Reforming Social Sciences, Humanities and Higher Education in Eastern Europe and CIS after 1991 [1 ed.] 9781443862943, 9781443853903

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Reforming Social Sciences, Humanities and Higher Education in Eastern Europe and CIS after 1991

Reforming Social Sciences, Humanities and Higher Education in Eastern Europe and CIS after 1991

Edited by

Anatoli Mikhailov and Olga Breskaya

Reforming Social Sciences, Humanities and Higher Education in Eastern Europe and CIS after 1991 Edited by Anatoli Mikhailov and Olga Breskaya. Language editor: Gregory Sandstrom This book first published 2014 Cambridge Scholars Publishing 12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2014 by Anatoli Mikhailov, Olga Breskaya and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-5390-9, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-5390-3

TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ............................................................................................. viii Anatoli Mikhailov Part I: Higher Education in Eastern Europe in search for Grounds of Modernization and Reforms Chapter One ................................................................................................ 2 The European Higher Education Area between Training and Bildung Sjur Bergan Chapter Two ............................................................................................. 17 From Autonomous Teachers to Autonomous Universities: Where University Autonomy Gets its Birth Olga Breskaya and Oleg Bresky Chapter Three ........................................................................................... 31 Higher Education in Poland: For Whom and for What? Comparative Analysis of Two Reform Projects $JDWD6WDVLNDQG$GDP*HQGĨZLáá Part II: Education Policy at the Age of University Reforms in Eastern Europe Chapter Four ............................................................................................. 50 New Control Mechanisms in the Field of Russian Higher Education Policy Sari Eriksson Chapter Five ............................................................................................. 68 From «Sovereign University» to Bologna Process: Effects of 20-Years of Higher Education Reforms in Belarus and Ukraine Andrei Laurukhin Chapter Six ............................................................................................... 92 Quantification of Higher Education: Trends and Risks: A View from the Czech Republic Petr Sýkora

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Part III: National and International Impacts on the Liberation of Social Sciences and Humanities Chapter Seven......................................................................................... 106 The Epistemology of Post-Soviet Humanities Education in Central Asia: Integrated Curriculum, Concerns of Values, Identity and the Bologna Process Sunatullo Jonboboev Chapter Eight .......................................................................................... 129 The Role of Scholars’ Texts in (Re-)Constructing the Montenegrin National Identity through Education after 1992 Sofiya Zahova Chapter Nine........................................................................................... 149 Explaining the Success of Ukraine’s University Admission Reform in Combating Corruption Eduard Klein Part IV: Old Curricula, Ideology and New Educational Alternatives in Post-Soviet Academia Chapter Ten ............................................................................................ 166 Social Anthropology à la Russe: Fragmented Field of a Discipline and Contemporary Battles for the Curriculum Pavel Romanov and Elena Iarskaia-Smirnova Chapter Eleven ....................................................................................... 191 New Alternatives to the Educational Focus of Lawyers in Higher Education in Post-Soviet European Societies: A Lithuanian Approach Natalija Kaminskiene Chapter Twelve ...................................................................................... 203 Trying to Implement the Bologna Process in Russia: Limits and Outcomes of the Transformation Process Hélène Join-Lambert and Tatiana Kremneva Chapter Thirteen ..................................................................................... 218 The Making of Bioethics in South-Eastern Europe: Some Croatian Educational Perspectives ,YD5LQþLüDQG$PLU0X]XU

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List of Contributors ................................................................................ 231 Index ....................................................................................................... 236

INTRODUCTION ANATOLI MIKHAILOV After more than twenty years since the collapse of the totalitarian system in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, there is a great current need to reflect on recent developments in these countries in the area of higher education. It is widely acknowledged that the results of efforts to introduce societal changes in the post-Soviet epoch are much less impressive than the sometimes too illusionary expectations of the beginning of the 1990s. Economic difficulties, ethnic conflicts, ideological tensions, negative migration and disintegration of the basic infrastructures of social life still indicate the existence of serious obstacles to the way of integrating these countries in the global family of established democracies. It is time to recognize that the dramatic transformations that have taken place over this time have not always been accompanied with the necessary vision or adequate intellectual potential needed for the challenging processes of transformation in post-totalitarian reality. Indeed, in too many cases a mood of wishful thinking has prevailed and abstract formulae have been implemented that are little related to reality. There has also been a strong deterministic belief that positive results would be inevitable with any effort to change the system. It is no wonder that often the results were not only ineffective, but as in the case of Belarus and some other countries, they were even counterproductive. A general understanding of the importance of transforming the educational system as a necessary prerequisite for societal changes was widespread from the beginning. However, what is important to note is that the way the transformations have been done raises major concerns and stimulates serious reflections for those of us whose work in higher education has aimed to improve upon the Soviet model for the next generations. The present volume provides only a partial overview of the existing state of affairs in post-Soviet higher education in Eastern and Central Europe. It will hopefully provoke readers to explore new possibilities for

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transformation and raise a much needed demand for more detailed and careful analysis and reflection upon the phenomena of higher education in various countries. The commonly recognized need of transformation in post-totalitarian reality and the shared understanding of possibilities to create a new critical mass of differently educated youth have resulted in the creation of numerous new institutions of higher learning. At the same time, the old ones have simply received more attractive names. As a consequence of this dramatic expansion, thousands of universities and academic institutions, both public and private, presently exist in the region. The situation is pressing today especially in the fields of social sciences and humanities, where due to the long term domination of ideological control, the intellectual potential was barely existent and almost unavailable. In the early post-Soviet years, there was a boom in educational proposals that resulted in the overproduction of alleged professionals in fields such as business, economics, law, management, etc. These fields of study were enthusiastically supported through major Western programs of cooperation, with the expectation that they would stimulate much needed economic transition of countries from socialism to capitalism. Various factors have contributed to the failures to achieve the expected results. First, a great majority of the so-called local specialists who enthusiastically promised to deliver attractive and effective higher education had previously profited from promoting the values of totalitarian ideology and in reality tried to convert themselves into professionals in a field they knew very little about. Second, too often those who were involved in activities that sided with Western cooperation naively believed in the existence of fixed recipes in each particular field that were needed independently of the specific local and national cultural and historical traditions. The way and the manner of “transplanting” experiences that have developed as a result of specific long-term historical and intellectual traditions of Western civilization were not properly accompanied by the vitally important activity of transmitting appropriate basic values to Central and Eastern Europe. Not enough proper attention was paid to the importance of so-called liberal arts and humanities education, even though we believe it can create a backbone in the formation of students’ personalities and can potentially replace what was previously called a “communist upbringing”. In the present social conditions, we are witnessing dramatic changes in the collapse of the former educational system, though it has still not been

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replaced with a better one. We see major changes in social infrastructure and unemployment, broken families, the spread of mass culture and patterns of violent behavior among the young generation. At the same time, improper or insufficient attention has been paid to the issue of transmitting values which contribute to the formation of personality, which is an important staple of the humanities and liberal arts. The issue of finding ways to introduce basic values to today’s youth is of vital importance in this time of globalization. Even in those cultures and nations where established mechanisms of educational practices were generally functioning not so long ago, there is now a more or less growing mood that acknowledges the new challenges for educational systems in this time of unprecedented dynamism in the present social reality. High priority is usually ascribed to promoting democratic changes in politics and restructuring economic life. Yet in most cases, educational priorities have ignored the problem of finding efficient ways of influencing young minds of the next generations within the framework of progressive pedagogical practices. The activity of transmitting basic norms and values created in different cultural traditions may appear to have little meaning or power of appeal. Nevertheless, transferring new ideas and methods to the current circumstances in Central and Eastern Europe and applying new educational approaches where the historical reality and corresponding state of mind are rooted in different backgrounds and system of notions has been a risky endeavour, oftentimes worth the efforts. In the case of proclaiming a monologue of reform, even of undoubtedly impeccable ideas, it sometimes turns out to be merely abstract verbosity that is ineffective and bearing little distinction from the former failed communist propaganda. In the existing circumstances, an adequate evaluation of the ways and methods of realising Western educational projects in countries of this region is of vital importance. Above all, there is a need to recognize how underestimated the significance of support for particular innovative institutions of higher learning has been. Sporadic or scattered activity does not enhance the concentration of proper attention on institutions which can be regarded as strategic strongholds able to demonstrate principally new paradigms of educational activity. It has been our mission now over 20 years to build a new vision of higher education based on the global humanities and liberal arts tradition that can help young people make sense of the post-Soviet situation and that provides new opportunities for students in the region. One of the possible ways of overcoming the existing shortcomings is to create regional projects and subsequently coordinate activities between

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various educational institutions in particular fields. This mutual work can be established on the basis of carefully selected higher education institutions in the region and forming such a network can greatly benefit from urgently needed long-term established activities in cooperation with Western institutions. Combined with a system of independent evaluation and expertise within the region, a modified educational policy from the West might help to significantly improve the chances for positive social transformation in our societies and to neutralize the negative impacts of still widely spread superficial educational reform activities. There is a growing understanding that the processes of European integration for Central and Eastern Europeans still have to be accompanied by a clearly defined strategy of greater cooperation among educational institutions. After adopting the Sorbonne (1998) and Bologna (1999) declarations aimed at harmonising national policies in the field of higher education, this is becoming more and more evident. With this volume, we therefore add to the voices that are working together towards promoting more properly coordinated efforts not only in matters of vital concern for each particular nation, but also in finding effective solutions for higher education development and its consequences for global affairs.

PART I HIGHER EDUCATION IN EASTERN EUROPE IN SEARCH FOR GROUNDS OF MODERNIZATION AND REFORMS

CHAPTER ONE THE EUROPEAN HIGHER EDUCATION AREA BETWEEN TRAINING AND BILDUNG SJUR BERGAN Introduction1 After asking why we have higher education, this article will seek to outline the development of the European Higher Education Area (EHEA), look at some of its characteristics, and examine some of its challenges as they relate to our vision of education—or, as the title of this essay would have it, of training and Bildung. Written on the basis of a presentation on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the European Humanities University (EHU), the article will also briefly visit the relationship between the EHEA and Belarus and it will conclude by returning to the issue of what kind of education we want and need.

Why higher education? If the proverbial man in the street were asked to say why we have education, it is likely that his answer would focus on the need to get skills so that, as individuals, we can get good jobs and that, as societies, we can develop our economies. As I just phrased the question, I deliberately put it as “why we have” to avoid giving away whether those who ask the question think education has several purposes or just one. However, it is doubtful whether a singular or a plural in the question would have made any difference to the answer. It is also significant that the reply is likely to refer to “skills” rather than “competences,” in other words emphasizing training over Bildung. 1

The author would like to thank Ligia Deca, Head of the Bologna Secretariat 2010-12 and Chair of the European Students Union 2008-10, for valuable comments to this article.

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Governments have long experience in developing education policy and employ highly qualified civil servants for whom education policy is a full time occupation. Even here, however, an insistence that education has more than one purpose does not seem to be very prominent. Judging from public debate in Europe, one gets the impression that public authorities answer the question about why we have education in the same way as the “man in the street”: it’s about the economy, stupid. However, other answers are possible, as EHU shows. This university was established in Minsk and then transferred to Vilnius for reasons that had nothing to do with the strategic planning of the university or with a desire to position itself better in the market. Both had everything to do with democratic citizenship and the lack of it in Belarus. The setting up of EHU was possible because of the wide-ranging political changes in Central and Eastern Europe in the late 1980s and early 1990s, symbolized by the fall of the Berlin Wall and bringing down old regimes in many countries. The fact that EHU was forced to close down in Minsk was due to the fact that democratization was incomplete and that in Belarus, the Lukashenka regime was very much of the old school. However, EHU found a new home in Vilnius, only 200 kilometers, but almost a world away. Finding a new and free home in neighboring Lithuania would also not have been possible without the political changes a short generation ago. And these changes would not have been possible without education. Of course, those who brought down the Wall, who left the DDR through Hungary and started making the first breaches in the Wall, who PDGH6ROLGDUQRĞüDSRWHQWIRUFHIRUGHPRFUDF\RUZKRZRUNHGIRU%DOWLF independence did not all have higher education qualifications. Political courage and political wisdom neither require nor necessarily come with a higher education degree (Bergan 2011). Nevertheless, without the participation of students and academics, the democratic changes in Central and Eastern Europe would most likely have taken a different course and they may not have happened at all. Academics were also very present in the governments that took office in the aftermath of the changes, as they ZHUH LQ WKH ILUVW JRYHUQPHQW DIWHU WKH IDOO RI WKH 0LORãHYLü UHJLPH LQ Serbia. Here, the Alternative Academic Education Network2 and other academic groups played an important role in preparing the terrain and in reflecting on what a new democratic society should look like. At the very least, it would be difficult for anyone with a memory of the events around 1990 to maintain that education is only about developing the economy. 2

For a brief overview, see the web site of the Center for Education Policy http://www.cep.edu.rs/en/about-cep/history, accessed on December 2, 2013.

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The Council of Europe has defined four major purposes of higher education, of equal value:     

preparation for sustainable employment; preparation for life as active citizens in democratic societies; personal development; the development and maintenance, through teaching, learning and research, of a broad, advanced knowledge base (Bergan 2005, Council of Europe 2007).

These purposes are not contradictory but complementary: many of the qualities and competences that make us attractive on the labor market also help us be active democratic citizens and contribute to our personal development. There are likely to be different views of whether the four purposes outlined capture the essence of higher education and whether other purposes should be added or substituted. I hope, however, that there will be no serious resistance to the proposition that higher education has a variety of purposes.

Setting the scene for the European Higher Education Area At least in an indirect sense, the developments around 1990 made possible the development of a higher education area that is truly European. Where Europe starts and ends is a question that can give rise to endless discussions, not least because there is no single “correct” answer. While we have some sense of where the geographical boundaries of Europe may run, Europe is not only a continent but a community of culture and politics, of history and art, of people and philosophy. As an example, while a large part of Russia lies to the east of the Ural mountains, there is also no doubt that Russia is a European country. One way of seeing Europe is as a unique balance of what we have in common and what is particular to each of us. The EHEA developed against a background that is at least threefold. Politically, the fall of the Communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe were important not only in the countries that changed regimes but also elsewhere in Europe. For the first time in decades, a truly European, i.e. pan-European, cooperation became possible. Maybe this was even possible for the first time because technological and other developments meant that travel as well as long distance contacts were now a real possibility.

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At the same time, the regime changes in the region raised another question: democratic institutions—and then what? On the one hand, democracy did not bring prosperity overnight and many people were materially worse off than they had been before. On the other hand, while democratic institutions are a necessary precondition for democracy on the national level, they are not a sufficient precondition. Democratic institutions will work only if they are rooted in a democratic culture, i.e. a set of attitudes and behaviors that work to resolve conflict through dialogue and that recognize that while issues are decided by a majority, minorities also have rights. Such a culture holds that individuals should engage for the common good; in brief, the set of attitudes and behaviors that make democratic institutions work in practice. In economic terms, new opportunities have opened through the process of globalization, but these opportunities also brought risks. Globalization was not an entirely new phenomenon, but its impact has very likely been greater than at any other time. Globalization has had winners and losers and one of the dividing lines between them was often—but far from always—education. There was also a perceived mismatch between the skills available in Europe and the skills European political and business leaders thought Europe required. It was not just a question of the level of education, but also of the areas of study where the needs were perceived to be greatest. European higher education was accused of not providing its graduates with the skills Europe, and in particular the European labor market, needed—even if such needs are notoriously difficult to predict. Then there was higher education itself. We had moved from elite to mass higher education over the last generation or so (Usher 2009), and some of the countries whose regimes had changed had yet to fully make that transition. There was a feeling that European higher education was no longer as attractive to students from other continents as it had once been, that European students took too long to obtain their degrees and that our higher education was not well adapted to the challenges we were facing as one millennium was about to blend into the next.

Toward a European Higher Education Area3 The ambiguous use of the term ‘Europe,’ in a smaller or broader, more limited or pan-European sense is also reflected in the development of the European Higher Education Area (EHEA). It may even be argued that its 3 The most comprehensive site for information on the EHEA is http://www. ehea.info/, accessed on December 2, 2013.

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beginnings were not really European in any reasonable sense of the term, since to celebrate the 800th anniversary of the Sorbonne in 1998, the French Minister of Education invited only his colleagues from the three other largest EU countries: Germany, Italy and the United Kingdom. There was nevertheless a sense that the Sorbonne Declaration adopted by the four ministers was important and that other EU education ministers were unhappy about having been left out. At the same time, the Italian Minister felt that reforming higher education in Italy would be a less difficult undertaking if he could place the reforms in a broader European context. Inviting European Ministers to a conference in Italy allowed him to do just that while at the same time involving the ministers who had felt left out by the Sorbonne Declaration. Hence, Ministers from 29 European countries adopted the Bologna Declaration in June 1999 and the idea of a European Higher Education Area by 2010 was born. Describing the road from Sorbonne and Bologna to the establishment of the EHEA in 2010 and then its further development in detail clearly lies beyond the scope of this article. I will rather limit the description to outlining the main characteristics of the EHEA as well as to giving our view of some of the main steps in the development of the EHEA.

Characteristics of the EHEA The EHEA is an intergovernmental process, but it is an unusual one for at least two reasons. Firstly, while European institutions such as the Council of Europe and the European Commission participate in it and are among the main contributors to its policy development, the EHEA is an independent process. The Chair of the EHEA rotates among members every six months4 and until fall 2003, the chairmanship also provided any secretariat support needed. Since fall 2003, there has been a Bologna Secretariat provided by the next host of the Ministerial conference: Norway in the period 2003-05, the United Kingdom in 2005-07; a joint Secretariat provided by the Benelux countries Belgium, Luxembourg and the Netherlands in 2007-10, Romania in 2010-12, and now Armenia from 2012 until 2015. The second reason the EHEA is an unusual intergovernmental process is that it is not made up of governments alone. Higher education cannot be 4

Until mid-2010, the Chairmanship was held by the country holding the EU Presidency. Since mid-2010, the EHEA has had a co-chairmanship composed of the country holding the EU presidency and a non-EU country, the latter holding the co-chairmanship in alphabetical order. The country hosting the upcoming ministerial country—currently Armenia—serves as Vice Chair.

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reformed only from ministerial offices. Therefore students, staff and higher education institutions as well as, somewhat later, employers and the quality assurance community also became consultative members of the EHEA5.

Phases of development Let us then look at how the EHEA has developed. In my analysis, the first phase runs from 1998 or 1999, depending on what status one gives the meeting at the Sorbonne, through 2001. This was the launching period. The Sorbonne meeting in 1998 was the precursor, where 4 ministers, as we saw, adopted a declaration that spelled out many of the challenges facing European higher education and emphasized academic mobility, qualifications and the need to undertake joint action. The meeting in Bologna in June 1999 launched the Bologna Process, although it is worth noting that the notion of a follow up process between ministerial meetings was born only after this conference, during the Finnish EU Presidency in fall 1999. In Bologna, Ministers committed to developing a two-tier qualifications system of bachelors and masters degrees6, emphasized the need for European higher education to become more competitive and also underlined the importance of mobility and joint action. The ministerial meeting in Praha in May 2001 was the first one after the launching conference in Bologna. The conference was important also because it was held in a non-EU country—the Czech Republic would join the EU in 2004—and because it admitted three new countries to the Bologna Process: Croatia, Cyprus and Turkey, bringing the membership to 337. All three countries had a relationship with the EU by being candidates for accession and/or by participating in relevant EU programs. There were also new elements in terms of content: for the first time, ministers emphasized what has come to be called the social dimension of higher education, they stated that higher education is a public good and a public 5

The now 47 EHEA countries and the European Commission are members, while the Council of Europe, EUA, ESU, EURASHE, Education International, ENQA, Business Europe and UNESCO are consultative members. 6 Turned into a three tier system by including the doctoral qualifications in the Berlin Communiqué of 2003. 7 29 countries signed in Bologna and 3 joined the Bologna Process in Praha. The situation of the 33rd country, Liechtenstein, remains unclear: it should have been invited to sign the Bologna Declaration but somehow was not and it was retroactively considered to have joined the Bologna Process.

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responsibility and they emphasized the importance of students as members of the academic community. This was a very significant development. Students were present in Bologna but largely because they had invited themselves. In Praha, the president of the European Student Union8 was among the main speakers and by then the students were consultative members of the Bologna Follow Up Group. Quality assurance was also emphasized more strongly than in the Bologna Declaration. In my analysis, the next phase runs from the preparation of the Berlin ministerial conference in 2003 through the one in Bergen in 2005. This was a dynamic period of developing the EHEA and these two ministerial conferences marked some fundamental changes. Firstly, this is the period when the EHEA went from a process whose membership was linked to the EU—through EU membership, EU accession negotiations or participation in relevant EU programs—to a pan-European process. All states party to the European Cultural Convention of the Council of Europe9 were now potential members of the Bologna Process but at the same time a second criterion was introduced: the competent authorities of applicant countries needed to commit to the values, goals and policies of the EHEA in writing and they needed to submit a national report. The decision to modify the membership criteria opened accession to 7 new countries in 2003 and another 5 in 2005, so that within the space of two years, the EHEA became truly European. By the end of the Bergen conference, 45 of the by now 47 member states had acceded. Content wise, there were also significant developments in this relatively short period. One was a realization that if the Bologna Process were to reach its policy objectives and be in a position to launch the EHEA in 2010, as stipulated in the Bologna Declaration, it was necessary to look at whether sufficient progress was made along the road, which is how the idea of stocktaking was born. There were long discussions about details, but the basic idea was that in order to reach key EHEA policy goals, countries needed to provide information on how they were progressing in implementing these goals so that action could be taken if implementation was lagging far behind. It was a significant step forward that even if the stocktaking to a considerable extent would need to rely on information provided by the competent national authorities, ministers accepted that their fellow ministers would play a role in assessing whether 8 Then ESIB, the National Unions of Students in Europe, its name has now been changed to the European Students Union (ESU) but the organization is the same. 9 The text of the Cultural Convention as well as an updated list of ratifications and signatures may be found at http://conventions.coe.int/, accessed on December 2, 2013: search for ETS 018.

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or not their country was making sufficient progress in implementing their joint policy goals. In two structural reform areas, important decisions were also made in 2003 and 2005. In Berlin, ministers decided to launch the development of a qualifications framework along with standards for quality assurance. And in Bergen, they adopted two key EHEA documents: the Overarching Framework of Qualifications of the EHEA10 and the European Standards and Guidelines for Quality Assurance in the European Higher Education Area11. The third phase, running from the preparations to the London ministerial conference in 2007 through the conferences in Leuven and Louvain-la-Neuve in 2009 and Budapest and Wien in 2010, is one of consolidation. There were important developments in this period also. Both the social and international dimensions of the EHEA had been emphasized in Bergen. In London, ministers adopted a strategy for the EHEA in a global setting12 and in Leuven/Louvain-la-Neuve they held the first Bologna Policy Forum, which is a platform for discussion with high level representatives of non-EHEA countries from around the world. Both bear witness to the strong interest in the development of the EHEA also from countries that are not potential candidates for membership. In 2009, ministers also adopted the goal of 20 per cent mobility by 2020. Nevertheless, the pace of development was less rapid and ministers focused more on consolidating the EHEA before it was officially launched in Budapest and Wien than on developing new policies. The pace of accession also slowed, although a good part of the explanation was that there were few potential candidates left: most States party to the European Cultural Convention had already acceded to the EHEA. In this period, there were 2 new accessions. Montenegro acceded in 2007, but in a sense re-acceded since it had been part of the EHEA from 2003 until its declaration of independence in 2006. Kazakhstan acceded in 2010 and was the first example of a country that sought and gained accession to the European Cultural Convention with subsequent accession to the EHEA as a clear goal. We are now in the fourth phase, that of continuing to develop the EHEA after its formal launch. The Bologna Process was a process toward 10

http://www.ehea.info/Uploads/Documents/QF-EHEA-May2005.pdf, accessed on December 2, 2013. 11 http://www.ehea.info/Uploads/Documents/Standards-and-Guidelines-for-QA.pdf, accessed on December 2, 2013. 12 http://www.ehea.info/Uploads/Documents/Strategy-for-EHEA-in-global-setting. pdf, accessed on December 2, 2013.

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the goal of establishing the EHEA by 2010, but the EHEA is not static. It needs to continue to develop. This it will do through ministerial conferences, even if the conferences will now mostly be held at three year intervals, as well as through continued policy development and implementation. The first ministerial conference after the formal launch of the EHEA ZDVKHOGLQ%XFXUHúWLLQ$SULODQd the following one will be held in Z@H ZLOO VXSSRUW RXU LQVWLWXWLRQV in the education of creative, innovative, critically thinking and responsible 15

See the report by the Bologna Working Group on Qualifications Framework, which I had the honor to chair, at http://www.ehea.info/Uploads/%281%29/ Qualifications%20Frameworks%20Working%20Group%20Report.pdf, accessed on December 2, 2013.

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graduates needed for economic growth and the sustainable development of our democracies”. Nevertheless, there has been little explicit consideration of the variety of purposes of higher education in discussions about qualifications frameworks or quality assurance. The unspoken assumptions in many of the discussions, however, have been to focus more on training and less on Bildung. The current economic crisis is unlikely to shift that particular focus, even if many employers underline the importance of generic competences. Regardless of when they acceded to the EHEA, members face a set of common challenges; those described above as well as many that cannot be explored within the scope of this article. Newer members of the EHEA, and in particular those that acceded from 2003 onward, however, also face some specific challenges. Partly, this is a question of time: not all members got on the train at the same time, but the underlying assumption is that all would reach the destination at the same time and in the same conditions. Therefore, newer members have had less time to implement reforms and their traditions and starting points may often be different. Developing, describing and implementing learning outcomes as well as promoting student-centered learning is a challenge for most countries and institutions, but it may be particularly challenging for those that have had a long tradition of centralized systems with limited academic freedom and institutional autonomy. At least two newer members—Russia and Ukraine—face the added challenge of having very large and diverse higher education systems in which carrying out “Bologna style” reforms is more difficult than it is in smaller systems. The fact that English is the main language of the EHEA is not a challenge to newer members only, but a working knowledge of English may be less common among faculty in some newer members than in many members that acceded earlier. The report on implementing the EHEA VXEPLWWHG WR WKH %XFXUHúWL ministerial conference (EURYDICE 2012) also points to some areas in which newer members face challenges even if, again, they are not alone in facing these challenges. There are examples of regulations being too rigid, such as cases where holders of a first degree are generally required to take exams or additional courses to access second cycle programs (ibid., 3538); of uneven implementation of the Diploma Supplement (ibid., 53-54), which ministers had committed to issuing automatically, free of charge and in a widely spoken language by 2005 (Bologna Process 2003, 5); of centralized systems for the recognition of qualifications (ibid., 55-57), and of limited availability of alternative learning paths within national education systems (ibid., 109-110 and 127-131).

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The European Higher Education Area and Belarus Belarus is one of three States party to the European Cultural Convention that is not a member of the EHEA. However, the two other non-members, Monaco and San Marino, have very small higher education systems and have so far shown limited interest in membership. Belarus is in a different category both because it has a fully-fledged higher education system and because it made informal enquiries about possibilities for membership as early as in the run-up to the Bergen ministerial conference in May 2005. In preparation for the 2012 conference, Belarus took one step further and submitted a formal application. It then gained the distinction of becoming the first state party to the European Cultural Convention to have its application for membership rejected. An important part of that background is of course to be found in the political situation of Belarus. One may even note that both the informal approach prior to the Bergen conference and the formal application in 2012 came at times when the political situation in Belarus was particularly tense and which included measures taken against members of the academic community who had worked openly in favor of democracy. In 2005, the background was that of the forced closing of the European Humanities University in Minsk and its relocation to Vilnius as well as the expulsion of students for political reasons, in particular the case of Tatsiana Khoma, who was expelled from her university shortly after she had been elected to office in the European Students Union (ESIB at the time). In 2012, the background was the repression against many of those in higher education who had demonstrated against the way in which the presidential election in December 2010 had been carried out. This repression, which was roundly condemned by many European governments, included the arrest and expulsion of students and faculty. The EU established a blacklist of more than 200 Belarusian officials considered to have played a particularly important role in the repression and this list included several higher education leaders. In early 2011, several European ministers responsible for higher education wrote to their Belarusian colleague to protest against these measures. In these circumstances, it was impossible to admit Belarus to an intergovernmental process of higher education reform based on fundamental values like academic freedom, institutional autonomy and student participation. At the same time, parts of the national report submitted by the Belarusian authorities gave rise to serious doubts about their real commitment to key EHEA goals that would have been raised even if the political circumstances had been more favorable.

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In rejecting the application by Belarus, the EHEA of course faced a serous dilemma. It was clear enough that the Belarusian authorities were very far from respecting the fundamental values of the EHEA and there was thus no real question of approving the application. At the same time, however, rejecting it could mean that those within the Belarusian higher education community committed to democracy and working in favor of real reform could be even more isolated and perhaps even exposed to repression, since an independent Bologna committee, organized as an NGO, had submitted an alternative and critical report. Higher education is a part of civil society and may help promote democracy even under repressive regimes, as shown by the example of the Alternative Academic Education Network XQGHU WKH 0LORãHYLü UHJLPH LQ Serbia. However, the application was for membership in an intergovernmental process in which Belarus would have been represented by the competent public authority. Also, there seems to be less scope for civil society organizations in Belarus today than there was even during the PRVW UHSUHVVLYH SHULRGV RI WKH 0LORãHYLü UHJLPH16. The EHEA is committed to assisting civil society in Belarus, including the Belarusian higher education community to the extent that it is independent from the regime, and this point was made by the Bologna Secretariat in its communication with the Belarusian authorities after the application had been rejected. In the current situation, however, it is difficult to see how such assistance can be provided efficiently.

Conclusion The EHEA has largely been successful in reforming the structures of higher education in Europe as well as in focusing on policy areas like the social as well as the global dimensions of European higher education. The EHEA has developed an overarching qualifications framework, standards and guidelines for quality assurance and, recently, a mobility strategy. Bringing together 47 countries into relatively informal yet efficient cooperation in which policies are broadly agreed upon at the European level and then implemented mainly at national and institutional levels is no small achievement. And the EHEA has as a result been met with great interest from other parts of the world.

16

This point has also been made to me in private conversations with Serbian IULHQGV ZKR ZHUH LQYROYHG LQ FLYLO VRFLHW\ RUJDQL]DWLRQV GXULQJ WKH 0LORãHYLü years.

The European Higher Education Area between Training and Bildung

15

Some of the main challenges of the EHEA are linked to its success: from developing structures, attention must now focus on making them work in practice. In addition, however, discussions about structures need to be linked more explicitly to considerations of the various purposes of higher education. After all, structures have little intrinsic value: they exist to further specific purposes. My image of higher education is that of a tower but not an ivory tower. Even if the ivory tower is a much used image of higher education, I do not think universities would have survived for some nine centuries if the image had been anywhere near reality. Rather, my image of higher education is of a lighthouse. Lighthouses show the way. They are normally set somewhat apart from society, but they are nevertheless crucial. Universities must work in and for the societies of which they are a part, but they must at the same time keep some distance so as to be able to apply a longer term perspective than what is done by those whose main framework of reference is the next election, the next financial report or the next newspaper edition. In the age of the sound bite, it is particularly important that we have institutions, research groups and study programs that take a longer view, that develop and maintain the ability to weigh short term and longer term priorities and that are able to ask critical questions as well as to find answers to those questions. We need education systems and institutions that take to heart Ambrose Bierce’s definition of education as “that which discloses to the wise and disguises from the foolish their lack of understanding” (Bierce 1983, 105) as well as Eugenio Tironi’s assertion that the answer to the question: “what kind of education do we need?” lies in the answer to another question: “What kind of society do we want?”(Tironi 2005).

References Bergan, S. 2005. “Higher education as a ‘public good and a public responsibility’—What does it mean?” In The Public Responsibility for Higher Education and Research, edited by Weber L. and Bergan S., Strasbourg: Council of Europe Publishing, Council of Europe Higher Education Series No. 2. —. 2011. “Higher education and democratic participation: the university and democratic culture”. In Not by Bread Alone, Bergan S., 15-32. Strasbourg: Council of Europe Publishing, Council of Europe Higher Education Series No. 17.

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Bierce, A. 1983 (1911). The Enlarged Devil’s Dictionary, edited by E. J. Hopkins, Harmondsworth Penguin. Bologna Process, 2003. “Realising the European Higher Education Area” Communiqué of the Conference of Ministers responsible for Higher Education in Berlin on 19 September 2003; available at http://www. ehea.info/Uploads/Declarations/Berlin_Communique1.pdf. Council of Europe, 2007. Recommendation CM/Rec (2007) 6 of the Committee of Ministers to member states on the public responsibility for higher education and research, available at https://wcd.coe.int/ ViewDoc.jsp?id=1135191&Site=CM&BackColorInternet=C3C3C3& BackColorIntranet=EDB021&BackColorLogged=F5D383. EURYDICE, 2012. The European Higher Education Area in 2012: Bologna Process Implementation Report Bruxelles: Education, Audiovisual and Culture Executive Agency (EACEA P9 Eurydice). Tironi, E. 2005. El sueño chileno: Comunidad, familia y nación en el Bicentenario >7KH&KLOHDQ'UHDP&RPPXQLW\)DPLO\DQG1DWLRQDW WKH%LFHQWHQQLDO@6DQWLDJRGH&KLOH7DXUXV. Usher, A. 2009. “Ten Years Back and Ten Years Forward: Developments and Trends in Higher Education in Europe Region”. Paper presented to the UNESCO Forum on Higher Education in the Europe Region: Access, Values, Quality and Competitiveness, UNESCO/CEPES, %XFXUHúWL 0D\ 21-24, 2009, available at http://www.uofaweb. ualberta.ca/uastatistics/pdfs/0905_UNESCO_Univ_and_power_elabor ation.pdf.

CHAPTER TWO FROM AUTONOMOUS TEACHERS TO AUTONOMOUS UNIVERSITIES: WHERE UNIVERSITY AUTONOMY GETS ITS BIRTH OLGA BRESKAYA AND OLEG BRESKY The lack of University autonomy, academic freedom and students’ participation in higher education governance are the main reasons why Belarus was rejected to join Bologna community and European Higher Education Area (EHEA) in 2012, applying for membership in November 2011. This received different interpretations in Belarus. The Belarusian Minister of Education S. Maskevich explained that “Belarusian Universities have a high degree of autonomy; they don’t ask to have greater autonomy”1. On the official website of Belarusian State University there are several comments around an article on the history of Belarus’ participation in the Bologna Process. One of them explains that “this issue lies in the political axles and nothing more is here”2. The results of an expert analysis by prof. V. Dunaev, member of the non-state initiative group “Civil Bologna Committee” demonstrates that the level of University autonomy in Belarus3 is rather low in comparison with other 1

Ministr Obrazovania: Belarusskie vuzy ne prosiat bol’shej avtonomii (Minister of Education: Belarusian Universities don’t ask to have morer autonomy), 03.05.2013, Eurobelarus, accessed on June 28, 2013. http://eurobelarus.info/news/ society/2013/05/03/ministr-obrazovaniya-belarusskie-vuzy-ne-prosyat-bol-sheyavtonomii.html. 2 E. Burdej, 17.01.2013 (02:16), commentarij k I. Titovu, “Istoria uchastija Belarusi v Bolonskom Prozesse” (comment on Titov, “History of participation of Belarus in Bologna Process”), website of Belarusian State University, accessed on June 28, 2013. http://www.bsu.by/main.aspx?guid=383793. 3 V. Dunaev, Institutional autonomy of Belarusian Universities: four indicators.

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European countries4. This can be evaluated at 24% in organizational autonomy, 26.5% in financial autonomy, 25% in staff autonomy, and less than 10% in academic autonomy. Dunaev introduces University autonomy as a significant precondition for realizing the mission of European Universities, not as a goal in itself5. These types of explorations clarify that the phenomenon of University autonomy in Belarus (as well as in all other regions) has a multidimensional character. It brings together University governance in organizational, financial, academic and staffing spheres6 with more general political, historic, social regional circumstances. All together they constitute a definite type of educational system with its own vision on the importance of autonomy per se.

University autonomy sui generis Diversity in types and levels of University autonomy in Europe presented in charts of the latest analysis of EUA brings us to the conclusion that autonomy is considered and practiced in a variety of ways in Europe; it is not something stable that is once and forever set. It is clear that University autonomy became a value of democratic societies, where the ideas of self-governing universities and subsidiarity are combined with trust and responsibility within academic society. Recent reforms in the French system of higher education, initiated in 2007, which were directed towards reducing State power towards the University system and strengthening University autonomy principles tell us about continuous changes within state-higher education system relations in Europe. They also demonstrate that University autonomy is a desirable principle which allows following the logic of internal institutional development along with taking into account public needs in societies and personal expectations. University autonomy can hardly be reduced to a fixed number of constituents as the recent analysis of University autonomy in Europe demonstrated different combinations in its indicators. This fact raises the question of whether or not universal principles of University autonomy exist. As T. Estermann and T. Nokkalla conclude, “there is no ideal model of autonomy, but rather a set of basic principles that constitute crucial 4

The toolkit for measuring University autonomy in Europe suggested by the European University Association was applied in that analysis. The official website of the European University Association: http://www.University-autonomy.eu/, accessed on June 28, 2013. 5 V. Dunaev, Ibid. 6 According to EUA’s Lisbon Declaration (2007).

From Autonomous Teachers to Autonomous Universities

19

elements of autonomy, and that, when implemented in the context of a given system, support universities in carrying out ever more complex missions” (Estermann and Nokkala 2009, 7). In this view, inquiries concerning the character and key principles of University autonomy become even more intriguing. It seems that after making sociological conceptualizations of University autonomy the situation becomes more evident with analysis. However, the data raise more and more sociohistorical questions and preconditions for the precise situations of University autonomy in each European country. University Autonomy always presupposes the existence of several actors in public space as well as inside the University with diverse (sometimes incompatible) interests. The historical circumstances in which University autonomy originates proves that. These circumstances tell a lot about University autonomy and specify the interests and goals of actors who were present during its moments of birth. University Autonomy was primarily a privilege given to several European Universities in the 12th century. Among those privileges were the Privilegium Scholasticum, by the order of Emperor Frederick I Barbadossa (Bologna 1158), which released students and faculty from taxes and protected them from reprisal and excessive justice. Similarly, a Bull by Pope Gregory IX Parens Scientiarum (Paris, 1231), recognized the power of the University as a legal body to award degrees and guaranteed its independence from local authorities, both Church and secular7. By that Bull, the Pope took the University under his direct protection. Such privileges gave to Universities the status of unique corporations distinct from others and soon no other corporation could cover the functions of Universities in European societies better. However, such autonomy only remained possible if Universities understood their privileges as instruments for the separation of diverse actors in public life: Church, sovereigns, courts, University faculty and others, which could serve as instruments for realizing selfish interests (Berka 2000, 3). What happened in reality was that such autonomy allowed Universities to pursue independent policies in the sphere of their own competency. As soon as their autonomy was not an external circumstance, but instead evidence of internal potential and University quality, it was demonstrated that existing resources were sufficient to support its own existence. So, University autonomy was a bilateral phenomenon, based both on the external environment protecting its functions and on internal resources to realize its mission. 7

K. Guruz, University Autonomy and Academic Freedom: Historical Perspectives.

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Five centuries later in the New World, the problems of University autonomy found new shades in the educational sphere. The story of Harvard University is a key explanation of modern University autonomy. In 1636, there was a decision in Massachusetts to establish Harvard University. That decision caused indignation in London as the King and Parliament totally controlled the creation of corporations. It was after that incident that the American colonies were forbidden to set up corporations without the permission of the King or Parliament. For almost 150 years, that situation existed in the United States, where corporations were created only with the permission of royal assent. During that time, neither banks nor universities could get permission to exist as legal entities (Handlin 1981, 4). In the absence of legal form, corporations existed as associations, since it was impossible to prevent their existence completely. In realizing the principle, “one power, many actors”, it was not possible to create totally centralized regulation and control of Universities from only one center. Not granting privileges or protection of Universities in public space appeared to be the central point of University autonomy practices, meaning the creation of autonomous corporations capable of fulfilling their mission and competing with each other. From the 18th century, various centers of self-governance grew up spontaneously. By the time of England’s revolution there were two Universities, while in the North America there were six; all of them self-proclaimed. It is interesting that the other key story that resulted in settling the character of public and private corporation charters and in general the free enterprise system also happened within the American educational institutional sphere. The case of Dartmouth College, which was forced to become a public institution, was considered in the US Supreme Court in 1819. It was among the first precedents in American legislation that defined autonomous private corporate charter powers and the impossibility of State interference. The European and American stories of autonomous University origins demonstrate the possibilities of both outward and inward grounds for supporting autonomy. They also give the food for reflection in Eastern Europe about how University autonomy has appeared in recent decades in Belarus, Ukraine, Russia and other countries in the region. Which model is closer to these countries: a model for gaining privileges or of becoming a free association and competing for its mission in society? We can ask about a third model in Eastern European educational space. Are universities agents with limited autonomy and do they have no need for complete autonomy?

From Autonomous Teachers to Autonomous Universities

21

Levels of university autonomy University autonomy is established through the parity of relations between multiple counterparts interested in University goals: economic forces, the political system, social and cultural actors, University teachers and administrators (Berka, 2000, 7). As W. Berka underlines, within internal and external University autonomy at least three levels of measurement exist. The first level determines the type of relationship between the University and the State in regard to supervisory power that governs the University. The precise model of a University-State relationship provides the key to the understanding both the type of political regime and the status of a University in society. The second level covers individual-State relations and indicates “how much control the State or public authorities can exercise on the professional behavior of teachers or professors” (Berka 2000, 10). The third level depicts the relationship between individuals in the University and the institution as a self-governing body. It refers to the general type of internal corporate University culture and models of relations between different levels of the University hierarchy. All three levels are closely linked; whether we consider, for example, questions of dismissing staff, fixing wages or making decisions regarding the structure of the University, it turns out that all levels are involved. Berka stresses that the modern University experiences its most complicated problems within the third level. For Belarusian universities, especially, when issues of autonomy in higher education institutions are the prerogatives of the State, which consider the volume of required autonomy for a University, it is important to analyze how internal autonomy, values and ideas are generated at the teachers’ level and to what extent they support the idea of an autonomous University. For Belarus, in the situation of a strong corporative State, University autonomy at the third level seems to be the most challenging because the grassroots autonomy level can explain a lot about the general situation of University autonomy from the inside. Our analysis of the third level also tells us how all three levels are interconnected and how developing autonomy on one level influences its existence on the other levels.

The Third Level of University autonomy in Belarus: Searching for an “overlapping value system” What are the conditions and opportunities for possibly realizing principles of autonomy in Belarusian universities? Case-study results from

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comparative research at the University in Brest (Belarus) and University in Chisinau (Moldova) in 20088 illustrate in which ways University corporate interests and management style values overlap with the professional and personal interests and values of University teachers. The authors used the theoretical approach of Emile Durkheim, who paid particular attention to the phenomenon of solidarity while analysing corporate forms and professional groups. In his opinion, solidarity reflected the societal changes in Europe, which were turning towards autonomous modes of action by individuals and corporations in modernizing societies. In Durkheim’s approach, organic solidarity binds individuals and allows a combination of interests between employers and professional corporations in the best way. Grounded in Durkheim’s theory, we presupposed that organic solidarity in universities binds individuals and corporate structures through a common system of values and norms: individual professional selfrealization, personal freedom and development, along with the mission of the corporation. We gathered data which indicated the mechanisms of overlapping values in various ways. Among the indicators which captured the “overlapping value system” of educational institutions and professional groups of teachers, three spheres of interacting values are presented here9: a) type of existing corporate valuesņpotential of professional selfrealization b) rigidity of corporate normsņtype of personality formed by the corporation c) solidarity in corporationņpersonal self-realization The data gathered in Belarus and Moldova differed in many ways, especially in the sense of professional realization by teachers and their involvement in University life.

8

In the case-study, 30 faculty members in Brest University and 30 faculty members in Chisinau University were interviewed. 9 The full research data is presented in the book “Individual and Corporation within the Public Space” by Olga Breskaya, Svetlana Suveica.

From Autonomous Teachers to Autonomous Universities

23

a) Type of existing corporate values: Potential of professional self-realization To the question: “Would you say that your University possesses some value system?” 66.7% of teachers from Brest and 56.7% from Chisinau answered positively. The absence of such a values system was mentioned LQRIWHDFKHUV¶DQVZHUVLQ%UHVWDQGņLQ&KLVLQDX,n the table below the teachers’ answers demonstrate the type of University value system. Table 1: Faculty members’ measurement of personal and group values suggested by the University Scale of measurement: 1 is the lowest, 10 is the highest Welfare Personal freedom Professional self-realization Interpersonal relations Comfort High public prestige Free spiritual development Ability to social activity Successful education of children Communication with people who are close in interests Entertainments Power Love Health Family Trust Solidarity Ethical norms

Brest % 4.9 5.6 6.2 6.2 4.0 4.9 6.6 4.8 5.9

Chisinau % 4.4 4.6 7.5 6.3 3.1 5.0 4.7 4.5 4.4

6.2

5.2

2.8 1.6 3.8 4.1 5.1 5.0 4.2 5.3

2.7 2.5 3.2 3.2 3.8 4.2 4.1 5.5

For faculty members, next following values suggested by the University seemed to be the most significant:

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Table 2: Comparison of the five most important values suggested by the University from the list (of 18) selected by the faculty members Brest Spiritual development ņ 6.6 Professional self-realization—6.2 Interpersonal relations—6.2 Communication with people who are close in interests—6.2 Successful education of children—5.9

Chisinau Professional self-realization—7.5 Interpersonal relations ņ 6.3 Ethical norms—5.5 Communication with people who are close in interests—5.2 High public prestige—5.0

“Do you have moral obligations for the groups to which you belong?” Answers to this question were distributed in a similar way in Brest and Chisinau: the majority of professors confirmed the existence of a system of moral obligations which binds them to their institution. “Yes,” answered 76.7% of professors in Brest and 70.0% in Chisinau; “No,” answered 3.3% of professors in Brest and 0% in Chisinau. It is evident that some kind of moral responsibility is felt to bind University professors in both institutions. “Does the corporation allow realizing the potential of its participants?” The respondents’ answers showed that in the University in Brest most of the employees (76.7%) could bring greater benefit to their institution than they do at the moment and only 17% of professors realize their potential completely. A different situation existed in Moldova where half of the respondents reported that they do everything that they can (50% vs. 16.7% in Belarus), and almost the other half that they could also do much more (46.7% vs. 76.7% in Belarus). Comparing the existing value systems and the possibility of professional self-realization within the analyzed universities points to an obvious contradiction: Universities suggest the value of professional selfrealization, however, professors believe they can benefit the University 5 times more than they currently do at the University in Brest and twice more at the University in Chisinau.

b) Rigidity of corporate norms: Type of personality formed by the corporation The existence of a rigid corporate normative system which it is necessary to follow was mentioned in 66.7% of teachers’ answers in Brest and 46.7% in Chisinau. On the other hand, 0% of Brest and 3.3% of

From Autonomous Teachers to Autonomous Universities

25

Chisinau teachers answered that their University doesn’t format such a rigid system. The types of personalities formed by the University also point to the order of relations within the corporation. Table 3: Faculty members’ answers to the question “What type of personality, in your opinion, is formed by the University”10? Creative Independent Capable of compulsion Oriented to the collective Oriented to one’s own goals

Brest % 20.0 20.0 43.3 13.3 33.3

Chisinau % 46.7 26.7 10 36.7 10

Among University professors in Brest, the type of professional which mostly is “capable of compulsion” (43.3%) and oriented to own goals (33.3%), as well as creative and independent (20%), demonstrates the contradictory nature of corporate values and management within the institution.

c) Solidarity in corporation: Personal self-realization “Do you think that within your University the intra-institutional solidarity and support of each other exist?” The answers in the table below show that the majority of professors in Brest and Chisinau feel solidarity, while high evidence of solidarity exists for one-third of professors in Brest and half of professors in Chisinau. Table 4: Faculty members’ answers to the question “Do you think that within your University the intra-institutional solidarity and support of each other exist?” Yes No Sometimes I didn’t think about that

10

Brest % 26.7 6.7 63.3 3.3

Chisinau % 36.7 16.7 43.3 3.3

The respondents could choose more than 1 answer, by that the percentage in the column could me more that 100% in total.

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“Does the University infringe on your personal interests?” This question divided respondents in Brest and Chisinau to different poles: “Yes” was answered by 46.7% in Brest and by 20% in Chisinau, while “No” received 20.0 % of respondents’ answers in Brest and 43.3% in Chisinau. Where individuals are mere accessories of the corporation they naturally become accessories of the central power embodied in this entity. This idea of Durkheim can be applied to the results we have discovered. Universities translate for professors a type of value system that they become part of. The third level of University autonomy measurement proves this hypothesis. All three dimensions of the “overlapping value system” demonstrated the paradoxical situations within the third level of University autonomy. It is possible to observe elements of a dysfunctional system when the values of personal professional growth cannot be combined with possibilities of realizing yourself within the existing institution. At the same time, the high level of individual interests and values of professors that are oriented to their own goals and values of personal development help to create preconditions for possible autonomy in the future of Belarusian universities. It is therefore possible to conclude that the paternalistic interventions of the Belarusian State penetrate the third level as well as the two others through legislative types of University management, while ‘the lack of respect for autonomy” is announced and practised11.

Belarusian Autonomous University in Exile It seems that the agent model of University autonomy is the only one that really exists in modern Belarus. Such an agent model presupposes the direct control of financial and top-management University levels by the State, naming the University as an “establishment”12, which indicates the strong ties between State and University. At the same time, the content of education in the University and specific forms of academic life remains semi-free with a number of autonomous functions. This raises a question for modern Belarus of whether or not other models could exist in such a national environment. 11

Autonomy in Moral and Political Philosophy, 11.08.2009. In Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, accessed on June 28, 2013. http://plato.stanford.edu/ entries/autonomy-moral. 12 In Russian the word “uchrezdenie” is used in the names of state universities, which means an institution that is established by the State.

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27

The story of the European Humanities University (EHU) which was founded in Minsk, Belarus in 1992 and in 2004 expelled from Belarus by the authorities shows the possibility of creating an autonomous academic community and suggests alternatives to the agent model of University autonomy. EHU eventually intends to return to Minsk as its mission is oriented towards the benefits of Belarusian society. However, in 2012 EHU celebrated its 20th anniversary in Vilnius with the status of exiled University and as a current member of the Lithuanian National Higher Education System13. Today it serves more than 1,800 mostly Belarusian students, offers undergraduate and graduate degree programs and promotes research in the humanities and social sciences. About one-third of EHU’s students attend courses on campus in Vilnius and about twothirds study via online programs and reside in Belarus. Today, EHU is the only Belarusian University which is a part of the Bologna community of good practice and the EHEA. EHU’s exile meant that it was recreated as an autonomous corporation capable of fulfilling its mission and competing with other universities in the region. It followed a similar story to Harvard University as it worked for year and a half (from 2004—2006) without legal status either in Belarus or Lithuania. However, its Part-Owners granted EHU full autonomy in managing its human and financial resources, setting its own profile for teaching, research and innovation, and establishing its own governance structures. The University governance model is set out in its Statutes. At the top of the University’s organization are a General Assembly of Part-Owners (GAPO), and then its Governing Board, which consists of eleven members (2 from the University and nine from different countries). The Rector is the Executive Head of the University and is elected for five years with the possibility of one further period of re-election and EHU’s Governing Board appoints three Vice-Rectors. The terms of appointment, salaries and contracts of all other administrative and academic staff are managed by the Human Resources Unit, which reports to the Vice-Rector for Administration and Infrastructure. The Finance Department is responsible for developing the University’s annual budget for the approval of the Governing Board. Within the approved budget, the University’s senior management can act independently. The University develops its profile for teaching, research and innovation independently through its Academic Division managed by the Vice-Rector for Academic Affairs. However, important questions must 13

EHU official website: http://www.ehu.lt/en.

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obtain a recommendation from the Senate and, in some strategic cases as well as those involving major financial issues, Governing Board approval is needed. EHU develops and implements its own organizational structure, though major changes are subject to approval by the Governing Board, and changes in the Statute must be passed formally by GAPO. To understand the autonomous character of EHU, we would like to apply the “University Autonomy in Europe” toolkit suggested by EUA. If we analyse the organizational autonomy of EHU which depicts the internal organization and decision-making processes, it can be measured as 100% like only the United Kingdom within Europe. The financial autonomy of EHU can be counted as 91% as the University is able to manage its funds and allocate its budget independently, but “cannot borrow money” like universities in Greece, Hungary, Norway, Portugal, Switzerland, and Turkey. Luxemburg has a similar level of financial autonomy and this figure is the highest among European universities. Staffing autonomy at EHU is 100% like only Estonia within Europe; this demonstrates the University’s ability to recruit and manage its human resources as it sees fit. Academic autonomy of EHU is 84% (EHU follows Iceland with 89%) due to the existing Lithuanian policy that restricts opening degree programs without prior accreditation (Lithuanian academic autonomy is 42%). Summarizing this analysis of EHU’s autonomy in four dimensions, we conclude that its status is unique not only for Belarusian Universities, but even within Europe. Along with the above mentioned indicators of autonomous structure, it is important to stress that EHU exists at the crossroads of demands from Belarusian families, non-state actors, professors who feel the need for a new type of education and the global University community which is ready to support this type of project. The recent Declaration on the occasion of the 20th Anniversary of the European Humanities University (EHU) underlines this: “The twenty-year history of EHU is an eloquent example of the risks as well as the possibilities that arise with the development of independent and autonomous universities in Eastern Europe, and for civil society in general. In some parts of Eastern Europe, political authoritarianism threatens the core values of preserving academic freedom and encouraging critical thinking. In the larger European scope, an increasing emphasis on careeroriented fields threatens its focus on the humanities and social sciences as modes of inquiry essential in the development of critical thinking. …While EHU certainly does not welcome its “at-risk” status, it does recognize the opportunity and responsibility such institutions have to help “at risk” nations and other institutions as they confront the on-going challenges of social, economic and political change; to help them see concretely, rather

From Autonomous Teachers to Autonomous Universities

29

than abstractly, the universal, critically applicable connections between academic freedom and the creation of free and economically healthy societies”14.

“From Must to Can” Looking back to the centuries of developing University autonomy in Europe and the USA, several facts concerning the flourishing of University autonomy become more evident and important for building autonomous Universities in Eastern Europe nowadays: ņ LQWHUQDO DQG H[WHUQDO DXWRQRP\ DUH WZR SROHV that bind University demands to develop their own capacities in managing educational and research spheres, as well as defining policies towards universities gaining support for their protection in growing autonomously from the political system and society. Autonomy then becomes not only the precondition, but also the value and the principle of overlapping demands of universities and political power. ņWKHPDLQIXQFWLRQRIWKH6WDWHLQUHODWLRQWRDXWRQRPRXV8QLYHUVLW\ structures is the creation of a system of guarantees, which can accumulate diverse resources for protecting internal University autonomy. So, the distinctive level of freedoms is important for internal University autonomy. ņ WKH NH\ HOHPHQWV RI 8QLYHUVLW\ DXWRQRP\ are produced and maintained within the University: acting in educational and research spheres, the ability to self-govern, internal solidarity and consensusmaking demonstrate that a University has their own stakeholders for autonomous institutional action at all levels. Here, the central role belongs to University managers and faculty, who together produce the space for growth of knowledge and competitive decisions and attitudes within the modern state and societies.

References Autonomy in Moral and Political Philosophy, 11.08.2009. In Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, accessed on June 23, 2013. http://plato. stanford.edu/entries/autonomy-moral/. 14

In Support of the Mission of Liberal Arts Universities in Eastern Europe. A Declaration on the Occasion of the 20th Anniversary of the European Humanities University (EHU) Vilnius, Summer 2012, accessed on June 28, 2013. http:// conferences.ehu.lt/survey.php.

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Berka, W. 2000. “The Legal and Philosophical meaning of autonomy in Education.” In Autonomy in Education: Yearbook of the European Association for Education Law and Policy, edited by Walter Berka, Jan De Groof, Hilde Penneman. Kluwer Law International, Hague. Breskaya, O. and S. Suveica. 2011. Individ i korporatsia v publichnom prostranstve” (“Individual and Corporation within the Public Space”). Vilnius: European Humanities University. Dunaev, V. 16.01.2013. Instituzional’naja avtonomija belorusskih vuzov: chetyre indikatora (Institutional autonomy of Belarusian Universities: four indicators), Nashe Mnenie, accessed on June 27, 2013. http://nmnby.eu/news/analytics/5057.html. Estermann, Th. and Nokkala, T. University autonomy in Europe I: Exploratory Study. EUA Publications, Brussels, 2009, accessed on June 28, 2013. http://www.rkrs.si/gradiva/dokumenti/EUA_Autonomy _Report _Final.pdf. Guruz, K. “Avtonomija universiteta i akademicheskaya svoboda: istoricheskie perspektivy” (University Autonomy and Academic Freedom: Historical Perspectives), International Higher Education quarterly on-line journal, accessed on June 25, 2013. http://ihe. nkaoko.kz /archive/67/389/. Handlin, O. 1981. “The Development of the Corporation”. In The Corporation: A Theological Inquiry, edited by Michael Novak and John W. Cooper, 1-11. Washington: American Enterprise Institute.

CHAPTER THREE HIGHER EDUCATION IN POLAND: FOR WHOM AND FOR WHAT? COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF TWO REFORM PROJECTS AGATA STASIK AND ADAM G(1'ħ:,àà Higher education and research institution reforms introduced in 2010 and 2011 in Poland were an attempt to profoundly transform this sector, which since 1989 experienced enormous development. Unfortunately, it was functioning without a long-term strategy or fundamental reforms. The organization of higher education system in Poland is based on a combination of traditional, relatively strong academic self-government with hierarchical institutions and market principles. One of the most important changes in higher education after the transition was the ‘massification’ of higher education attained mainly by the rise and H[SDQVLRQRIWKHSULYDWHVHFWRU.ZLHN-DEáHFND/HSRUL 7KH number of students rose five times from 390,000 in 1990 to 1,950,000 thousand in 2005 (GUS, 2010) due both to demographic factors and the increasing educational aspirations among young people, typical for posttransitional countries. A sector of private higher education, previously non-existing, appeared and developed quickly as a response to the growing demand for diplomas. In 2005, almost one third of students were enrolled in private universities. Simultaneously, public universities started to offer programs with tuition fees in addition to traditional programs financed by the state. As a result, in 2005 less than half of all students participated in publicly funded programs. Thus, the enormous rise in the level of participation in higher education was to a large extent financed by private means. The debate on the future of Polish higher education that preceded the formulation and implementation of new policies was in fact a debate on contemporary relations between science, education, government and

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society. The ideological background of this debate consisted of positions known from other European countries, e.g. the necessity of adjusting the research and education sector to the needs of industry, the contemporary “knowledge-based economy” and building a flexible labor market. It was argued that raising efficiency, quality of education and intra-systemic competition is a way to achieve this goal (Kwiek 2006). However, we do not assume that the meaning of these notions is stable and easily transferrable between the national, historical and professional contexts. We rather believe that “the adoption of global models might be PHUHO\V\PEROLF>DQG@«QRWQHFHVVDULO\OHDGWRFRQYHUJHQFHLQSUDFWLFHV and results” (Beerkens 2008, 33). Hence, in this paper we reflect on how widespread ideological concepts about the higher education from global policy discourse have been transformed at the national level and how the very same notions might receive different meanings. Even if at first glance policy documents refer to the same “vocabulary”, it is worth asking whether they give different meaning to the same notions. Do actors with different background and interests use the same words, rooted in European discourse about higher education (like “quality” and “competitiveness”), to express the same or antagonistic meanings? Of course, it should be noticed that Polish reform has been to a large extent convergent with transformations introduced in other European countries. The new law1 that submitted all contracts between students and universities to civil law, changed the criteria of promotion after Ph.D., imposed more flexible working conditions on academic staff or introduced financial incentives for the “flagships”, i.e. academic units with the best research performance—just to mention some of the major changes. Nonetheless, this paper focuses not on the substantial regulations and institutional arrangements introduced by the reforms, but on public discussion before the resolution of the new law. Our aim is to investigate the ideological framework in which the debate developed. We also wish to present an analysis of two strategic proposals for Polish higher education, which were formulated to serve as a basis for further legislation. While the occurrence of strategies (or comprehensive policy papers) before any reform is not unusual, what is interesting in the Polish case is the authorship of two concurrent documents, prepared almost simultaneously: 1

The original text of the new regulations can be found in the system of Polish legal acts as The Act of 18 March 2011—Changes of the Law on higher education, the Law on academic degrees and title, and certain other regulations (Ustawa o ]PLDQLHXVWDZ\3UDZRRV]NROQLFWZLHZ\ĪV]\PXVWDZ\RVWRSQLDFKQDXNRZ\FKL tytule naukowym oraz o stopniach i tytule w zakresie sztuki oraz o zmianie niektórych innych ustaw)—Dziennik Ustaw RP No. 84, Pos. 455.

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one by consulting companies working for the government2; the other by academic “insiders”, i.e. the Conference of Rectors of Polish Academic Schools (.RQIHUHQFMD 5HNWRUyZ $NDGHPLFNLFK 6]Nyá 3ROVNLFK .5$63) and the Foundation of Polish Rectors (Fundacja Rektorów Polskich, FRP)3. The first document was soon labeled as an “experts’ strategy” while the second was called a “community’s strategy”. Both documents were aimed to play an important role in the public debate about the ultimate shape of the educational reforms. The main focus of our scrutiny is on the values and interests expressed by these two strategic documents. In particular, we analyse the answers that have been prepared by the two groups for the following crucial questions: (1) who should profit from higher education? (2) who can articulate the expectations toward higher education? and (3) how and by whom should higher education be governed? Our research may be thus also seen in the light of certain broader questions, concerning more universal problems of contemporary societies. Firstly, it should be noticed that the prospective vision of science and higher education is closely related to the vision of society, including its goals and development (e.g. Biesta 2007; Vestergaard 2007; Pestre 2009; Delenty 2002). This relationship is implicitly present in the rule of law and institutional arrangements: every given legal order is supported and based on a certain social and political order. For instance, the new obligation imposed on Polish universities (both public and private) to sign contracts with each student introduces more market-like relations between students and universities. Likewise, the dominance of short-term work contracts supports competitiveness rather than stability and continuity as the preferred base of high-quality academic work. While in these strategies a close relation is expressed directly between the imagined university and the desired society, due to the level of generality and relatively long time horizon it is still necessary to convincingly define society and its objectives. If a legislator wants universities to be socially beneficial, he or she firstly has to define what is and what is not a social benefit or a common interest. Secondly, the very form of a “strategic document” is an example of a significant shift in the mechanisms of educational politics. Such documents, prepared by expert strategists who advise governments elected 2 (UQVW DYDLODEOH RQ-line: http://www.isasociology.org/universities-in-crisis/?p=850, accessed on October 30, 2011. Vestergaard, J. 2007. The Entrepreneurial University Revisited: Conflicts and the Importance of Role Separation. Social Epistemology, 21(1): 41-54.

Documents and Reports (UQVW DYDLODEOH RQ-line: http://www.nauka.gov.pl/fileadmin/user_upload/eng/he/OECD_Tertiar y_Reviews_POLAND_2007.pdf, accessed on October 30, 2011. doi: 10.17 87/9789264039131-HQ@.

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 JU]HFKyZ JáyZQ\FK UDSRUWX (UQVW DYDLODEOH RQ-line: http://www.krytykapolity czna.pl/Opinie/10grzechowglownychraportuErnstYoungostaniepolskie jnaukiiszkolnictwawyzszego/menuid-1.html. *áyZQ\8U]ąG6WDW\VW\F]Q\. 2010. 6]NRá\Z\ĪV]HLLFKILQDQVH—a report.

PART II EDUCATION POLICY AT THE AGE OF UNIVERSITY REFORMS IN EASTERN EUROPE

CHAPTER FOUR NEW CONTROL MECHANISMS IN THE FIELD OF RUSSIAN HIGHER EDUCATION POLICY SARI ERIKSSON Zajda (2003, 60-61) argues that in the Soviet Union the stated purpose of education policy was the principle of equity. Equity meant equal possibilities for education regardless of social class, gender, race or place of birth, as well as social justice. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the stated purpose of education policy has changed from the principle of equity to the principle of quality (Zajda 2003). The meanings given to the concept of quality are linked to competition, excellence, merit, selection and the academic elite. In the 2000s, the concept of quality became a defining feature of higher education policy in Russia (Bolotov and Efremova 2007). The concept of quality is often employed in the on-going reforms of the education sector reforms in Russia. In many discussions on higher education policy, the concept of quality is connected to future challenges of the education system and to cooperation between society, labour markets, state and higher education (HE) institutions (e.g. Bestuzhev-Lada 2001; Kovaleva 2003). According to Beecham (2008) the resources of higher education have diminished globally at the same time as the focus of education policy has centred on quality. Profit responsibility has kick-started evaluations of higher education, which have gradually shifted to quality assurance. According to Beecham (2008, 117), the terms accountability, excellence and quality have become synonymous to ‘good’ in higher education policy documentations, while at the same time any of these terms do not undisputedly equal or contribute towards the good. Rinne and Simola (2005, 326) employ the concept of ‘market speech,’ which has gained widespread acceptance and replaced traditional academic values, to the same phenomenon.

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It is often ambiguous to interpret and understand the enhanced control of a central government. In the Russian academic debate on modernization of Russia’s higher education policy, there is a direct link between control and quality assurance. Traditionally, higher education has been under state control in Russia (Kerr 1990). After the collapse of the Soviet system, higher education has faced radical changes and fragmentation (Jones 1994). The numbers of higher education institutions and students have doubled during the last twenty years. In the Russian discussions of Russian higher education policy there is a clear call for more control over the diverse ways of managing higher education (Zapesotskii 2006). In Russia, the concern is focused on increased autonomy and selfdetermination for higher education institutions. Instead, in the global discussions of higher education, the policies seem to be focused on alternative issues. There is a concern along with quality assurance and New Public Management (NPM), that autonomy and self-determination of HE institutions will decrease (de Boer, Enders & Schimank 2007). Research literature on global higher education policy indicates that quality control and quality assurance have become central interests of higher education policy globally (e.g. Saarinen 2007; Harvey 2004) as well as in Russia (Bolotov and Efremova 2007). There has been more research focusing on quality assurance than ever since quality became a central feature of higher education policy interventions. Simola and Rinne (2008, 172) note that research related to quality assurance is most often research for quality assurance rather than research about quality assurance as the topic. This study is based on the idea that by analysing educational policy related to quality, it is possible to analyse the linkages between quality assurance mechanisms of higher education and other developments in a society. The aim of this article is to analyse the role of the Russian central government in connection to the concept of quality in higher education. In this research, as established by the research literature of global higher education policy, the change in academic culture achieved by means of bureaucracy and management is referred to as a quality revolution. The aim of this study is to analyse which specific features of a quality revolution are found in Russian higher education policy documents and which features are highlighted in the Russian context. The first research question is how quality is conceptualized in certain documents of Russian higher education policy documents? The second research question is what kinds of questions does quality give answers to in certain Russian higher education policy documents? With these questions, it is possible to analyse the various meanings behind the

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concept of quality as well as to explore stated and hidden discourses in relation to the concept of quality in Russian higher education policy documents. According to the first article of the Education Act (Law on Education 1992, § 1), the government plans and executes educational policies with the help of five-year education plans, which are approved by the Russian government. The five-year plan for the years 2006-2010 is called the Overarching Program of the Development of Education of the Russian Federation for the years 2006-2010 (Federal’naja zelevaja programma razvitija obrazovania na 2006-2010 gody, henceforth the Russian Federal Target Program 2006-2010), which was approved by the Russian government on December 23, 2005 with decree no. 803. The program outlines the goals and contents of educational policy. The research data is composed of two documents from this program. This study focuses on those parts of the research data, which refer to higher education and quality. For the reading of the text this study utilizes discourse analysis, by which it is possible to critically analyse linkages between knowledge and power which appear in the documents. In the reading of critical discourse analysis, the text forms part of a larger whole, on which existing power relationships, ideologies and conventions are projected. The critical discourse analysis utilized here is a combination of language and societal analysis as well as historical discourse interpretation (e.g. Taylor 2004, 435-436; Jokinen and Juhila 1991; Van Dijk 2006; McKennan 2004). The goal of critical discourse analysis is to understand what kinds of power relationships are built and maintained by discourses.

Quality revolution Morley (2003) and Saarinen (2007) argue that quality has become a global meta-story, due to which quality assurance has come to symbolise the current modernization process. The higher education sector has scattered due to the expansion of higher education and its spread to the masses. Quality assurance mechanisms have been developed in order to control the scattered higher education sector. Quality and quality assurance are deployed to justify administrative reforms. Morley (2003) coined the concept of a quality revolution, which has evoked a change in academic culture. The quality revolution has influenced both the micro- and macro-levels of the higher education sector. This revolution has been achieved by bureaucratic and administrative means (Morley 2003, 164).

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The NPM movement has significantly influenced the new dynamics in higher education. Simola and Rinne (2004, 327) state, that as a result of the NPM movement, a policy called quality revolution has taken over the field of higher education. In this article I interpret ‘quality revolution’ as a policy strategy that is used to re-organize the dynamics and structure of the higher education field. Based on a literature review of earlier studies I have specified the six most salient features of the quality revolution. These are: the use of the concepts of 1) quality, 2) assessment, 3) accountability, 4) governance in the higher education sector, 5) power relations, and 6) the dynamics between actors in the higher education field (see figure 1.). Next I will explain these features of the quality revolution. As the quality revolution has taken place, the concept of quality has stabilized its position as a regular concept in educational policy texts. Only rarely is it defined in any specific way. The concept of 1) quality has become a light and positive attribute, by which it is possible to justify different educational policies. Openness, transparency and a consumerist ideology are often linked to the concept of quality. Quality is also more regularly linked to technical quality assurance processes. (Saarinen 2007). The linkage of quality assurance processes to the quality revolution may be seen in that the concept of quality has become part of various evaluation research movements and quality assurance processes 2) (e.g. Morley 2003; Simola and Rinne 2004; Blalock 1999). Technical enlightenment (Barnett 1994) and assessment can be seen as goals of quality assurance processes to increase understanding of an external actor over HE institutions. Accountability 3) has taken a central role in evaluation processes as the quality revolution has taken the place. Accountability appears when quality assurance procedures are concerned with fabricating technical and numerical results. The end products of assurance are to increase the awareness of external actors instead of just critical self-reflection and learning within the faculties or universities (e.g. Harvey 2004). Changes in governance culture 4) inside the entire HE sector are visible as competition-based market logic and the quest for efficiency increase. With this new management culture, profit responsibility has become an integral part of higher education and has resulted in higher education evaluations. These evaluations have gradually come to be discussed as quality assurance processes (Saarinen 2007).

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The concept of quality is rarely defined 1. Quality

2. Assessment

Openness, transparency, consumerist ideology and technical quality assurance procedureres are linked to the concept of quality The concept of quality has become a part of the different evaluation research movements Quality assurances are usually technical and numerical measurements

3.Accountability Guality assurance mechsnisms are concentrated on end products and technical results instaed of critical self-reflection and internal understanding 4. Governance Quality assurances are part of the New Public Management movements With quality assurance mechanisms it is possible to have more control on higher education sector

5. Power

Together with New Public Management the role of state giving orders and regulation is challenged Quality assurance mechanisms are part of the power relations

6. Actors The role of actors outside of the the higher education sector is highlighted (for example ENQA, OECD) Academic independence diminished

Figure 1. Quality Revolution

Furthermore, the transformation of the governance culture towards the NPM movement has furthered the call for quality assurance studies. Different assurance and quality programs shift power from the academic faculties towards the central administrations’ and the vice-chancellors’ offices, as well as to ministries and business circles outside of higher education sectors (Simola and Rinne 2004, 331). These mechanisms make it possible to increase the awareness of an external body over the actions of higher education and thereby to better control their activities using new governance mechanisms (Morley 2003). In the quality revolution, the traditional role of the state giving orders and regulations from above is challenged. The state gives up direct control 5) i.e. the power relations are changing. Either instead of or alongside of the state now appear representatives of business and labour markets as actors

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in the higher education field. 6) Furthermore, academic independence tends to diminish. Self-governance inside of universities is challenged while the role of new actors outside the traditional higher education sector is highlighted. Actors such as OECD, ENQA, labour representatives and national governments play a major role in quality assurance and this has changed the power relations in the field of higher education.

The use of the concept of quality in Russian policy documents The research data is composed of two documents from the Overarching Program of the Development of Education of the Russian Federation for the years 2006-2010 (henceforth the RFTP). The first document is government decree no. 803 (henceforth Program document) on the Overarching Program of the Development of Education of the Russian Federation for the years 2006-2010. The second document is the mid-term evaluation of the effects of the Overarching Program drafted by the Federal Agency for Education in 2007 (henceforth Evaluation document). In RFTP documents, quality is linked to measurability and various checks. The concept of quality is employed in order to justify different actions without further explanations. Quality did not appear in these documents as something exceptional, but rather as a justification for educational policy. In the Evaluation document (2007) and the Program document (2005) the concept of quality appears as a concept justifying political actions. In the Evaluation document (2007) quality appears alongside measurement and control. In such occurrences in the Evaluation document (2007) quality is written about as something to improve. In the Evaluation document (2007) quality appears together with assurance, evaluation and control. For example, in the Evaluation document (2007) the concept of quality is linked more often to the control mechanisms than to other aspects combined. The documents of the RFTP (e.g. Evaluation document 2007, 33) employ the concept of ‘the mechanism of public control’ as a synonym for quality indicators. Thus, the pursuit of quality indicators aims at increasing control of central administrations over the higher education sector rather than at enhancing the quality of educational actions. Increasing control over the higher education sector is presented as a positive phenomenon in the data. Quality may be improved through standards and stricter control in the documents of the RFTP. In other words, with the help of quality, the higher education sector may be controlled. In the Evaluation document

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(2007) quality is linked to different technical solutions and measurements, by which the central government control in individual institutions of higher education may be increased. The increase of measurements and control is explained by the unification of fragmented measurement and standard procedures. With the help of these changes the role of the central government increases in educational control. With the help of different IT solutions, information about individual educational facilities, measurements and results from quality assurances are at the disposal of the central government. It is mentioned in the documents of the RFTP that there is a lack of unified, objective and effective evaluation methods: “One of the problems today is the lack of necessary methodological documents that govern the institutions licensing at the regional level. At the same time, regions are lacking objective and effective methods in evaluation processes and state licensing” (Evaluation document 2007, 31).

In general, the concept of quality appears in the RFTP documents more as a tool for steering policy rather than as a goal. In these documents, the concept of quality is a positive phenomenon, which has links to modernization in the higher education sector. Improving and ensuring quality justify different measures of educational policy. The concept of quality appears in situations in which it aims at the improvement of a certain case or issue. Yet, it is not specified in the RFTP documents what improved or ensured quality stands for. Whereas there is mention that quality is weak, proposed solutions thereby follow with an intention to increase quality. Hence improvement of quality serves as a statement for action. “One of the problems of today is the lack of the necessary methodological documents that govern the schools licensing inspections at the regional level. The same areas lack the evaluation and the state licensing objective and effective methods. To solve this problem the Russian Federal Target Program 2006-2010 established a new project ‘Development and testing of methodological support during the licensing examination of pre-school educational institutions, educational institutions, institutions of initial vocational, secondary and higher vocational education’ (F-7) in which it conducted the development of regulatory methodological support licensing examination” (Evaluation document 2007, 31-32).

Analysis of the RFTP documents indicated that one of the aims behind the RFTP is to increase control of the central administration over the higher education sector. The concept of quality is highlighted in those

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occurrences in which quality assurance mechanisms and quality control are discussed. The Program document (2005) represents various kinds of tasks and planned actions, whose target is to increase control.

Russia contributes to the field of global higher education and quality assurance In the documents of the RFTP, the term ‘internationality’ is mentioned in relation to quality. Internationality interconnects with quality in two kinds of situations. Russia is eager to increase its quality assurance cooperation with international actors as well as to export her own quality assurance models abroad. Russia is eager to increase the export of quality assurance mechanisms especially to the Commonwealth of Independent States—countries (CIS). As well, Russia wants to stick to its unique education system and is not willing to make significant changes to it. On top of exporting its education system and quality assurance mechanism abroad, Russia is eager to integrate towards the European higher education sphere. The documents of the RFTP represent Russia’s willingness to increase cooperation with European actors in all issues relating to quality assurance (Evaluation document 2007, 44). For example, Russia is willing to bring its education system closer to the Bologna process and to adopt standards and requirements of Russian quality assurance mechanisms from ENQA (Evaluation document 2007, 36). One of the goals given to the education sector in the RFTP was to increase the number of higher education institutions that have a two-step degree structure in place. In 2005, 15 % of the higher education institutions had incorporated the two-step degree structure and the goal of the RFTP was that in 2010 70% of higher education institutions would have it installed (Program document 2005, attachment 1). On the other hand, concerned opinions are presented in the Evaluation document (2007) about the fact that since the 1990s it has been possible to gain higher education degrees in an ever-shorter time. As part of this development, guidance has diminished and students have moved towards mass education. The Evaluation document (2007) conveys worries about the contemporary lines of higher education as having led to a weakening of quality. “The shortening of the studying times for university degrees that was introduced in the beginning of the 1990s has become more popular in the recent years. This allows undergraduate and graduate students to graduate

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The Evaluation document (2007) mentions that Russia is eager to increase its exports of higher education services and quality assurance mechanisms to other countries. This document notes that Russian universities have approximately 80 branch offices abroad that do not have the necessary mechanisms to make sufficient quality assurance procedures. “Russian education services are not only for the internal market, but also foreign markets take advantage of them. About 80 Russian institutes have branch offices abroad. However, currently there is no universal mechanism to ensure quality in the branches abroad” (Evaluation document 2007, 45).

A project was started within the RFTP whose aim was to prepare a quality assurance system for Russian universities branch offices abroad (Evaluation document 2007, 46). The Evaluation document (2007) reports on the success of the export of Russian higher education and Russia’s quality assurance system. “In nine CIS countries as of November 2006 there were 36 branches of 27 Russian universities, including 21 branches of state higher education institutions and 15 branches of non-state universities, as well as 5 Russian national educational institutions (academies and universities), that conduct educational activities under a Russian license with an enrolment of more than 22 thousand students” (Evaluation document 2007, 45—46).

The Evaluation document (2007) also mentions that economic development in these nine countries provides opportunities to intensify trade relations and to increase cooperation of firms in production. Russia is therefore eager to increase exports of its education system and to increase similar cooperation with countries of the Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC), the CIS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO).

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“The active development of economic relations with CIS, EurAsEC and SCO involves the creation of joint ventures that develop the industrial base in these countries with the participation of Russian capital and the intensification of trade relations” (Evaluation document 2007, 46).

It is visible in RFTP documents that Russia is eager to integrate with European actors in the practices of quality assurance, but only when it clearly benefits Russia. Russia is not willing to give up its traditions in education at any price. A dual approach to European quality assurance activities can be found in the RFTP documents. On the one hand, there is a critical approach to pressures from European actors, but on the other, Russia engages in the necessary actions so as not to be closed off from international cooperation. Behind all of these international activities was the aim to gain membership to the World Trade Organization (WTO). The desire for membership in the WTO and reforms in the higher education sector are connected to the RFTP documents. The Evaluation document (2007) established that “Russian integration to the Bologna process and increase in exports is necessary for Russian membership in the WTO” (Evaluation document 2007, 49). WTO membership and economic competitiveness appear to be the justification for education policies and as a target behind all planned educational reforms. One of the aims behind the RFTP is to increase Russian economic competitiveness and to improve the socio-economic situation through education. It is stated in the RFTP documents that the socio-economic situation has a direct link to Russian competitiveness on world markets. The term ‘socio-economic situation’ refers to the values of equal educational opportunities, welfare for citizens and economic development. The Russian government has increased investments in human capital and higher education, while endeavouring to increase economic competitiveness. In the RFTP documents, economic competitiveness is linked to how highly developed countries utilize educational potential and human capital. “In highly developed countries, economic competitiveness is related to the management of human potential, which is often said to be based in the education system” (Program document 2005, 7).

According to the Program document (2005, 13), by investing in the welfare of citizens it is possible to increase competitiveness in global markets. More cooperation, however, is needed between education and society. In the RFTP documents it is stated that the contents of education activities, quality assurance procedures as well as educational technologies

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should respond to the growing requirements of society. For example, the unified state exam seeks to ensure equal opportunities for entry into higher education regardless of social and regional factors (Program document 2005, attachment 1 p.2).

Quality revolution in Russian higher education policy In the research data, the term ‘quality’ was not defined and it has various meanings in different contexts. Technical goals were often linked to quality and quality assurance processes. The improvement of quality appears to be mainly a technical and numerical problem. With the help of quality assurance, the awareness of the central government about higher education institution activities increases. Tighter grip by the central government over the higher education sector appears in its most concrete form in quality assurance. The administrative measures are apparent also when quality assurance is linked to wider goals of competitiveness of the state. On the basis of the results of this study, three types of actors may be identified in quality assurance in Russia: the state, higher education institutions and societal players such as labour representatives. The role of the Russian state in the international quality assurance field is two-fold. Russia exports its own quality assurance system abroad and at the same time absorbs the influence of global tendencies to her own quality assurance system. This research shows that societal players are also entering quality assurance work. Accountability appears when quality assurance measures are applied to fabricate the end results. On this basis, it may also be noted that power relationships in the higher education sector are becoming more pronounced. In figure 2 below, the results of this study are presented on the basis of the quality revolution features outlined above in figure 1. In figure 2, the usage of the concepts of 1) quality, 2) assessment, 3) accountability, 4) governance, 5) power and 6) actors are considered as features of the quality revolution.

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1.Quality

The concept of quality is rarely defined and the meanings depending on the context

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In the program documentation the concept of quality combines tasks and activities in relation to co-operation and persuasion

Quality is linked on quality assurance 2. Assessment

Quality assurances are usually technical and numerical measurements With the help of quality assurances the awarenesss of central government of the activities over higher education sector increses

3.Accountability

4. Governance

5. Power

Quality assurance mechsnisms are concentrated on end products and technical results Control of central governments over the higher education institutions is highlighted Quality assurances has direct link to wider goals of competitiveness of the state. Quality assurance mechanisms are part of the power relations The two-fold role of Russian state in quality assurance field

6. Actors

In the evaluation document the concept of quality has relations to the management and control contexts

Passive role of the higher education institutions New players are entering the quality assurance work

Russia absorbs influence from international tendencies to her own quality assurance system

Russia exports her own quality assurance system abroad

Figure 2. How quality is linked to higher education policy in Russia

Using the frame of quality revolution it is possible to analyze similarities and differences between global and Russian features of quality. During the Russian quality revolution the concept of quality becomes a concept that does not need definitions. The concept of quality combines consumer ideology and principles of transparency, as well as the technical quality of evaluation methods. In the research data these features are visible in Russian quality assurance. In Russia, the meanings of quality are tightly linked to surrounding concepts. In the Program documentation (2005) the concept of quality combines tasks and activities in relation to cooperation and persuasion, in contrast with the Evaluation document (2007) where the concept of quality is related to management and control

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contexts. Also, links between government, control and quality assurance is strongly emphasized in these documents. The emphasis on control through quality assurance appears as a special feature in Russia. The research shows that in the development of the Russian quality assurance system it is not possible to talk only about changes in the management, but also to talk about the development of a control system. In the NPM movement, state regulation is low and the role of the market is emphasized. In the Russian case, the situation seems to be opposite and the reduction of state regulation is not visible. In Russia, state regulation is emphasized through the work of quality assurance. However, market actors also play a role in quality assurance, as there is a need to increase economic competitiveness in global markets through education policy. In the quality revolution, the autonomy of universities and academic self-management is reduced. The research showed that Russian universities are only passively involved in quality assurance work. In the RFTP documents, there was no discussion on how universities should develop their own critical self-reflection and quality assurance systems. Instead, discussion revolved around how to develop a single quality assurance mechanism rather than having to debate how to develop self-assurance mechanisms for the universities. These findings raise a question of autonomy in Russian universities, even though this study does not make it possible to assess the real degree university autonomy. The role of the Russian state was emphasized in the discussion on internationalising the quality assurance work. Russia is not a passive follower that fulfils international standards, but it is an active player. Accountability and power have very similar meanings in the Russian context of a quality revolution. Internal dialogue of higher education institutions is not emphasized in quality assurance, while the end results are highlighted.

Conclusion The purpose of this study was to examine by critical discourse analysis what type of higher education policy is implemented and maintained in Russia under the name of ‘quality’. The starting point of the examination was to describe the quality revolution based on higher education literature. Quality revolution refers here to the change in education policy, which has resulted in education becoming a market commodity. As a result of profit responsibility, higher education evaluations are now needed as a feature of the quality revolution. These evaluations have gradually transformed into

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quality assurances and high quality has become a central target of education policy. (e.g. Saarinen 2007, Simola and Rinne, 2004.) Analysis of the Overarching Program of the Development of Education of the Russian Federation for the years 2006—2010, which is the five year plan for education, indicated that Russian quality assurance needs not to be analysed as a special case and that global tendencies of education policy are visible also in the Russian context. The tightened grip of the Russian government on the higher education sector is visible in the RFTP documents. At the same time quality assurance and higher education policy aim at tightening the grip of the central government over the higher education sector. Different mechanisms of state control, by which educational content and curricula are moulded into measurable and standardized models, are presented. The increase of measurability allows the central government to exert more control. In a globalising world, human capital, higher education and economic competitiveness are linked together. Gushchin and Gureev (2011) argue that education is a top-priority interest of the state. The future of the Russian Federation and its economic and legal stability depend on the level of development of its education system. The Russian government wants to have guidance over the higher education sector. The concern is focused on increased autonomy and self-determination for higher education institutions. Instead, international discussions of higher education policy seem to be focused on opposite issues. In Russia, increased autonomy for higher education institutions and decreased control by the central government can lead to a weakening quality and a rise in corruption and other dishonest actions. Zapesotskii (2006, 57—58) argues that with Bologna process, the control system of the state will collapse. According to Kamenskaia (2003, 82—85) more control is needed to oversee the education system. She argues that there is a need for uniform standards that will salvage the quality of education. Berulava (2005, 6—8) argues that the current problem in the development of the higher education system is lack of the necessary legislative base and failure to enforce laws that are already in place. She adds that corruption is a big problem in state institutions, including public universities. Practices at the level of institutions do not always conform to the standards set at higher levels. The framework by Sakwa (2008a)1 accesses the tightening of control by the Russian central government over quality assurance mechanisms. 1

Sakwa conceives (2008a) the role of state by using two different concepts, which are re-constitutionalism of the state and the re-concentration of power. By reconstitutionalism Sakwa (2008a) refers to the quest to apply the constitution and

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Two developments visible in the RFTP documents can be labelled as reconstitutionalism (Sakwa 2008a): first, the quest to create equal standards for all higher education institutions visible in quality assurance (e.g. Evaluation document 2007, 35) and, second, the endeavour to level the opportunities for all citizens despite social and geographical factors (e.g. Program document 2005, 13). Calls for increasing academic freedom are visible in one part of the RFTP documents (Evaluation document 2007, 11). This could be labelled as re-constitutionalism. The increase in academic freedom is questionable as there are calls for and increasing control by the central government and calls for the passive role of the higher education institutions as developers of quality assurance. Re-concentration of power can been observed in the development that quality assurance processes increase the awareness of the central government over the actions of higher education institutions. Focus on the end results and reporting of information visible in the RFTP documents (e.g. Evaluation document 2007, 29) can be seen as a re-concentration of state power. Running evaluations that focus on end results and reporting support the centralised state-led system.

References Barnett, R. 1994. Power, Enlightenment and Quality Evaluation. European Journal of Education 29, no 2: 165-179. Beecham, R. 2008. The language of higher education. London Review of Education 6, no. 2: 111-123. Berulava, M. N. 2005. Higher Education in Russia in the Light of Market Reforms. Russian Education and Society 47, no. 8: 6-13. Bestuzhev-Lada, I. 2001. What Is to be Done with Higher Education? Russian Education and Society 43, no. 3: 28-35. Blalock, A. B. 1999. Evaluation Research and the Performance Management Movement. Evaluation 15, no. 2: 117-149. De Boer, H., J. Enders, and U. Schimank. 2007. On the Way towards New Public Management? The Governance of University Systems in other laws in the same manner in all regions of Russia. Re-constitutionalism in respecting the constitution would give rise to a pluralistic state-led system in which the letter of the law and the rights of the individual are equal to all. Reconcentration of power is depicted by the weak commitment to press freedom and human rights. A centralized state-led system could surface as a result of the reconcentration of power. Instead of an equal application of the law, a new nomenklatura-system would appear, in which positions of importance within a society are distributed through a system of patronage.

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England, the Netherlands, Austria, and Germany. In New Forms of Governance in Research Organizations: Disciplinary Approches, Interfaces and Integration, edited by D. Jansen., 137-152. Heidelberg: Springer. Bolotov, V.A. and N.F. Efremova. 2007. The System for Evaluating the Quality of Russian Education. Russian Education and Society 49, no. 1: 6-23. Gushchin, V.V. and V.A. Gureev. 2011. On the Question of the Current State of Autonomy of Higher Educational Institutions in Russia. Russian Education and Society 53, no. 4: 39-50. Harding, L. 2008. Russia shuts university that displeased Putin. The Guardian. 12.2.2008. Harvey, L., 2004. War of the Worlds: who wins in the battle for quality supremacy? Quality in Higher Education 10, no. 1: 65-71. Harvey L., and D. Green. 1993. Defining quality. $VVHVVPHQW  Evaluation in Higher Education 18, no. 1: 9-34. Jokinen, A., and K. Juhila. 1991. Diskursseja rakentamassa. Näkökulma sosiaalisten käytäntöjen tutkimiseen. Tampereen yliopisto, Sosiaalipolitiikan laitoksen tutkimussarja A, no 2. Kerr, S. T., 1990. Will Glasnost Lead to Perestroika? Directions of Educational Reform in the USSR. Educational Researcher 19 (7): 2631. Kitaev, I. 2004. University funding by the Federal Russian Government: where the ends meet? In New trends in Higher Education. Entrepreneurialism and the Transformation of Russian Universities, edited by M. Shattock, 36-57. Paris: International Institute for Educational Planning. Konstantinov, G.N. and S.R. Filonovich. 2008. The Transformation of the Russian System of Higher Education. In Russian and Globalization: Identity, Security, and Society in an Era of Change, edited by D.W. Blum, 139-152. Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press. Kovaleva, G.S. 2003. The State of Russian Education. Based on the Results of International Studies. Russian Education and Society 45, no. 1: 6-23. Kuzmenko, N.E., V.V. Lunin, and O.N. Ryzhova. 2006. On the Modernization of Education in Russia. Russian Education and Society 45, no. 5: 5-22. Law on Education. 1992. Federal’ny zakon ”Ob Obrazovanii” N 3266-1 >/DZ-RI5XVVLDQ)HGHUDWLRQRQ(GXFDWLRQ@

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—. 2007. Izmenenija i GRSROQHQLMDN]DNRQX³2EREUD]RYDQLL´ʋot  ʋ -FZ ot  >$PHQGPHQW QR -FL to the Law 3266-RI5XVVLDQ)HGHUDWLRQRQ(GXFDWLRQ@ Law on Higher Education. 1996. Federal’ny zakon “O vysshem i poslevuzovskom professional’nom obrazovanii” N 125-FZ >/DZFZ of Russian Federation on Higher and Postgraduate Professional (GXFDWLRQ@ McKennan, B. 2004. Critical discourse studies: where to from here. Critical Discourse Studies 1, no. 1: 9-39. Morley, L. 2003. Quality and Power in Higher Education. Berkshire: SRHE & Open University Press. Pursiainen, C., and S.A. Medvedev. 2005. The Bologna process, Russia and globalization. In The Bologna Process and its Implications for Russia. The European Integration of Higher Education, edited by C. Pursianen and S. A. Medvedev, 16-26 Moscow RECEP. Pushknykh, V., and V. Chemeris. 2006. Study of a Russia University’s Organisational Culture in Transition from Planned to Market Economy. Tertiary Education and Management 12: 161-182. Rinne, R., and H. Simola. 2005. Koulutuksen ylikansalliset paineet ja yliopiston uusi hallinta. Tiede ja edistys 1: 308-327. Saarinen, T. 2007. Quality on the Move. Discursive Construction of Higher Education Policy from Perspective of Quality. PhD diss., University of Jyväskylä. Sakwa, R. 2008a. Putin’s Leadership: Character and Consequences. Europe-Asia Studies 60 (6): 879-897. —. 2008b. Two Camps? The Struggle to Understand Contemporary Russia. Comparative Politics 40 (4): 481-499. Shabanov, G.A. 2005. The Quality of education in a Nonstate Institution of Higher Learning. Russian Education and Society 47, no. 10: 47-59. Simola, H., and R. Rinne. 2008. Researching the political effects of quality assurance and evaluation (QAE) in education—Reflections on some comparative issues in sociology and the politics of education in the audit society. In Changing knowledge and education: communities and new policies in global societies, edited by M. A. Pereyra, 171-183. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. Simola, H., and R. Rinne. 2004. Laatuvallankumous, arviointiteollisuus ja korkeakoulut. Kasvatus 35, no. 3: 326-337. Taylor, S. 2004. Researching educational policy and change in ’new times’: using critical discourse analysis. Journal of Educational Policy 19, no. 4: 435-451.

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van Dijk, T. 2006. Discourse, Context and Cognition. Discourse Studies 8, no. 1: 159-177. Zajda, J. 2003. Educational Reform and Transformation in Russia. Why education Reforms Fail? European Education 35, no. 1: 58-88. Zapesotskii, A. 2006. The Bologna Process. Is a Game on Change—At Stake Is the Future of Russia. Russian Education and Society 48, no. 10: 51-61.

Documentary sources Program document. 2005. Pravitel’stvo Rossijskoj Federatsii, postanovlenie ot 23 dekabria 2005 goda N 803: Federal’naja tselevaja programma razvitia obrazovanija na 2006- JRG\ >*RYHUQPHQW RI 5XVVLD, decree no. 803 On the Overarching Program of the Development of Education of the Russian Federation for the years 2006-2010, Dec. 23, @3ULQWHG6HSKWWSZZZIFSURUXFRQWHQWYLHZ. Evaluation document. 2007. Otsenka vlijanija realizatsii FCPRO v 2007 godu na sostojanie sistemy vysshego professional’nogo obrazovanija. >(YDOXDWLRQ RI WKH HIIHFWV RI WKH 2YHUDUFKLQJ 3URJUDP RI WKH Development of Education of the Russian Federation on higher education LQ @ 3ULQWHG 6HStember 26, 2008. http://www.fcpro.ru/ component/option,com_docman/task,cat_view/gid,79/Itemid,147/limit, 10/limitstart,0/order,hits/dir,DESC/.

CHAPTER FIVE FROM «SOVEREIGN UNIVERSITY» TO BOLOGNA PROCESS: EFFECTS OF 20-YEARS OF HIGHER EDUCATION REFORMS IN BELARUS AND UKRAINE ANDREI LAURUKHIN In the twenty year history of higher education reforms in Belarus and Ukraine, it is possible to fix two stages: 1) forming the national systems of higher education by the sovereign states and, 2) including the national higher education systems in a process of rapprochement and harmonization with the countries of Europe (Bologna process). Despite identical starting conditions between Belarus and Ukraine there are essential distinctions in the maintenance, rates, results and depth of reforms. At the same time, a number of experts ascertain the presence of an institutional crisis of higher education having common features in both countries. This paper addresses questions about the contradictions and problems that took place in the course of higher education reforms (19912011) that have led to the current situation in Ukraine and Belarus.

The Soviet heritage Belarus and Ukraine inherited the Soviet system of higher education with all its positive and negative effects: centralized management and placement of higher educational institutions (HEIs), 100% state financing, planning the reception and distribution of students, unification of problems, forms and methods of training, curriculums and organizational structure of educational institutions, an supposedly optimum parity of numbers of students and teachers, etc.

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In the 1990/91 academic year, Ukraine had 146 state higher education institutions (including 10 universities) with an aggregate number of 881 thousand students.1 In Belarus were 33 state HEIs (including 3 universities) with 189 thousand students.2 The countries had comparable personnel potential (in Ukraine, faculty totalled more than 70 thousand persons, in Belarus, about 15 thousand) and a relative parity in “studentteacher” ratio: in Ukraine there were 12.6 students per teacher, and 40 students per professor. In Belarus, there were also about 12.6 students per teacher and 45 per professor respectively.3 Thus, by the quantity of HEIs and the number of students and faculty, the data is comparable (proportional to the populations of Ukraine and Belarus).

Tendency for nationalization National revival in the first years of independence became the defining factor in understanding the social roles and functions of HEIs as institutes for designing the new national and civil identity. The process of renationalizing higher education was considered in Belarus and Ukraine as an indicator of national identity, a catalyst of reforms and a guarantor of independence and sovereignty. The university therefore played the role of mediator between the historical and mythologized past and realistic present. It also became a public platform of civilized polemic and convention making as concerned the priority of national ideas and values. Therefore, in many respects the success of realizing their national projects depended on the success of forming sovereign national systems of higher education. In both countries the trend toward nationalization had a background that was connected with national movements and language policies. By the 90s, the university culture of Ukraine already had a threecentury history. These historical circumstances were the reason that throughout the Soviet period, Ukrainian HEIs competed to lead Russian higher education. Only thanks to the centralization of intellectual power, financial and personnel resources in the USSR was it possible to make Moscow State University and St. Petersburg State University the indisputable education leaders. However, the symbolic capital of 1

'HU]DYQD VOX]ED VWDWLVWLNL 8NUDLQL >6WDWH 6WDWLVWLFV 6HUYLFH RI 8NUDLQH@ ³9LVKL QDYFKDOQLVDNODGL´>+LJKHU(GXFDWLRQDO,QVWLWXWLRQ@DFFHVVHGRQ2FWREHU http://www.ukrstat.gov.ua/. 2 Statisticheskij ezegodnik Respubliki Belarus 2005. >Statistical Yearbook of the Republic of Belarus 2005@. Minsk. 2006: 205. 3 Ibid.

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university culture in Ukraine has remained and as soon as favourable historical circumstances arose, it was revived. Since then, it has played a key role not only in understanding the prospects of developing higher education, but also the realization of a national Ukrainian project as a whole. The situation in Belarus was essentially different. Within the territory of modern Belarus after independence, there was no such well-established university tradition. It was therefore impossible to lean upon historical institutions to design a standard ideal of the higher education system that would provide a critical distance from the Soviet higher education model. One of the key reasons for the backwardness of university culture in Belarus is connected with the specific process of urbanization. According to the population census of the USSR in 1926, the urban population in Belarus was 17%, which was only 1.5 % less than in Ukraine. However, the overwhelming majority of townspeople in Belarus were Jews (63.3%) (Singer 1929, 41). The low percentage of an urbanized indigenous population brought with it a peculiar language situation: the nonBelarusian city and the Belarusian village. This factor together with the scanty share of peasants having university education caused low social mobility of Belarusians. As a result, the formation of a national consciousness at the political level started later than in Ukraine. The oldest HEI in Belarus, the Polotsk Jesuit Academy, created in 1812 by a decree of the Russian monarch Alexander I and allocated with the rights of a university, existed only 8 years (till 1820). Other HEIs in Belarus began their history in the Soviet period, with the majority formed after the Second World War. This means that in Belarus, the Soviet experience was dominant and as a matter of educational fact. The unique experience of university life in the Soviet Union led to an inevitably positive image; it was estimated and perceived as the main factor of modernization. It is obvious that in this situation the horizon of possibilities for reforming the university was also limited by the Soviet period. Almost all innovative ideas were met with suspicion, not only from officials, but also from the academic community itself. Similarly in more recent times, ministry officials and the academic community of the 1990s were orientated towards universities of the Russian capital for their higher education standards. One vivid example of the force of this influence was what resulted in A. Kovzik and M. Uots’ research: in the beginning of the 90s, their teaching standards were taken directly from Moscow State University standards (Kovzik 2003, 61).

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The domination of Russian language and Russian standards of higher education has thus defined the destiny of the national project of universities in Belarus. It is remarkable that, in the 90s of rapid growth in private HEIs, not a single university in was created in the national language of Belarusian. The failure of the national project of university building has split the intellectual community of Belarus, having been deprived of the basic valuable conventions necessary for helping to design the national identity.

Tendency of Europeanisation To estimate the results of processes of nationalizing higher education retrospectively, it is important to note that in Ukraine and Belarus a great deal involving the depth and sequence of reforms depended on successfully (or unsuccessfully) realizing their national projects. So, though in Ukraine the tendency of a national revival had a favourable political state of affairs and from the beginning oriented higher education towards European educational space, in Belarus it did not happen. This is by virtue of the force of inertia of the Soviet system of higher education that was legalized officially in Belarus. The Soviet model showed itself at the level of structural transformations in the system of higher education in Belarus. In Ukraine, the law “On Education” (1991) entered a new system of higher education (bachelor and masters degree) that did not abolish, but complemented the existing Soviet degree of ‘specialist.’ The problem of concordance between the two systems of qualification—the Soviet and the European—was decided by integration into the European system of qualification. Consequently, in the new Ukrainian higher education qualification system there are the following levels: 1) junior specialist, 2) bachelor, 3) specialist and 4) master. To prepare for each level of qualification from a HEI the corresponding level of accreditation was required: for a junior specialist—not below the Ist level of accreditation (technical school), for bachelor—not below the IInd level of accreditation (college), for specialist—not below the IIIrd level of accreditation (institute), and for a masters degree—not below the IVth level of accreditation (university and academy). In spite of the national originality of this qualification system, it was determined at the “Convention on the Recognition of Qualifications concerning Higher Education in the European Region” (Lisbon, 1997). A further law “On Higher Education” (2002) fastened these academic qualifications in Ukraine.

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In Belarus, the analogical attempts of integrating into the European Qualifications Framework took place at the first stage of reforms. So, in 1994, the order of the Department of Education of Belarus (No 225 from 4.08.1994) was to ratify the “Statute about the multilevel system of higher education in Republic of Belarus.” According to it, in the higher education system 2 levels were distinguished: a 1) specialist with higher education and 2) “specialized (advanced) specialist with higher education”. Concordantly, levels of qualification were ratified for the following types of HEIs: 1) higher colleges (“preparation of specialists at first level of higher education (without diploma of bachelor)”; 2) institutes (“preparation of specialists, as a rule, at first level of higher education, including bachelors”); 3) profile universities (pedagogical, technical etc.) and academies (“preparation of specialists at all levels of higher education, including bachelors and masters degrees” and 4) classical universities (“preparation of specialists at all levels of higher education”). The problem of concordance of the two systems of qualification—the Soviet and the European—in Belarus was therefore decided by an integration of the European into Soviet system of qualifications. Strictly speaking, this did not answer to the Lisbon Convention. However, in spite of this, Belarus joined the Lisbon Convention in 2002 and a delegation from Belarus was present as observers for the meeting of education ministers of member states of the Bologna process (Berlin, 2003). In this higher education restructuring process, one of the key roles was played by the non-state education sector.

Non-State educational sector as a catalyst of reforms The 90s were connected with the appearance of a fundamentally new phenomenon, a so-called «non-state sector of educational services» in the Post-Soviet higher education system, which was nevertheless 100% state regulated. Its origin was conditioned by many reasons. Foremost among these was related to the structure of state education that unfolded in PostSoviet countries in the conditions of a crisis in traditional production. The result was a ‘super-saturation’ of labour-market specialists with higher technical education that was promoted in the USSR as early as the 1960s. By the end of 80s, the specific weight of technically trained students in the general quantity of students consisted of 44%. In comparison, the ratio of students of analogical profile was 12.3% in the USA, 14.4% in Great Britain, 4.6% in France, and 20.1% in Japan (Galagan 2007, 158). At the same time, the stormy political events of the early 90s and tendencies towards national revival required new knowledge and

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competencies that were forbidden in the Soviet higher education system. Due to the development of market relations there was a need for specialists capable of working in new economic conditions. What became prestigious and in demand at this time were specialties in economics, marketing, management, commerce and others. However the state-run higher education system possessed a high degree of inertia and insufficient financing to satisfy the demand for new knowledge, abilities and skills. On the other hand, owing to democratization processes, there appeared free space for manifesting individual initiatives, which included more flexibility and sensitivity to labour market conditions and higher demand for educational services. In these conditions, emerged the unique opportunity to compensate for the deficiency of the former educational system. In forming a non-state education sector, we can distinguish a few stages that in spite of all distinctions between the higher education systems in Belarus and Ukraine reflect a general logic of institutional development.

1990-1994: Spontaneous growth The first stage was 1990-1994 when the non-state higher education sector achieved rapid growth. In Belarus, 30 private universities were opened during this period.4 In Ukraine, in 1994-1995 more than 500 organizations positioned themselves as HEIs (Astahova 1996, 100). Such rapid growth in private sector higher education, besides the above reasons, was due to the legal base available for this period that contained norms promoting development of private education. Practically speaking, it didn’t contain prohibitive norms and norms of state control. A number of economic, political and social problems distracted the attention of government officials from the higher education sphere, thus allowing it to develop spontaneously and independently. In the Belarus Ministry of Education’s official statistics, the non-state higher education sector appeared only in 1994-1995 when only 17 of 30 private higher education institutions were mentioned (Naumchik 2009). In Ukraine, by July 1st 1995, 84 HEIs got licenses from the Ministry of Education. About 90 had submitted demands for licensing and more than 300 still rendered illegal educational services (Astahova 1996, 100). In spite of the relatively small specific weight of students5, this was a serious institutional call6 for 4 ³&K¶LXQLYHUVLWHW\">:KRVH8QLYHUVLWLHV"@´DFFHVVHGRQ2FWREHUKWWS naviny.by/rubrics/society/2003/06/04/ic_articles_116_143504/. 5 From official data after the 1994-1995 academic year the specific weight of students in the non-state sector was 7.36% of the general quantity of students in Belarus and 8.1% in Ukraine.

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the state higher education system. Notably, an Association of non-state universities was created in Ukraine in 1993, which defended and lobbied for the corporate interests of private sector of education at the highest political level.

1995-1998: State accreditation The second period (from 1995 to 1998) became critical for non-state HEIs in connection with the appearance of prohibitive norms and controls as procedures to state accreditation of private HEIs.7 There was a serious call for private HEIs. Considering their massive growth, measures of regulation and control were inevitable. The question consisted only on the basis of what criteria and standards should be carried out. In fact, the emerging needs of accrediting private HEIs brought attention for the first time to questions about updating standards and criteria for quality education, which remained invariable since the Soviet period. Proposed solutions to this problem had a double effect. On the one hand, specifics of private HEIs compelled the state to correct the unified curricula, criteria and standards of higher education and to take a step in the direction of granting universities more autonomy. This meant the development of more diverse markets for educational services and expanding the horizons of understanding regarding the role and value of higher education in society. So, for example, the «Institute of Modern Knowledge», the first nonstate Belarusian HEI founded in October, 1990, besides preparing traditional areas (law, economy), also mastered new areas (marketing, management). It sometimes did not keep within a framework that regulated documents, but was nevertheless in demand in the higher education market (as producer, business translator, etc.). The female nonstate institute «Envilla» founded in 1994 saw its mission as reviving elite women’s education and became the first precedent of a gendered approach to education. And finally, the «European Humanities University» (EHU) founded in 1992, saw its mission as integrating into the European educational space, critically rethinking the Soviet higher education model and bringing 6

In the same academic year, the specific weight of registered private higher education institutions in the Belarusian higher education system was 30.36%, and in Ukraine 57.5%. 7 The decision of the Belarusian Council of Ministers “About the order of organizing and adjusting the activities of non-state educational establishment” was accepted in 1997. In Ukraine, an analogical document appeared in 1996.

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attention to the question of westernising the higher education system onto the Belarusian agenda. On the other hand, the state higher education system aspired to restore the status quo in the market of educational services, using administrative resources. During this period, procedures of accreditation were orientated exceptionally toward non-state HEIs that had opaque and forcible decision making, and at times a discriminatory character. Standards were thus enacted on the basis of procedures to accredit state (i.e. Soviet model) universities in relation to which private HEIs were made an exception to the rules. As a result, the accreditation process at the same time meant statestandardization of private HEIs. In turn, state universities mastered the practice of paid educational services, which has been affirmed thanks to private HEIs. This was especially shown in a case in Ukraine where a 1994 reception on budgetary places in state universities was reduced by 50% (Astahova 1996, 99). For this reason, in Ukraine the closing of private HEIs had a more massified character (private and state universities competed in the market of paid educational services) than in Belarus, which more consistently at this stage executed the social obligations of free education fixed in the Constitution. Thus, the maximum quantity of private HEIs registered in Belarus reached in the 1995/96 academic year (20 units) remained at the former level in 1996/97 academic year and decreased since 1997/98 by 3 HEIs (Naumchik 2009). However, owing to smaller commercialization of public sector higher education in Belarus, manifestations of the competitive environment motivated both state and private HEIs to search for new institutional, organizational and didactic forms, pushing the education system to reforms in new market conditions were less notable. As a whole, it is possible to call this period a period of balancing the forces that comprised the potential for productive updates to the system of higher education as a whole.

1999-2004: Legalization of relations between the state and non-state higher education institutes The stage covering the period from 1999 to 2004 is definitive for private HEIs in respect to stating their right to existence, establishing a form of relationship between the public and the non-state sector of higher education and the statements about reforming the system of higher education as a whole. Throughout most of this period in Ukraine and Belarus similar processes occurred: the technical base became stronger, leaders and outsiders were defined, the first scientific schools arose,

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postgraduate studies opened, the first professional editions appeared, and so forth. In Ukraine, this period of private sector higher education development came to an end with legalizing many kinds and forms of higher education. The law “On Higher Education” (2002) affirmed four forms of owning HEIs: 1) the state submits to the relevant central executive authority and has the status of the budgetary establishment; 2) as a property of the Autonomous Republic Crimea, which is financed from the budget of the Autonomous Republic Crimea and submits to authorities of said Republic; 3) municipal, based on local authorities, which is financed from the local budget and submits to local authorities, and 4) private, based on private property, which submits to the owner(s). There are a variety of sources of financing and democratizing the forms of government promoted development of academic freedoms and university autonomy. So, the law “On Higher Education” provided the right of HEIs to independently define forms of education and types of organization, teaching and educational process, to develop and enter their own scientific programs and production activity, to improve the organizational structure, and to create certain structural subsections (institutes, colleges, technical schools, faculties, offices, branches, etc.). The law installed a new procedure relevant to European standards of electing the heads of HEIs through open competition. It promoted the development of academic self-governing skills as a joint body of public self-government from the HEI chooses applicants (conference or meeting of labour collective) for the position of head by balloting. In 1999, at the initiative of leading non-state owned HEIs was created a Confederation of non-state HEIs of Ukraine, with 28 members in the 2004-5 academic year, from most regions of Ukraine. In Belarus, private HEIs at the first stage of this period carried out the role of experimental models approving the directives, forms and methods for reforming higher education. So, for example, the European Humanities University (EHU) became the initiator and catalyst of a process of westernising (liberalization, strengthening of university autonomy, developing academic freedoms and internationalization) higher education. Up to 2003, EHU successfully cooperated with the Ministry of Education and parliament of Belarus in preparing the new legislative base necessary for reforming higher education in the context of the Bologna Process. Due to this collaboration in the new release of law “On Education” (1991) a Bologna model was legislatively envisaged of masters and bachelors degrees, and important decisions to assist the internationalization of higher

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education were accepted.8 In two Belarusian HEIs—EHU and the Belarusian State University (BSU)—an experiment officially began to transition to a two-level model of higher education. In May 2004, the council of ministers of the Republic of Belarus adopted Resolution No. 605 «About the approval of the Concept of introducing a two-level system of training specialists in higher education in the Republic of Belarus», and the House of Representatives was going to consider the bill on higher education, in line with the Bologna model and answering to principles of university autonomy and academic freedom. Direct participation in preparing the draft of this law was accepted by EHU (Dounaev 2007). But since 2001, after the presidential election that was opposite to a considerable part of the academic community, the authorities in power started to consider the university corporation as a political subject. Respectively, reforms of higher education in the direction of legitimising the Bologna Process were understood as strengthening western political influence in Belarus. Since 2001, there were shifts in the Ministry of Education and the management of leading universities, amplified control over internal academic life and the concept «oppositional universities» emerged. Politicization of higher education reached a qualitatively new level in 2003/04 which ended the experimental transition to a two-level model, closed EHU and made the adoption of a law «On Higher Education», which was approved in the first reading by the House of Representatives of National assembly of Belarus on June 29, 2004. The essential reduction in the number of non-state HEIs9 in Belarus fell during the same period, while there was a small increase in the number of students who were being trained in non-state HEIs10. The exile of EHU, which had taken a leading position in ratings among state and non-state HEIs, put an end to the question of possibilities and prospects for creating a competitive environment and market of educational services among 8

“Statute is ratified about the stages of higher education” (October, 14, 2002, No 1419), Belarus joined the Convention confirming the qualification (Lisbon Convention, 1997) and declared its intention to join the Bologna process. Belarus participated as an observer in September 2003 at the Education Minister’s Conference in Berlin for country participants in the Bologna process. 9 Their quantity fell down from 17 in 1997-1998 academic year to 12 in 2004-2005 academic year, and their specific weight went down from 28,8% to 21,8% in the general amount of institutions of higher education. 10 With 34,500 in 1997-1998 academic year to 58,800 in 2004-2005 academic year, accordingly, the specific weight of students student in private institutions of higher education grew with 15.37% to 16.39% from the general quantity of students. Ibid.

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HEIs with different forms of ownership. Instead, it approved the tendency of unconditional and conclusive domination of state universities, decreased the role of private HEIs and led to their subsequent marginalization and discrimination. It is indicative that EHU’s outcome in Belarus passed by in an atmosphere of silence within the academic community of private HEIs, which were afraid of the same destiny. Besides the political situation, this fear was promoted by an absence in Belarus of viable institutes (associations, confederations and so forth) to publically express the interests and protect peoples’ rights in the non-state higher education sector. At the same time, in the absence of norms limiting the number of paid students in state universities, and with a reduction in the specific weight of private HEIs, the tendency toward increasing commercialization of higher education with a state form of ownership was outlined. Since 1997-1998, the number of students studying on a paid basis in state universities increased and reached a level of 71% by 2004/05. So, for the 89.1 thousand students accepted in 2004/05 63% had to pay for their studies, and among them the lion’s share (75%) was made by students of state universities.11

Consequences of private sector development in Ukraine and Belarus Summing up the comparative analysis of private sector development of HEIs in Ukraine and Belarus, it is necessary to note a number of effects and essential consequences both positive and negative for the system of higher education. First of all, it was initiatives “from below” which opened at least three possibilities: 1) creation of a competitive environment that promotes self-updating the system of higher education as a whole, 2) adaptation to Post-Soviet (market) conditions and 3) westernisation of higher education. Belarus and Ukraine realized these possibilities differently. Overcoming the state monopoly in higher education, the emergence of a variety of ownership patterns and a diversification of educational programs, creating various financing sources, improving and democratising government forms came along with the intensive private 11

Paraunaljni analis rasvicca adukacii u regionah Respubliki Belarus (pa stanu na pachatak 2008/09 navuchalnaga goda): statistichni davednik >&RPSDUDWLYHDQDO\VLV of educational development in the Republic of Belarus region (at the beginning of WKHDFDGHPLF\HDU 6WDWLVWLFDO+DQGERRN@. Minsk, 2008, 10.

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sector higher education development in Ukraine. All this gives the grounds for ascertaining the existence of potential improvements to update the system of higher education in Ukraine thanks to a spirit of rivalry and competition in the educational services market, and also higher adaptability to market conditions. So, active participation of the public in academic life became an important result of higher education reforms in Ukraine. Developing a system of standards in higher education, forming a concept of step-wise education, addressing the question of access to higher education—all of this became a subject of joint discussion that attracted the general public and foreign experts. During the reforms, a number of public organizations of various levels reflected and represented three groups of academic corporations: students, administration and teachers. In Belarus, the state didn’t allow free competition in the educational services market. It couldn’t maintain an image of free education, having headed instead for «competition with itself» and state commercialization. As a result, the lack of an alternative to state education started an inertial process in the higher education system. The absence of public relations deprived universities of the communicative resources necessary to provide understanding of an adequate ratio of supply and demand in the educational services market. This essentially reduced their adaptive abilities under new, globalizing market conditions and complicated the process of reforming higher education in the country. The isolationist course and refusal to westernise only aggravated these negative tendencies. At the same time, domination in the state controlled system of higher education essentially lowered the negative consequences of spontaneous commercialization and massification of higher education.

Problems of developing higher education from 1990 to 2004 As a whole, the development of national higher education systems in Belarus and Ukraine for the first decade had mainly an extensive, spontaneous and experimental character. At the beginning of XXI century the necessity of increasing the rationalization and controllability of developments in the system of higher education became obvious. Added to this were a number of ripe problems, which demanded adequate systematic decisions. The integrated indicators of problems ripened in the 90s: 1) an essential decrease in the quality of higher education and, 2) a

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disproportion between the volume of experts with higher education competencies and the requirements of the economy. The deficiency of system management and strategic planning during this period was especially sharply felt in Ukraine. The large scale of the country meant more striking disproportions between the sector of higher education and the economy, more intensive development of the non-state sector and bodies of academic and public self-management and more easing of the state’s role. This was due to the absence in institutes of noncentralized management experience in the higher education system. These factors were a reason for better indicators of educational development in Belarus, which until 2003 was in the lead among CIS countries on the educational level index. For 2003, it was at 0.95 in Belarus compared to both 0.93 in Ukraine and Russia.12 At the same time, success of the nationalization of the higher education project and advancements towards liberalizing the higher education system allowed the intellectual elite in Ukraine to reach basic conventions necessary for forming a circle of national values and priorities for strategic planning and further development of higher education. These can be found in the reflection of two key documents accepted in 2002: the act «About Higher Education» and the act «National Doctrine of Developing Education». On the contrary, the failure of the national project in Belarus has split the intellectual community, deprived of basic values necessary for designing the national identity. At the same time, deficient national values not only haven’t been filled by liberal values lying at the basis of the Western European model of modernization of the higher education system, but have been aggravated by a political interdiction for westernisation. As a result, by the end of the analysed period, Belarusian society formed a semantic vacuum that has paralysed strategic planning and reforms to the higher education system. In the brightest sense, this reform paralysis has found expression in the six-year moratorium declared by the head of the state on any reforms in the higher education sphere.13

12 Nazionalnaja strategija ustojchivogo socialno-economicheskogo rasvitija Respubliki Belarus QD SHULRG GR  JRGD >1DWLRQDO 6WUDWHJ\ IRU 6XVWDLQDEOH Socio-(FRQRPLF'HYHORSPHQWRI%HODUXVXQWLO@0LQVN 13 “Higher education in Belarus will not be reformed until 2009”, declared President of Belarus Ⱥ. Lukashenko. “The country’s leader underlined the idea that reforming higher education would be studied by taking into account public opinion”, accessed on October 4, 2012. http://afn.by/news/i/26462.

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Europeanizing the Higher Education System in Ukraine (2005-2011) Since 2005, ways of developing the educational systems of Belarus and Ukraine have sharply diverged. While Ukraine in 2005 entered the Bologna process and consistently enough has carried out Europeanization its national higher education system, Belarus has instead followed a path of self-isolation and re-Sovietisation and has constructed a disciplinary model of the university. In May 2005 in Bergen, the Ukrainian Minister of Education S. Nikolayenko signed the Bologna Declaration. After coming to power in February 2005, V. Yushchenko created a favourable political environment promoting deeper integration of the Ukrainian higher education system in the European Higher Education Area (EHEA).14 In the first one and a half years after May 2005, the process of reforming the higher education system was a preparatory and generally informative character. It is necessary to refer to the most significant results of this period; in 2006, an interdepartmental commission on introducing provisions of the Bologna Process in the Ukrainian higher education system and the national group promoting the Bologna Process in Ukraine. The latter group participated in educational training on actual problems of higher education in EHEA and carried out similar training in Ukraine. At the end of January 2007, during the press conference in Kiev the Ukrainian Minister of Education and Science declared the beginning of Ukrainian higher education reforms, which should pass in three stages and come to an end by 2010. First was planned to create a rating assessment of HEIs. Second, to divide HEIs into three groups: 1) research universities (preparing masters and doctors of science, and also carrying out basic and applied research); 2) transitional universities (preparing bachelors, masters and doctors, carrying out scientific research at the national level); 3) universities of professional preparation of specialists (preparing bachelors and masters and carrying out scientific researches in separate spheres). Third, to make changes in the Article 39 laws «On Higher Education» (2002) towards a new order of creating, reorganizing and eliminating HEIs that should make the Ukrainian higher education system

14

A course on European integration found expression in the program “Strategii ekonomichnogo i socialnogo rosvitku Ukraini na 2004- URNL >6WUDWHJLHV IRU Economic and Social Development of Ukraine for 2004-@´ DFFHVVHG on October 4, 2012. http://old.niss.gov. ua/book/varnaly/005.htm.

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more effective. This was to operate thanks to the submission of all HEIs of the country to one central Ministry. Transformations of Ukrainian higher education from 1991 to 2011 both included the formation of a new executive authority: the Ministry of Education and Science (MES). In the summer of 2007, the stage-by-stage Action Plan to ensure quality in Ukrainian higher education and its integration into the European and world educational community for the period till 2010 was approved. (Order MES No. 612, 13.07.2007). Speaking retrospectively about the estimated results of the plans implementation, it is possible to note a number of positive and negative reform effects. Positively, the efforts made towards adapting the national quality system to quality standards of EHEA, first of all, are worthy. In April 2008, Ukraine became a full member of the European Register for Ensuring Quality (EQAR). The system of monitoring and a rating assessment for HEIs, with an experimental version entered in 2006 in the project «TOP-200. The best higher education institutions of Ukraine» became one of the essential factors promoting higher education quality. Following six years of results, it is possible to say with confidence the rating assessment has become a more and more convenient and effective tool for an integrated assessment of HEI activities in Ukraine on the basis of a set of criteria comparable to international standards. This is clear both for university entrants within the country and for the international public, including foreign students, who may wish to get an education in Ukraine. Productive but incomplete work occurred towards harmonizing the national system of qualifications with the system of qualification of EHEA. In 2008, the MES working group on creating a national framework of qualifications for the higher education system (MES order No. 602, 03.07.2008) was created. It is remarkable that representatives of the Ukrainian Confederation of employers and experts of the European fund for forming Ukraine became the most active initiators of developing this project. The results of joint efforts by experts and representatives of employers was the Ukrainian Bill «About the National system of qualifications» which was registered in the Verkhovna Rada (Upper Chamber) in 2011 (registration No. 7215), but was withdrawn by the Verkhovna Rada Resolution of 20.12.2011 (No. 4187-VI). The National Qualifications Framework was approved in Ukraine at January 6, 2012. Estimating the productivity of performance of the second stage of reforms connected with transforming the system of HEIs, it is necessary to recognize that Ukraine has taken only the first steps. In February 2010, a “Statute about a research university”, which started as the first structural changes in the typology of HEIs, and that had been announced in 2007,

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came into force. Very modest results of this process so far aren’t in the least connected with earlier approval by 4-levels accreditation of Ukrainian HEIs, which were exposed in recent years to criticism from experts and observers. Lastly, the third stage of reforms obviously didn’t keep within the established periods. Incessant discussions since 2005 about quantity reduction (integration) of HEIs for the present have not been realised. So far, it is not in the least with evidence of criteria and principles for integrating HEIs. With conditions of still weak institutes of self-governing academic communities, a low extent of influence by the public and tradeunions on decision-making in the sphere of higher education policy and notable strengthening of authoritative tendencies under V. Yanukovych, there is a big risk of transforming the procedures of closing universities through instruments of politicizing HEIs for the purpose of strengthening power vertical. Estimating the preliminary results of Ukrainian higher education reforms from 2004 on 2011, it is first necessary to recognize essential advancements towards Europeanizing higher education and restoring the viability of the education system after heavy economic and political tests in the 1990s. Despite changes in the political climate in 2010 and top management MES rotation (from 2005 to 2011 3 Ministers of Education were replaced: S.Nikolaenko, I.Vakarchuk and B.Tabachnik) until now the overwhelming majority of reforms went in the waterway of the Bologna process and as a whole met its key frame requirements. The distinctive feature of this period is the more systematic, organized and purposeful character of the reform process. It was promoted in the EHEA by a format, procedures, criteria and time frameworks for reforms. Despite a delay of economic development from 2005-2008 and an economic crisis in 2008-2009, state financing of the educational sphere in Ukraine has been carried out at a level of most developed countries in the world. One of the productivity indicators of reforms is the steady growth of foreign students and eventually a positive balance of academic migration. Academically self-managed institutes have gradually started to gain an international character. At last, in September 2011, the first two universities in Ukraine obtained international recognition, having reached 4% among the best universities in the world. At the same time, results of the first phase of reforms testify to a number of problems and disturbing tendencies that can negatively affect further development of the Ukrainian higher education system. First of all, the financial resources allocated to reforming and developing the higher education system are insufficiently and ineffectively used. Besides no-

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purpose use of means by administration of HEIs, it is connected with low modernization of the «economy of education» and preserves the Soviet system of budgetary financing orientated on stabilization and quantitative growth of available structure, instead of it qualitative transformation. At a legislative level, one of the key problems is insufficient support from the legislative base by necessary sub-legislative regulatory legal acts (positions, procedures, criteria, standards, recommendations). This leads to a mismatch in legislation and application of the law to the present case. Therefore many progressive laws don’t find their application in practice or are simulated. Finally, high corruption in the higher education system continues to be one of the disturbing symptoms and essential difficulties of effectively reforming higher education. All these circumstances don’t give grounds for idealization or self-complacency. But with it also doesn’t give either administration, or academics, or the wide public grounds for law, but an optimistic estimation of prospects for further reforming the Ukrainian higher education system.15

Between “re-Sovietisation” and Bologna Process: Transforming higher education in Belarus (2004-2011) Stopping the reforms towards legitimating the Bologna model in 2004 is remembered by a scandalous and symbolical exile to the West (i.e. the example of EHU) from the Belarusian higher education system. This marks a new stage in the history of Belarusian higher education. Distinctive features of the developing higher education system during this period are deficiency of strategic planning and essentially increased politicization of universities. The strategic planning deficiency is caused by a failure of the national project that didn’t allow the creation of priority national values, and included a ban on the westernisation project that didn’t allow citizens adding to the arsenal of liberal values. This formed a semantic vacuum that called into question intelligent strategic planning and consecutive reforms of higher education. In the case of politicization is a question not only of direct political instrumentalisation of higher 15 On results the World questioning of the American Institute of Public Opinion (G. Gellap) after 2011, amount content with the system of education 52% makes in Belarus (for comparison: in Ukraine - 38%, in Russian Federation - 42%, in Germany - 59%, the USA - 70). Likarchuk, Igorj. 2011. “Kollaps ukrainskogo REUDVRYDQLMD>7KHFROODSVHRIWKH8NUDLQLDQHGXFDWLRQ@´=HUNDORQHGHOL>0LUURURI WKH ZHHN@  DFFHVVHG RQ 2FWREHU   http://zn.ua/EDUCATION/kollaps_ ukrainskogo_obrazovaniya-76811.html.

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education16, but also about the essentially increased extent of influence of policy on development strategy in higher education system. The political instrumentalisation of Belarusian HEIs destroyed the autonomy of the higher education system and made it completely dependent on the state policy of balancing between the West (Brussels) and the East (Moscow). As a result, tactical political constellations for balancing became definitive for adopting strategic decisions in higher education system reforms. A dominant trend in this period is the “reSovietisation,” which was amplified as a result of the moratorium on higher education reforms and that started a process of inertial reconstructing the Soviet model of higher education («development back to the past») (Dounaev 2007, 44-56). Establishing a direct presidential board in the higher education system, which at the beginning was carried out under the slogan of «centralization of management» and correction of the excesses which have appeared as a result of spontaneous development of the higher education system in the 90s became one of the most notable effects of “re-Sovetization”. The political will legalised in numerous separate normative legal acts found the integrated legitimation at first in the Law «About Higher Education», and then in the Code «About Education». Distinctions were striking already between the laws of 1991 and 2007. First of all, the absence of article 34 approving base principles of an autonomy and freedom of the academic self-government was evident.17 If in the Law of 1991, the heading «Management and control in the sphere of the higher education» began ascertaining principles of publicity and democracy, in «The law on higher education» 2007 the similar heading «Management in the sphere of the higher education» began with a statement of the priority role of the President. In particular, this role found bright manifestation in a Rector’s appointment procedure. The direct presidential board extended itself on bodies of academic self-government. The Code of 2011 gave to the presidential board in Belarusian HEIs complete controls and established vertical power according to which universities, Councils of Rectors and 16

Political instrumentalization implies using the system of education as an administrative resource for achieving political aims and political repressions against dissidents. Its brightest display can be found in administratively mobilizing representatives of academic corporations in a pre-election strategy. The Minister of Education Ⱥlexander Radjkov in 2010 led the pre-election staff of candidate in the presidency of Alexander Lukashenko. 17 Article 34 named “Academic freedoms and management autonomy in establishments, providing the receipt of higher education” of “Law on Education” (1991).

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even the Ministry of Education occupy a marginal position in the administrative hierarchy. Preserving and developing the Soviet institute of distributing graduates became another impressive effect of “re-Sovietisation”. Thus, if in the Law 1991 the duty of distribution was fixed only formally (as in practice it wasn’t carried out owing to the irrelevance of spontaneously developing conditions of a labour market), in the Law 2007 a two-year term of “working off” and financial sanctions for violation of duty were established for distribution. The code of 2011 made the institute of distribution even more brutal: distribution began to extend to all students of state universities regardless of form of education (high-residence/lowresidence) and partly even to forms of ownership (budgetary/off-budget). The process of “re-Sovietisation” expanded and the two-step system of higher education was almost legalized in 1994-2004 academic year. The Bologna system providing 3-4-year bachelor stage was declared inequitable for national interests in connection with the insufficient professional level of graduates. At the same time, the Ministry of Education didn’t completely refuse the two-level model. As a result, the duration of a bachelors degree corresponded to the Soviet terms of training (5-6 years). Thus, the masters degree gained an elite character and by status became more likely the first level of a postgraduate program. This caused low demand for master programs in Belarus. So, in 2008 from 19412 graduating students 825 persons (4,3%) entered masters programs, and the total number of masters graduates during this time was 3896 persons (or 1% of the general quantity of students).18 One more effect of “re-Sovietisation” is the internationalization created for maintaining Soviet geographical harmony among post-Soviet countries and forming interstate relations on the Soviet curve “mother country province”. The signing of an Agreement forming a Union of Belarus and Russia began to create a single educational space. For 10 years, more than 300 contracts occurred involving collaboration in the field of education. The most striking example of cooperation in the sphere of higher education is the Belarusian-Russian University in Mogilev, created in 2003. However, despite 15-fold distinction in number of the population, the balance of migration of students has for many years remained in the favour of the Russian Federation. So, in the 2006/07 academic year more than 10 thousand Belarusian students in Russia, while at Belarusian HEIs 18

Itogi raboti sistemi obrasovanija Respubliki Belarusj v 2008 godu i osnovnye zadachi po ee rasvitiju v 2009 godu >7KH Results of Work of the Belarusian Education System in 2008 and the Main Objectives for its Development in 2009@. Minsk, 2009, 26-28.

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in the 2008/09 academic year 1923 Russian students applied and only 387 students were accepted. No less notable effects of “re-Sovietisation” can be found in the “development” of the non-state higher education sector. The exile of EHU became an unambiguous signal to all non-state HEIs. Since 2001, requirements of licensing, certification and accreditation of private HEIs have become tougher, not so much on an academic, but on a political basis. As a result, in 2004/5, the number of non-state HEIs was reduced from 16 to 12, in 2007/8 to 10 and in 2013 to 9 HEIs. At the same time, the number of state universities increased from 43 to 45.19 The political factor came to be used for economic targets, to eliminate competitors in the market of paid educational services. So, if in the 2003/4 academic year, the number of students in private HEIs increased, since the 2004/5 academic year it kept within 57.8-58.8 thousand people. Thus, the total number of students (including those studying on a paid basis) essentially increased.20 Discrimination and marginalization of the non-state higher education sector were included into the finishing phase in 2011 with the advent of Ministry of Education plans to reduce the number of external students by 30-40% from the number of students trained in HEIs in the next three years.21 For the majority of private HEIs in which the share of external education students totals 75%, the new budget formation is a death sentence. It is necessary to recognize, however, that the tendency to destroy the non-state sector directly answers the Soviet model of higher education. However, not only political but also economic motivation stands behind it, bringing a substantial update to the project of “re-Sovietisation”. In the 90s there appeared a tendency of 19

Accordingly, specific weight of non-state higher education institutions in the higher education system went down from 27% in 2003/4 to 18% in 2009/10 academic year. Glavnyi informatsionno-DQDOLWLFKHVNL WVHQWU >0DLQ ,QIRUPDWLRQDO$QDO\WLFDO&HQWUH@DFFHVVHGRQ2FWREHUhttp://giac.unibel.by/. 20 From data of the Main Informational-Analytical Centre of Ministry of Education the quantity of students in 2003/4 was 337,900, in 2009/10 442,890. The specific weight of students of private HEIs diminished from 17,3% in 2003/4 to 13,6% in 2009/10 academic year, and state HEIs increased from 82,66% to 86,4% (from then on requiring a payment basis—from 67,10% to 78,76% accordingly. “Itogi SULHPDYFKDVWQLHLJRVXGDUVWYHQQLHYXVL>7KH5HVXOWVRI5HFUXLWLQJWR3ULYDWHDQG State Higher Education InstitutLRQV@´ DFFHVVHG RQ 2FWREHU   http://www.if.by /article/50507. 21 ³.DNLHYXVLSRVWUDGD\XWRWVRNUDVFKHQL\D]DRFKQLNRY´>:KLFK8QLYHUVLWLHVZLOO Suffer from the Reduction of External Students@ =DYWUD WYDH\ NUDLQL >³&RVWVRI(GXFDWLRQ´@, accessed on October 5, 2012. http://www.rb.com.ua/rus/marketing/tendency/8322/. 23 On the list of the Belarusian officials forbidden to enter EU territory, 175 names are given, 5 are rectors of HEIs: Sergei Ablameiko (Rector of the Belarusian State University), Petr Kucharchik (Rector of the Belarusian State Pedagogical University), Mikhail Batura (Rector of the Belarusian State University of Informatics and Radio Electronics), Mechislav Chesnovski (Rector of the Brest State University), Tamara Alpeeva (Rector of the International HumanitiesEconomic Institute).

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Committee24 prepared an Alternative Report25 in which the introduction of Belarus in the EHEA was deemed unavailable owing to the neglect of basic principles and values of policy of the EHEA, and also a “road map” was offered for reforming the Belarusian higher education system. In January, 2012 the Bologna working group came to a conclusion that Belarus isn’t ready to join the EHEA.26 This decision was confirmed at a Summit of higher education ministers of Bologna process countries in Bucharest on April 26-27, 2012. Summing up the higher education reforms in Belarus from 2004-2011, first of all, it is necessary to recognize the cumulative negative effect of reSovietisation. Despite the efforts made to reconstruct the Soviet higher education model, by 2011 a number of indicators showed it was not possible to leave even on level of the crisis of the 90-s. Moreover, a boomerang effect has been reached: total state commercialization and progressive stagnation of the higher education system in recent years, and also an overdue, but symptomatic desire to join the Bologna process has devaluated the neo-Soviet higher education system in Belarus. The consecutive policy of isolation has led to the fact that the Belarusian higher education system that exists currently has not only not entered the EHEA, but also has become isolated from the educational space of the overwhelming majority of CIS countries, including its partners in the Customs union (the Russian Federation and Kazakhstan). The absence of communications with employers and conflict with civil society has led the Belarusian academic community towards segregation, and the higher education system as a whole into isolation from market and society. Political instrumentalisation of higher education and its disciplinary service, destruction of institutes of academic selfmanagement, and blocked processes of forming creative students with high degrees of educability and self-realization, have meant incurring wrath for accepting qualified state decisions. Meanwhile this factor is one 24 Founded in 2011, based on a national platform of the civil forum of the Eastern partnership, consists of an expert association of representatives and a group of public organizations. 25 “Belarusian Higher Education Readiness to EHEA Admission. Alternative Report”, accessed on October 5, 2012. http://eurobelarus.info/en/news/temp/2011/ 12/13/belarusian_higher_education_readiness_to_ehea_admission__part_i.html. 26 “Pochemu Belarus QH SULQLPD\XW Y %RORQVNLM SURFHVV" >:K\ %HODUXV +DVQ¶W Been Accepted into the Bologna Process"@´%XLVQHVV/HDGHUDFFHVVHGRQ2FWREHU 5, 2012. http://www.profi-forex.by/index.php?env=-news/entry5000010658:m104 71-1-1-1-s-&admin=1.

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of key indicators of human capital as a main resource of modernization. Unfortunately, the problem is accentuated by an overestimated selfappraisal of consumers and suppliers of educational services27.

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The results of a world survey by the American Institute of Public Opinion (G. Gallup) in 2011, the percentage of people satisfied with the system of education is 52% in Belarus (compared with: Ukraine 38%, Russian Federation 42%, Germany 59% and USA 70%) (Likarchuk 2011).

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Zuk, A. “Visshee obrasovanie Respubliki Belarus: ot Bolonskogo prozessa k evropejskomu prostranstvu visshego obrasovanija >+LJKHU(GXFDWLRQ in Belarus: from the Bologna Process to the European Higher Education Area@”, accessed on October 5, 2012. http://minedu. unibel.by/.

Documents and Analitic Papers Statisticheskij ezegodnik Respubliki Belarus 2005. >Statistical Yearbook of the Republic of Belarus 2005@. Minsk. 2006. Paraunaljni analis razvitia adukacii u regionah Respubliki Belarus (pa stanu na pachatak 2008/09 navuchalnaga goda): statistichni davednik >&RPSDUDWLYH DQDO\VLV RI HGXFDWLRQDO GHYHORSPHQW LQ WKH 5HSXEOLF RI Belarus region (at the beginning of the 2008/09 academic year): 6WDWLVWLFDO+DQGERRN@. Minsk, 2008. Nazionalnaja strategija ustojchivogo socialno-economicheskogo rasvitija Respubliki Belarus QD SHULRG GR  JRGD >1DWLRQDO 6WUDWHJ\ IRU Sustainable Socio-Economic Development of BelaruV XQWLO @ Minsk, 2004. “Strategii ekonomichnogo i socialnogo rosvitku Ukraini na 2004-2015 URNL>6WUDWHJLHVIRU(FRQRPLFDQG6RFLDO'HYHORSPHQWRI8NUDLQH for 2004-@´, accessed on October 4, 2012. http://old.niss.gov.ua/book/ varnaly/005.htm. Itogi raboti sistemi obrasovanija Respubliki Belarusj v 2008 godu i osnovnye zadachi po ee rasvitiju v 2009 godu >7KHResults of Work of the Belarusian Education System in 2008 and the Main Objectives for its Development in 2009@. Minsk, 2009: 26-28. ³,WRJLSULHPDYFKDVWQLHLJRVXGDUVWYHQQLHYXVL>7KH5HVXOWVRI5HFUXLWLQJ WR 3ULYDWH DQG 6WDWH +LJKHU (GXFDWLRQ ,QVWLWXWLRQV@´, accessed on October 5, 2012. http://www.if.by/article/50507. “Belarusian Higher Education Readiness to EHEA Admission. Alternative Report”, accessed on October 5, 2012. http://eurobelarus.info/en/news/ temp/2011/12/13/belarusian_higher_education_readiness_to_ehea_ad mission__part_i.html.

CHAPTER SIX QUANTIFICATION OF HIGHER EDUCATION: TRENDS AND RISKS: A VIEW FROM THE CZECH REPUBLIC PETR SÝKORA There have been a lot of discussions recently about the knowledge society that outlines its dominant feature—as a focus on recognition, knowledge, discoveries and acquisition of new data and facts and on the constant broadening of human cognitive space. From a layperson’s point of view this determination can evoke the feeling that every member of such a society is motivated to “know” a lot or to try to “know” a lot, because otherwise one cannot succeed. Knowledge and effort to recognize and understand phenomena are highly appreciated. Effort to become a member and to raise society into knowledge society is a key contemporary milestone. The growth of intelligence is considered to be a remedy for almost all defects of today’s society, which is why it is being unanimously discussed by high representatives of the European Union, state governments and politicians on the regional and local levels. Societies as a whole have surrendered to this influence because as Konrad Liessmann says: “knowledge is fashionable nowadays” (2009, 9). This “fashion” started to show itself during the post-Soviet era also in Eastern Europe. Thanks to the influences of globalization during the development of these “new” societies and their unique characteristics, the educational structure also plays an important role. The structure of the economies in this region and the tempo of their restructuring do not differ much from the European average. It is likewise with the increasing complexity of work, with the exception of extremely difficult manual professions. However, the educational structure in Eastern European countries, as well as the Czech Republic, is still influenced by older age groups where we can find a high number of people with a low level of education. The number of university graduates (full-time study) started to

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increase as a result of globalization movements and trends only in the late nineties of the 20th century. But what price do we pay for this fashion? Does contemporary educational practise always bring with it knowledge connected to recognition and discoveries or is it only about meeting the requirements of the OECD by states and individuals? One of the consequences of this trend is the quantification of education that is the topic of this contribution.

What does (university) education mean to society today? To be able to find answers to some of the above-mentioned questions I consider it appropriate to deal first with the relation between society and education as a whole. Education includes the whole educational process, which is schooling and upbringing1. The result of educating is therefore ideally both education (a particular summary of knowledge and specific skills) and manners (a particular summary of ways of behaviour and attitudes). Finding the relation between society and individual areas of education can reveal the particular place of not only higher education in society. If we recall the words of Václav Havel, who said at the 14th International Conference called Forum 2000 that “as far as contemporary society is concerned short-term profit is always superior to long-term one”, so the status of schooling and upbringing in the social system is not far to seek. Let’s take upbringing first. Concerning the above mentioned facts we can only claim the known truth: it does not bring results quickly, but the effect show up usually after a long period of time. From the above mentioned point of view it predetermines among other things its status in contemporary speed-expecting society. Schooling has the advantage of receiving public attention as opposed to upbringing. As mentioned above, the amount of attention to schooling is relatively high, but not as high as we imagine. The usual increased attention means that quantity affects contemporary “fashion”. Considering the question of whether quantity is reached at the cost of quality is not part of this text. Nevertheless, generally education is according to Provenzo and Renaud often considered “to be the basic body of society and it is

1

Even though it is not possible to separate education and upbringing, both of these components work together at the same time during the educational process. Such a division is made only for the purpose of this article.

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often used as the means of reaching more complex goals, for example social justice and equality” (2009, 302, author’s translation). In spite of the fact that the goal of education should be to help students grow intellectually and in character, in order to “be able to join debates about solving the most serious problems which citizens and all human race face, for example what is the best way of life?” (Allen, Allen 2003, 20, author’s translation), these more complex goals, such as justice and equality are today largely reduced only to vocational apprenticeship. Anzenbacher (2004, 73) states “that schooling and upbringing should not be limited only to share abstract-instrumental knowledge”, but this is exactly the contemporary trend. If we ask today as Herbert Spencer did in the past – Which knowledge is the most valuable? – we would have to answer that which is necessary for the quickest way of achieving success, asserting ourselves and personal success. We could almost say that the purpose of education has “gone back” to its material roots in the days of community foundations, so as to transfer knowledge about the ways of meeting basic needs (meant in the broad sense). As Liessmann (2009, 30) says, “knowledge is supposed to be transferred to the zone of economic valorisation as quickly as possible”. Skills, creativeness and research that are developed by means of education are therefore the key factors of success in every society, which generates jobs and progressive prosperity. Education today is therefore concerned mainly with competitiveness. Higher education is perceived today as a comparative advantage with others and something that increases “marketability” and “negotiability” of people in the labour market. In other words, education is something that has tangible results and is worth having. The relation concerning the opportunities on the basis of education and economical inequalities is according to Provenzo and Renaud “based on these assumptions: 1) Education is the key factor during improvements of social and economic status of the individual. 2) Quality of education, which the individual receives, refers to the level of achieved social and economic success. 3) Society has certain level of responsibility for the type and quality of education that is available to the members of society” (2009, 279, author’s translation). St. John (2006, 236, author’s translation) adds that education is increasingly necessary for economical citizenship—to provide security for his/her family and help society by means of acquiring a job. Over the course of time, the level of education necessary for employment has increased, from eight classes of primary education at the beginning of the

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20th century, to university in the middle of the century and up to some specialized university education at the end of the century. Gradually people have started to believe that they can reach their dream job and an interesting career only after they manage to get a university degree. Each individual thus tries to invest money in his/her education if they do not want to remain in an inconvenient starting position. K. Rýdl (In Janík, Švec 2009, 64) states “education which everybody can achieve is becoming a decisive assumption for individual professional career. It is even more important than ownership of capital or inherited position”. Keller and Tvrdý (2008, 40) discuss the fact that “education is increasingly changing from possibility to obligation”. We can thus agree with Allen and Allen, who write: “John Kenneth *DOEUDLWK >ZKR@ SUHGLFWHG WKDW DW WKH HQG RI WKH th century universities would become the same that banks became at its beginning—the main providers of the most necessary source of capital in the whole nation” (2003, 22, author’s translation). The necessity of lifelong education is constantly enforced by society from all sides, which means to adapt to the requirements of labour market. This indirectly forces people to try to gain higher and higher education. In contemporary societies that are based on maximization of economic growth and profit, educated persons are supposed to be not only experts in their field, but also qualified workers who are able to compete with the others in the labour market. Society therefore needs experts and individuals need qualifications in order to put their potential into effect. The question arises: Is education that is competition-oriented and centred on the market able to ensure social-cultural integration? Is education able to emancipate people from dependence on things, to suppress selfishness and encourage thoughtfulness, helpfulness and solidarity, etc.? Society under the pressure of utilitarian ideology forgets about the initial liberal dimension and significance of higher education, which is broader than only acquiring required qualifications. This trend, unfortunately, seems to be irreversible.

What do higher education institutions and universities mean to society? According to Shapiro (2005) “all higher education institutions, public and private, non-profit and profitable, all types of higher education institutions and universities serve the public interest”. Hussey and Smith

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(2010, 77-78, author’s translation) expressed this interest dealing with the question of why society needs universities by means of seven functions (shortened version): 1. Individual prosperity—universities are means that individuals can use for developing their abilities and finding fulfilment. 2. Social prosperity—universities enable society to flourish and prosper. 3. Maintaining freedom—universities ensure or at least they are supposed to ensure maintaining freedom of thought and speech. 4. Creativity—universities are the source of innovations and inventions. 5. Storehouses of knowledge—universities are the source of understanding and skills. 6. Spreading knowledge—universities are the centre of knowledge transfer in all scientific fields, technology, art, skills, experience and they influence political, moral and aesthetic matters. 7. Guardians of professions—universities act as “guardians” of some professions; they require qualifications for entering medicine, engineering, education and other fields. As mentioned above, society considers universities to be one of the tools of economic growth. In spite of the fact that Hussey and Smith’s stated functions are thought to be general, it is possible to find clear economical specifics in some of them. This is quite obvious for example in items 1, 2 and 4. We can also find the economic dimension in item 6 since spreading knowledge is nowadays considered by economic rules more than ever as a gainful area. Allen and Allen (2003, 22, author’s translation) state that “higher education institutions and universities compete in forming this capital (education) and they try to retain higher earnings in this process”. St. John (2006, 4, author’s translation) alleges, in this spirit that “in social democracies in North America, Europe and Australia the educational systems move towards high tuition-fees which are connected to high loans as the means of public finance. There is also quick movement towards privatization of higher education in Russia, China and other countries of the former Soviet Union”. There has been a similar debate about tuition-fees at public schools in the Czech Republic for many years. Higher education is in the middle of considerable transformation as far as its structure and financing is concerned.

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The increasing number of higher education institutions and universities and increasing number of students attending them confirms the view that the demand for education is growing. The credo of the knowledge society is that all knowledge is quickly becoming obsolete and loses its value— therefore it is necessary to learn quickly and continually. Information is transferred quickly, easily and cheaply, as opposed to knowledge that we adopt slowly and with difficulty. Society thus solves the question how to effectively educate such a huge number of students through universities. This means lower costs and a lower number of pedagogues. Modular education has become very popular within newer universities to solve this problem. It shows the way to provide education to a high number of students effectively (i.e. with low costs). In respect of demand for students and focus on practise and competitiveness, universities often offer applied practise and profession-oriented courses as well. “So it is the kind of knowledge which contemporary society requires and in particular accepts as “hodgepodge” which can be achieved quickly, which can be quickly acquired and which is sufficient enough for people to be flexible in workflow and disposable for entertainment industry” (Liessmann, 2009, 10, 39).

The point is that students attending these institutions are supposed to finish their studies successfully without delay and to be able to find proper job as quickly as possible. Universities are motivated by finance and state to increase the statistics that reinforce the economic sector. The question arises: To what extent is it still a knowledge society, since we are at variance with that ideal? Hussey and Smith (2010, 131-132, author’s translation) assert that “knowledge, learning and information society does not exist to spread the certificate with qualification for minimal costs, but it is important to provide individuals education—valuable not only for themselves but also for others. A love for learning, enthusiasm for research and a curious mind will serve not only employers, but also the general public better than a collection of vaguely remembered facts wrapped in a diploma”. 4. Quantification and commercialization of education—contemporary trend of universities and society? Quantification of higher education exceeds the borders of individual states and happens in most states in Europe. For example, according to the Czech Statistical Office, higher education has been recently the quickest growing segment of Czech education. From 2002 to 2008, the number of

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students at universities in the Czech Republic constantly grew. If we take university students as being 20 to 29-years-old, this would mean that in 2008 every fourth person (20 to 29 years-old) in the Czech Republic attended university. In England, Hussey and Smith (2010: 11, author’s translation) allege “in 1960 only one in eighteen young people attended university but now the time when one of two people attends university is approaching”. These days in the Czech Republic there are discussions that given the number of inhabitants in the country, the number of universities should decrease. Universities in this scenario are accepting more and more students, but there are fewer people with prerequisites for higher education in the population. So, universities are in fact accepting increasingly less qualified students. Nevertheless, we still hear news that the proportion of university students in the Czech Republic is less than half of that in developed states and thus the quantification trend still lasts. When we try to find answers for what causes the quantification trend we can consider following aspects or theories that are closely related to each other.

Normative theory of quantification of higher education The significantly increase in the number of students and the extension of higher education is caused by certain social pressures. It is necessary to understand that having university degree is nowadays the same standard as high school graduation was during 20th century. This is the first attribute of quantifying higher education. From this point of view, it is a normative attribute. International comparative statistics dealing with education and the number of students (OECD) defines a particular level as “ideal”, which is the standard that applies normative pressure on governments of individual states in order to meet the quota (ideal) as quickly as possible. The state makes it possible 1) to establish new universities and 2) that all universities can accept more students. Spreading of requirements for the highest level of education and lifelong education together with public opinion applies normative pressure on individuals as a member of society and participant in the labour market. Individuals thus gain the impression that higher education will guarantee their competitiveness and thus a better social position. And governments hold the impression that a higher number of educated people will guarantee an “ideal” society. However, Keller and Tvrdý (2008, 9) object that an “increasing number of graduates of universities does not solve the problem of

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society.” They also state that, “thanks to experience we know that a double share of university students as opposed to contemporary status cannot solve existing problems with low competitiveness or high level of unemployment”.

Economic theory of quantification of higher education This economic, also called market, theory has two dimensions. The first involves the fact that certain university students gain jobs with a high salary and are able to create new values and increase VAT of the state. The second dimension suggests that educational institutions (not only higher education institutions) are becoming an opportunity to make profit. The institutions themselves almost become subordinate to this market interest. This status from the point of view of the market is absolutely logical because, as Anzenbacher (2004, 74) states, “under the condition of freedom one’s own subjective interest (profit-oriented) is legitimated and released”. Management of universities (not only private) is more often composed of managers and as Hussey and Smith (2010, 29, author’s translation) assert, “this new managerial management of many universities has changed the character of education which is offered. This development tends to transfer education to commodities. Knowledge, skills and even understanding must be identified and divided into manageable packages called modules that are relatively short-time programmes of education. It is possible to valuate and then monitor the delivery of every module”. Universities then in this respect become something similar to shops; while education is something similar to goods and students are something similar to customers in a higher education market. However, Jeffrey Henig (1994, author’s translation) thinks “education is certainly not real goods and students are not real customers and if we describe schools as shops and students as customers, we are speaking only in metaphors”. It is absolutely understandable that using these metaphors can cause fear of a self-fulfilling prophecy. Unfortunately, the truth is that market forces nowadays more and more govern the relationship between universities and students, whether this relationship is expressed in metaphors or directly. Normative and economic theories can be also perceived as theory of content and form. The theory of content that corresponds to normative theory is classical theory, which considers higher education as a classical value not only for individuals but also for society. An educated person is supposed to live on a high level, not only thanks to his/her knowledge and

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opinions, but also skills that will be useful for others and implicitly for the whole society. It is believed that if many members of a population reach a high level of education, then that society will reach the status of competitiveness, prosperity and satisfaction. The theory of form expresses that the content of higher education is not as important in society as the form that represents this education. So it is essential to have a university degree to represent one’s education. This is what is most appreciated and can guarantee a better position in the hierarchy of society, a privileged position and high income. In fact, it is not about achieving knowledge, skills and broadening one’s horizons, but rather only about achieving acknowledgment of one’s education.

Commercialization of higher education The dilemma of commercializing higher education is related to its quantification. Nevertheless, given that this field well established, I will devote only a short part to it. As mentioned above, universities and higher education institutions are becoming part of the market that means that some of them start to conform to market patterns. They are influenced by the impact of supply and demand. With respect to the fact that markets support a focus on profit, commercialization occurs in the higher education market. Commercialization of higher education can be perceived from the point of view of state, university and individual. As far as state is concerned, in some countries financing and funding higher education has become economically difficult to manage. This is due to significant quantification. It is interesting that despite the fact that states require a higher number of graduates, that at the same time they do not have enough financial resources to support public universities. States are attempting to reform the system of education, which often includes privatizing and introducing tuition-fees. As St. John (2006, 7-8, author’s translation) says about the situation in Great Britain, “it was easier to decrease state funding to higher education, because it was easier to create a private market and increasing fees for services in the field of education became acceptable alternative to increase taxes”. In the USA, more than forty years ago Peter Schrag (1970) claimed that they reached “the end of the impossible dream of providing universal, free, and high-quality public education”. In the Czech Republic, as well as in some other countries (where this has already happened) students will probably have to pay for their

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university studies by means of various ways, which means in fact that they buy their education. This will lead gradually to a consumer approach to education. Hussey and Smith (2010: 44, author’s translation) think that this supports students viewing themselves as “customers, teachers as sellers and universities as shops”. On the other hand, these authors admit, “the fact that students consider themselves to be customers can have some advantages and there are a few fields where the attitude of a ‘customer’ is legitimate. Students as customers can be less willing to tolerate a ‘bad product’ and withstand bad teaching, lower standards of equipment or a poorly supplied library, etc.” (Hussey, Smith, 2010, 46, author’s translation). As stated above, the Czech Republic is now in the process of heading towards tuition fees at universities. Government officials are trying to weaken the commercial perception of paying for higher education by means of not talking about tuition fees but rather about enrolment fees for individual study semesters. Nevertheless, it is still a “disguised” tuition fee. At universities and other higher education institutions, commercialization occurs as Bok (2003, 99, author’s translation) says “when someone sees the university as opportunity to make money (offer of financing liberal research by changing it to exclusive patent, possibility to sell distance courses for profit, etc.)”. Furthermore, he states “in the USA during the last 25 years universities have become more active when selling what they know not only to individuals but also to various corporations”. As in the USA it has already in our country that present universities are advised to refer to industry and to try to concentrate on “applied” research in fields whose results are more marketable. It is not possible to consider this as a big problem by itself. It is only the consequence of a lack of finances at public higher education institutions that needs to make effort to compensate universities. Commercialization of higher education becomes a problem when educating students ceases to be the primary goal and becomes a mere means of making profit. In this situation, the goal of university is not quality of students but quantity; the highest number of students and graduates regardless of quality is most important. However, the risk is quite real, as in the fields of economics and management (which are growing at universities), where almost any acts that bring payment and compensation are considered to be ethical. It is therefore necessary for universities and higher education institutions to remain faithful to their original purpose—education as a goal. Nowadays,

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when schools are financed on the basis of the number of students and graduates, it is very difficult to maintain this traditional goal. Ethical standards or codes of educational institutions, however, cannot help to achieve this goal since measurement of ethics consists in practical applications which require individual decisions.

Conclusion I have tried to think about the quantification in higher education and causes of this trend in this naïve thesis. In the text, I presented information and findings concerning the state of university education in the Czech Republic that are relevant to considering the topic of quantification. Unfortunately, university education in the Czech Republic also suffers from the same syndromes of quantification that can and do have a negative impact on the quality of educational processes as such and their result. The estimates of future demand for university education and an academically qualified labour force, as well as changes in society that affect higher education do not suggest there will be a decrease in the quantification effect on university education in the foreseeable future. Therefore, university education must be put to profound social discussion. University education reforms in the Czech Republic have been in progress since 2006, but the norms and ideological intentions that have been worked out so far are confronted with criticism and resistance. Some of the worked out adjustments and intentions were stopped together with the change of government officials. Nowadays the reform proposals that contain a decrease in social barriers towards university education, carry out inner differentiation of university education system, as well as the changes in funding system consisting in, besides other things, introduction of tuition fees, alternatively deferred tuition fees, have been withdrawn. According to the latest information the reforms are supposed to continue with certain revisions that will cancel the introduction of tuition fees. However, enrolment fees for individual semesters are still being considered. This amendment is supposed to affect a decrease in the number of university students. Implementing this amendment and subsequent continuing reforms of university education in the Czech Republic is considered uncertain on account of experiences of previous proposals and the frequency of changes made by government officials in relevant departments. Especially economic reasons will initiate the next reforms. As far as quantification and commercialization of university education is concerned, it is very difficult to restore this contemporary trend not only

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in the Czech Republic to its original condition. The causes of quantification shown above are still valid and probably will be valid in the future. As far as commercialization is concerned, a higher education market has been created also in the Czech Republic. I consider it appropriate to briefly discuss some risks and consequences of this status. If change occurs, there is a risk of vertical degradation in respect to increasing number of graduates when a university diploma will be such a common thing that it will not guarantee a particular “privileged” status in society. University education will thus become less and less prestige and rewarded and a certain kind of graduation devaluation can occur. In the end, let me outline a more optimistic vision of the future (which is maybe closer than it appears). In respect of the on going “competition” via quantification in European society it can be expected that the era will arise when unquantifiable things and processes will be more appreciated. This is because as far as quantifiable things are concerned the countries of “the Asian tiger” will start to surpass us slowly but surely. So to be able to keep our position, uniqueness and specificity, we will have to start focusing on producing unquantifiable things, which means to concentrate just on quality, not quantity.

References Allen, W. B., Allen, C. M. 2003. Habits of Mind: Fostering Access and Excellence in Higher Education. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Publisher. Anzenbacher$.ĜHVĢDQVNiDVRFLiOQtHWLND~YRGDSULQFLS\%UQR Centrum pro studium demokracie a kultury. Bok, D. 2003. Universities in the Marketplace: The Commercialization of Higher Education. Princeton, Oxford: Princeton University Press. +DYHO 9 3URMHY QD VODYQRVWQtP ]DKiMHQt  YêURþQt NRQIHUHQFH )RUXP 2000 “6YČWYHNWHUpPFKFHPHåtW”, konané 10.-ĜtMQDY Praze >RQOLQH@ >FLW -05-@ $YDLODEOH IURP KWWSZZZIRUXPF] cz/projekty/konference-forum-2000/2010/projevy/projev-vaclavahavla-na-slavnostni-zahajeni/. Cit. 2011-05-16. Henig, J. R. 1994. Rethinking School Choice: Limits of the Market Metaphor. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Hussey, T., Smith, P. 2010. The Trouble with Higher Education: A Critical Examination of our Universities. New York, London: Routledge, Tailor and Francis Group.

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Janík, T., Švec, V., et al. 2009. K SHUVSHNWLYiPãNROQtKRY]GČOiYiQt%UQR Paido. Keller, J., Tvrdý /  9]GČODQRVWQt VSROHþQRVW" Chrám, výtah a SRMLãĢRYQD3UDKD6RFLRORJLFNpQDNODGDWHOVWYt /LHVVPDQQ.37HRULHQHY]GČODQRVWL2P\O\6SROHþQRVWLYČGČQt Praha: Academia. Noddings, N. 2003. Happiness and Education. New York: Cambridge University Press. Provenzo, E. F., Renaud, J. P. (eds.) 2009. Encyclopedia of the Social and Cultural foundations of Education. Vol. 1-3. Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE Publications. Shapiro, H.T. 2005. A Larger Sense of Purpose: higher education and society: non nobis solum. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Schrag, P. 1970. “End of the Impossible Dream”, Saturday Review, 19 September: 68. St. John, E. P. 2006. Education and the Public Interest: school reform, public finance, and access to higher education. Dordrecht: Springer. Walberg, H. J., Bast, J. L. 2003. Education and Capitalism: How Overcoming Our Fear of Markets and Economics Can Improve America’s Schools. Stanford: Hoover Institution Press.

PART III NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL IMPACTS ON THE LIBERATION OF SOCIAL SCIENCES AND HUMANITIES

CHAPTER SEVEN THE EPISTEMOLOGY OF POST-SOVIET HUMANITIES EDUCATION IN CENTRAL ASIA: INTEGRATED CURRICULUM, CONCERNS OF VALUES, IDENTITY AND THE BOLOGNA PROCESS SUNATULLO JONBOBOEV Overall view and background The recent events of the Arab spring, in spite of their possible positive/negative results, show us that the world is in the process of global change. Central Asia as an important part of this world at the heart of the Silk Road cannot be left out of the process of transformation, reconnection and new worldwide integration. This process is not a justification of Fukuyama’s deterministic theory of the “End of History” or the victory of a global liberal and neoliberal system of values. Nevertheless it demonstrates a deeper interdependence of the world’s nations and cultures in spite of their differences. Central Asian nations have a long history and broad experience of integration and absorbing knowledge with completely different origins (Pre-Islamic Zoroastrian, Buddhism, Christianity, Islam, Soviet, modern Western, etc.). We hope that the modern politico-economic changes will not affect this region dramatically, since it has a ‘global immune system’ already inside it. This is well illustrated in the history of Sogdian culture, the most tolerant civilization of ancient times, as well as the phenomenal culture of the Samanids1. As verification of such diversified cultural

1

History of Tajikistan, ancient Sogdiana, accessed on March 15, 2013, http:// www.youtube.com/watch?v=K-uEYC-sPl4&feature=share; Central Asia under the

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heritage in modern Central Asia, we can see the interplay of cultural artefacts from Zoroastrian/Tengrian along with existing vivid components of Islamic heritage, Soviet legacy and contemporary global programs. From this knowledge, we think that even in a time of concentrated identity-building, diversity is a strength and not a weakness of this region. At the same time the real integration of living national cultures in Central Asia should be viewed not just as an important task for international agencies that contribute to the development of this region. It should also be considered as part of the national identity-building programs. In addition, if it does not sound too strong, we believe it should be part of building the national security of the region. The established regional and international University of Central Asia2 with its Aga Khan Humanities Project (AKHP) has been for more than 14 years moving towards reviving and integrating the indigenous store of knowledge with new, diverse traditional and modern intellectual capital. The educational approaches and concepts in the region have tried to avoid attempts of narrow public and intellectual space, instead opting for broader rational discourse that support emerging political and educational projects in Central Asia. AKHP was as a response to the need for making a bridge between the past, the present and future during a very dramatic time; the collapse of the Soviet Union and the emerging new independent countries in the early 1990s. It showed a need to avoid the fragmentation of memory, time and history during the formation of new identities. Its mission was and is to save the new generation of Central Asians from politics of isolationism and marginalization, to cultivate pluralism and tolerance, to appreciate diverse knowledge coming from outside and to encourage creative approaches. We believe this is still a very important task today for Central Asia’s transformation. As it seems to many, without rethinking the past, a new interpretation to move forward is impossible in the current time. We can see this, for example, in reviewing and cultivating the concepts of our traditional integrative learning pattern, such as the “Good and Perfect man”, which was popular among Muslim philosophers from the Middle Ages Samanids, 2010. Islamic Central Asia. An Anthology of Historical Sources. Ed. by Scott C. Levi and Ron Sela, Indiana University Press, 2010. 2 The University of Central Asia is a regional and international University with the main purpose of developing the rural and mountainous regions of Central Asia. UCA is based on an agreement between the presidents of Kazakhstan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan and His Highness Aga Khan, an agreement ratified by the UN in 2001. See: www.ucentralasia.org.

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(Jonboboev, Mirboboev, Rahimov, History of Tajik Philosophy 2012, 387-570) until the beginning of the Russian Revolution, and also reviewing the Jadidist (modernist in Bukhara emirate, Khalid 1998, 35) reforms and Soviet legacy. Our past heritage should not just be preserved, but it is important to be interpreted, it needs to be interpreted rationally, historically and historic-intellectually, as noted by R. Rorty (1984, 72). Now it is a basic condition for educational initiatives like the Humanities Program to support Central Asians in reaching into their past for inspiration. This can help to seek assistance in drawing upon the traditions of our societies to foster a holistic approach and values, such as tolerance, ethics and civic virtues in our current lives. The message is not to ‘live in the past’ statically, but to take from the past important values and resources for inspiring new social transformation. Currently Central Asia is passing through a long, difficult process of transformation that reflects both positive and negative outcomes. Nationalism, anti-globalism, radicalization of religion and Islamic fundamentalism are not the only new trends in the region. Top level political decisions to join the Bologna Higher Education System and to integrate local educational standards with global educational models goes sometimes together with the demands of local religious clerks to exclude the evolutionary theory of Darwin from our curriculum. Modernizing the educational system in this region simultaneously happens in parallel with anti-globalism and with aggressive approaches toward innovation and new Western standards, etc. These are common cases for all Central Asian and CIS countries. It is reflected in the media and in university curriculum: Humanities and Social Sciences disciplines have become a nursery for training and upbringing the new generation with a spirit of distinctiveness. Recent findings of researchers in post-Soviet education based on curriculum shows that there are three types of isolationist anti-Western tendencies: 1) the establishment of an aggressive “Eurasian” version of geopolitical approach to international relations; 2) the emergence of a new academic discipline called “Culturology” (Cultural Studies) that attempts to systematize national stereotypes in a pseudo-scholarly fashion and promotes the “Russian Idea” (cf. Berdyaev 1947) as a new meta-theory for Russia; and 3) the uncritical acceptance by a surprisingly large number of Russian social scientists of the abstruse, neo-racist theory of “ethnogenesis” developed by the late Soviet ethnographer Lev N. Gumilev (Umland 2005, 222). This is doubly surprising that ‘Eurasian’ ideas have been fully accepted by the state offices, with huge numbers of intellectuals

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and scholars in Kazakhstan3 and, as we noted, all other Central Asian nations support trying to find their ‘national ideas’ to confront worldwide integration processes even if it is sometimes not successfully named globalization. Part of the Western policy of expansion (especially US) highly contributed to the process of alienation of nations and their cultures, which as we see nowadays is neither fair nor effective. The waves of isolationism and retrograde attitudes towards education can be explained through the concerns of national building, identity, and the treats on colour revolutions in post-Soviet and Northern African countries. But no explanations can justify the conservative approaches that confront our overall levels of human development. As a Tajik proverb says: “if you are a peasant you have to plant your seeds without concern that they will be destroyed by birds4.” Otherwise, in spite of all existing obstacles the overall mission of educators will remain as always: to educate ourselves and the people with us.

UCA Aga Khan Humanities Project The Aga Khan Humanities Project of UCA has been working on the reform of humanities and social sciences in Central Asia for decades since the collapse of Soviet Union. It has produced multicultural, multidisciplinary integrated curriculum that consists eight volumes with teacher’s guides and handbooks. We are interested to see how such a project will respond to the above-mentioned challenges. How does it try to connect skills like independent and creative thinking with values such as tolerance, pluralism, and diversity? What can the response of this project be to the increasing influence of nationalism, fundamentalism and antiglobalism? Why is cultivating rational discourse among intellectuals, faculties and students of vital importance for this region? How is it possible to transform humanities disciplines from objects of ideological manipulation into subjects that contribute to social development and free human expression? What are the historical, epistemological, social and cultural premises that can contribute to changing the culture of education in this region to make it more relevant and to meet and respond to modern socio-economic needs? We respond to these questions in this paper, but for this purpose we must first describe the historical foundation of the 3

It is not surprising that the one of the main university in Astana is now Gumilev Eurasian National University. 4 “Az gunjishk tarsi—arzan makor” or “dehqon boshi —shudgor kun, mullo boshi takror kun” (in Tajik-Farsi).

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educational system in Central Asia and what makes it different and distinctive. Obviously, such a pluralistic and integrated curriculum is not merely a mechanical aggregate of different texts and diverse views. It is based on the notion of pluralism, but not just in terms of including reading materials from different civilizations and cultures with pantophagous or indiscriminate approaches. The Aga Khan Humanities Project5 is a complex combination of knowledge and skills, a combination of multiculturalism with interdisciplinary approaches in pedagogy and research work, all of which can result in the independent thinking of a new generation. Teaching and learning in this program are not indoctrination, propagating and giving short instruction on what is “good” and what is “bad”, but offer a long process of learning by doing. The most complicated issues for students, even young scholars and educators in current Central Asia are the integration of theory with practice, the combination of written and visual “texts”, connecting learned texts and content with the social and cultural context, as well as building intellectual and creative skills. In this mission, the University of Central Asia with its AKHP curriculum includes not just written theoretical texts on Humanities (e.g., literature, philosophy, sociology etc.), but also visual materials, music studies and field trips for the purpose of researching actual issues in social or cultural life. In this way, a pluralistic approach with an integrated curriculum and rationalistic discourse play an important role in countering outdated sociopolitical phenomena, like nationalism, fundamentalism and anti-globalism, which have been the main modern consolidating resources. Our educational aim instead is to challenge current Central Asian societies and to play a constructive role.

Methodology To address the phenomena mentioned here we need some methodological resources. The main methodological instruments for preparing and writing this paper were personal observations, interviews, and discussions during the seminars, workshops and analyses of reports 5

More information at: http://www/akdn.org/uca_humanities.asp. Contact through the University of Central Asia: www.ucentralasia.org; for the history of foundation of the project please see: Rafique Kashavjee, Trials in the Humanities//Challenges of Education in Central Asia, edited by Stephen P. Heyneman and Alan J. De Young, 2004, pp. 327-356 (Dr. Rafique Keshavjee was the founder of this project in 1997).

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prepared by the Faculty Development Program. All data have been summarized and verified with final analyses. At the same time, it was important for us to verify the application and contextualization of some popular theories, for instance, constructivist, post-structuralist, neoMarxist epistemological, political, philosophical, cultural and religious studies, including those developed by J. Habermas’ theory of communicative action, the role of rational discourse for social and political issues, discussions on truth and objectivity, sociology of knowledge, the co-relationship of knowledge and power suggested by Foucault, Karl Mannheim, Sarah Amsler, Chad Thompson, etc. For understanding the nature of nation-states and nationalism, we have tried to involve the shattered presumptions about primordial original identities initiated by Benedict Anderson in his theory of ‘imagined identities.’ And in dealing with fundamentalism, it is worth assessing the findings of some western scholars that specialize on Islam, like Bernard Louis, as well as modern Islamic intellectuals, like Muhammad Arkoun (on Rethinking Islam), Abdulkarim Soroush (on the correlation of Reason, Democracy and Islam) and Riza Aslan (on the role of rationality and pluralism in Islam) etc. Finally, in order to touch upon the issues of self-censorship and selfmarginalization it is healthy to examine domination in the work of Edward Said, isolation and alienation as developed by Michel Foucault, and issues of inclusion of others by Habermas. The application of different theories developed in a particular sociocultural environment (mainly in Europe, USA and Middle East) into the social, political and cultural lives of Central Asia is of course problematic as always: not all findings of classical or regional theories are relevant and applicable. Likewise, some suggested paradigms are limited within time and space and can lead to the reduction of phenomenal cases by the demand of imposing old paradigms on new cases, etc. Nevertheless, the useful adoption of some concepts from various theories does not obstruct further findings. The chosen integrated approach even allows us to show some complexities of the problems we are facing in implementing a holistic curriculum in Central Asia. Now let us start discussing directly the historical and epistemological reviews of educational culture in Central Asia and their importance for developing ‘good’ or in other words modern ‘civil society’ in this region. These studies are based not only on reviews of existing literature, but also include personal interviews conducted during faculty development programs of the humanities project at the University of Central Asia.

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The Epistemology of Education in Central Asia Remove the veils and tell the naked truth, Who sleeps in carnal embrace with their clothes?! Jalaliddin Rumi, Masnavi 1: 1386

Jalaliddin Rumi is a popular author in the modern West, especially in the USA. He is a well-known Persian speaking esoteric poet who is very influential among Central Asian intellectuals. Living in the 12th century, he was one of the active proponents of integrative approaches, always challenging the dichotomous ways of thinking of Islamic religious and political authorities. For Rumi, integrating knowledge from different origins and from different sources is very important for the modern dynamic world. Moreover, it is the only proper way to tackle this already globalised world. Such a holistic approach as Rumi’s is necessary for the new generation with new approaches and worldviews. As already noted above, Central Asians have a long history and experience of integration and absorbing knowledge with completely different origins. The Aga Khan Humanities Project has been moving for two decades towards reviving and integrating an indigenous store of knowledge that cultivates diverse intellectual, educational approaches and concepts in the region. It tries to avoid attempts to narrow public and intellectual space for rational discourse and supports emerging political and educational projects in Central Asia. To move forward without rethinking the past, a new interpretation of the past is impossible. Namely it is a basic condition for programs supporting Central Asians to reach into their past for inspiration, and to seek assistance by drawing upon the traditions of their societies to foster tolerance, ethics and civic virtues in their current lives. We plan to assess and discuss these and other parameters of developmental education here in this paper.

Two main poles of educational culture in Central Asia The real and current educational poles in Central Asia are many, but we want to focus on two of them as they were formulated by Chad D. Thompson, Professor from the Canadian Nippising University, who works on Central Asian higher education. He emphasizes the novelty and

6

Jalaliddin Rumi, 12th century Persian-Tajik esoteric poet.

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courage of our project’s mandate7, noting that the radical originality of AKHP emerges from integrating two fixed poles, which according to many researchers are radically different approaches towards policies of educational reform in Central Asia. The first can be called autochthonous (or indigenous) to regional culture that originates from traditional education and traditional authorities, including “tribal leaders” (the last segment works only in the case of nomadic nations in Central Asia, which have not settled in the recent past, and does not work for all, since some of them were and are settled). The second focuses on the legacy of Soviet higher education. About this distinction, Thompson writes: “The pieces represent the oscillation between two fixed poles in international scholar’s attempts to come to terms with educational cultures in the former Soviet Union, and Central Asia in particular. At one pole is positioned a fusion of Eastern/Islamic/Asian/traditional practices within which Central Asian education and research is assumed to operate, a tradition seamlessly re-sutured over the Soviet interregnum. At the other pole lies the assumption- one emphasized within the Soviet era- that only Soviet educational models have left a mark, and that education must be positioned in a strictly utilitarian context, wherein the purpose of education is to provide ‘courses that should prove useful to the regional economies8’.”

We agree with experts like Thompson and think that the two mentioned poles of educational culture in Central Asia are actually fixed. However, they are not necessarily in severe mutual confrontation, even though there is always a particular competition between both. Moreover, the elements of a culture of pluralism or multiculturalism have existed in Central Asia for centuries. It was active during the Islamic ages, but was distorted and reshaped during the Soviet time as a result of the forceful indoctrination of atheism. Even then it went through Soviet modernization toward ‘internationalization’ (namely westernisation and Russification) and today once again displays these perspectives because of Western culture and educational standards that are flourishing in the region through Central Asian universities joining the Bologna system of European higher education. Thus, since the region has always been in the crossroads of history, Central Asian cultures were never static, but were heterogeneous by nature. They presented a symbiotic Turkish-Persian culture based both 7

Chad D. Thompson, Assistant Professor of Sociology, Nippising University, 1RUWK%D\&HQWUDO(XUDVLDQ6WXGLHV5HYLHZ9RO1R)DOO>WKHDXWKRU was one of regional coordinator of AKHP in 2004-@ 8 Chad D. Thompson, Ibid.

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on Islam and Soviet heritage. The problem is that today not all people engaging in Central Asian issues want to see the historical diversity of Central Asia. Instead they try to bring the diversity into confrontation or promote superficial ‘unity’ by negotiating different cultural and political subjects, while the unity is based on just one of the components that can be replaced by others. Such kind of ‘purification’ in education and political policy leads Central Asians to identify themselves sometimes as the only ‘Arians’, in some cases as ‘original Turks’ or even as offspring of Mongols, but in some cases just as a Muslims, challenging the potential of the living universalistic multicultural and multi-ethnic secular culture has been cultivated in this region in recent centuries.

Negotiating educational episteme, components and segments It is important to note that in reality both mentioned poles of the cultural and educational components in different composition have been negotiated in this region for centuries. The evidence from the Middle Ages (X-XVth c.) is of prospering science in Central Asia, including the works of famous scholars and scientists, like Beruni, Al Khwarezmi, Ibn Sina (Avicenna), and so on. It seems strange that natural sciences were not studied at official schools such as madrasas, but were successfully taught at private schools, in families and also at learning centres. It is important to mention the fact that sciences, arts (painting) and music in so-called Islamic countries were never excluded from the public sphere (Habermas 1992: 287) in the classical period, though it was a time of religious ideological domination. Something opposite happened during Soviet times: with the domination of atheism, religious education was diminished, but the Soviets were not successful in destroying the traditional belief system completely. Religious education moved to private houses and survived (for example, in Hindustan). Otherwise the religious and scientific education and cultures have changed their positions from time to time in Central Asia. In Islamic times, the so-called ‘religious sciences’ (ulumi naqli) were in a position to dominate disciplines within the main official educational institutions—the madrasas. Likewise, the natural sciences ‘rationalistic’ (“ülumi aqli”) were taught outside of the official educational system (madrasa at private homes or in academies (special learning centres—Dar-ul-ilm). Special places or niches had at that time esoteric knowledge cultivated by scholars with mystical orientation, like Sufis, et

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al. at special learning centres, like ‘khanaqas’ and ‘zawiyas’ or in artisanal guilds. The first attempt to bring together different types of knowledge, to organize public debates and negotiation belonged to the Muslim modernists—Jadids (innovators) that operated in various Muslim countries, including former Central Asian emirates and khanates at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries. They initiated the establishment of new schools with mixed religious and secular disciplines, which integrated new technologies of teaching to the learning process, and also included printing books and newspapers, theatres, etc. Later on, after the Bolsheviks came to power, all of these schools were involved in the revolutionary process to establish a new system, and afterwards were purged in the 1930s as “bourgeois elements” (Khalid 1998, 15-78). During the Soviet time, as mentioned above, religious knowledge and practice were officially transformed into nearly museum relics (according to atheism, religion was seen as a rudiment of the primitive past), but unofficially they went underground, again to the clandestine or private houses, where they were taught and not much noticed. It is interesting to note, whether good or bad, that Humanities and Social Sciences disciplines at the time were included in the state ruling ideology as an instrument for controlling peoples’ minds. Social Sciences and Humanities studies were then part of a “messianic, fundamentalist, and apologetic ideology” (Andreas Umland, 2005, 219-229). The main goal was to create a citizenry that identified itself as part of a modern polity that would assist LQ WKH ³FUHDWLRQ RI >D@ SROLWLFDOO\ TXLHVFHQW SRSXODWLRQ WKURXJKRXW WKH Union that feel stronger allegiance to the central government and would more readily accept governmental control” (Jo Baker and Thompson 2010, 57-71). For the emerging Soviet educational system after the civil war, the political concerns were more important than the ‘economic strategy,’ and it was seen as crucial ‘to save the people from bourgeois ideas.’

Disintegration of humanities disciplines The most dramatic change that happened at this time was the disintegration of humanities disciplines from their social and cultural roots, and the separation of knowledge production from how it was disseminated. Scientific “truths” were created somewhere at the top level within the offices of the CPSU responsible for the ideology9 and were sent 9

In reality, it was the Institute of Marxism and Leninism under the CPSU (the Institute of Marxism and Leninism in Moscow), the academic entity responsible

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for their “approbation and justification” down to the universities. There was an extreme form of division of labour when the technical and natural sciences were ordered to serve mainly socio-economical needs. The Humanities and Social Sciences, on the other hand, were obliged to shape “new individuals,” a “harmonically advanced person” according to the above mentioned ‘messianic’ ideology. Thus, frankly speaking, Soviet epistemology and pedagogical technologies based on division of labour separated the production of new knowledge (first within top political institutes then within the Academy of Sciences) from the transmission of knowledge (through the universities)10, which in fact served to isolate teaching from research. That explanation says that universities were presenting reproduction of knowledge, which reflected the whole process of learning: teaching, studying and researching. Even recently, during conversation one student noted the case from her class when her classmate started his presentation with the words: “I think…” he was immediately stopped by the Professor, who said: “We don’t have so much interest on your opinion; just tell us what is written in your course book11!” This statement is not an exception, but instead, was a common case in the past, especially in Humanities classes. Of course, the Soviet system of control did not succeeded in fulfilling the imagined ideal. There were many other original studies of Humanities produced by scholars in spite of the strict rules created by the system. These include the works of Lev Vigotsky (Psychology of Arts), Mikhail Bakhtin (Cultural Studies) and Aleksei Losev (History of Philosophy and Aesthetics) in Russia as well as many other works based on original research in the regional cities and capitals of Soviet republics, including Central Asia (for example, in Tajikistan we can mention the works of ethnologists, or in Soviet notation, ethnographers) like Andreev, Pisarchik, ethnomusicologist Nizom Nurjonov, historians like B. Iskandarov, B. Gafurov, some others on Folklore, or Philosophers, like M. Dinorshoev, Kh. Dodikhudoev, et al.). Classical music, ballet, theatres, literature, etc. succeeded with some level of progress, even considering the necessary

for class ideology, and the division of labour into universities (for teaching) and academies (responsible for research) that had in this process a secondary role. 10 Dahrendorf, R., Universities after Communism. Hamburg: Koerber Stiftung. 2000; Norma Jo Baker and Thompson: Ideologies of civic participation in Central Asia. 11 From the interview with Gulru, the AKHP student from Medical Institute in Dushanbe (the respondent’s name is changed).

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ideological norms one needed to pass through state censorship12. The case of Soviet technical progress in the 60s and 70s (including the ‘Russian phenomenon’ of launching the first ‘sputnik’) also demonstrates some successes. Nevertheless, the way of free exploration, of expressing scholarship in Humanities and Social Sciences disciplines was not easy.13 The foundation for repressing Social Sciences was the 1936 decree issued by Stalin that identified ‘Dialectical materialism’ as the official philosophy for all communist states in the world. Humanities and Social Sciences were afterwards tested for “…strict accordance with a crude misrepresentation of ‘historical materialism’ (the part of MarxismLeninism philosophy describing social phenomenon with dialectical method). These tests served as a cover for political suppression, to terrorize scientists who engaged in research labelled as “idealistic” or “bourgeois”14. The sociology of knowledge, the interconnection between knowledge and power in history and during the Soviet past provides studies and current debates about the politics of Social Sciences in Central Asia that can be understood within this context (Sarah Amsler 2010, 13).

Current situation of educational transition: Existing problems and tasks The experience of working with universities and conducting faculty development training in the region shows us that the educational system has not changed a lot since independence that followed the splitting of the Soviet republics. Formally yes, but conceptually not so much. Even at the present time, participating in different conferences devoted to educational reforms one can observe evaluations claiming that the Soviet educational system was “the best in the world15.” Whether or not this is true, is it still 12

The best example to see how professionals tried to survive under that strict censorship is the article written by Masha Gassen, My Grandmother: The Censor.” Granta 64. URL: http://www.granta.com/extracts/655. This article also included into the AKHP course “Introduction to Humanities”, Dushanbe, 2004. 13 Sunatullo Jonboboev:>@+XPDQLWLHVLQ7UDQVLWLRQ/LEHUDWLRQRI.QRZOHGJHLQ Central Asia and the Potential Role of the European Union: (2010), http:// www.uni-giessen.de/cms/fbz/zentren/zeu/Forsch/Publi/publi2. 14 See more in: Loren R. Graham, Science in Russia and the Soviet Union. A Short History. Series: Cambridge Studies in the History of Science. Cambridge University Press. 2004. 15 Erlan Sairov 2009. The Crisis of Humanities. What to do? 12 August 2009, accessed on March 13, 2013; Rustam Nazarov, The Issues of inconsistence of the traditions and innovation in the process of implementation of European Bologna

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relevant for the region and does Soviet-style education satisfy the current needs? Many researchers of the post-communist educational system, who also mention that after the collapse of the Soviet Union the required structural reforms to remake the Academy and universities did not happen, confirm this reality. Instead of deep de-structuring and restructuring, the majority of post-Soviet states started ‘indigenizing’ Soviet educational policies, with the aim to preserve the Soviet model within a post-Soviet system (Dahrendorf 2000: 107 and Jo Baker and Thompson 2010:62). All of this happened in the post-Soviet area despite the educational infrastructure falling into pieces: no funds were available for building upkeep, for maintenance and new resources for the libraries, inappropriate salaries for professors, no stipends for students, no conditions for the laboratories and field work, etc. On the contrary, the numbers of state and private universities increased tremendously during independence: 114 private and 50 state universities estimated for Kazakhstan in 2005; in Uzbekistan, just in Tashkent, there were 28 higher educational institutions in 1998; 56 separate institutions were reported in Kyrgyzstan (Jo Baker and Thompson, 2010:62), in Tajikistan, according to our estimate the number is more than 46 universities and higher education institutions. Surprisingly, the increasing numbers of universities depended mainly on economic and political reasons: the collapse of the Soviet economy forced universities’ managerial staff to find new forms of income, to create new jobs by diversifying financial resources—now mainly not from the state, but from parents. Nevertheless, this attempt opened the way for widespread corruption. The political component of this new educational endeavour was just to showcase that national culture is prospering in spite of all the economic failures. As it was noted by Umland, post-Soviet Social Sciences can be characterized by three main problems: 1) the isolation problem (disciplines that are still isolated from the outside world as during the Soviet time); 2) the indoctrination problem (all departments of Social Sciences were part of an ideological and propaganda apparatus by the name of MarxismLeninism and now promote instead in pseudo-scholarly fashion a new ‘national idea’), and 3) transition problems (lack of salaries, unstable labour market, large-scale ‘brain-drain16’). In addition to this, three pathologies affecting teaching and research in former SU countries, are system for the education of Tajikistan: the politico-social aspects. Draft of the paper presented at scientific-practical seminar at Strategic Centre under the President of Tajikistan, Dushanbe, 21-22 June 2010 (In Tajik). 16 Umland’s research was on the current conditions of teaching Social Sciences in Russia and Ukraine, but in reality it describes the situation in Central Asia as well.

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worth mentioning: 1) the pathology of administration (the issue of corruption at all levels, i.e. ‘blat’); 2) the pathology involved in teaching (the tough financial situation, large number of work hours that students and teachers spend in class—about 30 academic hours per week in class the heavy reliance on a traditional lecture method, exams based on repetition and rote learning, lack of time for research, etc.), 3) the pathologies of studying (a formal but insubstantial way of learning, fulfilling assignments, lack of critical approach, plagiarism, etc.). Obviously one can observe the heavy load of teaching and lack of time for research work in all Central Asian Universities, which was mentioned by a majority of AKHP partner-teacher interviewers in Central Asia. The lack of financial resources and heavy teaching load currently make an academic career (teaching and research) not very prestigious17. One respondent from Astana pointed out that “research practice for our universities is just a formal work load; nobody gives you time to do this, just nothing (including money). All research activities go at the faculty’s cost: we pay for printing, for participation at conferences, etc.18” Another respondent added to the list of obstacles for research regarding the needs for “training on methodology, ineffective methods of management, etc.”19 What kind of research is possible, if there is no money, no time, no training and no other productive resources?

Current epistemological paradigms In spite of all the recent changes, the appearance of new epistemological paradigms in Central Asia is behind schedule. It is thus not unexpected that the Humanities and Social Sciences are not liberated as was dreamed in the decolonization of consciences and promotion of more open self-expression. Instead, we have forcefully returned to the status held before during the Soviet rule: institutional ‘transformation’ serves a new type of ideology, now with a simplistic, narrow definition of ‘nationalism.’ It has been the strict (written and unwritten) order from the national state educational authorities that Humanities and Social Sciences scholars have to justify an ‘ancient’ history and the ‘richness’ of the 17 The majority of respondents, from the faculties and instructors of Social Sciences in Central Asia (including comparatively rich Kazakhstan) confirmed that with at least one thousand hours of teaching load at one university (but they teach usually in several universities in order to survive) it is basically impossible to do qualified research work: there is not enough time or financial support. 18 Questionnaires: R.K. (KZ. A.). 19 Questionnaires: R.M. (RU.T.).

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culture in each particular post-Soviet nation both from the past and in their current progress, thereby putting forward the heart of a new mythological project. In so doing, we are witnessing new wine being put into old wineskins. This is the same politicization of knowledge as previously: the job was to put forward class concerns (during the Soviet period), and now is focussed on the ‘national’ agenda (during independence). The experience of teaching and studying Humanities and Social Sciences at AKHP shows that even 10 years after Norma Jo and Thompson’s assessment, the main epistemological concept of education for transformation in Central Asia, with some exceptions, is the same: ‘the truth is absolute’, ‘it is external’, it is not made, it is not a human product, it should be discovered somewhere outside of the human experiences as an ‘objective truth.’ Of course, it is still debatable how far social scientists can go to assert their professional autonomy or how they can respond to the influential power relationships governing what is accepted as true and legitimate knowledge (Amsler 2007, 21). Many researchers now agree with theorists like Michel Foucault, Jürgen Habermas and Pierre Bourdieu, et al. who think that social knowledge has both political and social origins and that “knowledge claims are social and political productions.” Such theory opens new perspectives about knowledge as a social, “cultural phenomena—constructed, produced and negotiated, not things-inthemselves to be objectively discovered—and that the ideational world is not independent from the material conditions within which it is created” (Habermas, 2005, 78; Amsler 2007, 19). Class-consciousness was central for Marxist ideology, but the demand for the truth was much broader, in that Marxist epistemology made claims about ‘objective’ truths. Thus we see in the broader educational space of Central Asia today, still people are reproducing knowledge with mainly a ‘Soviet style’ and epistemological paradigm, with official claims of ‘objectivity.’ However, at the same time unconsciously, they in fact serve the ‘interests’ of the ruling political groups, or what Karl Mannheim, the founder of sociology of knowledge calls the truth of ‘the ruling minority’ or the ‘persons in power’ (Mannheim 2011, 127-29). The existing differences, even if not well integrated components of educational culture in Central Asia are: 1) autochthonous (indigenous) regional culture 2) Soviet educational models, and 3) emerging Western educational approaches. The institutions that foster these components are still heavily dependent on the ideological approaches inherited from the Soviet past, the Cold War mentality, the post-colonial past and a narrow understanding of the Islamic legacy and thought. Also because of these factors, there is a slow process of

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integrating the regional educational system with the global one. This makes the system vulnerable and opens ways for growth of three types of extreme interpretations within higher education linked to broader scales of society: Nationalism, Fundamentalism and Anti-globalism. We believe it is tremendously important for the current situation and for the sustained development of civil societies involving all components of education that both modern spiritual and secular traditions have to come to play. They all have to find their niches within the current social-cultural sphere. Secular education in Central Asia has deep roots, but is now in crisis: it faces financial, material, and economical problems (producing jobs, etc.). That is why some foreign educational initiatives, subsidies, and donors are important to help support its sustainability. The Bologna Process is one of these.

Hope for the Bologna Process as an agent for transformation and integration Integration into the Bologna process in Tajikistan has recently become one of the most discussed topics, which are dedicated to conferences, seminars, round tables, monographs, collections and publications. Interest of Central Asian education community to the Bologna system is well understood. First of all, this is the main line of development of higher education in Europe today, suggesting the formation of a unified educational space, built on a number of mandatory guidelines. Isolation from the processes developing in the common European educational space, leads to negative consequences for any school system, no matter how strong it is. Objectives of the Bologna process and the reasons for the participation of Central Asians, for instant the Republic of Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan in integration of the European educational Area are already in process. We believe it is necessary to ensure the competitiveness of future professionals and that it is a fruitful system of higher education for the global labour market. It is therefore understandable for us to determine the reasons for participating in the educational integration process with the purposes for which it is directed. Nevertheless, there are still some problems with integrating the Central Asian educational system with a world educational system.

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Problems of transforming the educational system: Where to go with Bologna system? According to our preliminary estimation the integration and implementation of the Bologna system in Central Asia depends on some practical issues: The recognition of diplomas and degrees is one of the crucial features. International recognition of diplomas, both within the country and beyond it will require the solution of a number of problems: a) First, it is important to recognize the qualifications of graduates, if they graduated from a foreign university and to provide jobs for them when it is necessary (for now not all Central Asian countries recognize them); b) Next is establishing real exchange programs: The continuation of study at another university, particularly in the universities of the European Union will have tremendous impact in the Central Asian region. In this situation, it is important to find mechanisms for double degrees issued by foreign universities, on the one hand, and domestic universities on the other, to discover if there is agreement between them on the actual structure of the curriculum, based on the general requirements of the ECTS (we are still in the process of solving problems In this realm); c) It should be well understood that accession to the Bologna Declaration, requires the introduction of a credit system of education that is not only at the level of undergraduate and masters degrees in the cycle of training, but that also involves the PhD level and post-doctoral students. The current system of training through graduate school, doctorate programs does not yet ensure comparability of qualifications, including necessary transparency; d) Another important issue is unification and standardization of systems. The existing level of experience for implementation shows that at present even the pilot schools in the Central Asian region that have conducted experiments on introducing a credit system of education have made different approaches in their implementation. As a result of these problems, we suggest there is a need for some kind of unifying system and approach. 1) To adopt national certificates and diplomas, that will be recognised by the BP. This includes the problem of national and even inter-state scales that are not only recognising qualifications and diplomas, but also the development and adoption of national (state) sample certificates and annexes in recognising the Bologna Declaration.

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2) To resolve the problem of imperfect laws and regulations governing the system of higher education through the use of a common system of credits (loans) according to national circumstances and conditions. 3) To establish training centres dedicated to transition to the credit system of higher education, which devote attention to a major concern that addresses the training of teachers to work under the credit system of education. These centres will help to prepare faculty for work in implementing leading technologies, but they are very expensive. If such a project were applied to pilot schools for this purpose with a suitable budget and the experiences of sharing the stage with those in need, surely not all schools would have the opportunity to retrain faculty to the highest technological levels. The process of implementing the Bologna system in Central Asia is still not well studied. But the experiences of conducting many training sessions and workshops organized by UCA AKHP in Central Asia for one and a half decades show that we are witnesses to how positive impacts can involve educators (administrators, faculties) into programs that promote liberal education, like the Bologna system, making the process of educational democratization more accessible. Across the board, the Aga Khan Humanities Project of UCA in cooperation with local universities, MOEs, and broader educational communities in Central Asia, including international agencies and EU programs can make a big contribution to the process of intellectual and social transformation in Central Asian Societies, since there is a real and sincere willingness from all interested sides. Of course, the Bologna Process has not yet been introduced mechanically, yet it should not be completely copied. This system should be implemented in a creative way that importantly integrates the local educational experiences and legacy at the University of Central Asia with its Humanities Program.

Conclusion It is now common knowledge that education is an important vehicle for transforming and developing civil society in Central Asia, but it needs more support from the state, from societies and from international donors, including evaluations and assessments of the overall process, which supports it intellectually and financially. It is important to remember that transformation in Central Asian education from the Soviet system into Europe’s Bologna system means facing new challenges, including some positive and negative aspects. As noted at the beginning of this paper,

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currently many scholars of education in this region discuss the challenges openly.20 To combine both the traditional Central Asian and modern European trends of education is tremendously important for modern civic and peaceful development of the region in order to avoid radicalization and extreme forms of ‘development’ based on fundamentalist interpretations of Islamic heritage that come from abroad, mainly from the Middle East and Pakistan with a political ‘Salafi’ agenda. Returning to educational theories and referring to the sources it is important to note that today there is a tension between two concepts that represent two different epistemologies at the foundation of civil societies in the modern world and the role of civic education: one is to build through consensus, and the other is to build through conflict. The first is presented by Habermas, which is based on Kant’s philosophy of morality. The other is presented by Foucault and is based on the Nietzsche’s philosophy of real history. These theories are oppositional; they have to be integrated and combined. We agree with Habermas that people generally are as a society ‘homo democraticus’, which means ‘democratic creations.’ They can always come to some kind of agreement and consensus and act accordingly. Unfortunately, in social reality the result is not always like that. Many things in this life depend on people who are in power. Power, as Foucault thinks, does not always follow the rules, but rather breaks them constantly. This is why our demands do not always come true just through compromise, but instead require necessary acts. Through the experiences of AKHP, we have seen how complicated the issues and even discussions on protection of the rights of cultural, ethnical, religious minorities are, including gender discussions (the role of women in society), the issue of pluralism, exaggerated versions of nationalism, fundamentalism and antiglobalism in Central Asia. Just ignoring the conflicts will be not be productive nowadays; there is a need for real actions and training on 20

Erlan Sairov 2009, The Humanities Crisis. What to do? //Erlan Saipov. +XPDQLWDUQL\ FULVLV &KWR 'HODW"  $XJXVWɚ ,QWHUQHW http://www. zonakz.net/articles/26123, last visited 13.03.2013; Rustam Nazarov, The issues noncoincidence of traditions and innovation in the process of implementation of European educational system (Bologna): social-political aspects: Presentation at the seminar at Strategic Center under the President of Tajikistan//Rustam Nazarov, Mas’alahoi nomuvofiqatii an’anaho va navigariho dar ravandi amalisozii systemai ta’limi Avrupoi (Ravandi Bolonya) dar sohai maorifi Tojikiston: jabhai siyosiijtimoi. Guzorish dar seminari ilmi-amalii MSNP JT, Dushanbe, 21-22 June 2010 (manuscript given by author on the process of joining Bologna process in Tajikistan).

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interdisciplinary integrated Humanities fields. For this purpose the program encourages and stimulates students to challenge social-economic problems intellectually, helps them to think for themselves, independently, and prepares them for rich and diverse life. As we noted there is a need for democracy and pluralism both incorporated and integrated into everyday social life. The majority of people in Central Asia openly speak about pluralism, but either do not understand or just do not want to ‘indigenize’ it, always trying to keep distance from it. A recent example of this was during the conference on the Concept of Centre for Islamic Studies and conversation on pluralism in Islam. A scholar who showed support for the concept of pluralism within Islam for Muslims suddenly asked: “Why does the Ismaili Centre recently raised in Dushanbe have no dome?” This example shows that even when people admit the idea and ideals of tolerance and pluralism in theory, in practice they often cannot imagine or admit that there is huge diversity among Muslims interpreting Islam and specifically, public space, including architecture, and worship places. There is a belief among Central Asian intellectuals that different views can be integrated and tested for credibility through rational discourse. Strengthening analytical skills can also help to avoid the creation of an artificial image of Dark Others and radical forms of anti-globalism in this region. The Aga Khan Humanities Project of the University of Central Asia (AKHP UCA) in reality has made one of the biggest contributions toward the reform of education and general cultural and social transformation in Central Asia. Namely its impact on educational communities in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan has been tremendous, involving many intellectuals and instructors from universities in region. We thus now admit that many intellectual and professional skills, knowledge and benefits have been achieved through this project. Let us consider just the basic statistics: For one and a half decades (19972013), already about 700 university instructors have passed through training, seminars, round table discussions and teachers’/students’ conferences organized and sponsored by AKHP of UCA. More than 15,000 students have gone through classes and curriculum based on multicultural and multidisciplinary courses proposed by this project. Right now the UCA AKHP humanities curriculum is in use at 55 universities in the Central Asian region, in various forms and compositions. The University of Central Asia is focusing on the economic development of remote mountainous areas in Central Asia, including neighbouring countries, like Afghanistan, North Pakistan, China and even northern India. The development is open and accessible for all students

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from this region without concern of their nationality, languages, ethnicity, religion, race or gender. According its mandate, UCA is a non-political and non-confessional agent for development. Many educators from different universities have expressed a vivid interest in collaborating with this innovative project. But we have to admit that this process has not been and still is not easy because of the obstacles, which were partly described above. In conclusion, it is momentous to emphasize that faculty development activity of integrated humanities curriculum is extremely important for modern young Central Asians, especially the instructors and faculties in Central Asia state and private universities. Given the state of education in Central Asia, developing these new young teachers may be more important initially than teaching the students. Many educators and world experts emphasize that nothing much in the way of peaceful social transformation will happen unless the educators are being properly educated, so that they may pass on this education to the new generation. To sum it up, to move forward through rethinking and reinterpreting the past, also through reviewing and cultivating concepts of traditional integrative learning, such as the so-called “good and perfect man”, which was popular among Muslim philosophers, is necessary according to the views of local educators and politicians who are working for stability. Now it is a basic condition to build programs that support Central Asians in reaching into their past for inspiration, and seeking assistance in drawing upon the traditions of their societies to foster holistic approaches and values, such as tolerance, ethics and civic virtues in their current lives. At the same time, however, it is essential for a new generation of Central Asians not to be or feel marginalized. Likewise, in the name of a fight against the negative impact of neo-globalism, they should not fear a ‘colour revolution’ that might put them into a ‘feudal’ prison of the past. The experiences of the UCA AKHP show that if you have a sincere interest in the development and positive transformation of any cultural system or of changing society for the better through education, then it will definitely happen sooner or later and will succeed one day or another.

References Khalid, A. 1998. The Politics of Muslim Cultural Reform: Jadidism in Central Asia. Berkeley, 34-45. Umland, A. 2005. St. Antony College Oxford, Teaching Social Sciences at a post-soviet university: a survey of challenges for visiting lecturers in

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the former USSR. European Consortium for Political Research, 219229. Baker, N. Jo and Ch.D. Thompson. 2010. Ideologies of civic participation in Central Asia: liberal arts in the post-Soviet democratic ethos. ECSJ —Education, Citizenship and Social Justice 5 (1): 57-71. Amsler, S. 2007. The Politics of the Knowledge in Central Asia. Science between Marx and the market, London—New York. Central Asia under Samanids. Islamic Central Asia, An Anthology of Historical Sources. 2010. Scott C.Levi and R. Sela (eds). Indiana University Press, 23-39. Dahrendorf, R. 2000. Universities after Communism. Hamburg: Koerber Stiftung, 29-30. Sairov, E. 2009. Humanitarniy crisic. Chto delat? The Humanities Crisis. What to do? //12 August 2009. Accesses March 13, 2013. http://www.zonakz.net/articles/26123. History of Tajik Philosophy, from the ancient time till 15 century/ Philosophiya vostochnikh peripatikov. 2012. /Istoriya Tadjikskoy Philosophy, S drevneishikh vremyon do 15 veka. Dushanbe, Tajikistan, Tom 2, 373-570. Gessen, M. 2004. My Grandmother: The Censor.” Granta 64. URL: http://www.granta.com/extracts/655. This article also included into the AKHP course “Introduction to Humanities”, Dushanbe, 35-38. Graham, L.R. 2004. Science in Russia and the Soviet Union. A Short History. Series: Cambridge Studies in the History of Science. Cambridge University Press, 45-56. Habermas, J. 1992. Further Feflections on the Public Sphere/Habermas and the Public Sphere, edited by C. Calhoun. Cambridge. —. 2005. Truth and Justification, MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Pp.33-65. Jonboboev, S. and A. Mirboboev, M.Rahimov. 2012. The Philosophy of Eastern Peripatetics.The History of Tajik Philosophy, from the ancient time till 15 century/ Philosophiya vostochnikh peripatikov. /Istoriya Tadjikskoy Philosophy, S drevneishikh vremyon do 15 veka. Dushanbe, Tajikistan, Tom 2, 373-570. Jonboboev, S. 2012. Re-integration of Cultural and Religious Identities in Central Asian Societies: The Challenges and the Promising Prospects for Regional Cooperation and Good Neighborhood (including China), Proceeding of the 7th Annual Conference of the Asian Studies Association, edited by Selilna Ching Chan, Hong Kong Shue Yan University, Contemporary China Research Center, 1124-1157.

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—. 2011. Integrated Curriculum and the Tides of anti-Globalism in Central Asia: the Battle between You and Me//Sino-US Teaching English Journal, Vol. 8, Number 7, July 2011 (Serial number 91): 413425. —. 2010. Humanities in Transition: Liberation of Knowledge in Central Asia and the Potential Role of the European Union: http://www.unigiessen.de/cms/fbz/zentren/zeu/Forsch/Publi/publi2 SJ.16.03.2013. Kashavjee, R. 2004. “Trials in the Humanities”. In Challenges of Education in Central Asia, edited by Stephen P. Heyneman and Alan J. De Young, 327-356. Karl Mannheim 2011, “Diagnosis of our time”. In Introduction to Humanities, Dushanbe, 127-129. Nazarov, R. 2010. The issues in coincidence of traditions and innovation in the process of implementation of European educational system (Bologna): social—political aspects: Presentation at the seminar at Strategic Centre under the President of Tajikistan// Rustam Nazarov, Mas’alahoi nomuvofiqatii an’anaho va navigariho dar ravandi amalisozii systemai ta’limi Avrupoi (Ravandi Bolonya) dar sohai maorifi Tojikiston: jabhai siyosi-ijtimoi. Guzorish dar seminari ilmiamalii MSNP JT, Dushanbe, 21-22 June 2010 (manuscript given by author on the process of joining the Bologna process in Tajikistan, manuscript in Tajik). Rorty, R. 1984. “The historiography of philosophy: four genres”. In Philosophy in History: Essays on the historiography of philosophy, edited by R. Rorty; J. B. Schneewind, Quentin Skinner. Cambridge.

CHAPTER EIGHT THE ROLE OF SCHOLARS’ TEXTS IN (RE-)CONSTRUCTING THE MONTENEGRIN NATIONAL IDENTITY THROUGH EDUCATION AFTER 1992 SOFIYA ZAHOVA Montenegro is the former Yugoslav state that, along with Serbia, has the longest history of membership in the socialist federation1 and declared independence only in 2006. Despite this late political emancipation, since the beginning of the 1990s and particularly since the beginning of the 21st c. one can observe the development of a clearly articulated state- and nation-building project led by scholars and intellectuals, along with the political elite (Huszka 2003; Caspersen 2003; Bieber 2003). The Montenegrin recent history of development is divided into several periods—since the fall of the SFRY in 1992 to 1997, when the Montenegrin government strongly supported official Serbian policy, and after 1998, when part of the ruling elite elevated the idea for distancing the country fURP WKH SROLFLHV RI 6ORERGDQ 0LORãHYLü 6LQFH  WKH Montenegrin government has worked for a de facto independent state in all fields—economy, security and borders, internal and external policy (Bieber 2003), also in regard to national identity (Pavloviü D 3DYORYLüE%LHEHU Winterhagen 2009).

1

It was an internationally recognized as an independent state in the period 1878 1918, then since 1918 part of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes .LQJGRP 6KRUWKLVWRU\ of Montenegro@. Bar: Conteco. $QGULMDãHYLüä, and Rastoder, Š. 2006. Istorija Crne Gore: od najstarijih vremena do 2003 >+LVWRUy of the Montenegrin people from the ancient WLPHVXQWLO@. Podgorica: Centar za iseljenike Crne Gore.

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AndrijaševiüäâabotiüS., PopoviüP., and Drobnjak, S. 2008. Istorija za osmi razred devetogodišnje škole >History for eight grade of nine-grade school@Podgorica: Zavod za udåbenike i nastavna sredstva. Banac, I. 1994. The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics. Ithaca/London: Cornell University Press. BarjaktaroviüM. 1979. Porjeklo i vreme nastajanje “Crnogorske” nošnje >2ULJLQ DQG WLPH RI DSSHDUDQFH RI WKH ³0RQWHQHJULQ´ FRVWXPH@ Glasnik Etnografskog muzeja, Vol. 43. Bertsch, G. K. 1977. Ethnicity and Politics in Socialist Yugoslavia. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 433: 8899. Bieber, F. (ed.) 2003. Montenegro in Transition. Problems of Identity and Statehood. Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft. Florian B. and J. Winterhagen. 2009. Erst der Staat—dann die Nation: Staats- und Nationsbildung in Montenegro. Southeast Europe Journal of Politics and Society, Vol. 1, No.1: 2-24. %UNRYLü - . ND SUDJX WUHüHJ PLOHQLMD >$W WKH HQWUDQFH RI WKH WKLUG PLOOHQQLXP@ Dolcea. Kultura. Nauka. Umjetnost 1: 9-12. BrkoviüS. 1974. O postanku i razvoju Crnogorske Nacije >2QWKHgenesis and development of the Montenegrin nation@7LWɨJUDG*UDILüNL=DYRG BurzanoviüS, and DjordjeviüJ. 2003. Istorija. Udåbenik za VIII razred osnovne škole >+LVWUR\ 7H[WERRN IRU th grade of the elementary school@. Podgorica: Zavod za udåbenike i nastavna sredstva. Burzanoviü S, and Djordjeviü J. 2008. Istorija za osmi razred devetogodišnje škole >+LVWRU\IRUHLJKWJUDGHRIWKHQLQH-grade school@. Podgorica: Zavod za udåbenike i nastavna sredstva. Caspersen, N. 2003. Elite Interests and the Serbian-Montenegrin Conflict. Southeast European Politics, Vol. IV, N 2-3: 104-121. 'XORYLü 9  Montenegrin Historiography and Nation-Building 1948—1989. In The Challenges of Contemporary Montenegrin Identity. Anthropological Research of the Transformation of Montenegrin Identity Formula since World War Two, edited by 1HGHOMNRYLü6, Kruševac: Baštinik, 107-143. Erdeljanoviü ȳ . Stara Crna Gora. Etniþka prošlost i formiranje Crnogorskih plemena >2OG 0RQWHQHJUR. Ethnic past and formation of WKH 0RQWHQHJULQ WULEHV@. Beograd: Srpski etnografski zbornik, knj. XXXIX. Friedman, V. A. 2000. Historical, Nationalistic, and Linguistic Considerations in the Formation of Literary Languages: Past and Current Problems in the Balkan Studies. In: Languages without a written tradition and their role in education, edited by Acton, T., and

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Dalphinis. M. Language, Blacks and Gypsies. Whiting & Birch Ltd, 3751. Gellner, E. 1983. Nations and Nationalism. New York: Cornell University Press. GlomaziüɆ. ȿtniþko i nacionalno biüe Crnogoraca >(WKQLFDQG QDWLRQDOEHLQJRIWKH0RQWHQHJULQV@. Beograd: TRä³Panrublik”. Greenberg, R. 2004. Language and Identity in the Balkans: Serbo-Croatian and Its Disintegration. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Hobsbawm, E, and Tanger, T. (eds.) 1983. The Invention of Tradition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hroch, M. 2000. Social Preconditions of National Revival in Europe: A Comparative Analysis of Patriotic Groups among the Smaller European Nations. 2nd ed. New York: Columbia University Press. Huszka, B. 2003. The dispute over Montenegrin independence. In Montenegro in Transition, edited by Bieber, F. Baden-Baden, 43-62. Nomos. ȳɨvanoviüB. 1986. Crnogorci o sebi (Od Vladike Danila do   >0RQWHQHJULQVRQWKHPVHOYHVIURP%LVKRS'DQLORWR @. Beograd: Narodna knjiga. Jovanoviü J. 1995. Istorija Crne Gore >History of Montenegro@ Podgorica. Joviüeviü A. 1911. Rijeþka nahija (u Crnɨj Gori  >Nahija Rijeþka in Montenegro@Srpski etnografski zbornik, Vol. 15: 385-832. Kulisiü, Š. 1980. O etnogenezi Crnogoraca >On the ethnogenesis of the Montenegrins@Titograd: Pobjeda. Maleseviü S. and Uzelac, G. 2007. A Nation-state without the Nation? The Trajectories of Nation-formation in Montenegro. Nations and Nationalism, Vol. 13. N. 4: 695-730. 0DUNRYLü M, and 3HURYLü 6. (eds.) 1997. 'RVLMH -7/Dossier. Cetinje: Crnogorski P.E.N. Centar. Morrison, K. 2009. Montenegro: A modern history. London: I. B. Tauris. Mrvaljeviü, Z. 2006. Crnogorka nardona nosnja/The National Costume of Montenegro. Podgorcia: Muzej i galerije Podgorice. 1HGHOMNRYLü62007. ýDVWNUYLVX]H- ogledi iz antropologije etniciteta i nacionalizma >Honor, blood and tears - Essays in Anthropology of Ethnicity and Nationalism@. Beograd: Odeljenje za etnologiju i antropologiju Filozofskog fakulteta Univerziteta u Beogradu/Srpski genealoški centar. 1LNþHYLü 9 . 2 3RVWDQNX (WQRQLPD 'XNOMDQL =HüDQL &UQRJRUFL >2QWKHJHQHVLVRIWKHHWKQRQLPV'XNOMDQL=HüDQL&UQRJRUFL@. Cetinje.

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—. 1993. Crnogorski jezik, tom I. (do 1360) >0RQWHQHJULQODQJXDJHYRO XQWLO @. Cetinje: Matica Crnogorska. —. 1997a. Crnogorski jezik, tom II. (ot 1360 do 1995 g) >0RQWHQHJULQ ODQJXDJHYROIURPXQWLO @. Cetinje: Matica Crnogorska. —. 1997b. Pravopis Crnogorskog jezika >6SHOOLQJ RI WKH 0RQWHQHJULQ ODQJXDJH@. Podgorica: Montenegrin PEN Centar. —. 2007. Crnogorski kao drzavni jezik >0RQWHQHJULQDVDVWDWHODQJXDJH@ Matica. Casopis za drustvana pitanja, nauka i kulturu, Vol. 8, N. 2930: 409-414. PavloviüS. 2003a. Literature, Social Poetics and Identity Construction in Montenegro. International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society, Vol. 17, N. 1: 131-165. —. 2003b. Who are Montenegrins? Statehood, Identity and Civil Society. In Montenegro in Transition. Problems of Identity and Statehood, edited by Bieber, F. Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft. 3DYORYLü6. Balkan Anschluss: The Annexation of Montenegro and the Creation of the Common South Slavic State. Purdue University Press. 3HURYLü 5 . O Crnogorskoj crkvi >2Q WKH 0RQWHQHJULQ FKXUFK@. Podgorica. 3RSRYLü 0 . Crnogorsko pitanje >7KH 0RQWHQHJULQ TXHVWLRQ@. Cetinje: Plima A.D. Popoviü R, and Marinoviü D. 2009 Istorija za sedmi razred devetogodišnje škole >+LVWRU\ IRU VHYHQWK JUDGH RI WKH QLQH-grade school@. Podgorica: Zavod za udåbenike i nastavna sredstva. Ramet, S. P. 1992. Nationalism and Federalism in Yugoslavia. 1962-1991, 2nd Ed. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Rastoder, Š. 2003. A short review of the history of Montenegro. In Montenegro in Transition: Problems of Identity and Statehood, edited by Bieber, F. Baden-Baden, 107-137. —. 2004. The Development of Historiography in Montenegro, 1989-2001. In (Re)Writing History. Historiography in Southeast Europe after Socialism, edited by Brunnbauer, U., 201-235. Berlin: Lit-Verlag. —. (ed.) 2006. Istorijski Leksikon Crne Gore >+LVWRULFDO /H[LFRQ RI Montenegro@. Vol. I IV. Podgorica: Vijesti. 5RJDQRYLü - 3 1991. &UQRJRUVND WHRNUDWLMD -1851 >Montenegrin theocracy@&HWLQMH2ERG Rotkoviü R. 1992. Odakle su dosli preci Crnogoraca >:KHUH GLG WKH ancestors of Montenegro FRPHIURP@. Podgorica: Matica Crnogorska.

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—. 2001. Velika zavjera protiv Crne Gore (od Prizrena do Versaja) >7KH big conspiracy against Montenegro IURP 3UL]UHQ WR 9HUVDLOOHV @. Podgorica: Crnogorska izdanja. Singleton, Fred. 1976. Twentieth-Century Yugoslavia. New York: Columbia University Press. —. 1985. A short history of the Yugoslav People. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Smith, A. D. 1996a. LSE Centennial Lecture: The Resurgence of Nationalism? Myth and Memory. Renewal of Nations, The British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 47. N. 4: 575-598. —. 1996b. Nationalism and the Historians. In Mapping the Nation, edited by Balakrishnan, Go. New York: New Left Books. Strugar, M., and Popoviü M. 1993. Istorija za VII razred osnovne škole >+LVWRU\ IRU  JUDGH RI WKH HOHPHQWDU\ VFKRRO@. Podgorica: Zavod za školstvo. 9ODKRYLü P. 1995. The Serbian Origins of the Montenegrins. In The Serbian Question in the Balkans, Faculty of Geography, University of Belgrade, 157-168, available at http://www.rastko.org.yu/rastko-cg/ povijest/vlahovic.html. VujoviüD.-D. 1987. Prilozi izuþavanju Crnogorskog nacionalnog pitanja >Contributions to the study of the Montenegrin national issue@. Nikšiü Univerzitetska rjeþ VukmanoviüJ. 1952. Njegoševa nošnja >The costume of Njegoã@Glasnik Etnografskog Instituta, Vol. 1, N. 1-2: 135-141. Vukþeviü N. 1981. Etniþko porʁɟklo Crnogoraca >(WKQLF RULJLQ RI WKH 0RQWHQHJULQV@. Beograd. Wilson, Duncan. 1979. Tito’s Yugoslavia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. âüepanoviü ä 2002. Kratka istorija Crne Gore (Od najstarijih vremena do   >6KRUW KLVWRU\ of Montenegro (from the ancient times till  @. Podgorica: CID. Zahova, S. 2013. Cherna gora sled Yugoslavija: Dinamika na identichnostite v Cherna gora >0RQWHQHJUR after Yugoslavia: '\QDPLFVRI,GHQWLW\LQ0RQWHQHJUR@ Sofia: Paradigma. Zekoviü, S. 1993. O crnogorstvu u crnogorskom pitanju: za pravoþast i slobodu Crne Gore >2Q WKH 0RQWHQHJULQKRRG LQ WKH 0RQWHQHJULQ question: for rights, honor and freedom of Montenegro@. Cetinje: Crnogorski federalisti-(novozelenaši). —. 2003. Crnogorski autokefalni pokret ili Obnavljanje autokefalnje Crnogorske pravoslavnke crkve: (u sklopu opštecrnogorskoga pokreta, preporoda i otpora ozvaniþenom veljesrblju u Crnoj Gori)

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>Montenegrin autocephalous movement or renewal of the autocephalous Montenegrin orthodox church (within the all Montenegrin movement, revival and resistance towards the official great Serbhood in Montenegro@. Cetinje: Crnogorski kulturni krug: Elementa montenegrina. äivkoviü D. 1998. Istorija Crnogorskog naroda >+LVWRU\ RI WKH 0RQWHQHJULQSHRSOH@. Cetinje: Matica Crnogorska. ýLUJLü $ a. -H]LþNL QHSUHERO >/DQJXDJH VXIIHULQJ@. Cetinje: Institut za jezik i jezikoslovlje. ýLUJLü $ b. Jezik u Crnoj Gori nije srpski >7KH ODQJXDJH LQ Montenegro LV QRW 6HUELDQ@ 0DWLFD ýDVRSLV ]D GUXãWYHQD SLWDQMD nauka i kulturu, Vol. 8, N 29-30. ûvoroviüV. 1989. Istorija Srba >+LVWRU\RI6HUEV@. Beograd: BIGZ. ûvoroviüV. 2001. Istorija srpskog naroda. Internet izdanja >+LVWRU\RI the Serbian people. Internet HGLWLRQ@. Beogradȳɚnus. Šukoviü M. 2001a. Crna Gora ot federacije ka nezavisnosti: analitickostudijski ogledi o uslovljenosti i legitimnosti >Montenegro from federation to Independence: analytical-study essays on conditioning and legitimacy@. Podgorica: CANU. Šukoviü M. 2001b. Ustav za Knjaåevinu Crnu Goru od  >&RQVWLWXWLRQ RI .LQJGRP RI 0RQWHQHJUR IURP @, accessed on December 18, 2011. http://www. montenegrina.net/pages/pages1/istori ja/cg_od_20vij_do_1_svj_rata/ustav_za_knjazevinu_cg_od1905.htm.

CHAPTER NINE EXPLAINING THE SUCCESS OF UKRAINE’S UNIVERSITY ADMISSION REFORM IN COMBATING CORRUPTION EDUARD KLEIN The collapse of communism and, as a consequence, the complex systematic transformation of the political, economic and societal sphere in the post-Soviet world has had an enormous impact on the higher educational systems of successor countries. The Soviet higher education system, which was characterized by an ideological orientation towards the “real existing socialism”, which included centrality, tight state control under ministries, strong hierarchy, political cadre demand, priority on technical disciplines, etc. (Mühle 1995), had to be reformed and transformed into an internationally competitive and market-oriented higher education sector. When the Soviet Union fell apart into 15 independent states, the common educational system diverged into national educational landscapes and the successor states started developing their own modernization policies. Apart from the challenging tasks of ‘de-Sovietizing’, modernizing and reforming the higher education sector, one of the main problems throughout the 1990s was underfunding (Drummond 2011). This was due to, one the one hand, a massification process with both the number of students and also higher education institutions (HEIs) growing rapidly1, while, on the other hand, governments in the newly independent states drew back from financing the public sphere in general and the education sector in particular. HEIs received only 15-40% of the capital they actually needed (Teichmann 2004, 9). In order to survive, HEIs had to develop 1

For example, the number of students in Ukraine increased from 876,000 in 1991/92 to 2.1 Mio students in 2010/11. At the same time the number of public universities rose from 149 to 349. Source: State Statistics Service of Ukraine, http:// www.ukrstat.gov.ua/.

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systematic compensation mechanisms, among which were several formal approaches—mainly tuition fees2—but also many informal ones, e.g. the lending of property or materials, private tutoring and corruption (Zaborovskaya and Shishkin 2004). Additionally, poorly defined legal frameworks, hybrid state/private funding and opaque admission rules and procedures fostered forms of corruption such as embezzlement and nepotism3. Bribery and other ways of informal payments were widely accepted as a legitimate way to halt the collapse of the education system, providing underpaid educational staff with an additional salary, which they needed to survive.4 Although in recent years the financial and regulatory situation has improved considerably,5 these changes have not resulted in a reduction of corruption. On the contrary, corruption has spread continuously and has become highly institutionalized (Democratic Initiative Foundation 2011, Klein 2011, Osipian 2009a, Panin 2010, Rimskij 2010). This chapter deals with corruption in the process of university admissions in Ukraine. During the last decade, most post-Soviet countries implemented analogous central state exams, which replaced the intransparent, inconsistent and corruption-prone Soviet-style entrance examinations (Osipian 2007b). The new exams were intended to modernize the admission procedure, assure educational quality and, as their main goal, prevent corruption. Ukraine’s External Standardized Testing, the so-called ZNO =RYQɿVKQH QH]DOH]KQH RFɿQ\XYDQQ\D  KDV been compulsory since 2008 and is widely acknowledged for its decreasing effect on corruption. This paper summarizes the reform process and highlights the main factors responsible for its success. It focuses on the most important external actors and their specific role in the reform process. 2

During Soviet times higher education was free of charge, but when tuition fees were allowed in the early 1990s, the share of students on an enrolment fee basis increased to around 50% in many post-Soviet countries. 3 This is best described for the Russian case, see for instance Talapina and Sannikova 2008; but it is no less valid for the other post-Soviet countries. 4 For example, in 2000 a professor’s salary in Moscow was USD 41, much less than that of a road sweeper, who earned USD 85 at that time and nearly 3 times less than the subsistence level of about USD 115 in that year. 5 According to a recent comparative study about wages in academia in 28 countries, Russia ranked last but two in paying its professoriate. The entry level pay is about USD 433 PPP, while the highest academic ranks earn USD 910 PPP on average, thus even economically weak countries like Colombia, Ethiopia or Nigeria remunerate academics much better than Russia (Altbach et al 2011).

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The following section provides a general introduction to present-day forms of corruption in Ukraine’s HEIs, focusing on corruption in university admissions. The second part depicts the implementation of the independent External Standardized Testing in Ukraine, which is intended to reduce corruption in university admissions. Subsequently, the pro-active role of local actors and global experts in the reform process is described and discussed.

Academic Corruption in Ukraine Contemporary Ukraine is regarded as one of the most corrupt countries in the world.6 After the “Orange Revolution” (2004-05), anti-corruption rhetoric emerged and several attempts to curb corruption were made. However, the political changes had only a small effect on corruption, and the level of corruption did not decline. According to a national sociological survey that was carried out in March-May 2011, 60% of the respondents stated that they or family members who had interacted with public officials during the last 12 months had been involved in some sort of corruption. Evidently, little progress had been made since 2007, when in a similar survey 67% had admitted their involvement in corruption (MSI USAID 2011, 5). Corruption, which is most often defined as “the abuse of entrusted power for private gain,”7 in the education sector is usually referred to as education corruption or, if connected with higher education, academic corruption. Derived from the above definition and Hallak & Poisson’s8 interpretation of corruption in the education sector, this work defines academic corruption as:

6

See for example MSI USAID 2011. Transparency International: FAQs on corruption, accessed on December 04, 2012. http://www.transparency.org/ whoweare/organisation/faqs_on_corruption/2/. 8 Hallak & Poisson define education corruption as “the systematic use of public office for private benefit, whose impact is significant on the availability and quality of educational goods and services, and, as a consequence on access, quality or equity in education”(Hallak and Poisson 2007, 29). Since corruption is usually connected with misuse, this term seems more appropriate. Furthermore, it is not inevitably systematic; a singular act of corruption is still corrupt. The term “public office” instead of “entrusted power” narrows the application area to state HEIs, which is suitable for this paper as private HEIs are not considered, only their public counterparts. 7

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“The misuse of public office for private benefit, whose impact is significant on the availability and quality of educational goods and services, and, as a consequence on access, quality or equity in higher education.”

Academic corruption is not a new phenomenon in post-socialist countries like Ukraine, but already existed during the Soviet period. In 1963 Nikita Khrushchev stated ³EULEHV DUH JLYHQ >«@ IRU DGPLVVLRQ WR higher educational establishments, and even for the awarding of diplomas.” (Karklins 2005, 74). However, with the end of communism its intensity and nature have reached new dimensions. While in socialism academic corruption occurred sporadically, it has become endemic in the present system. A recent survey by the independent Democratic Initiatives Foundation (2011) revealed that about 33% of Ukrainian students have had personal experiences with corruption and 29% have heard about educational corruption from fellow students. According to David Chapman, corruption in the education sector: “Can happen at virtually every level, from the central ministry down to the school and classroom. It can happen any time educators operate as gatekeepers to real or assumed benefits. As education is widely viewed as access to life opportunity, higher lifetime earnings, and greater social mobility, even seemingly small decisions are often awarded great value” (Chapman 2002, 7).

At Ukrainian universities corruption usually appears in the following areas: 1. 2. 3. 4.

At entrance examinations, to gain admission; During a course of studies, to ensure achievements on the course; At the end of or after studies, to be awarded a degree or doctorate; At the administrative level, e.g. the purchase of materials, licensing, etc.

This paper focuses on corruption during the admission process. The admission procedure is generally the first stage at which prospective students are involved in corruption. An admission policy based on corrupt practices is detrimental as it undermines the fair and free access to higher education, which is guaranteed on a competitive basis by law. Meritocratic principles are subverted, and not the most talented but the wealthiest or best-connected students enter university. An educational system that allows applicants to enter university through corrupt means will produce less-qualified graduates for the labour market.

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Bribes for admission are high, but since corruption is a “hidden” delict, reliable data on the total spending on corruption during admissions is not available.9 Some documented cases indicate that for admission to prestigious universities/faculties at public Ukrainian universities bribes up to $15,000 have been paid (Osipian 2007, 20). The already mentioned sociological survey (MSI USAID 2011), which was carried out in 2007, 2008, 2009 and 2011, came to the following results: In 2011, a huge majority of 64.5% of the respondents who had dealt with representatives of HEIs over the last 12 months had faced corruption, a number that corresponds with the findings of the 2009 survey. Half of the affected respondents (49.7%) said that they had been extorted, while every fourth person (25.5%) bribed on a voluntary basis to solve “problems” connected with the educational process. Every fifth person did not pay a bribe but used personal connections, like the typical (post-) Soviet “blat”networks10. Moreover, of those respondents who dealt with academic corruption 41% stated that their experience had in some way been related to the admission process, revealing that corruption persists despite the recent reform of the admission system. The following section will depict the reform and its implications in more detail.

The Introduction of the External Independent Testing “Our goal is to build such a model that would allow our students to enter higher education institutions without any corruption hurdles.”— Valentin Teslenko (Deputy Minister of Science and Education, 2007)

To understand the problem of corruption in university admissions, a short description of the admission process to public universities will be 9

Hence, usually the “perception” of corruption is measured, for example in Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI). According to this index, corruption in Ukraine is widespread; on a scale of 1-10 points (10 indicating a low level of corruption) Ukraine ranks at the end (152 out of 183 countries) with a score of 2.3. Corruption Perceptions Index 2011: http:// cpi.transparency.org/cpi2011/results/. However, recent research reveals that the difference between the actual level of corruption and its perception is significant, leading to the assumption that the CPI is not capable of measuring the factual level of corruption. 10 Blat means “the use of personal networks and informal contacts to obtain goods and services in short supply and to find a way around formal procedures” (Ledeneva 1998, 1). Alena Ledeneva notes that university places were often allocated within “blat” networks, which in many cases can be described as corruption networks.

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given. In the “Soviet style” pre-reform admission procedure, which did not quickly change after Ukraine’s independence in 1991, school graduates had to take a series of entrance examinations at their chosen university, usually in the intended study area plus some general subjects, e.g. Ukrainian language. The exams were mostly oral and took place simultaneously throughout the whole country, meaning that graduates could only apply for one institution at a time. However, applicants who didn’t achieve good results could enrol on a paid basis. For applicants with high scores the universities, theoretically, provided a certain amount of budgetary places and (small) stipends. In reality, the budgetary places were not allocated to the best applicants, but to the wealthiest or best connected. The “Dean’s” or “Rector’s”-lists, on which high-ranking university officials allocated budget places in return for bribes before any admission testing was done, were common practice. Grishina and Korchinsky (cited in Round and Rodgers 2009, 86) report on a case, in which out of 120 budget places 96 were assigned beforehand to applicants who had bribed the deans, rectors and other administrative staff. Of course, not all admission committees at Ukrainian universities were corrupt; some responded actively to this situation and introduced objective and transparent admission systems based on meritocratic principles, among them the Ivan-Franko University in L’viv and the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, which became the figureheads of such a new entrance examination system. Their approach was not only effective, but also showed that even in a corrupt environment a corruption-free admission system could be realized. These institutions became the most emphatic proponents of the admission reform and were regarded as “best practice examples” in the country. The Ukrainian government acknowledged these achievements, and demands to reform the entire admission regime emerged. The aim and function was clear, as Deputy Minister of Education and Science Valentin Teslenko stated in 2007: “Like some other countries of the world Ukraine develops its own approach to how the external independent testing should be conducted. Reducing corruption is a vital part of our approach. Our goal is to build such a model that would allow our students to enter higher education institutions without any corruption hurdles”.

In addition to the main goal of guaranteeing equal access opportunities for all applicants, it was intended to set up an evaluation tool to measure educational quality. These goals could only be achieved through a transparent system with external standardized testing methods and the

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exclusion of potentially corrupt admission committees, “dean’s-/rector’s”lists, etc. A first small-scale pilot project of the ZNO was initiated by the International Renaissance Foundation (IRF) and started in 2002 with only 200 high-school graduates taking the new tests. Already the following year more than 3000 school graduates took the test and could apply to four universities with their results. The new President Viktor Yushchenko supported the initiative and established the Ukrainian Centre of Education Quality Assessment (UCEQA) in 2005, which became responsible for the development, implementation and enforcement of the new admission system. Finally, in 2008 the old Soviet-type and opaque admission regime was abolished, and the ZNO became mandatory for all school graduates who wanted to enter university, who constitute more than 80% of all graduates. The first years of reform were supported by the political will of President Viktor Yushchenko. For example, in June 2008, after the completion of the first countrywide testing, Yushchenko held a leavers’ ball for the 58 best graduates.11 He emphasized that due to the ZNO the competition was now based on knowledge and not on parental wallets, as in previous years. The tests steadily became the only recognized selection procedure for university applications. Corrupt deans or admission committees could not manipulate them since newly established independent test centres with high security standards controlled the tests12. As a consequence, during the school terms 2008 and 2009 corruption in university admissions virtually disappeared. Despite several shortcomings of the new testing system— some scholars criticize that the multiple-choice-questionnaire does not measure the ability of prospective students; others complain about incorrect questions—the overall impression is that since the independence of Ukraine the Independent External Testing has been the most, if not the only, effective anti-corruption reform.13 Eleven independent Ukrainian 11

Dar’ya Trusova, “Viktor Yushchenko dal vypusknoj bal,” (Viktor Yushchenko gave a leavers’ ball), Kommersant’ Ukraina, 18.06.2008. 12 In her “Case Study on National Testing Centers: Ukraine” Liliya Grynevych, who was the first Director of the UCEQA, explains the procedure and security standard in more detail. For further details see especially chapter four of Grynevych (2010). 13 In contrast to other post-Soviet countries, which introduced similar testing systems but still face corruption, for example Russia, where Gazeta.ru reports that even the people who organize the testing are corrupt. Gazeta.ru: Director took the test for the daughter of a minister (Direktor sdala EGE za doch’ ministra),

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NGOs are monitoring the admissions processes on a large countrywide scale and conclude that there is now an unprecedented level of transparency in Ukrainian higher education also support this view.14 Actually, some of the NGOs do not only monitor the testing, but they were also involved in the reform process itself, for example in elaborating the test system or in education campaigns. The active participation of Ukrainian NGOs was a decisive factor for the reform’s achievements. Since reliable data on the actual scale of corruption is not available, how can the effects of the reform be measured? Two indirect indicators may help to overcome this shortcoming: a) Experience and public opinion of people personally affected by the reform. According to the ‘USETI Alliance for the Development of the Ukrainian Standardized Testing Initiative’ (for further details about USETI see the following section), in 2010 about 82.9 percent of pupils and 77.8 percent of parents believed entirely or partially in the fairness of the External Testing.15 As the main reason for the high level of trust in the new admission process they named the successful tackling of corruption. b) Shortcoming of student dormitories in prestigious faculties during recent years.16 At first sight, this development does not seem to be extraordinary; other countries face the same problem. In the case of Ukraine, however, it discloses that due to the ZNO applicants from rural areas finally have the same chances to enter prestigious universities and faculties as their urban competitors, who usually live at their parents’ place. The shortcoming is not just an indicator of the lack of dormitories; it reveals that an end has been set to the favouritism of wealthier and socially better-connected urban students. However, recent amendments in the Ukrainian admission policy sound alarming. Immediately after Dmytro Tabachnyk was elected Minister of Education, Science, Sports and Youth in 2010, he restricted the role of the 17.06.2011, accessed on December 05, 2012. http://www.gazeta.ru/social/2011/06/ 16/3664065.shtml. 14 Despite a few irregularities, like students abusing cell phones for cheating etc., OPORAs overall assessment of the 2012 campaign is very positive. The full report is available (in Ukrainian) on OPORAs website, accessed on June 23, 2012. http://opora.org.ua/en/education/article/1458-promizhnyj-zvit-za-rezultatamy-gro madskogo-sposterezhennja-zno-2012. 15 USETI.ORG: 83% of Pupils Trust External Testing Results, 22.3.2010, accessed on December 05, 2012. http://www.useti.org.ua/en/news/555/83-of-pupils-trustexternal-testing-results.html. 16 Dar’ya Trusova, “Obshchezhitie ne predostavlyaetsya. Inogorodnim studentam v Kieve negde zhit’,” (Student dorms not available. Nonresidential students have nowhere to live in Kyiv) Kommersant’ Ukraina, 31.08.2007.

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Independent External Testing and reopened the doors for corruption.17 For example, he allowed universities to give preferential treatment to applicants who attend fee-based preparatory courses at their faculties. Furthermore, he allowed the average school certificate as a supplementary selection criterion. After the announcement of this modification, the sale of grade books instantly increased about30%, indicating that school grades were rewritten in exchange for money. According to OPORA, the 2012 Ukrainian Independent External Testing period was free of corruption scandals. However, due to the recent changes in the admission regime, there are concerns that future university admissions will once again be undermined by corruption practices.

International actors and their role in the success of the reform Since Ukraine’s independence in 1991, many international actors, from state aid agencies to civil society institutions, have entered the country in order to promote a democratization process. The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), the European Union and the IRF, part of the network of Open Society Foundations funded by George Soros, are among the most important organizations in financial and political terms. Regarding anti-corruption programs, the key players are the U.S. government through USAID and the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), a U.S. foreign aid agency established in 2004; the EU; the Council of Europe; the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA); the OSCE; the IRF; and some smaller foundations, for example the German Friedrich Naumann Foundation or the Konrad Adenauer Foundation (Ukrainian Institute for Public Policy 2011, 19). Their anti-corruption initiatives are usually oriented towards specific sectors such as the judiciary, public administration, business deregulation, or education. The EU as one of the biggest external actors in financial and political terms concentrates its anti-corruption initiatives on the judicial sector, while USAID and IRF have a strong focus on the educational sector. Since USAID together with MCC and their joint Threshold Program are the 17

International Renaissance Foundation: Ministry of Education Is Warned About Corruption Risks due to Diminishing of the Role of External Independent Assessment, 20.04.2011, accessed on April 04, 2011. http://www.irf.ua/index.php? option=com_content&view=article&id=32691%3Aministry-of-education-iswarned-about-corruption-risks-due-to-diminishing-of-the-role-of-externalindependent-assessment&catid=83%3 Anews-edu-en&Itemid=68.

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most important Western supporters of anti-corruption programs in the educational sphere, this section focuses on their influence. USAID is the largest donor in anti-corruption efforts in Ukraine. After the Orange Revolution in 2004-05 the new Ukrainian government acknowledged that corruption had become a serious threat to the development of the country. As a response, the government signed a contract with USAID and MCC to implement a Threshold Country Plan (TCP) between 2007-2009. Generally, TCPs provide financial assistance for targeted policy reform efforts, which in this case was the reduction of corruption in the public sector.18 The program had a total budget of about $45mln and targeted five objectives, among them “Combating corruption in higher education through support in implementing mandatory external testing.” (Ukrainian Institute for Public Policy 2011, 19) This project had a budget of $13mln.19 Its main ambition was to support and assist the Ukrainian Centre of Education Quality Assessment to: “Fully implement the external testing system as well as to ensure its integrity. The goal of this component is to reduce corruption in higher education by establishing a legal framework requiring a minimum test score for admission to universities; developing a functioning security system for test results; and ensuring that 100 percent of students are tested and the test centres are fully operational.”20

MCC Threshold Country Plans require partner countries to create special legal institutions for implementing the programs. For this purpose the Ukrainian Standardized External Testing Initiative (USETI) was established in April 2007. USETI was one of the most active organisations involved in the implementation process and fulfilled several functions. Their primary objective was to combat: “Corrupt practices associated with admissions to institutions of higher education by introducing standardized external testing as a mandatory

18

Press Release of the MCC: Ukraine Signs Millennium Challenge Corporation Threshold Program to Control Corruption, 04.12.2006: http://www.mcc.gov/pages/ press/release/release-120406-ukrainesignsmillennium. 19 The Ukrainian Standardized External Testing Initiative (USETI). Quarterly Report April-June 2007, p. 9. 20 Website of the MCC: Ukraine Threshold Program, http://www.mcc.gov/pages/ countries/program/ukraine-threshold-program.

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criterion for university admissions. This process will replace the entry examinations currently administered by individual universities.”21

USETI collaborated intensively with the UCEQA, the governmental agency responsible for developing and implementing the external testing system. USETI provided not only financial support for the infrastructure of the nine regional test centres, but also helped to strengthen UCEQA’s capacity by providing technical assistance, international experience and knowledge transfer. Furthermore, USETI pro-actively supported a profound higher education reform, advocating new legislation on higher education that would strengthen the status of the ZNO and establish it as the sole admission criterion for all universities. USETI’s working policy was based on active cooperation with civil society organisations on the national, regional and local levels, such as the Committee of Voters of Ukraine, the OPORA Civil Network or individual universities. Likewise, USETI cooperated with national media to promote the new admission system to the wider public and to counter prejudices and resistance concerning the new independent testing. This work was crucial for the acceptance of the testing. Today, the high approval rate of the reform seems remarkable for a country where reforms are usually seen critically. A representative survey in September 2011 found that half of all Ukrainians (50%) supported the ZNO, in comparison to 42% in December 2008. Even higher rates can be found among the target group, which includes respondents who either took the test themselves or whose children, or children of their relatives or close friends took the test. In this group the approval rate reaches 64%.22 When the MCC Threshold programme expired in December 2009 and brought an end to the USETI project, USAID Mission Director for Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova, Janina Jaruzelski, underlined the necessity of an ongoing and sustainable reform process in the educational sector and stressed how crucial the work of USETI had been for the successful implementation of the external testing.23 Due to the positive results of USETI’s work, it was decided to prolong and extend the program. Under 21

Website of the USETI Alliance: About USETI Alliance, http://www.useti.org. ua/en/pages/11/about-useti.html. 22 USETI Alliance: University Admission based on standardized external assessment scores in public opinion surveys, 12.10.2011, accessed on July 23, 2012. http://www.useti.org.ua/en/news/931/university-admission-based-on-stand ardized-external-assessment-scores-in-public-opinion-surveys.html. 23 The Ukrainian Standardized External Testing Initiative (USETI). Final Report April 2007—December 2009, p. 28.

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the auspices of American Councils for International Education, which had already had experience in developing and administering standardized tests in Kyrgyzstan, Georgia and Russia, the USETI Alliance (Global Development Alliance Ukrainian Standardized External Testing Initiative) was created. This program was not any longer solely a U.S. project, but coordinated by a wide consortium of 15 national24 and international25 organizations and HEIs. According to their own leitmotif, the USETI Alliance has one broad goal: that by project completion at the end of 2012, Ukraine’s system of testing-based HEI admissions be institutionally secured and selfsustainable. This goal should be accomplished with the realization of four priority provisions: a) reinforcing UCEQA’s test development and operational capacity and making them self-sustainable in the long-term, b) securing the university admission policy in a legislative foundation, with an active involvement from business to support the ZNO, c) transforming public support into pro-active public involvement, and d) establishing a competent test-prep industry.26 Currently, the program is still running, and therefore final conclusions on the achievements can only be premature. However, at least some aspects have been realized: UCEQA proved in recent years that, thanks to USETI’s active support, it has the capacity to develop and carry out independent testing without information leaks, corruption or fraud. But, to guarantee a sustainable testing environment, qualified staff is needed, which is still missing in Ukraine, where educational measurement and psychometrics are quite new. To overcome this shortcoming a competent test-prep industry should be established, which has only been partially achieved. USETI’s lobbying for a legislative basis of the ZNO seems to have been fruitful, since it was included in the latest draft law on higher education, approved by the Cabinet of Ministers

24 Among them are the Ministry of Education and Sciences of Ukraine, the Ukrainian Center for Educational Quality Assessment, the OPORA Civic network, the company Pro.Mova, the Fakt Publishing House, the National Academy of Management, the L’viv City Community Organization Center for Educational Policy, the Ivan-Franko National University of L’viv, the National University Of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy and the Petro Mohyla Black Sea State University. 25 These contain USAID, the American Councils for International Education, the American Institutes for Research, the International Renaissance Foundation and the European Union Project Tempus IV Educational Measurement Adapted to EU Standards at Mälardalen University, Västerås, Sweden. 26 For the full program see: USETI Alliance website; http://www.useti.org.ua/ en/pages/11/about-useti.html.

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in November 2012.27 However, since dispute about the law has been going on since 2010, temporarily with four different drafts competing with each other, the adoption of the draft law is still uncertain. While public acceptance of the ZNO is high, especially among relevant people, active involvement of business structures is still expandable. However, according to Yarema Bachynsky, head of USETI Alliance: “There is still plenty of work to be done in building the institutional sustainability of UCEQA, in policy reform, and strengthening the long term prospects for Testing and fair access to quality higher education in Ukraine”.

Summarizing the activities and the involvement of external, usually Western, actors in the university admission reform process in Ukraine, it can be concluded that they have played a crucial role in the success of the reform.28 International actors were not only donors who provided a crucial fundamental financial basis, but are also, and even more importantly, key actors in the reform itself: IRF (whose decisive role cannot be discussed here due to the formal requirements of this paper) not only initiated the reform with a pilot study in 2002, but subsequently financed numerous small-scale civic projects that aimed at elaborating a reform agenda. Furthermore, it provided UCEQA with expertise in technical and practical issues until today. Besides IRF, American organizations such as USAID/MCC/American Councils for Education with their joint USETI program, pro-actively advocated the reforms in public through informational campaigns, educational materials and public debates. USETI and its successor USETI Alliance were “driving-forces” throughout the whole reform process, uniting and coordinating numerous actors and giving them more visibility and one strong voice. Soon after Tabachnyk was appointed Education Minister, he set an end to ZNO’s status as sole admission criterion for universities. USETI could not prevent the new Minister from permitting further admission procedures. Nevertheless, it is still important that USETI Alliance 27

Yuliya Ryabchun: Vy`soko berut. Kabinet ministrov odobril zakonoproekt o vy`sshem obrazovanii, Kommersant’ Ukraina, No. 198, 04.12.2012, accessed on December 11, 2012. http://kommersant.ua/doc/2082405?isSearch=True. 28 These findings are in line with the recently published report from the Ukrainian Institute for Public Policy “Fighting corruption in Eastern Partnership countries: The view from civil society” which emphasizes the role of Western donors and their cooperation with domestic NGOs. As a key for “one of the single most successful anti-corruption initiatives in recent years” the report describes ³SURDFWLYHSUHSDUDWRU\HIIRUWVE\>ZHVWHUQ@GRQRUVDQG8NUDLQH’s NGO sector”.

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continues its work and lobbies for sustainability of the new fair and transparent testing system. Without this engagement, the ZNO probably would have lost its meaning. Another sustainable effort of international institutions is the training of local “watchdog” institutions, e.g. the OPORA civic network, which is now able to monitor the admission process and to support the ZNO on its own. Thus, even if external actors will reduce their engagement in the future—it is uncertain if USETI Alliance will continue its work in 2013— that must not necessarily be the end of independent external testing. The new system has already gained significant public support and a critical mass of local capacities has been established. There is a certain perspective that the ZNO will prevail even with Ukraine’s current indecisive educational policies.

Conclusion Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, corruption, particularly in the sphere of higher education, has become a serious problem in most of the successor states. To combat corruption in the higher education admission process, many post-communist countries replaced the corruption-prone admission committees at universities and introduced external testing systems. Ukraine established a new nationwide testing system in 2008. Although the reform has been mitigated by the recent educational policy of the Yanukovich government, surveys and independent monitoring organizations report that the level of corruption has been significantly reduced, despite the persistence of critical loopholes. Currently, the Ukrainian public as well as experts regard the ZNO as one of the most important anti-corruption reforms in Ukraine. This paper has argued that three determinants were decisive for the achievements of the reform, of which the third has been described here in more detail: a) the political will of the “Orange” government under Yushchenko, who placed the reform’s success on top of his political agenda and supported it personally, b) relatively strong Ukrainian civil society in the sphere of education, which was actively involved in the reform process, and c) wide political, financial, technological and “expert” support from Western organizations, which fostered the professionalization of local actors in charge of the reform process. The interplay of these factors within a short democratic “window of opportunity” after the Orange Revolution favoured the successful outcome

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of the ZNO reform. Without the pro-active involvement of Western actors such as IRF, USAID, MCC, and USETI, the success of the university admission reform in Ukraine would not have been possible.

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—. 2007b. “Replacing University Entry Examinations with Standardized Tests in Russia: Will It Reduce Corruption?” Osipian, A. 2009. “Corruption hierarchies in higher education in the former Soviet Bloc.” International Journal of Educational Development 29 (3): 321-30. doi: 10.1016/j.ijedudev.2008.08.006. Panin, V.V. 2010. “Korrupciya v obrazovanii sovremennoj Rossii: Analiticheskij obzor.” http://ozppou.ru/documents/methodical. Rimskij, V.L. 2010. “Preodolenie korrupcii v sisteme obrazovaniya Rossiiya: Doklad Moskovskogo byuro po pravam cheloveka”. Round, J., and P. Rodgers. 2009. “The Problems of Corruption in PostSoviet Ukraine’s Higher Education Sector.” International Journal of Sociology 39 (2): 80-95. doi: 10.2753/IJS0020-7659390204. Talapina, E., and L. Sannikova. 2008. “Joint Report on corruption risk assessment of the legislation on the sphere of education.” In Russian Federation - Development of legislative and other measures for the prevention of corruption (RUCOLA 2): Final Report, 105-08. Teichmann, Ch. 2004. Nachfrageorientierte Hochschulfinanzierung in Russland: Ein innovatives Modell zur Modernisierung der Hochschulbildung. Arbeitsbericht 1. Ukrainian Institute for Public Policy. 2011. “Fighting corruption in Eastern Partnership countries: views from the civil society”, accessed on May 17, 2013. http://csln.info/original/11916A1.pdf. Zaborovskaya, A.S, and S.V. Shishkin. 2004. Vysshee obrazovanie v Rossii: Pravila i real’nost’. Moskva: Nezavisimyj Institut Social’noj Politiki.

PART IV OLD CURRICULA, IDEOLOGY AND NEW EDUCATIONAL ALTERNATIVES IN POST-SOVIET ACADEMIA

CHAPTER TEN SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY À LA RUSSE: FRAGMENTED FIELD OF A DISCIPLINE AND CONTEMPORARY BATTLES FOR THE CURRICULUM PAVEL ROMANOV AND ELENA IARSKAIA-SMIRNOVA This chapter focuses on contradictions in the development of social anthropology curriculum in contemporary Russia1. The transformation of social anthropology curricula is explored on the national and local levels in relation to implications of the Bologna project and what makes social anthropology a distinctive area of professional training. The analysis shows that the characteristics of social anthropology education and training are defined as well as constrained by such structuring parameters as the conception of professionalism, highly ambivalent relations with contemporary post-socialist governments, the backgrounds of teachers and departments, a philosophy and ideology of diversity, reception of the notion of human rights and international exchange. Based on the results of analysing interviews and relevant documents, we will show contradictory processes in social anthropology curriculum in Russia. Ethnography as a predecessor to social anthropology has been developing in Russia for several centuries as an academic discipline and occupation with a strong focus on folk culture, ethnicity. In Soviet times, professional training of ethnographers was offered within the Departments of History at several universities. The Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology (previously The Institute of Enthography) is the oldest institution in Russia for studies of humanities, which sprang from the 1

This paper based on field materials collected within the project funded by Curriculum Research Fellowship, CRC OSI, 2009-2010.

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Kunstkamera (Cabinet of Curiosities) founded by Peter the Great. This long tradition of ethnography as a scholarly discipline is based on field research with emphasis on ethnic peculiarities and inter-ethnic conflicts. In the beginning of 1990s, the oldest academic institution, the Institute of Ethnography of the Russian Academy of Sciences (RAS) acquired a new name: the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology of RAS, which signified a shift in self-identification of traditional ethnographers towards international recognition. A number of university-based and independent research centres were established in various Russian regions. The thematic scope of their research interests is wide and includes not only focus on past and present folk cultures, but also on issues of society, culture and diversity as seen in the programs of conferences and content of publications. The institutional resource for disciplinary and professional identity is a new Association of anthropologists and ethnographers that includes now more than a thousand members. .

Is anthropology to ethnography as the West is to the East? Two particular sources of the emergence of Russian ethnography as an independent scholarly discipline dating from the 18th c. were natural history and romantic nationalism (Knight 1994). An important role in this development was played by the empirical studies of ethnic groups. As a result, Russian ethnography in the mid-19th c. tended to consist of autonomous depictions of nationalities with very little comparative analysis (Knight 1994, 382). This vision of ethnography addressed deepseated needs of Russian educated society to represent national identity, the content of Empire and the common people (Knight 1994). “Although the discipline began at approximately the same time in Russia as it did in the West, it developed in a historical context largely isolated from the theoretical debates and ethnographic innovations of British and U.S. anthropology” (Shectman 2005, 252). A similar development can be traced in Eastern Europe. Since the very beginning of the history of teaching and learning ethnology/anthropology in Slovakia in the early 1920s, it developed “along national-revivalist lines, based on a nineteenth-century-like agenda of (historical) traditional research with the aim of collecting and preserving data about Slovak rural culture”, then under the influence of functionalism and structural functionalism of European anthropology (Bitusikova 2003, 70). In Poland, professors of ‘etnologia’ since the 1910s based their theoretical orientations on research of ‘folk cultures’ among Polish peasants and various Slavic peoples (Mucha 2004, 84). In the words of Ivo Budil (Budil

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2004, 95) in its early development, “Czech ethnography fluctuated uneasily between anthropology, history, and folklore,” both in institutional and conceptual terms. As with the first cohorts of Russian ethnographers, their later Soviet colleagues had relatively little interest in the notion of the discipline as an international dialogue with comparative analysis, and instead focused on the studies ‘at home’. This development was not entirely shaped from above by the Soviet state, though the discipline was under quite strong ideological demands and the methodological dictate of its MarxistLeninist “theory of nations” (Shectman 2005, 252). The Stalinist notion of nationality (Tolstoy 1952, 12) was closely connected with the developing field of Soviet ethnography, processes of national-identity formation and Sovietization in the first few decades of Soviet rule (See: Hirsch 2005). Soviet anthropology thus had as its primary concern the fields of human evolution, cultural history, and diachronic problems in general, while topics such as social structure, cultural organization, and synchronic analysis were of little prominence (Krader 1959, 155). After the Second World War, the Communist regime “introduced a wide-ranging reform of academic curricula leading to standardization and unification of courses and a generalization of methodological approaches inspired by SovietRussian ethnographia,” while all other methodological orientations were considered as ‘bourgeois residue’ (Bitusikova 2003, 70; see also Mucha 2004, 84; Budil 2004, 97). Following the breakdown of Communism, sharp and heated discussions on wider anthropological perspectives of the discipline led to a certain number of changes in teaching and learning anthropology in postSoviet countries. The changes were ‘cosmetic’ (restructuring and renaming academic and research centres as ‘ethnological’ institutions), as well as essential: liberation of teaching from uniformity and homogeneity, revealing theoretical and methodological pluralism, as well as variety in research and teaching approaches and methods (Bitusikova 2003, 74). In Poland, social anthropology “was partly ‘left’ by ethnologists to sociologists” (Mucha 2004, 85). Sociologists and social anthropologists are sometimes treated as competitors by ethnologists (formerly ethnographers), while at the same time there are close links between sociology, anthropology and ethnology “not only in teaching as such, but also in professional committees and organizations” (Mucha 2004, 86). In the Bulgarian academia, anthropology and national ethnography coexist side by side, since resources are limited and the shift towards a more cosmopolitan approach is slow (Hann et al. 2007, 14).

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Today nationalistically oriented groups and political parties are promoting ‘pro-Slovakian’ activities, including support for and presentation of folk traditions aimed explicitly at ‘reawakening Slovak ethnicity and identity.’ This tendency also seems to be aligned with the general public’s views on ethnology, which still strikes many as a romantic discipline dealing with folk songs, dances and costumes. Here there is a continual risk that ethnology might be used and abused in the service of nationalistic, xenophobic ideologies. The disciplinary content of social and cultural anthropology, however, remains unknown not only to the general public but also to many academics and political representatives (Bitusikova 2003, 78). In the Czech Republic, “the institutionalization of the discipline is slow, its progress hampered by many obstacles and even the most basic question of what social anthropology is or can be still leads to political clashes among different academic parties” (Skovajsa 2007). The first post1989 generation of Czech social anthropologists as described by =GHQČN Uherek tried to oppose historicism and evolutionism, adopting “an interpretive, ahistorical, culturally relativistic and anti-evolutionistic approach.” As well, they were “extremely critical of ethnographers and they frequently linked the nationalistic ethnography of traditional rural culture to the ethnographers of the communist era”. The next generation became more involved in academic contacts with the West and “began to take an interest in Czech ethnography or ethnology” (Hann et al. 2007, 4748). The main trend towards the turn of ethnography into anthropology in Eastern European countries might be explained due to Europeanisation and more generally Westernisation of a discipline, which has transcended the national borders in terms of its content and institutional arrangements. Such a transition is related to the ethnographical/anthropological field and scope of study as well as organisation of higher education in this area.

Social anthropology as a university program in Russia At the beginning of the post-Soviet transformations, the Russian social sciences were involved in rapid institutional development. New educational programs in social sciences and humanities were established in universities: sociology, psychology, social work, kulturologia (cf. cultural studies) and social anthropology. Many of them functioned on a new market strategy and helped to acquire symbolic and economic capital in the universities and individual departments. Teachers suffered in these

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times from uncertainty and financial instability during the transition from socialism to a market economy. Anthropological knowledge as a study of culture emerged in postSoviet academia under the titles “social anthropology”, “cultural anthropology” and “ethnology”. In addition, some authors worked under the title of “philosophical anthropology.” The number of publications, articles, monographs, teaching manuals and textbooks grew fast. The field turned out to be interesting for intellectuals who represented various branches of social sciences and humanities, from eager empiricists to desktop researchers, from those who studied classical and contemporary works, who could read literature in English, German and French to those who did not have enough knowledge in classics of the genre, but who enthusiastically filled in the gaps exploring new terrain. One of the products of such efforts was the establishment of kulturologia as a separate academic discipline and educational program. Social anthropology was a bit lost under the conditions of symbolic competition for resources. Unlike the adepts of kulturologia, the organizers of social anthropology could not defend their speciality at the post-graduate academic level (aspirantura). Nevertheless, the so called “anthropological turn” in social sciences and humanities was quite tangible. It generated a significant wave of publications, including translations, and the establishment of new academic journals, research centres, seminars and conferences, and indeed, a new paradigm shift. During this period sociology thrived and new configurations in the scientific environment were formed (Thévenot 1991, 285-313). New ‘heresies’ arose (according to the mainstream and status models of sociology) and revolutionary movements appeared; new schools gathered and inspired associates emerged. Practically at the same time with the broad establishment of sociological education in different cities and universities in Russia, the “social anthropology” program was founded; its development was not as intensive as sociological programs, though it was still a remarkable phenomenon. Several journals were established in the 1990s in addition to the oldest Ethnographic Review, which has been published since the late 19th c. St. Petersburg State University started to publish “The Journal of Sociology and Social Anthropology” in 1998; the Ethnographic museum Kunstkamera and European University at St. Petersburg published “Anthropological Forum” in 2004; a group of scholars from Kazan with support of colleagues from US and Germany established “Ab Imperio”, and there are also a few online and printed humanities periodicals (for more detailed review of anthropological and ethnographic magazines see

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Sokolovskiy 2009: 61). An interdisciplinary intellectual journal “Neprikosnovenniy zapas” (Reserve stock) is an important resource in social anthropology. The presence of such editions is a good sign that interdisciplinary relations are becoming stronger. But there is still a lack of journals focused specifically on anthropological fields. The five year diploma program “Social Anthropology” was introduced in Russia in 1992, which makes it seem like the specialty is rather young in this country. According to information currently available, higher education programs in the specialty “Social Anthropology” in 2009 were offered by 19 universities2, seven of which are classical universities, seven technical universities, and also at pedagogical, social and economic universities, and the Russian State Humanitarian University. A non-state university (European University at St. Petersburg) provides post-graduate education in anthropology, and since 2012 they also offer state validated program. It is estimated that by 2011 about 1300 students were studying this program in different universities across Russia. Although anthropology is not very familiar to the public, the number of students has been gradually increasing since mid-1990s until the beginning of 2010s. But compared to other disciplines social anthropology as an educational program has not become that attractive either for higher education officials, or for employers or students except for a few. Due to the dominant trends in university textbook production, this branch of anthropology is stuck in frameworks of historical materialist concepts of ‘ethnogenesis’ and/or grand narratives about ‘the nature of human being’, thus ignoring field research. This has served to construct anthropology as an armchair discipline, rather than as a mainstream field. Yet, almost no academic debate on the current state of the discipline exists and its unfortunate fragmentation appears to a major feature of its development in Russia. The success of educational programs in terms of institutional development and the number of university departments is related not necessarily to the quality of training, but rather with the labour market demand and students’ prospects. In this regard, social anthropology is significantly lagging behind kulturologia and sociology. “Social anthropology” is not included in the State Register of Occupational Classifications of Professions and Positions. This Classification has many 2

According to information of the Federal portal “The Russian Education” http:// www.edu.ru/abitur/act.7/spe.040102/index.php. This resource provides information about almost all educational programs, though, unfortunately, there are some unfortunate gaps and missing information, so we give approximate information about graduating universities and number of students.

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outdated as well as totally new professional groupings, but thus far it has avoided social anthropology. Postgraduate education, i.e. the aspirantura program in the specialty “social anthropology” has not yet been established. Therefore, candidate and doctoral theses in the field are defended in front of history, philosophy, sociology or even biology committees.

Figure 1. Professional education in social sciences and humanities showing “new” programs and specialities (5 year diploma) 20093.

Reception of National standard in academic community and construction of the curriculum After its approval by the Russian Federation’s Ministry of Education, the national standard of Social Anthropology came under sharp criticism, mainly in the publications of ethnographers. A discussion was opened in 2001 by an interview with Professor Valery Tishkov, director of the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology of the Russian Academy of Sciences. He strongly claimed that the new standard was created by incompetent Ministry officials (Interview 2001, 13) and that it was composed by sociologists who have “stolen this right from heavy-footed ethnologists” (Tishkov 2003a). In his words, the standard of social anthropology has nothing to do with the “generally accepted understanding” of this discipline in the world. Instead it was made with the 3

Calculated on a base of data from the website Rossiiskoe obrazovanie (Russian Education) www.edu.ru and the Catalogue of Russian Higher Education http:// www.institute-catalogue.ru.

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goal of “usurpation of a part of the market of intellectual knowledge and higher education on behalf of an entrepreneurial group of sociologists and ‘social philosophers’” (Tishkov 2003b). Since 2005, several articles by Russian and foreign authors have been published on issues of social anthropological training (Artemova 2005, 18-20; Kuznetsov 2008, 32; Bondarenko, Korotaev 2004, 230-246). The most arguable of Tishkov’s conclusions regards the rigidity of the standard, though it obvious for us that the main features of this document are not excessive regimentation but rather blurriness and uncertainty in regard to crucial professional knowledge. Even regulated social anthropological courses in the professional block are allowed a significant degree of freedom to be adjusted to local conditions. The authors of the standard blame the bureaucratic machinery they faced, i.e. contradictory information and inadequate actions by ministry administrators who supervised the work (Interview 2). Another expert reported that working out the standard was a response to pressures experienced by the first program in social anthropology in St. Petersburg from ministry administration. Because it was a question of the program’s survival, it was necessary to make many compromises in the conditions and time constraints (Interview 3). Acknowledging the considerable factor of the sociological discipline, our interviewee explained to us that the standard for social anthropology was to a large degree connected with certain specialists at sociological faculty of the university where the program was opened. One can assume that the national standard as a collaborative work attracted a large and diverse collective consisting of different groups of interests each of which tried to persuade the ministry bureaucracy. The result was quite an inconsistent and contradictory product. The few ethnographers who got to take part in working out the document and that mainly avoided the work not seeing any point in it also influenced its specific features. In general most of our sources consider social anthropology as a successor to Russian ethnography. Almost nobody expresses any doubt as to this, though many are not inclined to share the heritage with others. Advocating the social anthropology teaching model suggested in the 1990s, today the authors of the standard base their approaches on an attempt to form certain borders of the discipline and reduce the uncertainty that has emerged. During interviews they show concern with the situation of the blurred subject of social anthropology and talk about an attempt to settle it one way or another (Interview 4).

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According to one of our experts curriculum is “a plan of fulfilling the standard in conditions of a particular educational program” (Interview 11). In accordance with the requirements of the Ministry of Education the national standard should be presented in a curriculum in a complete way and have clear criteria of such correspondence. Such a relationship shows in the presence of certain disciplines in a curriculum, the distribution of hours for teaching and the presence of didactic units, fixed in the standard, in syllabi. One can generally assume the existence of two standardisation poles. At one of them there is a “strong” standard that regulates educational content in quite a tough way and clearly shows the amount of attention which should be paid by a learning program to these or those directions of training professionals (regarding their theoretical and practical training and education content). The strength of this standard reflects the presence of a professional consensus and the influence of a professional community in the field of producing and reproducing certain forms of professionalism and corresponding discourse. Besides, there is also a special legal context that provides the profession with a legally set jurisdiction. At the other pole there is a “weak” standard that only creates the general shape of education and provides educational programs with opportunities to interpret the content and direction of education in particular conditions in the largest range. One could assume that such work arrangements characterise democratic relationships and cultivate an atmosphere of trust in the professional guild, but we are not inclined to interpret the situation this way because standardisation is a measure of compulsion, restriction and rationing. The weakness of the standard reflects rather a lack of integration within the professional community of educators that lacks a power centre which is influential enough and capable of imposing a certain vision of the profession on everyone as well as a free and flexible legal context that results in the uncertain jurisdiction of the profession (Abbot 1981, 819835). It is important to note that this very context is the result of the educational profession struggling for power and influence and is a common consequence of an administrative ideology of governance mechanisms that aim at larger or smaller centralization. We suppose that in the case of an anthropological standard we are dealing mainly with the “weak” program and a flexible legal context which results in creating a high variability of curricula. However, this diversification does not consist so much in the formal characteristics of documents particularly filling courses with content or strictly following

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didactic units in syllabi. It requires separate and diverse research pathways. Now we will look at how national standards are fulfilled in particular curricula. It is important to emphasize that “the centre” is used here in a symbolic sense, meaning a paradigm core (cf. Thomas Kuhn’s ideas of scientific paradigms). One should not confuse it with the metropolitan city /province relation. Unfortunately, this particular relation is key in Russia’s scientific and educational academies and universities where complete power to determine the meanings of scientific scholarship has been traditionally based in Moscow, through the “leading” higher educational institutions and academic centres appointed from above. Overcentralization and the notorious “power vertical” have determined the capital and periphery relations up to now. Anthropology curricula at various universities in Russia have mainly developed as disconnected and competing with, rather than as complementary to or compatible with each other (Sokolovski 2009; Elfimov 2009). This is reflected in the structure of curricula, course content and textbooks, as well as approaches to theoretical training and framing the fields of research practice. As we found out, the relation between the national standard and particular curricula is not simple. At first, applying the standards was thought to be a way to integrate educational programs, but not to cancel their variability at all. Variability was achieved by introducing into a socalled “higher educational institution” (HEI) certain “regional” components, the content of which was determined by the aims and potential of the particular HEI. But what if the main content of the standard is considered problematic and how can the representatives of a HEI find a way out of this situation? Some of the participants of our study preferred to avoid discussing the issue that there can be some separate policies of a HEI in this regard: “We stick to the standard. What else is our policy? This is a standard requirement. It is the number one requirement and everything that is here, should adhere to” (Interview 10). Obviously, there are formal educational requirements and to violate them is fraught with complications of various kinds. That is why it is better to show obedience even if you break the rules in some way. On the other hand, following the standard literally can be an excellent way of legitimating the lack of sufficient initiative by program administration regarding the search for new and optimal teaching models. Thirdly, it is limitation of a HEI in getting qualified staff to teach narrow and special anthropology disciplines that is why these disciplines are taught at a minimum:

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Chapter Ten “For example, we don’t have specialists in folklore and ethnography, which is why this direction is wrongly presented in quite a reduced amount. Or else the administration lacked political will. But we made attempts for several years and got an external specialist to deal with a practical ethnography course, as she is also a kind of folkloristethnographer” (Interview 12).

The syllabus and other components of curriculum provision for this program or for the subjects taught in various programs in humanities and social sciences (historians, sociologists, philosophers, public relations specialists, etc.) strike with discord in their presentation of similar topics and problems. The orthodox scientific environment, presenting by the neoclassical “disciplinary matrix” according to Laurent Thévenot and Luc Boltanski, doesn’t accept “heretical”, revolutionary schools and new movements. At the same time, each configuration in a scientific environment of this type is distinguished by principles of management in scientific work, methodological targets and ways of legitimizing its rightfulness and magnitude, “économies de grandeur” (regimes of greatness) (Boltanski, Thévenot 1991). These differences in many respects are determined by the backgrounds of course authors and leaders/ideologues of departments. Those who came into anthropology from history and ethnography study the way of life of small communities, describing their customs and traditions. They gather folklore, artefacts and pictures of folk costumes, utensils and habitats. This in general concurs with the definition proposed by one dictionary at the beginning of 1990s: “social anthropology is a branch of ethnographic science, which explores social institutes and relations in pre-capitalist countries” (Sovremennaia zapadnaia sotsiologia, 1990). Such a definition follows particularly from the argumentations of Y. Bromley (Bromley 1979). Sergey Sokolovskiy, who analyzes the history and modern state of Russian anthropology, neatly formulates its distinctive features, which were formed mostly owing to Bromley’s authority as “the predominating concentration on ethnical, which has been finally formed by the end of 1960s and still is not fully overcome today” (Sokolovskiy 2009, 49). This approach differs dramatically from most Western traditions, where anthropology is understood today to include not only traditional but also the most ‘advanced’ societies, and everything in between (Hann 2000), including the competence of social anthropologists in field research in both rural and urban settings. In the Russian anthropological tradition, our interviewees and we found it hard to identify teaching manuals or textbooks that are fully relevant to the national standard (Interview 8). An alternative to the locally

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produced textbooks is found among the growing translated literature, including classic works of Emile Durkheim, Bronislav Malinovski, Claude Levi-Strauss, Mary Douglas, Clifford Geertz, et al. Those interviewed tell us that they visit Moscow to buy literature and bring books in big bags back to Siberia, the Volga region and other localities, in an effort to fulfil the lack of intellectual anthropological literature outside of the capital cities. Social anthropology has been included as single courses within the university curricula for sociology, philosophy, cultural studies, public relations, etc. Due to a dominant trend in university textbook production, this branch of anthropology has been stuck in frameworks of historical materialist concepts of ‘ethnogenesis’ and/or grand narratives about ‘the nature of man.’ It has thus ignored much field research and instead constructed anthropology as an armchair discipline. Moscow State University (MGU) has no department of social anthropology and has never trained students in this specialty. Despite this, the tutors and dean of the sociological faculty of Moscow State University have published several educational books labelled “Social Anthropology” because this same-name discipline is part of the five-year program standard for the specialty 020300 “Sociology”. The educational literature in Russian therefore plays a significant part in forming consensus among tutors teaching “Social Anthropology” courses and may influence lecturers working in departments of anthropology. The influence of “the major university of the country” the Uchebno-metodicheskoe ob’edinenie (National Council of Education in Sociology and Social Anthropology, hereafter called UMO) and considerable numbers of printed copies of books have fixed a symbolic configuration of social anthropology in the form of historical materialism: “the theory and empirical data of anthropogenesis and socio-genesis; the typology of early societies and historical periods of development of traditional society” (Kravchenko 2005), on the one hand. On the other hand, in metaphysical format, the view is that “the relation of a man as bio-psychosocial being, i.e. a being who thinks, understands others, feels and creates, within depersonalized spheres of environment, that are neutrally or antagonistically alien to him” (Minyushev 1997). The first evolutionist conception of social anthropology posited the dogmas of a colonial meta-narrative typical of so called “organic intellectuals”, who were engaged in production, discursive substantiation and propagation of ideologies. They made public the outlook and interests of a particular class, legitimizing its role in history, its claims on power and their management of social development according to values

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mentioned above (Bauman 1989). Both versions cited above in defining the subject of social anthropology, avoid critical perspectives as well as emphasis on field research, the latter which is the fundamental principle of almost all anthropological schools. Another interpretation of social anthropology is as of “a science about humanity and its social being” (Glukhachov 2005). Other examples are as follows: “Social anthropology is interpreted as a philosophical discipline that perceives the universal by exploring human existence in its aspect of sociality” (Potchta 2004).

The comparative analysis of curricula shows that the average number of courses (in total) in the social anthropology program curricula (among the programs which have been analyzed) is about 75 (between 69 in Saratov and 81 in Izhevsk) i.e. the fractional character and variability is quite high. This is especially evident when comparing 5-year Russian ‘Specialist’ programs with British Bachelors (baccalaureate degree programs with three times fewer courses during a year. The courses are larger and strictly aimed at the profession; see further the cases of British educational programs). As mentioned earlier, the case of Russian higher education in general and social anthropology in particular is rather fragmentary, with many courses per year: from 10 to 20 in some HEIs. However, this is not so much the consequence of institutional preferences as the result of a general policy in the area of regulating education (which is fulfilled through standards policies). The flexibility of the standards really provides departments with many opportunities to fulfil their own policies. Thus, the practice of correcting the content of a course according to a HEI’s own needs is quite widely used. For some collectives, making corrections has meant filling courses announced in the standards with new content that is more adequate in their opinion: “How have we found a way out of the situation? Under the guise of these courses we teach different ones ... As far as our department is concerned, most of us master English to this or that extent and know the literature well” (Interview 7).

Others have noticed a content overlap of courses and made corrections to topics and content elements. Having faced what in their opinion was paralogism and repetitions in some components of the standard, some

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Chairs of departments edited the content of disciplines to bring them into correspondence with their own ideas (Interview 8). The most influential HEIs in Russia are allowed to establish their own curricula. The situation has been that way since before the standards were introduced and now there have been few changes. The diversity of curricula is achieved due to more considerable human and financial recourses as well as to the large power and autonomy which they are provided with. For example, in the Russian State Humanities University in Moscow, diversity is achieved due to connecting its anthropological program to the resources of the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology of the Russian Academy of Sciences. According to our interviewee, the standard that was not very attractive to them was then drastically reconsidered: “We treated the standard in our own way. It was very hard to work with it but we did it…somehow. So we teach Theory of Social Anthropology and then Social Anthropology of World Regions. …But then all of this was officially recognized” (Interview 5).

As our interviewee told us, these changes enabled making the standard closer to the ideal, which is closer to Russian ethnography. This is the model of traditional education at the Faculty of History which has a specialization focused on regional studies. The freedom and laconic didactic units in the standard enable broad interpretation and reinterpretation even of those disciplines which are clearly presented in the standard. For example, a professor in Saratov teaches “Anthropogeography” prescribed by the standard, in a critical way. The large course of Social Anthropology (to be taught over two years) was treated in a different way. In fact, it broadened the potential HEI component. In the curriculum and timetable the subject had its own standard name i.e. Social Anthropology. However, as it is to be taught for four terms, students study such units as Organizational Anthropology, Social History, the Coming of Age and Historical Anthropology within it. Different units within this course are taught by different teachers (Interview 12). A consensus on remaking the standard has not been reached. Its 2000 edition does not reflect attempts by many people to include ethnographers to change and introduce new courses into the standard, which would reflect the ethnographic heritage and local rootedness of the discipline to a larger extent. One can see that the conductors of such ideas would prefer to avoid “sociological bias” and rather advocate historical traditions.

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Chapter Ten “We begged them many times and went to their place and brought them some suggestions. Let’s change the standard. They were members of UMO after all, there would have been opportunity, and they promised us verbally and didn’t do anything in fact. And then we backed down a little. And FHUWDLQO\WKH(WKQRJUDSK\'HSDUWPHQWRI0RVFRZ>6WDWH@8QLYHUVLW\LVWKH closest to us ... and the Ethnography Department in St. Petersburg University, all of them are within the Schools of History. And certainly, we always gravitate towards historians” (Interview 5).

In any case, such conflicts characterize the contradictions within the university community of social anthropologists. This dissociation has resulted in separate activities on promoting alternative standards of the study program entitled ‘Anthropology and Ethnology’ passing over both UMO and colleagues from other universities, and indirectly in the crisis of the discipline itself as well as refusing the Bachelor Degree program for ‘Social Anthropology’. The educational policy of departments and faculties is developed under the influence of several factors. These are the general ideas of social anthropology shared by the teachers from the given department: social anthropology has been more sociology-oriented in one case and more classic ethnography or history-oriented in another; the presence or absence of teachers having a certain educational background and qualification because the potential of the department comes from their special features (for example, the involvement of qualified ethnographers and folklorists at the department, foreign languages comprehension and research competencies); accessibility of human resources not only in the given HEI but also ones nearby i.e. an opportunity to invite teachers from other institutions and departments to work; and human resources from the cities where the programs are located (e.g. qualified researchers from the Academy of Sciences in Moscow who can contribute to the teaching process). The material resources of HEIs, including the size of salaries that enable getting to work and holding unique teachers and researchers, also constitute an important factor or instead, financial limitations that lead to a brain drain. The sufficiency of the institutional budget in general makes a difference, as it enables making repairs to the buildings, purchasing equipment and arranging field expeditions, which are crucial for anthropological training. The symbolic status of the department, its administration and discipline within the university and in the city enables attracting entrants and having an influence on strategic and tactical decisions made by HEIs regarding the department and educational program.

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In his classic article, J. Le Coq (1941) wrote about the basic qualities of the curriculum: first, it should be selective, and a course should not be included if it is only of interest to a particular teacher. Second, it should be arranged into a logical sequence, and integrated, i.e. to “reveal a unifying reason behind it—a guiding hand throughout it” (Le Coq 1941, 24-25). However, in reality, the curriculum can be arranged in different ways. The possible strategies include (but are not limited to) focusing on learning theory (arranging courses in a way that takes into account how students lean); an intellectual development model (raising the level of skills gradually); the career goals of students (to fit their career aspirations); and the most popular “traditional” strategy (See: Berheide 2005, 2-3). The traditional strategy is implemented in a way that the “courses listed in college and university catalogs are more often a result of faculty interests and expertise than of student needs and interests” (Berheide 2005, 3). The curriculum in this sense is faculty-driven (Macheski, Ginger and Lowney 2002, 454-466). The national standard for social anthropology has proven to be implemented quite flexibly in different settings. Guided by the available information obtained from open sources and interviews, we can classify educational programs within the two binary opposition-orientations that were mentioned above. The first one can be called “Western orientation vs. indigenous tradition”. The second one is “Practice orientation vs. Academic orientation”. Such classification enables us to connect with the professional field of social anthropology, or to be more precise, the meanings which are attributed to the profession by key players (researchers, administrators and teachers). Prior to presenting a general typology we will consider four cases of regional and HEI curricula components.

The identity policy of social anthropologists/ethnographers in Post-Soviet Russia Emerging as a new discipline in the Russian higher education, social anthropology was immediately split between several academic groups or ‘lineages’, which are generally associated either with history, sociology, or philosophy. While the ‘historical’ group is engaged in studies of ancient and/or traditional folk cultures, dealing with legacies of Soviet ethnography, the ‘sociological’ group claims to study modern societies, going into subcultures, corporations, markets, and family life, looking closely into poverty, ageing, social problems, social policies, etc.

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Studying the identity of social anthropologists means analyzing the ideas, professional roles, and institutional locations associated with the making of social anthropological knowledge and expertise claims in different contexts. Practically, it means analyzing the long-term modalities of the relation of the field of social anthropology with national history, culture, and institutions. It also means showing how such institutional and cultural patterns come to “shape the social trajectories and dispositions of individual anthropologists—that is, their modes of being, thinking, acting” (Fourcade 2010, 14). In the words of Pierre Bourdieu   ³>W@KH intellectual field, which cannot be reduced to a simple aggregate of isolated agents or to the sum of elements merely juxtaposed, is, like a magnetic field, made up of a system of power lines” (Bourdieu 1969, 89). As the interviews with leaders of educational programs show, the opportunities for a so-called “anthropological perspective” were very attractive for a number of people interested in new methods, ideas and topics for research. And anthropological view of culture and society has separated new research and education both from empiricism of the Russian ethnographical tradition, and from the scholastic mode of Soviet philosophy, which distanced it from real social circumstances. Some ethnographers were disappointed by the conservative limits of classical Russian anthropology focused on folklore and ethnic traditions. Those intellectuals were interested in studying contemporary society, they were not satisfied with the descriptive approaches and did not want to constrain themselves within the existing frameworks of Soviet ethnography with its emphasis on ethnos and nationality: “Even studying the impact of industrial catastrophes (e.g. the nuclear accident at Ural) on local communities, the researcher would assign his interest with a title Ethnos and radiation” (Interview 2001, 13). A somewhat simplistic binary opposition in ethnography/anthropology between field research and theoretization was attractive for those who wanted to develop meta-theoretization about human beings and culture, basically from a philosophical and/or historical background. Today, emancipated from the constraints of Soviet Marxism, post-Soviet intellectuals have been starving to learn new ideas and study new themes. Nevertheless, this process has been followed by many crises and conflicts, as well as competition for educational and human resources. The ‘invention’ and development of anthropology in its various branches (social, cultural, philosophical) has evoked stormy criticism of ethnographers who considered themselves as devotees to a canon. Indeed, even in Soviet times, ethnographers called themselves ‘anthropologists’

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when then travelled and published abroad, while their appearance as ‘selfappointed kings’ deprived them of their ‘birthright’. The rhetoric of confrontation is therefore characteristic for the anthropological situation in academia, as is obvious from the following quotation: “The matter is that 13-15 years ago in our country many people were left out of jobs, those who previously dealt with historic materialism, scientific communism, the political economy of socialism, etc. They had to re-design themselves, at least formally, and a flow of publications began, where under the name of a new science—social or cultural anthropology— something strange and weird occurred” (Artemova 2005, 18-20).

Critics of the field claim that both education and research in social anthropology are driven by ex-communist ideologues. But it is necessary to stress that often publications have nothing to do with university programs in social anthropology. Social anthropology was included as a single course within the university curricula for sociology, philosophy, cultural studies, public relations, etc. Due to a dominant trend in university textbook production, this branch of anthropology has been stuck in frameworks of historic materialist concepts like ‘ethnogenesis’ and/or grand narratives about ‘the nature of man,’ It has thus ignored doing field research and constructing anthropology other than as an arm-chair discipline. Indeed, there are examples of low quality literature, but it would be incorrect to talk about university programs, their leaders and teachers as the successors of Communist ideology. As we can see, a conflict is constructed here in terms of political confrontation that is all too characteristic for academic rhetoric in postSoviet period. It is also typical that professional publications eventually appeared only six-eight years after the first educational programs in social anthropology were established. Obviously, such a delayed discourse did not help legitimize the discipline. Although in the beginning it was directed against Strangers (or Foreigners/Others), in the end the field turned back to the anthropological discipline itself, becoming an additional reason for its exclusion from the sphere of higher education in Russia. According to Thévenot, the production of generally recognized knowledge in each style of scientific work is linked with the problem of social recognition that includes not only positive evaluation (each style has its own parameters of evaluation) but also criticism (methods of disclosure of unfairly praised and undeservedly forgotten). Each regime is hostile to other claims to universality and regulation of all humankind according to

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its model. The multiple forms of knowledge assessment and conflict and try to discredit each other. The compromises need to help relax the critical tension between them (Thévenot 2006, 285-313), but they appear locally and temporarily, in the form of staging, for example, at official meetings of scholars. The closest scholars to social anthropologists by frame of reference should seemingly be Russian classical ethnographers/ethnologists with their glorious tradition rooted in the times of Peter the Great and the Kunstkamera museum. For quite a long time they had their own channels of professional training in the historical faculties of universities and established the practice of field trips, journals and academic associations. Following Fuchs, we consider social anthropology as a cultural network with both a core and periphery: “The core presents the common sense of a network, a “normal science”, with the sacred totems of a culture, protected by taboos and ritual prohibitions” (Fuchs 1989). In postSoviet Russia, as in many other post-communist contexts, ethnographers from the Academy of Sciences, institutes and university history departments form this core. In contrast, the more peripheral zones of this cultural network are more loosely coupled and ill defined, with more structural holes, weaker and inconclusive ties, and more uncertainty. “Peripheries accommodate more controversy and contingency; their mood is more playful and their mentality more open to change and innovation” (Fuchs 1989). The periphery of social anthropology in post-Soviet Russia grew within departments of sociology, philosophy, and kulturologia. Although contradictory by nature, the establishment of social anthropology as a training program discipline and even as an occupation has contributed to the development of several schools of research and education deeply concerned with the anthropological perspective of looking into social problems, cultural biases and policies. According to Chris Hann’s view (Hann 2003), the West-inspired social anthropology, open to theorizing and broader, even global comparisons will fruitfully collaborate with domestic national ethnographers whose comparative advantage lies in a profound knowledge of the country’s history. But the task of identifying the boundaries has grown ambiguous. The community of social anthropological educators did not build itself as a group to claim institutionalization for discipline or defend the collective interests of their profession and for their graduates. A decision to exclude ‘Social Anthropology’ from the List of Specialties was finally taken by the Ministry of Education in autumn 2007 at the session of the UMO: it was left as “necessary for consideration”, i.e. without broad discussion with

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interested parties, including practicing professionals. Such a “possibility of arbitrary administration when solving scientific and personnel problems” (Sokolovskiy 2009, 62; Elfimov 2009) should be considered as one of fundamental reasons for the Russian social anthropology crisis.

Conclusions The institutional organization of social anthropology in Russia not only involves investigations, publications, project applications and cooperation with government services, but also education, popularization of ideas and explanations of society and culture as wide as possible through various channels. For this purpose, the criteria of valuable academic discipline, public policy and market relations are interrelated. The trends of global social change that have taken place in recent decades, including international migration waves, poly-ethnic labour-market formation, internationalization of business in conditions of creating multinational corporations, and the dynamics of a consumer market, have put in claims for development that require more refined instruments of social control and understanding. The contemporary life-world contains consumer preferences, political views and new social relations which lie behind everyday observed interactions that are not only set in the focus of hermeneutic research strategies, but are also formulated as objects of rational regulation for the aims of economics, politics and social administration. But the implicit knowledge can be transmuted into explicit forms for developing organizations and improving manufactured goods and services, and it can also be used to stimulate criticism concerning the apparatuses of social policy. Thus, social anthropological approaches and ethnographic research techniques have a somewhat ambivalent function at the practical scale. They are as close to the centres of production of intellectual and state power discourses and regulation as to the poles of mobilization for the weak to strive for expanding their influence in society against the strong. Our analysis has shown that social anthropology curriculum in Russia is characterized by two peculiar features. On the one hand, key decisions concerning national standard that build a base for a concrete university curriculum have been made without democratic mechanisms. The governance of the standard’s content is over-centralized and controlled by academic clans, which are eager to maintain their symbolic power. A recent shift of the power balance between the sociological and ethnographical groups has changed nothing in the process of key decision making as concerns the standard and content of social anthropological

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training. On the other hand, the national standard has much uncertainty and blurriness and therefore universities have had enough power or stealth to create curricula of an excessively diverse degree. As a result, social anthropology as academic discipline in Russia remains fragmented. Despite the crisis of social anthropology as a university educational program in undergraduate and 5-years diploma programs in Russia, we are not inclined to eschatological conclusions. We find it obvious that social anthropology has a potential way of acquiring a solid basis in Russia, that there is a necessity for institutes and centres to grow with grant support for developing academic research inspired by the strong historical and interpretative scientific tradition. We speak specifically of non-state scientific centres, research projects, disciplinary summer schools, subject seminars and broader conferences. It is likewise important to found new journals, to continue translation and publication of classical literature and new books, to prepare original texts on actual topics by Russian scholars and publish them also in English (e.g. Baiburin et al. 2012). We should expand international cooperation, as well as permitting new themes, perspectives and accents. Obviously, the possibility for university education is not entirely closed, but its configuration would be different. The only resource of possibility we have available is to develop social anthropology as a subject in educational plans with improved directions and to prepare diploma students, masters and post-graduates within other social sciences and humanities disciplines. This means doing the same thing we did during the years we had this program. It is hard to confess, but one should admit the fact that the project of creating a powerful university program in “social anthropology” in Russia based on longstanding international traditions of research and training has for now collapsed. It is incomprehensible to say it, but such an endemic armchair discipline as “kulturologia”, which appeared in the local context on the ruins of historical materialism with the use of ideas from Soviet social philosophy and peculiar references to cultural studies, still remains among the accredited educational disciplines; its positions become even stronger, while social anthropology with its impressive history world-wide and its present status as a profession, with numerous active departments and research centres around the world today ceases to exist in Russia. On the Bachelor degree level it has lost its status and symbolic capital as a profession. Because of the growing deficit of symbolic capital in the field, it would be hard to expect much public discontent concerning the closure of this program in Russian higher education.

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During the higher education reforms in Russia in the 2000s, educational programs on the Bachelors and Masters levels were grouped in so-called ‘directions’ or ‘streams’. According to this classification, a ‘Social Anthropology’ program belonged to the stream of ‘Social Sciences’. In 2010-2011, the Ministry of Education due to the efforts of Valery Tishkov and his colleagues approved the new National Standards for both undergraduate and graduate programs in “Anthropology and Ethnology”. The new program ‘Anthropology and Ethnology’ belongs to the stream of ‘Humanities’, and there is no term ‘social anthropology’ in the name of the new Bachelors and Masters programs. The authors of the new program have attempted to make it more attractive to the conditions of a market economy: the new standard on the Masters level, for instance, claims that graduates of ‘Anthropology and Ethnology’ can work not only in academia and education but also in mass media, and can also be employed in Russian Embassies in foreign countries, as well as work in the corporate sector, as experts in international companies, translators, consultants and managers, etc. In 2013, seven universities announced calls for admission to Bachelors and Masters programs in ‘Anthropology and Ethnology’. Time will tell what life these new programs will have, in which universities they will blossom and what the future will hold for their graduates.

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Hirsch, F. 2005. Empire of Nations: Ethnographic Knowledge and the Making of the Soviet Union. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press. Interview s professorom Valeriem Tishkovim >,QWHUYLHZ ZLWK SURIHVVRU 9DOHU\ 7LVKNRY@  Zhurnal sociologii i sotsialnoy antropologii >-RXUQDORIVRFLRORJ\DQGVRFLDODnthropology@4: P.4-17. Knight, N. 1994. “Constructing the science of nationality. Ethnography in mid-nineteenth century Russia.” PhD diss., Columbia University. Krader, L. 1959. “Recent Trends in Soviet Anthropology.” Biennial Review of Anthropology 1: 155-. Kravchenko, A. I. 2005. Sotsial’naia antropologia, Uchebnoe posobie dlia vuzov >6RFLDO $nthropology. Textbook for higher educational institutions@ Moscow: Akademicheski proekt. Kuznetsov, A. M. 2008. Russian Anthropology: Old Traditions and New Tendencies, Other Peoples Anthropologies. Ethnographic Practice on the Margins, edited by Aleksandar, Boscovic. 20-43. New York: Berghahn Books. Le Coq, J. P. 1941. “The Essence of the Curriculum.” The Journal of Higher Education 1: 24-25. Macheski, G. and Kathleen S. Lowney. 2002. “A Long and Winding Road: Curricular Development as Social-Context-Based Assessment.” Teaching Sociology 4: 454-466. Miniushev, F. I. 1997. Sotsial’naia antropologia (kurs lektsi) >6RFLDO anthropology OHFWXUH FRXUVH @ Moscow: International university of business and management. Mucha, J. 2004. Teaching anthropology in post-1989 Poland, Learning Fields. Vol. 1. Educational Histories of European Social Anthropology, edited by Dorle Dracklé, Iain R. Edgar, and Thomas K. Schippers, 82-94 . New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books. Pochta, Y. M. 2004. Sotsial’naia antropologia. Rabochaia programma >6RFLDO DQWKURSRORJ\ 6\OODEL@ 0RVFRZ 5XVVLDQ XQLYHUVLW\ RI People’s Friendship, accesed on May 21, 2013. http://www.humanities. edu.ru/db/msg/54720. Shectman, S. 2005. “Building Bridges and Traveling through Time: Ethics, Practice, and Priorities in the Second Moscow International Visual Anthropology Film Festival.” American Anthropologist 2: 252256. Skovajsa, M. 2007. “Social anthropology and national ethnography in post-socialist academic fields: partners or rivals? An editor’s summary of the thematic issue of 6RFLRORJLFNê þDVRSLV  &]HFK 6RFLRORJLFDO

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CHAPTER ELEVEN NEW ALTERNATIVES TO THE EDUCATIONAL FOCUS OF LAWYERS IN HIGHER EDUCATION IN POST-SOVIET EUROPEAN SOCIETIES: A LITHUANIAN APPROACH NATALIJA KAMINSKIENE Domestic and international context Lithuania is one of the post-Soviet countries that gained its independence back from the Soviet Union in 1990. After getting independence, most of the ‘reborn’ countries started to rebuild their justice systems to make them more liberal and democratic. But this process was complicated with overloading the minds of the lawyers and Lithuanian people as a whole. People still believed that justice could be done only by the court and in the court and that all other alternatives for solving disputes could not be effective. There were several attempts to establish procedures of arbitration and hearing neutrally in Lithuania, as well as in other Soviet republics during the Soviet period. But none of them proved workable. Most of people thought that litigation was the only way to solve disputes. That situation was not a surprise given that legal education in Lithuania and in most postSoviet societies was oriented to litigation in courts. This led to a lawyer education curriculum that emphasized only civil, criminal and administrative procedures taking place in courts from a professionaloriented point of view regarding judges, prosecutors and attorneys at law. This fact was strongly limiting law students’ abilities to see disputes from a different peace seeking perspective, which would allow them to gain fundamental knowledge regarding primary dispute resolution by out-ofcourt means. Thus, because of the deep-rooted idea that courts should solve absolutely all disputes in society, the legal systems of post-Soviet societies

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soon became overcrowded with large amounts of cases pending in courts. These legal systems were jammed by thousands of disputes brought to courts by members of the ‘litigious’ society. The word ‘freedom’ and the principle of easy access to justice were interpreted literally and caused a crisis in the civil justice systems in most post-Soviet societies. It became clear that some decisive actions needed to be taken to solve this painful problem. One of the possible ways of doing this was to bring new content to the education of future lawyers. Lithuania, along with a group of other post-Soviet countries, entered the Council of Europe in 1993 and the European Union in 2004. On one hand, due to historical experiences, these countries had a pro-litigious approach because the only body entitled to bring justice for the disputants in Soviet times was the court. On the other hand, after entering the Council of Europe and the European Union they could not stay with the same old standards of approach to justice. Thus, these countries were obliged to follow the European Union and Council of Europe regulations in the field of improving access to justice and introducing alternative means of dispute resolution. The most popular among them was ‘mediation.’ In doing so, a glance was taken at dealing with the same problems abroad, also at the legal regulation of the European Union and the Council of Europe. The Green paper on alternative dispute resolution in civil and commercial law1 and the European Code of Conduct for Mediators2 released by the European Commission, a Directive of the European Parliament and the Council on certain aspects of mediation in civil and commercial matters3 passed in 2008. This involved measures taken by the European Union to promote the participants of civil relations to solve their disputes out of court and thus to develop the application of mediation in member states. Since 1999, the members of the Council of Europe have been invited to consider the advantages of mediation and to carry out research and 1

Commission of the European Communities Green Paper on Alternative Dispute Resolution in Civil and Commercial Law COM/2002/0196 final, 19 April 2002, accessed on January 20, 2013. http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ. do?uri=CELEX:52002DC0196:EN: NOT. 2 Commission of the European Communities European Code of Conduct for Mediators, 2 July, 2004, accessed on January 20, 2013. http://ec.europa.eu/ civiljustice/adr/adr_ec_code_conduct _en.htm. 3 Directive 2008/52/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council On Certain Aspects of Mediation in Civil and Commercial Matters, 21 May 2008, accessed on January 20, 2013. http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=OJ:L: 2008:136:0003:0008:En:PDF.

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experiments using mediation in almost all important areas of law. Bearing in mind this purpose, the Council of Europe Committee of Ministers passed recommendations on mediation in civil4 and family law5, penal6 and administrative7 matters that cannot be fulfilled without proper knowledge and qualification of lawyers in the area of mediation. Fresh ideas on restoring peace were introduced in the new civil code and new code of civil procedure in Lithuania in 2001 and 2003. With the support of academic staff, further steps were taken. A pilot project on court-annexed mediation started in Lithuanian courts in 2005 and a new Republic of Lithuania Law on mediation in civil disputes was enacted in 20088. Today we have no argument that no traditional legal systems are able to effectively resolve all public disputes exclusively through courts. Mediation has become an essential element in reforming justice, making it part of every democratic society based on the rule of law. In this context, the development of mediation potential and peaceful settlement of disputes is of a particular importance in post-Soviet countries, which aim at developing effective functioning and easily accessible national justice systems. 4

Council of Europe Committee of ministers Recommendation No. Rec (2002)10 On Mediation in Civil Matters, 18 September, 2002, accessed on January 20, 2013. https://wcd.coe.int/ViewDoc.jsp?Ref=Rec%282002%2910&Sector=secCM&Lang uage=lanEnglish&Ver=original&BackColorInternet=eff2fa&BackColorIntranet=e ff2fa&BackColorLogged=c1cbe6. 5 Council of Europe Committee of ministers Recommendation No. R (98)1 On Family Mediation, 21 January, 1998, accessed on January 20, 2013. https:// wcd.coe.int/com.instranet.InstraServlet?command=com.instranet.CmdBlobGet&In stranetImage=1153972&SecMode=1&DocId=450792&Usage=2. 6 Council of Europe Committee of ministers Recommendation No. R (99)19 On Mediation in Penal Matters, 15 September, 1999, accessed on January 20, 2013. https://wcd.coe.int/ViewDoc.jsp?Ref=Rec%2899%2919&Sector=secCM&Langua ge=lanEnglish&Ver=original&BackColorInternet=eff2fa&BackColorIntranet=eff2 fa&BackColorLogged=c1cbe6. 7 Council of Europe Committee of ministers Recommendation No. Rec (2001)9 On Alternatives to Litigation Between Administrative Authorities and Private Parties, 5 September, 2001, accessed on January 20, 2013. https://wcd.coe.int/ViewDoc. jsp?Ref=Rec%282001%299&Sector=secCM&Language=lanEnglish&Ver=origina l&BackColorInternet=eff2fa&BackColorIntranet=eff2fa&BackColorLogged=c1cb e6. 8 Republic of Lithuania Law on Conciliatory Mediation in Civil Disputes No. X1702, 15 July 2008, accessed on January 20, 2013. http://www3.lrs.lt/pls/ inter3/dokpaieska.showdoc_l?p_id= 404617.

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The paradigm of the legal profession in the 21st century is changing. There is a transition from competition and law enforcement to applying law. This change demands from modern lawyers a thorough understanding of the approach on which mediation is based. Thus, modern national justice systems require legal professionals that are open to alternatives to the classical litigation process and are educated and willing to use innovative methods of work in such challenging conditions. The right place to start educating such lawyers in the area of alternative dispute resolution (hereafter referred to as ADR) and mediation is law schools and universities.

The world-wide practice of learning ADR and mediation According to UK Master of the Rolls Lord Anthony Clarke, “mediation and other forms of ADR should become second nature to litigators, litigants and the courts. ... Education, education, education. I suggest that we should start with the law schools and the professional parties and their lawyers9.” Need for integrating mediation and other ADR methods in training lawyers is an extremely urgent task because the knowledge and skills acquired in the course of such training will significantly improve the professional competence of lawyers and other legal professionals. Inclusion of programs on ADR and mediation in the curriculum is one aspect that combines innovative approaches to learning with the expansion of practical legal skills. Any lawyer should have skills that are necessary for successful mediation, even for a non-practicing ADR. For example, he or she should be able to listen, to solve problems, to be empathetic and creative and be able to remain balanced, purposeful and calm while in the midst of disputes. Knowing nothing about mediation will show that a lawyer is professionally incompetent. In what areas of his or her law practices will a lawyer need knowledge of ADR and mediation? Firstly, in rendering legal services while dealing with disputes; this should enable a lawyer to expand the range of options they may offer to a client for resolving a dispute regardless of whether the dispute has reached the courts or not. Secondly, awareness of out-of-court dispute resolution procedures is essential for corporate lawyers working 9

Clarke A. Mediation—An Integral Part of Our Litigation Culture. Speech at Littleton Chambers annual mediation evening on 8 June, 2009. Paragraph 15, accessed on January 20, 2013. http://www.judiciary.gov.uk/Resources/JCO/Doc uments/Speeches/mr-littleton-chambers-080609.pdf.

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with contracts; lawyers that prepare contracts or interpret them must for example know clauses on the resolution of disputes. According to Melissa Manwaring, specialist in the field of teaching ADR methods, there are different ideas about what should be taught in ADR courses. “Of course, it is possible to teach lawyers how to advise clients on ADR, just giving them information on how these procedures work, what are their advantages and disadvantages in comparing to litigation. It is not difficult to give law students information about the availability of these procedures. That is, a lawyer can get this knowledge and pass it to his or her customers. But teaching factual information on ADR procedures is different from teaching the skills necessary to be the efficient lawyer in the ADR” (Manvaring 2009: 28).

Such teaching requires at least 200 hours of coursework, covering not only theoretical knowledge, but also observable behavioral skills and invisible skills, including internal mental, psychological and philosophical skills that affect a particular mindset of lawyer when advising clients. Though there is no consensus about what is required and what the minimum requirements to the actual learning of such skills are, one thing is clear; the skills and abilities needed in mediation are difficult to teach in a short period of time (for example within 40 hours). The worldwide practice and advanced experience of universities prove that mediation is a particularly relevant area for studies. The law schools and universities of various countries offer law students the possibility of studying ADR and mediation in several forms: (1) integrated into other traditional study subjects (for example, Civil procedure, Criminal procedure, Contract law, Family law, etc.) as additional topics or a block of topics10; (2) courses in ADR (mediation, negotiation etc.) as optional subjects that are only available to senior law students; (3) courses in ADR as optional subjects that are available to all law students; (4) courses in ADR as compulsory subjects for senior law students; (5) independent specialised study programmes of Bachelor (very seldom) of Law or Master of Law (more often) degrees; (6) post-graduate courses for practicing lawyers wishing to gain additional knowledge in the field of ADR and mediation. The latter form of studying ADR and mediation is very important for those lawyers who had no opportunity to study the 10

This form of studying ADR and mediation is used almost by all law schools and universities educating lawyers (for example, by University of Haifa (Israel), Moscow state law academy (Russia), Riga Stradina university (Latvia), Utrecht university (Netherlands).

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discussed field during their law studies. For many lawyers ADR was not part of their standard educational programme. They did not study any ADR or mediation since before the end of their 40s, such topics simply did not exist. Younger lawyers more likely have already had ADR and mediation courses in the programs, while today’s students can choose for themselves or are required to study these subjects. If a law school already has a course on ADR, another issue of pedagogics arises: how to construct the course? Analyses of curriculum materials from teachers and trainers who attended the 2009 Mediation Pedagogy Conference made by Programme on Negotiation staff at Harvard Law School show that all syllabi highlight the breadth of the mediation field, covering divorce, business, community, human relations, environmental and public policy conflicts, and often take a comparative perspective. Not only do they deal with micro-skills and mediation techniques, but they also address broader issues of communication, facilitation, and assisted negotiation. Mediation curricula, however, differs markedly between law schools and non-law schools. Most law school courses examine mediation through the lens of the judicial structure, highlighting the roles that litigators can play in mediation and focusing on mediation skills and frameworks rather than theoretical constructs. Nonlaw courses concentrate on a much broader set of roles that various actors can play in helping to address public, private, and community disputes. Mediation ethics is a focal concern in almost all curricula. All curricula aim to provide students with ethical mediation skills in addition to a theoretical understanding of conflict resolution techniques. Teaching mediation and ADR tends to involve a highly participatory approach to education. Teachers use a wide variety of formats, including lectures, discussions, videos, role-plays, and simulation exercises. Hands on activities, first-hand experiences, and professional guidance are used to enrich mediation and ADR courses.11 It would be extremely difficult to establish uniform worldwide standards of teaching ADR and mediation for lawyers since inevitably there are cultural differences in ADR, as well as in legal and educational systems. The tasks of integrating ADR means and mediation practises into the system of higher professional education of lawyers, as well as for the additional education of law graduates are set by most civilized countries and not surprisingly often become the topic of scientific and practical conferences all over the world. This is probably the most productive way 11

Mediation curriculum: Trends and Variations. Ed. by Programme on Negotiation staff at Harvard Law School, accessed on January 22, 2013. http:// www.pon.harvard.edu/daily/mediation/mediation-curriculum-trends-and-variations.

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of forming approaches to learning ADR and mediation because in the modern world those who are professionally engaged in dispute resolution should act in the same direction, according to the general principles that are the basis for these procedures. In addition, problems of learning alternative methods of dispute resolution have their own national, regional and international contexts and therefore urgently require developing a number of common solutions for all countries. Thus, Lithuanian universities have followed the latest trends and most progressive practices of foreign law schools in changing the educational focus of lawyers and introducing ADR and mediation topics into the national system of higher legal education.

Change of educational focus for lawyers in Lithuania Since 2010, the most progressive universities of Lithuania have introduced new subjects into their existing study programmes for the lawyers such as Alternative dispute resolution, Mediation, Arbitration, Conflict management, Legal negotiation, Restorative Justice. Or they have supplemented existing study subjects (for example, civil procedure, criminal procedure) with topics on mediation and ADR (for example Mykolas Romeris University, Vytautas Magnus University, Vilnius University etc.). The study subject called Basics of Mediation was included into the basic list of university courses of Mykolas Romeris University in 20112012 and can be chosen by students of all specialities and study programmes. In spring 2011, Mykolas Romeris University introduced a challenging new Master degree study programme for lawyers called Mediation that was successfully approved by the Lithuanian Centre for Quality Assessment in Higher Education. This programme was launched in September 2011 and at the moment counts 41 students seeking to become professional master degree lawyers-mediators. The idea to create the Mediation programme was born in 2008 in Mykolas Romeris University at the time of implementing the specialization of Restorative Justice and Mediation in the study programme of Law and Penitentiary Activity, which had been in great demand among students. Therefore, it inevitably had to become a broader, independent study programme of higher quality, eventually in the programme Mediation. The purpose of this programme is to qualify lawyers-mediators and mediation specialists (conciliators, consultants, analysts, administrators)

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by possessing a qualifying Master degree of law. Graduates of the programme would gain the capability to exercise mediation in different disputes using interdisciplinary complex knowledge and practical skills gained during their studies, with the purpose of reaching restoration of social and legal peace between members of society and developing the national ADR system. The main tasks of the programme are: 1. to form competence required for the analysis and settlement of various disputes, arising in the public and private sectors (civil, criminal and administrative justice); 2. to develop prospective specialists’ abilities to create their own workplace and to integrate into the labour market while implementing the practice of mediation individually and/or associated with other professionals and communities; 3. to develop inherent, acquired characteristics and moral values that will allow future mediators to think innovatively and to actively contribute to the development of a conciliatory legal culture and legal consciousness, aiding to the formation of a new paradigm of justice in Lithuania; 4. to shape future specialists’ skills and competences in line with global and European standards, which would allow them to perform mediation practices at the international level (in international organizations, the Council of Europe, the European Union, etc.). Our young lawyers gain a proper understanding from the outset of their legal careers that together with knowledge of traditional court procedure, knowledge and appreciation of mediation and ADR is a necessary part of what it means to be a good lawyer. The study programme Mediation is not only created to emphasise the importance and value of mediation and how and when to advise on it and to conduct it. It is also meant to also put mediation in its proper context as a new means of resolving disputes, but one that does not replace wellestablished legal means such as litigation. Students are taught not only how and when to mediate disputes, but also what is no less important, when not to mediate, when to cease mediation, as well as how not to mediate. Students should thus understand that mediation is not a panacea from all problems of our legal system. Overestimating mediation would cause harm to this new phenomenon, which would be very sad, because it is a valuable and important way of resolving disputes that saves money, effort, and ill-feeling.

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The relevance and timeliness of the study programme Mediation in Lithuania, the need for preparing mediators and specialists of mediation has been supported via positive responses from foreign and Lithuanian social partners, including the Centre for Effective Dispute Resolution (UK), the Bailiffs Chamber of Lithuania, the Lithuanian Ministry of Justice, the Judicial Council of Lithuania, the Lithuanian Prosecutor General’s Office etc. The feedback to us from these institutions indicated a significant need for training mediation specialists. Hence, graduates of the study programme Mediation will gain knowledge and practical skills to meet the needs of the labour market. These specialists are needed for institutions and organizations that provide mediation services, which include those legal system institutions that are constantly faced with various types of disputes, state and local government agencies, nongovernmental organizations, social services and similarlyoriented institutions, as well as business offices that contribute to effective dispute resolution and apply strategic management and quality of cooperation in relationship with customers and business partners. Moreover, according to the Lithuanian law on social services (Article 7) mediation services are included in the list of general social services12. The duration of the study programme is 1.5 years for full-time students and 2 years for part-time students. The scope of the programme is 90 ECTS13 credits. Full-time studies involve 490 academic hours, which are split into the following semesters: first semester 224 academic hours, second semester—208 academic hours, and third semester–58 academic hours. Students are given the opportunity to study the following basic subjects: Mediation (64 academic hours), Alternative dispute resolution (64 academic hours), Jurisdictional dispute resolution (48 academic hours), Social research methodology (48 academic hours), Restorative justice (48 academic hours), Legal negotiation (48 academic hours), Interpersonal and group disputes (64 academic hours), Evaluation and characteristics of parties to the dispute (48 academic hours). During the 12

Republic of Lithuania Law on Social Services No. X-493, 19 January 2006, accessed on January 22, 2013. http://www3.lrs.lt/pls/inter3/dokpaieska.showdoc _l?p_id=437676. 13 European Credit Transfer and Accumulation System (ECTS) is a standard for comparing the study attainment and performance of students of higher education across the European Union and other collaborating European countries. For successfully completed studies, ECTS credits are awarded. One academic year corresponds to 60 ECTS-credits that are equivalent to 1500-1800 hours of study in all countries irrespective of standard or qualification type and is used to facilitate transfer and progression throughout the Union.

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last semester they can choose a particular area of mediation studies— Mediation in civil, criminal or administrative law (40 academic hours)— and are expected to perform mediation practice (18 academic hours). All of the above mentioned subjects combine theory and practice. Teaching and learning methods include lectures, seminars, benchmarking, self-study of literature and summarized material presentation, discussions, mediation simulations and project work. A detailed description of the study programme Mediation can be found on the internet site of Mykolas Romeris University14. We expect that the study programme Mediation will contribute towards deeper positive changes in the legal culture and for peace building in Lithuanian society. As a result, the notion of justice in Lithuania throughout last couple of decades has changed significantly and is still in the process of changes. This is a step-by-step process that does not happen in a day. At the moment, we can say that the restoration of peace and peaceful dispute resolution are becoming meaningful cornerstones of the present civil justice system in Lithuania. The content of legal education inevitably changes. Hence, new challenging alternatives to the educational focus of lawyers in higher education emerge and we are happy to meet these challenges because we believe in mediation and other means of ADR and especially in the urgent need for proper education in this field. We hope that these changes will contribute to the effectiveness not only of Lithuania’s developing legal system and the wellness of our societies, but also that it may become a positive example for the other post-Soviet countries facing similar problems.

Bibliography Clarke A. Mediation—An Integral Part of Our Litigation Culture. Speech at Littleton Chambers annual mediation evening on 8 June, 2009, accessed on January 20, 2013. Paragraph 15. http://www.judiciary.gov. uk/Resources/JCO/Documents/Speeches/mr-littleton-chambers-080609 .pdf. Commission of the European Communities European Code of Conduct for Mediators, July 02, 2004, accessed on January 20, 2013. http:// ec.europa.eu/civiljustice/adr/adr_ec_ code_conduct_en.htm. Commission of the European Communities Green paper on alternative dispute resolution in civil and commercial law COM/2002/0196 final, 14 The description of degree programme Mediation https://stdb.mruni.eu/studiju _programos_aprasas.php?id=1806&l=en (2013-01-22, 14:46).

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April 19, 2002, accessed on January 20, 2013. http://eur-lex.europa.eu/ LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:52002DC0196:EN:NOT. Council of Europe Committee of ministers Recommendation No. R (98)1 On Family Mediation, 21 January, 1998, accessed on January 20, 2013. https://wcd.coe.int/com.instranet.InstraServlet?command=com. instranet.CmdBlobGet&InstranetImage=1153972&SecMode=1&DocI d=450792&Usage=2. Council of Europe Committee of ministers Recommendation No. R (99)19 On Mediation in Penal Matters, 15 September, 1999, accessed on January 20, 2013. https://wcd.coe. int/ViewDoc.jsp?Ref=Rec%2899% 2919&Sector=secCM&Language=lanEnglish&Ver=original&BackCol orInternet=eff2fa&BackColorIntranet=eff2fa&BackColorLogged=c1c be6. Council of Europe Committee of ministers Recommendation No. Rec (2002)10 On Mediation in Civil Matters, 18 September, 2002, accessed on January 20, 2013. https://wcd.coe.int/ViewDoc.jsp?Ref=Rec%28 2002%2910&Sector=secCM&Language=lanEnglish&Ver=original&B ackColorInternet=eff2fa&BackColorIntranet=eff2fa&BackColorLogge d=c1cbe6. Council of Europe Committee of ministers Recommendation No. Rec (2001) 9 On Alternatives to Litigation Between Administrative Authorities and Private Parties, 5 September, 2001, accessed on January 20, 2013. https://wcd.coe.int/ ViewDoc.jsp?Ref=Rec%282001 %299&Sector=secCM&Language=lanEnglish&Ver=original&BackCo lorInternet=eff2fa&BackColorIntranet=eff2fa&BackColorLogged=c1c be6. Directive 2008/52/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 21 May 2008 On certain aspects of mediation in civil and commercial matters, accessed on January 20, 2013. http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUri Serv/LexUriServ.do?uri=OJ:L:20 08:136:0003:0008:En:PDF. Manvaring M. Bez znanij o mediatsii jurist nekompetenten (Without knowledge about mediation a jurist is not competent) // Mediatsija i 3SUDYR0HGLDWLRQDQG/DZ ʋ  Mediation curriculum: Trends and Variations. Ed. by Programme on Negotiation staff at Harvard Law School, accessed on January 22, 2013. http://www.pon.harvard.edu/daily/mediation/mediation-curriculu m-trends-and-variations/. Republic of Lithuania Law on Conciliatory Mediation in Civil Disputes No. X-1702, 15 July 2008, accessed on January 20, 2013. http:// www3.lrs.lt/pls/inter3/dokpaieska. showdoc_l?p_id=404617.

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Republic of Lithuania Law on Social Services No. X-493, 19 January 2006, accessed on January 22, 2013. http://www3.lrs.lt/pls/inter3/dokpaieska. showdoc_l?p_id=437676.

CHAPTER TWELVE TRYING TO IMPLEMENT THE BOLOGNA PROCESS IN RUSSIA: LIMITS AND OUTCOMES OF THE TRANSFORMATION PROCESS HÉLÈNE JOIN-LAMBERT AND TATIANA KREMNEVA The context of this study The European Commission sets higher education as a priority. Therefore, the TEMPUS programme was launched in 1990 in order to enhance the development of a European Higher Education Area (EHEA) shared with countries surrounding the European Union. The programme finances institution-based university cooperation projects aimed at modernizing higher education. Projects must develop and disseminate new curricula, teaching methods or materials. Selection criteria for funding emphasize the role of quality assurance and management (Tempus Programme 2011). As researchers and participants in a TEMPUS Project, we aimed at finding out what kinds of outcomes the project achieved and how they correlate with the declared aims of TEMPUS programme policy in general. As we experienced it in our own project, international cooperation between scholars appears to be one of the main means to reaching the objectives of modernization. Besides, it is assumed that modernization has to happen in the surrounding countries rather than in the European Union member states, with expertise transferred to surrounding countries. This raises the question of interpreting the word ‘cooperation’, since partners in Tempus projects have very different roles depending on the countries they represent.

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The results of the survey we conducted at the end of the project show that the aim of modernization has generally been reached, but also, that initial expectations for the partnership were broader than this. Even though participants declared themselves as rather satisfied with the outcomes on the whole, the actual organization of the project did not allow us to fulfil all the hopes that were linked to it. In this chapter we will discuss whether these limits are linked to our specific Tempus project or rather to the framework of the Tempus programme and to the constraints of the Bologna process, which our project was to implement.

The “Bachelor Curriculum for social work” project The Tempus project in which we have collaborated lasted from January 2009 until December 2011. It was aimed at developing and implementing a Bachelor for Social Work program in the Russian Federation matching Bologna standards, that is: fitting it into the ECTS system, allowing for mobility of students inside and outside of Russia, deepening the theoretical and professional training of social workers oriented towards the actual social work labour market in Russia, using new technologies, reinforcing quality management, renewing methods for evaluating and assessing courses and students. The project also was shaped in order to improve the professional skills of the Russian teaching staff involved in the development of the bachelor programme. Institution Participants Changes Drop-off Questionnaires Russian University 1 5 2 Russian University 2 7 2 1 4 Russian University 3 7 6 German NGO 4 2 0 German University 3 2 Italian University 3 1 French University 2 1 2 British University 1 2 2 0 British University 2 2 2 A German University, with a German NGO assisting the academics in the methodological and administrative work, developed it jointly with three Russian Universities. In addition to these initial partners, colleagues from an Italian University joined the project with the specific task of developing an e-learning platform for the course. British and French Universities were added to the project at the final stage of preparation. The

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first British partner left the project very quickly after it started, so a new partner was proposed to enter the consortium when it was already running. All together, the project involved 9 institutions, represented by 35 individual participants from 5 countries. These numbers include both academics and administrative staff, who either contributed for the whole duration of the project, or at some time during the project. At least 8 individual participants left the project before its end for various reasons: conflicts at the institutional level, end of their institutional work contract, illness, etc. On the whole the stability of the working group and of the consortium was good, except for one Russian institution where participants changed quite often, which became a difficulty and did not allow for enough consistency during the project. The changing administrative staff in the NGO led to some organisational difficulties, which appear throughout the survey. The common work was organised as follows: -

16 international meetings were held in the 3 Universities of the Russian Federation; 6 study visits to EU countries were organised for Russian participants.

During the meetings, Russian partners with the technical support and experience of European colleagues elaborated the 21 modules of the Bachelor course. European partners were asked to prepare presentations related to the organisation of training in social work in their countries. Exchanges on the content of the modules were rather limited. Six conferences were organised during the meetings, where students and colleagues from the faculties were invited. Here the presentations were partly linked to organisational matters, and partly dedicated to the results of research in social work. The work on the modules was mainly the achievement of partnerships between Russian colleagues, because they had to fit not only the Bologna standards, but also, most importantly, the standards of the Ministry of Higher Education of the Russian Federation. The study visits were organised by European partners, in order to show the different organisations that contribute to the education of social workers in EU countries. Visits to Italy also were used for the purpose of implementing e-learning technology. This brief description suggests that the main part of the partnership work and most of the exchanges between colleagues were dedicated to organisational and technical matters, rather than to the content of the courses. The content, potentialities and limits of social work itself and

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research in the area of social work were hardly mentioned during the project, although it seems that they are very closely linked to the training of social workers.

Why and how we realized this survey As all programmes financed by the EU, the TEMPUS programme welcomes evaluations of the projects’ quality and achievements. Also, because the work during the project itself did not allow for in-depth discussions between Russian and European participants, we wished to analyse how participants benefited from the work and what were the different points of view on this experience. In order to keep a balance in our analysis of the results, the choice was made that a European and a Russian academic should conduct the survey jointly.

Understanding the cooperation process rather than measuring outcomes As usual when evaluating programmes, our survey was to measure outcomes of the work done. One of the aims obviously was to provide the EU with some evidence of the effectiveness of our work. Nevertheless, we would like to emphasize that: “Monitoring is not an inspection aimed at identifying weaknesses and making recommendations of censure. Monitoring is a tool to identify resources to optimize the Tempus projects in general and each individual project, which is being monitored. Monitoring also helps to identify problems and jointly implement solutions” (Tempus Russia 2010).

Through this survey, we intended to find out: -

Whether the objectives of the project were met, Whether there were other achievements that were reached, Whether the participants were satisfied with the results of this work.

Finally, through this investigation it was possible to understand how the cooperation process was made possible through the motivation of participants, which expectations were made real through the project, but also, what were the limits of this cooperation process. The analysis of the participants’ answers leads us to identify some of the reasons for such limits.

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The questionnaire 33 months after the start of the Tempus project “Bachelor Curriculum for Social Work”, we have carried out a survey of participants in order to identify their problems and satisfactions with the results of the hard work which was realized on the tasks. The questionnaire included 15 open items and was built on an evaluation model that took into account three dimensions of the intervention process (Boutin, Durning 2008): 1) The initial motivations of the participants, 2) The process of cooperation and the difficulties which were encountered by participants, and 3) The outcomes which they felt were reached or not. This model allows for comparing the achievements with the motivations. Often one can see that firstly, the expectations are not the same for all participants and secondly, the outcomes of the work go beyond the initial expectations. The description of the process helps explain the differences and similarities between initial expectations and final outcomes (Join-Lambert, 2012). In the questionnaire we also distinguished three levels of “participants”: 1) Individual participants (academics), 2) Students, and 3) Universities (institutional level). We asked our colleagues, for instance, which expectations they had for their universities, for their students, and for themselves (at a professional and personal level). The questionnaire was sent in April 2011 by electronic mail in English to all European partners involved, and in Russian to all Russian partners. After having chased them several times, by December 2011 we received seven answers from colleagues from England, Germany, France and Italy, and twelve from the partners of the Universities in Moscow, Kazan and Maykop (Adygea).

Results of the survey Unlike in the questionnaire itself, we will first present the motivations as described by our colleagues and second we will see how the outcomes are related to these motivations. The interpretation of results leads us to separate the answers in two groups depending on the expectations and the position of the partners inside the project. Only in the third part we will analyse the cooperation process and the difficulties mentioned by the partners. In several examples, participants answered differently whether they came from a European country or from Russia.

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Motivations of the participants to the project When we asked about the expectations they had for their University at the beginning of the project, participants of all countries answered in a similar way. The main motivation (44%) was developing international cooperation, developing international partnerships, participating in EU programs (for European partners), and promoting undergraduate programs to reach Bologna standards in Russia and elsewhere. All of this corresponds to the trends of the Bologna Process, which is part of the internationalization of higher education (Kremneva, 2011, 101). Universities have been very interested in learning new technologies in teacher training for students, implementing bachelor curriculum for Bologna standards, and for elearning uses in the educational process. Participants in the survey believed that building professional relationships with major Russian and European universities would increase the prestige and competitiveness of their university, faculty, and/or department. The material benefits were also a major aspect. For example, it was mentioned that in some EU countries, 15% of university incomes depend on developing external resources that come from internationally financed programmes like TEMPUS. Russian partners mentioned the developing infrastructures of their universities, since the project was also aimed at providing them with computers and books. When asked about how they thought the project would benefit their students, 27.7% of the respondents (EU participants) said they did not expect any direct outcomes. Nevertheless, the other participants stated that the project would bring great progress for their students. Many Russian colleagues answered that besides giving their students access to a bachelors degree in line with European standards, it would also increase the quality of their studies. For instance, the use of e-learning technology encourages students towards a more efficient organization of their independent work. Moreover, the application of interactive forms of instruction activates the student group. The scholars’ participation in the project was seen as a factor for the development of a modern Europeanlevel education, including professional competencies required for activities in the field of social work, which would increase the students’ competitiveness in the labour market. Participants underlined that it would be useful for students to have insights into the internationalization processes of social work, and knowledge about the frameworks for social work and practices in several countries. This would be a way of introducing them into the broader context of the profession, into various

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approaches to social development. Some colleagues from EU countries pointed out that enriching their own international experience would also have a direct impact on the contents of their teaching. Participants were asked whether their motivations were linked to their own professional and personal development. No matter which country they came from, 35% of the respondents said they expected to build new international partnerships and a network of academic contacts, in order to develop further international cooperation projects. Many participants said they hoped to gain new skills in working for EU projects, to develop stronger professional opportunities in the transfer of “know-how” through international cooperation and teamwork (EU participants), to discover a new profession of “social work”, to gain skills in developing a bachelor curriculum and to practise foreign languages (Russian participants). Russian participants also underlined that participation in the curriculum development, developing new practice-oriented teaching methods, learning new technologies and work methods, national as well as foreign, would have a positive impact on the professional practice of teaching. Russian and European colleagues similarly stated their strong interest to learn more about the Bologna process and its standards, and about the systems and practices of social work, as well as the training of social workers in other countries. Other expectations were to participate in national and international publications, to add the various international activities of the project to one’s CV (although this is reported to be rather ‘decorative’). More experienced colleagues (10%) were also interested in just traveling and discovering new countries and cultures, meeting new people. On the whole, many participants said they were led by the motivation of identifying similarities and differences between countries and people, not only at a professional level.

Did outcomes meet expectations? On some points, all participants agreed on the success of the project and on the fact that outcomes have been achieved. 50% of the survey’s respondents underlined the positive development of international cooperation and the exchange experience with other colleagues. 27.7% of respondents indicated that their expectations were met, and 30% of respondents did not indicate any additional results that had not been part of the initial tasks of the project. The universities mainly received the material benefits that had been expected. Russian participants reported that they were provided with new

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technical possibilities for realizing the educational process, such as computers, interactive whiteboards, copy machines, and updates to their libraries with both Russian and foreign literature. Some of them, though, complained about books and computers arriving only at the very end of the project. In the educational system of the Russian Federation, the rating of universities is increased through participation in projects. Our project also opened up new possibilities, strengthened our academic links in terms of developing new curricula and modern projects. In one of the participating universities, the Tempus project contributed to the discovery of social work as a new profession. Two years after this project was completed, we can add that as a continuation of this Tempus project, two further projects have been submitted to the EU, one of which was successful in 2012 and is being financed in the Erasmus Mundus Programme. Concerning the outcomes for students that were reached during the project, the most valuable one mentioned by participants was that they could take advantage of training based on international standards. When the meetings took place in Russia and in England, students had the opportunity to communicate with professors from other universities, both national and international, which gave them a deeper and more expanded understanding of social work, and allowed them to get acquainted with social problems, policies and social work practice in several countries, as well as with the requirements of the Bologna Agreements. As for the participants at an individual level, many positive outcomes were underlined. The Russian teaching staff improved their skills, received theoretical and practical experience training social workers in Germany, France, Italy and England, got trained for practice-oriented and distance learning, in particular using the virtual learning platform Moodle. For developing professional practices, the project helped them to organize existing knowledge and experience, as well as to gain a deeper understanding of many aspects of the theory and practice of social work in Europe. 16.6% of respondents pointed out the importance of developing skills to work in Moodle, especially since e-learning is beginning to be widely used in the system of higher and further education in Russia. Many of them answered they had acquired a great experience in developing teaching materials on the basis of a competence-based approach for training students and of the modular system (Professional Education and Training of Bachelors in Social Work, 2011). Indeed, for each module of the new undergraduate curriculum, the team developed educational and methodological complexes, including brief descriptions of the modules,

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core competencies and their indicators (National Qualifications Authority of Ireland, 2006). During the project, Russian participants had a chance to actively apply their experiences gained by implementing the educational process in their universities. Since the period of the project coincided with Russia’s transition to a two-tier system of education, this knowledge and new skills occurred as precious and timely. Some Russian participants also stated that their motivation to apply their foreign language skills was fulfilled. Many respondents noted that the project brought together and even befriended the Russian and European participants. Russian experts expressed great interest in the presentations made by European colleagues during the project (at meetings and conferences). It was noted that new contacts with partners had provided opportunities for developing new solutions and collaborative research. Promising new perspectives on cooperation with foreign and Russian partners were outlined as well. Each year during the project (2009-2011), all participants had the opportunity to publish some research articles in special issues of the Journal of the Moscow State Regional University, and the Tempus project also gave the opportunity for publications elsewhere.

Different points of views When comparing answers from EU colleagues and Russian colleagues, one can observe some significant differences in the evaluation of the project. It was noted by some EU partners (15%) that they lacked the knowledge about research and practice in social work in Russia that was one of the main motivations to participate in this project. Also, they had missed discussions between European and Russian professionals about the contents of the curriculum and of the lectures, and about the reality and the values of social work. They criticized a “too bureaucratized process due to the pressure of national standards in higher education”, which did not allow proper focus on the competencies, knowledge and expected outcomes of students’ training. Unlike what they had expected, the cooperation was focussed mainly on administrative and formal aspects of the curriculum. Some said they had the feeling that Russian partners acted as ‘consumers’ who expected EU partners to deliver knowledge, expertise, and organize trips to Europe. Some Russian respondents also stated their expectations were not fulfilled, but for opposite reasons: they had expected

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more study visits to Europe and more visiting lecturers coming from European universities to Russia. So at this stage of the analysis, we can outline several differences between expectations on both sides: some European participants had expectations that were opposed to the Russians’ expectations. European partners consider these differences as a major burden for cooperation, whereas Russian partners would state that compromises could always be found during the cooperation. Looking at the achievements of the project, Russian partners emphasized the success in implementing an internationally recognized Bachelor degree and adding new teaching methodologies. On the other hand, European partners criticized that the Bologna standards were implemented purely formally and only at the administrative level (ECTS, modules), whereas no cooperation happened at the level of teaching content. Likewise, identifying links between research and teaching were not made clear.

Difficulties during the project 25% of our respondents indicated they had not encountered any problems. Among the other answers, the problem that was most commonly mentioned was communication. In communicating with colleagues from other countries, the language barrier was underlined by 23% of the participants, whereas 53% did not mention any issue about language, but rather enjoyed the dialogue, although many respondents acknowledged that some time for adaptation was necessary to find the right way of communicating. In the initial project, it was agreed upon that English would be the common language through the whole project. Nevertheless, many participants, including the leaders of the three Russian teams, did not understand English or any other consortium language (French, German, and Italian). Although translation was provided during the formal meetings, some working documents were not translated from Russian to English, which made it difficult for the non-Russian speaking partners to participate in the discussions. In the survey, some organizational problems were pointed out as a source of difficulties for the partnership. The fact that some individuals as well as institutional participants left and were replaced during the working process was mentioned as a disturbing factor. About 17% of respondents expressed the need to keep the first same team in the project and were concerned that the change of participants led to misinforming the entire team of a university. Staff training, they believe, is not only a means of improving skills at the individual level, but also

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primarily as a tool for improving the organization as a whole. This obviously requires a high level of stability within the institutional team. Respondents from European universities (15%) noted difficulties for their institution regarding financial transactions. Several colleagues reported difficulties linked with the large number of meetings. But these were part of the initial project, and one could argue that frequent meetings held up a group tone, thereby achieving the objectives of the project consortium. Some participants also complained about the lack of planning, leading to frequent last-minute changes of dates for the scheduled meetings. Also, they lacked practical support for the execution of travels and meetings, which eventually meant that they could not attend certain meetings. It is worth mentioning here that the NGO that managed the project had a great role in the organization and success of the project. Participants in the survey reminded us that it would have been impossible to manage the project without these partners although the last year of the project was worse because of staff shorting in this organization. This explains why participants were disappointed about the financial and organizational management, and the organisational support for the planned activities. For Russian colleagues, the main difficulty was associated with developing modules and UMK (study-methodological set) (22.2%), as the concept of a competence-based approach is relatively new in their domestic sphere of higher education. Difficulties in cooperation between organizations were mostly not outlined (61%). Answers were given that partners were able to share ideas and thoughts, even if they maybe did not always agree with the new approaches and proposed systems or processes. As a recommendation, some Russian participants suggested learning to make decisions collectively, patiently listening to each other without condemnation for having a different opinion. This seems to be an indirect way of criticizing other partners’ behaviour, but the survey itself does not give any information on which partner(s) is meant, whether Russian or European. However, many conversations we had during the project give us a possible interpretation of these answers. Thus, the Russian participants from provincial universities repeatedly expressed their feeling that some of the Moscow partners lacked respect towards them. Some European participants mentioned the hierarchical traditions inside Russian universities as an obstacle to serious partnership. This turned out to be an issue when European teams were organizing study visits for the Russian colleagues who had been participating in the project and therefore had some knowledge basis of social work and training of

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social workers. But in each trip to Europe, some members of the actual team could not participate, because the deans of the partner universities and members of their families took the place of scholars who had worked on the bachelor curriculum. These people did not attend most of the visit programme that had been worked out in EU countries, and when they did, they showed lack of knowledge about social work and the Bologna process. This peculiarity of the Russian higher education system seriously damaged the partnership during these trips.

Conclusion: Limits of international cooperation in Higher Education under Bologna If we try to summarize the results of this survey, we can state that all respondents agree on the fact that major goals of the initial project were reached, namely: formal standards of Bologna like ECTS and modules were implemented, and the Bachelor course in social work was opened in three Russian universities. Some of the initial expectations of participants were met only partially. Thus, changes in approaches to training and teaching have occurred, but changes from knowledge-based teaching to competence-based curriculum still had to be implemented more deeply. Also, the balance between theoretical teaching and professional practice within the training was not reached in the curriculum, although there obviously was a significant shift compared to the former training of social workers in Russia. Finally, some of the expectations were not reached or were not discussed at all within the project: no work was done within the partnership on the contents of teaching, and the links between teaching and research on social work in Russia are still not clear. This has to be considered as a failure in this partnership, since the goal of the project was not only the professional development of teachers involved in undergraduate programs in collaboration with educational institutions in member countries of the EU as countries that have started the Bologna process, but also to develop a curriculum for Bachelor studies in social work in order to deepen the theoretical knowledge and professional training of social workers. As for the limits of this cooperation process, besides the organisational difficulties that hardly can be avoided in projects of this dimension, it has to be pointed out that obviously the partners’ objectives were divergent, and were met to various extents. Indeed, partners from Russia mainly say their objectives were achieved:

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1. Getting knowledge about Bologna standards, social work training and research in EU countries 2. Travelling to EU countries But several European partners say their main expectations were not met: 1. Gaining knowledge about social work practice in Russia 2. Making links between teaching and research in the contents of the Bachelor curriculum. We would like to suggest two possible interpretations of these differences. First, some of the European partners joined the ‘Bachelor Curriculum in Social Work’ project after a great deal of work had already been done on the partnerships’ objectives. This may have led to different understandings of the notion of ‘partnership’. Thus, the conception that underpinned the factual organization during these three years was based on a formal, unidirectional transfer of knowledge (about ECTS and modules) and of services (through e-learning and study visits) from European countries to the Russian Federation. This understanding of partnership places the partners from EU countries in a position of those who possess knowledge and expertise, and the partners from Russia in a position of ‘clients’ who want this knowledge with expertise to be delivered to them. The other understanding of partnership is a rather comprehensive one that places partners on equal levels of knowledge and experience, though in different cultures, and that allows for an exchange of approaches facilitated through discussions. This understanding drove a minority of the participants in the project who had joined the project after it was written. Even when there were attempts to share knowledge, e.g. when Russian colleagues presented their own system of university quality assurance, hardly any European partner was present and obviously the translation did not make it easy to understand. So knowledge sharing was difficult not only because of different interpretations of partnership, but also because of the lack of planning the contents for each meeting, and not least because of the language barrier. Does the framework of the TEMPUS programme allow for including both understandings of partnership? It seems that delivering knowledge does not exclude the possibility of having exchanges about different kinds of knowledge. But this depends also on the interests of each of the participants. As we saw, a glance at the initial motivations stated by the majority of the Russian participants shows that their main expectation was

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not to exchange knowledge but rather to receive new knowledge. Secondly, our project can probably be considered as a typical illustration of the concept of ‘modernization of higher education’ that is at the base of the TEMPUS programme of the EU, and that is embedded in the Bologna declaration of 1999. Indeed, the consequences of the Bologna process on higher education have been criticized by a group of European scholars (Schultheis, Roca I Escoda, Cousin, 2008, 9), who noticed that modernization often happened only at the formal level, leading to a shortening of the medium duration of studies, reinforcing school-type learning instead of university-like autonomous studying, and achieving a lower level of scientific knowledge and competencies for the majority of students, who don’t go further than the Bachelor program. In this perspective, our survey shows that the implementation of the Bachelor of Social work in Russia followed exactly the same logic as other bachelor degrees in Europe. Thus, it meets the requirements of the Tempus programme that aims at strengthening a common model of higher education in Europe.

References Boutin, G., and Durning, P. 2008. Enfants maltraités ou en danger. L’apport des pratiques socio-éducatives. Paris : L’Harmattan. Join-Lambert, H., (ed.) 2012. Les accueils de jour en protection de l’enfance. Une nouvelle place pour les parents? Paris: L’Harmattan. Kremneva, T. L. 2011. Professional education and training of social workers abroad (the British Commonwealth). LAP LAMBERT Academic Publishing. Kremneva, T., Milova H. 2011. Monitoring of implementation of joint European TEMPUS project “Bachelor curriculum for social work”. Materials of the international scientific and practice conference on the results of the joint TEMPUS - project Bachelor Curriculum for Social Work. Moscow: MGOU. National Qualifications Authority of Ireland. 2006. “The Bologna Qualifications Framework”, last uploaded: December 2012. http:// www.nqai.ie/documents/bologna summary.pdf. Schultheis, F., Roca i Escoda, M., Cousin P. F. (eds). 2008. Le cauchemar de Humboldt. Les réformes de l’enseignement supérieur européen. Paris : Raisons d’agir. Tempus Programme. 2011. “Tempus IV (2007-2013): Overview of the Programme”, last updated: 06/07/2011. http://eacea.ec.europa.eu/ tempus/programme/about_tempus_en.php.

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Tempus Russia. 2010. “Monitoring proektov”, accessed on November 2012. www.tempus-russia.ru/monitor.htm.

CHAPTER THIRTEEN THE MAKING OF BIOETHICS IN SOUTH-EASTERN EUROPE: SOME CROATIAN EDUCATIONAL PERSPECTIVES IVA R,1ý,û$1'AMIR MUZUR The emergence of bioethics in South-Eastern Europe in the early 1990’s is strongly connected with broader transitional processes, present not only in the field of political and economic systems, but also social, cultural and educational processes. Leaving behind a political system with an ascribed tradition and orientation, the countries of South-Eastern Europe (some of them facing strong opposition, including military aggression) found themselves in a position lacking a theoretical and practical framework for the new social situation. Awareness of new possibilities in establishing a new, more historically and ideologically corresponding value system, but at the same time in the absence of suitable resources, often resulted in adopting already existing practices from Western countries. Like all other social institutions and systems, the educational system in South-Eastern Europe has been confronted with demands for changes. At the same time, it has faced many problems: decreasing financial support from the state, the opening of private educational institutions (not always providing the best value for money), the brain drain of well-educated young people, the abolition of existing curricula and general unpreparedness to adopt and develop new ones. At medical universities in the region, the new trends of the 1990’s were manifested in replacing Marxian and self-management theories by other courses, such as medical sociology, the history of medicine, medical ethics and finally, bioethics. In this paper we will tell about the story of bioethics in South-Eastern Europe.

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A Bioethics History Primer At the beginning of the 1970s, after several decades of experience as a productive scientist in the field of oncological biochemistry, Van Rensselaer Potter (1911-2001), then professor at the University of Wisconsin, published two papers and a book (Potter 2007), introducing the concept of a new discipline: bioethics. Potter conceived bioethics as a bridge between the natural sciences and humanities, bringing ‘science’ closer to (lost, weakened, neglected, or forgotten) ‘values.’ In formulating his credo, Potter was influenced by several features, including his own experiences as a scientist (studying cell homeostasis), the pressures of technological progress, some works by Pierre Teilhard de Chardin, Rachel Carson, Aldo Leopold, and Margaret Mead, the American philosophy of pragmatism, etc. For Potter, the ultimate goal for natural sciences and humanities must not be knowledge for its own sake, but the wisdom of how to use that knowledge properly. Another scientist important for the history of bioethics embraced Potter’s idea. André Hellegers (1926-1979) was a Dutch obstetrician and fetal physiologist who had struggled to change the teaching of the Roman Catholic Church on fertility control. He founded Georgetown University’s Joseph and Rose Fitzgerald Kennedy Institute of Ethics in Washington. By associating the Institute’s orientation with Potter’s notion of bioethics, Hellegers institutionalized and, in a way, ‘saved’ Potter’s teaching (Reich 1999), but at the same time limited Potter’s bioethics to questions of medicine, or (new) medical ethics. Such an approach in bioethics, embraced with legal pragmatism, methodological principalism and individual values (primarily autonomy) is still present in American bioethics, which emphasizes the dilemmas of medical and health practices (e.g. abortion, euthanasia, organ transplantation, gene technology, life quality) and is resistant toward new world trends in bioethics. As a result, Potter had been acknowledged as the founder of bioethics, that is, until recently. At the beginning of the new millennium, a series of papers was published that promoted the discovery of the term ‘bioethics’ as having been coined much earlier, in 1926, by a German theologian and teacher, Fritz Jahr (1895-1953). Jahr, however, took his starting place from quite different influences and sources, like pietism, the philosophies of Immanuel Kant and Friedrich Schleiermacher, and even Buddhism. Jahr’s Bio-Ethik was coined from ‘bios’ and ‘ethics,’ while Potter coined the term out of ‘biological sciences’ and ‘ethics¶ FI 5LQþLü DQG 0X]XU 2012). Jahr conceived of a purely philosophical notion, while Potter tried to provide a philosophical background for a practical discipline. Jahr

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probably would have not associated bioethics primarily with medical problems, whereas Potter thought of medicine as applied biological science when he was advocating for a ‘new ethics.’

Bioethics in Croatia $FFRUGLQJ WR +ODþD WKH EHJLQQLQJ RI DFWXDOL]LQJ QHZ KXPDQ ULJKWV approaches in medicine in South-East Europe started in 1984 by introducing the postgraduate course “Human Rights in Medicine” (June, 3-9, 1984) at the Inter-University Centre for Postgraduate Studies in Dubrovnik, Croatia. Representing the Faculty of Medicine at the University of Zagreb, the course director was Slobodan Lang at the time, the Yugoslav Centre for Medical Ethics and Life Quality was represented RQ EHKDOI RI LWV SUHVLGHQW 3DYOH *UHJRULü 1HDU 'XEURYQLN LQ 3pFV (Hungary), several years later (1989) one of the most influential American bioethical units—the Hastings Centre (New York) organized the first EastWest Bioethics Conference. Having in mind the importance of the historical moment, and the previously mentioned political changes in the region, it is clear that these events played an important role in introducing bioethics in South-Eastern European countries. A year later, the host of a second conference was again Dubrovnik’s Interuniversity Centre. According to available materials, “that was the first official introducing of >WKH@ WHUP DQG FDWHJRU\ Rf bioethics in academy fields, in the region of >WKH@ 6RFLDO )HGHUDO 5HSXEOLF RI )ULW] -DKU DQG WKH HPHUJHQFH RI (XURSHDQ ELRHWKLFV@ Zagreb: Pergamena.

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Sass, H. M. 2007. “Fritz Jahr´s Bioethischer Imperativ: 80 Jahre Bioethik in Deutschland von 1927 bis 2007.” Medizinethische Materialien (175): 1-33. —. 2008a. “Fritz Jahr’s 1927 concept of bioethics.” Kennedy Institute of Ethics Journal 17 (4): 279-295. —. 2008b. “%LRHWLþNL LPSHUDWLY )ULW]D -DKUD 0 godina bioetike u 1MHPDþNRM RG 1927 do 2007 godine”. Translated into Croatian by Suzana Jurin, %LRHWLþNLVYHVFL (61): 5-44. ten Have, H. and B. Gordijn. 2012. “Regions, concepts and integrations.” Medicine, Health Care and Philosophy. 15 (4): 363-364. The Hastings Center. 1980. The Teaching of Ethics in Higher Education: A Report by the Hastings Centre. New York: Hastings Centre. Thorton, B. C., Callahan, D. and J. Lindemann N. 1993. “Bioethics Education: Expanding the Circle of Participants.” Hastings Centre Report. 23 (1): 25-29.

LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS Sjur Bergan is Head of the Council of Europe’s Education Department. He is a member of the Bologna Follow Up Group and co-chairs its working group on structural reforms. He was a member of the editorial group for the Council’s White Paper on Intercultural Dialogue and a main author of the Lisbon Recognition Convention. Sjur Bergan is series editor of the Council of Europe Higher Education Series and editor or co-editor of many of the books in the Series. He is the author of Qualifications: Introduction to a Concept and Not by Bread Alone as well as numerous articles. Olga Breskaya is Head of the Research Division of the European Humanities University and associate professor of sociology in the Department of Social and Political Sciences. She holds a PhD in sociology and her research interests are in sociology of religion, culture and transformation processes in the borderlands region of Eastern Europe. She is the author of books: Political, Linguistic, and Religious Boundaries as Distinctive Creative Space: Why New Ideas are Generated in Border Lands (with Oleg Bresky, 2012), Individual and Corporation within Public Space (with Svetlana Suveika, 2011 in Russian), and diverse articles on value analysis of social dynamics preconditions in Eastern Europe including: “University in Belarus: the Grounds and the Prospects” (Logic in Central and Eastern Europe History, Science, and Discourse, 2012). Oleg Bresky is Head of the Department of Law and Centre of Constitutionalism and Human Rights at the European Humanities University. He holds a PhD in law and focuses his research on issues of constitutional law, normative order and civic education in Eastern Europe. Among his recent books are: Locality: Towards normative grounds of social place and order (with Zivile Adviloniene, 2011), Political, Linguistic, and Religious Boundaries as Distinctive Creative Space: Why New Ideas are Generated in Border Lands (with Olga Breskaya, 2012). Sari Eriksson is a doctoral student of the Department of Behavioural Sciences at the University of Helsinki and the Finnish Graduate School for

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Russian and East European Studies of the Aleksanteri Institute. She is a member of the Research Unit on New Politics, Governance and Interaction in Education (KUPOLI). Her research interests include international higher education policy, Russian higher education reforms and comparative education. Her most recent publication is The Role of the Quality Assurance in Russian Higher Education Policy (2013). $GDP*HQGĨZLáá is a sociologist and human geographer, Ph.D. candidate at the Institute of Sociology and academic assistant in the Department of Local Policy and Development, University of Warsaw. In 2011/12, he was a Fulbright visiting researcher in the Department of Political Science at Northwestern University. His research interests comprise: local and regional politics, political parties and new forms of political representation in democracies. He is currently finishing his dissertation on the anti-party syndrome in Poland after 1989. Elena Iarskaia-Smirnova is a Doctor of Sociology, PhD and Professor in the Department of General Sociology at the National Research University ‘Higher School of Economics’ in Moscow, Russia. Her research interests include sociology of professions, gender, disability, social policy and the public sphere. Her most important publications are Disability in Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union: History, policy and everyday life, (Routledge 2013); Gender and Class in Russian Welfare Policy: Soviet Legacies and Contemporary Challenges (University of Goteborg, 2011); Social work with people with disabilities. (St. Petersburg, 2005, in Russian); Social policy and social work: gender aspects (Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2004, in Russian). Helene Join-Lambert is a Maître de Conférences (tenure Assistant Professor) in Educational Sciences at the Université Paris Ouest Nanterre La Défense, France. She holds a PhD in Sociology and is specialising in child and family welfare services, child protection, cross-European comparisons and research methodology. She edited Les accueils de jour en protection de l’enfance. Une nouvelle place pour les parents? in 2012 and Traité d’éducation familiale together with G. Bergonnier-Dupuy and P. Durning in 2013. Sunatullo Jonboboev is a Senior Research Fellow of the University of Central Asia, specializing in teaching and research of humanities and social sciences in Central Asia, relations of philosophy and religion in the Middle Ages and preservation of cultural heritage in the mountainous regions. He is a member of the Editorial Board of the academic journal,

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Dissertation Council of the Institute of Philosophy of ASRT, co-author of History of Tajik Philosophy, a 3 volume book published in Tajikistan (2011-2013) and dozens of articles on humanities presented and published abroad. Previously, he was Senior Programme Manager of the Aga Khan Humanities Project and co-author of 8 multicultural and interdisciplinary courses for Central Asian students. Natalija Kaminskiene is associate professor and Director of the Institute of Communication and Mediation at Mykolas Romeris University. She is a practicing attorney at law and member of several institutional committees on mediation set up in Lithuania. She holds a PhD in law and is one of the first people to introduce mediation to Lithuania, working on its implementation. Her dissertation, Alternative Civil Dispute Resolution was the first to open scientific discussions on mediation in Lithuania. Dr. Kaminskiene was the head of a working group that in 2010 created the first Lithuanian master of law study program named Mediation. Natalija is a researcher in the field of mediation, author of several books and numerous scientific articles in scholarly journals. Eduard Klein studied Eastern European Cultural Studies and Sociology at the University of Bremen, Germany and at St. Petersburg State University in Russia. He works as a research assistant at the Research Centre for East European Studies at the University of Bremen and is a scholarship holder of the Heinrich Böll Foundation. Currently he is writing his doctoral thesis about anti-corruption reforms in the higher education sphere in Russia and Ukraine. Tatiana Kremneva is a professor in the Social Work Department at the Moscow City Teacher-Training University. She is a member of the European Association of Schools of Social Work. Tatiana was the editor of the Conference materials “Modernisation of Higher Education”. She is the author of numerous articles (more than 100) about education and the training of social workers. Tatiana Kremneva holds a doctoral degree in pedagogy. The title of her dissertation was “Education and Training of Social Workers in British Commonwealth Countries”. Andrei Laurukhin is Doctor of Philosophy and associate professor in the Department of Social and Political Sciences at the European Humanities University. Among his recent publications are: “The political foundation of the university,” (2012, in Russian), “The effects of the 20-year transformation of higher education in Belarus,” (2012, in Russian), “The White Book of Reforms: an analysis of political, economic, legal,

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institutional and cultural barriers to the reform of higher school in Republic of Belarus” (2013, in Russian), and “Bologna Process as Way of Modernization of the Higher Education System in Belarus” (2014, in Russian). Anatoli Mikhailov Anatoli Mikhailov is Rector of the European Humanities University, professor in the Department of Social and Political Sciences, and member of the Belarusian National Academy of Sciences. Anatoli Mikhailov holds a PhD in philosophy, and his research interests focus on the history of German philosophy, M. Heidegger’s fundamental ontology, methodology in the humanities, and philosophy of science. He recently published “Is Philosophy Possible in the Contemporary University?” (Topos, 2012), “University in Exile: The Experience of the Twenty-First Century” (Social Research, 2009), “Goethe, Hamann, Hegel und das Erbe des deutschen Idealismus im Detlef Ignasiak und Lindner Frank” (Goethe-Spuren: in Literatur, Kunst, Philosophie, Politik, Pädagogik und Übersetzung, 2009). Amir Muzur is a full professor and Head of the Department of Social Sciences and Medical Humanities at the Faculty of Medicine in the University of Rijeka, Croatia. He got his M.A. in 1993 (University of Rijeka), in Medieval Studies (1996, CEU, Budapest, Hungary) and PhD in Cognitive Neuroscience (2000, ISAS, Trieste, Italy). In 2001-2002, he worked at the Laboratory of Neurophysiology at Harvard Medical School and in 2005-2009 as the Mayor of Opatija (Croatia). Currently he is the Director of the Fritz Jahr Documentation and Research Centre for European Bioethics, editor-in-Chief of Jahr, and President of the Croatian Bioethics Society. Professor Amir Muzur is the author of more than 20 books and 400 papers. Iva Rincic works as an assistant professor at the University of Rijeka, Faculty of Medicine, teaching medical sociology and medical ethics. She has a degree in sociology and Croatian culture, MA in political sciences and obtained a PhD (2010) in ethics/bioethics. She has participated in numerous scientific conferences and projects, published more than 40 articles and 3 books (Bioethics and responsibility in genetics; European bioethics: ideas and institutions; and Fritz Jahr and the emergence of European bioethics). Her scientific interests are in the history of European bioethics, sociology of bioethics and bioethics institutionalisation. Pavel Romanov is a Doctor of Sociology, PhD, Professor in the Department of Socio-Economic Systems and Social Policy at the National

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Research University ‘Higher School of Economics’ in Moscow and director of the Centre for Social Policy and Gender Studies in Saratov, Russia. His research interests include anthropology of professions and organisations, studies of social inequality and welfare state representations. His most important publications include: Methods of applied social research (Moscow: Variant, 2008 in Russian); Social policy in contemporary Russia: ideology and everyday life (Moscow: Variant, 2008, in Russian); and Disability policy: the social citizenship of people with disabilities in today’s Russia (Saratov, 2005, in Russian). Agata Stasik is a sociologist, PhD candidate in the Institute of Sociology at the University of Warsaw. Her interest in higher education policy led her to the field of science and technology studies (STS), while social aspects of new technologies implementation are currently her main field of specialization. She has experience in policy-oriented social research. She worked as an expert in the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education and was awarded scholarships by the OEaD and Swedish Institute. Petr Sýkora is currently working as an assistant professor and secretary of the Department of Pedagogy and Psychology at the Institute of Interdisciplinary Studies (IMS) in Brno where he also lectures on social pedagogy and the theory of education. He obtained PhD in Pedagogy and is a member of the main committee of the Czech Pedagogical Society. His professional interest focuses on the sphere of educational and preventive influences on children and youth, and has been recently working on social adaptation issues from the point of view of dispositions, conditions and the possibilities of improving individual social adaptability powers. Sofiya Zahova is an assistant professor in the Balkan Ethnology Department at the Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Studies, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences. Her main research interests are in the field of Ethnicity, Balkan Studies, Roma/Gypsies, minorities, and nation-building policies in the Balkans and former Yugoslavia. Her publications include the book Montenegro after Yugoslavia: Dynamics of Identity in Montenegro (in Bulgarian) and the articles “The Language Issue in the Context of Minorities: Identity Policies in Montenegro” (in Vol. 10 of the European Yearbook of Minority Issues), “Ethnographic Studies on the Montenegrin Festive Costume as National Symbol”, and others.

INDEX academic self-governinig, 31, 45, 85 academic units, 32, 45 accountability, 50, 53, 60 accreditation process, 75 administration, 35, 38, 44, 45, 46, 56, 79, 84, 119, 157, 173, 175, 176, 180, 185 administrative measures, 60 administrative resources, 75 admission policy, 152, 156, 160 admission process, 152, 153, 156, 162 Aga Khan Humanities Project, 107, 109, 110, 112, 123, 125, 234 American Councils for International Education, 160 Amsler S., 111, 117 Anderson B., 111, 132, 139, 140, 141, 144 anthropology, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 175, 176, 177, 178, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 235 anti-globalism, 121 Anzenbacher A., 94, 99, 103 area of alternative dispute resolution, 194 Arkoun M., 111 Aslan R., 111 assessment, 53, 60, 81, 82, 120, 156, 157, 159, 164, 184 autonomous academic community, 27 autonomous structure, 28 autonomous University, 20, 21, 29 Bakhtin M., 116 Beecham R., 50, 64

Belarus, v, vii, 2, 3, 13, 14, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22, 24, 26, 27, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 84, 86, 88, 89, 90, 91, 159, 232, 234 Belarusian State University, 17, 77, 88 Berheide C.W., 181, 187 Berka W., 19, 21, 30 Bildung, v, 2, 12 bioethics, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 235 Board, 27, 28, 43, 44, 224, 233 Bologna Declaration, 6, 7, 8, 81, 122 Bologna model, 76, 84 Bologna process, 57, 59, 63, 66, 68, 72, 77, 81, 83, 88, 89, 121, 124, 128, 204, 209, 214, 216 Boltanski L., 176, 188 Bourdieu P., 120, 182 Central and Eastern Europe, 232 Central Asia, vi, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 163, 233 centralization, 69, 85, 174, 175 Chairs of departments, 179 challenging conditions, 194 civic virtues, 108, 112, 126 collaboration, 76, 86, 214, 221, 226, 227 commercialization, 75, 78, 79, 89, 97, 100, 101, 102 Commonwealth of Independent States, 57, 58, 59, 80, 89, 108

Reforming Social Sciences “community” strategy, 37, 38, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46 competence, 176, 194, 198, 210, 213, 214 competitive environment, 75, 77, 78 competitiveness, 32, 33, 59, 60, 62, 63, 94, 97, 98, 99, 100, 121, 208 Conference of Rectors of Polish Academic Schools, 33, 35, 37 cooperation, viii, x, 4, 10, 14, 38, 59, 86, 123, 159, 161, 185, 199, 203, 206, 207, 209, 211, 212, 213, 214 corporate University culture, 21 corporate values, 22, 23, 25 corporations, 19, 20, 22, 79, 85, 101, 181, 185 corruption, 63, 84, 118, 119, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 234 Council of Europe, 4, 6, 7, 8, 11, 15, 16, 157, 192, 193, 198, 201, 222, 229, 232 ýRYLü$., 221, 223, 224 creativity, 96 Croatia, 7, 143, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 229, 235 Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts, 223 cultural studies, 108, 116, 234 curriculum, 108, 109, 110, 111, 122, 125, 126, 133, 166, 172, 174, 176, 179, 181, 185, 187, 191, 194, 196, 201, 208, 209, 210, 211, 214, 215, 216, 224 customers, 99, 101, 195, 199 Czech Republic, v, 7, 47, 92, 96, 98, 100, 101, 102, 103, 169, 188 Dartmouth College, 20 decision-making in the sphere of higher, 83 degree programs, 27, 28, 58, 178 democratic changes, ix, 3 democratic institutions, 5 democratising, 78

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discipline, 108, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 183, 184, 185, 186, 188, 219 diversification, 78, 174 Dukljan Academy of Sciences and Arts, 134, 138 Durkheim E., 22, 177 Eastern Europe, v, vi, vii, viii, ix, 1, 3, 4, 20, 28, 29, 92, 132, 139, 163, 167, 218, 220, 225, 226, 228, 232, 233 economic growth, 12, 95, 96 economical citizenship, 94 ECTS, 122, 199, 204, 212, 214, 215 education and public space, 143 educational opportunities, 59 educational processes, 102, 218 EHEA, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 27, 81, 82, 83, 88, 89, 91, 203 emancipation, 129 engagement, 39, 162 Erasmus Mundus Programme, 210 Estermann T., 18 ethical education, 221 Eurasian Economic Community, 58 European Higher Education Area, v, 2, 4, 5, 9, 10, 11, 13, 16, 17, 81, 91, 203 European Humanities University, 2, 13, 27, 28, 29, 30, 74, 76, 90, 232, 234, 235 European Union, 92, 117, 122, 128, 157, 160, 192, 198, 199, 203 European University at St. Petersburg, 170, 171 evaluation document, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 61, 64, 67 evaluation, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 61, 64, 65, 67, 199 expert strategy, 37, 38 Faculty Development Program, 111 feminist ethics, 224 financial recourses, 179 financial support, 43, 119, 159, 218

238 flexibility, 73, 178 Foucault M., 111, 120, 124 Foundation of Polish Rectors, 33, 35, 37 freedom, 10, 12, 13, 17, 22, 28, 64, 77, 85, 96, 99, 148, 173, 179, 192 Gajski L., 224 Gellner E., 132, 145 German Friedrich Naumann Foundation, 157 globalization, 5, 65, 163 governance, 10, 17, 20, 27, 42, 44, 53, 54, 55, 60, 174, 185 government control, 56 “governance” model, 44 graduates, 5, 12, 58, 86, 98, 101, 122, 152, 155, 186, 187, 196 Habermas J., 111 Harvard University, 20, 27 Harvey L., 51, 53, 65 Henig J., 99 higher education reforms, 68, 79, 85, 233 higher education, vii, viii, ix, x, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 21, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 93, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 112, 113, 118, 121, 123, 133, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 156, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 164, 169, 171, 173, 178, 181, 183, 186, 187, 199, 200, 203, 208, 211, 213, 214, 216, 233, 234, 236 history of philosophy, 116 history, 3, 4, 17, 28, 40, 41, 68, 69, 70, 84, 106, 107, 110, 112, 113, 117, 119, 124, 129, 131, 133, 134, 135, 137, 138, 139, 141,

Index 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 167, 168, 172, 176, 177, 180, 181, 182, 184, 186, 218, 219, 221, 222, 224, 235 homo democraticus, 124 human capital, 59, 63, 90 humanistic perspectives, 221 Humanities and Social Sciences, 108, 115, 116, 117, 119, 120, 223, 225, 226, 228 humanities and social sciences, 27, 28, 109, 176, 233 Hungary, 3, 28, 220, 235 Hussey T., 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 103 ideology, viii, 53, 61, 95, 115, 116, 119, 120, 130, 133, 139, 166, 174, 183, 236 imagined university, 33 implicit knowledge, 185 independence, 3, 9, 19, 55, 69, 70, 117, 118, 120, 129, 130, 131, 132, 134, 136, 140, 141, 142, 145, 154, 155, 157, 191 individual prosperity, 96 information society, 97 innovative methods, 194 Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology, 166 institutional arrangements, 32, 33, 34, 45, 46, 169 institutional transformation, 119 institutions, viii, ix, x, 5, 6, 7, 10, 11, 12, 15, 21, 22, 24, 28, 31, 35, 37, 40, 41, 43, 45, 46, 50, 51, 53, 56, 57, 58, 60, 62, 63, 64, 68, 69, 70, 73, 74, 77, 82, 87, 95, 96, 97, 99, 100, 101, 102, 114, 118, 120, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 137, 139, 140, 141, 143, 149, 153, 154, 157, 158, 162, 168, 175, 180, 182, 189, 199, 205, 214, 218, 227, 235 intellectual capital, 40, 41, 42, 107 intellectual community, 39, 71, 80 international agencies, 107, 123

Reforming Social Sciences international cooperation, 59, 186, 203, 208, 209, 214 international publications, 209 international quality assurance, 60 International Renaissance Foundation, 155, 157, 160 internationalization of science, 42 Inter-University Centre for Postgraduate Studies in Dubrovnik, 220 intervention, 207 intra-institutional solidarity, 25 Ivan-Franko University in L’viv, 154 Jo N., 116, 120 Jokinen A., 52 Jonas H., 224 Juhila K., 52, 65 -XULü+., 224 justice systems, 191, 192, 193, 194 Kazakhstan, 9, 88, 89, 107, 109, 118, 119, 121, 125, 163 Keller J., 95, 98, 104 knowledge-based economy, 32 Konrad Adenauer Foundation, 157 Kravchenko A., 177 Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, 154, 160 Kyrgyzstan, 107, 118, 121, 125, 160, 163 labour market, 42, 44, 58, 73, 86, 94, 95, 98, 118, 121, 152, 171, 198, 199, 204, 208 Law on Education, 52, 65, 85, 88 law schools, 194, 195, 196, 197 learning, viii, ix, 4, 12, 41, 53, 58, 97, 107, 110, 114, 115, 116, 119, 126, 167, 168, 174, 181, 194, 195, 197, 200, 204, 205, 208, 209, 210, 213, 215, 216 legal consciousness, 198 level of education, 5, 58, 92, 94, 98, 100 liberal education, 80, 123 Lisbon Convention, 72, 77 literature, 38, 51, 53, 62, 110, 111, 116, 133, 136, 137, 139, 140,

239

141, 142, 143, 170, 177, 178, 183, 186, 200, 210, 220, 224, 227 Lithuania, 3, 27, 191, 192, 193, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 234 local communities, 182 Losev A., 116 Lowney S., 181, 189 Macheski G., 181, 189 managerialism, 40, 41, 99, 118 Mannheim K., 111, 120, 128 Manwaring M., 195 marketing, 73, 74, 88 mass education, 57, 132, 134, 141, 142 McKennan B., 52, 66 mediation pedagogy, 196 mediation, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 234 medical sociology, 220 Millennium Challenge Corporation, 157, 158 Minister of Education, 6, 17, 81, 85, 140, 154, 156 Ministry of Education, 73, 76, 82, 86, 87, 88, 141, 157, 160, 172, 174, 184, 187 modernization, 51, 52, 56, 70, 80, 84, 90, 113, 137, 149, 203, 204, 216 Moldova, 22, 24, 159 Montenegro, 9, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 236 Moodle, 210 moral problems, 222 moral values, 198 motivation, 87, 206, 208, 209, 211 National Council of Education in Sociology and Social Anthropology, 177 national educational landscapes, 149 National Fund of Higher Education, 43

240 nationalism, 109, 110, 111, 119, 124, 132, 133, 141, 167 nation-identity building, 132 neo-liberal consensus, 39 New Public Management, 51, 64 new technologies, 115, 204, 208, 209, 236 Nokkalla. T., 18 non-centralized management, 80 nongovernmental organizations, 199 Open Society Foundation, 157 opportunities, ix, 5, 21, 58, 60, 64, 94, 154, 174, 178, 182, 209, 211 organizational levels, 44 Overarching Program of the Development of Education of the Russian Federation, 52, 55, 63, 67 Parens Scientiarum, 19 participation in projects, 210 pedagogy, 110, 224, 234, 236 personal freedom, 23 philosophy of education, 224 Poland, v, 31, 34, 35, 40, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 167, 168, 189, 233 Polish Academy of Science, 35 Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education, 35, 236 Polish reform, 32 post-communist educational system, 118 post-graduate academic level, 170 post-Soviet intellectuals, 182 post-Soviet transformations, 169 power relations, 53, 54 Privilegium Scholasticum, 19 professional training, 166, 184, 204, 214 professionalism, 166, 174 professors, 21, 24, 25, 26, 28, 35, 36, 44, 118, 135, 167, 210 program, 35, 52, 81, 86, 110, 125, 158, 159, 160, 161, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 184, 186, 187, 204, 216, 224, 226, 234

Index project, 28, 35, 36, 37, 43, 45, 56, 58, 70, 71, 80, 82, 84, 87, 88, 109, 110, 111, 113, 120, 123, 125, 126, 129, 132, 134, 136, 137, 155, 158, 159, 160, 166, 185, 186, 188, 193, 200, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 221, 226,227 Provenzo E., 93, 94, 104 public interest, 41, 42, 43, 95 public management, 42 qualifications, 3, 7, 9, 11, 12, 14, 71, 72, 82, 95, 96, 122 quality assurance processes, 53, 60, 64 quality of life, 40, 41 quality revolution, 51, 52, 53, 60, 61, 62 quality, 7, 9, 12, 14, 19, 32, 33, 39, 40, 41, 43, 45, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 74, 79, 82, 93, 94, 100, 101, 102, 103, 150, 151, 152, 154, 161, 171, 183, 197, 199, 203, 204, 206, 208, 215, 219 quantification of education, 93, 98 Rector, 27, 44, 45, 85, 88, 154, 235 reforms of higher education, 77, 84 reforms, 6, 11, 12, 18, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 43, 45, 46, 50, 52, 59, 68, 69, 71, 72, 75, 77, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 89, 102, 108, 117, 159, 161, 162, 187, 232, 234 reinvention of the university, 41 Renaud J., 93, 94, 104 research and education sector, 32 research university, 81 research, 4, 15, 16, 22, 27, 29, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 39, 40, 41, 43, 44, 51, 52, 53, 55, 60, 61, 62, 70, 81, 82, 90, 94, 97, 101, 110, 113, 116, 117, 118, 119, 131, 133, 134, 135, 143, 153, 167, 168, 170, 171, 175, 176, 177, 178,

Reforming Social Sciences 180, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 192, 199, 205, 206, 211, 212, 214, 215, 221, 222, 225, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236 re-Sovietisation, 81, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89 Rinne R., 50, 51, 53, 54, 63, 66 Rodgers P., 154, 164 Romania, 6 Round J., 154, 164 Russia, vi, 4, 12, 20, 50, 51, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 80, 86, 90, 96, 108, 116, 117, 118, 127, 150, 155, 160, 163, 164, 166, 167, 169, 170, 171, 175, 179, 181, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 195, 203, 204, 206, 207, 208, 210, 211, 212, 214, 215, 216, 217, 233, 234, 235 Russian Academy of Sciences, 167, 172, 179 Russian Federal Target Program, 52, 56 Russian Higher Education Policy, v, 50, 233 russification, 113 Rýdl K., 95 Saarinen T., 51, 52, 53, 63, 66 Said E., 111 school, 3, 56, 71, 98, 104, 121, 122, 131, 133, 135, 136, 138, 139, 141, 142, 144, 146, 147, 152, 154, 155, 157, 196, 216, 234 Schrag P., 100 science, 31, 33, 34, 37, 39, 44, 46, 81, 114, 130, 133, 135, 143, 176, 178, 183, 184, 189, 219, 220, 235, 236 Senate, 28, 43, 44 Serbia, 3, 14, 129, 130, 134, 136, 140, 143, 226 Shanghai Cooperation Organization, 58 Simola H., 50, 51, 53, 54, 63, 66 Singleton F., 133, 147

241

Slovakia, 167, 223 Smith P., 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 103, 132, 133, 138, 147 social anthropology, 166, 168, 170, 171, 172, 173, 176, 177, 178, 180, 181, 183, 184, 186 social environment, 40, 41 social mission of higher education, 41 social partners, 199 social problems, 73, 181, 184, 210 social prosperity, 96 social transformation, x, 108, 123, 125, 126 social work, 204, 207, 210, 215, 216, 234 solidarity, 23, 25 Sorbonne Declaration, 6 Soroush A., 111 South-Eastern Europe, 218 Soviet higher education model, 70, 89 Soviet Union, vii, 50, 70, 96, 107, 109, 113, 117, 118, 127, 149, 162, 189, 191, 233 St. John E., 94, 96, 100, 104 standardisation, 174 strategic management, 199 strategic planning, 3, 38, 80, 84 students, 2, 8, 13, 87, 101, 198, 199, 207 sustainable development, 12 Tajikistan, 121 Taylor S., 52, 66 teaching, 4, 27, 70, 76, 101, 115, 116, 118, 119, 120, 126, 167, 168, 170, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 180, 195, 196, 203, 204, 209, 210, 212, 214, 215, 219, 233, 235 TEMPUS, 203, 206, 208, 215, 216 testing, 150, 151, 153, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161 Thévenot L., 170, 176, 183, 188, 190 Thompson C., 111

242 Thompson C., 112, 113, 115, 116, 118, 120, 127 trust, 23, 156 Tvrdý L., 95, 98, 104 Ukraine, v, vi, 12, 20, 68, 69, 70, 71, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 90, 91, 118, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 234 Ukrainian Centre of Education Quality Assessment, 155, 158 Ukrainian Institute for Public Policy, 157, 158, 161, 164 Umland A., 115 undergraduates, 27, 57, 122, 186, 187, 208, 210, 214 university admissions, 150, 151, 153, 155, 157, 159 university autonomy, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 26, 27, 29, 30

Index university education, 70, 95, 102, 186, 228 university governance, 18, 27 University in Brest, 22, 24 university management, 26 university mission, 40, 42 University of Central Asia, 107, 110, 111, 123 University of Montenegro, 133 University of Zagreb, 220, 221, 223, 225, 226, 228 university hierarchy, 21 USAID, 151, 153, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 163 Vigotsky L., 116 Warsaw University, 36 Western educational approaches, 120 westernisation, 80, 84, 88, 113 Wilson D., 133, 147 World Trade Organization, 59 Zajda J., 50, 67