, N. A.: Influence of traditional Malay settlements physical design attribute on social characteristic. Johor, Malaysia (2013). 15. Rasdi, M.T.: Mosque architecture in Malaysia: Classification of styles and possible influence. Jurnal Alam Bina (3). (2007). 16. Karbodarahangi, M., Kamal, M., Tahir, O.M.: The Role of Traditions, Culture and History in the Development of Malaysian Garden Identity, University Putra Malaysia (2012). 17. IDID, S., Shazarimin, S.: Traditional Values in Modern Living, a dilemma of choice. In Asian Planning School Association Conference, pp. 1538–1547 (2011). 18. Christine, L.: Cultural Landscape of Traditional House Compounds in Terengganu (Doctoral dissertation, Universiti Teknologi Malaysia). (2007).

Chapter 19

Revisiting the Minangkabau Traditional House in the Central Area of Sumatra: The Case of Limapuluh Koto and Bangkinang Muhammar Khamdevi

Abstract  The study of history and architecture of the Minangkabau’s Rumah Gadang are still incomplete because the old Minangkabau area is not only in West Sumatra Province, but also in North Sumatra, Riau, and Jambi. Whereas the Minangkabau, as one of Austronesian descent, have experienced the history of the old Malay Kingdoms, the Sriwijaya Kingdom, the kingdom of Dhamar- sraya and Malayupura, until the time of Pagaruyung. Therefore, it is necessary to conduct an update to current study by expanding the research location into the central region of Sumatra. In this research, the area to be studied focuses on the Upstream  – Downstream (hulu-hilir) of Kampar River region, from the Limapuluh Koto region to the Bangkinang (Kampar) area. This research method is qualitative, by conducting a literature review and field study, to be analysed architecturally to obtain conclusions. The results showed that there is strong architectural linkage between Rumah Gadang in the area of Limapuluh Koto and Rumah Lontiok in Bangkinang area, especially with their spatial arrangement as the genotype. Keywords  Architectural characteristics · Local wisdom · Rumah Gadang · Rumah Lontiok · Traditional house

19.1  Introduction In Sumatra, the relationship between the upstream and downstream rivers area (hulu-hilir) is very visible and demonstrated by the following. In Srivijaya Kingdom (Palembang-Jambi), the downstream area occupied by the ruler, while in the upstream or inland area is the subordinate [1]. However, the hulu-hilir relationship (darek-rantau) is reversed in Dharmasraya and Malayupura Kingdom M. Khamdevi (*) Matana University, Tangerang, Indonesia © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 G. A. M. Suartika, J. Nichols (eds.), Reframing the Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, and Representation, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22448-6_19

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Fig. 19.1  Central Sumatra Division in Dutch’s VOC era. (Source: Hadler [3])

(Minangkabau). The three main rivers in Central Sumatra head to inland areas occupied by the ruler, such as: Rokan, Kampar (including Siak), and Indragiri (Kuantan). In the notes of Henrique Dias in 1561  AD, the Kampar region was one of Minangkabau’s subordinate kingdoms. In 1683, Thomas Dias also noted, that the Siak, Patapahan (Kampar), and Indragiri regions were ports under the Minangkabau power [2]. Thomas Dias at that time undertook a mission to travel to central Sumatra. Central Sumatra is always associated with the regions of West Sumatra, Riau, and Jambi during the colonial era since 1.500 s. The Vereenigde Ostindische Compagnie (VOC) had divided the region into the West Coast and the East Coast. Tapanuli was once part of the West Coast but was later exchanged for Kerinci. Bangkinang was in Limapuluh Koto Regency (see Fig.  19.1). Since Indonesia declared its independence from colonialism, Central Sumatra had become one province, but then was expanded in 1957 by Soekarno after the rebellion by Pemerintah Revolusioner Republik Indonesia (PRRI) as a result of dissatisfaction with the unfair distribution of development by the local government of Central Sumatra [3]. Riau is associated with Malay culture. In fact, in rural areas in Riau – especially in Kampar, Rokan, Siak and Indragiri – the language used by the people is a language and dialect that is more similar to Minangkabau than Malay, for instance, the Ocu dialect in Kampar. Meanwhile, on the east coast of Riau is inhabited by the Duano Tribe where the language used is similar to the languages of Malaysia, Singapore and Riau Islands. The people in Bangkinang (Kampar) also practiced a matrilineal system and Lareh Bodi-Chaniago (Datuk Parpatih Nan Sabatang system). According to the story of the community in Limapuluh Koto, the area of Lima Koto in Kampar is also the Limapuluh Koto area, because the Limapuluh Koto area in West Sumatra is comprised of 45 (forty-five) Koto (groups/fortresses/villages). This poses the question if there a relationship between upstream and downstream? In 2005, Vellinga argued that houses in the coastal areas (hilir) is labelled as ‘ordinary Malay’, without further elaboration [4]. Is the traditional houses (Rumah Lontiok) in Kampar (Bangkinang) has a linkage with the Rumah Gadang of Minangkabau?

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19.2  Literature Review Rumah Gadang is one of the local wisdoms owned by the Minangkabau tribe as representation of the matrilineal kinship system. A typical characteristic of Rumah Gadang is the Bagonjong roof [5]. Rumah Gadang is one of the typical types of Austronesian gable roofs in Indonesia [6]. There are similarities and differences in Austronesian cultural traditions associated with the house. Some of these similarities may be attributed to cultural borrowings, especially among neighbouring or near-­ neighbouring populations. Those similarities significantly reflect a common linguistic derivation. Among Austronesians, Proto-Malayo-Polinesian has the distinctiveness of defining prominent characteristics of the house. The main posts (columns) and ladders, ridge-pole and hearth, and the roof that covers them are elements of the house which are most often marked as rituals for houses [7]. The style of the Rumah Gadang in Minangkabau is divided into three (see Fig.  19.2); Gajah Maharam, Rajo Babandiang, and the Rumah Bapaserek or Surambi Papek [8–11]. In Limapuluh Koto region, the type of Rumah Gadang that is spread is the type of Rajo Babandiang (see Fig. 19.3).

Fig. 19.2  Rumah Gadang; Tanah Datar style/Gajah Maharam (left), Agam style/Surambi Papek (center), and Limapuluh Koto style/Rajo Babandiang (right). (Source: Couto [11]) Fig. 19.3  Rumah Gadang in Limapuluh Koto region

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The basic shape of the Rumah Lontiok in Kampar – Riau is Lancang or Pecalang, namely a traditional boat in the past. This house is widespread in the Kampar region. The prominent characteristic is two-sloping roofs [12]. This roof shape is almost similar to the roof of the Rumah Gadang; gonjong or bagonjong shown previously. Habraken, stated that the characteristics of a building could be analysed into three systems, namely: spatial, physical systems and figural (form) configurations, and style systems [13]. In the study of ‘space syntax’, the terms ‘genotype’ and ‘phenotype’ are known. Where genotypes are abstract principles of spatial arrangement, and phenotypes are the realisation of genotypes in different physical environments (the architectural artefacts or the form of the building) [14]. If the design is described as a language, the socio-cultural system is a ‘design grammar’, which affects the genotype or the ‘design syntax’ which acts as ‘design vocabularies’. Then the design syntax is used to produce phenotypes or ‘design forms’ that act as ‘design sentences’. A set of design syntaxes produces a design as a context. From the resulting design, semantics are defined by the fitness value. Simple semantics comes from the design form and is determined by the design syntax. A set of simple semantics determined by the control of syntax produces a complex semantics. The common complex semantics in groups of designs produce style [15]. A building with a focus on a dwelling is a ‘cultural artefact’ or ‘social construction’, which is a collective product of a population that has the cultural context, social pattern, and lifestyle in the period in which it was built. The spatial system is closely related to human behaviour. The role of socio-cultural systems influences the position of each space that follows the transition of spaces from the public to private [13]. Traditional and vernacular buildings have space genotypes that tend to be consistent and become a ‘cultural imprint’ [16]. Hiller [17] argued that vernacular buildings are reproductions of existing forms which social knowledge of a community are passed on – reduplication of culture or social reproduction of a form. The vernacular form can be detected by the evidence of ‘systematic intent’. Vernacular buildings can adapt into new designs through an evolutionary process, when there is freedom of innovation and exploration by using thought. However the old design became knowledge in ‘embryonic forms’; not only as evidence of ‘systematic intent’ but also ‘theoretical intent’. This new design is a modification of the old design (re-expressing) as a richer cultural realm. This new design can be a building vernacular of a generation [17]. This old design evolves through the ‘Genetic Engineering’ manipulation process. The system evaluates the design population; then each design is classified according to the value of fitness; good and bad. In genotypes in individual designs, the system finds ‘common genes’ and ‘gene structures’. Both are taken as evolved genes and are brought into existing gene schema. The process of deriving evolved genes occurs hierarchically through evaluation, mapping and encoding at the level of simple semantics and complex semantics. As a result, the system assesses the fitness of style to the evolved style [15].

19  Revisiting the Minangkabau Traditional House in the Central Area… Spatial

Physic and Figural Configuration

Consistent Stronger linkage

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Style

Change Weaker linkage

Fig. 19.4  The linkage levels on architectural characteristics comparison

From the above discussion, it can be indicated that the spatial system tends to be more consistent, physical systems and figural configurations tend to be consistent or can change, while the style system tends to change or can vary more. Meanwhile, the socio-cultural system can be inherited by previous generations, influenced by other communities at that time, created by the community itself, or appropriated. So in the comparative study of architectural characteristics in one community with another, the spatial system tends to show stronger linkages, physical systems and figural configurations tend to show strong or weak linkages, while the style system tends to show weaker linkages (see Fig. 19.4).

19.3  Research Method This study uses the following qualitative method to find the characteristics linkage of Rumah Lontiok in Bangkinang (Kampar) and the Rumah Gadang in Limapuluh Koto. Field research is undertaken in three locations in the Bangkinang (Kampar) by utilising field observations to gather primary data. The locations are Pulau Belimbing, Sipungguk, and Rumbio (see Fig.  19.5). The characteristics of the buildings can be found by analysing the spatial systems, physical systems and figural quality, and the stylistic systems (see Table 19.1). The Rumah Gadang of Limapuluh Koto is used as comparative references to obtain a comprehensive analysis, see Table 19.2. This analysis is held in Limapuluh Koto by field observation in two locations of Payobasung and Suliki (see Fig. 19.6). This Rumah Gadang (Fig. 19.6, top row) has a typical room on the right side, i.e. pangkalan (surambi) as a foyer for guests outside one tribe. There are stairs to enter the house through this space. The number of entrance stairs is usually odd because a person who wants to go up from the bottom should start with the right foot, and when he reaches the top he will end his step with the right foot too. This is to express the cultural value of modesty and kindness in Minangkabau. Behind the pangkalan there is dapua that serve as the kitchen. From pangkalan, we enter the front space called topi (balai) for one tribal living room (semi-public). For a small house, this space is usually absent or has been absorbed by tongah; a middle space for the family room (semi-private). At the back there is ateh (bandua) and bilik as a private space for weaving and sleeping. In small size Rumah Gadang, sometimes ateh doesn’t exist or is absorbed into bilik. On the left, there is anjuang for the place of customary leaders. Anjuang is rarely found in the Limapuluh Koto

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Fig. 19.5  Research locations (Limapuluh Koto-Bangkinang) Table 19.1 Architectural characteristic systems Spatial system Physical system and figural quality

Stylistic system

Space pattern Orientation Hierarchy Physical form Materials Space barrier Roof Column Openings Stairs

Source: Habraken [13]

area, because most of them use the Lareh Bodi-Chaniago tradition system. This tradition system is one of two tradition systems which existed in Minangkabau, called Lareh Nan Duo. This tradition system is egalitarian, which is different from the other tradition system that is aristocratic, called Lareh Koto-Piliang. The columns of this building stand on a pedestal stone, which its cross section is octagonal. The Rumah Gadang has one main post called tiangtuo (tonggaktuo). See the summary on the following Table 19.2.

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Table 19.2  Architectural characteristic of Rumah Gadang in Limapuluh Koto Spatial system

Space pattern Orientation Hierarchy Physical Physical form system and figural quality Materials Space barrier Stylistic system Roof Column

Openings Stairs

Pangkalan > topi > tongah > ateh > bilik Compass points or Qibla Public > semi public > semi private > private Boat or buffalo horn Wood, bamboo, and palm fibre Wood wall at sleeping room (bilik) Gable roof and roof slopes called Gonjong (odd and even number), the roof wing slightly curled out 1 Main post (located at the middle row of the second number from the right), tilted posts, pentagonal or octagonal cross section Hinged doors and windows Odd number steps (7–11 steps)

Fig. 19.6  Rumah Gadang in Limapuluh Koto; Payobasung (top) and Suliki (bottom)

19.4  Results and Discussion 19.4.1  Pulau Belimbing The plan of Rumah Lontiok in Pulau Belimbing (Fig.  19.7) is rectangular and extends to the side. The space pattern and hierarchy is almost similar to the Minangkabau’s Rumah Gadang. The building is oriented towards the compass points. The private area is used as a family room (tongah) and sleeping room (bilik), while the semi-public area is used for meeting areas (depan). The stilt house has two slopes roof with a pointed end, like gonjong roof in Rumah Gadang of Minangkabau. The roof wings are slightly curled out.

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Fig. 19.7  Rumah Lontiok in Pulau Belimbing Table 19.3  Architectural characteristic of Rumah Lontiok in Pulau Belimbing Spatial system

Physical system and figural quality Stylistic system

Space pattern Orientation Hierarchy Physical form Materials Space barrier Roof Column Openings Stairs

Depan > tongah + Bilik > sulo > padapuan Compass points Public > semi public > semi private > private Boat Wood walls and tin roof Wood wall at tongah + bilik Gable roof and 2 roof slopes called Lontiok, pointed end, the roof wing slightly curled out 2 Main post, octagonal cross section, 5 × 3 columns arrangement Hinged doors and windows Odd number steps (5–7 steps)

Its octagonal shaped cross sectioned columns stand on a stone pedestal. The building uses wooden boards as walls and division walls in the interior and tin materials as the roof covering. In the past, they used palm leaves as a roof covering. Since nobody produces it and tin roofs are cheaper and easier to obtain, people uses the tin roofs now. The columns are arranged three rows to the back and five rows to the side. The main columns are called tiangtuo, which is two in the middle in the second row from the front. The first tiangtuo is on the right (Table 19.3).

19.4.2  Sipungguk The front space of the traditional Rumah Lontiok in Sipungguk (Fig. 19.8) is a public area called depan, where the host receives guests. The next room is a family room (to-ngah) and a sleeping room (bilik). On the back, there is a kitchen area (padapuan). Between the main house and kitchen, there is a connection room bridging both (sulo). The house orientation follows the compass points.

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Fig. 19.8  Rumah Lontiok in Sipungguk Table 19.4  Architectural characteristic of Rumah Lontiok in Sipungguk Spatial system

Space pattern Orientation Hierarchy Physical system and Physical form figural quality Materials Space barrier Stylistic system Roof Column Openings Stairs

Depan > tongah + bilik > sulo > padapuan Compass points Public > semi public > semi private > Private Boat Wood walls and tin roof Wood wall at tongah + bilik 2 levels gable roof and 2 roof slopes called Lontiok, diagonal crossed end, the roof wing slightly curled out 2 Main post, square cross section, 6 × 4 columns arrangement Hinged doors and windows 7 steps

The house is a stilt building, meaning it is raised off the ground. The roof shape has two slopes with a diagonal crossed end. The material of the roof is tin. The walls are made from wooden boards. The columns each stand on a stone pedestal. The cross section for the column is square. The main house has six rows of columns to the side and four rows of columns to the back. The main columns are called tiangtuo, which is two in the middle in the second row from the front. The stairs have seven steps, which are made of wood (Table 19.4).

19.4.3  Rumbio The traditional Rumah Lontiok in Rumbio has front space as a public area (depan). After that, there is a family room (tongah) and a sleeping room (bilik). There is a space, called sulo or telo, that connects the main building to the kitchen area

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Fig. 19.9  Rumah Lontiok in Rumbio Table 19.5  Architectural characteristic of Rumah Lontiok in Rumbio Spatial system

Space pattern Orientation Hierarchy Physical system and Physical figural quality form Materials Space barrier Stylistic system Roof

Column Openings Stairs

Depan > tongah + Bilik > sulo > padapuan Nortwest (Qibla) Public > semi public > semi private > private Boat Wood walls and tin roof Wood wall at tongah + bilik 2 levels gable roof combination and 2 roof slopes called Lontiok, diagonal crossed end, the roof wing slightly curled out 2 Main post, octagonal cross section, 6 × 4 columns arrangement Hinged doors and windows 7 steps

(padapuan). The house orientation follows Qibla direction. This indicates that the building is the next evolution and is younger from the two houses which we discussed earlier and has influence from Islamic value when Islam entered from Malacca (Fig. 19.9). This stilt house has two sloping roofs with diagonal crossed ends. The roof cover is tin and the walls are wooden boards. Each column stands on a stone pedestal. The column cross section is an octagonal shape. The main house has six rows of columns to the side and four rows of columns to the back. The main columns are called the tiangtuo, which are two in the middle. In the second row from the front, there are stairs that have seven steps (Table 19.5).

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Table 19.6  The linkage of architectural characteristic systems of Rumah Lontiok in Bangkinang (Kampar) and Rumah Gadang in Limapuluh Koto Architectural characteristics Spatial system

Physical system and figural quality

Stylistic system

Space pattern Orientation Hierarchy Physical form Materials Space barrier Roof Column Openings Stairs

Pulau Belimbing ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔∗ ✔ ✔∗ ✔∗∗ ✔ ✔

Sipungguk ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔∗ ✔ ✔∗∗ ✔∗∗ ✔ ✔

Rumbio ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔∗ ✔ ✔∗∗ ✔∗∗ ✔ ✔

✔ Stronger linkage ✔* Strong linkage with little variations or changes ✔** Weaker linkage

19.5  Conclusion The research has demonstrated that Rumah Lontiok in Bangkinang (Kampar) and Rumah Gadang in Limapuluh Koto have strong linkages in term of spatial system, especially in space pattern, orientation, and hierarchy. Both the physical-figural configuration system is similar, especially in physical form, particular materials, and space barriers (walls). The stylistic systems demonstrate weak linkages, especially the roof and the number of main columns. The sloping roof of Rumah Lontiok is less dramatic. Also, some of the houses in Bangkinang (Kampar) have a diagonal crossed end, i.e. in Sipungguk and in Rumbio. However, both spatial systems with a similar genotype that is consistent, and can be concluded that both has a strong linkage of architectural characteristics, see Table 19.6. Acknowledgement  This research is supported by Research, Technology, and High Education of Republic of Indonesia. We thank the Architecture Department at Riau University for assistance and comments that greatly improved the report.

References 1. Manguin in Coedes, G.: Kedatuan Sriwijaya. Komunitas Bambu, Depok (2014). 2. Reid, A.: Sumatera Tempo Doeloe: Dari Marcopolo sampai Tan Malaka. Translation of the book: Witness to Sumatra. A Travellers Anthology. Komunitas Bambu, Depok (2014). 3. Hadler, J.: Sengketa Tiada Putus Matriarkat, Reformisme Agama, dan Kolonialisme di Minangkabau. Freedom Institute, Jakarta (2010). 4. Vellinga, M.: Constituting Unity and Difference: Vernacular Architecture In A Minangkabau Village. Koninklijk Instituut Voor de Tropen, Amsterdam (2005).

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5. Navis, A. A.: Alam Takambang Jadi Guru, Adat dan Kebudayaan Minangkabau. Grafiti Press, Jakarta (1984). 6. Waterson, R.: The Living House. Oxford University Press, Oxford (1990). 7. Fox, J. J.: Inside Austronesian Houses. ANU Press, Canberra (2006). 8. Boestami: Arsitektur Tradisional Minangkabau: Rumah Gadang. Kantor Wilayah Departemen P dan K Provinsi Sumatera Barat, Padang (1979). 9. Syamsidar, B. A.: Arsitektur Tradisional Daerah Sumatra Barat. Departemen Pendidikandan Kebudayaan, Jakarta (1991). 10. Schefold, R.: Indonesian House, Volume 2: Survey of Vernacular Architecture in Western Indonesia. KITLV Press, Leiden (2008). 11. Couto, N.: Budaya Visual Seni Tradisi Minangkabau. UNP Press, Padang (2008). 12. Wahyuningsih.: Arsitektur Tradisional Daerah Riau. Depdikbud, Jakarta (1987). 13. Habraken, N. J.: Type as Social Agreement. Asian Congress of Architect, Seoul (1988). 14. Guney: Type and Typology in Architectural Discourse. Bau FBE Dergisi. Vol. 9 No. 1 (2007). 15. Gero J. S. and Ding L.: Exploring Style Emergence in Architectural Designs. Environment and Planning B: Urban Analytics and City Science. Vol. 28 No. 5 (2001). 16. Hanson in Bafna, S.: Rethinking genotype: Comments on the sources of type in architecture. Journal of Space Syntax Vol. 3 No. 1 (2012). 17. Hiller, B.: Specifically architectural theory: a partial account of the ascent from building as cultural transmission to architecture as theoretical concretion. Harvard Architecture Review Vol. 9 (1993).

Chapter 20

The Influence of Cultural Acculturation on Architecture Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon S. Anggraeni Dyah and Farhan Kahirillah Zein

Abstract  Keraton Kasepuhan is located at Jalan Kasepuhan No. 43, Kampung Mandalangan, Kelurahan Kasepuhan, Kecamatan Lemah Wungkuk, Cirebon, West Java. Keraton Kasepuhan is a very luxurious palace and the most well preserved in the city of Cirebon, and it is currently the centre of government. The Keraton Kasepuhan was built by Prince Cakrabuana, and at that time the Keraton Kasepuhan was named Keraton Pakungwati. In 1483 Keraton Kasepuhan expanded and renovated by Sunan Gunung Jati. Consequently, the Keraton Kasepuhan is influenced by foreign cultures from Europe and China and local culture from Hinduism and Java. Currently, the historical heritage of the Keraton Kasepuhan is still well maintained and has a high architectural value. The purpose of this research is to understand the influence of foreign culture and local culture on the development of Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon buildings, where the research method used is Qualitative Research Method with Phenomenological Approach undertaking interviews with history experts and field studies at Keraton Kasepuhan. The result of the analysis of the influence of foreign culture and local culture on the development of Keraton Kasepuhan building will emerge on how the influence of acculturation of foreign and local culture in Keraton Kasepuhan. Keywords  Acculturation of culture · Architectural elements of the building · Cirebon city · Keraton Kasepuhan

20.1  Introduction Cirebon is one of the cities located in the West Java Province, Indonesia. The name Cirebon comes from the word Caruban, in Sundanese means a combination, because Cirebon culture is a blend of Sundanese, Javanese, Chinese and Arabic

S. Anggraeni Dyah (*) · F. K. Zein Universitas Budi Luhur, Jakarta, Indonesia e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 G. A. M. Suartika, J. Nichols (eds.), Reframing the Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, and Representation, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22448-6_20

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culture. Cirebon is also known as “Negeri Gede” which in the Javanese language means “a vast empire”. There are four palaces in Cirebon City; the palaces are called Keraton Kasepuhan, Keraton Kanoman, Keraton Kacirebonan and Keraton Keprabon. Islamic, Chinese and Dutch cultures have influenced the design of the palaces. The palace buildings are characteristically, always facing north and there are mosques in the vicinity. Each palace has a place for gathering, markets and statues of tigers in the garden or front yard as a symbol of King Siliwangi, founder of the Kingdom of Cirebon [1]. Of the four palaces, the Keraton Kasepuhan is an icon of Cirebon City as it is the grandest and most well-preserved palace in the city of Cirebon [12]. Keraton Kasepuhan is located on Jalan Kasepuhan, Cirebon City. On each side of the building, the architecture has deep historical value, the front yard of the palace is surrounded by red brick walls which is the history of Hinduism in Cirebon [2]. Kasepuhan Palace is located on Jalan Kasepuhan, Cirebon City. The Keraton Kasepuhan is currently the centre of government for the region. Historically the palace is also the centre of the spread of Islam in West Java [3]. The builder of the Keraton Kasepuhan was Pangeran Cakrabuana, and during this time it was named the Keraton Pakungwati. Then in 1483 the Keraton Kasepuhan was expanded and renewed by Sunan Gunung Jati who is the husband of Ratu Dewi Pakungwati, the daughter of Pangeran Cakrabuana [12], one of the nine saints of Islam. Furthermore, Keraton Kasepuhan is influenced by foreign cultures from Europe and China, as well as local cultures from Hinduism and Java [4]. Until now, the historical heritage of the building is well maintained, so the Keraton Kasepuhan has a high architectural value.

20.2  Cultural Acculturation The term acculturation comes from the Latin “acculturate” which means “to grow and develop together”. In general, the notion of acculturation is a combination of culture which then produces a new culture without losing the original elements in the culture, that they can influence each other [5]. Prof Dr. Koentjaraningrat, defines acculturation as a social process that occurs when social groups with certain cultures are faced with different foreign cultures [6]. The condition of the acculturation process is that there is a mixture of cultural acceptance, then uniformity occurs as new values in the form of cultural levels and patterns. Acculturation occurs through cultural contacts in various forms [7], namely: (1) social contact at all levels of society, some communities, or even between individuals in two communities; (2) cultural contact in friendly situations or hostile situations; (3) cultural contact between groups that are mastered in all cultural elements,

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including economics, language, technology, community. Religion, art, and science; (4) cultural contact between large or small groups of people; (5) cultural contact between cultural systems, social systems and elements of physical culture. The acculturation process that occurs takes place in the form of building art, fine arts, literacy and literary arts, government systems and calendar systems [8].

20.3  Research Method Research was conducted using Qualitative Research Methods with an emphasis on a Phenomenology Approach, to know the similarity of meaning of an event or phenomenon. Qualitative research methods were used for investigating the Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon to find, describe and explain the influence of cultural acculturation on its architecture [9]. Phenomenology approach that examines the history of cultural acculturation impact on the development of architecture Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon. Next, we find data on the application of cultural acculturation to the architecture of the Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon. Data was obtained from interviews with historians who worked at the Kasepuhan Palace, interviews were conducted with recorded open questions, as well as direct observation of the architecture of the buildings [10].

20.4  Keraton Kasepuhan of Cirebon The Keraton Kasepuhan of Cirebon is the oldest kingdom in the city of Cirebon [11]. Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon is located on Jalan Kasepuhan No. 43, Kampung Mandalangan, Kelurahan Kasepuhan, Kecamatan Lemah Wungkuk, Cirebon City, West Java Province, Indonesia. The area of the Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon is 25 Hectares. The boundary of the Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon (see Fig. 20.1): North: Alun-­ alun (1), West: Kasepuhan road (2), South: Kasepuhan road (3), East: May Sastraatmaja road (4). The Keraton Kasepuhan was built by the prince of Prabu Siliwangi from the Padjajaran Kingdom of Bogor named Pangeran Cakrabuana. Prince Cakrabuana, who was a Muslim, was in sharp contrast to the Padjajaran kingdom, which was Hindu. Then Prince Cakrabuana broke away from Padjajaran and established the Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon. Initially, the palace was established under the name Keraton Pakungwati. The name Pakungwati itself was taken from the name of the son of Pa- ngeran Walangsungsang who had the title Prince Cakrabuana who later married Sunan Gunung Djati. Sunan Gunung Jati also married the daughter of the Emperor of China named Putri Ong Tien, which later influenced the acculturation of Chinese culture at Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon. Thus the building and interior of the Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon illustrates a variety of cultures which is related to the history of the Rulers of the city of Cirebon, namely European, Chinese, Hindu and Javanese cultures that have influenced the architectural styles.

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20.5  Result and Discussion In the fifteenth century, there was the fishing village of Muara Jati on the Java Sea coast. At that time many foreign ships traded with local residents. The Port Administrator was appointed by the Galuh Kingdom (Pajajaran), which is the early history of the Cirebon. Then the settlement was moved to Lemahwungkuk 5  km south of the Galuh kingdom because the settled land was used for the ports. The port settlement developed into a village called Caruban; the population was a mixture of immigrants from various nations (Sundanese, Javanese, Chinese, and Arabic). Caruban changed its name to Carbon and then Cerbon. Cerbon eventually developed into the Kingdom of Cirebon, which was an Islamic Kingdom. The activities of the port of Muara Jati in the Kingdom of Cirebon develop into the Southeast Asian region. Until January 7, 1681 Cirebon was controlled by the Dutch through the VOC trade, which became the history of Europeans came to the city of Cirebon. Based on the history of Cirebon City and the Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon, there are several influential cultures that stood up to the development of the palace. The influence of foreign culture came from Europe and China. The local cultural influences came from Hindu and Javanese population. Some cultures mixed to produce cultural acculturation that influenced the development of the Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon. Acculturation is evident in the development of 40 buildings in the Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon which are still maintained today as a tourist attraction. Acculturation in buildings has an impact on the architecture of the Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon. Following is a discussion of each of the cultures influence on the buildings, describing the particular architectural styles present. The influence of European culture on the Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon (see Table 20.1). The influence of Chinese Culture on the Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon (see Table 20.2). The influence of Hinduism Culture on the Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon (see Table 20.3). The influence of Javanese Cultural on the Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon (see Table 20.4).

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Table 20.1  The influence of European culture on the Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon No Influence of acculturation Picture 1. The columns and arches at “Panca Ratna” have a Greek-styled Doric column. The round/cylindrical pillars with white beams are shrinking at the edges. The bottom and top of the pole are given a simple square decoration

2.

On “Jinem Pangrawit” there are round and octagonal poles. The base of the baseboard has a square ornament and a pole body with a small convex decoration. The head of the mast is a decorative three disc with a convex jagged edge

3.

At “Kuncung and Kutagara Wadasan” there are arched gates supported by European-style pillars

4.

In “Jinem Arum” there is also a Greek-style column of Doric type

5.

In “Gajah Nguling” there are six poles that are round in shape just like the pillars found in Jinem Pangrawit. The six pillars support the construction of wooden roofs in the style of Javanese architecture

(continued)

20  The Influence of Cultural Acculturation on Architecture Keraton Kasepuhan Table 20.1 (continued) No Influence of acculturation 6. At “Lawang Sanga” there is a semicircular archway. The three sides of the doorway have three strung arches. There are pilasters on the walls of the building, which make the walls more attractive not flat

Picture

7.

The “Bangsal Pringgadani” has wide and tall doors and windows and uses jalousies as air vents. The top of the door has a light/boven air entrance in the form of filigree with motifs of flora and fauna, but the animal object is only one with a small size. The main object is a red flower that is placed between the braid and green leaves that are circular and swerve across the surface of the filigree field. The style of tendrils is

like the art nouveau style that developed in Europe in the eighteenth century

8.

On the “Bangsal Agung” the walls were decorated with porcelain patches from the Netherlands measuring 10 × 10 cm in blue and brownish red. The surface of the floor from the “Agung” ward to the Prabayasa ward has a large geometric meander-shaped decoration

Table 20.2  The influence of Chinese culture on the Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon No Influence of acculturation 1. On the “Bangsal Agung” the middle wall surface was finished with a blue Chinese porcelain plate. The images on the plates depict a Chinese painting with a multilevel perspective technique (interviews with historians). Porcelain attachments are also found on the walls and pillars of the ward and the entrance next to the building with a different pattern, which is placed with a slope of 45° 2.

Picture

In “Kuncung and Kutagara Wadasan” which resemble the gate there are wadasan ornaments (rock) at the bottom as a symbol of strength and mega mendung (cloudy clouds) at the top which is a symbol of the upper and lower world. The ornament is a motif in Chinese culture

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Table 20.3  The influence of Hinduism culture on the Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon No Influence of acculturation Picture 1. At “Siti Hinggil” there are five (treeless) buildings without walls, called Bentar temples with joglo roofs from shingles. Building materials made of brick-like Hindu temples. Siti Hinggil is surrounded by a brick fence with a tower-shaped pillar called the Laras Temple with an open geometric ornament in the form of an inch along the fence. Hindu architectural style is also seen at the entrance of the Siti Hinggil complex in the form of an equal/ symmetrical gate between the left and right sides made of brick 2.

Two statues of a white tiger in the park “Bundaran Dewandaru” symbolize the Cirebon sultanate as the successor to the Padjajaran Kingdom which shows the influence of Hinduism as the main religion of the Padjajaran Kingdom

3.

On the “Bangsal Agung” there are pillars in the front and back of the stairs with a three-dimensional decoration of red lotus flowers. Lotus flowers are a symbol of life and eternity, while the red colour is the symbol of blood, life, and heaven. On the left and right walls of the “great ward” between the stairs there is a relief decoration depicting the red flower of the kanigaran (mangosteen flower) and in some parts yellow as an attempt to

form a volume. The flowers are arranged in groups in the middle and some are distributed throughout the relief. Kembang kanigaran is a symbol of honesty. The top of the flower arrangement is two white manuk genduwong (“beo” bird) placed symmetrically on the left and right

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Table 20.4  The influence of Javanese culture on the Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon No Influence of acculturation 1. At “Siti Hinggil” there are five stage without walls that use a joglo roof made of shingles

Picture

2.

The “Gajah Nguling” uses a wooden roof construction in the style of Javanese architecture

3.

At “Bangsal Prabayasa”, the building is supported by four wooden pillars which are placed in the middle of the room. The main pillar is decorated with a golden “tumpal” motif from Java combined with a green pole. The base of the pillar supports the Joglo roof construction which is given a colourful decoration called “ganja,” consisting of red, green and gold. The bottom of the pole is placed in a cut out limas stone base called “umpag” with a “tumpal” motif

20.6  Conclusion The history of Cirebon City, which was once the centre of trade on the island of Java in the fifteenth century, led to the entry of various foreign and local cultures brought by traders. The various cultures have influenced the development of buildings in Cirebon City, including the Keraton Kasepuhan which still maintains the historical value of its buildings. Acculturation is evident in the building’s architecture, which demonstrates influences by European and Chinese foreign cultures, as well as local Hinduism and Javanese cultures. Acculturation at the Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon is applied to several architectural elements. Architectural elements of building structure are found on pillars and roofs of buildings. Non-architectural elements of building structure, cultural acculturation are found in arches, walls, doors and windows. Decorative architectural elements of buildings, cultural acculturation found in wall ornaments and sculpture. Acknowledgement  The authors would like to thank the support provided by Universitas Budi Luhur and the First International Conference on Cultural Communication and Space (ICCCS) and the ninth International Conference on Vernacular Settlements (ISVS) that has given opportunity to attend international seminars.

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References 1. Rosmalia, D.: Identifikasi Elemen Fisik Kebudayaan Kraton sebagai Pembentuk Ruang Lanskap Budaya Kota Cirebon, Media Matrasain 12, 44–53 (2015). 2. Ina Helena Agustina., Hilwati Hindersah., Yulia Asiyawati: Identifikasi Simbol-Simbol Heritage Keraton Kasepuhan, Ethos 5, 167–174 (2017). 3. Lawi, G.F.K.: Menyusuri Sejarah Islam Cirebon di Keraton Kanoman dan Keraton Kasepuhan (2018). 4. Wibiono, B.: Dunia Sosial Budaya Bangunan Keraton Kasepuhan sebagai Wujud Akulturasi Buday (2012). 5. Firmansyah, R.: Konsep Akulturasi Budaya dalam Pembentukan Gaya Arsitektur, URL https:// www.researchgate.net/publication/309550065_konsep_akulturasi_budaya_dalam_pembentukan_gaya_arsitektur-RGF-Okt-2016-upload (2016). 6. Koentjaraningrat, P.D.: Pengantar Ilmu Antropologi, 8th ed. PT Rineka Cipta (1990). 7. Suryana: Hindu-Budha-Islam Cultural Acculturation In Indonesian National History Textbooks, J. Pendidik. Ilmu Sos. 26 (2017). 8. Aziz, D.K.: Akulturasi Islam Dan Budaya Jawa, Fikrah I, 253–286 (2013). 9. Dr. Saryono, Mekar Dwi Anggraeni, M.K.: Metodologi Penelitian Kualitatif dan Kuantitatif, Ke-1, ed. Nuha Medika (2013). 10. Ahazrina: 5 Jenis Metode Penelitian Kualitatif-Pendekatan dan Karakteristiknya-­ PakarKomunikasi.com, 12 May 2017, URL https://pakarkomunikasi.com/jenis-metode-penelitian-kualitatif (2017). 11. Hafizh, K.: Keraton Kasepuhan – Keraton Tertua di Cirebon yang Masih Terawat. URL https:// www.ha-fizh.com/450-keraton-kasepuhan-keraton-tertua-di-cirebon-yang-masih-terawat. html (2018). 12. Keraton Kasepuhan. URL https://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Keraton_Kasepuhan.

Chapter 21

Transformation of Traditional Vernacular Settlements: Lessons from the Kathmandu Valley Chandani KC, Sadasivam Karuppannan, and Alpana Sivam

Abstract  The traditional vernacular settlements of the Kathmandu Valley reflect the needs of the local community, their culture, geographical location and climatic conditions. In recent times, rapid urbanisation and population growth have transformed these settlements. In destroying the urban form and activity on the site it has also altered the identity of the place. This paper reviews the impact of urban growth on the traditional vernacular settlements of the Kathmandu Valley. Urban design principles were used to analyse the transformation. The findings indicate that the new development on the site is incompatible with the traditional development which has adversely changed the form, activity and image of the sites. Keywords  Traditional vernacular settlements · Urban development · Urban design · Kathmandu Valley

21.1  Introduction Traditional vernacular settlements reflect the lifestyle of a community and cultural values of the past. They can respond to the needs of their inhabitants, climatic conditions and topography because of the simplicity of the building processes, techniques and the local materials employed. Dayaratne [1] defines traditional vernacular settlement as those formed by the people living and working in them by employing the wisdom, knowledge, and practices handed down from generation to generation. Nisha and Jayasudha [2] define it as the predecessors of sustainable built environments. Vernacular settlements, once destroyed, cannot be reinvented in the place of contemporary settlements. This was reiterated by Tulistyantovo [3] who mentions that the traditional vernacular settlements came into being through wisdom Chandani KC (*) · S. Karuppannan · A. Sivam School of Art, Architecture and Design, University of South Australia, Adelaide, SA, Australia e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 G. A. M. Suartika, J. Nichols (eds.), Reframing the Vernacular: Politics, Semiotics, and Representation, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22448-6_21

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accumulated through centuries and have exhibited worldviews, foresight, and methods that are unavailable to the educated modern man. Scholars such as Dayaratne [1], Alexander [4], and Oliver [5] demonstrate how vernacular settlements are culturally meaningful and responsive to the environment. Rapport [6] also highlights that the traditional built form and architectural vocabulary is the outcome of two important determinants – culture and climate. In recent times, these vernacular settlements exhibit processes of transformation due to modernisation and rapid population growth. Similar changes have occurred in the traditional settlements of the Kathmandu Valley. The Kathmandu Valley is the administrative centre of Nepal and home to five historic towns  – Kathmandu, Lalitpur, Bhaktapur, Kirtipur and Madyapur Thimi. All these towns are traditional vernacular settlements characterised by compact urban form and unified buildings showing a high degree of complexity, cohesiveness and social bonding. In the past decade, population growth, migration and increased socio-economic activities have exerted tremendous pressure on the traditional settlements of the valley. The haphazard urbanisation has destroyed the image and form of the settlements. There is also the migration of the Newars, one of the indigenous communities of Nepal from the core areas of the settlement to the suburbs, affecting the activities of the site. With this in focus, the paper will discuss the transformation of the historic cores of Kathmandu and Lalitpur and its rapid urbanisation and population growth. Urban design principles of form, activity and image were used to analyse and asses the transformation of these settlements. According to Montgomery [7], form is about legibility and accessibility, activity is a combination of vitality and diversity and finally, image is about identity and perception of people. The first part of the paper discusses the research method and case study site. The second part presents the results of the observation surveys based on form, activity and image of the sites. Finally, the last part discusses the findings and presents the conclusion.

21.2  Research Method A case study method was used for this research to understand the transformation of traditional vernacular settlements. Yin [8, p. 18] defines a case study approach as “an empirical inquiry that investigates a contemporary phenomenon in depth and within its real-life context, especially when the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident”. Data collection was completed using semi-­ structured observation surveys. Urban design principles of form, activity and image were used to understand the actual condition of the site and to observe the social behaviour of the people. The research took place in the Kathmandu Valley, and fieldwork was conducted between March and June of 2015. The collected data included old and new developments identified on the site, as well as open spaces and streetscapes, and activity patterns within the site. The type of data collected for both sites included photographs of settlement and buildings, maps and observing the

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people’s daily activity pattern. The analysis of the form was conducted to understand the character and spatial context including voids (open spaces) and buildings (solids). The analysis of the activity was undertaken to understand the type of activity and movement within the site and how activity changed over time. Finally, the analysis of image of the settlement was conducted to capture the specific characteristics of the site that contributes to its identity. The analysis of the form, activity and image will allow the researcher to capture physical and non-physical aspects of the site and the transformation of the settlements of the Kathmandu Valley.

21.3  Case Study: Kathmandu Valley Kathmandu Valley is the administrative, economic and political centre of Nepal. With an annual growth rate of about 3.9%, it is one of the fastest-growing urban areas in South Asia [9]. Located at the crossroads of an ancient Asian civilisation, the Kathmandu Valley is characterised by a compact urban form, traditional planning concepts, rich built heritage and diverse socio-cultural activities. The origin of the valley is associated with draining of the valley floor by cutting a ridge at the Chobar Gorge by Manjushree and making it habitable for the people [10]. Ancient legends also exist about dynasties such as the Gopalas and the Kiratas living in the valley. However, there is a lack of authentic reports regarding it. It is only in the fifth and sixth centuries that the first dates and facts appear through stone inscriptions describing the Nepalese people living in the mountains and describing Kathmandu valley then ruled by the Lichchhavi dynasty. Following the Lichchhavis, the Malla kings ruled the Kathmandu valley from thirteenth to eighteenth century. The Malla rulers made significant contribution towards the development of the traditional settlements which can be traced in the city cores and the arrangement of their buildings, streets and open spaces. After the Malla rule came the Shah dynasty from eighteenth to the  twenty-first century and finally the Rana period from 1846 to 1951. Each period contributed to new development of the valley. Seven out of the ten UNESCO World Heritage Sites in Nepal are in the valley. UNESCO [11] declared the seven monument zones collectively as a single site and called it the Kathmandu Valley World Heritage Site. The property was inscribed under criteria (iii), (iv) and (vi) of the operational guidelines of the World Heritage Convention, which means that the value of these sites is based on their living culture, architectural ensembles and association to the beliefs, art and other intangible attributes of the urban heritage [12]. The case study sites used for this research are the core of Kathmandu and Lalitpur as seen in Fig. 21.1. The core of both Kathmandu and Lalitpur are traditional vernacular settlements with rich Newari culture, exceptional architectural typologies and unique urban form. Rapid urbanisation and population growth over the last two decades have dramatically transformed the settlements with an expansion of the core, loss of open space, decreased liveability and the construction of concrete structures in contrast to the traditional brick structures [14–16]. Transformation of the towns includes a shift

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Fig. 21.1  Map of the core of Kathmandu and Lalitpur in the Kathmandu Valley [13]

from a compact traditional settlement to a modern suburban sprawl. The valley has now developed into the largest metropolitan region in the country with a population of over three million people [9]. While several factors are responsible for its current growth, the major one is the rise of population due to natural growth and migration. The migrating population increased significantly in the last decade due to the nation’s ongoing conflict and political instability. Several other factors have also played a role in attracting a huge influx of population from all over the country. Basic services such education, telecommunications and transportation are better developed in the valley [14]. In addition, better job opportunities occur here because most governmental, academic and financial institutions as well as health care facilities are located in the valley. All of this has transformed the Kathmandu Valley affecting form, activity and image of the settlements.

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21.4  T  ransformation of Traditional Settlement of the Kathmandu Valley This section presents the results under three sections, namely form, activity and image. It explains these three principles and change of it in both the case study sites.

21.4.1  Form of the Sites The form of the settlements in the Kathmandu Valley are dense and compact. Intentionally, settlement density preserved agricultural lands and improved the thermal performance of the settlements. The orientation of urban fabric and street networks allowed maximum solar radiation to infiltrate buildings as well as street and community spaces. A courtyard style of settlement is evident at both sites with a hierarchy of spaces. The heart of both sites is the palace square. The streets surrounding the palace cater for commercial and tourism activities. These streets lead to the market square where informal markets take place in the morning and evening. This market square leads to the residential neighbourhood square where there is a courtyard in the centre, and all the houses line the perimeter of the courtyard. A smaller street leads from this residential square to the private residential square. There is a clear demarcation between the public and private space. The squares and courtyards along with the water bodies are also the only open spaces in the core. Open and green spaces are different in the context of settlements in the Kathmandu Valley as the green spaces are rarely located inside the settlement [18]. As the settlements are in an elevated land, there is a natural buffer zone created of either field, forest or river. The open spaces are extremely important and are embedded in the city’s fabric in such a way that they are present in each neighbourhood in one form or other. Below are the types of open spaces in the settlements. • Palace squares: In principle, Malla period towns have only one palace (durbar) square. The palace square in Kathmandu is the Kathmandu Durbar Square and in Lalitpur is the Lalitpur Durbar Square. • Market squares (Nani/Chowk): This is a community square that is at the intersection of streets and is a nodal point of the town [19]. They can be of various shapes and sizes. • Residential neighbourhood squares (bahal/bahil): This can be either a large enclosed courtyard or laid off the streets and enclosed partially. The square usually has people belonging to the same community or clan. There is usually a temple or stupa located in the square. • Private residential squares: It is a courtyard built for the communal life of an extended family with houses all around it.

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The neighbourhood blocks on both sites are small providing more opportunities to walk. Also, the streets are non-axial short lines which obstructs the visibility and creates confusion. However, it also creates an element of interest, surprise and mystery while strolling around the streets along with innumerable sitting spaces. The neighbourhoods are all pedestrian friendly which provides easy access to local markets, destinations and transportation services. In recent times, the buildings and the use of courtyards have changed significantly. There is a change in use of spaces and streets. The market squares, neighbourhood squares and courtyards are now encroached by modern commodities and buildings. The residential squares which are an important social space are now being encroached upon by parking and other commercial activities. Scale helps to contribute to the spatial quality of the site. It makes human beings feel comfortable within the space. The layout of streets, squares and public spaces present unique visual and spatial characteristics. The scale of the structures appears in harmony with the surroundings. Initially, streets in the valley had a sense of enclosure and human scale with the ratio of street width to building height ranging from 1:1 to 1:2 [15]. However, in recent times demolition of traditional buildings for modern multi-storey buildings is destroying the scale. The picturesque quality of streetscape has undergone visible changes as the homogeneity of buildings are disrupted by modern structures, seemingly out of scale and proportion. The changing urban landscapes of Kathmandu is attributed to the material change due to the urbanisation and globalisation emphasising a modern culture in architecture and style [20]. The private buildings being built on the site are not maintaining this harmony. There is an increase in height and change in styles which are a discontinuation from original styles and skylines as shown in Fig. 21.2.

Fig. 21.2  Old and new development in both the sites

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21.4.2  Activity of the Sites There is a lot of activity within the site due to the variety of uses. Activities change throughout the day. The early morning activities relate to the religious and ceremonial activities which include offerings of rice and flowers to gods and goddesses by visiting the temples, shrines and monuments. The traditional street pattern and planning in the sites follow function and religious order to facilitate the peoples’ daily activities along with rituals. Traditional markets line the streets of the site during the early morning hours and late evenings. These markets sell everything from fruits, vegetables, flowers to clothes and household goods. These markets are very popular in the morning hours as the community tend to buy fresh fruits and vegetable each day rather than stock up for a week. However, some of the street vendors do seem to create disturbance to the vehicles and pedestrians. Activities during the day relate to commercial activities. Commercial activities are the retail, supermarkets, offices and restaurants. Palace squares of both the sites and areas surrounding it attract many tourists throughout the day. There are number of souvenir shops, cafes, restaurants and other tourist attractions in the squares and immediately following the squares. During the day time, the square is full of people, alive, vibrant and a cacophony of sound. Figure 21.3 demonstrates the activities in the site. Traditionally, streets on the site were used for interaction of the community members. However, this has changed as the streets are now being used more by the vehicles than pedestrians. Commercial encroachment of the streets and open spaces are also occurring changing the activity of the site. Streets in both the sites can be placed into four categories: (a) streets around the palace square and connecting to the main squares (b) streets linking different neighbourhoods (c) alleyways leading to the residential courtyards and (d) streets at the back of the town connected to the major river banks designed specially to carry out dead bodies. The first two categories of streets mentioned above are one-lane two-way traffic connectors which intersect to form public squares. In the past, streets in both Kathmandu and Lalitpur were lively and pedestrian friendly. The retail shops and other traditional markets in the site are still a major attraction for

Fig. 21.3  Activities in both the sites

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pedestrians. The streetscape with a traditional brick façade and sloped roof along with the heritage structure at strategic location also attract many pedestrians including tourists. There is a sense of excitement and mystery while walking on the streets due to the emergence of the squares and heritage structures in the square which are otherwise not visible from the street until one approaches them. Streets in the core except the main commercial road are paved with stone and brick which demarcates the space and is easy to walk along for the pedestrian. There is a growing dominance of two and four-wheeled vehicles which contributes to making the streets narrow and congested. The streets are not able to handle the increase in vehicles. The pedestrian friendly core area is slowly transforming into a concrete jungle with high rise developments and vehicles lining the streets. Most of the streets on the site have parking on both sides which is adding to the problem. The streets also lack a well-defined continuous sidewalk. The quality of pathways in some of the streets is also discouraging the use of the streets by pedestrians. Streets in the Kathmandu Valley were developed before the advent of automobiles and were shared community spaces for performing social and religious activities. These pedestrian streets have now radically changed into roads for vehicles. There is now a conflict between vehicular and pedestrian movement along with peak hour traffic jams. The constant rush of traffic during the day is discouraging pedestrians.

21.4.3  Image of the Sites The image of the Kathmandu Valley is strongly related to its tangible and intangible heritage, and Newari culture. There is a range of heritage structures in every nook and corner of the site displaying outstanding craftsmanship in brick, stone and timber. The Kathmandu and Lalitpur palace square itself has several temples and monuments. The vernacular architecture of the valley with its sloped roof, brick façade and intricately carved windows are also considered the core image of the valley. Besides tangible heritage, the intangible heritage that occurs in the public squares, courtyards and streets also evoke place image. The intangible heritage of the site such as the festivals, processions, activities and daily rituals mostly relates to the Newar community and their culture. The traditional landscape of the valley is an outcome of the influence of Hinduism and Buddhism as the social structure of Newars is unique with the coexistence of both religions. There are several combined forms of deities and local traditions which are jointly observed by both religions. The main festivals that take place in the squares and streets of Kathmandu are the Indra Jatra and Seto Machhendranath festivals while the festival in Lalitpur is the Rato Machenndranath festival. Besides these annual festivals, numerous processions, festivals and activities take place in the site. Figure  21.4 shows the tangible and intangible heritage of the sites.

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Fig. 21.4  Tangible and intangible heritage of the sites

Legibility is another important aspect for the image of the site. It is associated with “the ease with which its part can be recognized and can be organized into a coherent pattern” [17]. The main characteristic of a legible environment is associated with the design of the street network. It facilitates movement of people by providing alternative routes to destinations. Street connectivity also plays an important role in enabling residents to feel safe. For an outsider, the streets of both sites are difficult to navigate as it is not in a grid pattern with interconnected spaces. However, the street network provides a clear orientation, and the physical elements serve as reference points. The town comprises of hierarchical pattern of streets that are the festival routes, daily activity routes and funeral routes. All these streets are connected through a series of squares, which are also laid down on hierarchical basis. Each square has a temple, rest house, dance platform, well or public tap which the community uses for different activities. For both sites, the durbar square is the focal point of the site where all the religious and tourism activities take place. Rapid urbanisation, population growth and change in lifestyle have transformed the core with the demolition of traditional brick and mud mortar structures for multi-storey cement concrete structures. The modern reinforced cement concrete buildings are not preferable from a thermal point of view as it makes the interior spaces of buildings hot in summer and cold in winter. Besides the change in the materials, new development on the site is affecting the intangible heritage due to the encroachment of spaces by different activities such as parking, hawkers and garbage disposal. This is affecting the image of the site. There is also the difficulty in navigating the sites due to the rise in commercial activities and new development. This affects the legibility of the site.

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21.5  Discussion and Conclusion The findings of the paper show that both tangible and intangible heritage create a strong visual image of the city. This image creates an everlasting memory for the community and should be conserved to enhance the sense of place. The layout of the streets, squares and courtyards in the sites create unique visual and spatial characteristics. However, the new development in the site which is out of scale and proportion are destroying the homogeneous streetscape of the sites. Besides these, other issues were also identified by the paper which was the demolition of traditional buildings for modern structures, lack of quality open spaces, conflict between vehicular and pedestrian movement, poor linkage and connectivity, lack of pedestrian facility and changing streetscape. Activities in the settlements are also gradually changing due to these issues. The rise in commercial activities is leading to unmanaged sprawl of hawkers and regular encroachment making the spaces highly congested. Initially, the core was built for pedestrian traffic which is the reason that the streets are narrow compared to the streets of newer development. Recently, the change in lifestyle and urban development is increasing the number of vehicles on the streets. This is creating a conflict between pedestrians and vehicles. The core would benefit tremendously if it were made a vehicle free zone. This would help to conserve the streetscape and also the heritage structure of the site. The growth of population and rapid urbanisation has affected the image, form and activity. All of this is transforming the traditional settlements and destroying the identity of the sites. There needs to be a guideline for the development of the traditional settlements and strong enforcement of the guidelines. A guideline that addresses the urban design principles of form, image and activity can help to conserve the traditional vernacular settlements. Culture and tradition of people manifested through buildings principles and spaces need to be revived in the settlements of the Kathmandu Valley.

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7. Montgomery, J.: Making a city: Urbanity, vitality and urban design. Journal of Urban Design 3 (1), 93–116 (1998). 8. Yin, R.K.: Case study research: design and methods. 5th edn. SAGE, Thousand Oaks, California (2014). 9. Muzzini, E., Aparicio, G.: Urban Growth and Spatial Transition in Nepal: An Initial Assessment. World Bank Publications, Kathmandu (2013). 10. Thapa, R.B., Murayama, Y., Ale, S.: Kathmandu. Cities 25 (1), 45–57 (2008). 11. UNESCO, The Kathmandu valley, http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/121/%202015, accessed on 18 June 2015. 12. Weise, K.: Management of Living Urban World Heritage: Kathmandu Valley. Context 10 (2), 125–134 (2014). 13. Kathmandu Valley Development Authority: 20 Years Strategic Development Master Plan (2015–2035) for Kathmandu Valley. KVDA, Kathmandu (2016). 14. ICIMOD, UNEP, Government of Nepal: Kathmandu Valley Environment Outlook. Kathmandu, Nepal (2007). 15. Shrestha, B.: Street typology in Kathmandu and street transformation. Urbani Izziv 22(2), 107–121 (2011). 16. Thapa, R.B., Murayama, Y.: Scenario based urban growth allocation in Kathmandu Valley, Nepal. Landscape and Urban Planning 105(1–2), 140–148 (2012). 17. Lynch, K.: The image of the city. MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts (1960). 18. Manandhar, H., Parajuli, Y., Urban safety through the eyes of cultural heritage. https://www. sheltercluster.org/sites/default/files/docs/h.manandhar_y.parajuli-_urban_safety_through_ the_eyes_of_cultural_heritage.pdf, accessed on 10 January 2015. 19. Tiwari, S.R.: Tiered Temples of Nepal. Sunita Tiwari, Kathmandu (1989). 20. Sengupta, U., Upadhyay, V.B.: Lost in transition? Emerging forms of residential Architecture in Kathmandu, Cities 52 (Supplement C), 94–102 (2016).