Recent Social Trends in Quebec, 1960-1990 9780773563179

Table of contents :
CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
PREFACE
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
0. CONTEXT
0.1 Demographic Trends
0.2 Macro-economic Trends
0.3 Macrotechnological Trends
1. AGE GROUPS
1.1 Youth
1.2 Elders
2. MICROSOCIAL
2.1 Self-identification
2.2 Kinship Networks
2.3 Community and Neighbourhood Types
2.4 Local Autonomy
2.5 Voluntary Associations
2.6 Sociability Networks
3. WOMEN
3.1 Female Roles
3.2 Childbearing
3.3 Matrimonial Models
3.4 Women's Employment
3.5 Reproductive Technologies
4. LABOUR MARKET
4.1 Unemployment
4.2 Skills and Occupational Levels
4.3 Types of Employment
4.4 Sectors of the Labour Force
4.5 Computerization of Work
5. LABOUR AND MANAGEMENT
5.1 Work Organization
5.2 Personnel Administration
5.3 Size and Types of Enterprises
6. SOCIAL STRATIFICATION
6.1 Occupational Status
6.2 Social Mobility
6.3 Economic Inequality
6.4 Social Inequality
7. SOCIAL RELATIONS
7.1 Conflict
7.2 Negotiation
7.3 Norms of Conduct
7.4 Authority
7.5 Public Opinion
8. STATE AND SERVICE INSTITUTIONS
8.1 Educational System
8.2 Health System
8.3 Welfare System
8.4 The State
9. MOBILIZING INSTITUTIONS
9.1 Labour Unions
9.2 Religious Institutions
9.3 The Military
9.4 Political Parties
9.5 Mass Media
10. INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF SOCIAL FORCES
10.1 Dispute Settlement
10.2 Institutionalization of Labour Unions
10.3 Social Movements
10.4 Interest Groups
11. IDEOLOGIES AND BELIEFS
11.1 Political Differentiation
11.2 Confidence in Institutions
11.3 Economic Orientations
11.4 Radicalism
11.5 Religious Beliefs
12. HOUSEHOLD RESOURCES
12.1 Personal and Family Income
12.2 Informal Economy
12.3 Personal and Family Wealth
13. LIFE-STYLE
13.1 Market Goods and Services
13.2 Mass Information
13.3 Personal Health and Beauty Practices
13.4 Time Use
13.5 Daily Mobility
13.6 Household Production
13.7 Forms of Erotic Expression
13.8 Mood-altering Substances
14. LEISURE
14.1 Amount and Use of Free Time
14.2 Vacation Patterns
14.3 Athletics and Sports
14.4 Cultural Activities and Practices
15. EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
15.1 General Education
15.2 Vocational Education
15.3 Continuing Education
16. INTEGRATION AND MARGINALIZATION
16.1 Immigrants and Ethnic Minorities
16.2 Crime and Punishment
16.3 Emotional Disorders and Self-destructive Behaviours
16.4 Poverty
17. ATTITUDES AND VALUES
17.1 Satisfaction
17.2 Perceptions of Social Problems
17.3 Orientations to the Future
17.4 Values
17.5 National Identity
INDEX
A
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
L
M
N
O
P
Q
R
S
T
U
V
W
Y

Citation preview

Simon Langlois, Jean-Paul Baillargeon, Gary Caldwell, Guy Frechet, Madeleine Gauthier and Jean-Pierre Simard

Recent Social Trends in Quebec 19604990

Campus Verlag • Frankfurt am Main McGill-Queen's University Press Montreal & Kingston • London • Buffalo

Series Comparative Charting of Social Change Series Editor: Simon Langlois Volume Editor: Simon Langlois

Recent Social Trends in Quebec 1960-1990

Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data Main entry under title: Recent Social Trends in Quebec 1960-1990 (Comparative charting of social change, ISSN 1183-1952) Translation of: La Societe quebecoise en tendances. "The entire project is the work of the International Research Group for the Comparative Charting of Social Change". Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-7735-0879-1 1. Quebec (Province)—Social conditions—19602. Quebec (Province)—Economic conditions—19603. Quebec (Province)—Civilization—20th century. 4. Social change. I. Langlois, Simon II. International Research Group for the Comparative Charting of Social Change III. Series. HN110.Q8S6313 1991

971.4'04

C91-090428-6

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme Recent social trends in Quebec : 1960 - 1990 / Simon Langlois ... - Frankfurt am Main : Campus Verlag ; Montreal; Kingston ; London ; Buffalo : McGill-Queen's Univ. Press, 1992 (Comparative charting of social change) Einheitssacht.: La societe quebecoise en tendances ISBN 3-593-34593-5 (Campus) Gb. ISBN 0-7735-0879-1 (McGill-Queen's Univ. Press) Gb. NE: Langlois, Simon; EST Translation of La societe quebecoise en tendances, 1960-1990, Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture, 1990, ISBN 2-89224-133-2 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Copyright © 1992 by Campus Verlag GmbH, Frankfurt/Main Published simultaneously in Canada and the United States by McGill-Queen's University Press Legal deposit 1st quarter 1992 Bibliotheque nationale du Quebec Printed in Germany

Acknowledgements This research project was carried out at the Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture, but a number of persons and organizations outside the institute collaborated on this undertaking. We wish to express our gratitude to them. At the outset of our project, Henri Mendras, Professor of sociology at the Institut d'Etudes Politiques and director of research at the Observatoire francais des conjonctures economiques (OFCE), and Theodore Caplow, Professor at the department of sociology of the University of Virginia, invited us to join the International Group for the Comparative Charting of Social Change. Our participation in the activities of this group since its foundation has oriented the plan of work and the set of problems addressed in this project, of which this volume constitutes the first phase. We wish to express our sincere gratitude to Professors Mendras and Caplow. We also wish to extend our thanks to all the members of the International Group from the United States, France, and the Federal Republic of Germany. Our own work was enriched by the discussions that we held with these colleagues during the meetings held alternately in each of the participating countries since 1987, particularly at the meeting in Quebec City in December 1988, not to mention the many letters and telephone calls. We benefited from the assistance of the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, which defrayed the travel expenses of certain members of our team for two meetings outside the country. We also benefited from the financial support of Werner Reimers Stiftung, who paid the accommodation expenses for two meetings at Bad Homburg in Germany, as well as that of the department of sociology of the University of Virginia, which defrayed the accommodation expenses for a meeting held in Charlottesville, and of the Centre national de la recherche scientifique, which covered the expenses for a meeting in France. We wish to express our gratitude to these organizations. More than 50 of our Quebec colleagues agreed to read and comment on the initial versions of our texts on the trends, often at length and in writing. We are very thankful to them for their valuable collaboration, which enabled us to remove certain inaccuracies and to clarify certain interpretations. Needless to say, we, the authors, remain responsible for any inaccuracies that may remain. The Ministere de 1'Enseignement superieur et de la Science du Quebec lent the Institute the full-time services of one of its professionals, Jean-Paul Baillargeon, and Universite Laval gave leave on a half-time basis to Simon Langlois, professor of the department of sociology. We are grateful to these two institutions for their assistance. Johanne Bujold discreetly performed the nonetheless considerable task of arranging the data and the texts. We are very thankful to her for her work. Our thanks are also due to Helene Belleau, a student trainee, as well as to the institute's secretaries who typed the text, Marielle Bergeron and Linda Beaurivage, vii

as well as to the people who worked on the editing, Veronique Morin and Mariette Montambault. We also wish to thank John Duff, who translated our volume into English, as well as Kathe Roth, who performed the linguistic revision of the translation. The President and Scientific Director of the Institute, Fernand Dumont, encouraged us in carrying the first phase of this research project through to completion. It was he who insisted that a team from the Institute undertake the job of empirical charting of the sociocultural changes underway. However, as could easily be expected, he encouraged us especially to carry things farther, in a second phase, in the area of analysis and interpretation. This work is already underway, once again with the support of the Institute.

S. L. Quebec City April, 1991

viii

Preface This valuable work is one of a series of profiles of recent change in a number of national societies. For the purposes of this project, Quebec is treated as a culturally autonomous national society; the reasons are set forth at some length at the end of the book, in section 17.5 on the topic of national identity. Other volumes in the same series, are being published jointly by McGill-Queen's University Press of Montreal and Campus Verlag of Frankfurt-am-Main; they will present similar profiles for France, the Federal Republic of Germany, and the United States. Additional volumes covering Spain and Greece are in preparation. It is likely that more will follow. The entire project is the work of the International Research Group for the Comparative Charting of Social Change in Industrial Societies, informally known as the Club of Quebec, because its secretariat is located in that city and managed by the authors of the present volume. It is an entirely voluntary organization that began with an informal collaborative relationship established in the 1970s between an investigation of social change in France called the Observation du Changement Social and a concurrent American effort known as the Middletown III project. A little later, Henri Mendras formed the Louis Dim Seminar on social trends, which developed the original version of our present trend list. As principal investigator of the Middletown III project, I went to Paris in 1983 to participate for a time in the deliberations of the Louis Dim Seminar. A little later, members of the Seminar began to exchange visits and data with Wolfgang Glatzer and Karl-Otto Hondrich at Frankfurt, who were analyzing social trends in the Federal Republic. In 1987, Mendras accepted a visiting appointment at the University of Virginia, during which a close relationship was established with researchers who were studying social trends in Quebec under the leadership of Simon Langlois at Laval University and IQRC. The first work session of the Club of Quebec convened in Paris in May, 1987. Subsequent work sessions were held in Bad Homburg in May of 1988, in Quebec City in December of 1988, in Charlottesville in May of 1989, in Nice in December of 1989, in Madrid in July of 1990, and in Bad Homburg again in December of 1990. The scholarly yield of the project has increased with each session. The Club of Quebec is divided into national teams, which include historians, political scientists, and economists, as well as sociologists. The participation of individual scholars in the national teams, and of the national teams in the international group, is entirely voluntary. Simon Langlois, Gary Caldwell, and IQRC provide the project with a highly efficient secretariat, but there is no executive authority at all. Each national team is responsible for its own funding and internal operations. Work is assigned and deadlines are set by consensus at the semi-annual work sessions. This loose organization has worked so well that we are tempted to propose it as a model for other international projects on social research. ix

The general purposes of the Club of Quebec are: (1) to prepare a comprehensive, numerically grounded description of recent social trends in industrial societies; (2) to identify similarities and differences among these societies with respect to ongoing social trends; (3) to subject these similarities and differences to comparative analysis; (4) to develop a non-traditional model of social change to accommodate these data; and (5) to establish benchmarks for future tracking of social trends. The factual emphasis is fundamental to these profiles. No trend is included unless it can be verified with reasonable confidence, and no directionality is asserted without empirical data. Where possible, we have located studies of the same tendencies by other scholars and used them to challenge or buttress our own interpretations. At all times, these empirical predilections keep alive the happy possibility that what we find may surprise us. And, indeed, it often has. Our preference for relatively hard data restricts most of the trend reports to recent decades, since many interesting statistical series do not go back very far or lose reliability as they recede to earlier years. As work has progressed, it has become increasingly clear that a sharp focus on the period 1960-1990 is appropriate as well as expedient. For reasons that may vary somewhat from one national society to another, an astonishing number of social trends show a point of inflection close to 1960, and the thirty-year period following 1960 has an integral character. It should be emphasized that the tendencies documented in these national profiles are not ad hoc interpretations of the time series collected by the authors. They reflect an underlying sense of social theory and of social reality that goes far beyond the raw data. The common themes we have chosen, our methods of examining the available indicators, our decisions about selective emphasis from the evidence at hand, and our estimation of the significance of observed trends constitute what we hope is a coherent intellectual framework. The present volume on Quebec, like the other national profiles in the series, is intended primarily as a reference manual. It is meant to be consulted on particular points. Few readers will want to read it straight through, although those who have done so have found it enjoyable. The book contains source material for the analysis and understanding of recent social change in one country, gathered for the purpose of cross-national comparison but potentially useful for many other purposes. The publication of this series of national profiles marks the beginning rather than the end of the intellectual enterprise for which the Club of Quebec was formed. Our aim is to construct a better model of social change in the modern world than has heretofore been available. When we met in Paris in 1987 to establish permanent connections among the ongoing investigations of social change that had occupied us in our respective countries during the previous decade, we were aware that although our separate studies had attracted a fair amount of scholarly and popular attention, they had not advanced our understanding of contemporary industrial societies as much as they should have, for want of a comparative perspective. Without systematic international comparisons, it is impossible to determine whether the trends observed in a particular national society are local accidents or features of a larger system. We are specifically interested in the late twentieth century, the industrial nations, and their institutional patterns, especially those associated with the family, work, leisure, religion, education, government, politics, and voluntary associations. As we compare our separate bodies of work, we have the impression of being surrounded by the components of a new theoretical model waiting to be asx

sembled, a model that does not require social change to resemble scientifictechnical progress, that sees the future as open-ended rather than fore-ordained, and that acknowledges the mixture of objective and subjective elements in social reality. The construction of comparable national profiles was a preliminary task that had to be accomplished in order to prepare for the construction of such a model. But in preparing this profile of Quebec, its authors learned much they had not previously known about the condition of their society in the late twentieth century. Readers will find it no less instructive.

Theodore Caplow University of Virginia April, 1991

xi

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Contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

vii

PREFACE

ix

CONTENTS

xii

INTRODUCTION

1

0. CONTEXT

13

0.1 Demographic Trends 0.2 Macro-economic Trends 0.3 Macrotechnological Trends 1. AGE GROUPS 1.1 Youth 1.2 Elders 2. MICROSOCIAL 2.1 Self-identification 2.2 Kinship Networks 2.3 Community and Neighbourhood Types 2.4 Local Autonomy 2.5 Voluntary Associations 2.6 Sociability Networks 3. WOMEN 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5

Female Roles Childbearing Matrimonial Models Women's Employment Reproductive Technologies

4. LABOUR MARKET 4.1 Unemployment 4.2 Skills and Occupational Levels 4.3 Types of Employment 4.4 Sectors of the Labour Force 4.5 Computerization of Work

135 135 145 149 166 169

5. LABOUR AND MANAGEMENT 179

13 24 39

5.1 Work Organization 5.2 Personnel Administration 5.3 Size and Types of Enterprises

179 185

47

6. SOCIAL STRATIFICATION

201

6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4

47 56 61 61 65

Occupational Status Social Mobility Economic Inequality Social Inequality

201 208 215 230

7. SOCIAL RELATIONS

235

7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 7.5

69 75 84 89

Conflict Negotiation Norms of Conduct Authority Public Opinion

8. STATE AND SERVICE INSTITUTIONS

95 95 102 109 120 129

8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4

xiii

191

Educational System Health System Welfare System The State

235 244 248 253 256 265 265 278 286 292

9. MOBILIZING INSTITUTIONS 9.1 9.2 9.3 9.4 9.5

Labour Unions Religious Institutions The Military Political Parties Mass Media

14. LEISURE

309

14.1 Amount and Use of Free Time 14.2 Vacation Patterns 14.3 Athletics and Sports 14.4 Cultural Activities and Practices

309 317 324 329 333

10. INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF SOCIAL FORCES 343 10.1 Dispute Settlement 10.2 Institutionalization of Labour Unions 10.3 Social Movements 10.4 Interest Groups

15. EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT

343

15.1 General Education 15.2 Vocational Education 15.3 Continuing Education

348 351 362

16. INTEGRATION AND MARGINALIZATION

11. IDEOLOGIES AND BELIEFS 369 11.1 11.2 11.3 11.4 11.5

Political Differentiation Confidence in Institutions Economic Orientations Radicalism Religious Beliefs

369 374 379 385 392

12. HOUSEHOLD RESOURCES

399

16.1 Immigrants and Ethnic Minorities 16.2 Crime and Punishment 16.3 Emotional Disorders and Self-destructive Behaviours 16.4 Poverty 17. ATTITUDES AND VALUES

12.1 Personal and Family Income 399 12.2 Informal Economy 412 12.3 Personal and Family Wealth 415 13. LIFE-STYLE 13.1 Market Goods and Services 13.2 Mass Information 13.3 Personal Health and Beauty Practices 13.4 Time Use 13.5 Daily Mobility 13.6 Household Production 13.7 Forms of Erotic Expression 13.8 Mood-altering Substances

17.1 Satisfaction 17.2 Perceptions of Social Problems 17.3 Orientations to the Future 17.4 Values 17.5 National Identity

421 421 431

INDEX

442 453 457 463 467 472

xiv

477

477 481 486 491 503 503 519 529 537 537 547 555 562 571 571 576 578 583 592 603

Introduction Toward a New Analysis of Social Change The objective of this study is to identify the main trends of social and cultural change in Quebec. Rather than proposing a global interpretation, which would have been one more in what is now a long list of existing essays, we have preferred to adopt an inductive approach, a perspective that has been somewhat forgotten or neglected in recent years in the social sciences. We will carry out this analysis on the basis of the smallest observable unit that we have been able to isolate, and which we have called a "trend," a concept that is in a sense the key word for this undertaking. This study has been carried out by extracting, from a multitude of sources — ranging from statistical reports produced by governmental agencies and departments, as well as by public and private agencies and polling companies, through to empirical studies and articles by social scientists — observations regarding social change. Until fairly recently, it would not have been possible to undertake such a task, due to insufficient development of the systematic observation of social and cultural phenomena by the state, but also because of the insufficiency of comparable empirical research at the time. Today this is no longer the case. Research projects have become legion, and government statistical apparatuses systematically observe an increasing number of social phenomena, ranging from poverty and television watching to travel abroad and drug consumption. In this era of internationalization, it would seem fruitful, and even necessary, to systematically compare observations made within a given society to those which characterize a number of other societies. Therefore, the format of this study will be identical to that used by other national teams which will publish comparable documents on the United States, France, and West Germany. We freely admit that our objectives are vast: to pinpoint the major directions of social change in Quebec, to propose a new perspective for an inductive analysis of change, and to engage in a systematic comparison with several other societies. It would therefore be appropriate, before describing the trends themselves, to explain the theoretical and methodological guidelines upon which the research project is based. Trends: Vectors of Social Change To the statistician, a trend has a precise meaning: it describes the direction followed by a series of data, once one has removed or neutralized the variations at each moment of observation with regard to the previous moment. In this project, we ascribe a somewhat different meaning to this concept: for our purposes, a trend is defined as a vector of change. Each vector will be identified or constructed on the basis of a diagnosis of an evolving social aspect that may be narrow or well defined — such as, for example, a decreasing birth rate — or broader or less 1

Recent Social Trends in Quebec

supported by a single indicator, whereas in the second it is identified through examination of several converging statistical series. A trend therefore must not be confused with an indicator, nor with a statistical series. To propose a diagnosis means choosing and retaining a certain number of elements that are likely to support an observation. The trend is more than a way of describing the facts observed; it is in itself a construction. It is in this sense that this book on trends is different from a report or yearbook. The identification of trends is a way of operationalizing the analysis of social change by defining precise units of observation. We have attempted to pinpoint actual social changes in the form of discrete vectors: the size of families and households is decreasing; individuals are conversing less; more time is spent watching television; life-styles are more mobile, more time is spent away from home; more durable goods are consumed; men work fewer hours; women work more outside the home; and so forth. This definition of the term "trend" allows the scope of the study to be broadened to cover phenomena that have not been the object of systematic and standardized observation over a long period, as long as the direction of their evolution can be clearly identified. Priority has been given to examination of statistical series and quantitative indicators that are representative of society as a whole. In fact, we have made a methodological point of this: each statement of trend must be based as far as possible on standardized and reliable data, appropriate for providing a solid basis for analysis of a phenomenon; this is not always possible, however, given the availability of data. Where no statistical series is available, we have undertaken to seek comparable data gathered at a minimum of three points in time in order to be able to observe the direction or path of a trend. Although priority was given to the gathering of quantitative data, we have also made use of observations drawn from articles in order to study certain less well known aspects. However, in all cases, the proposed statement of a trend must be supported by sociographic knowledge on the reality under examination. There is another reason this broadened conception of trends has been adopted. Over the years, mechanisms have been developed for meticulous observation of phenomena that have direct relevance for public policy. Certain trends are better documented than others, particularly because they are based on data gathered by the governmental statistical apparatus; these trends have, in a sense, received the lion's share of analyses. Changes in personal income, voting, fertility, and unemployment, for example, are better known than are changes in the division of household work, relations with kin, religious practices, or the use of free time. But the sociological analysis of trends cannot be limited to what the state judges relevant enough to measure. This problem can be solved once the trend is defined as a diagnosis of the direction of change; the latter can be identified with considerable plausibility, in the sense given to this term in data analysis, on the basis of qualitative studies or monographs.

The Choice of Trends How have the trends been constructed? They are not part of any particular theory; on the contrary, their sources lie in several different theories. We have not sought to portray any dominant aspect, or trend, that might explain or underlie others, such as the rise of individualism in contemporary societies. Most of 2

Introduction

the characteristics used to describe social change in a large number of sociological studies in fact reflect an era that was different from ours, in which survival was a day-to-day problem — the era in which work occupied a central place in life. It is scarcely surprising, then, that preference was given to indicators or measurements describing work, income, unemployment, or occupational structure. We do not deny the importance of these indices, on the contrary; but we also seek to identify others, which might be able to shed light on new aspects - travel abroad, possession of a cottage, consumption of mass media, or relationships within kinship networks, to name only a few. The overall priority is geared toward social and cultural aspects. Macro-economic trends will be considered separately; they are already well known and well documented, since national accounting methods provide a clear theoretical basis for analysis of their interdependencies while considering all other factors as exogenous. Our perspective is the reverse: social and cultural trends are the subject of our study, and macro-economic trends have been considered exogenous. Nevertheless, we have reviewed a few main macro-economic trends, as well as some demographic and technological aspects, in order to set the stage, or economic and social context. Political decisions and landmark events will also be left out, because it is impossible to extract trends, in the sense in which we have denned them, from them; rather, we have tried to look beyond the current situation and events, to identify lasting changes. Nevertheless, these decisions or events will be referred to when they affect the development of one of the dimensions being examined. The international context will also be considered exogenous. Overall, we have selected 78 trends. An initial list was complited by the Louis Dim Seminar, which in 1985 proposed production of a trends matrix for French society. This list was revised and enlarged by other research teams, which joined forces with the French group in 1987 in order to carry on the same research in a comparative perspective. In his preface to this book, Professor Caplow enumerates the group's objectives. A list of statistical indicators was also established in order to derive the trends on what would be a comparable basis, while taking into account the problems posed by any international comparative undertaking. The latter imposes a set of constraints that must be respected, which explains, for example, the inclusion in this volume of a section on the armed forces, a subject that no doubt would otherwise have been left aside. In contrast to yearbooks and reports, this book does not present exhaustive statistical series; rather, we seek to sift through the enormous mass of existing data, which is often of limited interest, to find those that document one of the diagnoses that we propose. The list of trends must therefore be read as a series of diagnoses, of elementary propositions about social change underway in Quebec. Choices have been made, and underlying a fairly descriptive text is a great emphasis on analysis. The purpose of this is to prepare the ground for reconstructing a global picture by building on fairly detailed readings of a large number of observations. We do not claim to have isolated all of the relevant dimensions, nor do we claim to have covered all fields of activity. The more we enlarge the list of dimensions to be described in one book, the more we unavoidably lay ourselves open to being criticized for having omitted one or another aspect. Readers may notice many omissions, especially upon reading the chapters dealing with their 3

Recent Social Trends in Quebec

own area of research. If the need arises, later editions will fill these gaps, at least in part. What is important, once again, is not so much to be exhaustive as to juxtapose as many trends - considered here as units of analysis - as possible in order to present a parallel reading. A Global Table of Trends: Toward a Matrix of Social Change The identification and description of trends is not an end in itself; it calls for a logical follow-up. The analysis of social change deals primarily with a global picture, with society as a whole, whereas a trend describes the evolution of a segment. Therefore, to limit study to trends alone would be insufficient; analysing these "units" can be truly useful and fruitful only if it leads to a study of the whole and forms part of a new perspective in the analysis of social change - in other words, only if we succeed in constructing a systematic table of the interrelationships between trends, or a matrix of social change. There are several different ways of analysing these interrelationships. We place greater emphasis on two of them, and we will comment on them briefly, because they have in a sense affected and oriented the content of this book. The first approach, a more classical one, consists of working with continuous and standardized statistical series. There are several methods of analysing time series, and this is not the place to discuss them (Czarnocki, 1978; Dielman, 1989). One of the members of our team, Gary Caldwell, published two articles in 1977 on social change in Quebec based on the analysis of such series, illustrating the interest engendered by this method. The data contained in this book, which document the trends, make it possible to resume this work, or any other analysis of time series, using different methods. We will dwell at greater length on the second approach, which is less well known. It consists of proposing the construction of a matrix, in which trends are placed in relation to one another, two by two, with each appearing as either a consequence or an antecedent. This does not involve a causal relationship in the strict sense, since that would necessitate a complex and nearly impossible multivariate analysis in most cases; rather, it is a diagnosis of the nature of the relationship between the two trends. The same question will be asked with regard to each pair of trends: does trend A reinforce, attenuate, or have no bearing on trend B? The process consists of linking up all of the identified trends, and we insist that this be done exhaustively. In addition to identifying the direction in which each trend is developing - which is the purpose of this book - we postulate that it is also possible to describe the direction of the relationship that links it with all of the others, as either an antecedent or a consequence, if, of course, there is reason to propose the existence of a link. A systematic examination of the paired relationships leads to the construction of a square matrix with all the identified trends set out along its rows and columns. A structural analysis of this matrix makes it possible, using a methodology that will not be presented here, to elucidate a global view of social change based on the trends, or vectors, as units of observation. In many cases, and probably in most cases, there will be no reason to posit a relationship between trends, and the cell on the matrix at the intersection of the trend row and the trend column will be blank. For other pairs of trends, it will 4

Introduction

be possible to postulate, with a relatively small margin of error, the direction of the relationship between them. It should be recalled that this involves an interpretation, a reading of the relationship, and not a quantitative measurement, for which a coefficient of correlation would be the ideal model. Basically, the question will be asked whether a change underway, which can be isolated in terms of a trend, reinforces another change, or whether it should itself be regarded as being affected by, and thus as a consequence of, another. The proposed matrix must not be confused with Leontieffs intersectorial table (or input-output table) in econometrics, nor with the various social accounting systems. These tables organize data in flux into inputs and outputs, and their purpose is to analyse the transition of a system. Such approaches require data to be reduced to a single unit of measure: money for the economy, persons for demography, or time for the accounting system developed by Juster et al. (1981). The matrix that will be proposed based on trends does not presuppose any such reduction or decomposition of a quantity into elements to measure flows. Rather, it is similar to a matrix of relations between individuals in sociometry. To give an idea of and clarify our process, let us consider an example of a trend: the increase in paid work outside the home for women. This increase induces, or reinforces, development of other trends; for example, it leads to a redefinition of the roles between the sexes, it increases family income, it accentuates market consumption, it broadens the network of women's and couples' social relations. But it can also be seen as the consequence of other trends: the rising level of education among women over the past 20 years has led them to be more active in the labour market, the expansion of the tertiary sector has also affected the development of women's presence in the labour market, and so forth. Trend analysis is of interest in itself, at least in our opinion. Some would certainly find it useful to know that more married women are working outside the home, that poverty is increasing among youth, that wealth is becoming concentrated in more advanced age groups, that people converse less, that the average number of rooms per person in dwellings is increasing, or that the Quebec population is becoming more intensively serviced by professionals. But sociologists cannot limit themselves to examining these trends if they intend to describe society as a whole, or if they aspire to a description of social change. The full meaning of a trend is realized once it has been inserted into a matrix. It is important to stress that the choice of presenting social change in the form of trends is not an attempt to build a nomenclature; rather, this choice is part of an approach and a set of problems dealing with a whole. Analysts of contemporary societies have given up on developing a general theory capable of explaining or predicting all forms of observable changes. Few experts now refer to stages of development or to the laws of history. Boudon (1984) brought to light this disaffection with the search for a general theory of change by showing that social systems do not obey general laws which can be broadened to apply to however large a group of societies, since similar causes do not necessarily produce similar effects. Boudon posits that theories of social change must instead be designed as ideal or formal models that must be adapted to the characteristics of specific situations. Caplow (1988), for his part, criticized the close parallel that is often drawn between social change and technological change: the trends observable in contemporary societies are not following the path of a vision of social change considered as continuous, cumulative, consistent 5

Recent Social Trends in Quebec

and irreversible. Here we will limit our discussion to these two critiques, though the list could be lengthened. (See the inventory drawn up by Mendras & Fors6, 1983.) These critiques call for the development of new paradigms, of new perspectives for the study of social change. This is the current of which our research forms a part, and of which this book on trends is in a sense the first milestone. The paradigm proposed is not based, a priori, on a theory of social change. It offers an approach whose goal is precisely to empirically grasp the movement of changes and the interrelationships between them: if the latter change with time, the analysis based on the matrix will change. Another advantage, also important, is that this paradigm is particularly appropriate for comparative study of societies. Return to an Inductive Approach This research project has been undertaken from an inductive viewpoint. This explains the choices made and the objectives set from the start, which have been described above. An inductive perspective does not imply a theoretical vacuum; far from it. It describes a way of working from the bottom up, in a sense. It means working with readings and interpretations of specifically identified dimensions, grouping and aggregating them according to various procedures, including those of structural matrix analysis, to bring out an overall view and elucidate the configuration of the whole. Based on successive approximations, therefore, we will try to formulate an overall interpretation of the changes, working from the trends that are the basic units of observation. The inductive approach means that the latter will not be organized around one central theme, as is the case in analyses of postmodern society, postindustrial society, or of dependent society, for example. On the contrary, the interpretation will be generated through analysis of the observations. We need hardly point out that inductive research has played and, we believe, will continue to play an important role in the process of scientific discovery and the advancement of knowledge. The construction of trends, nonetheless, sets itself clearly apart from the descriptive research on social indicators that was in vogue during the 1970s. The latter had an normative aim: to measure the attainment of national objectives, and to assess a country's performance on the basis of them; but it was also aimed at describing the state of the nation. Some experts have called social reports based on indicators citizens' reports, to clearly signal their usefulness as tools for decision making in addition to as assessments of what has been done (Vogel et al., 1988). The classic example that comes to mind is the voluminous social report published in 1933 in the United States under the direction of W.F. Ogburn, drafted on President Hoover's request. Next to this series of volumes, which takes up an entire library shelf, the booklet published in 1986 by the ambitious research programme announced by the OECD ten years earlier with a view to developing an integrated system of social indicators seems quite disappointing. The failure of the undertaking resulted, among other things, from the fact that an attempt was made to establish a causal system without any prior theoretical framework within which to try to assess the attainment of national objectives (Langlois, 1990). The present book does not contain any normative aim, 6

Introduction

and the trends were not chosen for the purpose of assessing the achievement of national objectives. As well, this study must not be confused with a search for major trends, nor with identification of facts which will shape the future, since it is often difficult for that approach to hold up under an analysis of the facts themselves. Many a trend identified as major yesterday by numerous authors appear today to be minor or incorrect. Sometimes a single major event is enough (the oil crisis in 1973, for example, or the reunification of the two Germanies) to completely throw off the coordinates of these trends, which are just as quickly replaced by other major trends — until the next inflection, violent or not, imposed by events. A rereading of such books published ten or fifteen years ago is instructive in this respect, and thus it is not necessary to dwell on it here. But such major trends and reference to events that shape the future are of little use in the study of change, because these approaches are based on a linear view of social reality. Underlying the major-trends approach is the implicit hypothesis that society is pulled along by forces which carry all the rest in their wake - technological developments, intensification of pollution, or the energy crisis, for instance. But social matters are quite the opposite of a train drawn by one or more locomotives. Rather, the trends observed in society are changeable and form part of a complex network of interrelationships with other trends. It is precisely this interrelationship that must be studied, since it constitutes the essence of what is meant by the concept of social change, and not the trail left by some supposed locomotive considered to pull along everything behind it. Trends must also be set apart from projections and forecasts. A trend is a look at the present in motion, as elucidated by the past. It is a reading, a diagnosis, as noted above; here it should be added that it is a reading of the present which situates its genesis and its development. Of course, a trend provides information on what is shaping up for the future, on what is coming, but that is not its raison d'etre: it is not an instrument for forecasting, but rather a way of analysing what is changing and what is different. An Illusory Effect The juxtaposition of such a large number of trends creates an illusory effect which must be dispelled right from the start. Since space is limited and the realities to be covered are almost limitless, we might create the impression that we are giving equal weight to trends of substantially different scope or significance. It is obvious that the increase in the rate of married women's participation in the labour force is less significant than the increase in double employment. We shall make two remarks to respond to this criticism. This document makes it clear that certain trend reports are more important than others: more space is devoted to them, more data are examined, and a few important links to other trends are pointed out. However, it must be recalled that the approach we have taken results in an equal weight being given to the observation units that we call trends. The follow-up to this first stage will involve precisely an analysis of the relative importance of the trends and their interrelationships. To return to the example just given, we can easily observe that the increase in paid work among married women is related, as either an antecedent or a consequence, to a large number of other trends, which is not the case for double employment. The 7

Recent Social Trends in Quebec

relative importance of these two trends will become clear in the second phase of our research. Our reports may also create the impression that reality has been cut into thin slices whose boundaries are vague. This criticism is probably justified if one does not accept the approach defined at the outset and the postulate upon which it is based, namely the possibility of constructing sectorial diagnoses. But it is not well founded if one sees our method as a new way of considering the study of social change, since we are actually seeking the global picture underlying the reading of the trends. If the reader is looking for the equivalent of what can be found in a yearbook, he or she would do better to turn to the excellent documents produced by Statistics Canada and the Bureau de la Statistique du Quebec. But if one reads this book with a proper comprehension of what it offers, there will be no misunderstanding or unfulfilled expectations. Any sociological analysis is based on choices, on ways of dividing things - in short, on a construction of the object. The same applies to the sociological analysis of trends.

Previous Research in Quebec Trend analysis is not new to Quebec. In the 1970s, the Office de planification et de deVeloppement du Quebec published 27 reports analysing a large number of trends occurring in Quebec society as a whole, under the title "Prospective socioe'conomique du Quebec." These studies covered economics, demographics, lifestyles, ideologies, culture, and values. Major trends and macro-trends were analysed after the fashion of the 1970s; how Quebec sets itself apart from other postindustrial societies, while at the same time resembling them, was demonstrated. This series of studies no doubt constitutes the most systematic effort to provide a global view of society as a whole in terms of trends in Quebec. They place considerable importance on prospective analysis and on detection of facts that will bear on the future, as well as to the development of hypotheses. Except for certain demographic and economic aspects, the systematic analysis of the genesis of trends is not carried very far, the main focus being prospective; several of the reports are based on a rapid reading of indicators and of limited information. Syntheses of this project were published by Julien, Lamonde, and Latouche (1976) and by the Groupe Qu£b£cois de prospective (1982). Mention should also be made of the publication of a number of books and articles dealing with trends. However, most of these are sectorial assessments, covering a limited field; we will refer to them in the chapters of this book that analyse those respective aspects. However, a few books which have in fact served as reference works should be noted. Bernier and Boily (1986), without proposing any analyses, published a volume containing a large number of statistical series, mainly on demographics, economics, certain aspects of social structure, and, especially, politics. The same is true of Fabre (1988). Statistics Canada has put together a small group of experts who, with the help of outside collaborators, analyse various trends in Canadian society. The group publishes a quarterly, Canadian Social Trends, which presents short diagnoses of specific subjects — marriage, part-time work, or degree holders, for example. These diagnoses are limited to an identification of the direction of a trend and the variations observable in various relevant sub-groups. Few relationships 8

Introduction

with other trends are given, and the analysis focuses on a description of statistical series. The latter are often presented at a highly aggregated level, and it is rarely possible to isolate the data for Quebec. All the works mentioned above are mostly descriptive, and are limited to an identification of trends as such. The research carried out in the mid-1970s by Caldwell and Czarnocki (1977a, 1977b) is different. These authors used 48 statistical series, mainly economic and demographic, but also others concerning certain aspects of culture and lifestyles, to analyse the covariations between these time series and to compare the development and pace of changes observable in Quebec and in Ontario. The central issue of their study, carried out in the light of a comparison between Quebec and Ontario, was to identify the characteristics of the social system of Quebec. The research that we are undertaking on the trends of social change follows through on the work of Caldwell and Czarnocki, but it differs clearly from it on several points: the definition of the concept of trends is not the same and the scope of data analysed is much wider, since it is not limited to statistical series. However, it will be possible to resume their analysis of the mid-1970s, applying the same methodology to a greater number of variables. In 1985, IQRC published a book which marked the beginning of a reflection of the need to measure other aspects of culture, broadening its definition to include life-styles and social representations. This book continues that reflection.

Toward a Comparative International Analysis As often happens in research, one discovers by chance at scientific conferences or in one's reading that other teams are working on a similar theme or subject. This happened to us while this project was in the development stage. It explains why, from the outset, our research was carried out in conjunction with other social scientists from different countries. The initiative for a comparative international study was taken by the French group, named after the pseudonymous Louis Dim, led by Professor Mendras. Research teams from the United States, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, and Quebec are participating in this project, and two new teams, from Greece and Spain, joined the other groups in 1989. These teams of social scientists are collectively known as the International Group for the Comparative Charting of Social Change in Industrial Societies. Each team has consented to publish a book with a format that is quite similar to that of this book on Quebec. The analysis grid, the methodology, and the set of problems are identical, to make comparison easier. A first book of comparative analysis will be published in 1992. It will include studies on conflicts, fertility, the standard of living, the labour market, and religion, in particular. An effort will be made to see to what extent certain trends are observable in all the societies involved, and to what extent they are differently shaped in the context of national cultures. Comparative analysis is bound to develop in the future, as a result of the opening up of societies to one another (Kohn, 1989). It is hoped that this research project will contribute to the development of a conceptual framework which will make possible systematic overall comparisons of societies. It is true that such comparisons are full of pitfalls. An attempt to establish a comparable system of social indicators during the 1970s, which was for all practical purposes scrapped, provides ample illustration of this; moreover, this effort was undertaken 9

Recent Social Trends in Quebec

in a field which lent itself more easily, a priori at least, to systematic comparison& of standardized data. The analysis of trends - rather than an analysis of indicators or a comparison of the figures themselves - opens up a new perspective which should prove more fruitful. At least, that is what the Club of Quebec is proposing. Presentation of the book This book on trends in Quebec may, in a sense, be considered a reference book, since it contains one or more statistical series — often the product of new or little-known work - in support of each diagnosis. Here, gathered together in one book, is basic documentation on a considerable number of aspects or dimensions of society: any person wishing to obtain an overall view of the transformations taking place in contemporary Quebec should find answers here. But this book also contains analyses. Particular attention has been given to showing the variations of trends in different relevant sub-groups or in different categories, such as sex and age, although the main goal has remained identification of the vectors of change. The diagnoses made of the trends are also largely based on existing scientific literature and on analyses carried out by other researchers. Each report includes a list of the principal reference works on the trends under study. Preference was given to analyses which dealt with a subject in terms of trends and which covered its development through time. Literature and data published after January of 1990 have not been systematically considered, since the work was practically finished by that time. This book on trends is a group project, the result of close collaboration between the researchers. A uniform presentation was adopted, and the authors followed the standards established by consensus not only among the Quebec researchers, but among our international colleagues. Each report was discussed several times by the group and many modifications were made along the way, particularly after consultation with outside experts. The book is therefore not a collection of disparate texts, and we have striven to give it as much unity as possible, while at the same time respecting each member's differences in style or approach, when these did not affect the unity of the whole. The reports are signed by the author or authors who carried out the analysis. The project was led by Simon Langlois, who co-ordinated the group's work and acted as editor. Simon Langlois

10

Introduction

References Bernier, Gerald, and Robert Boily 1986 Le Quebec en chiffres de 1850 a nos jours. Montreal: ACFAS. Boudon, Raymond 1984 La place du desordre. Paris: PUF. Caldwell, Gary, and D. Czarnocki 1977a "Un rattrapage rate I. Le changement social dans le Quebec d'apres guerre 1950-1974." Recherches sociographiques 18, no. 1, 9-58. 1977b "Un rattrapage rat6 II. La variation a court terme." Recherches sociographiques 18, no. 3, 367-396. Caplow, Theodore 1988 "The Comparative Charting of Social Change in Advanced Industrial Societies." European Studies Newsletter 17, no. 5, 1-6. Czarnocki, B. Dan 1978 "Macro-time, Midi-time, and Micro-time: A Set of Decompositional Techniques for Making Historical Sense out of Longitudinal Data." Canadian Journal of Sociology 3, no. 1, 21-39. Dielman, Terry E. 1989 Pooled Cross-sectional and Time Series Data Analysis. New York and Basel: Marcel Dekker inc. Dirn, Louis, M. ForsS, J.-P. Jaslin, Y. Lemel, H. Mendras, D. Stoclet, and J.-H. Dechaux 1990 La societe franqaise en tendances. Paris: PUF. Dirn, Louis 1985 "Pour un tableau tendanciel de la soci£t£ francaise: un parti de recherche." Revue Franqaise de Sociologie no. 3, 389-408. Fabre, Jean-Bernard 1988 Le Quebec mis en chiffres/Quebec tinental inc.

in numbers. Montreal: Publications transcon-

Fors6, Michel 1984 Traitement statistique d'une matrice de relations causales entre tendances du changement social." Document de travail de I'OFCE, 84/07. Fors6, Michel 1991 L'analyse structurelle du changement social. Le modele de Louis Dirn. Paris: PUF, Collection "Sociologies," (in press). Groupe Qu£b£cois de Prospective 1982 Le futur du Quebec au conditional. Chicoutimi: Gaetan Morin editeur. IQRC (Institut quSbecois de recherche sur la culture) 1985 Statistiques culturelles du Quebec, 1971-1982. Quebec City: IQRC. 11

Recent Social Trends in Quebec

Julien, Pierre-Andr6, Pierre Lamonde, and Daniel Latouche 1976 Qutbec 2001. Une societe refroidie. Montreal: Boreal Express. Juster, Thomas F. et al. 1981 The Theory and Measurement of Well-being: A Suggested Framework for Accounting and Analysis." In Thomas F. Juster, and Kenneth C. Land, eds., Social Accounting Systems. Essays on the State of the Arts, 23-94. New York: Academic Press. Juster, Thomas F., and Kenneth C. Land, eds. 1981 Social Accounting Systems. Essays on the State of the Arts. New York: Academic Press. Kohn, Melvin L. 1989 Cross-National Research in Sociology. Newbury Park: Sage Publications. Langlois, Simon 1990 "Social Reporting and Trend Analysis: Toward a Comparative Study of Vectors of Social Change." International Conference on Social Reporting and Social Indicators. Berlin. Mendras, Henri, and Michel Fors£ 1983 Le changement social. Paris: A. Colin. OPDQ (Office de la planification et du developpement du Quebec) 1977- Prospective socio-tconomique du Quebec. Collection "Etudes et recherches." 27 1979 vols. Quebec City: Editeur officiel. Statistics Canada n.d. Canadian Social Trends. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, cat. 11-008. Vogel, Joachim et al. 1988 Inequality in Sweden. Trends and Current Situation. Stockholm: Statistics Sweden.

12

0 CONTEXT

0.1 Demographic Trends Abstract. The rate of population growth began to level off in the early 1960s, and now stands at less than 1 per cent. The average size of households has decreased considerably, to the extent that one household out of five is now made up of a single person. Life expectancy at birth has continued to increase, while infant-mortality rates have fallen to among the lowest in the world. The population is ageing, the proportion of females in the population is gradually rising, and the population is becoming increasingly concentrated in urban centres.

The annual rate of population growth slowed down, and has remained below 1 per cent since 1970 In a quarter-century, Quebec went from a society with one of the highest demographic growth rates in the industrialized world to one with nearly stationary growth (less than 1% per year since 1970). Emigration and, especially, low birth rates were mainly responsible for this turnaround. The population of Quebec was nearly four million in 1950, and reached six million in 1970 (see table 1). Since then, it has increased by only half a million. At the beginning of the 1950s, the annual population growth rate was 2,5%. In the 1960s, this rate started to decline, resulting in lower rates than those for Canada as a whole, whereas the opposite situation had been the norm since the interwar period (table 2).

The size of households has decreased considerably since 1961; by 1989, the percentage of single-person households had increased by a factor of five The first level in organization of the population is the household, which has decreased considerably in size (table 3). In 1961, the average size of a household was 4,53 persons; by 1975, this number had dropped to 3,5, or one person less. This downward trend continued, reaching 2,59 persons in 1989. This reduction in the size of households is the result of the shrinking size of families and the splitting up of households due to divorce, as well as to an increase in the proportion of single-person households. At the beginning of the 1960s, barely 5% of households consisted of a single person. Since the mid-1980s one household out of five has been in that category, a proportion four times as high as that of 25 years ago (table 3).

13

0 Context

The annual increase in number of households, high since the end of the 1960s, began to level off in the late 1980s When the annual rate of growth of the Quebec population began to slow down during the 1960s (table 1), the increase in number of single-person households was responsible for maintaining the rate of growth in households (table 3). However, this phenomenon was transitional — the consequence of households being split by divorce and young single adults being able to establish themselves alone in a wealthier society - and cannot, by definition, occur twice (as a single-person household cannot be split any further). Indeed, since the end of the 1970s the annual increase in single-person households has slowed down, and no longer sustains - to the same extent - the rate of creation of households.

There is a continual upward trend in life expectancy at birth Considerable progress has been made in Quebec in reducing mortality: the infantmortality rate has been reduced by half in twenty years (table 1). The result of these two factors has been to considerably lengthen life expectancy at birth. In 1985-1987, life expectancy stood at 71,9 years for men and 79,4 years for women. Between 1975-1977 and 1987, life expectancy for both men and women increased by three years. The gap between the sexes, which was seven years in 1975-1977, remained virtually unchanged. Life expectancy at age 65 was 14,1 years for men and 18,8 years for women in 1986 (Duchesne, 1989). Recent gains in the prolongation of life have benefited mainly the elderly, particularly females.

The infant-mortality rate has been reduced by half over 20 years Although infant mortality is no longer very significant in determining overall mortality, it is here that Quebec's performance has been the most spectacular. The rate dropped from 17 per 1 000 births in 1971 to 7,2 in 1987. This reduction has been equalled only by Japan, Iceland, and the Scandinavian countries. Considering that the infant-mortality rate is an indication of the quality of health care and environmental conditions, Quebec has made notable progress.

The population has undergone gradual feminization The evolution of the ratio between the sexes from 1971 to 1987 reveals a gradual feminization of the Quebec population, at least in its older segment. The gap between life expectancy for men and for women is such that there are now 69 men per 100 women in the population aged 65 or over (table 4). Higher mortality from suicide among men was partly responsible for this feminization.

Ageing of the population has accelerated The ageing process is the most significant aspect of the age structure of the Quebec population. The median age rose from 24 to 32 years between 1966 and 1987, an increase of eight years over a 20-year period (table 5). During the same time, the 0-14 age group shrank from 33,6% of the population to 20,1%. The proportion of people in the 65-and-over age group has grown constantly, except 14

0.1 Demographic Trends

between 1981 and 1985. By 1987, people 65 years of age and over accounted for 10% of the population, versus 5,8% in 1961. The trend toward ageing is accelerating more rapidly in Quebec than elsewhere in the industrialized world. This acceleration is not evident in current overall figures, as the last cohort of "baby boomers" has not yet worked its way through the age pyramid. Succeeding cohorts are much reduced in size. The collapse of the "echo" from this last cohort of baby boomers - in other words, the low number of children born between 1980 and 1985 - will contribute most sharply to acceleration of the ageing process. Moreover, in less than 20 years - other things being equal - the labour force will be hard hit by ageing when those now at the bottom of the age pyramid are over 15 years of age (figure 1). Having been the shape of an evergreen in 1987, the age pyramid will be shaped like a maple leaf in the year 2000, and will be transformed into the outline of a weeping willow by around 2020 (Lux, 1983). Negative interprovincial migratory balances have been offset by positive international balances The volume of migrations between Quebec and the rest of Canada is considerable - often larger than international migrations. As a result, interprovincial migration accounts for a greater part of the net migratory balance of Quebec than does international migration (Duchesne, 1989). The turnaround from positive net migratory balances, in the 1950s and early 1960s, to negative net balances, from 1967 to 1984, cannot be accounted for by variations in international immigration. Rather, interprovincial migratory movements figured greatly in the net balances. From 1966 on, Quebec experienced a succession of negative interprovincial migratory balances, while maintaining positive balances at the international level (table 6). As a result of a reduction in negative interprovincial migratory balances, beginning in 1984 Quebec obtained a positive overall migratory balance for the first time, with the exception of 1974, in 25 years. In 1986, this positive balance stood at over 14 000 persons. Departures among Francophones are on the decline, while departures among Anglophones remain at a high level The positive net migratory balances of 1985 and 1986 were the result of a decrease in the number of departures for other provinces which was sufficiently large to offset a reduction in international immigration. On the other hand, an increase in international immigration in 1987 and 1988 was somewhat offset by an increase in migration from Quebec. In contemporary Qu6bec, immigration and emigration generally involve Anglophones and allophones. Among Francophones, migration is at present very low, in contrast to the 1960s, when considerable numbers of Francophones departed. "The French-speaking population of Quebec is in a state of quasi-equilibrium in its migratory exchanges with the rest of Canada as well as with the rest of the world" (Tennote & Gauvreau, 1988: 203). As for Quebec's Anglophones, the numbers arriving from other provinces and other countries decreased, at a time when their propensity to leave Quebec was thirteen times as high as was that of Francophones. However, this trend has slowed down (Tennote & Gauvreau, 1988). 15

0 Context

Urbanization is levelling off and farming population continues to decline Despite the fact that Quebec's image was for a long time associated with rurality, it has been a highly urbanized society for quite some time (table 7). According to the Canadian census definition of the term "urban" - communities with a population of one thousand persons and over - Quebec has been predominantly urban since 1921. In 1951, two-thirds of the population was urbanized, and by 1971 this figure had climbed to 80,6%. From 1971 to 1981, a counterurbanization movement arose, reducing the population considered to be urban to 77,6% (Termote & Mongeau, 1983). The proportion of the farming population has decreased constantly, from 18,9% in 1951 to 2,2% in 1986. On the other hand, the non-farming rural population has increased in size since 1956, rising from 14% to nearly 20% in 1986. The population is increasingly concentrated around major urban and regional centres The Quebec population has become very geographically concentrated. This has been an ongoing and intensifying phenomenon, which can be seen in the increasing proportion of the population living in census metropolitan areas (CMAs), that is, regions consisting of a population of at least 100 000 in an urban nucleus and all adjacent municipalities within a 20-mile (32-km.) radius whose economic life is associated with the nucleus. This proportion has continued to rise: in 1986, one-half of the population lived in the Montreal CMA, while the five CMAs together comprised almost two-thirds of the entire population (table 7). Quebec's outlying rural regions are being depopulated as a result of the industrialization of agriculture, the increasing availability of services in regional urban centres, and the modernization of social life, which makes rural life less attractive. For example, 58,4% of the population of the Gasp6 Peninsula lived on farms in 1941; 40 years later, this proportion had fallen to 6% (Jean, 1985).

Gary CaldweU References Baillargeon, Mireille 1986 "Evolution et caract^ristiques linguistiques des ^changes migratoires interprovinciaux et internationaux du Quebec depuis 1971." L'Etat de la langue franqaise au Quebec; Bilan et prospective, IV: La situation demolinguistique. Quebec City: Conseil de la langue francaise, Les Publications du Quebec. Benjamin, Claire 1983 "Les entrees internationales au Quebec." In Demographic que'be'coise: passe, present, perspective, 314-344. Quebec City: Bureau de la statistique du Quebec.

16

0.1 Demographic Trends BSQ (Bureau de la statistique du Quebec) 1976 Tendances passees et perspectives devolution de la mortality au Quebec. Quebec City: Bureau de la statistique du Quebec. 1985

L'avenir demographique du Quebec. Quebec City: Les Publications du Quebec.

Caldwell, Gary, and Daniel Fournier 1987 "La question du Quebec: une affaire de population." Canadian Journal of Sociology 12, nos. 1-2, 16-41. CAS (Conseil des affaires sociales) 1989 Deux Quebec dans un. Rapport sur le developpement social et demographique. Boucherville: Gaetan Morin Editeur and Gouvernement du Quebec. Duchesne, Louis 1988 &La situation demographique au Quebec. Quebec City: Bureau de la statistique 1989 du Quebec and Les Publications du Quebec. Jean, Bruno 1985 Agriculture et developpement dans I'Est du Quebec. Sillery: Presses de 1'Universit6 du Quebec. Lux, Andr6 1983 "Un Quebec qui vieillit. Perspective pour le XXI* siecle." Recherches sociographiques 24, no. 3, 325-378. Mathews, Georges 1984 Le choc demographique. Montreal: Boreal Express. Statistics Canada 1985 Canada Year Book. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, cat. 11-402E. n.d.

Estimations de la population du Canada et des provinces. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, cat. 91-201.

Termote, Marc, and Danielle Gauvreau 1988 La situation demolinguistique du Quebec. Quebec City: Conseil de la langue francaise. Termote, Marc, and Joel Mongeau 1983 "L'ampleur de la centre-urbanisation au Quebec." In Yves Brunet, ed., L'exode urbain: ses causes, ses implications, son avenir, 77-78. Montreal: University de Montreal, Departement de geographic. Thibault, Normand 1985 Tables de mortality, Quebec, regions administratives et sous-regions de Montreal 1980-82. Quebec City: Bureau de la statistique du Quebec.

17

0 Context

Table 1 Population of Quebec (as of June 1st), Deaths and Mortality Rates. Quebec. 1961-1989

Year

Population '000

1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989

5 259 5 371 5 481 5 584 5 685 5 718 5 864 5 928 5 985 6 013 6 028 6 054 6 079 6 123 6 179 6 234 6 284 6 302 6 339 6 386 6438 6 462 6 475 6 492 6 514 6 540 6 593 6 638 6 668

Annual variation %

2,3 2,1 2,0 1.9 1,8 0,6 2,6 1,1 1,0 0,5 0,2 0,4 0,4 0,7 0,9 0,9 0,8 0,3 0,6 0,7 0,8 0,4 0,2 0,3 0,3 0,4 0,8 0,7 0,5

Deaths '000

Mortality rate/ 1 000 inhabitants

37 37 38 38 39 39 39 40 40 40 41 43 43 43 44 44 43 44 43 44 43 43 44 45 46 47 47 48

7,0 6,9 6,9 6,8 6,9 6,8 6,7 6,7 6,7 6,7 6,8 7,1 7,1 7,0 7,1 7,1 6,8 7,0 6,8 6,9 6,7 6,6 6,8 6,9 7,0 7,2 7,2 7,2

Infant mortality rate/ 1 000 births 31,5 31,8 30,0 27,4 26,2 25,3 23,1 21,7 20,3 20,6 17,3 17,2 15,5 14,5 13,4 11,5 11,9 11,5 10,3 9,6 8,3 9,0 7,6 7,5 7,3 7,1 7,2

Source: Louis Duchesne, La situation demographique au Quebec, Quebec, Les publications du Quebec, Editions 1985, 1988and 1989. Statistics Canada, Vital Statistics, Ottawa, cat. 84-202.

18

0.1 Demographic Trends

Table 2 Population Growth Rate by Decennial Period (1921-1951) and by Quinquennial Period (1951-1986) Quebec and Canada, 1921-1986 Decennial periods Period

Quebec

Canada

21,8 15,8 21,7

18.1 10,9 21,8

1921-1931 1931-1941 1941-1951

Quinquennial periods 1951-1956 1956-1961 1961-1966 1966-1971 1971-1976 1976-1981 1981-1986

14,1 13,6

14.8 13,4

9.7 7,8 6,6 5,9 4,2

9.9 4,3 3,4 3,3 1.0

Source: Statistics Canada, Population Census of Canada. Ottawa Table 3 Number of Households and of One-Person Households. Average Size of Households, Quebec, 1961-1989

Year 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989

Number of households

One-person households

'000

'000

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

57 64 71 72 86 100 111 113 126 126 158 184 191 224 223 265 287 318 363 341 421 437 454 471 489 508 500 533 616

162 212 235 257 280 300 319 450 475 500 536 641 652 721 764 832 869 944

2011

2046 2 161 2 197 2233 2271

2309 2 348 2362 2416 2511

One-person households % 4,9 5,3 5,7 5,7 6,7 7 7 8,4 7,8 8,5 8,4 10,3 11,2 11,6 13,0 12,6 14,5 15,4 16,4 18,1 16,7 19,5 19,9 20,3 20.7 21,2 21,6 21,2 22,1 24,5

Average size 4,53 4,43 4,44 4,44 4,44 4,40 4,45 4,09 4,06 4,01 3,92 3,69 3,68 3,56 3,50 3,40 3,36 3,24 3,15 3,12 2,98 2,94 2,90 2,86 2,82 2,79 2,79 2,75 2,59

Source: Statistics Canada. Household Facilities and Equipment. Ottawa, cat. 64-202. author's compilations.

19

t

Table 4

Gender Ratio (Male/female) for all Ages and for certain Age Groups, Quebec, 1961-1987 Year

Total population

Age group 0-14

Age group 65 +

1961 1966 1971 1976 1981 1984 1986 1987

100,0 99,7 98,7 97,9 97,1 96,7 96,1 97,4

104,3 104,9 102,9 105,1 105,4 105,7 105,3 105,4

89,5 84,4 77,6 74,1 70,8 68,9 68,2 68,6

Source: Louis Duchesne, La situation demographique au Quebec, Quebec, Les publications du Quebec, Editions 1985, 1988 and 1989, author's compilations.

Table 5

Median Age of Population. Importance of Certain Age Groups, in Percentage, Quebec, 1961-1987 Year

1961 1966 1971 1976 1981 1984 1985 1986 1987

Median age

0-14 years %

65 and over %

24,0 24,0 25,6 27,7 29,7

35,4 33,6 29,6 24,9 21,7 20,9 —

5,8 6,1 6,9 7,7 8,8 8,7 —

20,5 20,1

10,0 10,0

—

31,4 32,0 32,4

Source: Louis Duchesne, La situation demographiqueau Quebec, Quebec, Les publications du Quebec, Editions 1985, 1988 and 1989.

20

0.1 Demographic Trends

Table 6 International, Interprovincial and Total Migratory Balances, Quebec, 1961•1988* Year' 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

International

Interprovincial

Total

-3948 -2 812 -620 -639 6049 11 984 5672 7 191

1 658 -504 -5 97 -6 129 -8 907 -14478 -15 726 -18695 -35 841 -37 995 -20461 -20072 -15 136 -9 299 - 1 2 64 -26366 -46 429 - 30 88 -29 976 -22 841 -25 790 -24 678 -17 417 -8020 -5 34 -3 68 -4088 -9 37

-2 290 -3 316 -6 598 -6 768 -2 858 -2 49 -10054 - 1 1 50 -35 227 -40 785 -17 747 -15 574 -1 98 4 125 -1 04 -8 994 -40 109 -26 598 -14 768 -9 64 -9 25 -13 841 -10 151 -1 68 4 116 14 421 10 421 11 950

614

-2 790 2 714 4 498 13 149 13424 11 600 17 372 6 320 4 286 15 208 13201 16 536 10837 7 266 6332 9465 10509 19 881 21 428

a. June first. Source: Louis Duchesne, 1988 and 1989.

21

0 Context

Table 7

Population Percentage Urban, Rural-agricultural, Rural Non-agricultural and Residents of Metropolitan Census Areas (MCA), Quebec, 1951-1986 Year 1951 1956 1961 1966 1971 1976 1981 1986

Urban8 66,5 70,0 74,3 78,3 80,6 79,1 77,6 77,9

Rural agricultural"

Rural non-

0

agricultural 14,6 14,0 15,0 13,2 14,3 17,8 19,5 19,9

18,9 16,0 10,7

8,5 5,1 3,1 2,9 2,2

Residents of MCA's 42,7 43,3 50,2 52,8 58,0 56,0 59,4 63,3

a. All built-up areas, incorporated or not, with a population of at least 1 000 as of the previous census. b. From 1951 to 1971 inclusive, farms of 10 acres or more whose agricultural revenue reached 50 $ or more. From 1976, on all farms with agricultural revenue reaching 1 200 $ In 1981 this included, for the first time, all members of the farmer's household who had resided on the farm for any twelve-month period prior to the census c

Metropolitan census areas: urban areas of 100 000 people or more, including the urban core and municipalities (under certain conditions) within a 20-mile (32 kml radius.

d Includes since 1951, Montreal, Quebec and Hull; Chicoutimi-Jonquiere since 1971; Trois-Rivieres, since 1981 and in 1986, Sherbrooke. Source: Statistics Canada, Population Census of Canada, Ottawa.

22

0.1 Demographic Trends

Figure 1 Age Pyramid, Quebec, July 1987

Source: Louis Duchesne, La situation demographique au Quebec, Edition 1989, Quebec, Les Publications du Quebec, 1989: 23

23

0.2 Macro-economic Trends Abstract. Quebecers have become more prosperous. The proportion of the GDP earned by individuals, having gone through a period of growth, has decreased during the last few years. Personal disposable income has dwindled as a proportion of personal income. Individuals who had saved a large percentage of their personal disposable income decreased their savings rate and increased their consumer debts. As a result of a series of current-account deficits, public administrations have incurred massive debts. These administrations accounted for a large proportion of investments; this proportion has diminished. The tertiary sector is still growing, especially in the areas of financial services, real estate, and personal and commercial services. The Quebec economy, which relies heavily on foreign markets, is becoming increasingly dependent on the United States. In real terms, the GDP has increased by a factor of nearly three ove the past quarter-century From 1961 to 1986, Quebec's gross domestic product (GDP), expressed in 1981 dollars, increased by a factor of nearly three, rising from $29,9 billion to over $84 billion. This growth was relatively steady, although it levelled off somewhat between 1978 and 1980, and then dropped slightly between 1981 and 1983. Since that time, the GDP has resumed its rise, at an average annual rate of 4,2% fro 1983 to 1987; between 1961 and 1981, this rate was 7,3% on the average (see table 1). In real terms, the GDP per capita increased by 126% between 1961 an

1986

On a per-capita basis, the GDP increased by a factor of 2,4 between 1961 and 1987, from $5 690 to $13 562. Although the average annual growth rate was 5,3%, it was higher between 1983 and 1987 at 5,6% per year (table 1). Because the GDP grew at a slower rate in the late 1980s, the increase in GDP per cap reflects a deceleration in the growth rate of the population. Per-capita income has increased more rapidly than has per-capita GDP In 1981 dollars, personal income per capita increased by a factor of 2,7 between 1961 and 1988, in comparison to a factor of 2,4 for the GDP per capita. From it 1961 level of $4 775, average personal income per capita increased to $12 876, representing an average annual growth rate of 6,3%. However, from 1987 to 1990 the growth rate slowed to 2,6%. Although, over the long term, individuals appear to have benefited from the growth of the GDP more than have other economic actors, however this has not been the case in the last few years (table 1). On a per-capita basis, personal disposable income has grown less rapidly than has personal income Personal disposable income - that is, personal income minus net transfers to public administrations (direct taxes and other taxes, duty, etc.) - increased by a factor of 2,2 between 1961 and 1988, with an average annual growth rate of

24

0.2 Macro-economic Trends

4,6%. This rate is clearly lower than is that of personal income, and is slightly less than that of the per-capita GDP. This is due to the fact that the proportion taken up by transfers to public administrations underwent regular increases, rising from 9,3% in 1961 to 24,3% in 1988 (table 1).

The personal-savings rate per capita increased steadily until 1982, and then declined The amounts individuals saved from their personal disposable income increased from $211 per capita in 1961 to $1 644 in 1982 in 1981 dollars, a difference of 679%, for an average annual growth rate of 32,3%. This means that over the same period, the average annual growth rate in personal disposable income used immediately was 3,5%. Over this 21-year period, individuals had thus accumulated considerable savings, which they invested either in real estate, in securities portfolios, or in rising deposits, increasing the stock of liquidities. Hence, the percentage of personal disposable income per capita going to savings climbed from about 5% in 1961 to nearly 19% in 1982. After the 1982-1983 recession, this trend underwent a reversal. In 1988, the amount of personal savings per capita fell back to the 1974 level; however, as a percentage of personal disposable income it represents no more than the level of the mid-1960s. Thus, from 1982 to 1988, the amount of savings per person dropped by 53,6%, and the savings rate dropped by 58,3%. On the other hand, the proportion of personal disposable income per capita available for immediate use increased, in constant dollars, from $7 127 in 1982 to $8 991 in 1988, representing an average annual increase of 4,4%, versus 3,5% throughout the preceding period. In the late 1980s, personal disposable income per capita increased at an average rate of 1,9% per year, much more slowly than did the proportion of this income used for immediate expenses (table 1).

Expenditures for interest on consumer debt have never exceeded 1,5% of personal disposable income Still on a per-person basis, the cost of consumer loans, having comprised 0,4% of personal disposable income in 1961, climbed to 1% in 1974, to 1,7% in 1981, and stood at 1,4% in 1982, the year in which savings rates reached a peak. In the years following 1982, there was a trend toward increasing consumer debt, corresponding to the downward trend in savings. In addition to making immediate use of an increasing proportion of their personal disposable income, individuals began to draw on anticipated income for their expenses (table 1). Thus, individuals began drawing more heavily on the stock of liquidities, which hitherto had benefited public administrations.

Public administrations have incurred current expenses in excess of their current revenues since 1972 The category of public administrations includes the federal government presence in Quebec, the Canada Pension Plan attributable to Quebec, the Government of Quebec - including the Quebec Pension Plan and hospitals - and local administrations, that is, municipalities and school boards. In the period observed, these 25

0 Context

administrations incurred deficits over their current revenues as early as 1972 (2,1%), with a peak of 30,4% in 1982, followed by a reduction to 15,7% in 1988 (table 1). The federal government accounts for the largest share of these deficits, which reached a peak in 1982, when its current expenditures exceeded its current revenues by 77,3%; this rate then declined, reaching 22,5% in 1987 (table 1). The provincial administration began to run deficits as of 1972; its expenditures have exceeded its revenues by a percentage fluctuating between 15% and 20%. The financial situation of local administrations, however, has generally been stable. Over 16 years, they have had nine years with slight deficits and seven years with surpluses (table 2). These deficits have been manifested in the increasing amounts required to cover debt, which rose gradually from 8,9% of current expenditures of public administrations in 1972 to 14,3% in 1987. The federal government has been most affected by the cost of debt service, which increased from 11,2% of expenditures in 1972 to 20% in 1986, and to 19,4% in 1987. Over the same period, the rate for the provincial administration rose from 5,1% to 10,9%, and that of local administrations remained fairly stable, fluctuating between 10% and 15%. In each of these levels of administration, the debt burden has affected the share of expenditures allocated to other items. In the case of the federal government, transfer payments declined from 64,1% in 1972 to 62,5% in 1986. The item which the federal government reduced the most was transfer payments to other administrations, resulting in a lessening of its influence. The provincial administration, on the other hand, preferred, first, to decrease its direct purchases of goods and services and, second, to decrease transfer payments to other administrations. Furthermore, while the federal government reduced the relative size of its transfers to individuals and to businesses, the provincial government increased transfers both to individuals and to businesses (table 2).

The tertiary sector plays a larger role Three groups of activities in the tertiary sector have increased their proportion of the GDP. These are, in descending order, the personal- and commercial-services group, which rose from 14,5% of the GDP in 1961 to 24% or more after 1978; th financial-services, insurance, and real-estate-management group, which rose from 11,8% of the GDP in 1961 to 14,1% in 1976, and to 16,6% in 1987; and public administrations and defence, which increased quite steadily from 5,2% in 1961 to 7,9% in 1982, falling back to 6,9% in 1987. In contrast, the secondary sector, which accounted for more than one-third of the GDP in 1961, represented only one-fifth in 1986. However, its share rose to 26,5% in 1987. Thus, growth of the tertiary sector, which had previously taken place at the expense of the primary sector, continued its thrust at the expense of the secondary sector (table 3). Moreover, the above-mentioned three groups of activities alone are responsible for expansion of the tertiary sector (table 4), which in itself is an indication of major changes in society in terms of life-styles (Beausejour, 1989).

26

0.2 Macro-economic Trends

A general increase in profits is more noticeable in certain types of activities Profits, as a percentage of contributions to the GDP, increased in the productiv sector of the economy, from 16,1% in 1972 to more than 20% in 1987, or by a factor of 1,35. The strongest growth occurred in the forestry group, despite the fact that it accounts for a small part of the economy and has one of the lowest profit rates. This group is followed by public utilities (particularly in the field of communications), agriculture, and services. It should be mentioned that the profit/GDP ratio of the latter group has never been very considerable. The highest ratio was consistently that of the financial-services, insurance, and real-estate group, followed at a distance by the secondary sector and the public-utilities group (table 5).

There was overall growth in investments, but with different patterns depending on the activity Between 1972 and 1987, capital investments, that is, investments in equipment and machinery added to existing stocks, increased fairly regularly until 1982 in terms of percentage of the GDP. From 15,2% of the GDP in 1972, these investments rose to 19,5% in 1982. Since that time, this rate has decreased considerably, while profit rates have begun growing again. During this period, agriculture and fisheries, mining, public utilities, and public administrations have had above-average investment rates (table 6). Although the manufacturing sector has declined in terms of relative size, it still shows considerable dynamism in terms of investments. Indeed, the reduction in its investment rate during the last few years has been less pronounced than that in most other sectors.

Public investments have declined Public investments accounted for 37,6% of all capitalization in 1976, falling to only 20,9% in 1987. In 1976, public enterprises enjoyed the largest share of capitalization, with a 20% share. This share fell to 8,9% by 1987, while the public administrations' share fell less sharply, from 17,7% to 11,9%. Public investments made in Quebec at the provincial level have consistently been higher than at the federal level. Between 1983 and 1986, when the provincial government's share was diminishing, the share of local administrations was increasing, both in terms of the administrations themselves and of their public enterprises (tables 7, 8, 9). After a long period of large-scale investments, the provincial government seems to have run out of steam, since it now has to cope with servicing a heavier debt load. The same has not been true of local administrations, since the amounts required to service their debt have remained relatively stable over the years. This would explain the growth in investments, both in them and by them. While there are practically no more major public-works projects at the national level, local administrations are in a sense carrying the ball in their fields of jurisdiction (water and sewage treatment, urban renewal, etc.).

27

0 Context

Overall productivity has been stable since the early 1970s Productivity, in the sense of a relationship between quantity of production and number of hours worked, increased moderately in the early 1970s for the economy as a whole, although considerable improvements were made in manufacturing. The constantly expanding role of the tertiary sector in the composition of the GDP contributed to moderation of this growth, since productivity in this sector is generally low. Total productivity, that is, productivity of labour combined with that of capital (Saint-Amour et al., 1984), was nearly stable from 1974 to 1981, with the drop in the productivity of capital offsetting the increase in the productivity of labour (table 10).

The Quebec economy remains highly dependent on its external markets The Quebec economy has often been described as very open. The rest of Canada usually constitutes a larger market for most of Quebec's main products than does the domestic provincial market. International exports of goods have consistently made a significant contribution to the GDP, varying between 16% and 22,6% fro year to year (table 11). Except for tourism, which is on the increase, the value of service exports is still difficult to calculate. International exports of goods are mainly made up of semi-finished commodities, parts, and primary resources that have undergone a first phase of processing.

The share of international exports going to the United States is rising In the mid-1980s, over 75% of Quebec's internationally exported products were shipped to the United States. This percentage had fluctuated between 58,5% and 64,9% during the 1970s (table 11). Quebec has become more dependent on this market, along with its other external markets — including the rest of Canada — than on its own domestic market for sales of its products (Dutrisac, 1989).

Jean-Paul Baillargeon Gary Caldwell References Ashan, Syed, and Balbin S. Sahni 1987 "Les relations entre les depenses et les recettes publiques dans une economic region ale: le Quebec, 1955-82." L'Actualitt teonomique 63, no. 4, 295-310. ACEF (Association cooperative d'economie familiale) 1982 Les assoiffte du credit. Montreal: Editions du Jour. Beausejour, Michel 1989 "Ou s'en va-t-on avec le tertiaire?" Le Devoir economique 5, no. 6, 7-8. 28

0.2 Macro-economic Trends

Belanger, Gerard 1988 "L'univers du secteur public dans le systeme de comptabilite' nationale." Administration publique du Canada 31, no. 1, 53-80. Cossette, Alfred 1982 La tertiarisation de Vtconomie qutbecoise. Chicoutimi: Gaetan Morin. Duquet, Pierre, and Yves Rabeau 1987 Les effetsmacro-teonomiques des deficits Canada.

budge'taires. Ottawa: Banque du

Dupr6, Ruth 1988 "Un siecle de finances publiques qu£b£coises: 1867-1969." L'Actualitt teonomique 64, no. 4, 559-583. Dutrisac, Robert 1989 "Le Quebec sous influence." Le Devoir teonomique 5, no. 6, 26-32. Gingras, Bruno 1986 Productivity et performance de l'4conomie que'be'coise: bilan 1985. Montreal: Institut national de productivity. Hubert, Germain 1989 "Les comptes gcpnomiques de 1926 a 1967." In Le Quebec statistique, 59fk ed., 45-67. Quebec City: Bureau de la statistique du Quebec and Les Publications du Quebec. Payette, Micheline, and Francois Vaillancourt 1986 "L'incidence des recettes et defenses gouvernementales au Quebec en 1981." L'Actualitt teonomique 62, no. 3, 409-441. Purvis, Douglas D. 1985 . "Public Sector Deficits, International Capital Movements and the Domestic Economy: the Medium-Term is the Message." Canadian Journal of Economics 28, no. 4, 723-742. Quebec, Ministers d'Etat au DeVeloppement 6conomique 1980 Le rapport du groupe d'&ude sur I'tpargne au Quebec. Quebec City: Gouvernement du Quebec, Editeur officiel. Qu6bec (Prov.) 1962- La situation tconomique au Quebec. Quebec City: Bureau de la statistique du Quebec. Rabeau, Yves 1987 "Deficit du gouvernement canadien: a quelle vitesse les autorit^s budg^taires doivent-elles r^agir?" Canadian Public Policy/Analyse de politiques 13, no. 4, 423-434. Romulus, Marc, and Christian Deblock 1985 "Etat, politique ^conomique et d^veloppement industriel au Quebec." Interventions economiques nos. 14-15, 193-230.

29

0 Context

Rousseau, Henri-Paul 1983 The Dome Syndrome: the Debt Overhanging Canadian Government and Business." Analyse de politiques 9, no. 1, 37-52. Saint-Amour, Pierre et al. 1984 Productivity et performance de I'e'conomie que'be'coise: bilan 1983. Montreal: Institut national de productivity. 1985

Productivity et performance de I'tconomie que'be'coise: bilan 1984. Montreal: Institut national de productivity.

Sergent, John, ed. 1986 L'tvolution macro-e'conomique depuis la guerre. Ottawa: Commission royale sur 1'union £conomique et les perspectives de deVeloppement du Canada. Stringer, Yvan 1985 "Le deficit budgStaire federal; une appreciation." L'Actualitt teonomique 61, no. 4, 531-537.

30

0.2 Macro-economic Trends

Table 1 Some Macro-economic Indicators related to Individuals, Quebec, (1981 Dollars') 1961 1988" iNT ON

Year 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 a

GDP at GDP factor costs per cap. '000 000 29 925 31 940 33 136 35 836 37 777 40064 41 460 42 599 44 459 45 426 47 551 52 364 55 144 58 063 61 069 64 355 66 261 69 455 71 429 73 121 73 818 70 439 71 781 76 304 79 288 84 155 89 406 —

5 690 5 947 6 046 6 418 6 645 6 930 7 070 7 186 7 428 7 555 7 888 8 649 9 071 9 483

9883 10 10 11 11 11 11 10 11 11 12 12 13

322 544 021 268 450 466 901 086 754 172 868 561

—

Pers. income per cap. 4 775 5 000 5 102 5 383 5 679 6 005 6 361 6 490 6 754 6 997 7 464 8 113 8 630 9 204 9 624 10 305 10 562 10 685 10 913 11 180 11 340 11 173 11 063 1 1 485 11 884 12 118 12 483 12 879

Disp. person. income per cap.

Dips. inc./ pers. inc. %

4 331 4 532 4 622 4 836 5 121 5 291 5 525 5 553 5 691 5 817 6 145 6 685 7 061 7 433 7 806 8 294 8 334 8 511 8 664 8 851 8 890 8 771 8 676 9 006 9 292 9 356 9 577 9 755

90,7 90,6 90,6 89,8 90,2 88,1 86,9 85,6 84,3 83.1 82,3 82,4 81,8 80,8 81,1 80,5 78,9 79,7 79,4 79,2 78,4 78,5 78,4 78,4 78,2 77,2 76,7 75,7

Per-cap. savings

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

188 194 177 227 345 367 560 370 330 380 488 617 607 743 848 086 985 124 087 284 433 644 309 284 163 952 825 762

Person. Per-cap. sav./ interest disp. on cons. inc. debt % 4,3 4,3 3,8 4,7 6.7 6,9 10,1 6,7 5,8 6,5 7,9 9,2 8,6 10,0 10,9 13,1 11,8 13,2 12,5 14,5 16,1 18,7 15,1 14,3 12,5 10,2 8,6 7,8

17 17 17 18 21 23 25 33 40 45 45 49 58 75 79 83 80 85 115 134 151 125 93 93 104 108 124 136

cons. debt/ disp. inc. % 0,4 0,4 0,4 0,4 0,4 0,4 0,4 0,6 0,7 0,8 0,7 0,7 0,8 1,0 1.0 1,0 1,0 1,0 1,3 1,5 1,7 1,4 1,1 1,0 1,1 1,2 1,3 1,4

Implicit price index of the GDP.

b. Intable legend: pers. = personal; disp = disposable; inc = income; int. = interest; cons = consumer. Sources:

Statistics Canada, Provincial Economic Accounts, Historical Issue, 1961-1986. Ottawa, cat. 13-213S. Bureau de la statistique du Quebec, Comptes economiques des revenus er des depenses, Edition 1989, Quebec. Les Publications du Quebec, 1989; authors' compilations

31

0 Context

Table 2 Percentage Distribution of Public Administrations Expenditures in Quebec by Level of Government and Ratio of Expenditures to Revenue, Quebec, 1972-1987 Federal admin, in Quebec3

All administrations Year

1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

Goods Transfers to" and serv. Per- Busi- Other exp. sons ness adm. 38,9 40,4 38,3 36,9 38,2 37,5 37,9 38,9 37,6 36,3 35,7 35,3 34,7 34,5 34,7 34,8

22,2 22,4 22,5 22,4 23,8 23,0 23,6 22,4 21,7 21,4 22,8 23,8 24,0 24,1 24,9 25,0

2,9 3,0 6,3 8,1 5,8 5,0 4,4 4,9 6,6 7,8 5,5 5,2 5,5 5,2 3,9 4,3

27,1 25,3 25,5 25,7 24,3 27,2 25,7 24,6 23,9 22,8 23,6 23,4 22,7 22,3 21,8 21,5

Publ. debt

Exp./ rev.

8,9 8,8 7,4 6,9 7,9 7,3 8,4 9,2

102,1 103,1 104,7 114,6 115,8 117,4 118,3 120,4 122,9 121,7 130,4 128,3 126,3 127,2 118,2 115,7

10,2 11,8 12,5 12,3 13,1 13,8 14,7 14,3

Goods Transfers to and serv. Per- Busi- Other exp. sons ness adm. 21,0 19,6 16,9 15,4 16,6 16,7 18,6 18,5 17,2 16,9 16,1 16,1 15,4 16,0 17,4 17,0

34,7 36,8 34,7 33,6 35,9 35,2 34,3 31,3 29,3 27,3 31,2 32,2 31,3 31,8 33,2 33,2

Provincial admin,.' Year

1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

Goods Transfers tob and serv. Per- Busi- Other exp. sons ness adm. 36,8 38,8 38,9 38,3 38,0 36,4 36,9 38,4 38,4 37,0 37,1 36,5 36,1 35,6 34,4 34,7

20,2 20,1 20,2 20,0 22,7 21,8 23,2 23,3 22,7 23,0 22,5 23,7 24,8 24,6 25,4 25,7

1,2 1,2 1,4 1,3 1,8 2,1 2,2 2,2 2,4 2,7 2,6 3,4 3,5 4,2 3,7 3,7

36,6 34,4 34,9 35,9 32,5 35,4 32,2 30,4 29,7 28,6 28,5 27,0 25,9 25,4 25,6 25,1

5,7 6,4

14,3 18,6 13,2 10,8 8,5

10,1 14,2 16,9 10,4 8,8 9,2 7,8 5,0 6,3

27,3 26,2 25,1 23,9 24,6 28,2 28,4 27,6 25,9 23,7 25,6 26,7 26,5 25,6 24,3 24,1

Publ. debt

Exp./ rev.

11,2 11,0

10,1 12,5 13,3 15,2 16,6 16,2 17,6 18,8 20,0 19,4

101,3 98,1 107,3 130,5 119,3 132,4 144,5 141,0 141,4 140,0 177,3 166,1 156,8 152,2 127,4 122,5

Publ. debt

Exp./ rev.

14,3 13,4 11,2

92,1 102,2 102,2 94,0 104,9 94,1 99,3 102,4 98,9 100,1 97,6 99,3 105,1 101,1 102,5 100,2

9,0 8,5 9,8 9,1

Municipal admin.

Publ. debt

Exp./ rev.

5,1 5,5 4,6 4,5 5,0 4,3 5,5 5,7 6,9 8,8 9,2 9,3 9,8

107,2 107,5 103,6 110,7 117,4 117,3 109,8 114,8 120,4 117,3 117,5 117,1 115,2 120,6 116,9 115,8

10,2 10,9 10,8

Goods Transfers to and serv. Per- Busi- Other exp. sons ness adm. 83,6 85,1 87,5 88,7 86,8 86,4 85,8 85,8 84,1 85,3 85,3 86,0 85,8 84,4 83,1 84,0

0,1 0,1 0,1 0,1 0,0 0,0 0,0 0,0 0,0 0,0 0,0 0,0 0,0 0,0 0,0 0,0

1,2 1,1 1,1 1,0 1,1 1,2 1,4 1,5 2,5 1,5 2,1 1,5 1,7 1,6 1,7 1,7

0,8 0,3 0,2 0,3 0,0 0,0 0,0 0,0 0,1 0,1 0,0 0,0 0,0 0,0 0,0 0,0

9,9

12,0 12,3 12,7 12,6 13,4 13,1 12,6 12,5 12,4 13,9 15,1 14,3

a. Including Quebec Pension Plan and hospitals b. Transfers; other adm.: other administrations. Source: Bureau de la statistique du Quebec, Comptes economiques des revenus et des depenses, Edition 1989, Quebec, Les Publications du Quebec, 1989; authors' compilations.

32

0.2 Macro-economic Trends

Table 3 Distribution of GDP by Sector, in Millions of Dollars (1981 Dollars'), in Proportion to GDP and Index (1961 = 100), Quebec, 1961-1987 Primary

Secondary

Tertiary

Year

'000 000

%

Index

'000 000

%

Index

'000 000

%

Index

1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

1 928 2 089 2 006 2 167 2 268 2 545 2 392 2 387 2 369 2 300 2 126 2 181 2 619 2 840 2 712 2 716 2 754 2 847 3 191 3 364 3 202 3 103 2 626 2 958 2 991 2 971 2 927

6,4 6,5 6,1 6,0 6,0 6,4 5,8 5,6 5,3 5,1 4,5 4,2 4,7 4,9 4,4 4,2 4,2 4,1 4,5 4,6 4,3 4,4 3,7 3,9 3,8 3,5 3,3

100 108 104 112 118 132 124 124 123 119 110 113 136 147 141 141 143 148 166 174 166 161 136 153 155 154 152

1 1 090 11 835 12 139 13 218 13 829 14 595 14 227 14 454 14 796 14 594 15 048 16 240 16 798 17 843 18 491 18 385 18 630 19 096 19 871 20 482 20 859 17 237 17 725 19 367 19 835 21 642 23 664

37,1 37,1 36,6 36,9 36,6 36,4 34,3 33,9 33,3 32,1 31,6 31,0 30,5 30,7 30,3 28,6 28,1 27,5 27,8 28,0 28,3 24,5 24,7 25,4 25,0 25,7 26,5

100 107 109 119 125 132 128 130 133 132 136 146 151 161 167 166 168 172 179 185 188 155 160 175 179 195 213

16 907 18 017 18 990 20 451 21 680 22 924 24 840 25 759 27 294 28 532 30 377 33 944 35 728 37 380 39 866 43 254 44 877 47 512 48 367 49 275 49 757 50 100 51 430 53 971 56 462 59 542 62 814

56,5 56,4 57,3 57,1 57,4 57,2 59,9 60,5 61,4 62,8 63,9 64,8 64,8 64,4 65,3 67,2 67,7 68,4 67,7 67,4 67,4 71,1 71,6 70,7 71,2 70,8 70,3

100 107 112 121 128 136 147 152 161 169 180 201 211 221 236 256 265 281 286 291 294 296 304 319 334 352 372

a. Implicit price index of the GDP Source: Bureau de la statistique du Quebec, Com/ores economiques des revenus et des depenses, fd/tion 1989, Quebec, Les Publications du Quebec, 1989; authors' compilations.

33

0 Context

Table 4

Percentage Distribution of GDP by Economic Activity, Quebec, 1961-1987

Year

Agric. & fisheries

Forestry

1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

2,7 2,6 2,3 2,1 2,1 2,4 2,1 2,1 2,0 1,9 1.8 1,9 2,1 1,9 2,0 1,8 1,6 1,8 2,1 1,9 1,9 2,0 1,8 2,0 1,9 1,8 1,7

1,1 1,2 1,0 1,1 1,1 1,2 1,2 1,1 1,0 1,0 0,7 0,6 0.7 0,9 0,7 0,5 0,6 0,6 0,6 0,6 0,7 0,6 0,6 0,6 0,5 0,5 0,4

Mining

Manuf. industry

Construction

Publ. util.

2,6 2,7 2,7 2,9 2,8 2,7 2.5 2,4 2,3 2,2 2,0 1,7 1,9 2,1 1,7 1,9 1,9 1,7 1,8 2,0 1.8 1,8 1,3 1,3 1,3 1,3 1,1

30,6 30,5 30,1 30,2 29,5 29,2 27,9 28,2 28,0 27,1 25,8 24,8 23,8 24,0 22,7 21,7 21,2 21,6 22,4 22,7 22,6 19,1 19,8 20,6 20,0 20,6 21,2

6,4 6,5 6,6 6,7 7,1 7,2 6,4 5,7 5,3 5,0 5,9 6,2 6,7 6,7 7,6 6,9 6,9 5,9 5,4 5,3 5,7 5,4 4,9 4,7 5,0 5,1 5,2

13,0 12,4 12,3 12,3 12,0 11,9 12,2 12,2 11,8 12,1 12,2 10,8 10,7 10,6 10,6 10,8 11,3 11,9 12,0 11,4 11,0 12,3 12.4 12,0 11,5 11,4 11,3

Whole- Finance, insur. sale Publ. & ret. & real- admin. trade estate & def. Services 12,1 12,3 12,5 12,4 12,1 12,1 12,2 12,2 12,6 12,9 12,3 12,6 12,2 12,2 12,1 11,9 11,2 11,0 11,0 10,8 10,6 10,9 10,7 10,8 11,1 11,3 11,2

11,8 11,6 11,8 11,5 11,7 11,0 11,2 11,8 11,7 11,6 11,9 13,5 13,5 13,4 13,8 14,1 14,2 14,7 13,9 13,7 13,9 14,6 16,0 16,1 16,6 16,6 16,6

5,2 5,2 5,1 5,0 5,0 5,2 5,5 5,4 5,7 6,0 6,5 6,0 6,0 5,9 6,2 6,5 6,7 6,8 6,9 7,2 7,3 7,9 7,8 7,6 7,4 7,1 6,9

14,5 14,9 15,6 15,9 16,6 17,1 18,9 18,9 19,6 20,3 21,0 21,9 22,4 22,2 22,7 23,9 24,4 24,0 23,9 24,4 24,7 25,4 24,8 24,3 24,7 24,4 24,3

Sources: Statistics Canada, Provincial Economic Accounts. Historical Issue, 1961-1986, Ottawa, cat. 13-213S; Bureau de la statistique du Quebec, Comptes Gconomiques des revenus et des d&penses, Edition 1989, Quebec, Les Publications du Quebec, 1989; authors' compilations.

34

0.2 Macro-economic Trends

Table 5 Ratio of Profits and other Investment Income to GDP by Economic Activity, Percentage, Quebec, 1972-1987 whole Finance

Year

Agric. & fisheries

Forestry

1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

9,8 9,5 10,6 9,5 10,7 12,6 12,1 14,7 16,6 19,1 22,8 21,5 17,8 16,6 17,4 15,9

2,2 2,0 2,2 2,6 3,4 3,2 3,6 5,5 6,4 6,9 10,8 6,5 4,9 5,2 4,7 3,4

Mining

Manuf. industry

Construetion

Publ. util.

sale & ret. trade

16,4 26,8 26,3 15,1 17,6 17,0 14,4 17,5 21,0 14,3 17,3 1,0 12,4 16,4 20,7 23,1

20,0 24,1 28,9 22,4 19,5 19,7 23,0 29,1 30,1 28,8 8,9 18,8 24,0 20,2 22,7 27,9

9,3 10,1 11,5 13,7 12,9 10,2 10,3 12,1 13,5 14,6 19,1 16,3 14,8 12,8 12,7 12,6

15,0 15,2 18,2 20,2 20,6 22,3 24,7 25,7 21,5 17,4 23,4 25,0 23,5 21,8 24,0 27,9

17,0 19,4 23,4 19,1 16,2 15,0 18,0 22,0 21,8 19,2 15,6 15,2 16,5 16,4 16,8 16,3

insur. & realestate Services Global 34,7 35,3 37,7 40,0 41,9 41,1 42,0 39,5 38,2 39,3 36,7 39,8 39,2 40,5 39,2 40,5

3,3 3,7 4,3 4,7 4,3 4,0 4,1 4,2 4,5 4,9 4,9 5,1 5,4 5,5 5,6 5,5

16,1 17,8 20,5 18,8 17,9 17,6 19,4 21,3 21,0 20,1 16,0 18,8 19,9 19,0 19,9 21,7

Source: Bureau de la statistique du Quebec, Comptes economiques des revenus el des depenses. Edition 1989, Quebec, Les Publications du Quebec, 1989; authors' compilations.

by

Year

Agric. & fisheries

1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

39,4 38,2 39,7 40,4 42,6 51,2 42,8 42,6 43,0 44,2 56,2 55,3 47,9 28,1 25,0 28,6

Table 6 Ratio of Capital Investments to GDP Economic Activity, Percentage, Quebec, 1972-1987

Manuf. ConsindustrueForestion Mining try try 7,6 10,5 15,6 14,0 8,9 6,4 7,9 10,8 11,6 9,5 14,9 14,6 14,7 4,3 4,4 4,2

82,4 65,6 39,4 53,8 58,8 59,9 21,1 22,7 26,3 32,6 42,2 42,5 43,2 27,0 24,4 32,5

12,0 14,9 17,5 16,4 12,3 12,0 11,5 11,1 14,6 13,6 22,2 20,0 21,6 17,6 17,2 16,3

5,1 4,9 5,1 5,1 5,5 6,1 6,4 6,6 6,2 5,7 9,5 10,4 10,5 5,1 5,5 5,5

Publ. util.

Whole sale & ret. trade

Finance, insur. & realestate

Publ. adm. &def.

Services

Global

34,5 38,3 38,3 48,0 45,6 54,9 58,0 56,5 50,9 52,3 63,7 48,8 46,0 26,7 23,2 24,2

4,8 5,2 6,0 5,5 4,2 4,1 4,4 3,9 3,6 3,3 4,7 5,1 5,5 3,9 4,0 4,3

5,4 6,3 7,8 7,7 7,5 6,5 4,3 3,4 3,5 4,7 5,6 4,7 5,0 5,7 7,6 9,3

58,3 56,9 56,5 57,7 46,9 46,9 39,9 34,7 34,4 27,7 31,0 32,9 35,3 36,5 30,1 26,9

5,4 5,9 8,3 14,0 8,1 4,5 4,6 6,3 6,2 4,7 4,5 4,5 6,0 6,4 7,5 8,0

15,2 16,3 17,3 19,5 16,4 16,8 15,9 15,8 15,7 14,8 19,5 17,1 17,6 13,4 12,9 13,2

Source: Bureau de la statistique du Quebec, Comptes economiques des revenus et des depenses, fdition 1989, Quebec. Les Publications du Quebec, 1989; authors' compilations.

35

0 Context

Table 7 Fixed Capital Investments of Public Administrations, in Millions of Dollars (1981 Dollars'), and Ratio to all Public and Private Fixed Capital Investments, Quebec, 1976-1987 Federal Year

N

%

1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

334 317 285 163 157 183 189 333 378 358 311 272

12,7 12,9 12,2 7,4 6,9 9,3 10,6 14,1 17,0 12,8 12,5 11,9

Local0

Provincial" N % 1 078 933 947 1 020 937 820 690 722 761 832 858 988

40,9 38,1 40,6 46,5 40,9 41,8 38,5 30,6 34,3 29,8 34,5 43,1

N 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

%

221 199 103 011 199 957 910 309 081 598 321 031

/Pr.

Total

N

and publ.

2 633 2 449 2 334 2 194 2 293 1 959 1 789 2 364 2 220 2 788 2 490 2 291

17,7 16,0 16,0 15,1 16,1 14,3 10,6 14,1 12,2 17,6 14,7 11,9

/Pr. and publ. 20,0 24,4 26,9 26,5 23,8 23,7 18,5 16,9 13,3 12,1 10,0 8,9

46,4 49,0 47,3 46,1 52,3 48,8 50,9 55,4 48,7 57,3 53,1 45,0

Table 8 Fixed Capital Investments of Public Corporations, in Millions of Dollars (1981 Dollars*), and Ratio to all Public and Private Fixed Capital Investments, Quebec, 1976-1987 Federal Year 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 a

N

%

190 227 307 269 252 313 285 366 389 313 214 251

6,4 6,1 7,8 7,0 7,4 9,6 9,1

13,0 16,0 16,3 12,6 14,6

Provincial" N % 2 738 3 294 3 420 3 460 2 986 2 813 2 733 2 356 1 945 1 502 1 376 1 404

92,0 88,0 87,3 89,9 88,4 86,6 87,4 83,7 80,3 78,4 81,2 81,6

Local0 N

%

Total N

46 224 192 121 140 124 108 93 88 101 105 66

1,6 6,0 4,9 3,1 4,2 3,8 3,4 3,3 3,6 '5,2 6,2 3,8

2 974 3 744 3 918 3 850 3 378 3 250 3 126 2 816 2 422 1 916 1 696 1 722

Implicit price index of public administration investments in fixed capital.

b. Ministries and Special Funds of Quebec Government, CEGEPs, Universite du Quebec, hospitals and social services. c. Municipalities and School Boards. Source: Bureau de la statistique du Quebec, Investissementspriv6s etpublics au Quebec, Quebec, Bureau de la statistique du Quebec, 1989; unpublished data; authors' compilations.

36

0.2 Macro-economic Trends

Table 9 Fixed Capital Investments of Public Administrations and Public Corporations, in Millions of Dollars (1981 Dollars'), and Ratio to all Public and Private Fixed Capital Investments, Quebec, 1976-1987 Provincial6 N %

Federal Year

N

%

1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

525 544 591 432 409 496 475 699 766 671 525 523

9,4 8,8 9,5 7,2 7,2 9,5 9,7 13,5 16.5 14,3 12,5 13,0

3 815 4 226 4 366 4 480 3 923 3 633 3 422 3 079 2 706 2 334 2 234 2 392

%

Total N

/Pr. and publ.

22,6 23,0 20,7 18,7 23,6 20,7 20,7 27,1 25,2 36,1 34,1 27,3

5 607 6 193 6 252 6 044 5 671 5 209 4 915 5 179 4 642 4 703 4 186 4 013

37,6 40,4 43,0 41,6 39,9 37,9 29,0 31,0 25,6 29,8 24.7 20,9

Localc N 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

68,0 68,2 69,8 74,1 69,2 69,7 69,6 59,4 58,3 49,6 53,4 59,6

267 423 295 132 339 081 018 402 170 699 427 097

a. Implicit price index of public administration investments in fixed capital. b. Ministries and Special Funds of Quebec Government, CEGEPs, Universite du Quebec, hospitals and social services c. Municipalities and School Boards. Source: Bureau de la statistique du Quebec, Investissementspnves et publics au Quebec, Quebec, Bureau de la statistique du Quebec, 1989; unpublished data; authors' compilations.

Table 10

Labour Productivity, Capital Productivity and Overall Productivity, Index (1971 = 100), Quebec, 1971-1984 Year 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984

Labour productivity

Capital productivity

100,0 104,0 104,4 106,9 106,4 110,3 111,4 111,4 111,2 108,a 109,0 109,1 111,2 113,4

100,0 100,7 101,6 101,6 96,7 95,8 92,9

90.8 90,2 87,4 85,2

37

100,0 102,3 103,3 105,4 103,5 105,6 105,9 104,8 104,6 102,2 101,8

78,3

99,5

79,4

100,2 101,8

81,5

Source: Gingras, 1986

Overall productivity

0 Context

Table 11 Value of Visible International Exports and Exports to the USA in Millions of Dollars (1981 Dollars3). Percentage of GDP and Percentage of Exports to the USA, Quebec, 1968-1987 Total

USA 1981$ '000 000

Total/

Year

1981$ '000 000

GDP %

USA %

1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

8 305 8 672 9 354 8 802 8 483 9 120 10 044 9 752 10 001 10 708 12 724 14 963 16 495 15 939 13 250 13 110 14 733 15 310 16 036 15 598

5 468 5 612 5 468 5 687 5 361 5 706 6 293 5 846 6 172 6 954 8 276 9 545 9 876 9 812 8 550 9 120 11 044 11 599 12 438 12 062

19,5 19,5 20,6 18,5 16,2 16,5 17,3 16,0 15,5 16,2 18,3 20,9 22,6 21,6 18,8 18,3 19,3 19,2 19,1 —

65,8 64,7 58,5 64,6 63,2 62,6 62,6 60,0 61,7 64,9 65,0 63,8 59,9 61,6 64,5 69,6 75,0 75,8 77,6 77,3

a.

Implicit price index of the GDP.

Sources:

Lahaie, Richard ef Pierre F. Ricard, Evolution du commerce international du Quebec, 1968-1982, Quebec, Bureau de la statistique du Quebec, 1983; Lahaie, Richard, Commerce international du Quebec, Quebec, Bureau de la statistique du Quebec and Les Publications du Quebec, 1988; authors' compilations.

38

0.3 Macrotechnological Trends Abstract. The world oil crisis of the 1970s resulted in considerable adaptation in Quebec society, which relied increasingly on hydro-electric power to satisfy its needs. Research and development (R&D) grew over the years, particularly in the high-technology sectors. Productivity in value doubled in nearly all sectors of the economy.

Energy consumption and dependency on oil declined, then increased in the late 1980s Overall energy consumption in Quebec, measured in the equivalent of tonnes of petrol (107 kilocalories), increased up to the time of the world oil crisis of the 1970s, when it began to fall rather drastically, followed by a recovery in the late 1980s (see table 1). This phenomenon is related to a reduction in energy-consumption needs which, in turn, is linked to the cost of energy and an effort on the part of the various levels of government to have people reduce their consumption, particularly through vigorous campaigns emphasizing energy conservation. However, this phenomenon seems to have run its course since 1983, when energy consumption began to rise after ten years of decreases beginning in 1974. The various levels of government have tried to reduce dependency on petroleum-producing countries through diversification of energy sources (table 2). Quebec, as a producer of hydro-electric energy, has considerably increased its relative share of this form of energy consumption over the years, to the detriment of oil. The fact that Quebec is a major producer of electricity explains, to a large extent, why the province does not have to resort to nuclear energy; there is only one nuclear power station in Quebec. It is rarely used, and has been almost completely idle since 1975. As well, the market for coal has almost completely disappeared in favour of natural gas. A few alternative sources of energy have come into use, such as biomass, wind energy, and solar energy, but they do not as yet appear in the official statistics.

Inventions are a reflection of foreign ownership of businesses If the issuing of patents is considered to be an indicator of inventiveness, the pattern in the late 1980s was one of very slow increases, if not of virtual stagnation. Most of the applications for which Canada issues patents come from the United States and other countries. Businesses under foreign control, which form a majority, obtain patents here for processes to be used in their Canadian branches or for goods aimed at the local market (OPDQ, 1977) (table 3). Canada is the source of only 7,3% of the patents that it issues (Leclerc, 1987).

Research and development is increasing in high-technology sectors Using expenditures for industrial research and development as the sole basis of measurement, there is strong growth and progress in science and technology, despite the fact that federal research funds allocated to Quebec fall short of corresponding to the population on a pro rata basis (table 4) (CST, 1988; Leclerc, 1986; Tremblay, 1990). In Quebec, the research-and-development effort fluctuates at between 1% and 1,6% of the GDP, despite pressure from industry to increase

39

0 Context

this proportion to at least 2%, in accordance with an objective set by the OECD. Quebec has encouraged research in high-technology sectors and has created "technological parks" and "business incubators" to attract high-technology industries (Lacroix & Martin, 1987). However, allocated budgets are not equally distributed: those devoted to social-science research, for instance, have decreased relatively, from 20,6% in 1975-1976 to 18,8% in 1984-1985, and also in absolute terms (Bariteau, 1990). Productivity in value doubled in the goods sector, while it increased to a lesser extent in the services sector Production per person-hour more than doubled in the goods sector (from 100 to 238), with modernization programmes or technological innovations, but increased to a lesser extent in the services sector (from 100 to 161) (table 5). The doubling of production per person-hour in the goods sector simply made it possible to keep the total number of person-hours at a nearly constant level (from 100 to 110), whereas in the services sector - which is generally less productive, partly due to the wide variety of different activities which it comprises (Cossette, 1982) - the number of person-hours more than doubled (from 100 to 217) (table 6). Overall production in all goods and services sectors, except agriculture, showed strong growth, although it was higher in the goods industries than in the services industries. Despite this trend, the production-per-person-hour index grew much more in the production sector than in the services sector, which is consistent with the tertiarization of the Quebec economy (Cossette, 1982). In both the public sector and the private sector, services industries showed spectacular growth; they now employ more than double the labour, in terms of person-hours, than they did 25 years ago. In the farming sector, productivity in value increased, while employment decreased and then stabilized Farming productivity in value is even higher than that in the goods and services sectors. Estimated on production relative to the number of farm jobs, productivity in this sector has tripled (table 7). The overall proportion of farm jobs in the labour force decreased from 7,3% to 2,3% between 1961 and 1987, while the productivity index has constantly been on the rise. The rate of farm employment, expressed in terms of jobs per 100 000 inhabitants, shows a decrease in the index from 100 to 46 over the same period, an absolute reduction by more than half the jobs, a phenomenon not unrelated to the depopulation of rural areas. In summary, a relatively low proportion of the labour force is producing at an increasing rate, which is characteristic of the particularly strong rise in productivity in value in this sector. Guy Frechet

40

0.3 Macrotechnological Trends

References Bariteau, Claude 1990 "L'e'tude du Quebec: e"tat des sciences sociales. Ou en est 1'organisation de I'enseignement et de la recherche?" In Fernand Dumont, ed., La societe quebecoise apres 30 arts de changements, 273-293. Quebec City: Institut que'be'cois de recherche sur la culture. Brault, Lucie 1981 La productivity de I'economie du Quebec, bilan. Montreal: Institut national de productivity. Cloutier, Michel 1988 Compendium des indicateurs de I'activite scientifique au Quebec. Quebec City: Direction des politiques et des priorite's scientifiques, Ministere de 1'Enseignement supe'rieur et de la Science. CST (Conseil de la science et de la technologic) 1988 Conjoncture 1988. Quebec City: CST. Cossette, Alfred 1982 La tertiarisation de I'economie quebecoise. Chicoutimi: Gaetan Morin Editeur. Davis, Charles H., and Raymond Duchesne 1986 "Le cadre institutionnel de la recherche-deVeloppement au Quebec." In The'rese Hamel, and Pierre Poulin, eds., Devenir chercheur-e: itineraires et perspectives, Questions de culture no. 11, 17-36. Quebec City: Institut que'be'cois de recherche sur la culture. Gingras, Bruno 1986 Productivity et performance de I'economie quebecoise: bilan 1985. Institut national de productivity.

Montreal:

INP (Institut national de productivity) 1982 La productivity de I'economie du Quebec, bilan et perspectives. Montreal: INP. Lacroix, Robert, and Fernand Martin 1987 Les consequences de la decentralisation regional* des activites de R-D. Quebec City: Conseil de la science et de la technologic. Leclerc, Michel 1986 Recherche et developpement (R-D) universitaire et structuration de I'effort sectoriel de recherche au Quebec. Quebec City: Ecole nationale d'administration publique, CEPAQ. 1987

Indicateurs des flux technologiques internationaux: Quebec, Ontario et Canada, 1981-1985. Quebec City: Ecole nationale d'administration publique, CEPAQ.

OPDQ (Office de la planification et du developpement du Quebec) 1977 Prospective socio-economique du Quebec, lere etape. Sous-systeme technologique (5.1). Rapport synthese. Quebec City: OPDQ.

41

0 Context Tremblay, Pierre 1990 "Integration de la R-D a 1'economie que'be'coise: les structures de base." In Michel Leclerc, ed., Les enjeux tconomiques et politiques de I'innovation, 189-199. Sillery: Presses de lITniversite1 du Quebec.

Table 1

Global Energy Consumption and Consumption per capita in Tons of Petrol Equivalents (TPE8), Quebec. 1962-1988 Consumption

Year

(TPE)

23 085 22 940 22 575 23 029 23 055 24 462 25 896 27 602 29 052 28 702 29 979 31 949 32 731 31 984

1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 a.

413 602 172 972 317 487 247 064 447 195 785 325 935 402

Per capita (TPE)

Year

4,30 4,19 4,04 4,05 3,99 4,17 4,37 4,61 4,83 4,76 4,95 5,26 5.35 5,18

1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

Consumption

Per capita

32 688 532 31 839 277 33 114 589 33 561 921 33 484 898 32 045 479 29 047 496 28 143 387 28 954 504 29 331 221 29 898 101

5,24 5,07 5,25 5,29 5,24 4,98 4,48 4,32 4,42 4,46 4,57 4,56 4,86

(TPE)

30091 928 32 236 800

(TPE)

10' kcal.

Sources:

Ministers de l'6nergie et des ressources, L'&nergie au Quebec, Edition 1988, Quebec, 1989: 10; Ibid., July 1989, bulletin 40: 2.

42

0.3 Macrotechnological Trends

Table 2

Energy Consumption in Thousands of Tons of Petrol Equivalents (TPE*) and in Percentage by Source of Energy, Quebec, 1962-1988 Oil (TPE)

Electricity (TPE)

Natural Gas (TPE)

Coal (TPE)

Year

'000

%

'000

%

'000

%

1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1.972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

16087 16 041 15 292 15 504 16 277 17 695 18 807 20064 21 395 21 201 21 946 23 274 23084 22 609 22 987 21 196 21 628 22 173 21 285 19 218 16 647 14 981 14 122 13082 13043 12 674 13989

69,7 69,9 67,7 67,3 70,6 72,3 72,6 72,7 73,6 73,9 73,2 72,8 70,5 70,7 70,3 66,6 67,6 66,1 63,6 60,0 57,3 53,2 48,8 44,6 43,6 42,1 43,4

4 324 4 301 4892 4909 4499 4684 4782 5 177 5 586 5 551 6028 6 465 7 138 6873 7 103 7992 8 575 8445 9 123 9 555 9319 9 538 10 637 11 418 12000 12552 12 997

18,7 18,7 21,7 21,3 19,5 19,1 18,5 18,8 19,2 19,3 20,1 20,2 21,8 21,5 21,7 25,1 26,8 25,2 27,2 29,8 32,1 33,9 36,7 38,9 40,1 41,7 40,3

583 634 684 836 822 892 1 116 1 286 1 287 1 370 1 452 1 585 1 963 2023 2044 2 150 2 350 2470 2 561 2 859 2687 3 270 3 794 4 471 4459 4 452 4810

2,5 2,8 3,0 3,6 3,6 3,6 4,3 4,7 4,4 4,8 4,8 5,0 6,0 6,3 6,3 6,8 7,1 7,4 7,6 8,9 9,2 11,6 13,1 15,2 14,9 14,8 14,9

'000

2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

%

091 965 706 781 458 191 192 075 785 581 555 626 547 479 554 501 562 473 516 414 395 354 402 361 395 413 440

9,1 8,6 7,6 7,7 6,3 4,9 4,6 3,9 2,7 2,0 1,8 2,0 1,7 1(5 1.7 1.6 1,8 1,4 1,5 1.3 1,4 1,3 1,4 1,2 1,3 1,4 1,4

a. 10' kcal. Sourcvi: Ministcire de l'6nergie et des ressources, L'energie au Quebec, Edition J988, Quebec, 1989 : 10; Ibid.,, July 1989. bulletiii 40: 2; author' s compilations.

Table 3 Patents Awarded in Canada by Applicants' Origin, in Proportion to Total, and Total, Canada, 1978-1986

Year

Canada %

United States %

European countries %

Japan %

Other countries %

Total N

1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986

6,4 5,9 6,0 5,7 6,4 6,4 7,0 7,3 7,1

57,5 57,0 56,4 55,7 54,5 53,0 52,5 50,6 51,4

16,6 17,2 17,3 17,9 17,6 18,0 18,4 18,1 17,0

7,7 7,3 7,8 7,9 8,7 9,1 9,7 10,9 11,2

11,9 12,5 12,5 12,7 12,7 13,5 12,5 13,1 13,4

21 792 23 538 23895 22 698 23 146 21 001 20 545 18 696 17 250

Source Statistics Canada, Science and Technology Indicators, Ottawa, cat. 88-201, 1988: 74.

43

0 Context

Table 4

Evolution in Domestic Expenditures for Research and Development, Canada and Quebec, in Millions of Dollars (1981 Dollars'), and Quebec's Proportion to Total in Canada

and to Quebec GDP, Quebec, 1979-1986

R&D,

R&D,

Quebec 1981$ '000 000

Canada 1981$ •000 000

Year

3 3 3 4 4 4 5 5

1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984

1985" 1986"

245 516 962 284 336 755 593 785

684 718 811 859 856

1 016 1 236 1 205

Quebec's % of total in Canada %

Percent of R&D in Quebec/ Quebec GDP %

21,1 20,4 20,5 20,1 19,7 21,4 22,1 20,8

0,95 1,02 1,17 1,22 1,20 1,38 1,63 1,55

a. Implicit price index of public expenditures on goods and services. b. Including social sciences and humanities. Source: Statistics Canada, Science and Technology Indicators, Ottawa, cat. 88-201, 1988: 47; author's compilations.

Table 5

Evolution in Productivity by Person-hour by Type of Enterprise, Index (1961 = 100) Quebec, 1961-1986 Enterprises

Enterprises

Year

Goods

Services

Both

Year

Goods

Services

Both

1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973

100 108 114 120 126 132 134 145 152 153 163 170 180

100 101 104 108 110 114 115 121 122 128 132 135 137

100 105 110 114 119 124 125 134 138 142 148 154 159

1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986

178 174 188 198 197 196 196 204 208 218 232235 238

137 139 144 145 145 148 150 151 149 154 155 157 161

158 158 167 172 172 173 174 178 178 185 192 194 197

Source Statistics Canada, Aggregate Productivity Measures; Ottawa, cat. 15-204; author's compilations

44

0.3 Macrotechnological Trends

Table 6

Evolution in Person-hours Worked by Type of Enterprise in Thousands and Index (1961 = 100), Quebec, 1961-1986 Services

Goods

Both

Year

'000

Index

•000

Index

'000

1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986

5 781 5 872 5 905 6 039 6 207 6 288 6 247 6 130 6 137 5 941 5 962 5 984 6 232 6 381 6 308 6 323 6 227 6 325 6 555 6 488 6 510 5 962 5 908 6 039 6 278 6 332

100 102 102 104 107 109 108 106 106 103 103 104 108 110 109 109 108 109 113 112 113 103 102 104 109 110

4 103 4 238 4 357 4 526 4 761 4 924 5 092 5077 5 290 5 342 5 466 5 733 6 098 6 466 6 643 6 740 6 933 7 282 7 547 7 817 8 094 7 919 7 929 8 280 8 675 8 891

100 103 106 110 116 120 124 124 129 130 133 140 149 158 162 164 169 177 184 191 197 193 193 202 211 217

9 884

10 110

10 10 10 11 11 11 11 11 11 11 12 12 12 13 13 13

262 565 968 212 339 207 427 283 428 717 331 848 951 063 160 607

14 14 13 13 14 14 15

305 604 882 837 319 953 223

14 101

Source: Statistics Canada, Aggregate Productivity Measures, Ottawa, cat 15-204; author's compilations.

45

Index

100 102 104 107 111 113 115 113 116 114 116 119 125 130 131 132 133 138 143 145 148 140 140 145 151 154

0 Context

Table 7

Agricultural Employment in Thousands of Persons, Rate per 100000 Inhabitants and Index (1961-100), Agricultural Employment as Proportion to Total Employment and to Labour Force aged 15 and over, Quebec, 1961-1987. Evolution of Agricultural Productivity and of Productivity in Value, index (1961 = 100), Quebec, 1961-1987 Agricultural Employment Year

'000

/ 100 000

Index

% of total employ.

1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

132,0 127,0 128,0 129,0 118,0 106,0 114,0 121,0 107,0 105,0 98,0 97,0 88,0 85,0 69,6 73,5 71,3 72,3 68,1 78,3 78,7 76,8 79,5 76,9 85,1 82,2 76,0

2 510 2 365 2 335 2 310 2 076 1 834 1 944 2 041 1 788 1 746 1 626 1 602 1 448 1 388 1 126 1 179 1 135 1 147 1 074 1 226 1 222 1 185 1 219 1 174 1 293 1 257 1 153

100 94 93 92 83 73 77 81 71 70 65 64 58 55 45 47 45 46 43 49 49 47 49 47 52 50 46

9,2 8,5 8,3 8,0 7,1 5,2 5,5 5,8 5,0 4,9 4,5 4,4 3,8 3,5 2,9 3,0 2,9 2,9 2,6 2,9 2,9 3,0 3,0 2,9 3,1 2,9 2,6

% of active popul.

Index of agric. produc.

Productivity in value

7,3 6,9 6,7 6,6 5,8 5,0 5,2 5,5 4,7 4,6 4,2 4,1 3,5 3,3 2,6 2,7 2,6 2,5 2,4 2,6 2,6 2,6 2,6 2,5 2,7 2,6 2,3

100 106 108 107 107 115 116 118 121 125 118 118 118 120 119 122 127 137 151 160 162 172 167 162 167 185 175

100 110

111

109 120 143 135 128 150 157 160 160 177 187 225 220 235 251 292 270 271 296 277 277 259 297 304

Sources: Bureau de la statistique du Quebec, Siatistiquesagricoles, Quebec, 1961 to 1985; Statistics Canada, Indexes of Agricultural Production, Ottawa, cat. 21-203; Statistics Canada, The Labour Force, Ottawa, cat. 71-001; author's compilations.

46

1 AGE GROUPS

1.1 Youth Abstract. Over the past few decades, being 20 years old has represented a changing experience. Each generation has had to react or submit to demographic, economic, social, and cultural changes, and thus each generation has been shaped differently. Although both girls and boys are better educated than were their elders, today's youth faces a tremendous challenge: to find a place in a precarious job market. Young people postpone long-term commitments and, unable to rely on the future, live for the present, as evidenced by their rate of consumption and their friendships. The incidence of mental illness, suicide, and certain forms of marginality has increased among youth. They are preoccupied with their situation, and have little inclination to mobilize and participate in organizations and ideologies, and their principal values are very universalistic: peace and the environment. Changes in roles and family structure affect males and females differently.

Different generations have had different experiences Youth cannot be categorized solely as being 20 years old. Contemporary studies on youth refer just as frequently to 15- and 16-year-old subjects as to the entire under-30 age group. In the 1980s, the dependence that characterizes the early years of youth has been maintained by the prolongation of studies and the postponement of entry into a stable job. On the other hand, the liberalization of morals and the attenuation of relations of authority between the generations encourage attitudes of autonomy at progressively younger ages. Certain characteristics, such as job mobility and the instability of relationships, previously prevalent among young people, are now also part of adult life. It is a persistent fact that the passage from the status of youth to that of adult occurs differently according to social category. Because there are variations over time in the ways youth is experienced and defined, we must speak of the youth of specific eras (D. Lemieux, 1986). In 1959, being 20 years old meant participating in the great hope for prosperity of the post-war years. It meant entering resolutely into a leisure society, a media society, and a consumption society. For those who finished high school or completed undergraduate studies, there was a wide range of choices on the labour market. Even with a relatively low unemployment rate, however, certain groups were more vulnerable than others, particularly youth in the rural milieu (Fortin et al., 1961). In 1969, being twenty years old meant being part of a society whose structures and ideologies were in a process of change, as reflected in the student movement, the hippie movement, the rise to prominence of Marxism and socialism, the sexual revolution, the women's movement, and the rise of a nationalistic indepen47

1 Age Groups

dence movement (Lazure, 1970). It meant being able to benefit from the setting up of the welfare state, which opened its doors wide to the new graduates. In 1979, being 20 years old meant that, having spent one's childhood in a world of dreams and great accomplishments (the World Exposition in 1967, the first man on the moon), an upbringing with fewer constraints (the Dr. Spock generation), and aspirations of social mobility (Bernier, 1986), one awoke in the middle of a family crisis and an economic crisis exacerbated by the arrival of a large cohort of young people and of women of all ages on the labour market (Fortin, 1984). In 1989, being 20 years old meant, in many cases, having grown up in a small family and having experienced the opulence of a consumer society. It also meant having lived through family transformations involving the rupturing and re-forming of couples, as well as a search for greater symmetry in the respective roles of the sexes (Joyal, 1986). For youth in major urban centres, it meant coming into contact with other young people of different ethnic origins, each with its own culture. It meant that, after having invested a lot of time getting an education, one found oneself in a world where, in spite of a lower unemployment rate in the previous few years, the available jobs were precarious.

The challenge facing today's youth is finding a steady job Since 1983, there has been a relative improvement in the employment level among youth. The unemployment rate fell from 23,1% in 1982 to 13,3% in 1988, and the labour-force participation rate increased from 59,3% to 66,7% after 1975, except for a small drop around 1982. However, underlying this reality is the short duration of the available jobs, the small number of unionized jobs accessible to new arrivals on the labour market, the increased rate of unemployment among university graduates, and the deterioration in relative incomes of young people (Myles et al., 1988). Statistics Canada's 1986 "Labour Force Participation Study" showed that the labour market is moving further away from the typical job profile that had developed over the preceding years and which is characteristic of the population aged 35 and over: a secure full-time job until retirement, and thereafter a pension whose costs are shared by the employer. Despite a clear desire to work, reflected by the presence of 88,1% of the 20- to 24-year age group in the labour market at one time or another during 1986 - the highest labour-force participation rate of all age groups - only 27,4% of these individuals held full-time jobs all year long, or 38,7% if we exclude those who were in school. The part-time-employment rate has risen sharply, from 11,9% in 1975 to 29,3% in 1988. Although this situation may be acceptable for students, it is not for those who would prefer to work a greater number of hours each week. Since there is no longitudinal survey of labour-force participation prior to 1986, it is impossible to compare all the parameters of the employment situation from one decade to another. The same is true for the number of jobs occupied successively during the same year. Among those in the 20- to 24-year age group who worked for only part of the year in 1986, regardless of the type of employment, 27,6% held two or more jobs, a higher percentage than in any other age group. Employment with fringe benefits represented only 31,1% of the jobs for 48

1.1 Youth

the 20- to 24-year age group in 1986, a lower percentage than that for other age groups. There is also a positive link between unionization and level of remuneration (Statistics Canada, 1986a), which is not a new phenomenon (Lipsig-Mumme & Roy, 1989). Jobs for young people exist mainly in the service sector, which has been expanding in recent years; however, this expansion has involved primarily small businesses, where there are no unions. Even part-time jobs that are covered by a collective agreement do not always offer the same benefits as do fulltime jobs (Guilloteau, 1984). In fact, some collective agreements contain a different wage scale for new arrivals in a company (Pes & Blanchet, 1988). Students are present in increasing numbers on the labour market. Their labour-force participation rate increased from 62,4% in 1981 to 66,7% in 1988 for the 15- to 24-year age group, while the school-attendance rate remained steady. Students constitute a pool of workers for part-time and summer jobs. It seems to be a common practice now to combine work and studies, which represents a new way of life. It is a means of fulfilling the consumption needs of a young generation whose education is increasingly prolonged, as well as a means of adapting to a labour market in which the labour supply is abundant, and in which a degree is not enough - experience is also required (Langlois, 1986). Although poverty among students may be temporarily acceptable, and may be attenuated by support from the family (BSQ, 1986), the increasing precariousness of employment has contributed to maintaining a certain proportion of young workers in poverty or at the limits of what is considered to be a low-income threshold (Gauthier, 1987). The poverty rate of families whose head is under 25 years old and of single people of the same age tended to increase from 1981 to 1986. The heads of poor families in this age group are most often young women heading single-parent families. An analysis of wage distribution by occupational category shows that in 1986 young workers were not as well paid, in relative terms, as were the under-30 age group in 1981 (Myles et al., 1988). In addition, the ratio of average incomes (wages and salaries) of men aged 20 to 24 years to those between 35 and 44 years of age decreased from 0,661 in 1967 to 0,535 in 1986 (Langlois, 1990). This gap cannot be attributed entirely to the worsening of the economic situation, as it is in part a consequence of the improved situation of contemporary 35- to 44-year-olds, who are better educated than were people in the same age bracket 20 years ago.

There is moratorium on long-term commitments and a need to experience the present moment more intensely The age at which people are leaving home is rising. In the 20- to 24-year age group, 43% lived with their family in 1983 (Statistics Canada, 1983); this percentage was 47,4% in 1986 (Statistics Canada, 1986b). Marriage is being postponed (the average age increased from 25,8 for men and 23,4 for women in 1962 to 27,0 and 25,0, respectively, in 1986), as is the birth of the first child (24,8 years in 1971 and 25,8 in 1986). These delays could be seen as a reflection of the fear of making long-term commitments, or as the combined effect of the prolongation of studies, the increasing precariousness of employment, the increasing numbers of career-oriented women, and the option to voluntarily postpone pregnancy. Nonetheless, common-law marriage is gaining ground. 49

1 Age Groups

Since they are unable to rely on the future, young people do not hesitate to take advantage of the present moment. Many observers find that there is a surprising inconsistency between young people's financial insecurity and their consumption needs. Indeed, in 1988 a greater proportion of people aged 18 to 24 years (46,5%) stated that they must deprive themselves to make ends meet than did in 1977 (33,8%) (OPC, 1988). On the other hand, one survey indicates that for the 15- to 24-year-olds of 1989, the pleasure of consumption is so great that "the act of purchasing itself is more important than the utility of the product" (Le Devoir, 1989: 11). More of them held credit cards in 1988 (45,6%) than did in 1977 (37,1%), and they go more frequently to movies, theatre, restaurants, and clubs (OPC, 1988). The only area in which they appear to have reduced their consumption is that of travel in Canada and the United States (Baillargeon, 1989). Fewer of them think that their financial situation is very good, and they are less optimistic about the chances of improving it (OPC, 1988). It is possible that a form of defensive hedonism already observed in the popular classes (Hoggart, 1957) enables them to accept a situation over which they have little control. The variety of socio-economic situations among young people (some manage to get along quite well) and the possibility for some students to work while living with their parents could also explain why the overall level of consumption remains high in spite of the problems that many have in finding a job. The search for enjoyment seems to be another way of making up for the dissatisfaction that young people experience in poorly paid jobs that are often not very rewarding. In particular, they find happiness through communication. Unemployed young people state in interviews that they want to work to be with other people (Gauthier, 1988). This sociability is seen in the importance placed on peer groups and friendship. This is true of all young people, and not only of frustrated workers (Bibby & Posterski, 1986; Cournoyer, 1985). The existence of "styles" is simply the most obvious manifestation, particularly among youths, of the need to be part of a clearly identified group (Fournier & Blais, 1984). There is variety in the forms of communication (listening to music in groups, numerous long telephone conversations, etc.), as well as in meeting places (from bedrooms and basements in suburban houses to discotheques and bars). They have experienced the ups and downs of the family, but it remains a secure value (Joyal, 1986). They wish to have children themselves - but only when their emotional and financial situations will allow (Laplante & Laplante, 1985; La Presse, 1989).

There is an increase in behavioural problems and in marginality Have bleak economic prospects, doubts about traditional family values, the problem of isolation, and the low threshold of tolerance of a generation which grew up in a society of abundance contributed to the spectacular rise in suicides among the 15- to 24-year-age group (from 10,3 to 17,2 per 100 000 inhabitants between 1970 and 1980), particularly among young men? Although various analyses contradict one another regarding the risk factors, they all confirm not only the number of successful suicides, but also the extent of the desire to commit suicide among young people. There have also been increases in the rates of behavioural problems over the past decade. Mental illness has become the primary cause of hospitalization 50

1.1 Youth

among 15- to 24-year-olds. Substance abuse is another problem: alcohol consumption has increased among 20- to 24-year-olds and drug consumers are becoming progressively younger. During the 1980s, an increasing number of particular forms of marginality developed. Socio-affective problems, exacerbated by economic difficulties and the deprivation of support related to de-institutionalization policies (particularly relating to mental illness) or to isolation, leave in their wake large numbers of young people out on the street, runaways, and delinquents (Brunet, 1989).

"Looking after oneself does not correspond to the ideologies and structural organizations that have influenced other generations Today's young people are often criticized for their lack of mobilization, particularly as compared to youth in the 1960s and 1970s. Because they are unable to benefit from the gains made by unions, as few of them have a job covered by an association or a collective agreement, and because they are not aware of the debates that surrounded the creation of the welfare state in the areas of health and social security, young people in the 1980s undoubtedly have trouble seeing what these institutions can do for them. In any event, it is difficult to spur them to action when they see their situation, regarding employment for example, as having more to do with the overall economic situation than with any particular scapegoat, as may have been the case in previous decades (Gauthier, 1988). In fact, certain government policies promote the idea of entrepreneurship. Have they been convinced that the solution to their employment problems depends on their own will to work or on taking the initiative? "Starting something on my own" is an expression often heard among unemployed young persons (Gauthier, 1988). Their social life takes on forms other than participation in large-scale demonstrations and large organizations, even though student associations seem to be gaining renewed life, especially when there is talk of raising tuition fees. Young people participate in a multitude of small groups with varying degrees of formal structure, ranging from organized sports to cultural activities such as "improvisation" teams or amateur astronomy groups, as well as performing volunteer work in self-help groups for those, for example, who have difficulty with their studies. These activities respond to their desire for fulfillment, their need to be with others, and, for some, their feeling of solidarity with those who are less fortunate (Gauthier, 1986; Tremblay, 1986). They are particularly sensitive to two issues: world peace and the environment (L'Actualit6, June 1989). These values are universal. In the same vein, Lacroix said of young Qu£becers and religion: "The priests say that God regularly makes His presence felt through His Word, through church events, through sacramental signs, and in chosen places, such as in church, and at a special time, on Sunday. Youth, for their part, seek God through the marvelous, through conviviality and through cosmic experience" (Lacroix, 1989: 137). Their virtual absence from the political scene until very recently (with the advent of the issues of language laws and environmental protection) was predictable. V. Lemieux (1986) had predicted this trough in the wave in his study of political generations, and attributed it not so much to the economic situation as to the political situation. The pre-1985 government had carried to power a gener51

1 Age Groups

ation of young militants whose passion overshadowed that of the generation that followed. On the other hand, when a government is oriented more toward management than toward change, which describes the current government, there is a risk of militancy manifesting itself in the streets. Demonstrations in secondary schools in favour of upholding Bill 101 (the French Language Charter) may well indicate that, in spite of their surface apathy, young people take some collective issues to heart. Moreover, high-school-aged young people, as opposed to those who have passed the age of 20 (Deniger et al., 1986), are more optimistic about the future because more and more of them believe that they can influence it (L'Actualit6, June 1989).

Young men and women are not experiencing sex-role changes in the same way The sexual freedom acquired progressively by preceding generations and the consequent better control of sexuality, as well as the women's movement, constitutes for today's under-30 group "neither a problem nor a goal" (L'Actualiter 1986 La participation des travailleurs dans I'entreprise: un etat de situation. Quebec City: Commission consultative sur le travail (Beaudry Commission). Saint-Pierre, Celine 1982 "Les jeunes et le travail: remise en question ou fuite en avant." Revue Internationale d'action communautaire 8, no. 48, 158-164. Saint-Pierre, Celine 1984 "Les robots ne sont pas tous d'acier: 1'impact de la micro-61ectronique sur 1'organisation du travail dans le secteur tertiaire." Sociologie et societes 16, no. 1, 7180. 1985

"Informatisation et disciplinarisation du travail: du fouet au logiciel en passant par TOST." In Claude Bariteau et al., eds., Le contrdle social en pieces d&achtes, 33-46. Montreal: ACFAS.

1987

"Le tertiaire en mouvement: bureautique et organisation du travail." In Diane Tremblay, ed., Diffusion des nouvelles technologies, 185-198. Montreal: Editions Saint-Martin.

Tremblay, Diane-Gabrielle 1984 "Le travail partage: bilan et essai d'interpr^tation." Interventions economiques nos. 12-13, 197-205. 1990

L'emploi en devenir. Quebec City: Institut qu6b6cois de recherche sur la culture.

184

5.2 Personnel Administration Abstract. Large businesses have modified their personnel administration policies to take workers' aspirations into account. Unions have succeeded in obtaining various provisions for participatory management in their collective agreements. A small number of businesses have switched over to participation or self-management, but these are marginal in a business community which has remained largely traditional.

In businesses with unionized personnel, participation in certain aspects of personnel administration increased, with a drop and then a recovery following the recession While labour relations in businesses are generally still characterized as authoritarian and "collective bargaining has ... essentially continued to provide the mechanism for worker participation" (Quebec, 1979: 93), a number of large businesses have committed themselves to integrating their human-resources management into a broader framework, so that all components of their organizations mutually reinforce one another (Audet & Belanger 1989; Gu6rin, 1984). There is a greater tendency to perceive personnel as individuals with specific aspirations, particularly regarding personal fulfillment, well-being, and a social life within the workplace. It is now more readily acknowledged that they have a desire for autonomy, and a right to speak out about their work and to obtain "certain arrangements to enhance their ... family life (flexible hours, part-time work, leave for studies, sabbatical year, etc.)" (Audet & Belanger, 1989: 68-69). This emphasis on personal values in personnel administration corresponds to the higher level of education of personnel and the increasing number of more complex employment tasks, principally in service activities. It is also a response to the shortcomings of Taylorian management. The unions, which are active mainly in major businesses and large institutions, bave been won over to a participatory viewpoint, and have attempted to broaden the area covered by collective bargaining (Quebec, 1979). Employers seem increasingly to accept this form of personnel management via collective agreements, although they do not fully subscribe to the participatory formula sought by the unions. Thus, whereas 47,8% of the employees benefiting from an existing collective agreement were entitled to obtain leave to take on full-time union duties in 1979, this percentage had risen to 83,1% by 1987. A similar trend applied to leave granted for union activities, as well as to leave granted to union representatives for negotiation of the next collective agreement (see table 1). Although unions no longer appear to pose a problem as a mechanism for workers' participation in determining their basic working conditions, there is less participatory management resulting from these labour contracts. Employers have returned to more authoritarian habits, even though their perceptions of workers' aspirations may have changed. Many of the gains made by unions in this area were lost as a result of the recession in the early 1980s, when they concentrated on maintaining basic benefits and gave way in terms of participatory provisions. For this reason, only 37,5% of employees covered by collective agreements in force in 1987 had access to a joint labour-relations committee, versus 40,2% in 1979 and 64,5% in 1982. As many as 13% of unionized workers had succeeded in obtaining decision-making powers in all areas through such committees in 1980. This percentage dwindled gradually, and stood at only 0,9% in 1987 (table 2).

185

5 Labour and Management

On the other hand, although other provisions were affected by the recession, the unions managed to regain ground thereafter. Thus, bipartite grievance-settlement committees covered 39,8% of unionized workers in 1979, and 73,8% in 1984 and 1985. This proportion fell slightly in 1986, then rose to almost 80% in 1987. A similar, though less pronounced, trend applied to job reassignment. Until around 1984 and 1985, the percentage of unionized workers having a say in this matter approached 50%; it then dropped to 8,4% in 1986 and climbed to 11,2% in 1987. Joint job-evaluation committees underwent similar fluctuations: unions made gains in this area up until 1984, which were largely lost in 1985; by 1987 some ground had been regained, with a rate of almost 46% in 1987. Moreover, in the area of newly created jobs, the unions were able to obtain a say in job definition from a greater number of employers, and the recession did not cause any major changes in this area. In two key areas of personnel administration related to expansion or modification of business operations - technological change and training or retraining of labour - unions managed to increase their participation until about 1982, slowly lost these gains until 1986, then had quite large gains in 1987. The same was true, mutatis mutandis, in the administration of fringe benefits (table 3).

A few businesses using a participatory or self-management model are emerging and persisting on the margin of the traditional model Quebec has had long experience in businesses run on the participatory model, referred to as industrial democracy, in the field of cooperatives (Laflamme, 1980). This movement most strongly affected the savings-and-credit sector and the foodand-agriculture industry. Generally, the style of personnel administration has borrowed little from the traditional model. In the late 1960s and the 1970s, various businesses of the self-management type (Gagnon & Rioux, 1988) and of the participatory type (Benoit, 1982; Laflamme, 1980; Tarrab, 1985) emerged. The number of these businesses has remained modest. Most participatory enterprises are in the industrial sector, where various types have been put into practice, from cooperatives to various formulas of participation or self-management (Dubuisson, 1988). In each, personnel administration was influenced by this movement. Nearly all of these businesses received financial or technical assistance from the savings-and-credit cooperative movement when they switched over from the classic management model to participatory management. A number of these experiments have turned into business successes. One of them, Les Papiers Cascades, has taken over companies in Europe to which it has exported its management model (Aktouf, 1988). Some have obtained government assistance, including Tricofil, a self-managed clothing factory, which, however, was ultimately unsuccessful (Gagnon & Rioux, 1988; Laflamme, 1980; Tarrab, 1985). A number of small self-managed businesses have emerged, along with a chain of supermarket cooperatives and some other types of cooperatives. This happened principally in the retail food sector, most often where there was a combination of ecological and health-related concerns. Most of them have, at best, survived (Fortin, 1985). A few have sought to group together for mutual support or to complement each other and, if possible, to propagate their method of organization 186

5.2 Personnel Administration

and personnel administration. These experiments have remainded marginal (Dupuis, 1985; Gagnon & Rioux, 1988). To date, these various experiments have not had a noticeable impact on the rest of the Quebec business community, either in the area of general operations or in the narrower field of personnel administration. Jean-Paul Baillargeon References Aktouf, Omar 1988 "La communaute de vision au sein de Fentreprise: examples et contre-exemples." In Gladys L. Symons, ed., La culture des organisations. Questions de culture no. 14, 71-98. Quebec City: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture. Audet, Michel, and Laurent Beianger 1989 "Nouveaux modes de gestion et relations industrielles au Canada." Industrial Relations 44, no. 1, 62-90. Bedard, Michel-G., Leo-Paul Lauzon, and Gilbert Tarrab 1983 L'homme d'affaires quebecois des annees 1980. Montreal: Hurtubise HMH. Benoit, Carmelle 1982 "La participation ouvriere a 1'entreprise au Quebec." Le marche du travail 3, no. 4, 50-60. Boisvert, Maurice 1981 La qualM de vie au travail. Montreal: Agence d'Arc. Desjardins, Andre 1984 "Changements technologiques et conventions collectives." Le marche du travail 5, no. 2. Dubuisson, Philippe 1988 "Les entreprises preferent 1'actionnariat des employes au partage des profits"; "Partage des gains de productivity: la nouvelle vague en remuneration." Les Affaires. Dulude, Yves, and Pierre-P. Lachapelle 1984 "La mediation preventive ou les aspects 'negliges' des relations de travail."Le marche du travail 5, no. 8, 62-65. Dupuis, Jean-Pierre 1985 Le ROCC de Rimouski. La recherche de nouvettes sdidarites. Quebec City: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture. Fortin, Andree 1985 Le Rezo. Essai sur les cooperatives d'alimentation au Quebec. Quebec City: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture. 187

5 Labour and Management

Gagnon, Gabriel, and Marcel Rioux 1988 A propos d'autogestion et Emancipation. Deux essais. Quebec City: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture. Guerin, Gilles 1984 "Organisation des activites de planification des ressources humaines dans les grandes entreprises quebecoises." Gestion 9, no. 1, 28-36; Gestion 9, no. 2, 36-43. Laflamme, Gilles, and Guylaine Vallee 1987 "Changements technologiques et modes regulateurs des relations de travail." Industrial Relations 42, no. 4, 702-714. Laflamme, Marcel 1980 Experiences de democratic industrielle: vers un nouveau contrat social. Montreal: Editions du Jour. Plasse, Micheline 1987 "Sante et security au travail au Quebec: le den de la concertation patronalesyndicale." Industrial Relations 42, no. 3, 544-564. Pothier, Rita-P. 1984 "Acces pour les salaries a 1'information concernant leur entreprise." Le marche du travail 5, no. 8, 66-73. Quebec (Province) 1979 Batir le Quebec. En/once de politique e'conomique. Quebec City: Editeur officiel. Racine, Serge 1987 "La gestion participative: le cri de ralliement des entrepreneurs de 1'emergence au Quebec." Gestion 12, no. 1, 41-44. Rondeau, Claude, and Francois Badin 1986 "Le contenu non salarial des conventions collectives dans les industries manufacturieres au Quebec." Industrial Relations 41, no. 1, 69-89. Rouleau, Linda, and Harold Bherer 1986 La participation des travailleurs dans I'entreprise: un etat de la situation. Quebec City: Commission consultative sur le travail (Beaudry Commission). Tarrab, Gilbert 1985 Partenaires sociaux et entrepreneurship au Quebec. Montreal: Hurtubise HMH. Theriault, Roland, and Jean-Yves Le Louarn 1984 Politiques et pratiques en Evaluation de la performance du personnel dans les organisations au Quebec. Montreal: Ecole des hautes etudes commerciales.

188

Table 1

Percentage Distribution of Workers covered by a Collective Agreement in Force* according to whether or not they benefit from Provisions Facilitating Union Activities in their Business, Quebec, 1979-1987 1979

1980

1981

1982

1983

1984

1985

No provision Provision

Full-time leave for employees to occupy union positions 52,2 23,3 22,6 21,6 20,8 19,9 47,8 76,7 77,4 78,4 79,2 80,1

No provision Provision

15,7 84,3

No provision Provision N

1987

1986

20,4 79,6

35,1 64,9

18,9 83,1

8,2 91,8

12,4 87,6

6,3 93,7

Employees given days off to negotiation of collective agreements 53,0 45,9 45,8 39,9 33,5 30,0 31,3 47,0 54,1 54,2 60,1 66,5 70,0 68,7

31,9 68,1

33,2 66,8

369 366

638 710

137078

Employees given days off to participate in union activities 11,7 11,4 10,1 7,9 6,9 88,3 88,6 89,9 92,1 93,1

517533

526650

614128

593903

600334

583129

a. Excludes collective agreements expired or not yet renewed, and those signed during the year. Source: Centre de recherche et de statistique sur le marche du travail, Conditions de travail contenues dans les conventions collectives au Quebec, Quebec, Ministere du Travail.

Table 2 1 Percentage Distribution of Workers covered by a Collective Agreement in Force according to whether or not they benefit from General Labour Relations Management Provisions, Quebec 1979-1987

Non existent Decisional, all areas Other provisions Non provision Provision

1979

1980

1983

1984

1985

1986

1987

39,8 1,6 38,6

Joint labour relations committee 41,8 37,0 35,5 47,5 13,0 12,5 11,1 11,2 45,2 50,5 53,4 41.3

1981

1982

44,6 11,6 43,8

40,2 12,7 59,8

51,7 2,3 46,0

62,5 0,9 36,6

Bipartite grievance committee within grievance procedure 60,2 45,5 41,3 35,2 28,6 26,2 39,8 54,5 58,7 64,8 71,4 73,8

26,2 73,8

29,8 70,2

20,6 74,9

a. Excludes collective agreements expired or not yet renewed, and those signed during the year Source: Centre de recherche el de statistique sur le march6 du travail. Conditions de travail contenues dans les conventions collectives au Quebec, Quebec, Ministere du Travail

Table 3 Percentage Distribution of Workers covered by a Collective Agreement in Force3 according to whether or not they benefit from Provisions Concerning Personnel Movements and Job Assessment, Quebec. 1979 1987 1979

Non existent Existent

98,1

Non existent Existent

85,2

1,9

14,8

1980

1981

1982

d1988

1984

1985

1986

1987

52,9 47,1

53,5 46,5

91,6

88,8 11,2

61,0 39,0

93,0

75,1 24,9

53,4

7,0

34,3 65,7

34,2 65,8

30,4 69,6

30,3 69,7

76,2 23,8

69,7 30,3

63,7 36,3

80,8 19,2

46,3 53,7

46,6 53,4

89,8 10,2

52,0 48,0

44,5 55,5

43,3 56,7

83,3 16,7

42,0 58,0

Joint committee on personnel movements 81,1 18,9

77,6 22,4

68,5 31,5

54,2 45,8

Joint job assessment committee 75,9 24,1

73,7 26,3

80,0 20,0

60,9 39,1

Provisions for assessment of newly created jobs

No provision Provision

44,7 55,3

38,5 61,5

No provision Provision

71,9 28,1

48,1 51,9

No provision Provision

96,0

55,0 45,0

No provision Provision

90,8

57,4 42,6

38,0 62,0

34,9 65.1

34,2 65,8

Joint committee on technological change 42,6 57,4

44,0 56,0

71,8 28,2

8,4

46,6 '

Joint committee on training, retraining and professional development

4,0

48,7 51,3

46,8 53,2

46,4 53,6

Joint committee on fringe benefit plans

9,2

52,8 47,2

49,8 50,2

47,0 53,0

a. Excludes collective agreements expired or not yet renewed, and those signed during the year Source: Centre de recherche el de statistique sur le marche du travail, Conditions de travail contenues dans les conventions collectives au Quebec, Quebec, Ministere du Travail

5.3 Size and Types of Enterprises Abstract. Small and medium-sized businesses form a large part of the economy and have increased in importance in the business world. In the manufacturing sector, small and medium-sized businesses are increasingly controlled by Quebecers. Their market remains essentially domestic.

The proportion of small and medium-sized businesses in the economy, already considerable, has increased Although there are few very large firms, as defined by Statistics Canada (500 employees and over) in the private sector, their share of salaries paid has been high, particularly in the manufacturing sector, where it is about 50%. This situation continued from 1978 through 1984, with a slight regression during the period. The same is true of large enterprises (between 100 and 499 employees), although the regression of businesses of this size and their share of remuneration paid was more pronounced than in the case of very large businesses. Mediumsized firms (50 to 99 employees) were subject to regressions of the same order. The share of very small businesses (fewer than 5 employees) and small businesses (5 to 49 employees) in the economy, already very considerable, increased further, rising from 95,4% of the number of firms in 1978 to 96,7% in 1984. Their share of remuneration paid increased even more rapidly, from 30,1% to 36%. This was particularly evident in the trade-and-commercial-services sector, where the share of remuneration by very small and small businesses grew from 37,5% to 43,5%. These increases are essentially accounted for by very small businesses (see table 1). A number of these businesses appear to have been created by young people during recent years (BSQ, 1984a). The rise of very small businesses in the manufacturing sector corresponded with an increase in subcontracting (MIC, 1987a, 1987b). The growth in trade and commercial services was due to a virtual levelling off in the number of large retail department stores in comparison to considerable growth in the number of small, specialized establishments (boutiques), as well as to expansion of various private services, such as restaurants, personal care, and various services to businesses. "The extremely volatile nature of the world of small businesses" (Laroche, 1988: 29) is worthy of note.

In the manufacturing sector, the proportion of production jobs accounted for by small and medium-sized enterprises has increased more rapidly than has the proportion of wages or the value of shipments In the manufacturing sector, the proportion of production jobs accounted for by small and medium-sized businesses rose from 40,3% to 44,6% between 1980 and 1988, more rapidly than did their proportion of production wages or of manufacturing-sector shipments. Although they have increased their percentage of value of shipments, small and medium-sized businesses have only slightly increased their share of remuneration paid, though they have more rapidly improved their relative position in terms of jobs (table 2). One may thus conclude that these businesses have strengthened their position through hiring at fairly low rates. While they have contributed to a growth in employment, they have not had the effect of boosting wage rates. An analogous phenomenon occurred in the tradeand-commercial-services sector, where small and medium-sized businesses in191

5 Labour

and Management

creased their share of remuneration paid from 37,5% in 1978 to 43,5% in 1984, while their share of the labour force increased from 41,1% to 48,6% (table 1). The market for small manufacturers remains essentially domestic Between 1980 and 1986, the share of the domestic market in the total of small and medium-sized business shipments in Quebec stood at about 94%. During this period, the percentage of shipments to the United States went from 9,1% to 8,2%, while the small portion that was shipped to the European Common Market shrank considerably and the proportion shipped to other countries varied (table 2). An increasing proportion of domestic deliveries from small manufacturers consists of subcontracting for large businesses, which are more oriented toward exports (MIC, 1987a, 1987b). Manufacturing businesses under Canadian control account for an even larger proportion of shipments and of jobs Virtually all manufacturing businesses in Quebec are controlled by Canadians. However, their share of shipments and their share of jobs are not proportional to their number, though this situation has improved over the years. Thus, whereas American capital controlled only 4,3% of the manufacturing establishments in Quebec in 1970, their share of shipments stood at 33% and their shave of employees stood at 28%. The percentage of businesses controlled by American capital decreased somewhat between 1970 and 1981, but their share of the value of shipments and of the number of employees decreased more rapidly: in 1981 their share of shipments was 27% and their shave of employees was 21%. Generally, businesses under American control continue to be larger in size than those under Canadian control. The same is true, to a lesser extent, of businesses controlled by other than Canadian or American.capital (table 3). Canadian control of manufacturing businesses is therefore exerted mainly through small-sized businesses, which have been more aggressive over the past 15 years than have large-sized businesses. As well, these small manufacturing units are mainly involved in the so-called soft sectors of the industrial economy, or those which require less advanced technology and less skill on the part of their workers (BSQ, 1984b, 1987; Niosi, 1980). Except in a few sectors, manufacturing firms retain the traditional model Aside from a few, very specific sectors, Quebec firms continue to be largely traditional business enterprises. In the case of very small businesses, the business model of the sole proprietor or the small firm with a few individual partners is common. Corporations have become increasingly common, rising from 67,4% of the manufacturing sector in 1971 to 86,4% in 1985. In this sector, firms set up as cooperatives went from 1,8% in 1971 to 1% since 1984 (table 4). On the other hand, these establishments controlled 3% of the value of manufacturing shipments in both 1984 and 1985 (BSQ, 1986). 192

5.3 Size and Types of Enterprises

Cooperatives are quite important in two areas of activity Two areas of activity are exceptions in terms of business model. Cooperatives have long been a form of choice in these two areas, and this trend is continuing to expand. These areas are food and agriculture, and savings and loans. The former is made up largely of the dairy industry and its derivatives, and consists of large organizations, based on cooperatives, whose business ranges from sale of primary resources to transformation and distribution of manufactured articles (Beauchamp, 1988). The latter case involves savings-and-loans cooperatives (caisses populaires), their superstructures, and their subsidiaries. The caisses populaires increased their share of deposits and savings in the entire savings-and-loans sector from 25,2% in 1981 to 36,3% in 1988, and their share of the personalloans market rose from 27,2% to 30,5% over this period; moreover, their proportion of residential-mortgage loans has been maintained at over 40% (table 5). The proportion of the population using these institutions increased from 39,1% in 1971 to 60,5% in 1988, with a peak of 61,4% in 1981 (table 6). Crown corporations are increasingly important in the economy Crown corporations have played a key role in Canada and in Quebec, beginning at the time of Canadian Confederation in 1867, through the creation of railways from sea to sea to establish a link between population centres. The federal government has created various crown corporations over the decades, in accordance with its jurisdictions or with mandates that it has set for itself. The Quebec government has acted similarly, though it began more recently. During the 1960s and 1970s, it started a large number of crown corporations, to the point where it was the government that went the furthest in terms of direct intervention in the economy by means of its commercial public sector. Rather than responding to specific jurisdictions or precise mandates, these corporations were created as part of a global perspective, "to rectify certain imbalances in the Quebec economy, to encourage access by Francophones to uppermanagement jobs, to participate in the risk capital of enterprises or to contribute to the financing of investments in strategic sectors or simply to assist certain businesses in difficulty, or to provide stable financing for its own large-scale projects" (Fournier, 1987: 153-154). Except in the manufacturing sector, they now constitute a strong source of input in all sectors of the economy. Some have become symbols of national pride. Since 1985, as part of the trend toward privatization in highly industrialized Western countries, both the federal and the Quebec governments have sought to divest themselves of some of their corporations. The federal government has acted timidly so far, no doubt because it does not have a sufficiently well-articulated economic strategy. The Quebec government, after a few spectacular attempts (e.g., regional airlines), virtually ceased all attempts at privatization, seeking instead to make its highly diversified set of public enterprises more profitable.

193

5 Labour and Management

A group of high-level Francophone managers emerges in Quebec Most Quebec Francophones who went into business up until the early 1970s managed relatively small firms (Falardeau, 1965; Faucher & Lamontagne, 1971; Hamel e( al., 1984; Taylor, 1961). In the wake of the Quiet Revolution, high-level Francophone managers emerged, in both the public and private sectors (Sales & Belanger, 1985), a number of whom were from the public sector (the public service and crown corporations) and replaced Anglophone managers. Businesses that came under Francophone control were, in most cases, acquired from capital previously in the hands of English Qu6becers, English Canadians, or Americans. Relatively few businesses were created through the initiative or with the financial backing of Francophones; most of the expansion in Francophone business activity originated from outright purchase or from gaining control of existing businesses, which they instilled with a new energy. A number of these enterprises grew to Canada-wide, North America-wide, or even international scope. The scale and rapidity of this expansion reflects a new phenomenon in the economic history of Quebec (B£dard et al., 1983). Reinforcement of the French language in Quebec by means of Bill 101, particularly measures imposing the use of French in large businesses, contributed to the emergence of these high-level managers (Guillotte, 1984). The importance of actions of this nature, although they are of an unprecedented scale, has not yet had a profound effect on the overall business situation, in which small and medium-sized businesses with a domestic market are the general rule and in which the few large businesses are partly controlled from outside Quebec. Some experts do not yet see in this phenomenon a trend that is likely to transform the longstanding model of the jack-of-all-trades small-business owner (Mercier, 1988). New financing formulas administered or encouraged by the government are implemented One of the major problems of businesses controlled by Qu£becers was their chronic difficulty with access to sources of financing (Hgroux & Bellemare, 1985). A number of solutions have been proposed to facilitate such access, as well as to provide assistance in certain instances. All of these solutions involve either specialized government financial institutions or initiatives created or encouraged by the government. Few large businesses or groups of businesses could have come to be managed by this new group of high-level Francophone managers without various incentives and interventions by major public institutions developed or instituted by the Quebec government during the 1960s and 1970s; for instance, Hydro-Quebec, the Soci6t6 gengrale de financement, the Socie"t6 de developpement industriel, and especially the Caisse de depots et placements (Belanger & Founder, 1988; Fraser, 1987; Mercier, 1988). Small and medium-sized businesses have been able to obtain credit from the Soci£t6 de developpement industriel and the Soci6t£ generate des industries culturelles; as well, the creation of the Regime d'6pargne-action encouraged financing of an appreciable number of them. This plan contributed to the boom in small and medium-sized businesses in the 1980s by enabling many of them to list on the stock market to finance expansion. 194

5.3 Size and Types of Enterprises

Without the tax shelters offered by this plan, it is doubtful whether Qu6becers would have directed their savings to such an extent to financing the expansion of small and medium-sized businesses. Finally, three even more original measures were brought in during the 1980s, the product of agreements between employers and unions, cooperatives, and government. The first of these is the Corv6e-Habitation, which enabled the construction industry to get off the ground again after the 1981-1982 recession. Another, more significant and longer lasting, was the creation, through a law passed by the National Assembly in 1983, of the Fonds de solidarity des travailleurs du Quebec, managed by one of the major central labour-union organizations. This fund has recruited nearly 20 000 shareholders, raised 50 million dollars in assets, and created or maintained 2 500 jobs in some 15 businesses (Fournier, 1987). Finally, a law was enacted in the late 1980s to amend the Savings and Credit Union Act to allow institutions it governs to issue shares and increase investment and international-transaction activities. Jean-Paul Baillargeon References Beauchamp, Claude 1988 Agropur: 50 cms de reves et de realisations depuis la Societe cooperative agricole du canton de Granby, 1938-1988. Montreal: Boreal. Bedard, Michel-G., Leo-Paul Lauzon, and Gilbert Tarrab 1983 L'homme d'affaires quebecois des annees 1980. Montreal: Hurtubise HMH. Belanger, Yves, and Pierre Fournier 1988 L'entreprise quebecoise: developpement historique et dynamique contemporaine. Montreal: Hurtubise HMH. BSQ (Bureau de la statistique du Quebec) 1984a Les 15-19. Portrait statistique des jeunes par region. Quebec City: BSQ and Les Publications du Quebec. 1984a- Statistiques des PME manufacturieres au Quebec. Editions 1984 and 1987. 1987 Quebec City: BSQ and Les Publications du Quebec. 1986

Forme juridique et faille des etablissements manufacturers au Quebec, 19841985. Quebec City: BSQ and Les Publications du Quebec.

D'Amboise, Gerald 1989 La PME canadienne: situation et defis. Sainte-Foy: Les Presses de lUniversite Laval. Desjardins, Claude 1977 La PME au Quebec: situation et problemes. Quebec City: Ministere de 1'Industrie et du Commerce.

195

5 Labour and Management

Falardeau, Jean-Charles 1965 "L'origine et 1'ascension des homines d'affaires dans la socie'te' canadiennefrancaise." Recherches sociographiques 6, no. 1, 33-45. Faucher, Albert, and Maurice Lamontagne 1971 "LTiistoire du deVeloppement industriel au Quebec." In Marcel Rioux, and Yves Martin, eds., La soctett canadienne-frangaise. Montreal: Hurtubise HMH. Fournier, Louis 1987 "Le fonds de solidarity (FTQ): une petite revolution syndicale." Interventions economiques no. 17, 39-46. Fournier, Pierre 1987 "Les societ£s d'Etat au Qu6bec." Interventions economiques no. 18, 173-192. Fraser, Matthew 1987 Quebec Inc.: les Qu6becois prennent d'assaut le monde des affaires. Montreal: Les editions de 1'Homme. Guillotte, Michel 1984 "Les cadres francophones et 1'avenir de 1'economie quebecoise." In Michel Amyot, ed., Les activates socio-economiques et le franqais au Quebec, 339-343. Quebec City: Conseil de la langue francaise. Hamel, Jacques, Gilles Houle, and Paul Sabourin 1984 "Strategies Economiques et developpement industriel: Emergence de Forano." Recherches sociographiques 25, no. 2, 189-209. Harvey, Pierre 1971 "La perception du capitalisme chez les Canadiens francais: une hypothese pour la recherche." In Le Quebec d'aujourd'hui: regards universitaires, 129-137. Montreal: Hurtubise HMH. HeYoux, Roger, and Guy Bellemare 1985 La sous-capitalisation des PME. Trois-Rivieres.

Trois-Rivieres:

Universite du Quebec a

Jouandet-Bernadat, Roland 1981 L'entreprise et son Evolution: tendances de Involution. Montreal: Ecole des hautes gtudes commerciales. 1981

Entreprise + 20: un scenario tendanciel de I'entreprise qutbecoise d I'horizon 2001. Montreal: Ecole des hautes Etudes commerciales.

Julien, Pierre-Andr6 1986 La belle entreprise: la revanche des PME en France et au Quebec. Montreal: Boreal Express. Laroche, Gabriel 1988 La PME au Quebec: une manifestation de dynamisme economique. Quebec City: Ministere de la Main-d'oeuvre et de la Se'curite' du revenu.

196

5.3 Size and Types of Enterprises

Mercier, Jean 1988 Les Quebecois, entre I'Etat et I'entreprise. Montreal: Uhexagone. MIC (Ministere de 1'Industrie et du Commerce) 1987a La PME au Quebec: etat de la situation. Rapport du ministre delegu6 aux PME. Quebec City: MIC. 1987b PME; entrepreneurship et croissance. Quebec City: MIC. Niosi, Jorge 1980 La bourgeoisie canadienne. Montreal: Boreal Express. 1982

Le contrdle financier du capitalisme canadien. Sillery: Presses de l'Universit6 du Quebec.

Quebec (Province) 1979 Bdtir le Quebec, fcnonce de. politique Economique. Quebec City: Editeur officiel. Sales, Arnaud 1979 La bourgeoisie industrielle au Quebec. Montreal: Presses de 11Jniversit6 de Montreal. 1983

"Intervention de I'Etat et positions id£ologiques des dirigeants des bureaucraties publiques et privees." Sociologie et socittes 15, no. 1, 13-42.

Sales, Arnaud, and Noel B6langer 1985 D6cideurs et gestionnaires. Quebec City: Conseil de la langue francaise. Taylor, Norman 1961 "L'industriel canadien-francais et son milieu." Recherches sociographiques 2, no. 2, 123-150. Thibodeau, Jean-Claude, and Pierre-Andr6 Julien 1984 Les PME manufacturieres dans la tourmente Economique de 1975 a 1982. TroisRivieres: University du Quebec a Trois-Rivieres. Toulouse, Jean-Marie 1979 L'entrepreneurship au Quebec. Montreal: Fides. 1983

"A propos de leadership chez les Queb6cois." In Jacques Dufresne, and Jocelyn Jacques, eds., Crise et leadership: les organisations en mutation. Montreal: Boreal Express.

Vaillancourt, Francois, and Josee Carpentier 1989 Le contrdle de I'tconomie du Quebec: la place des francophones en 1987 et son Evolution depuis 1961. Montreal and Quebec City: Centre de recherche et developpement en economique and Conseil de la langue francaise.

197

5 Labour and Management

Table 1 Percentage Distribution of Enterprises by Size, Remuneration and Number of Employees, Excluding Public Administrations and Non-Commercial Services Sectors, Quebec, 1978 and 1984 1984

1978

Enterprises

Size

Remuneration '000 000 $

Labour force '000

Enterprises

Remuneration '000 000 $

Labour force '000

Both Less than 5 5 to 49 50 to 99 100 to 499 500 and more Total

% N

72,1 23,3 2,0 1,9 0,7

7,5 22,6 8,2 16,9 44,8

8,2 25,2 8,8 17,2 40,6

76,3 20,4 1,5 1,4 0,4

12,8 23,2 6,8 14,9 42,1

14,9 27,0 7,4 15,2 35,5

100 139 925

100 21 629

100 1 736

100 180 376

100 34 899

100 1 761

Production of goods Less than 5 5 to 49 50 to 99 100 to 499 500 and more Total

% N

67,2 21,8 6,3 3,4 1,3

5,0 17,4 8,2 19,2 50,2

4,6 18,3 9.3 21,9 45,9

73,8 20,1 2,2 2,7 1,2

8,9 18,0 6,8 16,9 49,4

9,6 20,8 8,0 19,3 42,3

100 41 437

100 10 871

100 746

100 45 721

100 16 171

100 671

71,8 24,7 1,7 1,3 0,5

9,7 27,8 8,3 13,8 40,0

10,7 30,4 8,5 13,7 36,7

75,7 21,7 1,3 1,0 0,3

15,8 27,7 6,9 13,2 36,9

17,8 30,8 7,1 12,8 31,5

100 94 857

100 10668

100 983

100 124429

100 18521

100 1 080

Commercial services Less than 5 5 to 49 50 to 99 100 to 499 500 and more Total

% N

Source: Statistics Canada, Desclopping a longitudinal Database on Businesses in the Canadian Economy: an Approach to the Study of Employment, Ottawa, cat 18-501F; author's compilations.

198

5.3 Size and Types of Enterprises

Table 2

Share of Small and Medium-size Firms (SMSF) in the Manufacturing Sector, Quebec, 1980-1988 Year

Production employees

Production wages

Value of manufacturing shipments

1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

40,3 39,8 43,4 43,8 44,4 44,5 44,6 44,6 44,6

33,8 32,4 34,9 34,2 34,8 34,4 35,5 35,5 35,5

25,9 24,5 27,4 27,3 27,3 25,3 27,5 27,5 27,5

Destination of shipnrients Canada

USA

CEE

Elsewhere

22,0 18,5 22,9 24,0 23,4 20,1 21,9

9.1 7,7 9,0 9,3 9,4 8,3 8,2 — -

14,4 15,6 13,3 11,3

16,4 25,7 24,9 17,6 19,7 16,5 16,3

— -

8,3 6.8 4,5 — -

— -

Source: Bureau de la slalistique du Quebec, b

Table 3

Share of certain Variables in Manufacturing Industries according to the Origin of Financial Control, Quebec, 1970-1981 Firms Canada

1970

1972

1974

1976

1978

1980

1981

94,3

94,4

94,3

92,8

93,4

94,2

94,4

56,9 33,2 9,9

59,5 29,3 11,2

57,1 30,2 12,7

56,8 30,3 12,9

57,4 30,1 12,5

59,6 27,9 12,5

61.0 27,0 12,0

63,9 28,2

67,4 24,6

66,0 25,0

67,7 23,9

69,1 22,9

69,9 22,2

71,0 21,0

4,3 1,4

USA

Elsewhere Deliveries Canada USA

Elsewhere Employees Canada USA

Elsewhere

7,9

4,2 1,4

4,2 1,5

8,0

9,0

5,3 1,9

8,4

4,7 1,9

8,0

4,1 1,7

7,9

3,8 1.8

8,0

Source: Statistics Canada, Domestic and Foreign Control of Manufacturing, Mining and Logging Establishments in Canada, Ottawa, cat. 31-401.

Table 4

Percentage Distribution of Manufacturing Establishements according to their Legal Status, Quebec, 1971-1985 Year

Individual

Partnership

Corporation

Cooperative

Together

1971

25,9 25,4 24,6 23,2 18,8 15,6 13,9 14,8 15,3 15,1 14,5 13,3 11,2 11.8 10,9

4,7 4,6 4,6 4,3 3,8 3,1 2,9 3,2 2,9 2,7 2,7 2,5 2,0 1,8 1,5

67,4 68,2 69,0 70,8 75,8 79,6 81,7 80,6 80,5 80,9 81,5 82,9 85,5 85,2 86,4

1,8 1,5 1,4 1,5 1,4 1,4 1,3 1,2 1,1 1,1 1,1 1,1 1,1 1,0 1,0

100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100

1972 1973

1974

1975

1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985

Source: Bureau de la statistique du Quebec, c

199

5 Labour and Management

Table 5

Share of Savings and Credit Banks among all Depository Institutions for Mortgage Loans, Personal Loans, Deposits and Savings, Quebec, 1981-1988 Residential mortgage loans

Personal loans

Deposits and savings

Year

'000 $

%

'000 $

%

'000 $

%

1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

5 582 952 6 148 45 7 552 022 8 709 82 9 830 92 11 472 105 14 021 654 15 609 369

41,0 43,7 46,7 47,6 46,1 45,0 44,3 41,8

2 011 2 032 2 431 2 935 3 456 3 804 4 474 5 014

27,2 28,6 30,0 31,2 31,6 31,5 30,8 30,5

12 082 14 447 16 333 18 380 20 845 23 742 27 475 31 523

25,2 27,4 30,1 31,5 31,8 33,4 35,0 36.3

Source: Bureau de la statistique du Quebec, L 'activity des institutions de depdt an Quebec, Quebec, Bureau de la statistique du Quebec and Les Publications du Quebec; author's compilations.

Table 6

Individuals belonging to Savings and Credit Unions in Number and as a Percentage of the Population, Quebec, 1971-1988 Year

Members

% Population

1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

2 356 623 2 497 220 2 664 722 2 855 08 3 019 173 3 175 012 3 519 897 3 578 462 3 802 076 3 831 144 3 955 568 3 963 693 3 807 692 3 975 000 4 030 00 3 906 81 3 958 016 4 019 24

39,1 41,2 43,8 46,6 48,9 50,9 50,3 56,8 60,0 60,0 61,4 61,2 58,4 60,7 61,2 59,7 60,0 60,5

Sources: Bureau de la statistique du Quebec, Statistiques ftnancieresdescaissesd'epargneetde credit, Quebec, Bureau de la statistique du Quebec, 1971 to 1982; Confederation des Caisses Desjardins du Quebec, Rappon annuel, Levis, 1982 to 1988; author's compilations.

200

6 SOCIAL STRATIFICATION

6.1 Occupational Status Abstract. The occupational structure has evolved to make more room for professions in the tertiary sector. Women appear to have improved their relative position in the occupational scale, despite the fact that considerable disparities persist.

The occupational structure is a reflection of the economy's tertiarization There are many ways to classify occupations: prestige, income, educational level, power, knowledge, and the manual or intellectual nature of the work. None of these is entirely satisfactory as none takes adequate account of all of these criteria. We have adopted the classification used by the Canada Census, based on the "Canadian Descriptive Occupational Classification" (CDOC). This instrument has several limitations, as several authors have pointed out (De Seve, 1986a, 1986b; Drouilly & Brunelle, 1988); nevertheless, it is one of the few that allows for observation of the diachronic development of occupations. The study by Beland and De Seve (1986) reconstructed this evolution, with the help of the slightly reworked scale of Garon-Audy et al. (1979), in order to analyse differences between men and women, but 1974 is the last year covered. The "Canada Census" classification pinpoints major changes in the evolution of the occupational structure in Quebec, as observed by Brunelle (1975), Brunelle and Drouilly (1985), and Renaud and Bernard (1984). Jobs in the tertiary sector are proportionately more numerous today than they were 25 years ago (see table 1). Among the 22 main categories are three main groups: occupations whose rank order in terms of proportion has increased, those that have remained roughly stable, and those that have declined (table 2). In relative terms, the clerical occupations category has always ranked first; in absolute terms, it is the category whose increase between 1961 and 1986 has been the greatest in terms of number of jobs (+322 457). Another high-ranking category, which is also high in absolute terms, is managerial and administrative (+188 900); other categories have progressed less in terms of rank but have gained considerably in absolute terms: service occupations (+147 156), safes occupations (+133 216), and medicine and health (+115 659). The lower-ranking categories are those that have lost the most in absolute terms; construction trades (-6 261) and forestry and logging operations (-16 172) no longer have the strength they had in the 1960s and 1970s, while farming has suffered the highest loss of manpower (-26 949). It is not surprising that several tertiary-sector categories have moved up a few ranks: medicine and health and teaching, especially in the context of the well-known social reforms of the Quiet Revolution, managerial and administrative, and natural sciences. A number have held at about the same rank, including

201

6 Social Stratification

safes occupations, service occupations, religion, and construction. Finally, certain categories have dropped in rank, most probably because the relative expansion of higher-ranking categories has led to a reduction in their relative size - among them transport, forestry and logging operations, processing, and farming, horticulture, and animal husbandry, which has dropped the farthest. There have been parallel movements in the directions of reduction of gaps and of occupational differentiation according to sex Women are increasingly represented in occupations that were or still are male dominated; however, it must be noted here that the CDOC is not the best classification system for pinpointing differences between men and women: categories such as medicine and health, sales occupations, and service occupations show increases in female membership, but it is not possible to specify whether the women are, for instance, nurses or doctors (table 3). Nevertheless, the evolution is clear enough that one may speak in terms of a trend, particularly in one group of categories, in which gains of more than 15% were made between 1961 and 1986, and in a second group, in which the gains were between 1,5% and 15%. This evolution was weaker in a third group, which hovered between gains of 1,5% and losses -1,5%. Finally, two categories had losses of up to -8% (table 4). Overall, gains are much more pronounced than losses. As well, strong progress has been made in managerial and administrative, natural sciences, and engineering and mathematics, indicating women's increasing presence in nontraditional sectors. Other important gains have been made in social sciences, clerical occupations, arts, and medicine and health. However, the situation remains equivocal in categories in which it is not easy to distinguish the type of work involved, and which are often associated with female employment ghettos; for instance, progress has apparently been made in clerical occupations and medicine and health; however, without a more detailed breakdown of the occupational hierarchy this can be interpreted as the continuation of female employment in, or even the increased feminization of, traditional occupations. This is also the case for other categories, some of which show gains as high as 15%, for example, farming, sales occupations, craft and equipment operation, and transport. Other sectors, including service occupations, are roughly stable. A certain degree of regression exists in categories such as teaching and related occupations and manufacturing, assembling, and repairing occupations; teaching has also long been considered a female employment ghetto. But here, once again, one would need to know what type of job is involved: it may be that to the increasing presence of men in this profession corresponds to more women in the lower levels, although some women might have advanced to higher echelons. Guy Fr6chet

202

6.1 Occupational Status

References Bgland, Francois, and Michel De Seve 1986 "La distribution des emplois entre les sexes et les groupes linguistiques au Quebec." In Simon Langlois, and Francois Trudel, eds., La morphologic socials en mutation au Quebec, 61-88. Montreal: ACFAS. Brunelle, Dorval 1975 "La structure occupationnelle de la main-d'oeuvre qulbecoise, 1951-1971." Sociologie et societts 7, no. 2, 67-88. Brunelle, Dorval, and Pierre Drouilly 1985 "Analyse de la structure socio-professionnelle de la main-d'oeuvre qu6becoise, 1971-1981." Interventions economiques nos. 14-15, 233-260. De Seve, Michel 1986a "Classifications professionnelles et indicateurs de rang social." Recherches sociographiques 27, no. 2, 241-260. 1986b "Les classifications professionnelles, leur pouvoir de classement et de detection des differences professionnelles entre les femmes et les hommes." Quebec City: Laboratoire de recherches sociologiques, Cahier 6, Universite Laval. Drouilly, Pierre, and Dorval Brunelle 1988 "Une evaluation critique de la classification socio-economique des professions." Interventions economiques no. 19, 185-202. Gagnon, Diane 1986 "L'impact de la feminisation du march6 du travail sur les d6veloppements r6cents de la structure industrielle queb£coise." In Simon Langlois, and Francois Trudel, eds., La morphologic sociale en mutation au Quebec, 37-59. Montreal: ACFAS. Garon-Audy, Muriel, Jacques Dofny, and Alberte Archambault 1979 Mobilites professionnelles et geographiques au Quebec, 1954-64-74. Montreal: CRDE, University de Montreal. Renaud, Jean, and Paul Bernard 1984 "Places et agents: les divisions ethniques et sexuelles du travail de 1931 a 1981." Cahiers quebecois de demographic 13, no. 1, 87-99.

203

6 Social Stratification

Table 1 Distribution of Occupations by Category, Percentage, Quebec, 1961-1986 1961 %

Occupations Managerial, administrative and related occupations Occupations in natural sciences, engineering and mathematics Occupations in social sciences and related fields Occupations in religion Teaching and related occupations Occupations in medicine and health Artistic, literary, recreational and related occupations Clerical and related occupations Sales occupations Service occupations Farming, horticultural and animal husbandry occupations Fishing, hunting, trapping and related occupations Forestry and logging occupations Mining and quarrying including oil and gas-field occupations Processing occupations Machining and related occupations Product fabricating, assembling and repairing occupations Construction trade occupations Transport-equipment operating occupations Materials handling and related occupations Other crafts and equipment operating occupations Occupations not elsewhere classified and not stated Total (%) (N) '000

1971 %

1986 %

3,2

4,7

6,7

8,0 3,5

2,4

2,5

3,1

0,7

1,0

1,5

1,8

0,3

0,3

0,4

0,2

2,9

4,5

4,6

4,6

2,2

3,7

4,7

5,1

1,0

1,0

1,6

1,8

12,5

16,1

18,4

17,9

9,3

9,1

9,4

9,9

11,9

10,4

11,7

11,9

5,9

3,6

2,7

2,7

0,0

0,1

0,1

0,1

2,1

0,9

0,7

0,7

0,3

0,5

0,4

0,3

7,2

4,5

4,8

4,3

3,1

2,7

2,5

2,1

11,7

9,1

9,6

8,6

8,9

5,8

5,4

5,2

5,4

3,9

3,9

3,6

3,0

1,8

1,7

1,7

1,9

1,3

1,3

1,3

4,2

12,5

4,9

4,6

100 1 859,9

100 2 175,2

100 2 986,5

100 3 089,5

Source: Statistics Canada, Occupational Trends. 1961-1986, Ottawa, cat. 93-151; author's compilations.

204

1981 %

6.1 Occupational Status

Table 2 Rank of Occupations according to their Relative Importance and Rank Difference between 1961 and 1986*. Quebec, 1961-1986 Occupations Occupations in medicine and health Managerial, administrative and related occupations Teaching and related occupations Artistic, literary, recreational and related occupations Occupations in social sciences and related fields Occupations in natural sciences, engineering and mathematics Sales occupations Occupations not elsewhere classified and not stated Clerical and related occupations Service occupations Mining and quarrying including oil and gasfield occupations Occupations in religion Fishing, hunting, trapping and related occupations Product fabricating, assembling and repairing occupations Construction trades occupations Other crafts and equipment operating occupations Transport-equipment operating occupations Machining and related occupations Forestry and logging occupations Processing occupations Materials handling and related occupations Farming, horticultural and animal husbandry occupations

1961

1971

15

11

1981 9

1986 7

Diff. between 1961 and 1986 8

10

7

5

5

5

13

8

10

9

4

18

17

16

15

3

19

18

17

16

3

14

14

12

12

2

4

5

4

3

1

9

2

7

8

1

1

1

1

1

0

2

3

2

2

0

20

20 "

20

20

0

21

21

21

21

0

22

22

22

22

0

3

4

3

4

5

6

6

6

-1 -1

17

16

18

18

-1

8

10

11

11

-3

11

13

14

14

-3

16

19

19

19

-3

6

9

8

10

-4

12

15

15

17

-5

7

12

13

13

-6

a. The occupations are sorted by gain or loss in rank between 1961 and 1986. Source: Statistics Canada, Occupational Trends, 1961-1986, Ottawa, cat. 93-151; author's compilations

205

6 Social Stratification

Table 3 Percentage Distribution of Men and Women by Occupation, Quebec, 1961-1986 1961

%

Occupations Managerial, administrative and related occupations Occupations in natural sciences. engineering and mathematics Occupations in social sciences and related fields Occupations in religion Teaching and related occupations Occupations in medicine and health Artistic, literary, recreational and related occupations Clerical and related occupations Sales occupations Service occupations Farming, horticultural and animal husbandry occupations Fishing, hunting, trapping and related occupations Forestry and logging occupations Mining and quarrying including oil and gas-field occupations Processing occupations Machining and related occupations Product fabricating, assembling and repairing occupations Construction trades occupations Transport-equipment operating occupations Material handling and related occupations Other crafts and equipment operating occupations Occupations not elsewhere classified and not stated

M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F H F

1971

%

1981

%

%

88,6 11,4

85,5 14,5

76,6 23,4

68,7 31,3

96,2

92,7

84,4 15,6

79,8 20,2

74,1 25,9

65,6 34,4

50,7 49,3

45,4 54,6

83,8 16,2

76,8 23,2

54,5 45,5

73,9 26,1

35,5 64,5

39,1 60,9

39,3 60,7

45,3 54,7

28,9 71,1 77,1 22,9

40,9 59,1 26,7 73,3 64,2 35,8

3,8

80,8 19,2 43,3 56,7 72,4 27,6 50,5 49,5 93,5

7,3

38,9 61,1 74,8 25,2 57,7 42,3 81,7 18,3

25,6 74,4 65,6 34,4 53,6 46,4 83,2 16,8

25,7 74,3 60,8 39,2 23,4 76,6 61,8 38,2 51,4 48,6 79,3 20,7

6,5 100,0 0,0

97,7

2,3

89,9 10,1

99,5

99,1

98,1

88,4 11,6 94,5

99,5

99,3

98,5

98,0

79,2 20,8 96,7

82,9 17,1

81,3 18,7

80,4 19,6

3,3

95,9

95,8

95,9

4,1

4,2

61,5 38,5

67,5 32,5

68,3 31,7

69,5 30,5

99,2

99,1

98,3

98,0

98,8

96,4

1,2

3,6

95,4

77,9 22,1

76,2 23,8

75,6 24,4

77,5 22,5

88,7 11,3

87,7 12,3

79,8 20,2

79,6 20,4

76,8 23,2

62,1 37,9

62,3 37,7

62,7 37,3

0,5 0,5

0,8 100,0 0,0

0,9

0,7

0,9

1,9 1,5

1,7

Source: Statistics Canada, Occupational Trends. 1961-1986. Ottawa, cat. 93-151; author's compilations.

206

1986

5,5

2,0

4,1

2,0

4,6

6.1 Occupational Status

Table 4 Gain or Loss in Percentage of Women's Proportion by Occupation between each Census and for the whole Period', Quebec, 1361-1986 Occupations

1961-1971

1971-1981

1981-1986

Diff. between

1961 and 1986

Occupations in social sciences and related fields

8,4

14,9

5,3

28,6

Clerical and related occupations

4,5

13,3

2,2

20,0

Artistic, literary, recreational and related occupations

3,7

12,9

3,5

20,0

Managerial, administrative and related occupations

3,1

8,9

7,9

19,9

16,4

2,2

1,0

19,5

3,5

8,3

4,6

16,4

Occupations in medicine and health Occupations in natural sciences, engineering and mathematics Farming, horticultural and animal husbandry occupations

11,9

-1,5

4,0

14,3

Occupations not elsewhere classified and not stated

14,7

-0,2

-0,4

14,0

2,3

7,8 9,2

1,5 3,8

11,6

-2,4

7,0

22,3

-19,4

9,9

Other crafts and equipment operating occupations

1,0

7,9

0,3

Forestry and logging occupations

0,4

1,0

3,6

9,2 5,0

Transport-equipment operating occupations

1,2

2,5

0,9

4,5

Mining and quarrying including oil and gas-field occupations

0,2

0,8

0,4

1,5

0,1 0,8

0,8 0,0

0,3 0,0

1,2 0,8

Fishing, hunting, trapping and related occupations Sales occupations Occupations in religion

Construction trades occupations Machining and related occupations Materials handling and related occupations

10,6

1,7

0,6

-1,8

0,5

Service occupations

-7,1

4,1

2,2

-0.8

Processing occupations

-3,8

1,6

1,0

-1,2

Teaching and related occupations

-3,6

-1,8

1,7

-3,8

Product fabricating, assembling and repairing occupations

-6,0

-0,7

-1,2

a. The occupations are sorted by the gain or loss in percentage between 1961 and 1986. Source: Statistics Canada, Occupational Trends, 1961-1986, Ottawa, cat. 93-151; author's compilations.

207

-8,0

6.2 Social Mobility Abstract. Total social mobility in Quebec has been quite high since the 1950s, mainly due to structural changes in the labour market, and much less as a result of exchange mobility. The social mobility of Francophones has closely approached that of Anglophones. Women enjoy a greater degree of social mobility than do men, but a lesser degree of career mobility. Level of education is the primary factor explaining social status; the family milieu exercises an indirect effect on this status, above all by affecting the level of education achieved by individuals. Social status is nonetheless more an acquired attribute than a prescribed one. Social mobility measures the extent to which individuals can change social position or status, either in relation to their milieu of origin (inter generational social mobility) or in the course of their own occupational career (intra generational social mobility). On the macrosociological level, sociologists distinguish between structural mobility, which can be attributed to modifications in the structure of employment, and exchange mobility, or net mobility, which describes the relative chances that sons and daughters of each social origin have of advancing to one status destination rather than another independent observable changes in the social structure itself. McRoberts (1985a) defines structural mobility as the evolution of the inequality between the individuals from one generation to another, and exchange mobility as a measurement of the degree of stratification of a society. We base our description of the evolution of social mobility through time on three studies: Garon-Audy et al. (1979), who used RogofFs method to analyse social mobility in Quebec using a sample group of persons at the time of their marriage in 1954, 1964, and 1974; the "Canadian Mobility Survey" (CMS), carried out in Canada in 1973; and the "IPAQ survey" (Bernard et al., 1980). Trends will be identified either by comparing identical surveys carried out at different times (as in Garon-Audy et al., 1979), or by comparing processes at work in different cohorts (CMS).

There have been a rise in socio-economic status and an increase in total social mobility from one generation to the next Overall, the social status of men and women is higher than was the social status of their fathers, and this trend intensified from the 1950s through the 1970s. (Data for the 1980s are not yet available.) According to the CMS, the gap between socio-economic status (Blishen index) of sons in their first job and the status of their fathers increases as the age of the son decreases (Goyder, 1985a; McRoberts et al., 1976). As well, the average level of prestige attached to the job occupied by the respondents in 1973 was higher than that of their first job; this was the case in all age groups, which suggests that the status of persons also tends to rise in the course of their career. There was an increase in total social mobility, whether inter- or intra generational, from the end of the Second World War up to the late 1970s (Garon-Audy et al., 1979), so that differences between Anglophones in Canada and Francophones in Quebec diminished considerably (McRoberts et al., 1976; McRoberts, 1985a). During the 1950s, mobile Francophones moved through several levels in the employment hierarchy from one generation to the next (De Jocas & Rocher,

208

6.2 Social Mobility

1957). Subsequent surveys tended to illustrate predominance of a model of mobility involving a single level at a time (Boyd et al., 1985). The correlation between the status of the father and that of the son or daughter is moderate in intensity and tends to diminish slightly over time. Overall, Canada and Quebec can therefore be considered relatively open societies, in which access to a given position is not overly affected by inheritance and in which status is acquired rather than prescribed (Boyd et al., 1985). The growth in total mobility can be attributed to changes observed in the social structure (structural mobility); to changes caused by industrialization and urbanization which led to a shrinking of employment in farming and an expansion of employment in services and administration, technical positions, the professions, and so on; and to changes in position from one generation to the next (exchange mobility or net mobility). We will now trace the evolution of these two types of mobility.

Structural mobility is increasing The relative improvement in position of persons — men or women - in relation to their position of origin apparently can be mainly attributed to structural changes that have affected the evolution of employment, and much less to exchanges of position from one generation to another - structural changes that have benefited mainly Quebec Francophones and women. Dofny and Garon-Audy (1969) made it clear that the differences between Francophones and Anglophones had diminished, both in terms of inequality of distribution and in terms of mobility. "Dofny and Garon-Audy maintained that the mobility models of the French and the English tended to approach one another, although this convergence was related more to changes in the structure of labour in Quebec and to the resulting structural mobility than to a decompartmentalization of the classes (exchange mobility): on the contrary, the differences related to the latter factor appear to be maintained" (McRoberts et al., 1976: 62). Garon-Audy et al.'s (1979) analysis indicates that these structural changes were more pronounced during the 1960s than during the 1970s, due to the rapid reduction in the number of farm operators and to a correspondingly rapid growth in the liberal and technical professions and in management and supervisory positions.

Net mobility increases less strongly than does structural mobility, and status inheritance remains pronounced Garon-Audy et al. (1979) showed that inheritance of position is more pronounced among executives and professionals (about 2,5 times greater than among bluecollar workers, in 1974). Another analysis of these data by Beland (1982) is more precise. He notes that status inheritance was more pronounced among uppermanagement personnel and proprietors and in the working class between 1954 and 1974, whereas it was relatively stable in the other categories. In conjunction with status inheritance, net social mobility increases through time, particularly for sons of professionals and farmers, and especially for sons of white-collar workers. The latter had a better chance of becoming executives and administrators between 1954 and 1974, and sons of workers and unskilled labourers had a 209

6 Social Stratification

better chance of becoming blue-collar workers over the same period. After 1964, there was greater mobility among the sons of blue-collar workers toward whitecollar positions. The boundary between these two major job categories is thus apparently not as rigid in Quebec as is suggested by McRoberts. Finally, sons of farmers and small-business proprietors were more likely to be mobile toward unskilled labour jobs (the least-qualified blue-collar jobs), but, beginning in 1964, their chances of becoming specialized workers improved. Analysing the same data, Bernard notes that the rhythm of change in social position from one generation to the next varies according to social origin. Sons originating from non-manual categories underwent a more rapid transformation in mobility than did others; that is, they were the first to benefit from the elevator of upward mobility. Sons originating from manual categories ... experience this kind of mobility much more gradually; in their case, the transformation is actually spread over 20 years. (Bernard, 1984: 584-585) With the exception of farming occupations, one can conclude that generally there was fairly little net social mobility in Quebec throughout the period analysed, with total social mobility being essentially due to changes in the occupational structure. This conclusion was confirmed by Beland (1982), who nevertheless was not able to clearly reject (nor, for that matter, to support) the hypothesis of relative stability of net mobility in Quebec over time: "The results obtained here do not appear to us to be sufficiently conclusive to contradict the empirically based impression of the stability of social mobility in Quebec from 1954 to 1974" (B61and, 1982: 255). Certain observers have advanced the hypothesis that there was a decrease in net social mobility during the 1980s due to the relative tightness of the job market, the lower quality of new jobs offered, and the deterioration of the relative situation of youth. This hypothesis remains to be verified. The intergenerational mobility of women is more pronounced than that of men, but their career mobility is not Inheritance of original social status is less pronounced among women than among men, according to the CMS, and women experience more pronounced inter generational social mobility, when their occupation (at the beginning of their working life or later in their career) is compared with that of their father. In other words, the link between status of the father and that of the daughter is weaker than that between the status of the father and that of the son. This is essentially due to the particular structure of the jobs occupied by women, who are more concentrated in white-collar positions and in the services sector. These jobs represent social mobility for daughters originating from the working class, or whose fathers were blue-collar workers. If the occupational-structure differential between men and women is neutralized, the differences in social mobility between the sexes of one generation and the next decrease considerably and in fact become very slight, which indicates that net intergenerational social mobility (or exchange mobility) is nearly identical for men and for women; it is structural mobility - or the 210

6.2 Social Mobility

sexual segregation of jobs, which gradually came into being - that appears to account for all of the difference. Although women are more mobile than men in relation to their milieu of origin, they are less likely than men to experience mobility in the course of their careers. The likelihood of experiencing intergenerational mobility is lower for women than for men (Boyd, 1985). Women are more stable than are men in the course of their careers; once they have reached a given position, they have a greater likelihood of remaining there, particularly because a large proportion of them work in sectors, identified as "ghettos," that are difficult to move out of. If mobile individuals are considered apart, it can be observed that there is little difference in the mobility of men and women at lower levels of the occupational hierarchy, since the mobility models are quite similar for both sexes. The gaps widen at the higher levels, where men are more likely to be mobile. Goyder (1985b) attributes differences in mobility during the working life to career interruption, since the mobility of single women and of women who have not left the labour force is much closer to that of men. The social mobility of Quebec Francophones moved much closer to that of Canadian Anglophones in the mid-1970s The first study on social mobility carried out in Quebec, for the year 1954, indicated that Anglophones held higher positions than Francophones and that they had greater social mobility (De Jocas & Rocher, 1957). Later studies on the difference in social mobility between Francophones and Anglophones in Quebec led to divergent results. Boyd et al. (1981) concluded that there was an increase in differences from the 1960s through the 1970s. Garon-Audy et al. (1979) observed symmetry in the social mobility structure of the two linguistic groups. McRoberts et al. (1976), for their part, noted a clear convergence between the structural mobility of Anglophones and of Francophones, and, contrary to the study by Dofny and Garon-Audy (1969), they also noted a convergence between the two ethnic groups in terms of exchange mobility. This difference can be explained by the fact that McRoberts et al. considered Canadian Anglophones, whereas Dofny and Garon-Audy (1969) considered those in Quebec. In a later article, McRoberts (1985a) showed that Quebec Anglophones indeed constituted a separate group in Canada, compared to Francophones or to Anglophones in the rest of the country — a privileged group made up of more mobile people who are more concentrated in the most prestigious social positions. Researchers who have analysed the data for Quebec from the CMS have also observed strong structural mobility among Quebec Francophones between 19351944, 1945-1954, and 1955-1964, which led to a clear convergence in the mobility of the two linguistic groups (McRoberts, 1985a). One of the principal observations brought to light by McRoberts et al. (1976) is "the movement away from the historical model of linguistic stratification" (McRoberts, 1985a: 78), a model portrayed in the now classic article by Dofny and Rioux (1962), which demonstrated how French Canadians constituted both a social class and an ethnic class. Beland (1987) attempted to read more meaning into these divergent results by re-analysing Garon-Audy et al.'s data for the years 1954, 1964, and 1974 using more sophisticated methods. He arrived at two conclusions. First, the cor211

6

Social Stratification

relation between the occupational status of fathers and sons was of equal size in the two groups, indicating that overall social mobility was quite similar. On the other hand, the mobility structure that generated this result differed between the two linguistic groups; there was a twofold mobility structure among Francophones. Beland's analysis in a sense confirms a hypothesis put forward in the early 1960s by Falardeau, to the effect that there was a twofold scale of stratification among Francophones. According to Belaud, this mobility structure weakened over the period under analysis (1954 to 1974). Higher level of education appears to be the main factor in mobility The level of education of individuals plays a predominant role in the mobility process: the effect of social origin on the position occupied by individuals is essentially influenced by educational level (Jones, 1985). Thus, a large part of the convergence noted above in the mobility of French-speaking Qu£becers and that of Canadian Anglophones "can be attributed to changes that occurred in the characteristic levels of education of Francophones" (McRoberts et al., 1976: 78). As well, the influence of individuals' educational level and occupational experience on their mobility increases with time (from one cohort to the next, in fact), whereas the effect of prescribed or inherited characteristics diminishes (Goyder, 1985a). Simon Langlois References B41and, Francois 1982 "Une elude de mobility sociale au Quebec de 1954 d 1974 et une me'thode d'analyse statistique: des rgsultats divergents." Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 19, no. 2, 245-262. 1987

"A Comparison of the Mobility Structures of Francophones and Anglophones in Quebec: 1954, 1964, 1974." Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 24, no. 2, 232-251.

Bernard, Paul 1984 "Alliances de classes et mesalliances conceptuelles: de la classe ethnique a la bourgeoisie de 1'Etat que'be'cois." In Continuity's et ruptures. Les sciences sociales au Quebec, 557-596. Montreal: Les Presses de rUniversitg de Montreal. Bernard, Paul, Andr6e Demers, Diane Grenier, and Jean Renaud 1980 L'tvolution de la situation socio-e'conomique des francophones et des non francophones au Quebec, 1971-1978. Quebec City: Editeur officiel, coll. Langue et Socie'te's.

212

6.2 Social Mobility

Blishen, B. B. 1970 "Social Class and Opportunity in Canada." Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 1, no. 2, 110-127. Boyd, Monica 1982 "Sex Differences in the Canadian Occupational Attainment Process." Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 19, no. 1, 1-28. Boyd, Monica et al. 1981 "Status Attainment in Canada: Findings of the Canadian Mobility Study." Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 18, 657-673. 1985

Ascription and Achievement: Studies in Mobility and Status Attainment in Canada. Ottawa: Carleton University Press.

Cuneo, Carl J., and James E. Curtis 1975 "Social Ascription in the Education and Occupational Status Attainment of Urban Canadians." Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 12, 6-24. De Jocas, Yves, and Guy Rocher 1957 "Inter-Generation Occupational Mobility in the Province of Quebec." Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science, 57-68. Dofny, Jacques 1978 "Les stratifications de la societ£ queb^coise." Sociologie et societes 10, no. 2, 277-302. Dofny, Jacques, and Marcel Rioux 1962 "Les classes sociales au Canada francais." Revue franqaise de sociologie 3, no. 3, 290-300. Dofny, Jacques, and Muriel Garon-Audy 1969 "Mobilites professionnelles au Quebec." Sociologie et societes 1, no. 2, 277-301. Garon-Audy, Muriel, Jacques Dofny, and Alberte Archambault 1979 Mobilites professionnelles et geographiques au Quebec, 1954-64-74. Montreal: CRD6, University de Montreal. Goyder, John C. 1985a "Comparisons over Time." In Monica Boyd et al., eds., Ascription and Achievement, 163-200. Ottawa: Carleton University Press. 1985b "Occupational Mobility among Women." In Monica Boyd et al., eds., Ascription and Achievement, 297-334. Ottawa: Carleton University Press. Goyder, John C., and James E. Curtis 1977 "Occupational Mobility in Canada over Four Generations." Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 14, 303-319. Lavigne, Marie, and Jean Renaud 1974 L'heterogeneite des espaces sociaux: etude comparative de quatre zones residentielles du has de la ville de Montreal. Montreal: Presses de ITTniversite du Quebec. 213

6 Social Stratification

Maheu, Louis 1979 "La conjoncture des luttes nationales au Quebec: mode d'intervention 6tatique des classes moyennes et enjeux d'un mouvement social de rupture." Sociologie et soci&es 11, no. 2, 125-144. Marsden, L. E., E. B. Harvey, and I. Charner 1975 "Female Graduates: Their Occupational Mobility and Attainments." Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 12, 385-405. McRoberts, Hugh 1985a "Mobility and Attainment in Canada: the Effects of Origin." In Monica Boyd et al., eds., Ascription and Achievement, 67-100. Ottawa: Carleton University Press. 1985b "Language and Mobility: a Comparison of Three Groups." In Monica Boyd et al., eds., Ascription and Achievement, 335-356. Ottawa: Carleton University Press. McRoberts, Hugh et al. 1976 "Differences dans la mobility professionnelle des francophones et des anglophones." Sociologie et societes 8, no. 2, 61-80. McRoberts Hugh A., and K. Selbee 1981 "Trends in Occupational Mobility: Canada and the U.S." American Sociological Review 46, 406-421. Pineo, Peter C. 1976 "Social Mobility in Canada: the Current Picture." Sociological Focus 9, no. 2, 106-123. Renaud, Jean, Paul Bernard, and Monique Berthiaume 1980 "Education, qualification professionnelle et carriere au Quebec." Sociologie et socittes 12, no. 1, 23-52. Stevens, Gillian, and Monica Boyd 1980 "The Importance of Mother: Labour Force Participation and Intergenerational Mobility of Women in Canada." Social Forces 59, no. 1, 186-199. Tepperman, Lome 1975 Social Mobility in Canada. Toronto: McGraw Hill Ryerson. Turrittin, A. H. 1974 "Social Mobility in Canada: A Comparison of Three Provincial Studies and Some Methodological Questions." Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, special issue, 163-186.

214

6.3

Economic Inequality Abstract. Two income-redistribution measures, personal income tax and transfer payments from governments to individuals, have grown twice as rapidly since 1961 as have incomes, thus reducing overall economic inequalities. Public expenditures have had a progressive effect. Inequalities within homogeneous groups are decreasing, but inequalities between groups are increasing. Distribution of wealth is more unequal than distribution of income; this inequality tends to decrease somewhat in favour of the middle class.

Since 1961 the government has been redistributing greater amounts of money; as a result, its influence in determining levels of personal disposable income has been increasing from year to year Between 1961 and 1988, transfers from individuals to government, in real terms, have increased more rapidly (+798%) than have individual incomes (-1-227%) (see table 1). According to government figures, these levies represented 9,3% of individual incomes in 1961 and 24,5% in 1988. The amounts collected by governments were used to finance the increasing quantities of goods and services which it made available during that period, but a portion of these funds was also redistributed directly to individuals. These transfers from governments to individuals represent a growing component of national income, having increased from 9,6% in 1961 to 16,3% in 1988. By means of direct taxes and transfers to individuals, governments have increased their role in determining levels of individual income. The share of incomes redistributed by governments was fairly stable for 1986, 1987 and 1988, but the share of incomes collected by the same governments continued to increase over the same period, after having remained unchanged for a few years.

Taxes on personal incomes have become more progressive, but the same is not true of the overall tax system The growth of taxes on personal income contrasts with the direction taken by taxes on business profits, the relative share of which has been decreasing continually since 1961. In 1971, Quebec families paid 14,4% of their total earnings in income taxes. This proportion began increasing in 1976, reaching 19,3% in 1987 (table 2). Single people paid a slightly lower share of their earnings to income tax, at 13,9% in 1971 and 18,1% in 1987. The income-tax system is progressive: the higher the income, the greater the taxation rate. This rate is about 20% in the upper-income quintile in Canada, versus about 2% in the lower quintile (table 3). The gaps are even more pronounced in Quebec. One study provides an estimate for 1981: "Income tax is progressive. The taxation rate on income is equivalent, on average, to 0,3% for economic units in the first decile and to 27,8% for those in the last decile" (Payette & Vaillancourt, 1986: 437). Taxation rates in all five quintiles have changed gradually from 1975 to 1990: the rates have been decreasing among households with the lowest earnings and increasing in upper-income households. This change is more visible in the category of single people. The growth in the number of high-income households over the past 20 years and the progressive nature of the tax system have influenced the development of tax shelters, which 215

6 Social Stratification

are mostly taken advantage of by people in the higher-income brackets. Tax reform in Canada and in Quebec, initiated in 1988, is aimed at reducing tax rates and eliminating a large number of tax shelters. Although the personal-income-tax system can be said to be fairly progressive, the same is not true of the rest of the tax system (Ross, 1980). Various indirect taxes, particularly sales and property taxes, are regressive and in a sense neutralize the progressive effect of income tax. Fortin concurs with Gillespie (1980a) that "the actual progressiveness of the tax system is very limited and thus it has very little redistributive effect on incomes" (Fortin, 1986: 202). Payette and Vaillancourt (1986) repeated Gillespie's study for Quebec and observed a similar result: "Overall, taxation is roughly proportional to the income of economic units" (Payette & Vaillancourt, 1986: 439).

Government transfers to individuals are increasing as a proportion of total income, but the middle class is receiving an increasing share of these payments Government transfer payments to individuals have increased substantially over the past 25 years. Studies on consumer finances provide a means of estimating the relative importance of these transfers to family budgets. In Canada, transfers from governments to individuals represented 4,9% of family incomes in 1951, 6,1% in 1971, and 10,0% in 1987; these proportions were even higher in the single-persons category, at 10,2% in 1971 and 17,4% in 1987. Transfer payments represent the largest source of income for lower-income households. The poorest families (the lowest quintile) received 43,4% of their income through transfer payments in 1971 and 52,3% in 1987, and single people received 56,6% and 56,9% respectively (table 4). But the most privileged families also receive transfer payments. Although these payments represent only a small proportion of income in the middle and upper quintiles, these households nevertheless receive a large share of overall transfer payments. In 1971, families in the two upper-income quintiles received 27,9% of the transfer payments made in that year; in 1985, this proportion rose to 31,5%. One may thus advance the hypothesis that the families with abovemedian current incomes have been receiving an increasing share of transfer payments to individuals, now accounting for nearly one-third of these payments in Canada. Indeed, the overall distribution of transfer payments is not at all based on individual or family income, as a result of the universal nature of several income-security programmes and the characteristics of certain others. For example, unemployment insurance mainly benefits the middle class: the poorer class has less access than do others to the labour market and to employment earnings, and thus to this programme (Billette, 1977). The universal nature of social programmes is such that the middle and upper classes are now receiving an increasing share of the moneys redistributed by the government, although this share is in part subject to taxation.

216

6.3 Economic Inequality

There has been an overall upward trend in real disposable incomes After-tax income in constant dollars is more relevant than gross income to an analysis of the overall distribution of incomes in society, given the progressive nature of personal income tax. Globally, the proportion of families and single people with low incomes decreased constantly between 1960 and 1980, while the proportion of high-income households increased. This well-defined trend stopped at the beginning of the 1980s; since that time the proportion of very well-to-do households has been falling back somewhat (table 5).

There have been reductions in after-tax income inequality To account for income-redistribution measures, an analysis of the development of inequality must take into consideration three categories of income: gross income before taxes, total monetary income including transfer payments, and after-tax income. Gross incomes before government transfers to individuals are very unequally distributed, especially among single persons (table 6). What have been the effects over time of transfer payments and income taxes? Overall, these two measures contributed to a progressive yearly reduction in the inequality of distribution of disposable monetary incomes (after taxes). This mainly affected the two extreme quintiles: transfer payments increased the overall income share of lowincome households, while the share received by upper-income households diminished substantially due to taxation. But this trend came to an end with the onset of the economic recession of the early 1980s, and relative inequalities have been fairly stable up to 1987, the last year for which data are available. The GINI coefficients concerning after-tax incomes of families fell from 1971 to 1981, and then rose in 1985. However, this renewed increase in the indicator of after-tax income inequalities is less pronounced than that which measures income inequalities before transfers, which reveals that although income-redistribution policies did not continue to reduce real inequalities after 1981, as had previously been the case, they nevertheless succeeded to a large extent in counteracting an increase in income inequalities which intensified in 1982 after many years of gradual decline. In summary, the two principal income-redistribution measures had a real effect on the reduction of inequalities over the past fifteen years. They contributed to shrinking the gap between 1971 and 1981, and in a sense they neutralized an increase in inequalities after 1982. Thus, according to some experts, the effect of transfers and income taxes has essentially been to counteract the increasing inequality of private incomes" (Fortin, 1986: 202).

Since the 1970s the reduction of inequalities has been more pronounced among single people than among families During the 1950s and 1960s, inequality among families diminished more rapidly than did inequality among single people, particularly due to the increasing participation rate of married women in the labour market: "The net effect of the increased participation of married women in the labour force on income distribution ... was to reduce the rate of inequality" (MacLeod & Homer, 1980: 12). But 217

6 Social Stratification

since the early 1970s, income inequality among single people has been decreasing more rapidly than that among families, mainly as a result of income redistribution; more precisely, due to transfer payments and, to a lesser degree, income tax. In this group, the GINI coefficients went from 0,433 to 0,360 over a 15-year period. It should be noted that the tendency for inequalities among single people to diminish continued during the years of the economic recession, but at a slower rate after 1982. These changes show up in the income breakdown by quintile. An increase was observed in the relative share of single people in the lower-income quintile between 1971 and 1985, while there was a decrease in the highest-income category over the same period. In contrast, the income shares earned by families by quintile have remained quite steady even over the 20-year period from 1965 to 1985. This apparent stability in fact hides important changes, particularly in the composition of the households, which affect income inequality and distribution. A study by Statistics Canada clearly showed that between 1970 and 1980, income distribution among deciles underwent little change, but the characteristics of the households in each of these deciles varied greatly: in 1980 the upper-income deciles included a majority of double-income couples, while the lower deciles included a majority of single-parent families with a woman as head of household (Statistics Canada, 1984).

There has been an increase in inequality between different types of households and a reduction of inequality between households of the same type The measures of income-distribution inequality calculated for all households (including both families and single people) provide a less and less reliable image of the actual inequalities, due to the wide variety of life-styles among the households which is characteristic of the contemporary era. The composition of households affects income inequalities. In the previous section, we observed that income inequality among single people is more pronounced than that among families. As well, an increasing number of households made up of single people over the past 20 years resulted in an accentuation of the measured income-distribution inequality among all households. This gives the impression that income inequality is increasing, whereas what is actually changing is the composition of the households. Over the past 25 years, income-distribution inequalities have tended to diminish within homogeneous groups of households (single people, single-income families, double-income families). However, this reduction has not been the same from one group to another. It has been more pronounced for double-income families than for other types of families or for non-family households. In other words, inequalities within groups are diminishing, while inter-group inequalities are increasing. The growth of these inequalities can be explained by an increase in the number of households in the groups that are subject to more inequalities in income distribution, especially single people and single-parent families. MacLeod and Horner (1980) illustrate this trend very well. The GINI coefficients increased slightly (from 0,371 to 0,383) for all Canadian households between 1954 and 1975, whereas they decreased in the five sub-groups identified by the authors of 218

6.3 Economic Inequality

the study. This result may be explained quite simply by the increase between 1954 and 1975 of the number of households — essentially single people — that are subject to the highest inequalities in income. Demographic changes and changes in life styles have contributed to increasing income inequalities among households over the past two decades. The changes in the composition of families have contributed to enlarging the inequality whereas the changes in labour force participation have contributed to its reduction ... It is interesting to note in passing that the most important influence in the area of the labour force has been the increased activity of married women in the labour market and that this has contributed to the equalization of family incomes. (Ross, 1980: 47)

Public expenditures are progressive in nature and contribute to reducing inequalities The government has been taking on an increasing share of health and education costs at all levels. These expenditures have a redistributive effect. "Health-care expenditures create more redistribution than do those on education, reflecting both the more intensive use of health-care services by the elderly, who often have lower incomes, and the higher rates of attendance at post-secondary institutions among children from more privileged backgrounds" (Payette & Vaillancourt, 1986: 437). Another study reaches the same conclusion: Higher income families in fact receive the greatest benefits in terms of dollars. But as a proportion of income, the benefits are greater for lowincome families than for high-income families ... Nevertheless, even though the average benefits of health care and education services are greater for rich families than for poor families, the benefits received from these services exercise a progressive influence on the reduction of income inequality. (Ross, 1980: 82) Studies by Gillespie (1980a, 1980b) and Dodge (1975) indicate that during the 1960s and 1970s, government expenditures contributed more to income redistribution than did income-tax policies. Payette and Vaillancourt (1986) confirm this analysis for Quebec: "Public expenditures, for their part, benefit low-income households more than others ... The government therefore plays the role of redistributing income from the richer to the poorer" (Payette & Vaillancourt, 1986: 439).

The relative stability of incomes in a horizontal breakdown into quintiles conceals considerable economic mobility on the part of individuals An analysis of horizontal data does not provide a good indication of income distribution in society as a whole, nor of the development of personal incomes over the careers of individuals, as these incomes are lower at the two extremities of the life cycle. Thus, in a society in which all individuals differ only in terms of 219

6 Social Stratification

age, annual income inequalities would be observed because young people and elderly people would be earning lower incomes than middle-aged adults" (Fortin, 1986: 200). In other words, inequality of lifetime incomes would probably be less than what is observed in a horizontal study. The relative stability of income distribution over a long period of time does not mean that individuals maintain the same position throughout their lives. A relatively stable income-distribution structure can be consistent with a great deal of mobility in terms of the economic situation of individuals or families. For example, unemployment may considerably reduce the income of a household for a certain period of time; family income may increase due to a spouse entering the labour market; promotions and career advancement will cause an increase in income, whereas in most cases retirement results in a reduction of income. A study by Statistics Canada (1984) aimed at estimating the economic mobility of individuals, based on their tax returns for the years 1978 and 1983. The personal incomes of a sample of 88 032 people in Quebec were categorized by quintile in 1978, and then broken down into income categories as observed five years later (B6dard, 1985). In all, a little over half of the individuals (54,6%) were still in the same category relative to the others five years after the first measurement, which indicates quite a high degree of mobility in individual income. About onequarter of the people (24%) improved their situation, while for 21,4% the situation had worsened (B6dard, 1986). The richest people maintained their economic position better than did others over the period, and a high proportion of lowerincome individuals (62,6%) remained in the lower category. The mobility of personal incomes is more pronounced in the intermediate categories (second, third and fourth quintiles), where the proportion of individuals whose income diminished was higher than that of those who managed to improve their economic condition. Finally, about one-third of the people in the lowest quintile had left that group five years after the initial measurement.

There is greater inequality in the distribution of wealth than in income distribution, and this inequality has tended to diminish somewhat in favour of the middle class The distribution of total wealth, which includes the estimated net value of the principal residence and of the cottage, of real-estate holdings and securities, and of accumulated savings, is more unequal than that of annual income. About half of the total wealth of families and single people is held by 10% of the population. The GINI coefficients for distribution of wealth are nearly twice as high as those for income distribution (Oja, 1987). Inequality in distribution of wealth tended to diminish somewhat between 1970 and 1984, when the share of the intermediate deciles tended to increase and that of the richest deciles tended to decrease. It is note worthy that the reduction in inequality has been to the benefit of the middle class, which has increased its share of total wealth, and not to the benefit of the poorest classes, in contrast to the situation with respect to incomes. "The slight levelling out of the distribution of wealth which occurred during the period of observation almost entirely occurred between 1970 and 1977; during the second half of the period, the situation remained nearly stationary" (Oja, 1987: 8). 220

6.3 Economic Inequality

The distribution of wealth can also be presented according to households' current incomes. Using this approach inequality in distribution of wealth increases, because households (families and single people) with the lowest incomes have undergone a reduction in their share of the wealth. These variations seem to be attributable to the proportion of elderly people, whose classification differs between these two scales. When they are classified according to income, elderly people generally occupy a lower position than when they are classified according to wealth. But from the point of view of income, the relative position of the elderly has improved with time, as a large number of them have left the first income quintile where they have been replaced by younger families. The fact that the share of wealth in the lowest-income quintile has decreased is clearly linked with this phenomenon. (Oja, 1987: 8) As is the case with income, distribution of total wealth is more unequal among single people than among families. Material assets, including homes, are more equally distributed than are financial assets "Material assets (such as houses and cars) are much more equally distributed than financial assets, particularly stocks, bonds (other than savings bonds) and other rarer assets" (Oja, 1987: 10). Automobiles are the assets that are the most equally distributed among households, but a clear tendency for inequality in distribution of this item to increase has been observed. This trend is probably related to the acquisition of a second car by more well-to-do households, as well as to the purchase of more luxurious cars by this group. Financial assets are almost entirely monopolized by the richest households in the top quintile. According to Osberg (1981, 1988), the inequality in distribution of these liquid and financial assets is probably even greater than observed, for two reasons. First, the data on the basis of which the wealth of households is calculated do not take into account the assets of large families, which are important assets in both Quebec and Canada. In contrast to the United States, a large number of businesses in Quebec and Canada are controlled by individuals and families. Niosi (1978) estimated that 68% of the 136 largest Canadian companies were controlled by individuals or by members of one family in 1975. Osberg (1988) also considers it necessary to distinguish between saleable financial assets and durable goods and productive investments (farms, small businesses) which are necessary for the individuals' employment and which they thus cannot dispose of at will. If these assets are excluded when calculating wealth, inequality in the distribution of assets appears even greater, and the assets are more concentrated (Osberg, 1988). Simon Langlois

221

6 Social Stratification

References B6dard, Mario 1985 La dynamique du revenu d'emploi de 1967 a 1982: une etude preliminaire de duree baste sur des donnees administratives. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, cat. 85-041F. 1986

"Mobility £conomique mesure'e entre 1978 et 1983, a partir du revenu total des particuliers sur le fichier longitudinal de donnges fiscales de Revenu Canada, Quebec et Canada: rapport pre'liminaire." Montreal: ACFAS Conference.

Bernard, Paul 1984 "Alliances de classes et mesalliances conceptuelles: de la classe ethnique a la bourgeoisie de 1'Etat quebe"cois." In Continuites et ruptures. Les sciences societies au Quebec, 557-596. Montreal: Les Presses de llJniversite de Montreal. Bernard, Paul, Andr£e Demers, Diane Grenier, and Jean Renaud 1980 L'evolution de la situation socio-economique des francophones et des non francophones au Quebec, 1971-1978. Quebec City: Editeur officiel, coll. Langue et Socie"t6s. Billette, Andre 1977 "Sante, classes sociales et politiques redistributives." Sociologie et societes 9, no. 1, 76-92. Brunelle, Dorval 1978 La disillusion tranquille. Montreal: Hurtubise HMH. Davies, J. B 1979 "On the Size Distribution of Wealth in Canada." Review of Income and Wealth 25, 3, 237-260. Dugas, Clermont 1988 Disparity socio-economiques au Canada. Sillery: Presses de I'Universite" du Quebec. Fortin, Bernard 1986 "La s^curite" du revenu au Canada, un bilan." In Francois Vaillancourt, ed., La repartition du revenu et la securitt economique au Canada, 173-211. Ottawa: Commission royale sur 1'union Economique et les perspectives de deVeloppement du Canada (MacDonald Commission). Frappier-Desrochers, Monique 1978 La repartition des revenus au Quebec: analyse des facteurs socio-demographiques de I'inegalite des revenus des families. Quebec City: Office de planification et de deVeloppement du Quebec. 1980

L'impact des transferts sur la repartition des revenus au Quebec, 1967-1975. Quebec City: Editeur officiel.

Gillespie, Irwin 1980a The Redistribution of Income in Canada. Ottawa: Carleton Library, 1980.

222

6.3 Economic Inequality

Gillespie, Irwin 1980b "Les impots, les depenses et la redistribution des revenus au Canada, 1951-1977." In Observations sur les revenus au Canada, 29-56. Ottawa: Conseil economique du Canada. Henderson, D. W., and J. C. R. Rowley 1978 "Structural Changes and the Distribution of Canadian Family Income, 1965-1975." Discussion paper 118. Ottawa: Conseil 6conomique du Canada. Hunter, Aldred A. 1986 Class tells: Or Social Inequality in Canada, 2nd ed. Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson. Lamonde, Pierre 1977 "Les in6galit6s 6conomiques." In Daniel Latouche, ed., Premier mandat. Montreal: L'aurore. Langlois, Simon 1987 "Les families a un et a deux revenus: changement social et differentiation socio-£conomique." In John Carlsen, and Jean-Michel Lacroix, eds., Culture et soci^te au Canada en periode de crise economique, 147-160. Montreal: Association des Etudes canadiennes. Lefebvre, Pierre 1981 La distribution et la redistribution des revenus au Quebec: 1973-1977. Une analyse quantitative et une appreciation. Montreal: University du Quebec & Montreal, Laboratoire sur la repartition et la s6curit6 du revenu. 1982

"L'impact de la s6curit6 du revenu: qu'en savons-nous?" Cahier 8206. Montreal: University du Quebec a Montreal, Laboratoire sur la repartition et la s6curit6 du revenu.

Love, Roger 1979 Repartition et ine'galite' des revenus au Canada. Ottawa: Statistics Canada. Love R., and M. C. Wolfson 1976 Inegalitte des revenus: methodologie statistique et exemples canadiens. Ottawa: Ottawa, Statistics Canada, cat. 13-559. MacLeod M., and K. Homer 1980 "Analyse des changements survenus dans la repartition du revenu au Canada dans 1'apres-guerre." In Observations sur les revenus au Canada, 3-28. Ottawa: Conseil economique du Canada. Niosi, Jorge 1978 Le contrdle financier du capitalisme canadien. Montreal: Presses de 11Jniversit6 du Quebec. 1981

Les multinationals canadiennes. Montreal: Boreal Express.

223

6 Social Stratification

Oja, Gail 1980 "In£galit6 de la repartition de la richesse au Canada, 1970 et 1977." In Observations sur les revenus au Canada, 387-412. Ottawa: Conseil Economique du Canada. 1987

Changes in the Distribution of Wealth in Canada, 1970-1984. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, cat. 13-588, 1.

Osberg, Lars 1981 Economic Inequality in Canada. Toronto: Butterworths. 1988

The Distribution of Wealth and Riches." In James Curtis et al., eds., Social Inequality in Canada. Patterns, Problems and Policies, 92-96. Scarborough: Prentice-Hall Canada Inc.

Payette, Micheline, and Francois Vaillancourt 1985 Les revenus des Quebecois en 1981. Montreal: Centre de recherche et developpement en 6conomique, University de Montreal. 1986

"L'incidence des recettes et defenses gouvernementales au Quebec en 1981." L'Actualite economique 62, no. 3, 409-441.

Porter, John 1965 The Vertical Mosaic. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Rashid, A. 1983 Wealth of Families with Working Wives, 1977. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, cat. 13-578. Ross, David P. 1980 Donnees de base sur la repartition du revenu au Canada. Ottawa: Conseil canadien de deVeloppement social. Saint-Germain, Maurice 1973 Une economie a liberer: le Quebec analyst dans ses structures economiques. Montreal: Presses de rUniversit6 de Montreal. Statistics Canada 1984 Changes in Income in cat. 99-941.

Canada: 1970-1980. Ottawa: Statistics

Canada,

Vaillancourt, Francois (ed). 1986 La repartition du revenu et la security economique au Canada. Ottawa: Commission royale sur 1'union economique et les perspectives de developpement du Canada (MacDonald Commission).

224

6.3 Economic Inequality

Table 1 Individual Transfer Payments to Government and Government Transfer Payments to Persons (1981 Dollars" Index (1961 = 100) and Percentage, Quebec, 1961-1988 Transfer payments to government

Government transfer payments to persons

As % of

Year

1981$

Index

personal income

1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

2332 2513 2632 3054 3 171 4142 4899 5555 6365 7100 7948 8643 9538 10843 11238 12526 13999 13719 14258 14877 15778 15523 15453 16092 16889 18063 19350 20953

100 108 113 131 136 178 210 238 273 304 341 371 409 465 482 537 600 588 611 638 677 666 663 690 724 774 830 898

9,3 9,4 9,4 10,2 9,8 11,9 13,1 14,4 15,7 16,9 17,7 17,6 18,2 19,2 18,9 19,5 21,1 20,3 20,6 20,8 21,6 21,5 21,6 21,6 21,8 22,8 23,5 24,5

As % of

1981$

Index

personal income

2405 2534 2497 2636 2 788 2778 3430 3892 4043 4429 5211 6251 6712 7528 8407 9528 10267 10563 10240 10520 10761 11903 12555 12854 13449 13472 13681 13971

100 105 104 110 116 116 143 162 168 184 217 260 279 313 350 396 427 439 426 437 447 495 522 534 559 560 569 581

9,6 9,4 8,9 8,8 8,6 8,0 9,2 10,1 10,0 10,5 11,6 12,7 12,8 13,4 14,1 14,8 15,5 15,7 14,8 14,7 14,7 16,5 17,5 17,2 17,4 17,0 16,6 16,3

a. Consumer price index. Source: Statistics Canada, Income after Tax. Distributions by Size in Canada, Ottawa, cat. 13-210; author's compilations

225

6 Social Stratification

Table 2 Direct Tax Paid by Families and Persons (1981 Dollars"), Index (1971 = 100) and as a Percentage of Total Income, Quebec, 1971-1987 Families

Year

Index

1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979

HJO 109 110 108 110 134 124 130 144

Single persons

As % of current income

Index

1 4 ~ 4 1 0 0 15,0 105 14,7 99 14,0 100 14,1 93 15,6 93 14,9 116 15,3 120 16,8 140

Families

As % of current income

13,9 14,8 13,4 13,4 12,7 12,1 14,1 13,9 16,3

Year

Index

As % of current income

1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

M5 133 112 137 141 140 149 166

VT^. 16,0 13,8 17,0 17,2 17,1 17,8 19,3

Single persons

Index

As % of current income

T25 119 126 136 125 126 136 159

12,8 14,4 15,6 16,6 15,6 15,5 16,6 18,1

a. Consumer price index. Source: Statistics Canada, Income after Tax, Distributions by Size in Canada, Ottawa, cat. 13-210; author's compilations.

Table 3

Proportion of Income Paid in Direct Tax for each Income Quintile, Families, Single Persons, Canada, 1971 -1987 Quintile

1971 1973 1975 1977 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 Families

,

Q1 lower 2,4 Q2 8,9 Q3 13,0 Q4 15,1 Q5 higher 20,2

2,6 9,0 13,1 15,7 20,1

2,4 8,5 12,6 15,4 19,8

1,7 8,5 12,8 15,3 19,3

1,9 9,1 13,6 16,0 19,7

2,4 9,7 14,0 16,2 19,8

2,5 9,5 13,8 16,3 19,8

1,9 8,8 13,5 16,5 20,2

2,0 8,8 13,9 16,8 20,9

1,5 8,3 13,6 16,6 21,1

2,3 9,4 14,3 17,3 21,3

2,9 3,3 10,9 11,7 15,6 16,5 18,3 19,7 22,2 23,5

Total

15,3

14,9

14,6

15,2

15,5

15,4

15,5

16,0

15,9

16,4

17,4

15,3

18,6

Single persons Q1 lower 0,7 Q2 1,3 Q3 8,6 Q4 14,3 Q5 higher 19,7

0,5 0,9 6,7 12,9 20,3

0,8 0,8 5,3 12,3 18,9

0,1 0,3 5,8 13,3 19,9

0,1 0,5 8,0 14,0 20,8

0,6 1,0 7,8 14,3 20,3

0,2 1,4 8,7 15,1 20,9

0,1 1,1 8,9 15,3 21,7

0,1 1.0 7,3 15,0 22,1

0,2 1,2 7,9 14,7 21,9

0,1 1,8 8,5 15,5 22,4

0,8 0,9 2,7 2,8 9,5 11,1 16,9 18,1 22,8 24,3

Total

14,1

12,8

13,6

14,3

14,1

14,6

15,1

15,2

14,9

15,4

16,1 17,2

14,6

Source: Statistics Canada, Income alter Tax, Distributions by Size in Canada. Ottawa, cat 13-210; author's compilations.

226

6.3 Economic Inequality

Table 4

Proportion of Total Income Received in Transfer Payments for each Income Quintile. Families, Single Persons Canada, 1971-1987 Quintiles 1971 1973 1975 1977 1979 1980

1981

1982

1983

1984

1985 1986

1987

Families Q1 lower 43,4 41,8 47,0 48,5 45,9 46,7 46,9 52,6 54,4 57,6 53,0 Q210,311,413,613,912,613,014,019,0 Q3 4,5 5,8 7,2 6,9 6,3 6,2 7,1 9,7 10,1 10,6 9,8 Q4 3,2 4,1 5,0 4,8 4,0 4,0 4,3 5,6 6,0 6,3 6,0 Q5 higher 1,9 2,4 3,1 3,0 2,5 2,2 2,5 3,1 2,8 3,1 3,1

54,0

52,3

20,5

22

Total

10,3

10,0

6,1

7,0

8,4

8,3

7,5

7,5

8,1

10,0

10,3

10,9

10,4

9,7 5,7 3,0

9,7 5,6 2,8

Single persons Q1 lower 56,6 59,1 63,8 65,3 66,3 66,1 66,7 63,7 67,9 59,5 61,7 58,3 56,9 Q264,367,369,465,761,860,460,366,571,269,967,06 Q314,719,620,820,215,418,718,122,831,029,327,127,126,7 27,1 27,1 26,7 Q4 3,0 5,7 5,9 5,5 5,2 5,8 5,2 6,4 9,5 9,5 9,0 8,9 8,9 Q5 higher 1,1 1,7 1,8 1,5 1,5 2,2 2,1 2,2 2,4 2.5 2,6 2,5 2,7 Total

10,2

12,9

14,1

13,1

13,0

14,0

14,2

15,5

17,9

17,8

17,4

17,3

Source: Statistics Canada, Income after Tax, Distributions by Size in Canada, Ottawa, cat 13-210; author's compilations

227

17,4

6 Social Stratification

Table 5

Distribution of After-tax Incomes of Families and Single Persons (1985 Dollars'), Canada, 1973-1985 Families Incomes Less than 10 000 10000-14999 15000-19999 20000-24999 25000-29999 30000-34999 35000-44999 45 000 and over Total % Average 1985$

1973 8/\ 10,2 11,6 15,3 14,7 12,1 15,5 12,4

1975 T/\ 9,5 10,1 13,2 14,2 13,0 17,4 15,4

TOO 28767

100 30710

1973

1975

1977

1979

7 ^ 2 6 j 6 8,3 8,9 8,8 8,9 11,6 11,6 13,6 13,2 12,9 12,7 18,4 19,1 19,3 19,0 100 32151

1981 5/7 8,7 9,8 12,0 12,7 12,9 18,6 19,6

1983

1985

6 \ 0 6 \ 0 9,8 9,4 11,5 12,1 12,9 11,9 13,0 13,1 11,6 12,1 17,2 17,6 18,0 18,0

100 33120

100 32750

100 31678

TOO 31826

1979

1981

1983

1985

Single Persons Incomes Less than 3 000 3000-4999 5000-6999 7000-9999 10000-14999 15000-19999 20000-24999 25 000 and over Total % Average 1985$ a

UX3 12,4 16,4 12,0 19,8 13,5 7,1 8,1 100 11823

8^5 10,1 17,7 11,9 18,8 14,6 8,8 9,5 100 12490

1977 7^4 10,2 17,0 11,5 17,1 14,6 10,1 11,9 100 13361

5 ^ 6 4 ~ 5 6,9 5,5 16,6 11,5 14,6 20,6 17,5 17,5 16,7 15,4 10,1 11,1 12,1 13,9 100 14013

100 14695

5^4 5,5 13,3 22,5 18,6 13,2 9,5 12,0 100 13829

4^6 5,5 10,1 22,6 21,0 14,3 10,1 11,8 100 14182

Consumer price index.

Source: Statistics Canada, Income after Tax, Distributions by Size in Canada, Ottawa, cat. 13-210; author's compilations

228

6.3 Economic Inequality

Table 6

Distribution of Various Calculations of Incomo Quintilos, Families and Singlo Parsons, Canada 1971 and 19 Quintiles Lower 1

2

3

4

Higher 5

Total

Total income

5,6

12,6

18,0

23,7

40,0

100

After-tax income

6,4

13,5

18,5

23,8

37,8

100

Total income

2,9

8,0

14,9

25,8

48,5

100

After-tax income

3,3

9,2

15,8

25,8

45,8

100

Income before transfer payments

2,8

11,1

18,1

25,3

42,7

100

Total income

6,5

12,4

17,8

24,0

39,3

100

After-tax income

7,6

13,4

18,2

23,6

37,2

100

Income before transfer payments

0,1

4,9

14,7

27,7

52,6

100

Total income

5,3

10,3

15,5

24,6

44,3

100

After-tax income

6,4

12,0

16,6

24,3

40,7

100

Incomes Families

1971

Single persons

Families

1987

Single persons

Source: Statistics Canada. Income after Tax, Distributions by Size in Canada, Ottavva.

cat 13-210; author's compilations

Table 7

GINI Coefficients for all Units according to Different Income Concepts, Quebec, 1981-1987

Year

Income before payments 1

Total income monetary 2

Ratio 2/1 3

After-tax income 4

Ratio 4/2 5

1981 1982 1984 1985 1986 1987

0,459 0,475 0,495 0,483 0,483 0,479

0,381 0,384 0,397 0,382 0,388 0,387

0,83 0,81 0,80 0,79 0,80 0,81

0,351 0,350 0,361 0,348 0,355 0,351

0,92 0,91 0,91 0,91 0,91 0,91

Source: Statistics Canada, Income after Tax, Distributions by Size, Ottawa, cat. 13-210; author's compilations

229

6.4 Social Inequality Abstract. Patterns of social inequality have become increasingly complex. Inequality among types of households and age groups has grown more evident, inequality between men and women remains high, and inequality between Francophones and Anglophones is diminishing. The socio-economic landscape changed considerably in Quebec in the last 30 years. New forms of inequality have emerged, joining the already established social and economic cleavages along the lines of social class or status, region, ethnic identity, and sex. These cleavages are themselves undergoing profound changes and the forms they take are modifying. Finally, the factors that cause inequality are no longer as clearly identifiable; their roots are now increasingly complex and interactive.

There has been a transition from a polarized society to a stratified society Renaud et al. (1981) showed that the social structure of Quebec shifted from that of a solid polarization, before 1950, to an increasingly widespread stratification characterized by twofold process. The first process is the emergence of middle classes of income, social status, and qualifications among the cohorts which have succeded one another since 1950. "Society is shifting from one where the distribution of job characteristics is asymmetrical, that is, where there are more workers or jobs below the mean than above, to a society where the tendency is to have as many workers or jobs on both sides of the mean" (Renaud et al., 1981: 84). Although asymmetry in status and job characteristics is declining, distribution around the mean is increasing in other respects - spreading out and becoming less concentrated (Bernard, 1984). "At the same time, an opposite trend can be observed. To the extent that distribution of variables takes an increasingly widespread form, fewer and fewer workers share the 'mean' values" (Renaud et al., 1981: 82).

Changes in types of households generate new forms of social inequality in terms of standards of living Until quite recently, the position held in the labour market (or in the production system) was the main source of inequality. Although the profession or activity performed in a given field is still by far the most critical factor, it is no longer the only source of socio-economic status and influence on people's standard of living. Among causes of new social cleavages, the type of household - doubleincome, single-income, single parent-family, or single-person — in which people live appears to be an increasingly important determinant. In this sense, double income can be considered a source of inequality. Thus, inequality of income distribution between households with two breadwinners and others tended to increase over time in the last 15 years, with the former by far outdistancing the latter (Langlois, 1984, 1990). Furthermore, specific events affect people's life-style and also are responsible for a degree of inequality. The birth of a child, divorce, marriage, a teenager's departure from or return home, and the death of a spouse are all events which alter a household's make-up and its life-style, and which will have noticeable

230

6.4 Social Inequality

repercussions on the standard of living of its members. Finally, it is important to stress that the decisions people make at different points in their lives, such when to have a child, when to buy a house, or putting off schooling, may also have a considerable and lasting impact and may cause differences that could have major long-term consequences. Since leaving one's family of origin, education, work, and the arrival of children can be combined in a variety of ways for an increasingly long period in people's life cycles, decisions made during this time can substantially affect the standard of living attained later. There is now an increasingly varied combination of situations at this crucial turning point in life — the brink of adulthood — which are likely to become the source of variations and inequality observable later and which will have to be attributed, in part, to free or constrained choices made at an earlier stage.

Inequality between age groups is escalating: older people (over 45) are monopolizing a growing portion of resources, and job precariousness is increasing among youth Inequality between age groups has been escalating, particularly since the mid1970s. One of the most marked characteristics of this period is the displacement of accumulated wealth and monetary resources toward the middle- and upper-age strata. Thus, poverty is declining among the elderly but is increasing among youth. Young people, below age 30, earn a relatively lower income from work compared to people aged 45 and over. It is estimated that an increasingly large proportion of children are being raised in poor families. Finally, inequality in the distribution of accumulated family wealth is escalating, and is becoming concentrated in the hands of the older group (over 45). There is also an imbalance between age groups when it comes to distribution of jobs. Young people are experiencing precarious work situations for increasingly long periods of time. New jobs, created since the recession of 1982, are less well paid and often have lower qualification requirements than did new jobs created previously (Gauthier, 1990).

Inequality between men and women remains high The authors of an important study on social mobility in Canada note, with some surprise, that although inequality between Francophones and Anglophones was substantially reduced over the last 20 years, society is far from having achieved an equally successful outcome where inequality between men and women is concerned (Boyd et al., 1985). Several indicators show clear signs of progress; however, discrepancies between the sexes remain appreciable. The female labour-force participation rate has increased, but a significant number of women work part time. The salary gap between men and women is decreasing but remains high. Women still have little access to positions of power in business, though this situation was improving at the end of the 1980s.

Inequality among women is growing There is an increasing degree of inequality among women in a variety of areas, including personal income, social status, standard of living, and access to posi231

6 Social Stratification

tions of power and prestige. Women are now more present in business, professions, and middle management. This widening of job choice and access by some women to higher positions in the job hierarchy, and consequently to a higher social status, is tending to create more inequality among women. As they become less and less concentrated in feminine job ghettos, their social status will tend to resemble that of men, which is very unequal. Nevertheless, it is safe to say that women are experiencing more contrasts in status than are men, because they have been affected unequally by the changes in women's condition. Thus, inequality among women is more pronounced in types of jobs, labour-force participation, and use of time. Very few men work part time after the age of 25, while one woman in five does so (and this proportion has been increasing since 1975). There is therefore a greater variance in professional activity among women, and the variance in their personal incomes is growing. Women who attain the highest positions or who work full time earn higher salaries, which further distances them from women working part time or working in "feminine" and less well-paid job sectors. Women of different ages participate in the labour force in different proportions. Younger women work more continuously and interrupt their careers less frequently after the arrival of children. Fewer older women are active in the labour force, and they work part time more frequently. There is also inequality among women in terms of use of their time. Overall, they devote more time to household chores and child care than do men. The double workload is more evident among older couples than among younger ones because men in the latter group more frequently share household responsibilities with their partners. Women heads of single-parent families have to devote more time to housework and assume a double workload, while double-income families frequently make use of outside help (Le Bourdais et al., 1987). Inequality between English and French linguistic groups is on the decline, but the cleavages between these groups and new immigrants are

not

Overall, inequality of social status and income between Francophones and Anglophones decreased in the last 30 years. Language cleavage is less pronounced in 1990 than in 1960, and is being replaced somewhat by a cleavage between ethnic groups. The average socio-economic status of new immigrants is lower than that of people from old stock, whether Francophone or Anglophone. Simon Langlois References B61anger,-Paul-R., and Celine Saint-Pierre 1978 "Dependence 6conomique, subordination politique et oppression nationale: le Quebec 1961-1977." Sociologie et soci^s 10, no. 2, 123-147.

232

6.4 Social Inequality

Bernard, Paul 1984 "Alliances de classes et mesalliances conceptuelles: de la classe ethnique a la bourgeoisie de 1'Etat queb^cois." In Continuity et ruptures. Les sciences societies au Quebec, 557-596. Montreal: Presses de 1'Universite de Montreal. Bernard, Paul, Andree Demers, Diane Grenier, and Jean Renaud 1980 L'tvolution de la situation socio-e'conomique des francophones et des non francophones au Quebec, 1971-1978. Quebec City: Editeur officiel, coll. Langue et Societes. Billette, Andr6 1977 "Les in6galit£s sociales de mortality au Quebec." Recherches sociographiques 18, no. 3, 415-430. Boyd, Monica et al., eds. 1985 Ascription and Achievement: Studies in Mobility and Status Attainment in Canada. Ottawa: Carleton University Press. Clement, Wallace 1983 Class, Power, and Property. Agincourt: Methuen. Curtis, James, and W. G. Scott, eds. 1979 Social Stratification: Canada, 2nd ed. Scarborough: Prentice-Hall Canada Inc. David, Helene 1975 "L'etat des rapports de classes au Quebec, 1945-1967." Sociologie et soci£t6s, 7, 2, 33-67. Denis, Roch 1979 Luttes de classes et question nationale au Quebec 1948-1968. Montreal: EDI. Dofny, Jacques 1978 "Les stratifications de la socieie' qu£b6coise." Sociologie et socittts 10, no. 2, 87-102. Dofny, Jacques, and Marcel Rioux 1962 "Les classes sociales au Canada francais." Revue franqaise de sociologie 3, no. 3, 290-300. Gauthier, Madeleine 1990 L'insertion de la jeunesse qu6b6coise en emploi. Quebec City: Institut queb^cois de recherche sur la culture. Langlois, Simon 1987 "Les families a un et a deux revenus: changement social et diffe'renciation socio-6conomique." In John Carlsen, and Jean-Marie Lacroix, eds., Culture et society au Canada en p€riodes de crise 6conomique, 147-160. Ottawa: Association des Etudes canadiennes. 1990

"Anciennes et nouvelles formes d'inegalites et de difffcrenciation sociale au Quebec." In Fernand Dumont, ed., La societe qu6b4coise apres trente ans de changement, 81-98. Quebec City: Institut qu£becois de recherche sur la culture. 233

6 Social Stratification

Laurin-Frenette, Nicole 1978 Production de l'6tat et formes de la nation. Montreal: Nouvelle optique. 1984

"La sociologie des classes sociales au Quebec de L6on G^rin a nos jours." In Continuity et ruptures. Les sciences sociales au Quebec, 531-556. Montreal: Presses de l'Universit6 de Montreal.

Le Bourdais, Celine et al. 1987 "Le travail et 1'ouvrage. Charge et partage des taches domestiques chez les couples quSbe'cois." Sociologie et societes 19, no. 1, 37-56. L6gar£, Anne 1977 Les classes sociales au Quebec. Sillery: Presses de 11Jniversit£ du Quebec. 1980

"Heures et promesses d'un debat: les analyses des classes au Quebec (19601980)." Les Cahiers du socialisme no. 5, 60-84.

Pineo, Peter C. 1976 "Social Mobility in Canada: the Current Picture." Sociological Focus 9, no. 2, 109-123. Porter, John 1965 The Vertical Mosaic. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Renaud, Jean, Monique Berthiaume, and Paul Bernard 1981 "Qualifications professionnelles et carrieres: Involution du Quebec des annees trente a nqs jours." In Colette Bernier et al., eds., Travailler au Quebec, 75-100, Montreal: Editions cooperatives Albert Saint-Martin. Renaud, Marc 1978 "Quebec New Middle Classes in Search of Social Hegemony: Causes and Political Consequences." Revue Internationale de developpement communautaire, 39-40, 1-36.

234

7 SOCIAL RELATIONS

7.1 Conflict Abstract. Quebec society appeared to be less conflictual during the 1980s than during the 1970s, a period in which major conflicts were more interrelated with other social issues.

The frequency of major social conflicts has been decreasing since the late 1970s, and the overlapping of grievances is less pronounced Quebec experienced several major social conflicts, mainly from the mid-1960s up to the mid-1970s. These conflicts often gave rise to large-scale popular demonstrations and to widespread mobilization of large segments of the population in reaction to the issues at stake. Analysts of these conflicts have emphasized the overlapping of grievances, the sources of which lay in various types of domination: colonial (the dependence of Quehec on the rest of Canada and the United States); linguistic (inequalities between Francophones and Anglophones within Quebec itself); and socio-economic (labour conflicts, economic and social inequalities). This conjuncture of the various societal contradictions leads to the development of more numerous and intense social and political conflicts in Montreal. But as a result of the overlapping and interaction between the various forms of domination ... it is very rare - and difficult - for a social struggle to develop around a single specific objective. Most often there is an overflow: linguistic conflicts underlie demands for economic equality; educational conflicts are related to problems of resource disparities between groups of different religious denominations and ethnic origins. (David & Maheu, 1971: 122) The student strikes, sit-ins, and demonstrations in 1968 and 1969 are a good illustration of this overlapping. The students were pressing specific demands (concerning bursaries, accessibility of study programmes, etc.), but also nationalistic demands. They joined forces with the Ligue d'integration scolaire in support of the Mouvement pour un McGill francais in 1969, and participated in demonstrations in favour of the integration of immigrants into the French-language school system. Soon afterwards, student protest was renewed, this time to support the broader struggle over Bill 63, a controversial bill on the language of instruction hi Quebec that was widely opposed by a majority of Francophones. Student protest also occurred in Anglophone circles: students ransacked the computer centre at Sir George Williams University in 1969, although their grievances had more to do with Canadian imperialism. This period was also marked by several major nationalistic demonstrations, principally in 1968, 1969 and 1970. In October of 1969, there were 10 days of

235

7 Social Relations

conflicts and demonstrations against Bill 63. A number of labour conflicts in the private sector also took on a strong nationalistic connotation. Examples of this are the demonstrations against the Murray Hill company in Montreal and the strikes at Dominion Textile and United Aircraft. Similarly, labour conflicts between public-service employees and the government, especially in 1972 and 1975, also served as vehicles for a broader set of demands. In 1972, the Front commun demanded better salaries and better working conditions for the members of the public service, with a view to generating a carry-over effect in the private sector. This conflict thus went considerably beyond the strict limits of negotiating a collective agreement between an employer and its employees; it also served as an example and was part of the process of promoting a particular societal vision. The frequency and scale of the major social conflicts and demonstrations decreased in Quebec beginning in the late 1970s. The efforts of the federal government to place greater emphasis on French in federal institutions and the coming to power of the Parti Qu£b£cois institutionalized linguistic demands, and the debate on the future of Quebec shifted to within more strictly institutional considerations. At the same time, the language debate remained very active. During certain periods, it was even quite intense; however, it also tended to take place within the institutional realm: opposition to Bill 101 in the courts, debates on language within political parties, resignation of members of the National Assembly and ministers of the Quebec government, and so on. The number and scale of labour conflicts also decreased during this period. They were more localized and were restricted to more limited groups. The major conflicts which brought the Front commun of public-sector employees and the government into opposition did not surface again after the confrontations that occurred between 1975 and 1982. After 1983, demands by various groups tended to be narrower and more specific, and the overlapping characteristic of the 1960s was less and less noticeable. The issues at stake in the conflicts are centred more around matters concerning the specific groups involved (status of nurses, ambulance services, financial aid to students, etc.) and on defence of the interests of union members: salary increases, job reclassifications, or increases in numbers of jobs. However, the highly centralized structures created for negotiations in the Quebec public sector make it possible for a major conflict to arise between publicservice employees and the government. Such a confrontation, even limited to specific demands regarding salaries or working conditions, could easily take on the proportions of a social crisis because it would bring vital sectors of collective life (health-care systems, social services, education) to a halt, and because it would involve a large number of persons and thus a great deal of visibility. The negotiations and strikes of the autumn of 1989 clearly show that major social conflicts could re-emerge at any time.

There has been a considerable decrease in political violence and violence in social conflicts since a peak in the late 1960s Quebec, more than the other Canadian provinces, experienced a number of episodes of political violence during the 1960s (Latouche, 1979). For instance, 1963 stands out as the year of the first wave of bomb explosions set off by the Front de Liberation du Quebec (FLQ) in Montreal. A second wave of explosions occurred 236

7.1 Conflict

in 1967 and 1968. Latouche (1979) identified a total of 174 incidents of political violence in Quebec between 1963 and 1970. Most of them occurred in Montreal and did not spread geographically. Latouche's classification of incidents of political violence indicates an important turnabout in 1966: the target of the violence changed from the national to the social level. He assesses the political violence of the 1960s as follows: It is difficult to understand how certain theorists of revolutionary violence arrived at the conclusion that Quebec had entered a phase of violent revolution. The annual distribution of violent incidents forces us to conclude that there was virtually no escalation. Bomb attacks (48% of all incidents) were the most commonly chosen form of political violence; all losses of human life, with the exception of Pierre Laporte, occurred accidentally. In general, the incidents were of low intensity, and the targets involved were relatively unimportant and easy to attack. (Latouche, 1979: 81) Political violence decreased sharply after 1970, particularly violence against national targets, and bomb attacks ceased. Urban terrorism, as practised in Montreal during the 1960s, virtually disappeared. The violent actions of the FLQ reached their apogee with the kidnapping of a British diplomat and the kidnapping and killing of a minister of the just elected Liberal provincial government in October, 1970. During the "October crisis," the War Measures Act was invoked, leading to the presence of the Canadian Armed Forces in Quebec and the suspension of civil liberties. In addition, police forces arrested members of many social groups involved in various struggles and demands, from citizens' committees and FRAP (the opposition party in Montreal municipal affairs), through to the newly created Parti Queloecois. ^he October crisis left its mark on an entire generation of Qu£becers. Several analysts observed, on the basis of surveys and observations of daily life, that Qu6becers were more afraid of the army than of FLQ terrorism, which was in fact relatively limited and marginal in comparison to the urban terrorism practised in other societies (Italy, FRG, Ireland, etc.) during the same period. Latouche offers an overview of the period: "With 174 incidents, this violence was too widespread for one to deny that it had any social dimension. It was not a matter of the pathological acts of a few individuals seeking publicity. On the other hand, it was far from a revolutionary or even pre-revolutionary situation. It must be situated somewhere between the two" (Latouche, 1979: 82). Terrorism was not the only source of violence. A number of social conflicts, labour conflicts, and demonstrations were also characterized by violence. Examples include the Samedi de la matraque, during Queen Elizabeth's visit to Quebec in 1964; the violence that broke out during the Saint-Jean-Baptiste Day parade in Montreal in 1969; and the policemen's and firefighters' strike in Montreal in October of 1969 which led to the Weekend rouge. Violence also broke out in a number of labour conflicts - the strike against the Murray Hill company, and in particular the strikes in the construction industry, especially the ransacking of the James Bay site which led to the creation of the Cliche Commission. This type of violence largely died down after the late 1970s, with only a 237

7 Social Relations

few isolated cases occurring (such as the violent death of a striker during a demonstration in front of the Manoir Richelieu).

There was an increase in labour conflicts during the 1970s, followed by a downward trend The number of work stoppages increased during the 1960s and 1970s, principally due to conflicts in the public and parapublic sectors (the Front commun strikes in 1972 and 1975, public-transport strikes in Quebec City and Montreal, etc.) (see table 1). The number of workers affected reached a maximum in 1976 and 1980, and decreased a little afterward. Overall, the labour climate was quite a bit tougher and more conflictual during the mid-1970s than either before or since. It also appears that negotiations are more problematic in the public sector than in the private sector, where the vast majority of collective agreements are signed without any work stoppage. It should be noted that the tendency toward systematic confrontation seemed to have been attenuated in the public sector during the 1980s, at least up until 1988.

There was increased politicization of labour relations in the public sector in the early 1970s, and a clear attenuation of this trend during the 1980s Labour conflicts in the public and parapublic sectors became visibly political during the 1960s. The union movement used the negotiation of collective agreements in the public sector to put forward new salary and normative demands, which were supposed to have a subsequent carry-through effect on the private sector. The unions were in a strong position to advance such demands, with a period of economic growth and expansion in the public service, a monopoly on union membership (the Rand formula makes union membership obligatory where the majority votes for unionization), highly centralized negotiations, and so on. In fact, a struggle took place between two major centralized structures: the union apparatus and the government. Major conflicts resulted, pitting the public-service unions as a group against the government, with stakes which went beyond the strict negotiation of working conditions; as a result, these conflicts were highly politicized. The government was placed in a paradoxical position. On the one hand it must negotiate with the unions as an employer, while being responsible for ensuring the respect of order (ensuring services in hospitals, for example, or combatting violence) and the achievement of major national policy objectives (maintaining wage equilibrium with neighbouring societies through such mechanisms as the minimum wage). This gave rise to an inevitable role conflict, which led to many exceptional laws being enacted to untangle the conflicts in which the parties had become mired. No fewer than 30 special laws were passed since 1965 in order to end labour conflicts; 11 of these were passed between 1970 and 1976, a fertile period for all types of conflicts. Three sectors of activity or professional groups were affected by these laws, six of which affected the education field, six of which dealt with public transit, and five of which terminated conflicts with nurses or doctors. The politicization of conflicts is still latent, but it appears to 238

7.1 Conflict

have been less intense since the early 1980s, since negotiations with the government no longer present opportunities for promoting major social changes. Nevertheless, the structures in place are the same, and the risk of negotiations becoming more politicized is everpresent.

There was a diversification in the forms of strikes and an increase in the number of illegal strikes, especially during the 1970s The forms of strikes became diversified starting in the 1970s, and the number of illegal strikes increased during the same period. The latter have mainly affected public services (nurses' strikes, public-transit strikes, etc.), and are in a sense a reaction to the legislative interventions of the government/employer aimed at terminating certain conflicts. Work stoppages have taken on certain new characteristics. There are more illegal strikes. Ten years ago, people were demanding the right to strike at any time; today, they take it, if they think that they can achieve a general absolution in the back-to-work agreement. More generally, whether legal or illegal, strikes are less concentrated and more varied in form: warning strikes, wildcat strikes, rotating strikes, strikes in support ... People also seem less concerned about the law, injunctions, and even public opinion. (Hubert, 1981: 727)

Simon Langlois References B61anger, Jacques, and Jacques Mercier 1986 "Le plafonnement de la density syndicale au Quebec et au Canada." Industrial Relations 41, no. 1, 28-53. Conseil consultatif du travail et de la main-d'oeuvre 1985 Synthese des activites du Bureau du commissaire general du travail, April 1 1972 to March 31 1982. Quebec City: Conseil consultatif du travail et de la main-d'oeuvre. David, Helene, and Louis Maheu 1971 "Problemes sociaux, contradictions structurelles et politiques gouvernementales." In Jean-Marc Piotte et al., Quebec occupe, 87-140. Montreal: Parti Pris. Delorme, Francois, Caspar Lassonde, and Lucie Tremblay

1977

Greves et lock-out au Quebec, 1966-1976: quelques precisions sur les modes de compilation. Quebec City: Ministere du Travail et de la Main-d'oeuvre.

Dion, Gerard 1979 "Le syndicalisme ouvrier au Quebec." In Jean Sarrazin, and Claude Glayman, eds., Dossier Quebec, 111-127. Paris: Stock. 239

7 Social Relations

Dompierre, Andr6, and Rejean Courchesne 1985 "Graves et lock-out au Quebec en 1984." Le marchi du travail 6, no. 5, 62-72. 1987

"Graves et lock-out au Quebec en 1986." Le marche du travail 8, no. 5, 69-81.

Frank, J. A., and M. Lelly 1977 "Etude preliminaire sur la violence collective en Ontario et au Quebec 1963-1973." Revue canadienne de science politique 10, no. 1, 145-160. Hebert, Gerard 1981 "Les relations du travail au Quebec: bilan des annees 1970." Industrial Relations 36, no. 4, 715-744. Hudon, Gabriel 1978 Ce n'etait qu'un debut. Montreal: Parti Pris. Lacroix, Robert 1987 Les greves au Canada. Montreal: Presses de ITJniversite de Montreal. Latouche, Daniel 1979 "Violence et politique dans une revolution dite tranquille." In Daniel Latouche, Une socie'te' de I'ambiguit6, 69-94. Montreal: Boreal. 1971

"Violence et politique dans la societ£ quebecoise." In Claude Ryan, ed., Le Quebec qui se fait, 31-41. Montreal: Hurtubise HMH.

Laurendeau, Marc 1974 Les Qutbecois violents: un ouvrage sur les causes et la rentabilite de la violence d'inspiration politique au Quebec. Montreal: Boreal Express. MTC (Ministere du Travail du Canada) 1960- Greves et lock-outs au Canada. Ottawa: MTC. 1975 MTQ (Ministere du Travail du Quebec) 1983- Rapport annuel. Quebec City: MTQ. 1987 Morf, G. 1970 Le terrorisme quebecois. Montreal: Editions de 1'Homme. Morin, Fernand 1982 Rapports collectifs du travail. Montreal: Les Editions Themis. Piotte, Jean-Marc 1975 Les travailleurs contre I'Etat bourgeois. Montreal: L'Aurore. Piotte, Jean-Marc et al. 1971 Quebec occupe. Montreal: Parti Pris. Piotte, Jean-Marc, ed. 1973 La lutte syndicale chez les enseignants. Montreal: Parti Pris.

240

7.1 Conflict

Rondeau, Claude, and Jacques Belanger 1983 "Le syndicalisme dans 1'entreprise: tendances recentes et analyse." In Jacques Belanger, Jean Boivin, Claude Rondeau, and Jean Sexton, eds., La syndicalisation dans le secteur prive" au Quebec, 15-36. Quebec City: Presses de l"Universit6 Laval. Rouillard, Jacques 1989 Histoire du syndicalisme au Quebec: des origines a nos jours. Montreal: Boreal. Roussopoulos, Dimitrios I. 1974 Qutbec and Radical Social Change. Montreal: Black Rose Books.

241

7 Social Relations

Table 1

Number of Work Stoppages under Provincial Jurisdiction Workers Affected, "Person-days" Lost in Total and by Affected Workers Quebec, 1960-1989

Year 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

19893

a

Stoppage of work

Work stoppages

38 49 53 73 65 98 137 143 128 141 126 134 148 199 390 362 293 276 339 358 344 333 244 246 324 270 271 273 222 202

9 861 40 754 18 841 16 890 17 013 38 826 90 984 145 226 26 552 103 235 73 189 48 747 481 130 74 372 190 277 135 765 376 123 55 985

1 1 3 300 1 84 688 157 272 49 576 219 246 156 277 40 887 41 536 265 158 68012 35 389 36 499

"Persondays" lost

"Persondays" lost by affected workers

207 240 488 790 585 160 338 760 401 710 606 820 1 926 890 1 706 950 1 003 440 1 259 030 1 417 560 603 120 2 829 310 1 604 790 2 610 950 3 204 930 6 333 114 1 298 202 1 662 314 3 290 517 4 008 659 1 526 392 1 205 821 2 326 129 1 088 041 1 083 665 2 229 238 1 245 479 702 854 662 317

21,0 12,0 31,1 20,1 23,6 15,6 21,2 11,8 37,8 12,2 19,4 12,4 5,9 21,6 13,7 23,6 16,8 23,2 14,7 17,8 25,5 30,8 5,5 14,9 26,6 26,1 8,4 18,3 19,9 18,1

Preliminary data, private sector only, January-December 1989. Taking the public sector into account, there would have been 304 000 workers involved Sources: Ministere du Travail du Quebec; La Presse, Dec. 18 1989.

Sources: Ministeredu Travail, 1960-1975; Dompierre and Courchesne, 1987, Dompierre, Andre and Jeanne-Mance Martel, «Greves et lock-out au Quebec en 1988». Le marcM du travail, 1989, 10, 5:56-67

242

7.1 Conflict

Table 2

Incidence Measure of Disputes under Provincial Jurisdiction in Private and Public Sectors, Quebec, 1980-1988 Disputes Year 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

Private

Public

302 301 235 243 313 266 256 262 216

42 32 9 3 5 4 15 11 6

N

N

Agreements signed Private N

2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 2

445 132 838 213 421 684 406 444 509

Agreements signed after disputes

Public

Private

Public

46 18 9 39 22 31 22 145 41

12,4 14,1 12,8 11,0 12,9

91,3 177,8 100,0

N

%

%

7,7

9,9

22,7 12,9 68,2

8,6

14,6

10,6 10,7

7,6

Sources: Dompierre and Courchesne, 1987; Dompierre, Andre and Jeanne-Mance Martel, «Greves et lock-out au Quebec en 1988 » Le marche du travail. 1989, 10, 5: 56-67; Ministere du Travail, unpublished data

243

7.2 Negotiation Abstract. The evolution of negotiations has been tumultuous, to say the least, for the past thirty years, particularly during periods of major collective bargaining between the government and its employees. Within as well as outside of the formal structures of unionism, negotiation remains the favoured mechanism for participation of various parties in the labour sector in the determination of working conditions.

Negotiations are regulated by a set of labour-relations policies Over the past three decades the negotiation of collective labour agreements has been the focus of such confrontations that the social consensus has been shaken more than once. These confrontations were inevitably preceded by a phase described as "social psychodrama" - an unavoidable phase of the bargaining process in which the actors show their hand. The media feed on this phase for long periods and also contribute to it. The clashes, which quite often degenerated into violence during strikes or lock-outs, reached their culmination in 1972 with oneyear prison sentences for the three main leaders of the first major union common front in the Quebec public sector (Lemelin, 1984). The most spectacular development, however, was the overturning of the statement made by the Quebec premier at the time of the Quiet Revolution, Jean Lesage, who had declared that "the Queen does not bargain with her subjects." The Queen, in this case the Government of Quebec, not only bargained with her subjects, but also set about regulating the process: a new labour code came into force in 1964; the Civil Service Act was passed in 1965; the available mechanisms were expanded to include conciliation, mediation, and arbitration within and outside of the various courts; a new wage policy was brought in; the MartinBouchard Commission was set up in 1977 to revise the collective-bargaining system in the public and parapublic sectors; and the essential-services act was brought in. In summary, the 1960s were characterized by a liberalization of the labour-relations system, followed during the 1970s and 1980s by more restrictive policies (Boivin & Guilbault, 1982; Hubert, 1987). The Martin-Bouchard Commission noted that previous negotiation experiences had been characterized by centralization and politicization. It proposed a set of recommendations on various subjects, including union rights, rules for bargaining procedures, mechanisms for the settlement of stalemates, and the organization of relations between the parties at the bargaining table. On the issue of centralization, the Commission recommended sharing the matters under negotiation across different levels, from the central tables to intersectorial, sectorial, or local tables (Martin & Bouchard, 1978). However, Lemelin (1984) noted that centralization once again gained ground after the Commission's recommendations were approved, and even after the 1979 round: relations between the government, in a monopolistic situation, and the unions, which had moved toward the creation of a common front as early as the beginning of the 1970s, tend to favour centralization, according to the very logic of building relationships in terms of a power struggle. Politicization of the debates has always been a persistent feature because of the public nature of such negotiations, as well as other, more occasional phenomena that are also of definite importance - for example, the eagerness of the government to settle conflicts 244

7.2 Negotiation

just prior to elections or, in one case, the 1980 Referendum, even if this must be done by legislative means. The Commission's recommendations also led to the promulgation of the Essential Services Act, whose specific purpose was to make negotiations more civilized, especially in the field of health and social services. Negotiations regarding such services are carried out on a local basis, and an "information committee" is set up to inform the public of their progress and outcome. This was a major victory for the Commission, which had in fact devoted an entire chapter to this question, since it would enable negotiations to be carried on more openly. Parallel structures for contracts and labour agreements have been developed, in the unions and elsewhere The unions played the bargaining game by setting up a highly bureaucratized system, and succeeded over the years in negotiating considerable improvements in the areas of remuneration and other normative working conditions. Within the public sector, in particular, part-time employees now enjoy fringe benefits that are usually reserved for full-time employees. Since the early 1980s, however, the unions' salary demands have been put on the back burner in favour of claims related to job security (Pepin, 1988). Following the 1982 recession, in particular, union strategy changed somewhat and major wage concessions were made, by imposition or otherwise, in both the public and private sectors. Pepin (1988) explains this trend by the fact that in the context of the recession (tightening of government budgets, business closings, bankruptcies), wage demands gave way to those concerning job security, first with a view to protecting existing jobs, and second to counteract the tendency of jobs to become increasingly precarious. Apart from unionism, one of the fundamental aspects of working conditions that escapes formal negotiation is the determination of minimum labour standards. One of these standards is the determination of the minimum wage by executive order of the government. Here negotiation plays a greater role, specifically to avoid abuses of the law of the marketplace, and considerations of a more political than economic nature are raised. For the group at the minimumwage level, who most often are not unionized, the minimum wage continually declined in real terms between 1976 and 1985. It has regained ground slightly since then. However, in 1988 it represented the equivalent of a loss of $1,25 per hour, or 28%, in real terms, in comparison to its 1976 value, although the nominal minimum wage has been, on the whole, increasing since the early 1960s (see table 1). From this perspective, Pepin (1988) analysed the social duality that has set in over the years within the labour market, with one section of the labour force well protected by the unions, which have succeeded in negotiating reasonable working conditions, and another section whose members are excluded from bargaining and unionism, have less leverage, and are confined to the fringes, particularly through labour-management methods linked to substantial growth in parttime work and to increasing precariousness of jobs. Debates on the issue of increasing the bargaining power of those excluded from unionism have, in the past few years, centred around the principle of multi-employer accreditation, a system in which one type of job could be represented across employers, much as is the 245

7 Social Relations

situation in professional corporations; employers have so far categorically refused this system. Guy Fr6chet References Boivin, Jean, and Jacques Guilbault 1982 Les relations patronales-syndicales au Quebec. Chicoutimi: Gaetan Morin Editeur. Hebert, Gerard 1987 "Involution du syndicalisme au Canada. Comment un mouvement devient une institution." Industrial Relations 42, no. 3, 500-515. Lemelin, Maurice 1984 Les negotiations collectives dans les secteurs public et parapublic: experience quebtcoise et regards sur I'exterieur. Montreal: Agence d'Arc. Martin, Yves, and Lucien Bouchard 1978 Rapport Martin-Bouchard. Commission d'etude et de consultation sur la revision du regime des negotiations collectives dans les secteurs public et parapublic. Quebec City: Editeur officiel. Pepin, Marcel 1988 "Statuts pr£caires et remuneration des salaries: deux sources de flexibility." Interventions economiques no. 19, 73-92. Rondeau, Claude, and Jacques Belanger 1983 "Le syndicalisme dans 1'entreprise: tendances recentes et analyse." In Jacques B^langer, Jean Boivin, Claude Rondeau, and Jean Sexton, eds., La syndicalisation dans le secteur prive au Quebec, 15-36. Quebec City: Presses de lllniversite Laval.

246

7.2 Negotiation

Table 1

Minimum Wage (Hourly Rate) (1981 Dollars'), Annual Growth Rate and Index (1961 = 100), Quebec, 1961-1988 Minimum wage Year

1981$

Growth rate

Index

1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

2,15 2,13 2,09 2,05 2,50 2,84 2,88 3,29 3,15 3,29 3,44 3,62 3,57 3,98 4,45 4,57 4,42 4,42 4,30 4,11 4,00 3,61 3,41 3,27 3,14 3,29 3,29 3,30

-1,2 -1,8 -1,8 22,1 13,5 1,4 14,4 -4,4 4,6 4,4 5,3 -1,2 11,4 11,7 2,7 -3,2 0,0 -2,8 -4,5 -2,6 -9,7 -5,5 -4,2 -3,9 4,5 0,2 0,3

100 99 97 95 116 132 134 153 146 153 160 168 166 185 207 212 205 205 200 191 186 168 159 152 146 153 153 154

a. Consumer price index. It would have been as appropriate to use the price index of the GDP but we have deliberately chosen the CPI in order to show the evolution of buying power. However, the difference between those two indices is minimal. Source: Commission des normes du travail, Service de la recherche, Feb 1989 (special tabulations transmitted by Mr Blaise Pouliot); author's compilations.

247

7.3 Norms of Conduct Abstract. A broadening of sexual permissiveness and growing individualism have become apparent. These two phenomena are causing a perturbation of traditional family morality. Nevertheless, there continues to be little violence in the social climate due to the persistence of a consensual sociability which discourages confrontation, and a certain tradition of civility. "Norms of conduct" are behaviour patterns which govern human relations within a society. Some of these norms will be considered here, particularly those most often studied in international comparisons and those that have already been commented on in Quebec.

There has been a broadening of sexual permissiveness in Quebec Permissiveness is denned in terms of types of behaviour tolerated, and the age of those who practise them. Without a doubt, there has been an increase in permissiveness when it comes to adult sexuality. Extra-marital relations are much less subject to social control, a fact that is confirmed by the increase in commonlaw marriages and in births outside marriage. In proportion to total births, those outside marriage went up from 4% in 1969 to 33% in 1989 (chapter 3.3). There has also been a liberalization of attitudes toward cohabitation and common-law marriages. This change goes hand in hand with legislation on divorce - which became legal in Quebec in 1968, and has been available by mutual consent (without the assigning of blame - "no fault") since 1986. The decriminalization of abortions - of which there are 18 for every 100 live births — as well as sterilization as a contraceptive method, almost on demand and at the state's expense, are also conclusive signs of the liberalization of sexual mores. These two phenomena have been apparent since the 1970s. Advertising of non-prescription contraceptive techniques has been permitted since 1977. Abortion has become a subject of major ideological contention within Quebec society. The two opposing camps, "pro-choice" and "pro-life," are highly organized and capable of mobilizing public opinion. The lack of consensus is reflected in the fact that, at the moment, elected officials are unable to agree on legislation to fill the legal void surrounding abortion. Lastly, tolerance toward homosexuality has been virtually institutionalized. Homosexual acts between consenting adults have not been illegal since 1969. What is more, with the advent of the human-rights charters, it is now forbidden to discriminate against anyone on the basis of sexual orientation. The largest of the protestant churches, the United Church, has just accepted ordination of homosexual ministers, and a recent Supreme Court judgment recognized the "family" character of a couple formed of two homosexuals. Young people have developed a high tolerance toward homosexuality as a result of this liberalization regarding marginal sexual orientations (King et al., 1988), itself part and parcel of the growing movement in favour of human rights. Data concerning sexuality among young people is available through studies carried out in several CEGEPs (college institutions). The proportion of college students (average age 18 years) who have had complete sexual relations rose from 48,2% in 1976 to 58,3% in 1985 (Desjardins, 1986). Yet, despite the wider availability of contraceptive means and increased warnings about the risks of unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases, young people, even at 248

7.3 Norms of Conduct

the university level, display a surprising lack of concern regarding these questions (King et al., 1988). Notwithstanding, young Qugbecers use contraceptives much more effectively than do other young Canadians or young Americans (Gemme, 1989). There is more ambivalence regarding male/female relationships There has been a shift from old to new codes denning relationships between men and women, at least among those over 30 who were not socialized in the new sexual roles. The ambivalence resulting from this transition is evident, among other places, in the norms of conduct that come into play when it comes to dating. Where distribution of roles within a household is concerned, it is not at all uncommon to find people who play by both sets of rules — the old and the new — which creates frustration for both spouses. For some young men, particularly those who are unemployed, doubts about the specificity of the masculine role of breadwinner, added to the decompartmentalization of job categories formerly reserved for men, are causing some disorientation (Gauthier, 1990). One might speculate that the disenchantment regarding marriage, the increasing frequency of divorce, and the growing number of adults living alone are symptoms of abdication in the context of a male/female relationship under "renegotiation." Changes in mores are associated with institutionalization of human rights Schools inform young people, from the time they are eight or nine years old, of their human rights under the Youth Protection Act. Among these is the possibility of resorting to the state (Comit6 de la protection de la jeunesse) without there being any intervention on the part of a family authority. Two other indications of the confrontation between the institutionalization of human rights and traditional family morality are the obligation of women married since 1981 to use their maiden name in the exercise of their civil rights (Civil Code, section 442), and the possibility of having children carry their father's surname, their mother's surname, or even both surnames. Furthermore, the increase in availability of salaried work for women and the instability of marriage have caused a growing number of adults to be likely to make calculated, self-interested choices with regard to even their closest family members. The advent in the popular consciousness of the notion of the cost of raising children is a symptom of this reality. The changes in mores associated with this form of individualism were portrayed in the film "The Decline of the American Empire" (Arcand, 1986). Consensual sociability is still very prevalent The prevailing model of sociability gives priority to unanimity in decision making and the avoidance of open confrontation within groups. It establishes a certain appearance of conformity while, at the same time, allowing for rapid changes of opinion. This pattern was certainly functional in the context of large families, at 249

7 Social Relations

a time when the church exercised real institutional power. However, even though the structural context has greatly changed, this pattern, with its implied sensitivity toward others and its potential for formalism in the actual content of decisions, remains predominant. Consequently, a comforting familiarity and intragroup control work together.

Formalism in relations with and between institutions is maintained The modalities governing relations within institutions nevertheless remain quite formalized (Merrier, 1988). Mercier draws attention to the operational difficulties of multi-ministerial and interdepartmental teams in the Quebec bureaucracy. Grandmaison (1979) describes this formalism as a brake on collective creativity. It is conceivable that the prevailing institutional model accords greater importance to questions of personal status within institutions than is generally recognized (Godbout, 1987).

There is growing evidence of legalism Until very recently, social control, whether through families or dominant institutions, was sufficient to mediate misunderstandings between people or between individuals and institutions. For reasons which are undoubtedly related to the flourishing of the human rights doctine, the proliferation of regulations (Lemieux, 1984), and the growing number of lawyers, more and more use is made of law and lawyers as mediators and arbitrators (Dufresne, 1987). With the increasing complexity of collective agreements, some of which amount to hundreds of pages, it is often essential to resort to lawyers for interpretation and application. Furthermore, the 1973 inauguration of a legal-aid programme to facilitate access to justice system for those who otherwise would not have the financial means served to intensify an already well-entrenched tradition of legalism. Even in cases where the issues are essentially political, the existence of the Charter of Human Rights leads to increasingly frequent recourse to courts of law (Mandel, 1989).

There is greater sensitivity toward interpersonal violence A recent outbreak of violence in the public-transit system and in schools, as well as the massacre at the Ecole Polytechnique in December of 1989, has led to increased consciousness regarding violence. In addition - something new in the minds of urban dwellers - confidence in personal safety in public places, especially at night, has been shaken. This is the result of increased public awareness, reinforced by government intervention in violence in the home and child abuse. In 1986, the Quebec government inaugurated a public-education campaign on domestic violence. Since 1980, a spouse can be charged with aggravated sexual assault, making it possible for a woman to accuse her husband of rape.

250

7.3 Norms of Conduct

There is more inter-ethnic tolerance Qugbecers have long been recognized for the civility of their relations with each other and with strangers. This courtesy is, in part, a consequence of a Catholic model of sociability which pre-empts confrontation; it is also a legacy of a tradition of civility in the public domain inherited from the British era. During the 1930s, while a certain degree of anti-Semitism was apparent in Canada, Quebec distinguished itself by the fact that no violence was perpetrated against individuals (Caldwell, 1984). On the level of individual inter-ethnic relations, Qu6becers have always been very liberal. Surveys on tolerated proximity in inter-ethnic relations indicate that tolerance toward immigrants is growing (Bolduc & Fortin, 1989), although it is increasingly dependent on integration into Francophone culture. In fact, more recent immigrants have a great deal of difficulty penetrating the dominant institutions.

There has been a marked depersonalization of secondary relations With the modernization of Quebec, the techno-bureaucratic apparatus has increasingly penetrated the working world and civil life. This has resulted in the population becoming used to dealing with anonymous individuals and to using forms. Unknown people with whom one must enter into contact for one reason or another have become "objects" rather than "subjects." It is possible in contemporary Quebec to look at a stranger in the street without provoking a reaction. Twentyfive years ago, this same look would have been met with a smile or a greeting ... Gary Caldwell References Arcand, Denys 1986 Le d&clin de I'empire amtricain. Montreal: Boreal. Bolduc, Denis, and Pierre Fortin 1988 "L'opinion des qu£b£cois en matiere d'immigration: une analyse polytomique ordinale." Quebec City: Cahier de recherche du Groupe de recherche en politique economique: cahier 8807, University Laval. Caldwell, Gary 1984 "L'antisemitisme au Quebec." In Pierre Anctil, and Gary Caldwell, eds., Juifs et realties juives au Quebec, 291-326. Quebec City: Institut quebgcois de recherche sur la culture. Cliche, Robert, and Madeleine Perron 1982 Les Beaucerons, ces insoumis. Montreal: Hurtubise HMH.

251

7 Social Relations

Desjardins, Marie-France et al. 1986 "Enquete epid£miologique sur la sexualite d'adolescents fr£quentant un CEGEP." In Andr4 Dupras et al., eds., Jeunesse et sexuality, 25-35. Montreal: Editions mis. Dufresne, Jacques 1987 Le proces du droit. Quebec City: Institut quebScois de recherche sur la culture. Gauthier, Madeleine 1990 L'insertion de la jeunesse qutbtcoise en emploi. Quebec City: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture. Godbout, Jacques 1987 La democratic des usagers. Montreal: Boreal. Hobart, C. W. 1970 "Changing Orientations to Courtship: A Study of Young Canadians." In W. E. Mann, ed., Social and Cultural Change in Canada. Vol. 2. Toronto: Copp Clark Publishing Company. King, Alan et al. 1988 Etude sur les jeunes canadiens face au SIDA. Kingston: Queen's University, Groupe devaluation des programmes sociaux. Lemieux, Vincent 1984 "Les gouvernements et leurs lois." Interface 5, no. 4, 12-15. Mandel, Michael 1989 The Charter of Rights and the Legalization of Politics in Canada. Toronto: Wall & Thompson. Mercier, Jean 1988 Les Qutbtcois entre I'Etat et I'entreprise. Montreal: L'Hexagone.

252

7.4 Authority Abstract. Authority is exercised mainly institutionally, rather than through personal prestige. The institutional milieu has undergone many metamorphoses, both in terms of the structures of which it is composed and in terms of their symbolic and institutional content. Nevertheless, the relationship between individuals and authority still bears the imprint of paternalism as well as a spontaneously assumed dependency. There are very few studies dealing with "authority" as such in Quebec. Nevertheless, Moreux (1971a, 1971b, 1982) provides an interpretation based on a corpus that is both empirical and theoretical. The following is inspired by Moreux's work on Quebec society.

There is a persistent acquiescence toward authority, and a need for authority characteristic of a traditional society Qu6becers still have a relationship with authority in which acquiescence and dependency are two facets of the same dynamic; in exchange for acquiesence, holders of authority are responsible for looking after the interests of their subordinates. Even employers have apparently internalized this clerical model, in which authority is derived not from the fact that the employer is the boss, but from the fact that he is benevolent. The administrative centralism of the old French regime (Vallee, 1973), the ultramontanist ideology that dominated from the mid-nineteenth to the mid-twentieth century, and the size of families contributed to creating what Moreux describes as sociability by consensus. Although the authority structures and the ideological content of Francophone Quebec society have changed considerably over the past 30 years, the "modal personality" remains under the influence of the type of socialization that underlay the older forms. The observation that the traditional individual/authority relationship persists in a society that considers itself to be and is so resolutely modern seems paradoxical. According to Moreux, the key lies in the fact that traditional Quebec society did not demand, nor result in, internalization of values which characterized protestant-type societies during the same period. Since the dominant ideology was not internalized, external constraints exercised by the dominant institution - by means of the ideologically neutral mechanism of consensual sociability instead influenced the individual/authority relationship. When the external constraint of the older social forms (particularly the church and the extended family) dissolved, individuals no longer had any ideological content to give significance to their relationships with authority, while they nonetheless continued to feel the need to participate in consensual sociability. An individual placed in this situation easily responds to new fashions and ideologies associated with new structures (the state, newly legitimized in the 1960s, labour unions, businesses, etc.). Therefore, although modern fashions and ideologies were propagated, they did not result in major changes in relations with institutional authority, where acquiescence in paternalistic authority persevered.

253

7 Social Relations

A "cult of champions" emerged, despite the fact that institutions promote equality From its recent past as a traditional society, contemporary Quebec also inherited an egalitarian ethic according to which surpassing others is frowned upon and common sense emanates from "ordinary people." Institutionally, this egalitarianism has been manifested in the creation of community services that treat all users similarly. In his cultural analysis of the major public and private bureaucracies in Quebec, Mercier (1988) observed the consequences of this behaviour and noted its decline. Correspondingly, especially in certain periodicals, one can observe the emergence of a cult of champions and winners in the business world, in politics, and in sports (L'Actualit6, 1986).

There has been renewed recognition of local authorities The combination of a highly centralized institutional configuration, the secular hegemony of the church (from 1850 to 1950), and a form of sociability which seeks to avoid overt confrontation resulted in authority exercised from a distance being rendered more acceptable, in contrast to that which emanates from the turmoil of local political life. However, local civic leadership has undergone a resurgence in Quebec over the last 20 years, within both public organizations and locally based voluntary associations.

Group solidarity resulting in corporate interests often gains the upper hand over collective interests Over the past several years, manifestations of group solidarity have emerged which have little regard for the more general interest. In other words, there is a disaffection toward authority emanating from the community as a whole. The authority embodied in collective institutions has less credibility, or its spokespersons are not seen as representing the interests of the group in question. The ransacking of public installations and strikes in public-transit systems and hospitals are illustrations of this phenomenon. The essential-services commission that acts in the event of strikes in public services was created as a partial remedy to this situation.

The image of paternal authority has eroded Since the 1960s, the social and legal foundations of paternal authority in the family have diminished. The father now has no more authority, and hence no more responsibility, than the mother. In fact, even up to the 1960s the father's authority was limited to paternity and to the role of economic provider for the family, while the mother represented the central figure of the family unit, because of her closeness to the children. The size of the family diluted relationships of authority and control. Today, the responsibility of paternity is no longer constraining (the mother may, at will, indicate "unknown father" on the birth certificate). The fact that women have better access to salaried work means that they must take increased 254

7.4 Authority

economic responsibility for the children. A number of traditional responsibilities concerning health and education are now assumed by the state. The transformations of authority relationships within the family create a context in which men must redefine their role as husbands and fathers. Some writers have investigated the genesis of this new role. Essays and novels on themes surrounding fatherhood (Chabot, 1985; Corneau, 1989) are supplanting a literature which accorded a great centrality to the image of the mother and portrayed the father as a provider absent from the emotional life of his children. Gary Caldwell References Chabot, Marc 1985 "La mort du masculin." Critere no. 40, 83-97. Corneau, Guy 1989 Pere manquant, fils manque. Montreal: Editions de 1'Homme. L'Actualite" 1986 "Les Que'be'cois qui montent." L'Actualite. September. Lafortune, Agathe 1985 "La vie de famille." Critere no. 40, 45-57. Lipset, Seymour Martin 1990 Continental Divide: The Values and Institutions of the United States and Canada. New-York: Routledge. Mercier, Jean 1988 Les Quebecois entre l'6tat et I'entreprise. Montreal: L'Hexagone. Moreux, Colette 1971a "The French-Canadian Family." In K. Iswaran, ed., The Canadian Family, 126148. Montreal: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. 1971b "Sp6cificit6 culturelle du leadership en milieu rural canadien-francais." Sociologie et societes 3, no. 2, 229-258. 1982

Douceville en Quebec. La modernisation d'une tradition. Montreal: Presses de 1'Universite" de Montreal.

VallSe, Jacques 1973 Tocqueville au Bos-Canada. Montreal: Editions du Jour.

255

7.5 Public Opinion Abstract. Overall, participation has been greater in provincial than in federal elections. Voting has been relatively concentrated in terms of political parties, except in times of important debates, at both the federal and provincial levels. Participation in municipal and school-board elections has been chronically low. Recourse to surveys has become very frequent, to the point that they have come to comprise a form of governance.

Except in 1985, Quebecers have participated at a higher rate in provincial general elections than in federal general elections Between 1956 and 1989, Quebecers were called on to vote in 12 federal general elections, 10 provincial general elections, and a referendum on sovereignty (in 1980). Their average participation rate in provincial elections was 79,6%, while the rate for federal elections was 74%. Although the participation rate in federal elections has never reached 80%, it has exceeded that threshold six times out of ten in provincial elections. These occasions were nearly all between 1970 and 1981, an intense period of major debates in which a number of important policies were implemented. The one exception was in 1960, when the electors rejected the Union nationale, then a traditional and populist party, and replaced it with the Parti liberal du Quebec, which was modern and progressive. The Quiet Revolution is considered to have begun with that election. Once the major policies had been implemented and the intensity of the debates had subsided, participation in the provincial elections of 1985 and 1989 fell back to the average level for federal elections (tables 1 and 2).

The percentage of spoilt ballots has usually been lower in provincial elections than in federal elections Casting a spoilt ballot can serve as a way of expressing one's disinterest in or feelings of perplexity about issues. In general, Quebec electors have cast a lower proportion of spoilt ballots in provincial elections than in federal elections - on average 1,7% of the votes cast in ten provincial elections and 2,1% of those cast in twelve federal elections. If one adds the votes for the Rhinoceros Party (a political party whose platform consists essentially of ridiculing the style and content of electoral campaigns) to the spoilt ballots in federal elections, the average of spoilt ballots rises to 3,7%. The proportion of spoilt ballots and futile votes reached their peak in the 1972 and 1974 elections, at 5,9% and 5,2%, respectively, not including votes for the Rhinoceros Party. During the same period, provincial elections had the highest percentages of spoilt ballots (in the 1966 and 1976 elections), which did not exceed 2%. The combined effect of spoilt ballots and votes for the Rhinoceros Party gradually declined between 1972 and 1984 in federal elections, and the proportion of spoilt ballots cast in provincial elections dropped between 1980 and 1985, returning to pre-1966 levels. However, the 1989 provincial election produced the highest percentage of spoilt ballots in over 30 years.

256

7.5 Public Opinion

Except during the 1970s, voting in provincial elections has generally been limited to two major parties During the four provincial general elections held between 1956 and 1966, the electors granted their valid votes to two major parties, in proportions ranging from 88,1% to 98,5%. Between 1970 and 1976, the proportion of votes that went to the two parties that obtained the most seats fluctuated between 65,1% and 84,9%. Since then, these percentages have risen to about 95%. This percentage fell to 90,1% in 1989, with the arrival of two essentially Anglophone political parties (see table 1) (Drouilly, 1989). It should be noted that the periods of relative dispersion of votes corresponded with those of major linguistic and constitutional debates, or with times of labour-relations clashes in the public and parapublic sectors. Quebec electors have dispersed their votes less often in provincial elections than in federal elections, although they have consistently cast the plurality or the majority of their votes for the party that has formed the federal government Quebec electors began to disperse their votes in federal elections earlier than they did in provincial elections. They also did so over a longer period of time, from 1962 to 1979, after which time there was a return to a relative degree of concentration of votes between two major parties. From 1957 to 1980, Qu^becers constantly gave the plurality of their valid votes at the federal level to the Liberal Party of Canada; in five elections out of twelve, this plurality constituted a majority. In the elections of 1985 and 1988, they gave the majority of their votes to the Conservatives. During the dispersion phase, their votes went mainly to three parties: the Liberal Party of Canada, the Progressive Conservative Party, and the Social Credit Party. The latter, a populist party, obtained more than one-quarter of Qu6becers' valid votes in 1962, 1963, and 1972, and in fact gained more votes than did the Conservative Party in the latter two elections; from 1962 to 1979, it had more elected representatives than did the Conservative Party (table 2). In a sense, it constituted the "official opposition" of the Quehec electorate in Ottawa for nearly two decades. This was a period of virtually continuous economic prosperity. Since the Social Credit votes were mainly concentrated in regions that benefited less from this growth, or in underprivileged urban areas, some analysts described the phenomenon as a protest vote (Cohen, 1965; Lemieux, 1973; Stein, 1973). In municipalities, elections by acclamation have been frequent and voter participation, when there was a choice of candidates, has been relative-

ly low

Except in large municipalities, there are no structured political parties at the municipal level. Those that do exist are strictly local organizations. Not only do Qu6becers have relatively little opportunity to express their preferences in the form of votes during municipal elections - due to the large number of officials elected without opposition - they also have a fairly low participation rate in this 257

7 Social Relations

type of election, except when major local issues are at stake. Between 1981 and 1987, two out of three mayors were elected by acclamation; when elections were held, one out of two voters went to the polls. In the case of municipal councillors, 72% of the positions were filled without an election; when there was an election, the participation rate was 49% on average, although in three of the seven years it was slightly higher (table 3).

In school-board elections, election by acclamation is very common and participation is very low In Quebec it is exceptional to find school-board elections in which political parties formed for this type of election have openly opposed one another. Qu£becers are even less interested in these elections than in those of their municipal aldermen. In 1987, 73% of the school-board commissioners' posts were filled without opposition. When the electors had a choice, fewer than one person out of five went to the polls. According to experts in the field of public education, this situation has prevailed, mutatis mutandis, since the late 1960s, when the government centralized most of the fiscal and regulatory powers of the school boards.

Surveys have become a common practice in the conduct of government and business The first institution in Canada to specialize in political surveys, a branch of the American company Gallup, was created in the early 1940s. The first electoral surveys carried out in Quebec by Qu6becers took place in the late 1950s. The major Quebec survey companies were set up in the late 1960s. Since then, several more have opened their doors (Lemieux, 1988). There are now three more or less distinct kinds of political surveys. First, there are "in-depth" surveys whose purpose is "to fathom electoral behaviour." Most often, they are part of research projects. They are not frequently conducted because they are lengthy and costly (Lemieux, 1988). There are also surveys which serve to "forecast" or predict, most often sponsored by the media. They are now quite common and regular, with a number carried out on a monthly or weekly basis. During general-election campaigns, their frequency increases. They have become the barometers of public opinion regarding political parties, their leaders, institutions, projects, and current political issues (Lemieux, 1988). Finally, there are surveys whose intention is to "intervene." Although their frequency is irregular, they are used far more often now than in the past. They are generally sponsored by governments or political parties, and serve as a tool for "political marketing" either as a justification or to modify attitudes or behaviours. Given the extent of their use, it can be said that a considerable number of government decisions now depend on the results of surveys. Some analysts have referred to this phenomenon as government by survey. Large, organized groups have learned to make use of this type of survey to defend their interests or their public image (e.g., management, unions). Although the growing frequency of political surveys has enabled leaders to gauge public opinion more precisely than in the past, they do not appear to have had any determining influence on the vote at the time of elections (Lemieux, 1988). 258

7.5 Public Opinion

A growing number of businesses are using survey techniques to gain knowledge of consumer habits, and attitudes toward and preferences for their products, not only in order to adjust a given product or service to the taste of the public, but also to adjust the ways in which it is presented by associating it with characteristics and desires of the marketplace. This is becoming more and more evident in the case of radio and television, which use regular large-scale surveys to detect the preferences of the public in terms of viewing times and content. These surveys help in targeting the groups for which a message is intended, both in terms of its content (product) and in terms of its presentation (Breton & Proulx, 1989). Jean-Paul Baillargeon References Baccigalupo, Alain et al. 1984 Les administrations municipals quebecoises, des origines a nos jours: anthologie administrative. 2 vols. Montreal: Agence d'Arc. Beaud, Jean-Pierre 1984 "Vingt ans de sondages d'opinion politique au Quebec." In Jean Crete, ed., Comportement Electoral au Quebec, 23-118. Chicoutimi: Gaetan Morin Editeur. Bernard, Andrg 1976 Quebec: election 1976Montreal: Hurtubise HMH. Bernard, Andre*, and Bernard Descoteaux 1981 Quebec: election 1981Montreal: Hurtubise HMH. Blais, Andrg, Jean Crete, and Guy Lachapelle 1986 "L'61ection que'be'coise de 1985: un bilan des sondages." Revue canadienne de science politique 19, no. 2, 325-336. Bouchard, Claude, and Ga6tan Hubert 1986 Les resultats electoraux depuis 1867. Quebec City: Assembled nationale du Quebec. Breton, Philippe, and Serge Proulx 1989 L'explosion de la communication: la, naissance d'une nouvelle ideologic. Montreal and Paris: Editions du Boreal and Editions La Decouverte. Cloutier, Edouard C., and Daniel Latouche, eds. 1979 Le systeme politique quebecois. Montreal: HMH. Cohen, Ronald I. 1965 Le vote au Quebec: des pourquoi et comment du vote federal au Quebec depuis la Confederation). Montreal: Saje Publications.

259

7 Social Relations

Crete, Jean, ed. 1984 Comportement electoral au Quebec. Chicoutimi: Gaetan Morin Editeur. Drouilly, Pierre 1989 "Le succes des Partis egalitS et unite." Le Devoir. October 4th. Dupont, Pierre 1976 15 novembre 1976. Montreal: Quinze. Lamoureux, Andrg 1985 Le NPD et le Quebec. Montreal: Editions du Pare. La Terreur, Marc 1973 Les tribulations des conservateurs au Quebec: de Bennett a Diefenbaker. Quebec City: Presses de 1'Universite Laval. Lemieux, Vincent 1969 Quatre Elections provinciales au Quebec: 1956-1966. Quebec City: Presses de 1'Universite Laval. 1970

Une Election de realignement. LWection generate du 29 avril 1970 au Quebec. Montreal: Editions du Jour.

1973

Le quotient politique vrai: le vote provincial et federal au Quebec. Quebec City: Presses de 1'Universite Laval.

1988

Les sondages et la democratic. Quebec City: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture.

Lemieux, Vincent et al. n.d. Les partis et les Elections. Montreal: Federation des jeunes chambres du Canada francais. Mimeo. Massicotte, Louis, and Andr6 Bernard 1985 Le scrutin au Quebec: un miroir deformant. Montreal: HMH. Pinard, Maurice 1971 The Rise of a Third Party: A Study in Crisis Politics. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall. Quesnel, Louise 1986 "La democratic municipale au Quebec." Politique no. 9, 61-97. Stein, Michael B. 1973 The Dynamics of Right Wing Protest: A Political Analysis of Social Credit in Quebec. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Vaillancourt, Jean-Guy, Guy Lord, and Daniel Latouche, eds. 1976 Le processus Electoral au Quebec: les flections provinciales de 1970 et 1973. Montreal: Hurtubise HMH.

260

Table 1

Provincial General Elections Participation Rate. Percentage of Spoilt Ballots. Percentage of Valid Votes by Major Parties. Percentage of Members Elected by Major Parties, Quebec, 1956 1989 % of votes Year 1956 1960 1962 1966 1970 1973 1976 1980 1981 1985 1989 a

Participation rate

% of spoilt ballots

78,3 81,7 79,6

1,5 1,6 1,4 1,9 1,9 1,8 2,0 1,7 1,0 1,5 2,6

73,6"

84,2 80,4 85,3 85,6 82,5 75,7 74,9

Lib.

UN

RC

% of members elected

PQ

_ — —

_ — —

11,2

18,2

9,9 4,6

23,1 30,2 41,4

4,0 0,2 -

0,4 — —

49,2 38,7 40,2

44,5 51,3 56,4 47,2 45,4 54,7 33,8

52,0 46,6 42,1 40,9 19,7

46,1 56,0 49,9

4,9

Others 3,5 2,1 1,5 11,9

Lib. 21,5 54,7 62,3 46,3 66,7 92,7 23,6

UN 77,4 44,2 32,6 51,9 15,7

0,6 — 0,3 2,0 10,0 R e f e r e n d um — 0,3 34,4 — 5,1 81,1 9,9 73,6 —

RC _ — —

PQ

Others

_ — — 6,5 5,8

1,8 0,964,6

1,1 1,1 1,1 1,8 — — 0,9

65,6 18,9 23,2

— — 3,2

11,1

Voting age lowered Irotn 21 lo 18 years old

Sources: Bureau de la slalistigue du Quebec, Le Oiiehvc statistique: Edition 1985-1986, Qu6bec, Les publications du Quebec, 1985; Gerald Bernier and Robert Boily, Le Quebec en chilfres de 1850 a nos/ours, Montreal, ACKAS, 1986, Le Soleil, September 26. 1989, Directeur general des elections, unpublished data; author's compilations

Table 2

Federal General Elections Participation Rate. Percentage of Spoilt Ballots. Percentage of Valid Votes by Major Parties. Percentage of Elected Deputies by Major Parties, Quebec, 1957-1988 Year 1957 1958 1962 1963 1965 1968 1972 1974 1979 1980 1984 1988

Participation rate

% of spoilt ballots

72,3 79,4 77,6 76,3 70,7 72,3 75,5 67,4 76,0 68,1 76,2 76,0

1,3 1,0 1,3 1,2 1,7 2,0 5,9 5,2 1,5 1,2 1,3 1,7

% of valid votes

% of members elected

Lib.

Cons.

Socred

NPD

Others

Lib.

57,6 45,2 39,2 45,6 45,6 53,6 49,1 54,1 61,7 68,2 35,4 30,2

30,6 49,6 29,6 19,5 21,2 21,4 17,4 21,2 13,5 12,6 50,2 52,7

0,7 1,1

1,8 2,2 4,4 7,1

9,3 1,9 0,9 0,5 3,7 1,1 0,5 0,9 3,7 4,2 5,4 3,1

82,7 32,0 46,7 62,7 74,7 75,7 75,7 81,1 89,3 98,7 22,7 16.0

25,9 27,3 17,5 16,4 26,6 17,2 16,0

5,9 0,2 0,1

12,0

7,5 6,4 6,6 5,1 9,1 8,8

13,9

Cons. 10,7 66,7 18,7 10,7 10,7

5,4 2,7 4,0 2,7 1,3

77,3 84,0

Socred

_ — 34,6 26,6 12,0 18,9 20,3 14,9

8,0 — — —

Others

6,6 1,3 — — 2,6 — 1,3 — — — — —

Source*: Pierre Drouilly, Statistiques electorates federates du Quebec 1867-1985, Montreal, Universitfi du Quebec a Montreal et VLB fediteur, 1986; Elections Canada, unpublished data; author's compilations.

7.5 Public Opinion

Table 3

Municipal Elections. Percentage elected by acclamation and Participation Rate (in times of Elections), Mayors and Councillors, Quebec, 1981-1987 Mayors Year 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

Councillors

% elected by acclamation

Participation rate

% elected by acclamation

67,2 51,6 68,7 60,0 73,3 48,3 67,3

49,0 52,6 58,5 52,8 52,4 51,1 51,8

68,5 70,2 68,6 78,1 74,2 73,0 72,0

Source: Ministere des Affaires municipales, Direction de la recherche et des politiques, unpublished data.

263

Participation rate 46,1 49,1 52,5 46,0 50,2 49,5 50,3

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8 STATE AND SERVICE INSTITUTIONS

8.1 Educational System Abstract. The educational system underwent profound modifications during the 1960s as part of a movement toward modernization and democratization. Although the level of education was increased, the ideal of democratization was not entirely attained. After the public sector was reorganized and restructured, there was a resurgence of private education, particularly at the secondaryschool level. After Bill 101 was passed, increasing proportions of allophones attended French-language primary and secondary schools.

There has been a general restructuring of the educational system The current educational system is one of the principal institutional accomplishments of the Quiet Revolution. It results from a reform which aimed to modernize and democratize the school system. This reform took place when the babyboom cohorts were reaching school age. The essential part of the restructuring took place between the creation of the Royal Commission of Inquiry on Education, in 1960, and the creation of the Universite du Quebec, in December of 1968. The Commission filed its reports, known collectively as the "Rapport Parent", between 1963 and 1966. The creation of the Commission had been the result of analyses, criticisms, and opinions expressed by an increasing number of persons and groups during the 1940s and 1950s regarding the low level of education of the population, the poor performance of many schools, and the inconsistency of the educational system. The first initiative was the Commission of Inquiry on Constitutional and Fiscal Problems, created in 1953 (Ge"rin-Lajoie, 1989). To establish initial corrective measures, the government assigned responsibility for educational financing, which had previously been dispersed, to the Ministere de la Jeunesse in 1960 (Ge'rin-Lajoie, 1989). Without waiting to hear all of the Commission's recommendations, the government created the Ministere de 1'Education in 1964, thus setting underway a series of institutional and administrative changes; two public educational structures, however, have been left intact at the primary and secondary levels: the Catholic and Protestant school boards. Private schools have also continued to exist, and in both the public and private sectors there are French-language and English-language institutions at all levels of education (primary, secondary, college, and university). In 1967, the government created the Colleges d'enseignement g6n6ral et professionnel (CEGEPs). These institutions had several objectives. In the area of general education, they completed the reform of general secondary education by replacing the colleges classiques, which were considered to be elitist and outdated in their teaching. In addition, the CEGEPs integrated or organized vocational-training programmes. There were two types, those retained from institutions that were repla265

8 State and Service Institutions

ced by the CEGEPs (e.g., nursing schools), and new programmes designed to respond to a labour market requiring more highly qualified human resources. A number of CEGEPs adopted vocational programmes based on the main economic characteristics of their regions. These institutions were intended to encourage a certain degree of equality among the students. For example, a certain number of basic courses were to be taken by all students; para-scholastic services were the same for all. The crowning achievement of this reform was the creation of the University du Quebec in 1968. Previously, universities had been located in only a few major centres. To facilitate access to higher education, the University du Quebec was set up in various outlying centres, as well as in Montreal, where there was only one French-language university (although there were two English-language universities). Other components were added later. Several of these institutions were created through integration into the universities of teacher training, which had previously been provided by independent normal schools (Audet, 1971; Mellouki, 1989). Over a period of eight years, the Quebec school system was completely remodeled. The previous system, characterized by a scattering of jurisdictions, by very unequal accessibility to the various institutions, and frequently by a lack of consistency, was replaced by another system based on the modern concept of education, with greater accessibility, consistency between components, a reduction in theirx number and variety, and a powerful coordinating structure, the Ministere de 1'Education. This institutional restructuring was accompanied by various administrative measures aimed mainly at democratizing and streamlining the system, only the most important of which will be mentioned here. An effort was made to reduce the number of school boards, so that each would be sufficiently large to offer an optimal range of services. At the same time, the network of regional school boards was completed and made responsible for general and occupational secondary education; local school boards were placed in charge of primary education. The financing of these school boards was modified, and the state was made the principal source of funds. This enabled underprivileged regions to offer the same range and quality of services as did the wealthier ones. In addition, the government adopted financial-assistance measures for private teaching establishments (G6rin-Lajoie, 1989). Combined regional schools (polyvalentes) within the regional school boards offered both general and occupational education, again with a view to democratization and equality among the students; both types of education had a common core programme. The various courses were disaggregated and passing by subject was instituted to allow for individual educational trajectories. At the same time, adult education was made widely available, to provide adults with access to general or occupational training which they had not obtained earlier. One final major modification was the establishment of financial-assistance measures for students to improve access to post-secondary studies. Correspondingly, the Ministere de 1'Education set up financial and academic provisions for professional development of teaching personnel and froze university tuition fees. By 1990, there was talk of tripling fees over a period of a few years, and of making corresponding adjustments in financial-assistance programmes for students. 266

8.1 Educational System

In 1986, the Ministere de Education launched a plan aimed at reforming secondary-level occupational training. This restructuring was necessary because occupational training had grown to comprise some 200 programmes, several of which had not been updated in two decades. The "black sheep" of the educational system increasingly tended to accumulate there. The five-year plan, aimed to raise the level of first-language and second-language requirements, mathematics, and moral or religious teaching. After three to five years of general education, the students follow occupational-training courses exclusively. Of the former 200 courses, more than 140 had been updated as of 1990. Three new types of diplomas are to be awarded: Certificat d'6tudes professionnelles, Dipldme deludes professionnelles, and Attestation d'6tudes professionnelles. The latter will be in addition to one of the other two, for complementary studies (MEQ, 1986, 1990).

The level of education of the population has increased The institutional and administrative reforms, which were brought in when the baby-boom cohorts were reaching school age, had a number of effects on the level of education of the population and on the development of the school system itself. There has been a marked increase in the level of education among persons aged 15 years and over who are no longer attending school. This increase has filtered through to all age groups, but it is strongest among the young-adult cohorts. The most noticeable difference between 1961 and 1986 was among the 15- to 24-year age group; the percentage of those who had studied at the university level as of 1986 was nearly four times the percentage in 1961. In the 25- to 34-year and 35to 44-year age groups, the percentage of persons who had pursued universitylevel studies nearly tripled, and a little more than doubled in the case of the more advanced ages. Those who were between 25 and 44 years old in 1981 benefited from the democratization of the 1960s. It should also be pointed out that there was a very rapid reduction in the proportion of young people who terminated their studies with fewer than nine years of schooling: 46,8% of the 15- to 24-year age group in 1961 versus 5,9% in 1986 (see table 1). Had it not been for the endemic negative interprovincial migratory balance, these figures would probably have been higher. "If one analyses the interprovincial migratory data ... one can see that it is generally the better-educated people that tend to migrate" (Maisonneuve, 1984: 10).

There has been increased specialization and more varied programmes Disaggregation and passing by subject at the secondary level had a domino effect: there was greater specialization by educational sector, as well as an increase in the number of programmes. This phenomenon was particularly pronounced in the universities, where programmes designed for increasingly varied clienteles began to compete with the basic general programmes. In addition, there was an increase in the number of terminal programmes at the secondary or post-secondary level. This phenomenon began at the secondary level during the 1960s, with the institution of long- and short-duration occupational programmes. A considerable number of options were developed in the CEGEPs, especially in the area of vocational training. In the universities, in addi267

8 State and Service Institutions

tion to the growing numbers of people enrolled in master's and doctorate-level programmes, attendance in a stream designed to provide minimal training in a large variety of fields, the certificate programme grew by a factor of nearly nine between 1969 and 1988 (chapter 15.1). In a given field of studies, one can now find nearly ten levels of training, leading either to the labour market or to a higher level of education. Some authors have criticized the disappearance of a solid general education in favour of a so-called practical or even a "utilitarian" education (Balthazar & Belanger, 1989).

The teaching staff is ageing A very large number of staff members were hired in the 1960s and the early 1970s to fill the need created by growing student bodies. Since then, the hiring of new staff slowed down due to a levelling off and subsequent reduction of the number of students. As a result, whatever the level of education, the teaching staff has aged, particularly in the school boards. "Since 1976, the average age of teachers ... has increased by 0,7 years on average per year" (Dufort, 1986: 68). In the universities, the average age of professor-researchers rose from 37,8 years in 1972 to 42,9 years in 1982 (MSthodus, 1986). Their number has not grown much, despite large increases in registration. On the other hand, there are increasing numbers of teaching assistants (Laplante, 1988). The unionization of teaching staffs has also contributed to this ageing because accumulation of fringe benefits discourages mobility - as is the case in other sectors of the labour market (Langlois, 1986).

There has been a relative feminization of post-secondary teaching staff A trend toward feminization has been observed among the regular teaching staff at universities (M6thodus, 1987): between 1965 and 1984, the relative proportion of women increased from 13% to 16,5%. This trend is less pronounced in the CEGEPs, where the proportion of women has remained virtually unchanged. On the other hand, a reverse trend has been noted in the secondary schools, where seniority no doubt has acted in favour of men (table 2).

There has been a reduction in teaching staff in the school boards and an increase at the post-secondary level Due to shrinking student populations, the school boards lost 12,4% of their regular teaching staff between 1976 and 1983. These reductions have continued to the present. In the CEGEPs, there were increases until the early 1980s, followed by a levelling off. The universities are the only educational institutions whose teaching staff continued to increase through the 1980s (table 3). In the school boards, the number of students per teacher decreased rapidly during the first half of the 1970s, and more slowly thereafter, levelling off at 16 to 17 students per teacher (table 3). The number of teachers decreased more slowly than did the number of students. In the CEGEPs, the pronounced decrease in the number of students per teacher occurred in a context of growing school populations during the 1970s. In the universities, the number of students per 268

8.1 Educational System

regular teacher continued to increase during the second half of the 1970s, during which time the student population increased by 58% (tables 3 and 4). Over the same period, the number of teaching assistants in universities also increased. The public-school system grew during the 1960s, and there was relative privatization during the next two decades The restructuring and expansion of the educational system in the 1960s led to a major reduction in the proportion of students enrolled in private institutions. This reduction was most pronounced at the college level, where the share of private institutions fell from 54% in 1961 to 10% in 1971, with the disappearance of the classical colleges. At the secondary level, the proportion of students in private institutions, which stood at only 5,1% in 1971-1972, increased steadily, reaching more than 16% by 1987-1988. A similar shift took place at the primaryschool level, though with less amplitude (table 5). There are private educational institutions from the primary to the college level, inclusive. They must hold a permit from the Ministere de Education and offer the same programmes as those provided in public institutions. They comprise a wide range of types, from highly reputed traditional colleges to primary schools governed by religious denominations. The French-language school hoards have received a growing proportion of public-school students After the major reforms of the 1960s were instituted, the government began to study the language situation, at a time when there was widespread criticism of the increasing integration of allophones and a small but increasing proportion of Francophone children into the Anglophone community in Quebec by means of the school system. After two initial attempts at legislation, the government passed Bill 101 in 1977, which requires children whose first language is not French or English to attend primary and secondary school in French, while permitting young Anglophones to study in their own language (Plourde, 1988). Prior to the existence of this law, 83,3% of the students in the school boards were studying in French, - or 97,8% of the children whose mother tongue was French - 7,6% of Anglophone children, and 17,8% of the allophones. In 1977 and 1978, the situation started to change, especially in the case of Francophones (98,2%) and allophones (23,5%). Since 1987-1988, 99% of Francophones have been attending school in French; the proportion of Anglophone students studying in French has been continually increasing (16% in 1989-1990), and an increasing majority of allophones have been attending French school - nearly three out of four in 1989-1990 (table 6). The contribution of the school system to the promotion of French in Quebec society is an objective that has been largely achieved. There was an increase in the financial effort devoted to education in the 1960s, stability in the 1970s, and a reduction in the 1980s The democratization of education, together with the passage of the baby-boom cohorts through the educational system, raised the proportion of the GDP devoted 269

8 State and Service Institutions

to education from 4,9% in 1961-1962 to 9,5% in 1977-1978; it thereafter levelled off, and then fell to 7,4% in 1988-1989. The proportion of this effort devoted to the primary and secondary levels has continually been preponderant, but has gradually diminished, from 75,5% of the share of the GDP in 1961-1962 to 63,5% in 1988-1989. On the other hand, the university sector increased its share of the GDP regularly up until 1977-1978 (1,7%); it levelled off at that proportion until 1981-1982, and thereafter diminished. In the non-university post-secondary sector, expenditures represented an insignificant proportion of the GDP throughout the 1960s. They then increased, reaching 1,2% in 1977 and 1979, and have since remained steady at about 1,1% (table 7). These three patterns have been determined either by variations in student populations, particularly at the primary and secondary levels, or by government policies.

There has been a democratization of access to education at the higher levels, but social inequalities have persisted The creation of the CEGEPs, the expansion of the university network, and financial-assistance measures for students have encouraged access to post-secondary studies for students of modest means. Despite these efforts, certain inequalities in access to these levels of education have persisted (Levesque, 1979). The first involves education according to language. The proportion of students who receive their education in French in the universities has increased from 50% to more than 75% over the past 20 years, although it has not yet reached the proportion of Francophones in society. Francophone access to universities has become particularly democratized in the area of part-time studies (table 8). Audet (1987) has shown that the percentage of university students from well-to-do classes diminished between 1975 and 1984, whatever the level or type of studies. However, their proportion in the universities remains higher than that of the well-todo in society as a whole.

Jean-Pierre Simard Jean-Paul Baillargeon References Audet, Louis-Philippe 1971 Histoire de I'enseignement au Quebec: 1840-1971. 2 vols. Montreal: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. Audet, Louis-Philippe, GeYard Filion et al. 1975 Le Rapport Parent, 10 ans apres. Montreal: Editions Bellarmin. Audet, Marc 1987 Les tiudiants a temps partiel d I'universit6: profil d'inscription, situation financiere et origine sociale. Quebec City: Ministere de 1'Enseignement sup£rieur et de la Science.

270

8.1 Educational System

Balthazar, Louis, and Jules Belanger 1989 L'ecole detournee. Montreal: Boreal. Beaupr6, Viateur 1983 Les mtdisances d'un professeur solidaire. Verdun: Editions EIP. Belanger, Pierre-W. 1986 "La r^ponse du Quebec aux problemes d'£quit£ et d'excellence dans 1'enseignement postsecondaire." Recherches sociographiques 27, no. 3, 365-384. Commission royale d'enquete sur 1'enseignement dans la province de Quebec 1963- Rapport de la Commission royale d'enquete sur 1'enseignement dans la province 1966 de Quebec (Parent Report). Quebec City: Editeur official. Commission royale d'enquete sur la fiscalite 1965 Rapport de la Commission royale d'enquete sur la fiscalitt (Belanger Report). Quebec City: Editeur officiel. Corriveau, Louise 1991 Les cegeps: question d'avenir. Quebec City: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture. CSE (Conseil supe'rieur de l'6ducation) 1988 Du college a I'universite: I'articulation des deux ordres d'enseignement superieur. Avis au ministre de 1'Enseignement sup6rieur et de la Science. Quebec City: CSE. Dandurand, Pierre 1990 "Democratic et 6cole au Quebec: bilan et d6fis." In Fernand Dumont, ed., L'education 25 ans plus tard! et apres? 37-60. Quebec City: Institut quelaecois de recherche sur la culture. Desbiens, Jean-Paul 1988 Les insolences du Frere Untel. Montreal: Les Editions de ITiomme. Dufort, Jean-Pierre 1986 Statistiques de I'education. Quebec City: Ministere de 1'Education, Direction des Etudes 4conomiques et d£mographiques. Filion, Gerard 1989 Fais ce que peux: en guise de mtmoires. Montreal: Boreal. Ge>in-Lajoie, Paul 1989 Combats d'un rtvolutionnaire tranquiUe. Montreal: Editions CEC. Langlois, Simon 1986 "Les rigidite's sociales et 1'insertion des jeunes dans la societe* qu6b6coise." In Fernand Dumont, ed., Une society des jeunes? 301-333. Quebec City: Institut qu6b6cois de recherche sur la culture. Langlois, Simon, and Gary Caldwell, eds. 1986 "Les c6geps, vingt ans apres." Recherches sociographiques 27, no. 3, 3. 271

8 State and Service Institutions

Laplante, Laurent 1988 L'universite': questions et d6fis. Quebec City: Institut queb£cois de recherche sur la culture. LeVesque, Mireille 1979 L'egalit6 des chances en education. Quebec City: Ministere de 1'Education, Conseil sup£rieur de l'6ducation. Maisonneuve, Daniel 1984 L'etat de la scolarisation de la population qutbecoise: une analyse des donnees du recensement de 1981. Quebec City: Ministere de 1'Education. Mellouki, MTiammed

1989

Savoir enseignant et idtologie reformists. La formation des maltres (1930-1964). Quebec City: Institut qu6b6cois de recherche sur la culture.

MSthodus Enr. 1987 Les professeurs d'universite. Profit socio-acade'mique et charge de travail. Montreal: Rapport soumis a la F6de>ation des associations de professeurs des universites du Quebec (FAPUQ). MEQ (Ministere de 1'Education du Quebec) 1986 La formation professionnelle au secondaire. Plan d'action. Quebec City: MEQ. 1990

Le Quebec et la reforms, de la formation professionnelle au secondaire. Document d'information. Quebec City: MEQ.

Plourde, Michel 1988 La politique linguistique du Quebec: 1977-1987. Quebec City: Institut qu6b6cois de recherche sur la culture. Rocher, Guy 1990 "Un systeme d'enseignement en voie de democratisation." In Vincent Lemieux, ed., Les institutions qutbecoises, leur rdle, leur avenir, 103-114. Quebec City: Presses de l'Universit4 Laval. Tremblay, Arthur 1989 Le ministere de I'JSducation et le Conseil superieur: antecedents et creation, 18671964. Sainte-Foy: Presses de l'Universit6 Laval.

272

8.1 Educational System

Table 1 Age Distribution of the Population aged 15 and over not attending School Full Time, by Maximum Level of Education Attained, Quebec, 1961-1986 From G. 9 to univ.a

University15

%

group

Year

Less than grade nine

15-24

1961 1971 1981 1986 1961 1971 1981 1986 1961 1971 1981 1986 1961 1971 1981 1986 1961 1971 1981 1986

46,8 22,3 8,2 5,9 47,5 33,8 10,5 6,4 54,6 49,6 26,8 17,7 61,7 61,2 47,1 42,7 72,6 72,0 62,5 60,1

49,7 69,5 86,4 81,5 45,3 52,2 69,9 71,8 38,6 40,4 54,9 59,5 32,7 31,5 42,8 45,1 24,0 23,8 31,0 32,8

3,4 8,2 5,4 12,6 7,1 14,0 19,6 21,8 6,8 9,9 18,3 22,8 5,6 7,2 10,1 12,2 3,4 4,1 6,5 7,1

100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100

1961 1971 1981 1986

55,2 47,1 29,6 23,9

39,2 43,8 57,6 60,2

5,6 9,1 12,8 15,9

100 100 100 100

Age

25-34

35-44

45-64

65 +

All ages

Total N

1 1 1

1 1 1

3 3 4 5

575 631 652 260 729 675 056 150 726 558 832 750 093 835 191 515 661 859 710 555 812 825 979 025 847 944 073 320 227 405 289 590 305 588 410 160 523 395 598 685

1 1 7 580 679 055 387 125 114 965

a. Includes non-university post-secondary training and training given in trade schools b. With or without earned degree. Note: The first two groups (below grade nine, and from grade nine to university levell differ slightly in 1961 because they include people with one less year of school. The numbers should in fact be higher than those shown in this table Sources: Statistics Canada, Population Census of Canada, Ottawa; Louis Dionne, La sco/arisat/on de la population quebecoise d'apres le rencensemenr de 1986, Quebec, Ministere de ('Education, 1989; authors' compilations.

273

8 State and Service Institutions

Table 2

Female Proportion among Regular Teachers by Level of Education, Quebec, 1965-1985 Year 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1975" 1976

Secondary (Public and private) 48,6 47,3 46,3 44,3 43,7 43,7 44,3 42,4 41,7

Cegeps

Universities

_ — — — — —

Year

13,0 _ — — _ — 12,6 13,8 —

Secondary (Public and private)

Cegeps

Universities

41,1 40,2 39,5 42,2 40,2 39,7 39,4 — —

_ 32,2 32,2 33,2 33,4 33,4 33,0 32,5 32,8

14,4 14,5 15,1 15,3 15,5 15,9 16,1 16,5 —

1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985

a Beginning in 1975, the data lor secondary school come only from school boards. Sources: Ministere de I'fiducation, Les enseignants du Quebec, Quebec, 1974; Personneldes commissions scolaires, Quebec, 1974; unpublished data; Conseil superieur de I'education, La situation des femmes dans le systeme d'enseignement. une double perspective. Avis au Ministre de I'tducation, Quebec, 1984; Ministere de I'Enseignement superieur et de la Science, Direction generate des etudes collegiales, Bulletin statistique, Quebec, 1980-1987; Statistics Canada, Teachers in Universities, Ottawa, cat. 81-241, 1988; authors' compilations.

Table 3

Number of Teachers and Average Number of Students per Teacher by School Boards. C6geps (regular sector, EETC) and Universities (EETC), Quebec, 1970-1988 Students per teacher

Number of teachers S.B.

Year

(Full t.)

1970-1971 1971-1972 1972-1973 1973-1974 1974-1975 1975-1976 1976-1977 1977-1978 1978-1979 1979-1980 1980-1981 1981-1982 1982-1983 1983-1984 1984-1985 1985-1986 1986-1987 1987-1988

69490 73 989 72 300 72 197 71 287 70078 73 752 70 964 71 642 72 718 70486 68 253 66 867 66 867 — — — —

Cegep (EETC)

Univer. (EETC)

_ — —

5014

6 331 6 613 7 262 8418 9414

9 612 9617

9 738 10337 9834 9 834 10008 — — —

_ —

5 198 5424 5 545 5 311 5 634 5 759 5 751 5 787 5 864 5 956 5 956 — — — —

a

S.B. 22,9 21,0 20,9 20,3 19,9 19,6 17,9 17,8 16,9 16,1 16,0 16,0 16,0 16,0 16,8 16,8 16,8 16,6

Cegep1 _ — — 15,0 15,0 14,2 12,6 12,6 12,6 12,2 12,1 11,9 11,9 11,9 13,2 13,7

— —

Univer.b _ — 17,7 17,9 18,5 19,4 20,9 20,8 21,3 22,3 22,6 23,2 24,0 24,0

— — — —

Ratios determined on the basis o( the number of students registered full time in the autumn session and the number of teachers in full-time equivalents in the cegeps. b. Ratios determined on the basis of the number of students registered in the universities, in full-time equivalents; and the number of professors/researchers, in full-time equivalents. Sources: Conseil superieur del' Education, Pour le renouvellement et/e ressourcemem du personnel del'enseignemem. Avis auministre de ('Education, Quebec, 1985; Ministere de I'feducation, Principaux indicateurs de la situation de I'enseignement. Quebec, 1987; Conseil des universites, Rapport sur la caracterisation de la masse salariale (CMS! du personnel professional des universites du Quebec. Quebec, Conseil des universites, 1978 and 1984; authors' compilations.

274

8.1 Educational System

Table 4

School Clientele by Level of Teaching, Private and Public Systems. Quebec, 1961-1989 Number of students Kindergarten

Year 1961-1962 1962-1963 1963-1964 1964-1965 1965-1966 1966-1967 1967-1968 1968-1969 1969-1970 1970-1971 1971-1972 1972-1973 1973-1974 1974-1975 1975-1976 1976-1977 1977-1978 1978-1979 1979-1980 1980-1981 1981-1982 1982-1983 1983-1984 1984-1985 1985-1986 1986-1987 1987-1988 1988-1989

13 17 24 31 44 60 78

775 186 351 414 663 949 308

115 113 105 99 94

214 183 556 014 929

92 98 93 93 95 102 97 99 98 101 101 100

468 274 196 863 405 503 516 156 134 422 267 261

105819

93420

96055 94020

Primary 936 952 974 987 978 982 986 963 940 891 857 776 739 713 684 656 622 592 572 560 554 550 551 558 568 579 584 587

Secondary

887 668 660 839 628 900 943 580 403 551 739 702 267 593 431 297 732 054 107 256 771 073 046 031 828 530 734 075

315 346 369 403 464 490 508 560 597 642 670 720 714 699 682 668 643 619 595 561 531 515 500 492 468 457 456 454

College

201 470 854 387 809 189 947 855 131 833 851 727 090 893 304 119 516 209 018 167 264 347 259 166 787 461 024 489

32 448 44 114 50 371 52 445 32 811 41 277 55 383 71 858 79 677 79 874 90 319 96 799 107 408 1 1 3 664 1 18 31 1 122 403 135 295 137 154 1 34 300 135 319 141 107 149 956 156 658 158 027 158 591 158 796 1 54 208 151 402

Univers.

52 59 67 82 88 93 101 113 128 138

_ _ _ _ _ 659 107 609 737 440 594 751 816 566 705

154 167 177 189 191 188 209 217 226 233 235 241

591 307 470 069 925 952 942 256 832 920 316 275

144635

Sources: Mimstere de I'Education. Demographie scolaire, Quebec. Service de la demographie scolaire, 1975, Sommaire de l'ecole et Declarations des clienteles scolaires , Quebec. Direction doQ 6,9 7,0 7,4 6,9 6,3 9,0 9,7 8,9 6,3 6.4 6,1 5,9 5,7 5.9 5.6 5.0 4,5 5,0 4,8

Source: Ministere des Finances, Comptes pubiics, Quebec, Gouvernement du Quebec, 1961-1962 to 1987-1988.

304

9,4 9,8 9.0

11,3 13,4 16,7 18,8 20,2 20,9 26,0 25,9 22,0 20,6 24,5 25,8 24,8 28,1 27.9 28,7 27,1 26,2 27,5 29,6 28,5 26,0 23,0 21,8

8.4 H.4 me The Btate State

Table 10 Summary of Revenue by Source, Index (1961 = 100), Ratio of Personal Income Tax to Corporate Profits Taxation, Quebec, 1961-1988

Year

Personal income tax

Corpor. profits taxation

Government-run agencies transfers

Consump. taxes

Other taxes

Federal transf.

19611 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 19711 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 19811 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

100 129 142 154 222 374 464 482 585 645 704 738 861 874 1020 1020 1 082 1319 1 310 1 273 1 282 1 307 1289 1 325 1 336 1 432 1 445 1576

100 114 110 114 116 123 99 95 107 100 98 84 92 96 114 113 158 164 170 177 181 245 226 223 233 240 260 289

100 111 125 127 106 151 206 215 151 212 196 218 218 245 242 242 237 235 252 181 207 209 230 288 356 430 484 611

100 124 144 159 212 229 228 271 281 287 285 298 311 296 304 310 299 295 271 271 258 276 311 332 335 384 409 423

100 112 121 128 135 133 166 225 171 185 209 228 220 195 337 377 358 284 282 267 248 257 275 279 251 236 261 270

100 88 99 97 153 221 306 395 454 499 689 706 619 562 814 887 883 1 115 1 088 1 102 1 007 1 039 1 137 1 305 1 256 1 199 1 065 1078

Ratio 1/2

1,00 1,13 1.29 1,35 1,91 3,04 4,69 5,07 5,46 6,42 7,17 8,76 9,34 9,06 8,91 9,04 6,87 8,04 7,70 7,21 7,09 5,34 5,70 5,93 5,74 5,98 5,55 5,44

Source: Ministers des Finances, Comptes publics. Quebec, Gouvernement du Quebec, 1961-1962 to 1987-1988, author's compilations.

Table 11 Summary of Expenditures by Mission, Percentage, Quebec, 1961-1988 Eco-

Year 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 19711 1972 1973 1974

nomic mission 33J5 24,9 24,9 24,4 23,9 22,5 19,8 17,3 15,9 14,7 14,3 14,3 14,3 15,2

Educ.

Govern.

cult. mission

adm. mission

27J24^8 30,9 30,4 29,5 29,3 28,4 30,8 28,2 27,8 33,8 25,3 35,5 26,0 38,3 27,0 38,5 27,2 39,4 29,4 39,3 29,7 39,3 29,7 39,3 29,7 36,1 29,7

14,6 13,8 16,3 16,4 20,1 18,4 18,7 17,5 18,4 16,6 16,7 16,7 16,7 19,0

Social mission

and

and

Eco-

Year 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

nomic mission HUB 15,5 14,2 12,9 12,7 12,3 11,5 10,5 10,5 11,1 11,7 11,5 11,1 11,0

Social mission

Educ.

Govern.

cult. mission

adm. mission

and d

and d

34/728~819,7 35,2 29,1 20,2 34,9 32,0 18,8 38,4 31,5 17,2 38,9 30,2 18,2 38,5 30,7 18,6 37,7 33,2 17,6 37,3 33,4 18,8 39,1 31,8 18,7 38,7 31,1 19,1 39,8 29,2 19,2 39,5 29,6 19,3 40,2 29,6 19,0 40,4 29,9 18,6

Source: Mmistere des Finances. Comptespublics, Quebec, Gouvernement du Quebec. 1961 -1962 to 1987-1988; author's compilations.

305

8 State and Service Institutions

Table 12

Summary of Expenditures by Mission, Index (1961 = 100), and Expenditures per capita (1981 Dollars1), Quebec, 1961-1988 Econ. miss.

Social miss.

Educ. and cult. miss.

Year

Index

Per c. 1981$

Index

Per c. 1981$

1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

100 82 90 97 119 136 128 123 117 117 124 135 137 149 184 174 177 175 175 169 162 154 159 177 186 191 181 182

238 191 204 217 261 294 273 260 245 243 257 278 282 304 372 349 351 347 345 331 314 297 304 338 353 364 343 342

100 126 131 140 174 253 283 338 351 388 421 457 465 437 472 491 537 643 665 655 656 675 729 762 784 809 809 823

^ 9 2 1 0 0 237 135 241 142 253 166 308 187 442 207 487 227 576 261 591 271 651 316 705 348 762 378 772 385 720 393 771 428 795 442 863 537 1 030 575 1 060 563 1 036 570 1 028 630 1 053 661 1 129 648 1 176 671 1 203 629 1 249 662 1 239 651 1 252 666

Index

Govern, and adm. miss.

Per c. 1981$

Index

Per c. 1981$

i~76 233 240 275 305 332 358 406 418 486 534 577 585 593 640 655 790 844 821 825 904 943 918 947 883 936 913 927

100 105 135 150 231 256 277 287 312 304 332 360 366 427 498 524 538 536 577 587 570 633 647 700 704 735 710 706

?03 106 133 146 221 241 257 263 283 274 299 323 327 379 438 456 465 462 495 499 481 531 539 581 581 611 586 578

a. Implicit price index of public expenditures on goods and services. Source: Ministere des Finances, Comptespublics, Quebec, Gouvernement du Quebec, 1961-1962 to 1987-1988; author's compilations.

306

8.4 The State

Table 13 Evolution in the Economic Mission by Area, Index (1974=100), and as a Proportion of Total and per capita Expenditures (1981 Dollars* Quebec. 1974-1988

Nat. res. and pr. ind. Year 1974

1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

Index

%

100

Second. indust. Index

3^8100

135 125 122 132 140 142 148 152 156 155 172 184 183 193

4,6 4,1 3,6 3,6 3,8 3,8 3,9 3,8 3,8 3,6 4,0 4,1 4,2 4,4

116 132 155 172 167 162 173 159 166 318 405 403 373 264

Services

%

Index

0~6

0,6 0,7 0,7 0,7 0,7 0,7 0,7 0,6 0,6 1,1 1,5 1,4 1,3 0,9

100

116 120 117 118 122 116 112 115 122 149 219 237 216 210

% O3

0,3 0,3 0,3 0,2 0,2 0,2 0,2 0,2 0,2 0,3 0,4 0,4 0,4 0,4

Personnel resources Index

%

100

675100

358 378 422 418 436 289 339 170 164 396 326 370 409 458

1,0 1,1 1,1 1,0 1,0 0,7 0,8 0,4 0,3 0,8 0,6 0,7 0,8 0,9

Per

Transp. Index

112 104 106 99 96 95 83 80 82 84 82 81 72 74

%

Total Index

cap. 1981$

100

304

10^3

10,3 9,3 8,5 7,4 7,0 6,9 5,9 5,5 5,5 5,3 5,2 4,9 4,5 4,5

124 117 118 117 117 113 108 103 106 119 125 128 121 122

372 349 351 347 345 331 314 297 304 338 353 364 343 342

a. Implicit price index of public expenditures on goods and services. Source: Ministere des Finances, Compies publics. Quebec, Gouvernement du Quebec, 1961-1962 to 1987-1988; author's compilations.

Table 14 Evolution in the Social Mission by Area, Index (1974=100), and as a Proportion of Total and Expenditures per capita (1981 Dollars'), Quebec, 1974-1988 Income security Year 1974

1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 a

Index TOO

101 104 113 121 124 126 128 136 158 174 183 191 182 176

% ill

8,0 8,1 8,0 7,8 7,8 8,0 8,0 8,1 9,2 9,5 10,0 10,1 9,8 9,3

Health and social adaptation Index

%

100

26,7

108 113 126 156 161 157 156 159 167 171 174 179 184 192

25,7 26,3 26,5 30,0 30,5 29,8 29,0 28,3 28,9 28,1 28,6 28,3 29,6 30,4

Housing Index

%

T O O O J 5

225 207 139 164 200 215 234 287 336 371 416 422 291 234

0,9 0,8 0,5 0,6 0,7 0,7 0,8 0,9 1,0 1,1 1,2 1,2 0,8 0,7

Total Index TOO

108 112 123 147 152 150 150 155 167 175 180 185 185 188

Per cap. 1981$ 720

771 795 863 1 030 1 060 1 036 1 028 1 053 1 129 1 176 1 203 1 249 1 239 1 252

Implicit price index ol public expenditures on goods and services

Source: Ministere des Finances, Compies publics. Quebec, Gouvernement du Qu6bec. 1961 -1962 to 1987-1988, author's compilations

307

8 State and Service Institutions

Table 15 Evolution in the Educational and Cultural Mission by Area, Index (1974=100), and as a Proportion of Total and Expenditures per capita (1981 Dollars*), 1974-1988 Education Year

Index

1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 ! 19811 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

TOO 107 109 135 143 140 142 158 167 163 169 157 166 164 168

a

Leisure and sports

Culture

% 28/7 27,5 27,1 30,5 29,8 28,6 29,0 31,6 32,0 30,4 29,8 27,8 28,2 28,4 28,7

Index

%

Index

100 120 134 147 179 211 206 213 218 227 237 265 291 264 282

O4 0,5 0,5 0,5 0,6 0,6 0,6 0,6 0,6 0,6 0,6 0,7 0,7 0,7 0,7

100 179 304 224 291 251 259 240 213 215 223 223 209 181 166

Total Index

%

Per cap. 1981$

0 ~ 5 1 0 0 0,9 109 1,4 112 0,9 137 1,1 146 1,0 143 1,0 145 0,9 160 0,8 168 0,8 165 0,7 171 0,7 160 0,7 169 0,6 166 0,5 169

593 640 655 790 844 821 825 904 943 918 947 883 936 913 927

Implicit price index of public expenditures on goods and services.

Source: Minislere des Finances. Comptespublics, Quebec, Gouvernemenl du Quebec, 1961 -1962 to 1987-1988; author's compilations.

Table 16 Evolution in the Governmental and Administrative Mission by Area. Index (1974=100), and as a Proportion of Total and Expenditures per capita (1981 Dollars'), 1974-1988 Polit. instit.

Central admin. management

Intergovern, relat.

Individual and property protection

Index

%

Index

%

Total Index

Per cap. 1981$

O2 0,2 0,2 0,2 0,3 0,3 0,3 0,3 0,2 0,2 0,2 0,2 0,2 0,2 0,3

100 107 112 130 121 125 133 132 135 136 132 147 153 159 174

2! 2,2 2,3 2,4 2,0 2,1 2,2 2,1 2,1 2,1 1,9 2,1 2,1 2,2 2,4

TOO 117 123 126 126 135 138 134 148 152 164 165 172 167 165

379 438 456 465 462 495 499 481 531 539 581 581 611 586 578

Year

Index

%

Index

1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

100 125 127 120 114 133 115 76 81 71 72 72 80 70 70

(To 6,6 6,6 5,6 4,9 5,6 4,9 3,2 3,2 2,7 2,6 2,6 2,8 2,5 2,5

100 114 122 128 132 138 150 165 189 200 223 221 228 222 217

a

%

i~O5TOO 10,6 123 11,2 135 10,6 155 10,0 198 10,2 221 11,2 226 12,1 221 13,2 188 13,7 185 14.4 188 14,3 207 14,2 234 14,0 221 13,5 243

'

Implicit price index of public expenditures on goods and services.

Source: Minislere des Finances. Comptespublics, Quebec, Gouvernement du Quebec, 1961 -1962 to 1987-1988; author's compilations.

308

9 MOBILIZING INSTITUTIONS

9.1 Labour Unions Abstract. Labour-union membership showed strong growth during the 1960s, but this growth levelled off during the 1970s and 1980s. With the many changes observed on the labour market, unionization is no longer as favoured as it was in the past. The presence of women has increased both in unions and on the labour market. Affiliation with international unions has been steadily decreasing since 1973 in favour of national and independent unions.

There was strong growth in labour-union membership during the 1960s and moderate growth since the early 1970s, resulting in stability in unionization rates Labour-union membership grew strongly during the 1960s and at a slower pace during the 1970s and 1980s; for the period as a whole, total membership tripled (see table 1). Here unionization rates are measured by the number of union members in proportion to the labour force, as well as to the salaried labour force (excluding self-employed workers, non-salaried farm labour, unsalaried family workers, and the unemployed) (Lassonde, 1977; Lipsig-Mumme" & Roy, 1989). The rates increased regularly during the 1960s; since the mid-1970s, they have stabilized and levelled off at about 30% of the labour force and about 39% of the salaried labour force (table 2). During the 1960s, unionization rates grew remarkably in most sectors of employment; this growth was considerably higher in services and in public administration, where the rates increased from 9% to 22% and from 25% to 74%, respectively, between 1961 and 1971 (B61anger & Mercier, 1986). Union growth levelled off to a certain extent in the early 1970s, when growth in the public service began to slow down. Certain changes in the structure of employment, related to the tertiarization of the economy and to increasing precariousness of employment, made it more difficult to unionize new employees during the 1970s and 1980s. The small number of very large businesses in Quebec only added to the difficulties with unionization. The low level of unionization in businesses in the private tertiary sector has repercussions on the unions, because that is where new jobs are being created. [Most of the time,] unions do not manage to organize these newcomers to the labour market ... The usual form of certification (only one employer) does not really make it possible to organize the men and women who work in the service industries, in sales occupations, and in small businesses. The huge numbers of 309

9 Mobilizing Institutions

businesses, their small size, and their dispersion ... render freedom of association illusory. (Rouillard, 1989: 421) Thus, in the late 1980s the unions demanded multi-employer accreditation, in which one type of job could be represented in dealings with various employers; such a process has never been generally agreed to.

There has been progressive feminization of union membership Union membership has also seen an increase in the proportion of women, which rose from 29,1% in 1970 to 37,6% in 1987 (table 1). Since 1970, male membership has risen by 30%, whereas female membership has nearly doubled. In spite of this feminization, however, representation of women in the unions has not yet reached that of men. The unionization rate for men and women has changed very little overall since the early 1970s, with men remaining more unionized than are women (table 2). It should be noted that the disparities between men and women are mainly due to differences related to the employment structure (Be'langer & Mercier, 1986). Women are much less unionized in the manufacturing-industries sector, and this gap increased between 1971 and 1981. However, the differences between the male and female rates decreased overall in the private sector. The female unionization rate in this sector (12,3%) did not exceed half of the male rate (31,2%) in 1971, but increased during the 1970s. Women now comprise 17,3% of the membership in private-sector unions, whereas men comprise 32,7% (Belanger & Mercier, 1986).

There was a strong decrease in the relative numbers of internationalunion members among total union membership Statistics Canada has grouped unions who report to it into three major categories: international unions, with their head offices in the United States; national unions, with their head offices in Canada; and public-service unions, which cover public-sector employees. A breakdown of unionized workers by type of union shows a strong decrease in the relative size of international unions (table 3). After increasing slightly up to 1973, the number of workers affiliated with this type of union has been on the decrease since then, whereas membership in the other groups (national unions and independent unions) nearly quintupled starting in the early 1960s. In 1962, international unions represented more than half of the unionized workers in Quebec, whereas in 1987 they represented only one-quarter. This decrease occurred in the context of a desire among workers for independence from international unions, and by low employment expansion in the manufacturing and construction sectors, where branches of international unions are concentrated (Rouillard, 1989). Moreover, feminization within each of the types of labour unions reflects a relatively stable situation for the national unions and slight growth in the inter-

310

9.1 Labour Unions

national unions. Progress was strongest in public-service unions, where female membership doubled in proportion (table 4). Guy Frechet Jean-Pierre Simard References B£langer, Jacques, and Jacques Mercier 1986 "Le plafonnement de la density syndicate au Quebec et au Canada." Industrial Relations 41, no. 1, 28-53. Delorme, Francois, and Diane Veilleux 1981 Les syndicats independents au Quebec: un apercu de leur situation. Quebec City: Centre de recherche et de statistiques sur le march6 du travail. Fleury, Gilles 1986 Evolution de la syndicalisation - 1964-1984. Quebec City: Centre de recherche et de statistiques sur le marche du travail. 1988

"Un portrait du syndicalisme independent." Le marche du travail 9, no. 9.

Ingerman, Sidney 1983 "La syndicalisation dans le contexte economique queb6cois." In Jacques Belanger, Jean Boivin, Claude Rondeau, and Jean Sexton, eds., La syndicalisation dans le secteur prive au Quebec, 37-69. Quebec City: Presses de ITJniversit^ Laval. Lassonde, Gaspard 1977 "Les taux du syndicalisme au Quebec." Travail-Quebec, 25-28. Lemelin, Maurice 1984 Les negociations collectives dans les secteurs public et parapublic: experience que~b€coise et regards sur Vexterieur. Montreal: Agence d'Arc. Lipsig-Mumm6, Carla 1984 "La crise du syndicalisme nord-am6ricain." Industrial Relations 39, no. 2, 275284. Lipsig-Mummg, Carla, and Rita Roy 1989 "La population syndiquee au Quebec." Labour I Le travail no. 23, 119-157. Pepin, Marcel 1990 "Les mutations du syndicalisme." In Vincent Lemieux, ed., Les institutions quebecoises, leur role, leur avenir, 169-185. Quebec City: Presses de lTJhiversit6 Laval.

311

9 Mobilizing Institutions

Rondeau, Claude, and Jacques Belanger 1983 "Le syndicalisms dans 1'entreprise: tendances recentes et analyse." In Jacques Belanger, Jean Boivin, Claude Rondeau, and Jean Sexton, eds., La syndicalisation dans le secteur privt au Quebec, 15-36. Quebec City: Presses de ItJniversitS Laval. Rouillard, Jacques 1989 Histoire du syndicalisme au Quebec: des origines a nos jours. Montreal: Boreal.

312

9.1 Labour Unions

Table 1

Labour Union Membership, Total and by Sex, Number and Index (1962=100 and 1970=100), Quebec, 1962-1987 Labour Union Membership

Year 1962

1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983a 1984 1985 1986 1987 a

Total N 353 621

369022 411 055 445531 510 122 629822 662874 685039 698 173 728263 675371 787768 799017 784011 788668 778736 815882 849318 868666 880199 835507 907784 946249 970900 1010700 1033900

M %

Index

F %

Total (1962=100)

-

-

70,9 69,3 68,0 69,5 69,6 69,4 68,2 68,7 66,7 66,1 65,5 63,8

29,1 30,7 32,0 30,5 30,4 30,6 31,8 31,3 33,3 33,9 34,5 36,2

63,6 63,0 62,6 63,1 62,4

36,4 37,0 37,4 36,9 37,6

1 KX)

104 116 126 1144 178 187 194 197 206 191 223 226 222 223 220 231 240 246 249 236 257 268 275 286 292

M F (1970=100) -

-

~

-

-

-

100 102 93 111 112 110 109 108 114 116 116 108

100 110 106 119 120 118 124 120

139 145 150 149

117 120 123 129 130

163 173 179 184 192

Union legislation was modified in 1983; data from previous years are not comparable

Source: Statistics Canada, Annual Report of the Minister of Supply and Services Canada under the Corporations and Labour Unions Returns Act, Part II — Labour Unions, Ottawa, cat 71-202; authors' compilations.

313

9 Mobilizing Institutions

Table 2

Unionization Rate, Total and by Sex, Quebec, 1962-1987 /Paid labour force3

/Labour force Year

Total

1962 1963 1964 1965

ilTi 19,4 21,1 22,0

1966" 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974

24,1 28,8 30,1 30,3 30,5 31,0 28,3 31,5 31,1

31,8 32,2 28,9 33,3 32,9

27,7 28,7 27,2 28,1 27,5

28,8 35,1 36,5 37,3 36,9 37,5 33,6 38,0 37,3

1975" 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982

29,6 29,3 28,2 28,7 29,3 29,1 29,0 28,0

31,7 31,3 30,6 31,5 31,4 31,4 29,6

25,8 25,9 24,1 25,7 25,4 25,3 25,6

1983°

29,9

31,9

27,0

1984 1985 1986 1987 a

30,6 30,9 31,8 31,8

M — -

32,8 33,2 34,7 34,6

F — -

27,6 27,8 27,9 28,0

Total 2 4 24,0 26,4 26,5

M 8

F

-

~ -

-

-

39,3 39,6 35,0 40,6 40,1

32,3 33,4 31,1 33,2 32,2

34,7 34,8 34,3 35,3 35,6 35,3 35,5 36,0

37,0 37,0 37,0 38,0 38,0 38,4 38,2

30,3 30,8 29,5 31,5 31,1 31,0 32,6

38,4

41,2

34,3

38,9 38,7 39,3 38,8

~

41,6 41,7 43,1 42,7

35,1 34,5 34,1 33,8

Excluding self-employed, unpaid agricultural labour force and unpaid family workers, as well as the unemployed

b Definitions of specific populations were modified in 1966 and 1975. c. Union legislation was modified in 1983; data from previous years are not comparable. Sources: Statistics Canada, Annual Report of the Minister of Supply and Services Canada under the Corporations and Labour Unions Returns Act, Part II — Labour Unions. Ottawa, cat. 71-202; Statistics Canada, Labour Force Annual Averages, Ottawa, cat 71-529; author's compilations.

314

9.1 Labour Unions

Table 3 Percentage Distribution and Evolution in Labour Union Membership, by Type of Union, Index (1962=100) Quebec, 1962-1987 Percentage

Index

Year

International

National

Civil servants

1962

55l

39J

5

-

/

International 7

U

K

National

Civil servants

)

100

100

-

1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982

44,1 43,9 42,8 47,4 43,7 40,4 41,8 41,3 40,3 38,8 36,8 35,7 35,0 31,9

51,6 51,7 52,6 47,3 48,0 50,6 48,5 49,2 49,6 50,5 52,4 55.3 56,0 58,4

4,2 4,4 4,7 5,3 8,3 8,9 9,6 9,5 10,0 10,7 10,7 9,0 8,9 9,7

155 157 160 164 176 166 168 167 161 162 160 159 158 137

256 261 277 231 273 292 275 281 280 298 322 347 357 353

144 151 168 176 324 354 374 373 386 433 453 387 389 400

1983' 1984 1985 1986 1987

28,6 28,0 27,3 25,7 25,9

61,8 61,9 62,9 64,5 64,7

9,6 10,1 9,8 9,8 9,4

133 136 136 133 137

406 424 441 471 484

432 473 474 490 480

a

-

Union legislation was modified in 1983; data from previous years are not comparable

Source: Statistics Canada, Annual Report of the Minister of Supply and Services Canada under the Corporations and Labour Unions Returns Act, Part II — Labour Unions, Ottawa, cat. 71-202; authors' compilations.

315

9 Mobilizing Institutions

Table 4

Female Rate by Type of Union, Quebec, 1970-1987 Female Rate Year

International

National

Civil servants

Total

1970

18.6

38,9

18,4

29.1

1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982

20,6 21,1 21,3 23,2 22,6 22,2 22,2 23,5 23,3 24,3 25,2

39,8 44,1 39,7 36,3 37,2 40,0 37,9 39,8 40,2 40,7 42,1

21,3 22,0 26,3 29,9 32,2 31,2 35,3 35,1 36,8 36,1 37,0

30,7 32,0 30,5 30,4 30,6 31,8 31,3 33,3 33,9 34,5 36,2

1983a 1984 1985 1986 1987

26,5 25,6 25,5 26,1 26,9

40,9 42,5 42,7 41,4 42,0

36,8 35,1 36,0 36,1 36,8

36,4 37,0 37,4 36,9 37,6

a. Union legislation was modified in 1983; data from previous years are not comparable. Source: Statistics Canada, Annual Report of the Minister of Supply and Services Canada under the Corporations and Labour Unions Returns Act, Part //-Labour Unions, Ottawa, cat. 71-202; author's compilations.

316

9.2 Religious Institutions Abstract. Until quite recently, religious affiliation among Quebecers was very stable. The proportion of Roman Catholics stood at nearly 90% of the population. Yet, the number of people who state that they have no religious affiliation and the numbers of followers of new sects have been increasing. However, the level of practice had already been on the decline for a quarter of a century, especially among Catholics. Since 1981, the number of persons devoting their lives to ecclesiastic and religious duties decreased rapidly. Whereas the Catholic church used to be actively involved in practically all institutions, only the school system is still denominational for the most part. Other means of expressing faith are being manifested.

The degree of religious affiliation and the proportion of Roman Catholics were stable until 1981 In Canada, experts who study this question make a clear distinction between affiliation to a church and religious practice. To be affiliated to a church, an individual need only identify himself or herself with the church in question. To be a practising member, one must attend weekly services at least twice per month, according to definitions given by some authors (Bibby, 1984). Most (98,5%) Qu6becers stated that they were affiliated with one religion or another in 1961 - it should be pointed out that the category "no religion" did not exist on the 1961 census tables - and 97,9% did so in 1981 (see table 1). The vast majority of this affiliated population was and remains Roman Catholic (88,1% in both 1961 and 1981). Traditional Protestant churches (Anglican, Lutheran, Presbyterian, and United), on the other hand, have lost ground; their share of the total population decreased from 8,1% in 1961 to 4,9% in 1981 (table 2). Jews also decreased in number and as a proportion, from 2,0% to 1,6% of the population. These losses, due in a large part to outmigration from Quebec, led to increases in some of the more conservative sects, for example, the Baptists, the Jehovah's Witnesses, and the Pentecostal church (table 1).

Religious practice decreased by half in 20 years The most significant change observed was in religious practice (Bibby, 1984). Practising Catholics represented 88% of the Roman Catholics in Quebec in 1965 but only 38% in 1985, a loss of more than half the affiliated members (table 3). Nevertheless, people continue to attend church at Christmas and Easter, and religious weddings and funerals are still favoured (Baillargeon, 1987).

There has been a reduction of one-third in members of religious orders in the Roman Catholic church since 1966 Membership in religious orders - the clergy and the male and female religious communities - has been in constant decline, falling from 48 361 members in 1969 to 32 104 in 1988. This reduction, when interpreted on the basis of population, is even more striking: the rate per thousand persons has decreased from 8 to 5 (table 4). There were 65 000 Roman Catholic nuns in Canada in 1965 (Lessard & Montminy, 1967), and about 70% of them lived in Qu6bec (Le"gare", 1969), where their communities were responsible for either education or hospital

317

9 Mobilizing Institutions

care. It is expected that membership in religious orders in the Catholic church will undergo a further considerable reduction due to the advanced age of their members and to the reduction in recruitment (Hamelin, 1984). Diocesan priests under age 30 represented 0,68% of the staff in 1987, while those aged 65 and over represented 37,5% (Commission gpiscopale des Ministeres et de 1'apostolat, 1988). The number of ordinations decreased from about 120 per year in the early 1960s to 40 in the early 1970s, and levelled off at about 20 (table 5). From the triumphalism of a church-state to a community of devotees During the 1950s, the French-Canadian church, by virtue of its hegemony in Quebec society, was a dominating presence in numerous institutions. The conversion of Catholic unions to non-denominational unions, for example, dates back only to 1960 (Rouillard, 1989). In addition, the church maintained missions in Asia, Africa, and Latin America; this is still the case, although other, more discreet models of proselytizing are used (Hamelin, 1984). When the state took charge of hospitals and schools, during the 1960s, the church, deprived of its works, was driven into material austerity and lost its position of leadership within Quebec society. Hamelin summarized this phenomenon: The church, however, no longer holds a position of total authority over the social order. Society is now awash in an unsanctified atmosphere. Bureaucracies are now responsible for social organization. Experts are taking the place of clerics at the head of institutions. Divested of the moral aura surrounding commanding elites, increasingly cut off from its popular basis, dislodged from positions of command, the Quebec church has lost its ability to impose itself. (Hamelin, 1984: 267) One of the few areas in which the religious presence is still exercised institutionally is the schools, although their denominational status has been the subject of discussions for some years. The denominational nature of the school boards in Quebec City and Montreal has been protected by the Canadian constitution since Confederation (Section 93 of the British North America Act). There are other obstacles to its disappearance, of a legal nature - the existence of denominational committees attached to the Conseil sup£rieur de l'6ducation, responsible for making "regulations to recognize confessional educational institutions as either Catholic or Protestant, as the case may be, and to ensure their confessional character" (Act Respecting the Conseil sup£rieur de ITEducation, S.R. 1964, C234, art. 22) - and of a sociological nature. No consensus has as yet been reached concerning the idea of non-denominational or secular schools. The problem exists especially in the region of Greater Montreal, where the population is more pluralistic (Caron, 1984; Durant et al., 1980). In fact, Anglophones would appear to have gained more autonomy in the management of their schools via the cumulative effect of adding the language criterion to the denominational criterion, making it possible to reach a more numerous clientele. The Catholic Action movements had, within the church, initiated the process of secularizing the catholic milieu by suscribing to a more temporal and earthly 318

9.2 Religious Institutions

vision of human experience (Belanger, 1977). During the 1970s these movements experienced a crisis in their relations with the episcopacy, from which they never completely recovered (Clement, 1972). Beginning in the early 1980s there was a renewed multiplication of associations, including the Catholic Action movements, spirituality movements, and other groups oriented toward missionary assistance and particular needs in the community. During the same period, the drop in the number of ordinations and the reduction in the level of practice were such that certain observers speculated that Quebec would qualify as a mission field. Relegated to the level of one pressure group among others, in an atmosphere of religious indifference, the church is gradually becoming a community of devotees observing their faith. Other forms of practice on the part of laypersons are appearing, such as participation in the liturgy and in the pastorate. The number of laypersons remunerated by the church in Quebec was 1 159 in 1987. The school pastorate alone included 876 people hired by the school boards, and there were 267 salaried laypersons in the diocesan pastorate (Commission 6piscopale des Ministeres et de Fapostolat, 1988). Laypersons and clergy often start up new charitable works, in response to deficiencies in or limitations of social policies and government welfare institutions. The call for cooperation from the religious communities in response to these needs has been growing. This fact was recently submitted to the Quebec government as a means of decrying the existence of new social injustices and of reminding the government of its duty toward every citizen (Canadian Religious Conference, 1988).

Gary Caldwell Madeleine Gauthier References Baillargeon, Jean-Paul 1987 "Les manages religieux, 1976 a 1985." Recherches sociographiques 28, nos. 2-3, 341-348. Belanger, Andre J. 1977 Ruptures et constantes. Montreal: Hurtubise HMH. Bibby, Reginald 1984 Fragmented Gods. Poverty and Potential of Religion in Canada. Toronto: Irwin Publishing. Canadian Religious Conference, Quebec Region 1988 L'appauvrissement au Quebec. Paper presented to the Quebec Government. Montreal: Canadian Religious Conference. Caron, Anita, ed. 1984 Les parents et le statut confessionnel de I'fcole au Quebec. Sillery: Presses de 1'Universite' du Quebec.

319

9 Mobilizing Institutions

Clement, Gabriel 1972 Histoire de I'Action catholique au Canada franyais. Commission d'etude sur les laics et 1'Eglise. Montreal: Fides. Commission episcopate des Ministeres et de 1'Apostolat 1988 Les ressources humaines de I'Eglise catholique au Canada en 1987-1988. Ottawa: Conference des eveques catholiques du Canada. Mimeo. Duchesne, Lorraine, Danielle Juteau, and Nicole Laurin 1987 "La longevity des religieuses au Quebec de 1901 a 1971." Sociologie et socittes 19, no. 1, 145-152. Dumont, Fernand 1990 "Situation de I'Eglise queb&oise." In Vincent Lemieux, ed., Les institutions quebecoises, leur rdle, leur avenir, 77-88. Quebec City: Presses de llJniversite Laval. Dumont, Fernand et al. 1983 Situation et avenir du catholicisme quebecois. 2 vols. Montreal: Lem£ac. Durand, Jocelyne, Guy Durand, Lucie Proulx, and Jean-Pierre Proulx 1980 La deconfessionnalisation de I'tcole ou le cas de Notre-Dame-des-Neiges. Montreal: Libre expression. Hamelin, Jean 1984 Histoire du catholicisme quebecois. Le XX1 siecle. De 1940 a nos jours. Vol. 2. Montreal: Boreal Express. Juteau, Danielle, and Nicole Laurin 1986 "Les communautes religieuses de femmes au Quebec: une recherche en cours." In Denise Lemieux, ed., Identites feminines: memoire et creation, Questions de culture 9, 145-156. Quebec City: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture. Lejjare, Jacques 1969 "Les religieuses du Canada: leur evolution numerique entre 1965 et 1980." Recherches sociographiques 10, no. 1, 7-21. Lessard, Marc-Andre, and Jean-Paul Montminy 1967 "Les religieuses du Canada: age, recrutement et perseverance." Recherches sociographiques 8, no. 1, 15-48. Moreux, Colette 1969 Fin d'une religion? Monographic d'une paroisse canadienne-fran^aise. Montreal: Presses de FUniversit6 de Montreal. Rouillard, Jacques 1989 Histoire du syndicalisme au Quebec: des origines a nos jours. Montreal: Boreal.

320

9.2 Religious Institutions

Table 1

Population by Religious Denomination, Number and Percentage, Quebec, 1961, 1971 and 1981 1961

Denomination

1971

1981

N

%

N

%

Anglican Baptist Greek Orthodox Jehovah's Witnesses Jewish Lutheran Pentecostal Presbyterian Roman Catholic Ukranian Catholic United Church Others No religion

193 849 15 174 32 237 4 287 104 727 22857 5 730 55955 4 635 610 6 526 154938 27 271

3,7 0,3 0,6 0,1 2,0 0,4 0,1 1,1

3,0 0,6 1,0 0,3 1,8 0,4 0,1 0,9

0,1 2,9

181 875 37 820 59 910 17 130 110885 23 845 8 535 51 785 5 226 150 24 930 176825

0,5

31 385

0,5

76 685

1,3

79 120 134045

2,1

Total

5 259211

6 027 760

100

6 369 070

100

88,1

ND

100

86,7

0,4 2,9

N 132 25 62 19 102 17 17 34 5 609 8 126

% 115 050 260 850 355 660 420 620 685 615 275

2,1 0,4 1,0 0,3 1,6 0,3 0,3 0,5

88,1

0,1 2,0 1,2

Source: Statistics Canada, Pt opu/ation Census of Canada, Ottawa

Table 2 Distribution of the Population's Religious Aiffiliations. Quebec, 1961-1981 Category

Roman Catholic Traditional Protestant (Ang., Luth., Pres. and U. C.) Jewish Others No religion Total

1961

1971

1981

88,1

86,7

88,1

8,1

7,2

4,9

2,0

1,8

1,6

1,8

3,0

3,3

ND

1,3

2,1

100

100

100

Source: Statistics Canada, Population Census of Canada, Ottawa; authors' compilations

321

9 Mobilizing Institutions

Table 3

Degree of Church Attendance among Roman Catholics, Percentage, Quebec, 1965-1986 Every week Year

Population

1965 1975 1981 1982 1984 1985 1986

At least twice a month Catholics

51 45 45 40 36

Catholics

88 46

40 39 38 33 30

38

Sources: Sondage Omnibus, University de Montreal as reported by J.-P. Proulx in Le Devoir, Septembers, 1984, September 14, 1985 and June 19, 1986, Bibby, 1988: 39.

Table 4

Religious Staff, Roman Catholic Church, in Number and Index (1966=100), Quebec, 1966-1988 Priests

Monks

Total

Nuns

Year

N

Index

N

Index

N

Index

N

Index

1966 1968 1969 1970 1973 1974 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

8 758 8 720 8 903 8 589 8 183 8 334 8 149 7 882 7 481 7 450 7 316 7 311 7 103 6 762 6 650 6 603 6 567 6 504 6428

100 100 102 98 93 95 93 90 85 85 84 83 81 77 76 75 75 74 73

4 851 4 947 4 48 4 40 3 861 3 663 3 677 3 401 3 640 3 600 3 497 3 305 2 746 3 220 2 856 2 896 3 014 3 259 3 151

100 102 93 91 80 76 76 70 75 74 72 68 57 66 59 60 62 67 65

34 571 34 132 34 969 32 102 20 676 29 255 29 471 27 968 28 295 27 356 26 533 26 493 25 762 24 713 24 515 23 898 24 196 23 043 22 525

100 99 101 93 89 85 85 81 82 79 77 77 75 71 71 69 70 67 65

48 180 47 799 48 361 45 096 42 720 41 252 41 297 39 251 39 416 38 406 37 346 37 109 35 611 34 695 34021 33 397 33 777 32 806 32 104

100 99 100 94 89 86 86 82 82 80 78 77 74 72 71 69 70 68 67

Source: Canadian Conference of Catholic Bishops, Yearbook, Ottawa, 1966 to 1989 editions.

322

9.2 Religious Institutions

Table 5

Number of Ordinations in the Roman Catholic Church, Quebec, 1961-1987 Year

1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967

Number

117 119 127 117 122 113 112

Year

1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974

Number

Year

71 56 54 40 38 36 42

1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981

Number

24 33 22 25 35 22 19

Year

1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

Number

22 24 37 21 29 17

Sources: Commission episcopate des ministeres et de I'apostolat, Conference ecclesiaslique catholique du Canada, Rapport sur I'etat des ressources humaines de I'l-g/ise catholique au Canada. Statistiques 1984. personal commumca lions by Auberl April of the same organization.

323

9.3 The Military Abstract. Canada's defence effort is provided by armed forces whose personnel has decreased by half over the last 30 years, and whose budgets represented between 7% and 8% of federal public expenditures for the past 15 years. A reverse trend has appeared during the late 1980s, with a policy geared toward modernization of equipment and bolstering the arms industry. In Quebec, the relationship with the army continues to be mainly determined by issues of a political rather than a military nature.

In Canada, there has been a fifty-percent reduction in the number of military personnel and a two-thirds reduction in the relative defence effort since the early 1960s The number of Canadian military personnel steadily declined from the early 1960s until the mid-1970s, thereafter remaining stable. The number decreased from 680 per 100 000 inhabitants in 1962 to 325 per 100 000 in 1984, and then rose slightly, to 333 per 100 000 in 1988 (see table 1). The defence budget evolved along roughly similar lines: it received 23% of federal expenditures in 1961, and only 7% in 1975; thereafter defence expenditures varied between 7% and 8% (table 1). This constriction in staff and expenditures led Newman (1983) to speak of Canada as a "country with no defence." These figures reflect relative effort, which decreased because the other areas of public spending increased more rapidly; nonetheless, an examination of the defence budget in real terms does reveal a continual decline from 1961 to 1974, followed by a continual recovery from 1974 to 1987, which brought it back to the 1963-1964 level (table 1). In index terms, expenditures declined from 100 in 1961 to 59 in 1974, and then climbed back to 92 in 1987, particularly as a result of pressure from NATO partners and the somewhat disputed need (Tremblay, 1988) for equipment refurbishing. Per-capita expenditures followed the same trend: they were reduced by half up to 1974 and increased thereafter (from 100 to 48 in 1974, and to 66 in 1987). On the political level, the election of a Conservative government in 1984 breathed new life into the defence effort, as the military-production lobbies became increasingly influential. . At the time (1984), the justifications for modernization were the defence of a vast territory and the widening of territorial waters to the 200-mile limit. Moreover, since 1974, Canada's participation in the defence of the North Atlantic through NATO and NORAD increased substantially; Canada maintained troops in a few locations in Europe at the end of the Second World War and continued to maintain troops in West Germany since. In addition, Canada participates in the UN peace-keeping forces, of which it was the instigator. The absence of mandatory military service, the fact that the most recent military conflicts in which it partipated were the Second World War and the Korean War, the weakening of links with the British Empire, and its participation in the UN peace-keeping forces have contributed greatly to building Canada's image as a pacifist country. Nevertheless, there have been calls to bring defence policy more into the forum of public debate (Be"langer & Fournier, 1989; Tremblay, 1988), especially as regards Canada's participation in NATO and NORAD in the new context of East-West relations.

324

9.3 The Military

Canada's pacifist image can also be contrasted with that of a country that benefits considerably from the arms industry. During the past decade, this industry has undergone spectacular growth, with its business volume growing from 1 billion to 8 billion dollars in current dollars (or from 1 billion to 5,7 billion dollars, in real terms) between 1980 and 1988, with the result that Canada ranks 15th in the world among arms producers and 6th in terms of budget per soldier (Belanger & Fournier, 1989). Canada's policy of modernizing military equipment has considerable economic benefits that touch many industrial sectors: naval construction, the aerospace industry, electronics, transportation equipment, and munitions (Belanger & Fournier, 1989). The military tradition is weak in Quebec, where political issues predominate The armed forces are under Canadian federal jurisdiction, and are not identified with the actions of Quebec as a government. Quebec military personnel are thus members of the Canadian armed forces. Historically, conscription was voted in on two occasions by the federal government, with the support of the majority of English Canada - the first time in 1917 and the second time in 1942; both were opposed by a strong majority of French Canadians who did not wish to "fight for England," nor to enlist in a mainly Anglophone army. Canadian duality was therefore reflected in the army, which established a Francophone regiment, the 22nd Battalion, in order to reflect the presence of Francophones in the war effort. While the two conscriptions had a considerable influence on political life for several decades, with massive support from Qu£becers for the anti-conscriptionist federal Liberal Party, not to mention the consolidation of nationalistic sentiment within Quebec, they also revealed the low level of enthusiasm among Qu£becers for militarism. One of the most important occurrences of military intervention over the period studied occurred during the October crisis of 1970, when the federal government resuscitated the War Measures Act, passed at the time of the First World War and reviewed in 1939, in order to counter an "apprehended insurrection" on the part of the Front de liberation du Quebec. One FLQ cell had kidnapped and held a British diplomat, and another had kidnapped and held a minister of the Bourassa government, who was subsequently found dead (Duchaine, 1981). Nationalistic circles in Quebec widely denounced this intervention, speaking in terms of the invasion of a "foreign army" under the pretense of counteracting the actions of a small group, with the intention of shaking the foundations of a growing independence movement (Dumont, 1971; Laurendeau, 1974; Piotte et al., 1971; Vallieres, 1977). Twenty years later, the army was involved again: it was called upon to stop an armed clash between Warriors - an armed faction of Mohawk people - and local authorities during the Mohawk Crisis of the summer of 1990; this was followed shortly thereafter by Canadian participation in the Persian Gulf War at the beginning of 1991, as part of the United Nations coalition against Iraq. The fact that the armed forces are under Canadian jurisdiction, moreover, has contributed to a certain uneasiness in the debate on militarism in Quebec society. Some analysts have considered the question of what form a sovereign Quebec 325

9 Mobilizing Institutions

defence would take, either to examine the possibility (Demers, 1979) or to denounce its hypothetical existence from the perspective of a critique of Canadian defence policy (Tremblay, 1988). In fact, it seems that people do not wish to approach this subject openly, or that they approach it hesitantly, which would partly explain the few positions that have been expressed on this issue in Quebec. Although the labour unions are caught up in a dilemma concerning jobs related to military production (Ellenberger, 1985), they are nevertheless involved in the debates related to disarmament and peace movement, emphasizing in particular the theme of industrial reconversion of the arms industry. Finally, within the peace movement, the issues dealt with are on a more global level. Guy Frechet References Belanger, Yves, and Pierre Fournier 1989 Le Quebec militaire. Montreal: Quebec/AmSrique. Bergeron, Claude, Charles-Philippe David, Michel Fortman, and William George, eds. 1988 Les choix gfo-politiques du Canada. L'enjeu de la neutrality. Montreal: Editions du MeYidien. Demers, Michel 1979 La defense nationale dans un Quebec souverain: une ne'cessite'. Sept-lies: Editions Place Royale. Duchaine, Jean-Francois 1981 Rapport sur les Gvenements d'octobre 1970. Quebec City: Ministere de la Justice, Gouvernement du Quebec. Dumont, Fernand 1971 La vigile du Quebec, octobre 1970: I'impasse. Montreal: Hurtubise HMH. Ellenberger, Irene 1985 "D6sarmement, emploi et conversion industrielle." Possibles 9, no. 3, 59-66. Laurendeau, Marc 1974 Les Qutbecois violents: un ouvrage sur les causes et la rentabilite' de la violence d'inspiration politique au Quebec. Montreal: Boreal Express. Legault, Albert 1977 Trente ans de politique de defense canadienne." In Paul Painchaud, ed., Le Canada et le Qutbec sur la scene Internationale, 149-177. Sillery: Centre qu£b£cois de relations Internationales, Presses de l*Universit6 du Quebec. Newman, Peter C. 1983 Un pays sans defense: le Canada et ses forces armies. Translated by Yvan Steenhout. Montreal: Editions Primeur.

326

9.3 The Military

Piotte, Jean-Marc et al. 1971 Quebec occupt. Montreal: Parti Pris. Strike, Carol 1989 "Profil des forces armies canadiennes." Canadian Social Trends, Ottawa: Statistics Canada 15, 17-22. Tremblay, Jeanne-D'Arc (pseudonymous) 1988 La defense du Quebec et la famille Tremblay. Montreal: Fides. Vallieres, Pierre 1977 L'assassinat de Pierre Laporte: les dessous de I'operation essai. Montreal: Que'bec/Ame'rique.

327

9 Mobilizing Institutions

Table 1 Number of Canadian Soldiers, Rate per 100000 Inhabitants and Index (1962=100), 1962-1988. Canadian Defence Budget, Expenditures per capita and as a Proportion of the Federal Government's Total Public Expenditures (1981 Dollars1) and Index (1961 = 100), 1961-1987 Soldiers Year 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

N _ 126 474

— _ — — — — —

98 340

— _ — 84 933 _ — — 79 738

—

81 137 80 591 80 299 80 861 82 858 82 905 81 675 83 740 84 373 85 999 86 384

/1 00 000 _ 680 —

— — — _ — 466 _ — 389 _ — — 346 — 345 340 333 332 336 333 325 330 329 336 333

Index

Defence Index _ 100 — — — _

— — 69 — — 57 — — — 51 — 51 50 49 49 49 49 48 49 48 49 49

1981$ '000 000

Per c. 1981$

Def./ tot.

1981$

Per c.

Def./ tot.

8 243 7 786 8 071 7070 6 80 6 764 6 783 6 418 6 029 5 40 5 537 5 266 5 388 4 90 4 98 5 540 5 540 5 729 5 668 5 609 5 837 6 060 6 750 7 25 7 134 7 394 7 618 —

451 419 426 369 347 337 332 309 286 252 255 241 244 218 220 241 238 244 239 233 240 246 271 288 281 289 297 -

23,0 21,8 22,2 19,1 17,9 16,6 15,6 14,2 12,9 11,0 10,3 9,1 8,7 7,4 7,1 7,8 7,9 8,1 7,7 7,3 7,4 7,2 7,8 7,8 7,9 7,9 8,2 —

100 94 98 86 83 82 82 78 73 66 67 64 65 59 61 67 67 70 69 68 71 74 82 88 87 90 92 —

100 93 94 82 77 75 74 69 63 56 57 53 54 48 49 53 53 54 53 52 53 54 60 64 62 64 66 -

100 95 97 83 78 72 68 62 56 48 45 40 38 32 31 34 35 35 34 32 32 31 34 34 34 34 36 —

a. Implicit price index of public expenditures on goods and services. Sources: Statistics Canada, Canada Year Book, Ottawa, cat. 11-402, 1990; Statistics Canada, Federal Government Finance, Revenue and Expenditure, Assets and Liabilities, Ottawa, cat. 68-211; author's compilations.

328

9.4 Political Parties Abstract. The major provincial parties have to a large extent become mass-appeal parties. The major federal parties have remained largely traditional in their organization. Permanent municipal political parties are still rare, except in certain large cities. The single-vote plurality electoral system discourages the existence of influential extremist parties and leads the major parties to combine ideological orientations in arrangements that enable various groups to work together within a common framework. The major provincial political parties have become mass-appeal parties The major parties in Quebec gradually transformed their organization and their mode of functioning from organizer-led parties to more or less mass-oriented parties. Moreover, since the emergence of the Union nationale in the 1930s, the major provincial parties have become organizations that are distinct from their federal counterparts. The Parti liberal du Quebec did so in the late 1950s, becoming the first party to change from an organizer-led party to a mass-appeal one; it largely replaced much of the influence of local elites on party organization and orientations with large-scale membership whose financial support and opinions gained increased importance, due particularly to the holding of regional and general conventions. The Union nationale tried to adapt itself to this new style. The Parti que"becois, established in the late 1960s, organized itself as a mass party right from the start, and went much further in that direction than did the Parti liberal du Quebec in the 1960s. While the Parti liberal and the Union nationale continued to be influenced by traditional groups and elites, the Parti que'be'cois became the forum for groups that emerged out of the Quiet Revolution or for elites on the margins of traditional influence groups. The passing of the Act Respecting the Financing of Political Parties in 1977 institutionalized democratic financing of all parties, by minimizing the behind-the-scenes influence of major financial backers (individuals, groups, or businesses) on party life. Only individuals per se are entitled to finance provincial political parties, and up to a maximum permitted amount of $3 000 (BSQ, 1985). With the disappearance of the Union nationale, only two major parties remained: the Parti liberal du Quebec and the Parti qu6b6cois. While the former has retained many characteristics of the traditional organizer-led parties, the second remains largely a mass party (Lemieux, 1979). There were slight variations in popular financing of the provincial parties between 1978 and 1987 Since 1978, every party has been required to provide an annual statement of its financing by source. From these are extracted the amounts paid by the public, referred to as popular financing, which appeared to be a more reliable indicator of public interest than did the number of members declared by the political parties. Leaving aside 1980 (when the referendum on Quebec sovereignty took place), and 1981 and 1985 (general-election years), contributions to provincial political parties, converted into an average amount per inhabitant in constant dollars,

329

9 Mobilizing Institutions

dropped from $0,97 in 1978 to $0,53 in 1982 and to $0,67 in 1983, rising to $0,99 in 1986, and declining again to $0,82 in 1987 (see table 1). Using Bernier and Boily's (1986) classification of provincial political parties on a left-centre-right scale, the vast majority of popular financing, from 94,7% to 99%, goes to two major parties classified as centrist (table 1). Parties considered to be right-wing garnered 4% of the popular financing in 1978 and 1981; their share has been continually decreasing since then. The left-wing parties, mostly Marxist-Leninist, gathered more than 1% of popular financing for the first time in 1986, after the social-democratically inspired Quebec New Democratic Party was established. The small right-wing parties are characterized by short and intermittent lives, whereas those on the left are generally more stable.

The federal political parties in Quebec are generally organizer-led The way in which the major federal parties operate in Que'bec still resembles, to a large extent, operations of the major provincial political parties before the appearance of the Parti qu6b6cois; their rules of financing are less strict than those at the provincial level. The federal New Democratic Party is still somewhat distinct from the other major parties, but it has few roots in Quebec and is not very popular. The extremist political parties at the federal level are in virtually the same situation as are those at the provincial level.

At the municipal level, structured parties exist only in certain major cities The major provincial and federal political parties do not exist as such in municipal politics. Only a few major cities have structured municipal political parties which continue to exist outside of election campaigns. Nearly all of these parties are organizer-led or civic parties, some of which rely almost entirely on the personality of their leader. The exceptions are two mass-appeal or popular parties, one in Montreal and one in Que'bec City, whose operations resemble those of the Parti qu£b£cois. The Rassemblement des citoyens et citoyennes de Montreal (RCM) managed to elect its mayoral candidate and a majority of municipal councillors in the November 1986 election. The same was true of the Rassemblement populaire (RP) in Quebec in the election of November 1989.

Jean-Paul Baillargeon References Bernier, Gerald, and Robert Boily 1986 Le Quebec en chiffres de 1850 d nos jours. Montreal: ACFAS. BSQ (Bureau de la statistique du Que'bec) 1985 Le Que'bec statistique. Edition 1985-1986. Quebec City: Les Publications du Quebec.

330

9.4 Political Parties

Charbonneau, Johanne 1986 "Partis politiques et enjeux urbains, Evaluation de la democratic municipals a Quebec: 1966-1984." Cahiers du CHAD 10, no. 3. Cloutier, Edouard C., and Daniel Latouche, eds. 1979 Le systeme politique quebecois. Montreal: HMH. Eraser, Graham 1984 Le parti qutbteois. Montreal: Libre expression. Gagnon, Michel 1980 La Revolution tranquille et apres: classes, partis, alliances electorates, alliances de classes pour la periode 1956-1976. M.A. dissertation. Montreal: University du Quebec a Montreal. Lamoureux, Andre 1985 Le NPD et le Quebec. Montreal: Editions du Pare. Lemieux, Vincent 1979 La fete continue: la vie politique au Quebec depuis la Revolution tranquille jusqu'au Referendum. Montreal: Boreal Express. Lemieux, Vincent, ed. 1982 Personnel et partis politiques au Quebec: aspects historiques. Montreal: Boreal Express. Lemieux, Vincent et al. n.d. Les partis et les elections. Montreal: Federation des jeunes chambres du Canada francais. Mimeo. Murray, Vera 1976 Le parti quebecois. Montreal: HMH. Pelletier, Rejean 1974 Les militants du RIN. Ottawa: Les Editions de FUniversite d'Ottawa. 1976

Partis politiques au Quebec. Montreal: Hurtubise HMH.

1984

Partis politiques et societe quebecoise: 1960-1979. Sainte-Foy: University Laval.

Quesnel-Ouellet, Louise 1982 "Les partis politiques locaux au Quebec." In Vincent Lemieux, ed., Personnel et partis politiques au Quebec: aspects historiques. Montreal: Boreal Express.

331

9 Mobilizing Institutions

Table 1

Percentage Distribution of Public Financing Given to Major Provincial Political Parties and Average Amount Paid per Inhabitant, (1981 Dollars'), Quebec, 1978-1987 Year

Parti liberal

Parti quebecois

Others

Average amount $

1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

45,9 50,8 40,8 17,1 43,5 56,3 64,4 60,5 85,0 95,7

49,7 46,5 57,5 77,6 53,3 41,5 34,6 37,9 13,5

4,4 2,7 1,7 5,3 3,2 2,2 1,0 1,6 1,5 2,5

0,97 1,21 1,32 0,98 0,53 0,67 0,95 1,55 0,99 0,82

1,8

a. Consumer price index Source: Le directeur general des elections du Quebec, Financement des partis politiques: Rapport financier, author's compilations.

332

9.5 Mass Media Abstract. French has become the preponderant language of the electronic and printed media in Quebec. Radio and television are increasingly accessible and diversified, daily newspapers have levelled off, and periodicals have recently experienced a considerable boom.

French radio has become an increasingly accessible, diversified, and distinct medium The number of radio stations increased by 65% between 1971 and 1987, rising from 77 to 127, or one station for every 78 000 inhabitants in 1971 and one for every 52 000 in 1987 (see table 1). The number of stations broadcasting on the FM band has increased more rapidly than has the number of AM stations. The latter represented 80% of stations in 1971 and 53% in 1987. The FM stations, which broadcast in stereo, offer mainly music, which accounts for about 70% of their air time (Lemay, 1987; MCQ, 1985). In fact, they are reaching the point where they are the motive force behind the record industry (MCQ, 1983). Some have referred to this phenomenon as a "harmonic enclave" (Lavoie, 1986). Most of the music broadcast is popular music. Regulations applying to Francophone stations specify that the majority of the songs they broadcast must be in French (MCQ, 1983). Most other music broadcast is American in origin, including songs in their original English versions (Pronovost, 1988). One feature of radio is the diversity of forms of ownership: government-owned stations (CBC), financed essentially with federal funds; private stations, financed almost exclusively through advertising (table 2); and community stations, whose financing comes from various sources (IQRC, 1985). Between 1971 and 1987, the proportion of all radio stations operated by the CBC decreased from one out of seven to one out of ten. Community stations are a phenomenon which originated in the early 1970s; at that time, they represented only 3% of the stations, versus 17% in 1987. Radio stations broadcasting in French in Quebec represent an even greater majority. In 1971, there were five French stations for every English station; by 1985, this proportion reached ten to one. This was largely the result of the creation of community stations, nearly all of which are Francophone (table 1). This development has had an effect on broadcasting. In 1976, 60% of broadcast hours originated from French stations, versus 78% in 1985 (Lemay, 1987). In 1967, two-thirds of Qu6becers had access to at least ten radio stations. Ten years later, this percentage had risen to over 81% (CRTC, 1979); by 1990 it appeared to have increased further. Only the CBC stations, however, operate almo continually in a network. The rest, with the exception of a few regional attempts, have operated on a local basis (IQRC, 1985). This trend has undergone a transformation over the years, at least in the case of private stations, although sales of local advertising increased from 62% of total air-time revenues in 1971 to 75% in 1987 (table 2). A growing majority of television stations are broadcasting in French In contrast to radio, television operates essentially on a network basis, with the exception of a few community stations (IQRC, 1985). Television, which began broadcasting in Quebec in 1952, has been developing continuously. Initially, tele333

9 Mobilizing Institutions

vision was government-owned (one French network and one English); over the years, private stations appeared - some French and others English - and were gradually organized into networks. An educational television network was added in 1975, and a private network in 1986, both of which are French-language. Since 1970, "no English-language station has been added to the existing infrastructures" (Cantin, 1986: 276). French-language television, with its broadcasting and rebroadcasting stations, now reaches over 95% of Qu6becers (Cantin, 1986). "This increase in supply ... does not make things easy in the sense that the programming production capacities are already heavily exploited. This raises, in a dramatic way, the question of the threshold of creativity in a society which offers only competition as a stimulus" (MCQ, 1983: 39). Due to the geolinguistic situation, Quebec has had to produce a very large proportion of its televised programming. Thus, in the early 1980s, French-language television produced "between 10 000 and 17 000 hours of television per year, which makes it one of the largest producers in the world" (MCQ, 1983: 35; see also MCQ, 1989b: 23). The establishment of the most recent private network in 1986 and the creation of TV5 - the only international television consortium to broadcast in French - in 1988 have highlighted this situation. All of this production has not been sufficient to fill the available air time; hence, a large proportion of French-language versions of foreign programmes, especially American ones, are broadcast (Lafrance, 1982), particularly on private television (MCQ, 1983). This proportion reached 48% of total broadcast hours in 1980; it has since fallen back, but remains at a fairly high levels (table 3). In contrast to private radio, sales of national and network air time have increased for private television. Between 1976 and 1987, the proportion of local air time sold decreased from 38,5% to 36,8% of the total, whereas sales of network air time increased from 7,3% to 12,8% (table 4). Broadcasting of programmes followed the same pattern, with local programming accounting for a smaller proportion. The 39 community stations are exceptions to this trend (MCQ, 1989).

Cable-television service is increasingly accessible Cable-television service was available to 51,6% of households in 1972. By 1986, this percentage reached 79% (table 5). Only outlying regions and areas of low population density still do not have easy access to this service. At the outset, cable service provided only for reception of signals from a short distance. Today, "more than two-thirds of the population with cable service receive some thirty stations" (MCQ, 1983: 48) which rebroadcast not only Quebec programmes, but also all the major English-Canadian and American networks, as well as the Francophone television consortium (TV5). Moreover, cable provides access to various specialized channels (community television, weather, videotex, pay-TV, etc.). In addition to cable television, equivalents of the French Minitel system have recently been implemented in Quebec (Beaulieu, 1987). Subscription levels are still very low.

334

9.5 Mass Media

The number of daily newspapers and their circulation have remained stable; English has regressed in this area The number of daily newspapers and their overall circulation have remained virtually unchanged since 1961, when there were 13 papers, of which three were in English, with an overall average circulation of more than one million. In 1985 there were 12 dailies, of which two were in English. A third was started up in 1988, but it did not survive. The proportion of overall circulation accounted for by French-language dailies has been constantly on the increase, whereas that of English-language newspapers has been decreasingly steadily, down from 31% of copies sold in 1961 to 17% in 1987 (table 6). Since the overall circulation of daily newspapers has not significantly increased, it has not followed population growth. Province-wide weekly publications, which have become exclusively Francophone, have experienced varying degrees of success The province-wide weekly press includes any paper published once per week, with a distribution system enabling it to cover the entire province. The number of papers in this category has decreased considerably, from 14 in 1977 to 7 in 1985, when the last English-language weekly that could claim province-wide circulation ceased publishing. The circulation figures for these publications have fluctuated greatly over the years: from 900 000 in 1961, the total climbed to 1 150 000 in 1968, dropping to level off at 800 000 in 1975, and the increasing to a peak of nearly 1 300 000 in 1981. According to recent indications, circulation has again begun decreasing (MCQ, 1985; MCQ & Multi-R6so, 1977). Weekly regional newspapers that are paid for have decreased in number and in circulation, whereas free weeklies have followed an opposite trend The number of regional weeklies that are paid for fell from 120 in 1960 to only 43 in 1987. Their circulation followed the same downslide, from 500 000 copies in 1960 to 333 000 in 1987. In contrast to these weeklies, those distributed free of charge grew in terms of number and of circulation, to the point that they have become a mass phenomenon. All of the free weeklies are regional. They are financed by advertising, mainly on a local and regional basis. From 1960 to 1987, these newspapers increased in number from 60 to 134, and their circulation increased from 800 000 copies to 3 600 000 (table 7) (MCQ, 1985). These weeklies also attracted increasing amounts of local and regional advertising previously carried in other types of newspapers (Martin & de la Garde, 1986; MCQ & Multi Reso Inc., 1977). Circulation of general-interest periodicals quadrupled over a five-year period General-interest periodicals are those "with a large circulation, available at newsstands ... [covering] all types of subjects: political news, women, television listings, etc." (IQRC, 1985: 4.6). Periodicals have been very rapidly on the rise in 335

9 Mobilizing Institutions

recent years: their number quadrupled, from 24 to 105, between 1981 and 1987, as did circulation over the same period, from 2,3 million to 7,8 million. From 1983 to 1987, French-language periodicals played a determining role in this growth. Their number grew from 61 to 81, and their circulation increased by a factor of about 1,5 over the four-year period. Circulation of English-language publications decreased by 61%, and that of bilingual periodicals (French and English or another language) decreased by 41%. General-interest periodicals very rapidly became a mainly Francophone press. Eight copies out of ten were printed exclusively in French in 1987 (table 8). Specialized periodicals increased in circulation by 50% over a five-year period Here, the term "specialized periodicals" generally refers to periodicals that are nearly always sold by subscription to restricted groups. Their content is mainly of professional interest (Martin & de la Garde, 1986), and they are often referred to as "trade papers" (IQRC, 1985). These periodicals all include both editorial and advertising content. In 1987, they numbered 143, compared to 126 in 1981, and their already considerable circulation increased by 62% over five years, from 943 000 copies in 1981 to 1,5 million in 1986. In 1983, French-language periodicals alone represented 58% of the total number and 59% of the circulation. Both of these percentages reached 64% in 1987. Bilingual periodicals accounted for 61% of the total number and 18% of the circulation in 1983. In 1987, these percentages were 10% and 16%, respectively. The relative share of English-only periodicals decreased from 26% to 24%, and their circulation fell from 22% to 20% (table 8). French has increased in importance as a language of business and technology in Quebec, but English still has a strong presence, as reflected in the development of trade papers. Like other Western industrialized societies, Quebec has seen tremendous growth in the media, particularly the electronic media. In this sense, it appears to have become one of the best-equipped societies in the world, benefiting from one of the widest ranges of programming in terms of styles, formulas, and origins. The language used in all of these media reflects the changing place of Francophones within their own society. Jean-Paul Baillargeon References Baillargeon, Jean-Paul, ed. 1986 Les pratiques culturelles des Qutbecois: une autre image de nous-memes. Quebec City: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture.

336

9.5 Mass Media

Beaulieu, Carole 1987 "Un troisiemeth projet de 'Minitel' pour rivaliser avec ALEX et CETI." Le Devoir. September 10 . Cantin, Helene 1986 "Les defis de la television quebecoise." In Jean-Paul Baillargeon, ed., Les pratiques culturelles des Quebecois: une autre image de nous-memes, 275-290. Quebec City: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture. Comit6 f6d6ral-provincial sur 1'avenir de la television francophone 1985 L'avenir de la television francophone. Ottawa and Quebec City: Ministeres des Communications du Canada et du Quebec. CRTC (Conseil de la radiodiffusion et des telecommunications du Canada) 1979 Rapport special sur la radiodiffusionau Canada, 1968-1978. Vol. 2. Ottawa: CRTC. Groupe de travail sur la politique de la radiodiffusion 1986 Rapport du groupe de travail sur la politique de la radiodiffusion.Ottawa: Approvisionnements et Services Canada. IQRC (Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture) 1985 Statistiques culturelles du Quebec, 1971-1982. Quebec City: IQRC. Lachance, Gabrielle, ed. 1984 La culture: une industrie? Questions de culture no. 7. Quebec City: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture. Lacroix, Jean-Guy, ed. 1986 "Les industries culturelles: un enjeu vital!" Cahiers de recherche sociologique 4, no. 2. Lafrance, Jean-Paul 1982 La television: un media en crise. Montreal: Quebec/Amerique. 1989

Le cable ou I'univers mediatique en mutation. Montreal: Qu6bec/Amerique.

Lavoie, Elzear 1986 "La radio: loisir meconnu." In Jean-Paul Baillargeon, ed., Les pratiques culturelles des Quebecois: une autre image de nous-memes, 233-273. Quebec City: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture. Lemay, Danielle 1987 Portrait de Vecoute de la radio au Quebec de 1976 a 1985. Document de recherche interne. Quebec City: Ministere des Communications. Martin, Claude, and Roger de la Garde 1986 "Si Gutemberg m'etait compte. De la presse d'entreprise aux entreprises de PRE$$E." In Jean-Paul Baillargeon, ed., Les pratiques culturelles des Quebecois: une autre image de nous-memes, 45-74. Quebec City: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture.

337

9 Mobilizing Institutions

MCQ (Ministere des Communications du Quebec) 1983 Le Quebec et les communications: un futur simple? Quebec City: MCQ. 1985

Rapport statistique sur les me'dias qutbtcois. Quebec City: Les Publications du Quebec.

1989a Les madias a Montreal: portrait et tendances. La radio. Quebec City: MCQ. 1989b La television francophone du Quebec. Quebec City: MCQ. MCQ (Ministere des Communications du Quebec), and Multi-Reso Inc. 1977 La presse ecrite au Quebec: bilan et prospective. Quebec City: Editeur officiel. Pronovost, Gilles 1988 "Musique et culture au Quebec." Chiffres a I'appui 5, no. 2.

338

9.5 Mass Media

Table 1

Number of Radio Stations according to Various Characteristics, Quebec. 1971-1987 Characteristics

1971

1976

1981

1982

1985

1987

Radio frequency AM FM Total

62 15 77

75 21 96

79 42 121

80 45 125

69 51 120

68 59 127

Type of ownership Public Private Community Total

10 67 — 77

14 79 3 96

16 90 15 121

16 92 17 125

13 85 22 120

13 93 21 127

Broadcasting language French English Other3 Total

63 13 1 77

80 13 3 96

101 14 6 121

105 14 6 125

108 11 1 120

— — —

a

French and English and/or other languages

Sources: Celine Perron, Rapponsurlesmedias Projet de recherche, Quebec, Minisleredes Communications 1983, Institut quobocois de recherche sur la culture, 1985, Lemav, 1987, Mmistere des Communications du Quebec, 1985

Table 2 Private Radio Stations' Incomes according to their Principal Sources, in Thousands of Dollars, Quebec, 1971-1987 Sales of broadcasting time

Year

Local

National

1971 1976 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

16 731 35 799 62 448 66 897 68 638 80 960 91 738 100 221 113 106

10 154 15 535 28 075 28 566 29 271 36 882 34 416 35 326 36 766

Network

1 1 1 1 1

62 29 33 591 365 481 533 002 025

Total

Other receipts

Global

26 947 51 363 90 556 97 054 99 274 119 323 126 687 136 549 150897

431 908 2 793 3 802 5 306 6 135 4 43 1 598 4 42

27 378 52 271 93 349 100 856 104 580 125 458 131 125 138 147 155 317

Source: Statistics Canada, Radio and Television Broadcasting, Ottawa, cat 56-204

339

9 Mobilizing Institutions

Table 3 Percentage of Television Broadcasting Hours in French according to the Contents and to Broadcasts' Origins, Canada, 1972-1982 Produced in Canada Information Sports Drama Entertainment Varied Produced abroad

1972

1974

1976

1977

1980

1982

66,9 24,4

59,5 24,3 10,4

62,5 41,6

56,8 34,1

52,3 29,2

64,1 35,0

12,8

11,9

8,9 6,4

27,1

-

33,1

3,2 5,0

4,5

20,4

2,9 5.6

5,5 4,6

8,0 6,7

14,3

11,5

-

-

-

1,6

2,4

40,5

37,5

43,2

47,7

35,9

Source: Conseil de la radioditfusion et des telecommunications du Canada, Fails sommaires sur la radiodiffusion et les telecon tions au Canada, Ottawa, Conseil de la radiodiffusion et des telecommunications du Canada. 1984.

Table 4 Incomes of Private TV Stations according to their Principal Sources, in Thousands'of Dollars, Qu6bec, 1971-1987 Sales of broadcasting time Year

Local

National

Network

Total

Other receipts

Global

1971 1976 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

6 778 26 430 49 894 52 290 54 402 57 582 62 527 69 883 83 983

20 313 34 177 74 663 81 785 86 526 95 528 104 950 109 694 115 090

1 915 7 966 18 172 19 609 24 015 29 988 30 715 33 422 29 207

29 006 68 573 142 729 153 684 164 943 183 098 198 192 212 999 228 280

3 394 5 108 18 834 20 353 16 179 24 790 17 677 24 106 19 883

32 400 73 681 161 563 174 037 181 122 207 888 215 869 237 105 248 163

Source: Statistics Canada, Radio and Television Broadcasting, Ottawa, cat. 56-204.

340

9.5 Mass Media

Table 5

Households Receiving Services from Community Antenna Television, Firms with more than 1 000 Subscribers. Quebec, 1972-1986 Year

N

1972 1976 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986

846 181 432 556 574 612 660 723 801 857 944

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

% 069 392 131 169 271 458 885 795 502 032 827

51,6 64,5 73,7 77,4 76,9 76,2 75,8 76,9 77,5 78,2 79,0

Source: Statistics Canada, Cable Television, Ottawa, cat. 56-205; author's compilations.

Table 6

Circulation Figures of Dailies by Language Quebec, 1961-1987 French

Englis h

Year

Total

N

%

N

%

1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1987

1 071 354 1 074 351 1 105 602 1 208 055 1 170 726 1 073 929 1 107 290 1 102 855 1 121 782 1 137 763 203 83 1 94 703 178 225 1 96 049 155 065 1 144 756 1 1 66 000 1 331 000 1 054 000 1 1 44 000 1 154000

738 779 736 664 757 430 860 438 822 588 731 844 760 422 756 774 778 043 799 541 860 680 853 970 843 335 870 628 850 826 849 303 860 000 1 028 000 873 000 911 000 921 000

69 69 69 71 70 68 69 69 69 70 72 72 72 73 74 74 74 77 83 80 80

332 575 337 687 348 172 347 617 348 138 342 085 346 868 346 081 343 739 338 222 343 150 340 733 334 890 325 421 304 239 295 453 306 000 303 000 181 000 233 000 231 000

31 31 31 29 30 32 31 31 31 30 28 28 28 27 26 26 26 23 17 20 20

82 82 82 83

203 203 203 205

18 18 18 17

1 1 1 1

130 117 143 177

535 570 108 624

927 913 939 972

050 940 497 442

485 630 611 182

Sources: Ministers des Communications du Quebec et Multi-Reso Inc., 1977; Statistics Canada, Newspapers andperiodicals, Ottawa, cat. 87-625; Ministeredes Communications du Quebec, 1985; Ministeredes Communications du Quebec, unpublished data; author's compilations.

341

9 Mobilizing Institutions

Table 7 Titles and Circulation Figures of Regional Weeklies, according to the Mode of Distribution, Quebec, 1960-1987 1960

1970

1980

1987

1982

Weeklies sold Titles Copies

120 486 894

82 340 843

83 536 110

87 689 929

43 333 146

Free weeklies Titles Copies

60 831 952

62 1 068 048

107 2 692 988

101 1 439 162

134 3 314 003

7

45

18

3

190 1 300 846

189 1 408 891

208 3 229 098

191 2 129 091

Other weeklies Titles

All Titles Copies

177 3 647 149

Sources: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture, 1985, Ministers des Communications du Quebec, unpublished data

Table 8 Titles and Circulation Figures of Periodicals, by Types, Quebec, 1981-1987 General interest periodicals Year 1981 1983

Total French English Others3 1984

Total French English Others' 1985

Total French English Others3 1987

Total French English Others'

Titles

Specialized periodicals

Copies

Titles

24

2 329031

126

87 61 10 16

7 4 1 1

216 932 516 768

139 80 37 22

1 486 876 335 274

227 048 921 258

98 76 10 12

7 546 430 5 170 634 387 113 1 988 683

124 75 27 22

1 167 709 233 224

648 891 533 224

102 79 12 11

8 308 381 7 297 302 625 863 385 216

122 74 27 21

1 420 868 229 322

181 353 811 017

105 81 10 14

7 778 325 6 333 183 396 273 1 048 869

143 91 35 15

1 527 980 305 241

078 146 408 524

358 527 066 763

Copies

943 193

a. French and English and/or other languages. Sources: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture, 1985; Ministers des Communications du Quebec, 1985; Ministers des Communications du Quebec, unpublished data.

342

10 INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF SOCIAL FORCES

10.1 Dispute Settlement Abstract. The judicial system intervenes at various levels, both to settle litigation in the labour field and to decide on broader socio-political questions. The scale of the phenomenon is such that it raises questions about loss of power at the political level in favour of the judicial system. Commissions of inquiry, which have sat on numerous occasions in Quebec and in Canada on the major issues of the day, also enjoy an increasingly important role in arbitration of major societal issues.

Settlement of litigation in the labour sector through grievance arbitration has been institutionalized The labour sector is overseen by government agencies which are responsible for settling various types of disputes that may arise. These agencies include the Commission des normes du travail, which supervises enforcement of minimal working conditions, and the Bureau du Commissaire ge"ne"ral du travail, the Tribunal d'arbitrage, and the Tribunal du travail, which are called upon to arbitrate in disputes. The latter agency renders arbitration awards for the settlement of grievances or disputes and imposes orders concerning collective agreements. Some decisions have had more impact than others, particularly those issued by the government through the passing of special legislation concerning remuneration and normative issues in the public and parapublic sectors. This is a procedure that the government has used about 30 times since the mid 1960s. By placing itself in the position of being both the judge and one of the parties, it takes the role of final arbitrator in these negotiations.

The courts are increasingly important in the arbitration process The role of the higher provincial courts and of the Supreme Court of Canada in arbitration has increased over the years. Given the increasingly judicial nature of the relations between institutionalized groups, particularly management-employee relations, judgments are often seen as a way out when problems are not resolved at the political level. Such judgments do not settle all issues, partly due to the level of constitutional legitimacy accorded to certain of the institutions involved, and partly because the judgments can be brought into question by pressure groups or through new legislation. In general, however, the tendency to confer to the courts delicate cases, and even cases linked to important political issues, has accelerated over the years, to the point that the question can be raised of whether the political system is losing power in favour of the judiciary. 343

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There is frequent recourse to commissions of inquiry in collective arbitration Major commissions of inquiry have appeared on the collective-bargaining scene many times during the past 30 years. Their mission is to prepare a broad assessment of the situation surrounding major issues of the day, to establish a consensus if possible, and sometimes to arbitrate on major societal conflicts. This phenomenon at the very least highlights the major issues of collective concern that have influenced contemporary society in Quebec. The following partial list of commissions provides an indication of some of these major issues of societal debate both in Quebec and in Canada; in the tradition of British parliamentary institutions, they are usually named after their chair person. Qu6becers have witnessed the proceedings of the following commissions: the Tremblay Commission on constitutional problems (1953-1956), whose report touched on broad societal problems (education, scientific training, health and welfare, etc.); the Parent Commission on education (1963-1966), which led to widespread reforms of the educational system; the Castonguay-Nepveu Commission on health and welfare (1967-1969), which led to implementation of the health-insurance system; the Gendron Commission on the status of the French language (1973); the Cliche Commission on the exercise of union activity in the construction industry (1974-1975); the Dionne Commission on organized crime (CECO) (1975-1980); the Martin-Bouchard Commission on the system of collective negotiations in the public and parapublic sectors (1977-1978); the Malouf Commission on the cost of the 21st Olympiad (1978-1980); the Par6 Commission on citizens' access to government information and on the protection of personal information (1980-1981); the Duchaine Commission on the events of October 1970 (1981); the Rochon Commission on health services and social services (1987-1988). Other study groups have also been set up, some by the government (e.g., Commission Castonguay sur 1'urbanisation in 1972, Commission Bisaillon sur la fonction publique in 1982, Commission consultative sur le travail et la revision du Code du travail [Beaudry Commission] in 1985) and by other institutions (e.g., Commission Dumont sur les laics et l'6glise in 1968, sponsored by the Association des evSques du Canada francais; Commission Parizeau sur 1'avenir des municipalities in 1986, sponsored by the Union des municipality du Quebec; various commissions on the future of the universities). The following commissions have operated at the federal level: the Laurendeau-Dunton Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism (1965); the Le Dain Commission into the Non-medical Use of Drugs (1971); the P6pin-Robarts Task Force on Canadian Unity (1979); the McDonald Commission of Inquiry Concerning Certain Activities of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (1979-1981); the Kent Commission on Corporate Concentration in the Press (1981); 344

10.1 Dispute Settlement

the MacDonald Commission on Economic Union and the Development Prospects for Canada (1984-1986); the Eraser Commission on Pornography and Prostitution (1985). In addition, other commissions have dealt with specific sectors of activity, including the arts, literature, sciences, federal cultural policy, part-time employment, and employment equality; specific businesses, including the banking and finance system; specific events, including the Ocean Ranger drilling-rig disaster; and specific groups, including aboriginal peoples and women. Other committees and study groups have also been set up (Applebaum-He'bert Committee on Canadian cultural policy in 1982, Caplan-Sauvageau study group on broadcasting in 1986, etc.). Though they are far from arbitrating on conflicts in the strict legal sense, these major commissions are favoured forums for societal arbitration. The commissioners are often recruited from legal circles, but also from business, labour, politics, and the universities - in the latter case, particularly from the social sciences; commissions are also often established with the stated intention of bringing together people with opposing views. Although the commissions do not arrive at a consensus in all cases, the simple act of seeking a consensus appears to be an increasingly organized process, calling not only for studies by experts, but also for public hearings. The public debates thus engendered always succeed in gaining considerable momentum, most frequently around a specific controversy, on the basis of which government can form its reaction. Contrary to the way it operates in the case of judgments rendered by the courts, however, government retains its prerogatives with respect to the commissions, as a final arbitrator with the power to endorse or refute their recommendations.

Guy Frechet References Castonguay, Claude, Gerard Nepveu et al. 1967- Rapport de la Commission d'enquete sur la sante et le bien-etre social. 3 vols. 1969Quebec City: Gouvernement du Quebec. Cliche, Robert et al. 1975Rapport de la Commission d'enquete sur I'exercice de la libert^ syndicate dans I'industrie de la construction. Quebec City: Editeur officiel du Quebec. Dionne, Denys et al. 1977Le crime organist et le monde des affaires.Sainte-Foy: Commission de police du Quebec, Enquete sur le crime organist. Duchaine, Jean-Francois 1981Rapport sur les evenements d'octobre 1970. Quebec City: Ministere de la Justice, Gouvernement du Quebec.

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Eraser, Paul et al. 1985 La pornographic et la prostitution au Canada. 2 vols. Ottawa: Rapport du Comit^ special d'etude de la pornographic et de la prostitution. Gendron, Jean-Denis et al. 1972 La situation de la langue franqaise au Quebec: rapport de la Commission d'enquete sur la situation de la langue fran$aise et sur les droits linguistiques au Quebec. 3 vols. Quebec City: Editeur officiel du Quebec. Kent, Tom et al. 1981 Rapport Kent. Ottawa: Commission royale sur les quotidiens. Laurendeau, Andrg, and Arnold Davidson Dunton 1965 Rapport preliminaire de la Commission royale d'enquete sur le bilinguisme et le biculturalisme. Ottawa: Imprimeur de la Reine. Le Dain, Gerald et al. 1971 Le cannabis. Rapport de la Commission d'enquete sur I'usage des drogues a des fins non mGdicales. Ottawa: Approvisionnements et services Canada. Malouf, Albert 1980 Rapport de la. Commission d'enquete sur le cout de la 21e olympiade. 4 vols. Quebec City: Editeur officiel du Quebec. Martin, Yves, and Lucien Bouchard 1978 Rapport Martin-Bouchard. Commission d'etude et de consultation sur la revision du regime des negociations collectives dans les secteurs public et parapublic. Quebec City: Editeur officiel. MacDonald, Donald S. et al. 1986 Rapport MacDonald. Ottawa: Commission royale sur 1'union e'conomique et les perspectives de deVeloppement du Canada. McDonald, David C. et al. 1979- Securite et information: premier rapport; La libertt et la securite devant la loi: 1981 deuxieme rapport; Certaines activity de la GRC et la connaissance qu'en avait le gouvernement: troisieme rapport. Ottawa: Commission d'enquete sur certaines activity's de la Gendarmerie royale du Canada. Parent, Alphonse Marie et al. 1965- Rapport de land Commission royale d'enquete sur I'enseignement dans la Province 1966 de Quebec, 2 ed. 5 vols. Quebec City. Pare1, Jean et al. 1981 Information et libertt. Rapport de la Commission d'etude sur I'acces du citoyen a I'information gouvernementale et sur la protection des renseignements personnels. Quebec City: Ministere des Communications, Direction generate des publications gouvernementales. Parizeau, Jacques 1986 Rapport de la Commission d'ttude sur I'avenir des municipalites. Montreal: Union des municipalites du Quebec.

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Pe'pin, Jean-Luc, John Parmenter Roberts et al. 1979 D€finir pour choisir: vocabulaire du d€bat. Ottawa: La Commission de 1'unite1 canadienne. 1979

Un temps pour parler: les commentaires du public. Ottawa: La Commission de 1'unite" canadienne.

Rochon, Jean et al. 1988 Rapport de la Commission d'enquete sur les services de sante et les services sociaux. Quebec City: CESSSS. Tremblay, Thomas et al. 1956 Rapport de la Commission royale d'enquete sur les problemes constitutionals. 5 vols. Quebec City: Gouvernement du Que'bec.

347

10.2 Institutionalization of Labour Unions Abstract. The labour movement has undergone considerable development over more than 150 years, and large unions now provide its leadership. These unions have become institutionalized, due to bureaucratization of employeremployee relations both in the private sector and in the public and parapublic sectors; nevertheless, organized labour still has fairly fragile foundations.

Unions have become the driving force of the labour movement The labour movement in Quebec is well rooted historically; the first strike occurred at the dawn of the nineteenth century, and the beginnings of political action by workers go back to the 1880s, with the Chevaliers du travail. Mainly under the influence of the American unions and, to a lesser extent, that of the church, the movement progressively broke away from its traditional links via a process of becoming autonomous and secular. During the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s it found itself confronting the Duplessis regime, the padlock law, the asbestos strike, and the abandonment of natural resources to foreign capital, among other things (CSN & CEQ, 1984). Two national unions have managed to firmly establish themselves in Quebec. The first is the CSN (Confederation des syndicate nationaux), originally the CTCC (Confederation des travailleurs catholiques du Canada), founded in Hull in 1921, which has a strong tradition of militancy and struggle. The second is the FTQ (Federation des travailleurs du Quebec), an offshoot of the Canadian Labour Congress, based on the American model. It was founded in 1957, and has a tradition of business unionism. The public-sector unions consolidated or, in some cases, emerged during the 1960s and 1970s, alongside the growth of the government, and several independent unions were created. Some were established by local union groups, such as the CEQ (Centrale de 1'enseignement du Quebec) and the PIIQ (Federation des infirmieres et infirmiers du Quebec), while others split away from large groups of affiliated unions, as did the CSD (Centrale des syndicats democratiques) and the SFPQ (Syndicat des fonctionnaires provinciaux du Quebec), which both left the CSN during the flurry of events surrounding the fir union common front (CSN, CEQ, and FTQ) in 1972. The labour movement has often found itself in a crisis position, never having firmly established its solidarity in a truly stable political party. Dissent within the movement was lessened on several occasions when union common fronts were set up, particularly during major collective negotiations with the government. However, the union movement finds greater unity outside its principal mission of defending the interests of its members. Indeed, it tries to promote the rights of various social groups that are left by the wayside, and pronounces on broader social issues such as the role of government, the status of women, the environment, and peace. In this sense, it constitutes a form of opposition to the dominant interests in society. The 1960s and 1970s were marked by a great deal of union activity and by open anti-establishment protest, leading to imprisonment of the leaders of three major common-front unions (CSN, FTQ, and CEQ) for having failed to obey cou injunctions (Rouillard, 1989a). Since the early 1980s, however, the CSN has concentrated more on defending identifiable causes, such as sexual discrimination and opposition to new forms of work re-organization; the FTQ, true to its tradi348

10.2 Institutionalization of Labour Unions

tion of business unionism, ventured into the establishment of a Fonds de solidarite" des travailleurs, a sort of job-protection bank, in 1984.

Union activities are bureaucratized and professionalized, but continue to rest on fragile foundations The process of major collective bargaining with the government, which was accompanied by intense mobilization during the 1970s, gave rise to the bureaucratization of relations between the unions and the government, particularly with the setting up of large bureaucratic structures for negotiation of contracts. As a result, the parties involved appear to be subject to relations of an increasingly judiciary nature and to an almost purely legalistic approach. From a certain point of view, unionism became a highly bureaucratized institution, which succeeded in having certain favourable legislative measures enacted, including mandatory check-off via the "Rand" formula and the anti-scab law in Quebec. The unions have also hired many negotiations and research specialists and, more recently, public-relations experts. They increasingly call on the services of experts, whether for negotiations or to carry on their institutional role of defending the interests of their members, which led Hebert (1987: 509) to comment, "Unionism looks less and less like a movement, and more like an institution." Furthermore, union representatives are called upon to sit on a number of consultative boards, and sometimes even on joint decision-making agencies. This image can be contrasted with that of a movement whose foundations are still fragile. There are still cases in which the legal status of unions is contested, or in which they are successful disputed (e.g., the Manoir Richelieu strike), in a context in which legislation does nothing to ensure recognition of union certification in the event that a business undergoes a change in ownership. Moreover, the unions often find themselves placed in a position of illegality as a result of the passing of special laws, particularly in the public sector (Rouillard, 1989a). Many times over the past 20 years, the government has been put in a position where it has had to resolve conflicts by passing special laws, thereby making itself both the judge and the judged. It has been legitimized in this respect by public opinion, which is increasingly hostile toward unions and toward strikes, especially in the public and parapublic sectors.

Guy Frechet References Boivin, Jean, and Jacques Guilbault 1982 Les relations patronales-syndicales au Quebec. Chicoutimi: Gaetan Morin Editeur.

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CSN, and CEQ (Confederation des syndicats nationaux and Centrale de 1'enseignement du Quebec) 1984 Histoire du mouvement ouvrier au Quebec (1825-1976): 150 ans de luttes. Montreal: CSN, Sainte-Foy: CEQ. Gagnon, Mona-Josee 1990 "Le syndicalisme: institution et mouvement social." In Vincent Lemieux, ed., Les institutions quebecoises, leur rdle, leur avenir, 187-196. Quebec City: Presses de l'Universit6 Laval. Harvey, Fernand, ed. 1980 Le mouvement ouvrier au Quebec. Montreal: Boreal Express. Harvey, Fernand, and Richard Desrosiers 1980 "Les centrales syndicales au Canada et au Quebec, 1882-1980." In Fernand Harvey, ed., Le mouvement ouvrier au Quebec, 281-289. Montreal: Bor6al Express. Hebert, Gerard 1987 "L'evolution du syndicalisme au Canada. Comment un mouvement devient une institution." Industrial Relations 42, no. 3, 500-515. Lemelin, Maurice 1984 Les negotiations collectives dans les secteurs public et parapublic: experience quebecoise et regards sur I'exterieur. Montreal: Agence d'Arc. Pepin, Marcel 1990 "Les mutations du syndicalisme." In Vincent Lemieux, ed., Les institutions quebecoises, leur role, leur avenir, 169-185. Quebec City: Presses de ITJniversite Laval. Rouillard, Jacques 1979 Les syndicats nationaux au Quebec de 1900 a 1930. Quebec: Presses de 1'Universit6 Laval. 1981

Histoire de la CSN, 1921-1981. Montreal: Boreal Express.

1989a Histoire du syndicalisme au Quebec: des origines a nos jours. Montreal: Boreal. 1989b "Le mouvement syndical." In Denis Moniere, ed., L'annee politique au Quebec, 1987-1988, 149-164. Montreal: Le Deyoir/Qu6bec-Amerique. Tremblay, Louis-Marie 1972 Le syndicalisme quebecois. Ideologies de la CSN et de la FTQ, 1940-1970. Montreal: Presses de l*Universit6 de Montreal.

350

10.3 Social Movements Abstract. The most important social movements in Quebec went through a phase of institutionalization. This happened with the nationalist movement, the co-operative movement, and the regionalist movement; later, the women's movement and consumerism were co-opted by the state. Other, more contemporary movements emerged and became progressively more structured, including the youth movement and the ecological, anti-nuclear, and peace movements.

The nationalist movement lost momentum after the early 1980s Quebec nationalism was built around the specific linguistic and cultural characteristics of a French-speaking nation in the North American context. Although all Quebec governments have referred to themselves as nationalist for the past century or more, an independentist movement took shape over the years and finally crystallized with the establishment of the Parti qu£b6cois in 1968. The election of a government led by this party in 1976 may be looked upon as the culmination of this movement, leading to the promulgation of Bill 101 in 1977 for the protection and promotion of the French language, as well as to the 1980 referendum on sovereignty-association. Major reforms have been brought in since the Second World War, most frequently in the context of federal-provincial conflicts, with Quebec trying to repatriate powers in order to move toward greater autonomy through the establishment of a provincial income tax in 1954; the nationalization of hydro-electric power, the establishment of an education department, the Caisse de depots, and the R6gie des rentes during the 1960s; language acts in 1968, 1973, 1977, and 1988; and the 1980 referendum. Balthazar (1986) described models of nationalism which were influential in Quebec. The most important of these seem to correspond to the traditional and state-control models. A traditional form of nationalism, which can be considered typical of the Duplessis regime, was characterized by opposition to progress and identification with conservative Catholicism; this gave way to a form of nationalism in favour of state control, which sought to define itself in and through the state. The reforms of the 1960s and successive governments attempted to consolidate this state, particularly through the implementation of policies in fields under existing Quebec jurisdiction. Apart from the state, groups such as the Soci6t6 Saint-Jean-Baptiste and the Mouvement Qu6bec-Francais have traditionally been the standard-bearers for Quebec nationalism, particularly in terms of promotion of the "French fact." Since the 1960s, a greater and more sustained appropriation of the instruments of economic development and of the business world by a Francophone business class has become firmly entrenched. Despite the fact that Quebec nationalism apparently ran out of steam after the 1980 referendum, it remains a force which is likely to spring back to life, especially around issues such as preservation of the French language and culture and greater economic and political autonomy for Francophones. This indeed happened after the rejection of the Meech Lake Accord in June 1990.

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There is a long-standing and well-established tradition of co-operatives, especially in the areas of financial institutions, food, and agriculture The co-operative movement, from the outset, rapidly won over the masses and became omnipresent in Quebec, particularly in the savings-and-credit sector. Almost every town and parish has its caisse populaire (credit union) for savings and loans. The movement became progressively institutionalized, and today constitutes a veritable financial empire. This empire carries the Desjardins name, after the founder of the first savings-and-credit co-operative, established in LeVis in 1900 (Minguy-Dechene & Montplaisir, 1981). It includes not only the caisses populaires, but also insurance and investment companies. Recent developments in the Desjardins movement have involved consolidations or mergers, particularly between 1979 and 1983, when the 11 local federations grouped together to form the Confederation des caisses populaires Desjardins; during the same period, other federations, as well as the caisses d'entraide, joined the movement. The number of caisses populaires has decreased continually due to closings and mergers, while the number of members has increased. The assets of the movement have also increased, nearly tripling in real terms between 1971 and 1990. The Desjardins movement is thus seen as the epitome of the co-operative movement in Quebec; it is highly institutionalized, riding on a form of economic nationalism. It has been very open to capitalism and has operated in a particularly competitive environment (Beauchamp, 1981, 1990; OPDQ, 1979; SPCSEQ, 1980). However, its fundamental principles are still those of the original movement: voting members (one person, one vote), mutual assistance, redistribution of surpluses, and social involvement in the community through public education and support for recreational and cultural organizations. Although the competitive environment gave rise to intense debates within the movement on the issues of consumer credit and modernization, each participating institution has been able to retain a relative degree of autonomy in spite of the tendency for the decisionmaking process to become more centralized on a province-wide basis. There are also non-financial co-operatives, which fall into three main categories: production (agricultural co-operatives), labour (co-operatives for forestry, taxis, and other forms of transport), and consumers (food, residential, and student co-operatives). Production co-operatives, which represented only 11% of the total number of non-financial co-operatives in 1987, nevertherless represented 83% of their total assets, mainly due to the power of the agricultural co-operatives; the labour co-operatives, with 10% of the total number, represented 3% of these assets in that year; the consumer co-operatives, with 79% of the total number, represented only 14% of the total assets (MICT, 1988). The development of co-operatives is growing moderately, although some analysts no longer speak in terms of a co-operative movement or even of the continued existence of a social project (Beauchamp, 1981), despite the fact that this was historically the case. On the fringe of the co-operative movement is a self-management trend. Experiments of this type have already been the subject of studies (Gagnon, 1989; Gagnon & Rioux, 1988) and debates, particularly centred around the magazine "Possibles" and a few others. One of the main experiments was the grouping together of three towns in the Bas du Fleuve region (the JAL), in an attempt to forestall their closing, to establish a forestry-exploitation co-operative and to 352

10.3 Social Movements

develop local resources. A popular and community movement also exists, which has gone through two distinct periods of activity: one from 1963 to 1971, with agitation by "citizens' committees," and one from 1972 to the present, with a profusion of "popular and community groups," most frequently oriented toward defence and promotion of neighbourhood, local, and regional interests (Belanger, 1988; Belanger & LeVesque, 1987; Favreau, 1989; Levesque, 1985). There was an upswing in the regionalist movement during the 1960s and 1970s The 1960s and 1970s were a particularly fertile period for the regionalist movement. This crystallized with increasing state intervention in many sectors of activity — indeed, often on the region's own initiative: an enormous study by the BAEQ (Bureau d'am6nagement de 1'Est du Quebec) and the Operations Dignite which followed to oppose the closing of towns; in 1968, the establishment of the OPDQ (Office de planification et de deVeloppment du Quebec, which took over the role of the Conseil d'orientation e'conomique, created in 1961); the establishment of CERs (Conseils e"conomiques r6gionaux); the creation of regional institutions (social-affairs networks, with the Conseils re"gionaux de la sante" et des services sociaux [CRSSSs]; and, in education, the creation in 1968 of the University du Quebec network and its regional components) (Gagnon, 1978; Gagnon & Martin, 1973). In the late 1970s, about one hundred RCMs (Regional County Municipalities) were set up throughout Quebec. The RCMs ~ whose role was far from that of a regional government, and thus limited in terms of determination of development priorities - constituted important participants in discussions with the Quebec government concerning questions of regional development (Jalbert, 1985; Sokoloff, 1983). Over the years, however, regionalization was unable to hold up against certain economic imperatives, such as proximity to markets, plant closings, and even town closings. Although there is no general agreement about whether it was actually initiated in the regions themselves, the movement has nevertheless held its ground and consolidated around regional economic associations, which constitute important lobby groups in dealing with Quebec authorities; however, this cannot really be referred to as actual decentralization of power. The women's movement has been institutionalized The women's movement in Quebec has probably had the most influence on the evolution of Quebec society at all levels, especially with the large-scale integration of women into the labour market. The hard-line movement of the 1960s was succeeded by a more institutional form during the following decade, to the point where one could refer to the "domestication phase of the women's movement" (Lamoureux, 1981, 1986). Two main currents thus co-existed, the first, more hard-line, carrying on the debate on global social issues (patriarchy, women's rights), and the second of a more institutional nature, turning toward the government for more specific types of reform. The first current was manifested through the creation of various groups, including the Federation des femmes du Quebec, and particularly through a maga353

10 Institutionalization of Social Forces

zine entitled "La vie en rose," now out of print for financial reasons. The second current was manifested first and foremost through the establishment of two organizations within the Quebec government - the Conseil du statut de la femme, which publishes the "Gazette des femmes" and research on the status of women, and the Secretariat a la condition feminine - through the organization of conferences and summits on the issue, through numerous studies of a historical, social, and economic nature, and through the creation of university chairs. Women's movement has acquired definite credibility with the public-at-large, perhaps due to the fact that it is now more organized and bureaucratized: "Any self-respecting organization now has a committee on the status of women" (Simard, 1985: 57). Certain aspects of the status of women have received more specific attention: representation among holders of post-graduate degrees, in the business world, and in politics and in other areas of decision making; women's health and movements for the right to have control over one's own body, birth control, and abortion; integration into the public and private spheres, housework, and day-care centres; and violence toward women, sexism in advertising, and sexual harassment. By far the most hotly debated issue was and still is that of salary discrimination against women on the labour market, which can be explained to a large extent by a set of factors: part-time work, the double work-day, historical lags in level of education and especially in experience, systemic discrimination, and ghettos of women's jobs with lower salaries. It is precisely in these areas, on which many demands are focused, that there still appears to be a lot of catching up to do. As a movement, feminism has dealt with collective issues which are sometimes so important that militancy has increased: women's right to vote, for example, which was granted only in 1918 at the federal level and in 1940 at the provincial level - although it had existed before the Act of Union in 1840 - was an issue which mobilized generations of women. Today, however, the issues are limited to specific sectors, for smaller and smaller client groups, so that militancy appears less widespread than in the past. No doubt what is occurring is more a transformation of the areas and aims of the demands, which have become more specific, than a weakening of militancy as such, as indicated by the numerous gatherings and other demonstrations organized by women.

Consumerism is on the rise Several consumers' associations have been created in Quebec, although this movement's roots are in English Canada and especially in the United States. Among these associations are the "Canadian Consumers Association", founded in 1947, which publishes a magazine ("Canadian Consumer"); the Association des consommateurs du Quebec; the Association de protection des automobilistes (APA), founded and directed, until quite recently, by a follower of Ralph Nader; various Associations cooperatives d'&onomie familiale (ACEP, whose actions are of a more militant nature), which intervene in the sectors of consumer credit and indebtedness in the large regions of Quebec; and the Institut de promotion des int^rets du consommateur (IPIC), which existed from 1971 to 1979 and published a magazine ("Le ReVeil du consommateur)." There are also television programmes on the 354

10.3 Social Movements

subject, one of which was tremendously popular throughout the 1970s ("Consommateurs Plus," previously called "Consommateurs avertis)" (Perrien, 1979). Institutionalization of consumerism was fueled by major scandals, such as those involving pharmaceutical products, and the necessity of consumer protection became obvious, as new scandals kept cropping up, including tainted meat, ureaformaldehyde foam insulation for houses (UFPI), and contaminated tuna and mussels. At the federal level, a Department of Consumer and Corporate Affairs was established in 1967, mainly to deal with this type of consumer problem. At the provincial level, the Office de la protection du consommateur, which issues a monthly publication ("Prot6gez-vous," modeled after the American magazine "Consumer Reports)," was established in 1971. At the outset, its field of activity was to control consumer credit and itinerant sales, but a major review of its mandate in 1978 resulted in strict regulation of areas which up until then had not been covered: advertising directed toward children, guarantees on goods and services, and the used-car market. This organization receives complaints from consumers, about 150 000 per year since the early 1980s, and is responsible for providing them with information; the Office received over 230 000 information requests in 1987 (OPC, 1987). Consumer complaints may be heard before administrative tribunals called Tribunaux des petites crdances (small-claims courts), if the amount of the claim does not exceed $1 000, without the consumer having to retain the services of a lawyer. As well, since 1979, Quebec has followed the trend of its North American neighbours by allowing class actions, in which one person with a test case may represent the interests of a group of consumers. Several studies have indicated that Quebec consumers are relying more and more on institutional mechanisms for information and protection. One noteworthy observation is that age, educational level, knowledge of the consumer movement, and knowledge of the laws or legal remedies are determinants of the critical propensities of consumers (Belley et al., 1980).

Youth attempted to become a movement in its own right With the postwar baby boom, young people found themselves in a position of relative strength with regard to their claims on society, particularly during the 1960s and 1970s. The national and international context was one of agitation, punctuated by nationalism in Quebec, major student protests, anti-colonialist and anti-imperialist demonstrations, and the counter-cultural and alternative movements. Although young people are at the centre of a number of contemporary movements, including the student movement (Belanger, 1984), the ecological movement (Vaillancourt, 1982b), anti-nuclear protests (Babin, 1984), and the peace movement (Vaillancourt & Babin, 1984, 1986), efforts on the part of youth to become autonomous as a group have materialized with the creation of numerous associations to represent their interests, including the setting up of specific governmental agencies: the Secretariat a la jeunesse and the Conseil permanent de la jeunesse, attached to the Quebec government, and a Minister of State for Youth and Amateur Sport at the federal level. Among the better-known associations many groups which took root in rural and working milieux: the JEC (Jeunesse £tudiante catholique, 1935), the UGEQ (Union generate des etudiants du Quebec, 1964 to 1969), the ANEQ (Association 355

10 Institutionalization of Social Forces

nationals des eiudiants du Quebec, 1975), the RAEU (Regroupement d'associations £tudiantes universitaires, which broke its ties with the ANEQ in 1980), and the RAJ (Regroupement autonome des jeunes, created in 1983 around the issue of unemployment), as well as a multitude of groups devoted to specific causes and a few major youth summits (Belanger, 1984; Gauthier, 1986). However, the instability of youth associations is linked with the endless turnover among the people who gravitate toward them; many union, political, and business leaders came from youth associations. The movement is especially linked with varying degrees of mobilization around class-type actions, such those of McGill francais and Bill 63 (a language act) in 1969, the loans-and-bursaries plans of 1974 and 1978, the education cutbacks at the beginning of the 1980s, and unemployment during the recession in 1982-1983. The associations are faced with the question of what kind of support to give to major socio-political currents which surround the great debates about the future: unionization, nationalism, Marxism, the status of women, and the ecological movement. Gauthier (1986: 344) stated, "Although they may open a breach in the values of a period, on other levels they are in unison with their times ... being sometimes humanistic and sometimes nationalistic, sometimes corporatist and sometimes pro-union." Protest and activism remain the birthright of youth groups, which increase in strength during times of crisis, as can be observed from their mushrooming numbers since the early 1980s.

There has been a gradual consolidation of the ecological and antinuclear movements The ecological movement is still really at the stage of a social movement, as it attempts to intervene through various groups and on the non-institutional sociopolitical front. Among these groups are STOP (Society to Overcome Pollution), the Fondation qu£b£coise en environnement, the Union qu£becoise pour la conservation de la nature, Greenpeace and the Friends of the Earth. Environment departments have been created at the federal and provincial levels of government. These signs of institutionalization were initially not well received by the most intransigent ecologists (Jurdant, 1984), who feared that the governments would gain control of the message and water it down. In Quebec, the establishment of the BAPE (Bureau des audiences publiques sur Tenvironnement) does, however, reflect a real effort to democratize the environmental debate. This agency can actually influence the outcome of projects in both the public and private sectors. As a public consultation organization, it has gained a certain degree of credibility: ecologists present briefs to it and their claims are taken seriously. Although the environment and energy debates have most often been left in the hands of a small group of decision makers, they will increasingly become the focus of public debates. Vaillancourt (1981, 1982a, 1982b, 1985) identified a large number of ideologies in the movement; over 820 ecological groups have been enumerated in Quebec. A wide range of positions, from pseudo-conservation to political ecology and ecosocialism, through conservation and environmentalism, have crystallized around class actions. The pseudo-conservationists include the large multinationals, which take symbolic action, such as subsidizing television programmes on nature; the 356

10.3 Social Movements

moderate reformists or conservationists include associations for the protection of lake environments; among the ecology associations is the Society to Overcome Pollution; the most intransigent groups include ecosocialist militants. Through both individual and collective action, the latter attempt to call into question the way of life related to a society based on production and consumption and on the wasting of resources; their means include encouraging alternative practices in the areas of food and health care. Certain demands of the ecology movement have gained the support of the governments, such as the fight against acid rain, the purification of waterways, the anti-smoking campaign, and the recycling of consumer products. Following the ecological disaster at Saint-Basile le Grand, a former union leader was invited to chair a commission of inquiry on toxic wastes (the Charbonneau Commission). In Canada, the anti-nuclear protest accelerated in the mid-1970s, especially with the testing in India in 1974 of a bomb made with plutonium from a Canadian CANDU reactor, which was designed for civil applications and intended to be sold for such purposes only. There was also protest against the installation of nuclear-power stations - Pointe Lepreau in New Brunswick, Gentilly in Quebec, and a few stations in Ontario. The RCSN (Regroupement canadien pour la surveillance du nucleaire) was founded in 1975; its actions led to increased awareness among politicians and to the setting up of commissions of inquiry, including one which dealt with management of nuclear waste (the Hare Report) (Babin, 1981, 1984). In 1978, a group of anti-nuclear activists created the Alliance Tournesol, representing "the core of anti-nuclear activity among Francophones in Quebec" at the time (Vaillancourt, 1981). In Quebec, this protest movement, while far from nonexistent, is not as active as it is elsewhere, particularly because greater use is made of hydro-electric power and because there is only one nuclear-power station in the province. Basically, the protest movement is probably focused to a greater extent on more global social issues inherent in a consumer society with high energy use: centralized modes of operation and low participation of citizens in decision making. In this regard, Babin (1981: 144) emphasized that the movement "calls into question a life style, a mode of development, and a form of power, while seeking another type of development and social organization."

In the late 1980s, there was a mobilization effort among peace groups Babin and Vaillancourt (1984, 1986, 1987) identified two main trends within the peace movement, the "non-aligned" and "aligned" elements, distinguished by different attitudes toward the Soviet Union. The former are followers of the countercultural and alternative current and seek a more neutralistic solution, rejecting the division of the world between the two superpowers; the latter are the followers of a more political current and of the labour movement. They seek a political solution, relying on support from the left-wing political parties and the unions. This polarization results in a fundamental difference concerning strategies and means, particularly with regard to Canada's participation in NATO. For a number of years, peace activism has tended to be represented by a small number of organizations, including the Canadian Institute for International Peace and Security, the Canadian Alliance for Peace, and the Coalition qu6be357

10 Institutionalization of Social Forces coise pour le disarmament et la paix (Vaillancourt & Babin, 1984; 1986). Since the mid-1980s, the magazine "Option Paix," produced by the Mouvement Option Paix Quebec, has expounded pacifist thesis, as well as its position that Canada should become a nuclear-weapon-free zone (NWFZ). Some notable initiatives within the peace movement during the 1980s were the Caravane de la Petition pour la paix, the campaign against American cruise-missile testing over Canadian territory, the F-18 for Peace campaign of 1985-1986, and the La guerre n'est pas un jeu campaign of 1988-1989, all of which attracted thousands of followers. Supported by the churches and the unions, among others, these campaigns focused on reconverting military industries and reducing national defence budgets. However, the peace movement is somewhat similar to the anti-nuclear movement, in that it does not have as strong a base in Quebec as it does elsewhere. On the international level, Canada is recognized as having little inclination for direct conflict (the participation to the Persian Gulf War in 1991 was preceded by the participation to the Korean War at the beginning of the fifties), in spite of its membership in NATO and NORAD and the almost complete alignment of its foreign policy with that of the United States. There is no mandatory military service in Canada; it sends contingents with the UN peace-keeping forces, of which it was the instigator. Peace activism is centred around major global issues: the arms race, the hegemony of the two superpowers, and, in the more political sphere, the waste inherent in military budgets, and American imperialism. Guy Frechet References Babin, Ronald 1981"La lutte anti-nuc!6aire au Canada."Sociologie et socie'te's13, no. 1984L'optionnucUaire.Developpementetcontestati Canada et au Quebec. Montreal: Boreal Express. Babin, Ronald, and Jean-Guy Vaillancourt 1984"Le neo-pacifisme qu£becois."Revue Internationale d'action no. 52, 27-34. Babin, Ronald, and Jean-Guy Vaillancourt 1987"La rationalisation du mouvement pour la paix au Quebec." In Brigitte Dumas and Donna Winslow, eds., Construction, destruction sociale des idees: alternances, recurrences, nouveautes, 147-158. Montreal: ACFAS. Balthazar, Louis 1980"La dynamique du nationalisme qu6b6cois." In GeVard Bergeron, and Rejean Pelletier, eds., L'Etat du Quebec en devenir, 37-58. Montreal: Boreal Express. 1986Bilan du nationalisme au Quebec. Montreal: n

358

10.3 Social Movements

Beauchamp, Claude 1981 "La cooperation au Quebec: Evolution du projet et de la pratique au XXe siecle." In Claude Beauchamp, ed., Le dfveloppement des cooperatives au Quebec d'ici Van 2000, 23-35. Montreal: Ecole des hautes Etudes commerciales, Centre de gestion des cooperatives. 1990

"Quelques interrogations sur la cooperation." In Vincent Lemieux, ed., Les institutions quebecoises, leur role, leur avenir, 137-144. Quebec City: Presses de 1'Universite Laval.

Beianger, Paul-R. 1988 "Les nouveaux mouvements sociaux & 1'aube des ann^es 90." Nouvelles pratiques sociales 1, no. 1, 101-114. Beianger, Paul-R., and Benoit LeVesque 1987 "Le mouvement social au Quebec: continuite et rupture (1960-1985)." In Paul R. B^langer et al., eds., Animation et culture en mouvement. Fin ou debut d'une 6poque? 253-257. Quebec City: Presses de 1'universite du Quebec. B^langer, Pierre 1984 Le mouvement etudiant que'be'cois: son passe", ses revendications et ses luttes, 1960-1983. Montreal: Association nationale des etudiants et etudiantes du Quebec. Belley, Jean-Guy, Jacques Hamel, and Claude Masse 1980 La society de consommation au Quebec. Quebec City: Editeur officiel du Quebec, Office de la protection du consommateur. Caron, Ginette 1983 Recherche sur les programmes gouvernementaux a I'intention des jeunes et sur les mouvements-jeunesse a I'ext^rieur des cadres du gouvernement. Quebec City. Descent, David et al. 1989 "Theorie des classes et des mouvements sociaux dans les sociologies quebecoise et canadienne: de la fragmentation des classes aux nouveaux mouvements sociaux." In David Descent et al., Classes sociales et mouvements sociaux au Quebec et au Canada, 19-64. Montreal: Editions Saint-Martin. Favreau, Louis 1989 Mouvement populaire et intervention communautaire de 1960 a nos jours. Ruptures et continuit^s. Montreal: Le Centre de formation populaire and les Editions du Fleuve. Gagnon, Gabriel 1978 "Sociologie, mouvements sociaux, conduites de rupture: le cas quebecois." Sociologie et societes 10, no. 2, 103-121. 1989

"La metamorphose des mouvements sociaux." Journal of Canadian Studies 23, no. 4, 5-15.

Gagnon, Gabriel, and Luc Martin 1973 Quebec 1960-1980. La crise du dtveloppement. Montreal: Hurtubise HMH.

359

10 Institutionalization of Social Forces

Gagnon, Gabriel, and Marcel Rioux 1988 A propos d'autogestion et d'emancipation: deux essais. Quebec City: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture. Gauthier, Madeleine 1986 "Les associations de jeunes." In Fernand Dumont, ed., Une societe des jeunes? 337-369. Quebec City: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture. Jalbert, Lizette 1980 "R6gionalisme et crise de 1'Etat." Sociologie et soci4t6s 12, no. 2, 65-73. 1985

"Decentralisation ou autonomie administree: elements de synthese et de reflexion sur la reforme municipale et r^gionale au Quebec." Cahiers de recherche sociologique 3, no. 1, 75-98.

Jurdant, Michel 1984 Le deft, ecologiste. Montreal: Boreal Express. Lamoureux, Diane 1981 "Mouvement social et lutte des femmes." Sociologie et socittes 13, no. 2, 131-138. 1986

Fragments et collages, essai sur le feminisme quebecois des annees 70. Montreal: Remue-Menage.

Levesque, Benoit 1985 "Le mouvement populaire au Quebec: de la formule syndicale a la formule cooperative?" Cooperatives et developpement 16, no. 2, 43-66. Maheu, Louis 1983 "Les mouvements de base et la lutte contre 1'appropriation etatique du tissu social." Sociologie et societes 15, no. 1, 77-92. 1984

"Crise sociale, mouvements sociaux et pratiques du changement social." In Crise teonomique, transformations politiques et changements ideologiques, 477-495. Montreal: ACFAS.

Maheu, Louis, and David Descent 1990 "Les mouvements sociaux, un terrain mouvant." Nouvelles pratiques sociales 3, no. 1, 41-51. MICT (Ministere de 1'Industrie, du Commerce et de la Technologic) 1988 Cooperatives du Quebec, donnees statistiques, 1987. Quebec City: MICT. Minguy-Dechene, Claire, and Carole Montplaisir 1981 Histoire du mouvement cooperatif au Quebec. Quebec City: Ministere des Institutions financieres et Cooperatives, Direction des associations cooperatives. OPC (Office de la protection du consommateur) 1972- Rapport annuel. Quebec City: Les Publications du Quebec. 1987

360

10.3 Social Movements

OPDQ (Office de la planification et du d&veloppement du Quebec) 1979 Profil du mouvement cooperatif au Quebec. Quebec City: Editeur officiel du Quebec. Perrien, Jean 1979 Le consommateurisme: vers un nouveau consommateur. Chicoutimi: Gaetan Morin Editeur. SPCSEQ (Secretariat permanent des Conferences socio-6conomiques du Quebec) 1980 L'entreprise cooperative dans le dtveloppement economique: etat de la situation. Quebec City: SPCSEQ. Simard, Carolle 1985 "Des feminismes desordonnes au feminisme ordonne: les contradictions du feminisme." In Claude Bariteau et al.t eds., Le controle social en pieces d&achees, 47-58. Montreal: ACFAS. Sokoloff, Beatrice 1986 "Amenagement, deVeloppement regional et dynamismes locaux." In Simon Langlois, and Francois Trudel, eds., La morphologie sociale en mutation au Quebec, 309-327. Montreal: ACFAS. Vaillancourt, Jean-Guy 1981 "Evolution, diversite et specificite des associations ecologiques quebecoises: de la centre-culture et du conservationisme a 1'environnementalisme et a 1'ecosocialisme." Sociologie et societes 13, no. 1, 81-98. 1982a "Le mouvement ecologiste queb6cois des annees 80." In Serge Proulx, and Pierre Vallieres, eds., Changer de societe. Declln du nationalisme, crise culturelle et alternatives sociales au Quebec, 143-164. Montreal: Quebec/Amerique. 1982b Mouvement Ecologiste, energie et environnement: essais d'ecosociologie. Montreal: Editions cooperatives A. Saint-Martin. 1985

"Le mouvement vert quebecois: entre 1'ecologie et 1'ecologisme." Possibles 9, no. 3, 35-46.

Vaillancourt, Jean-Guy, and Ronald Babin 1984 Le mouvement pour le d^sarmement et la paix. Montreal: Editions Saint-Martin. 1986

"Regionalisme et mouvement de paix." Possibles 11, no. 1, 21-33.

361

10.4 Interest Groups Abstract. The number of professional corporations doubled from 1960 to 1973, and membership in them doubled from 1973 to 1990. Pro-corporatist lobby groups grew up around a broad range of issues. The concept of "social corporatism" has been used in Quebec by commentators to interpret the development of certain government structures. Unionism and such social corporatism compete for the role of promoting the interests of the members of many groups in fields of activity that are however quite disparate.

The number of professional corporations doubled, then was almost totally stable after the mid-1970s Corporatism, in the strict sense of the defence of the interests of a group through the delimitation of a specific field of expertise and the exercise of a monopoly in the field in question, leads to the establishment of groups expressly devoted to defending the interests of their members, who have gone through an initial selection procedure to enter a professional field and who are granted certain advantages. This defence of interests represents a mandate which is inseparably linked with the notion of "protecting the public." Members of a corporation are able to position themselves as the only experts competent to respond effectively to certain needs of the public. This situation is legitimized by implementing strict codes of ethics and mechanisms for handling complaints by citizens and consumers. As Laliberte" (1979: 25-26) pointed out, "having asked the state to grant them the power to control access to the profession ... the members of an occupational group are able to preserve their identity and to defend the boundaries of their field of competence." These professional corporations, about 40 of them, are under the jurisdiction and control of the Office des professions du Quebec. This movement has gone through two distinct phases: a first phase, in which the number of corporations doubled, from 1960 to 1973, followed by nearly total stability from 1973 to the present (see table 1). Half of these corporations enjoy "exclusive practice," or a monopoly; the other half enjoy "reserved titles," which are less restrictive. This twofold legal status has created friction, since "exclusive practice has contributed to increasing the power of the corporations by creating a professional monopoly" (OPQ, 1984: 83). Professional corporations sprang up in the 1960s to contest the privileged positions of the more traditional corporations, some of which are more than a hundred years old, such as those for physicians and notaries, which were created in 1847, and that for lawyers, created in 1849. In all, nine corporations were created during the last century which still hold exclusive practice; however, the movement has slowed down considerably. There were a few periods of more intense activity in the recognition of professional corporations by the state during the 1960s, and especially in 1973, when the Office des professions was created and several associations simultaneously received recognition. However, exclusive practice is now granted very sparingly; the last time was in 1973 for audioprothetists, chiropractors, dental technicians, and podiatrists. Since that time only two groups have been recognized, with reserved titles rather than with exclusivity of practice — one in 1980 and the other in 1984. More than 50 applications have been filed over the past 15 years, but the government is less inclined to recognize interest groups, for whom the legitimizing principle of "public protection" often serves only to mask their own interests. 362

10.4 Interest Groups

Membership in professional corporations has doubled since the 1970s Although the number of corporations has remained more or less unchanged since the Office was created, the same is not true of membership in them. Membership doubled between 1973 and 1990, going from 102 000 to more than 208 000; this can be termed internal growth rather than structural growth. In 1988, there were about 57 000 nurses, 29 000 engineers, 20 000 auxiliary nurses, 16 000 physicians, 12 000 lawyers, and 12 000 chartered accountants in professional corporations, and 35 other groups with much smaller membership, such as those for dentists, agronomists, chiropractors, and technicians (OPQ, passim). Thus, it is not only the traditional liberal professions that are involved; in fact, it would be more accurate to say that a large majority of salaried workers are represented. The relative proportions of the main categories - law, administration and business; engineering and planning; human relations; and health - remained quite constant during the past fifteen years (table 2). Had it not been for the addition of over 6 000 applied-science technicians in 1980, which raised the proportion in engineering and planning from 19% to 22%, the proportions would have remained virtually unchanged: the only visible movements appear to have been slight increases in the proportion of law, administration, and business (from 15% to 17%) and a slight decrease in that of health (from 62% to 57%); the sector of human relations, comprising career counsellors, psychologists, and social workers, remained constant at between 3% and 4%. The health sector nevertheless accounts for the lion's share; nurses and auxiliary nurses alone constitute one-third of the membership in corporations. Concurrent with the doubling in membership in professional corporations was a doubling in the ratio of professionals per 100 000 inhabitants, in each of the main categories (table 3). This could mean either that consumers call more frequently on the services of professionals — although the law of supply and demand does not entirely control the growth in number of practitioners in the public and parapublic professions - or that each professional is market diminished by half; this way of stating the problem could explain the increasing frequency of debates, especially since the early 1980s, on liberalization of advertising and the posting of rates, which are desired by some but which the Office des professions has not authorized, because of a lack of consensus (OPQ, 1984). Some feel that it is a way of better informing the public in a market which is becoming more competitive, while others fear that commercialism could set in and become dominant, to the detriment of the quality of the professional services offered. The doubling of membership in professional corporations is also related to growth in the services sector, indicating that Quebec has indeed acquired the highly qualified labour force that was seen as one of the keys to its modernization, an objective which has been a recurring leitmotiv and in which so much was invested during the 1960s.

There are numerous lobby groups, which grew out of major social movements In Quebec, the areas in which political pressure is exercised have become highly institutionalized, as reflected in the major commissions of inquiry, etats ge'ne'raux 363

10 Institutionalization of Social Forces

(extraordinary assemblies), summits, parliamentary commissions, advisory committees, and various ad hoc committees that invite lobby groups to present position papers (Dion, 1987). These provide opportunities for such groups as the Conseil du patronat, the Chambres de commerce, the major unions, Alliance-Quebec, and less organized groups to present their points of view. Pressure nevertheless continues to be exerted directly on the political authorities, as indicated by a professional lobbyist who published a book on his experience (Boivin, 1984), and by the fact that "information brokers" - whose mission is to be constantly on the lookout for tidbits of strategic information - are setting up shop, modelling themselves after the American lobbies that have long been firmly established. While it may be justifiable to believe that the government carries on consultations and dialogue only with groups expressly organized for the purpose, it would be easy to see this process as the source of the institutionalization of many groups. Most lobby groups grew out of social movements (Favreau, 1989), and a number have indeed become institutionalized. Unless individuals or nonorganized groups ally themselves with some particular organized group, they are excluded de facto, even though this is not official policy. Due to the ever-increasing segmentation of problems under discussion, groups tend to specialize in increasingly narrow fields of intervention, especially in order to gain the status of a privileged interlocutor with a government department or agency. The rise of corporatism: a particular model of sociopolitical development Corporatism, defined by Archibald (1984: 45) as a "model of socio-political development in which the functional representation of all economic and social sectors is institutionalized in governmental and administrative structures of the State," is a central point on a spectrum at the extremities of which are collectivism - characterized by state domination - and integral liberalism - characterized by the dominance of interest groups. Evaluation of the historical versions of corporatism found in Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Latin American countries have led to a distinction being made between an authoritarian form of corporatism and liberal corporatism. The hypothesis of the rise of corporatism in the latter sense was applied by Archibald (1984) to the development of the modern state institutions, which are considered to have been structured in an attempt to reconcile the public interest with particular groups' interests. Duplessis' "Restauration Sociale" programme in 1935, like Lesage's "Maitre chez nous" programme in 1960 and the social partnership between the state, businesses, and unions promoted by the Parti Qu6b£cois in 1976, are meant to be compromises between capitalism and socialism, inspired by corporatism: the concepts of representation, institutionalization, and codetermination take on a central role. The interests of private groups, represented by trusts or large companies, were to be tempered by the public interest, without calling into question the existence of capitalism as a system that can accommodate various forms depending on the circumstances: nationalizations, government ownership, and so on. Archibald (1984) provided a portrait of the evolution of the corporatist project, showing that it went through episodes of intense activity in Quebec, even though there was not always a strict link between ideas and practices. In its broader acceptance, corporatism defended the 364

10.4 Interest Groups

interests of groups ranging from regional economic associations to professional corporations, as well as of lobby groups which grew up around more specific issues (Boivin, 1984) and specific claims of unions. In the case of the labour movement, trade unions were formed historically to pursue the interests the movement represented and to implement strategies it recommended. As of 1990, unions were formed to press claims on an employer, in a few cases by occupational group, especially in the construction sector, or by sector of activity, as in agriculture. Multi-employer accreditation, which unions are seeking to obtain for specific occupational groups, is usually refused for obvious ideological reasons; the Conseil du patronat du Quebec and the Chambres de commerce are opposed to it on the ground that it would undermine free enterprise, but also because a potential for conflict exists related to whether a corporation would be better able to protect the interests of a particular occupational group. Conflict between corporatism and unionism has arisen many times, particularly in cases in which a professional corporation and a union co-exist in one institution (OPQ, 1984). However, the professional-corporation movement is gaining ground in Quebec society, perhaps at the expense of unionism.

Guy Frechet References Archibald, Clinton 1984 Un Quebec corporatiste? Corporatisme et nto-corporatisme: du passage d'une ideologic corporatiste sociale a une ideologic corporatiste politique: le Quebec de 1930 a nos jours. Hull: Editions Asticou. Boivin, Dominique 1984 Le lobbying ou le pouvoir des groupes de pression. Montreal: Editions du M6ridien. Desgagng, Andre 1979 "L'avenir du professionnalisme au Quebec." Critere no. 26, 41-60. Dion, Ste*phane 1987 "L'administration, les citoyens, les groupes." In James Iain Grow, Michel Barrette, St6phane Dion, and Michel Fortmann, Introduction a I'administration publique au Quebec. Une approche politique, 250-276. Montreal: Gaetan Morin Editeur. Dussault, Gilles 1978 "L'analyse sociologique du professionnalisme au Quebec." Recherches sociographiques 19, no. 2, 161-170. Favreau, Louis 1989 Mouvement populaire et intervention communautaire de 1960 a nos jours. Ruptures et continuit^s. Montreal: Le Centre de formation populaire and les Editions du Fleuve.

365

10 Institutional! zation of Social Forces

Lalibert6, Robert 1979 "La professionnalisation des occupations: une tendance a accentuer ou a renverser?" Critere no. 25, 23-40. OPQ (Office des professions du Quebec) 1984 Le systeme professionnel quebecois, 1974-1984, Bilan et prospective. Quebec City: OPQ. 1973- Rapports annuels. Quebec City: OPQ. 1988 Turcotte, Marc-Andr6 1981 "Approches traditionnelles et nouvelles perspectives analytiques du professionnalisme." In Colette Bernier et al., eds., Travailler au Quebec, 241-258. Montreal: Editions cooperatives A. Saint-Martin.

366

10.4 Interest Groups

Table 1 Professional Corporations, with Exclusivity of Practice and Reserved Titles, Quebec, until 1988 Exclusivity of practice

Reserved title

Total

Before 1961 1961-1970 1971-1980 1981-1988

15 2 4 0

5 7 6 1

20 9 10 1

Total

21

19

40

Year

Source: Office des professions du Quebec, Lisre des corporations proiessionnelles regies par le code des professions, Quebec. 1 988. author's compilations

Table 2 Number of Members in Professional Corporations by large Categories and as a Proportion of Total, Quebec, 1973-1988 Law, business and administration

Engineering, planning and develop.

Human relations

Health

Year

N

%

N

%

N

%

N

%

Total N

1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

15 135 16 203 17 607 19 168 20 365 21 389 22 487 23 766 25 454 27 049 28 951 30 575 32 118 33 526 34 932 36 925

14,7 14,7 14,7 15,0 15,0 15,2 15,4 15,4 15,1 15,6 16,2 16,2 16,5 17,1 17,2 17,7

20 440 21 437 23 045 24 515 26 304 27 259 28 570 29 494 37 932 39 050 40 689 41 201 41 597 41 959 42 914 45 470

19,9 19,4 19,3 19,2 19,4 19,4 19,6 19,1 22,5 22,5 22,8 21,8 21,3 21,4 21,2 21,8

3 232 3 580 3 944 4 185 4 790 5055 5 440 5 557 5 721 5 819 5 800 6 137 6 527 6 931 7 268 7 596

3,1 3,2 3,3 3,3 3,5 3,6 3,7 3,6 3,4 3,4 3,2 3,2 3,3 3,5 3,6 3,6

63 978 69 335 75 085 79 633 84 446 87 109 89 123 95 861 99 303 101 556 103 229 11 1 286 114 630 1 1 3 340 117 542 118 439

62,2 62,7 62,7 62,5 62,1 61,9 61,2 62,0 59,0 58,5 57,8 58,8 58,8 57,9 58,0 56,8

102 785 110 555 119 681 127 501 135 905 140 812 145 620 154 678 168 410 173 474 178 669 189 199 194 872 195 756 202 656 208 430

Source: Office des professions du Quebec, Rapports annuals, Quebec, .1973 to 1988; author's compilations

367

10 Institutionalization of Social Forces

Table 3

Rate of Professionals per 100 000 Inhabitants by large Categories and Index (1973=100). Quebec, 1973-1988 Law, business and administration

Engineering, planning and develop.

Human relations

Health

Year

/100 000

Ind.

/ 100 000

Ind.

/ 100 000

Ind.

1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

249 265 285 307 324 339 355 372 395 417 444 467 488 513 530 556

100 106 114 123 130 136 142 149 159 168 178 188 196 206 213 223

336 350 373 393 419 433 451 462 589 603 624 629 632 642 651 685

100 104 111 117 124 129 134 137 175 179 186 187 188 191 194 204

53 58 64 67 76 80 86 87 89 90 89 94 99 106 110 114

100 110 120 126 143 151 161 164 167 169 167 176 187 199 207 215

/ 100 000 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

052 132 215 277 344 382 406 501 542 567 583 699 742 733 783 784

Total Ind. 100 108 115 121 128 131 134 143 147 149 150 161 166 165 169 170

Source: Office des professions du Quebec, Rappons annuels, Quebec, 1973 to 1988; author's compilations

368

/100 000 Ind.

1 691 1 806 1 937 2 045 2 163 2 234 2 297 2 422 2 616 2 677 2 740 2 889 2 961 2 993 3 074 3 140

100 107 115 121 128 132 136 143 155 158 162 171 175 177 182 186

11 IDEOLOGIES AND BELIEFS

11.1 Political Differentiation Abstract. On the provincial scene, a long period dominated by a right-wing populist party was followed by alternation between a left-of-centre party and a more right-wing or liberal party. At the federal level, the conservative party replaced the liberal party and the populist party disappeared. Extremist and marginal parties have never carried significant weight, at either the provincial or the federal level.

The British-style one-vote plurality electoral system with a single round of voting, as practised in Quebec and in Canada, has never enabled large political formations to differentiate themselves from one another ideologically as distinctly as in other electoral systems. In this system, the major parties distinguish themselves more by gradations than by fundamental divergences. The connotations of the terms "left," "centre," and "right" are therefore less clear-cut than they are in other types of parliamentary democracies.

After a long period dominated by a right-wing populist party, there has been a succession of left-of-centre or social-democratic parties and rightof-centre or ideologically liberal parties in power in Quebec The Union nationale, considered a right-wing populist party, held power in Quebec without interruption from 1944 to 1960. It was replaced up to 1966 by the Parti liberal du Quebec, then considered progressive. The beginning of the Quiet Revolution was identified with this accession to power. Since the 1960s, all of the major Quebec parties have had nationalistic connotations. In this respect, the Parti liberal distinguished itself by a more modern, more demanding approach, advocating the insertion of Quebec into contemporary currents rather than simply the defence of its traditions, and seeking more constitutional powers to facilitate this process while respecting the specific characteristics of Qu6becers. The ideologies of modernism, social democracy, and decolonization influenced its programme and actions, inspiring reforms in and democratization of the education system and new economic policies. Between 1966 and 1970, the Union nationale regained power and continued to manifest itself as a populist party, carrying on, and even broadening the scope of, reforms in the education system. It maintained the type of constitutional debates undertaken by the Parti liberal, and radicalized them. Following up on the latter's implementation of a universal public system of hospitalization insurance, the Union nationale encouraged and accepted implementation of measures favouring universal access to free medical care. At the same time, various vigorous proindependence movements arose, some of whose leaders broke away from the Parti liberal. The ideological orientations of these movements ranged from right-wing 369

11 Ideologies and Beliefs

populist to social-democratic. They led to the creation of the Parti qu^bdcois, a pro-sovereignty party with social-democratic tendencies. This party gradually attracted a majority of the progressive elements of the electorate. The Parti liberal returned to power between 1970 and 1976, with a less progressive orientation than it had had from 1960 to 1966. It implemented the universal healthinsurance plan. The Parti qu£b£cois became the main opposition party. The Parti qu6b6cois held power from 1976 to 1985. The constitutional debate reached its apogee with the referendum on the sovereignty of Quebec in 1980. During this period, a number of economic and cultural policies of a modern nationalistic inspiration were enacted, as were social policies inspired by social democracy. At the same time, the Credit social blossomed briefly and there was a temporary resurgence of the Union nationale, both populist-oriented parties. Although they succeeded in getting a few MNAs elected, their presence in the National Assembly did not last beyond the 1981 election. The last mandate of the Parti qu6b6cois was marked by controversy in the areas of the Canadian constitution and social policy. It was hit by the economic recession, and Thatcherism and Reaganism were in full swing. In 1985 the Parti liberal du Quebec regained power, with an emphasis on neo-liberal themes (Landry, 1988). It was elected again in 1989, but with a smaller majority, partly due to the emergence of political formations appealing essentially to Anglophones in reaction to the nationalistic leanings that had arisen in all of the major parties since the 1960s. In addition to these major parties, there have also been extremist and marginal parties in Quebec, of which the most constantly active have nearly always been on the far left, most often Marxist-Leninist parties. As a whole, the leftist parties have been able to attract only about 3% of the votes cast at best.

In federal elections, the populist vote and part of the liberal vote became a conservative vote in 1984 and 1988 To classify the federal political parties on a left-centre-right political spectrum is even more difficult than to do so for the provincial parties. In British-style parliamentary systems, one of the main characteristics of parties is their pragmatism. The federal parties are even more pragmatic than the provincial parties, except for the New Democratic Party (NDP), which has a social-democratic orientation, originally influenced by the Labour Party of Great Britain. It has succeeded in electing only one candidate in Quebec, in a February, 1990, by-election. It has never been in power in Ottawa. Only one populist party, the Social Credit Party, can be considered right-wing. The federal Liberals and Conservatives are centrist, the former to left of centre and the latter to right of centre. Between 1962 and 1979, from 25% to 35% of the votes of QuSbecers in federal elections went to the Social Credit Party (table 2). Of the two major federal parties, the Liberals have constantly identified themselves as centrist; occasionally, when they were in power, they brought in certain measures promoted by the NDP. There have been no more extremist or marginal parties on the federal scene than have appeared on the provincial scene. Most of them are Marxist-Leninist parties; the

370

11.1 Political Differentiation

Rhinoceros Party, on the other hand, does not follow a political ideology, but mocks a certain style of electoral campaigning. Jean-Paul Baillargeon References Beaudry, Lucille 1982 Le souverainisme politique au Quebec: le Parti quebecois et les courants independantistes. Recueil bibliographique. Montreal: University du Quebec a Montreal. Bergeron, Gerard, and Rejean Pelletier, eds. 1980 L'Etat du Quebec en devenir. Montreal: Boreal Express. Blais, Andr6, and Jean Crete 1986 "La clientele pequiste en 1985: caracteristiques et Evolution." Politique no. 10, 5-29. Boudreau, Ernest 1983 Le reve inacheve. Le PQ, I'independance et la crise. Montreal: Nouvelle optique. Crete, Jean, ed. 1984 Le gouvernement du Parti quebecois. Recherches sociographiques 25, no. 1. 1984

Le comportement Electoral au Quebec. Chicoutimi: Gaetan Morin Editeur.

Denis, Roch, and Serge Denis 1986 "Un syndicalisme non-partisan durant les annees pequistes." Politique no. 10, 91-116. Fitzmaurice, John 1985 Quebec and Canada: Past, Present and Future. New York: St. Martin's Press. Fournier, Pierre, ed. 1981 Capitalisme et politique au Quebec: un bilan critique du Parti quebecois au pouvoir. Montreal: Editions cooperatives A. Saint-Martin. Fraser, Graham 1984 Le parti quebecois. Montreal: Libre expression. Gagnon, Michel 1980 La Revolution tranquille et apres: classes, partis, alliances electorales, alliances de classe pour la periode 1956-1976. M.A. dissertation. Montreal: University du Quebec a Montreal. Lamoureux, Andr£ 1985 Le NPD et le Quebec, 1980-1985. Montreal: Editions du Pare.

371

11 Ideologies and Beliefs

Landry, Rejean 1988 "L'orientation interventionniste des ideologies des partis politiques qu^b^cois depuis 1970." Politique no. 12, 63-85. La Terreur, Marc 1973 Les tribulations des conservateurs au Quebec: de Bennett & Dienfenbaker. Quebec City: Presses de I'Universit^ Laval. Lemieux, Vincent 1970 Une election de realignement. L'61ection gen£rale du 29 avril 1970 au Quebec. Montreal: Editions du Jour. 1973

Le quotient politique vrai: le vote provincial et federal au Quebec. Quebec City: Presses de I'Universite' Laval.

1979

La fete continue: la vie politique au Quebec depuis la Revolution tranquille jusqu'au Referendum. Montreal: Boreal Express.

1986

"L'Etat et les jeunes." In Fernand Dumont, ed., Une societe des jeunes? 325-335. Quebec City: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture.

1988

"Les regions et le vote liberal des ann6es 1980." Recherches sociographiques 29, no. 1, 45-58.

Massicotte, Louis, and Andr6 Bernard 1985 Le scrutin au Quebec: un miroir deformant. Montreal: HMH. Milner, Henry 1978 Politics in the New Quebec. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart. Murray, Vera 1976 Le Parti quebecois: de la fondation a la prise du pouvoir. Montreal: HMH. Pelletier, Rejean 1974 Les militants du RIN. Ottawa: Les editions de I'Universite' d'Ottawa. 1984

Parti's politiques et societe quebecoise: 1960-1970. Sainte-Foy: University Laval.

Pinard, Maurice 1975 The Rise of a Third Party: A Study in Crisis Politics. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press. Stein, Michael B. 1973 The Dynamics of Right Wing Protest: a Political Analysis of Social Credit in Quebec. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Vaillancourt, Yves et al. 1983 Le P.Q. et le social. Elements de bilan des politiques sociales du gouvernement du Parti quebecois: 1976-1982. Montreal: Editions cooperatives A. Saint-Martin.

372

hh

Table 1

Percentage of Votes and Seats obtained by Major Political Parties, Provincial General Elections. Quebec, 1952 1985 Union nationale

Parti liberal

Parti quebecois

Year

Votes

Seats

Votes

Seats

1952 1956 1960 1962 1966 1970 1973 1976 1981 1985

51,5 52,0 46,6 42,1 40,9 19,6

73,8 77,4 45,2 32,6 51,9 15,5

46,0 44,5 51,3 56,4 47,2 45,4 54,5 33,8 46,1 56,0

25,0 21,5 53,7 64,1 46,3 66,6 92,7 24,0 34,4 81,1

4,9 18,2

4,0 0,2

_

10,0

— -

Votes _ — _ — — 23,1 30,2 41,4 49,2 38,7

Others

Seats

Votes

Seats

_ — _ — — 6,5 5,5

2,5 3,5 2,1 1,5

1,2 1,1 1,1 3,3 1,8

11,9 11,9 10,4

6,6 0,7 5,1

64,0 65,6 18,8

11,4

1,8 2,0 — -

Source : Gerald Bernier a nd Robert Boily, Le Quebec en chiffres de 1850 a nos /ours . Montreal ACFAS, 1986

Table 2

Percentage of Votes and Seats won by the Major Political Parties, Federal General Elections, Quebec, 1953-1988 Conservatives

Liberals Year

Votes

Seats

Votes

1953 1957 1958 1962 1963 1965 1968 1972 1974 1879 1980 1984 1988

64,8 62,3 49,6 39,7 45,6 45,6 53,6 49,7 54,6 61,7 68,2 35,4 30,2

88,0 84,0 33,3 46,7 62,7 73,3 75,7 75,7 81,1 89,3 98,7 22,7 16,0

29,5 25,5 46,2 29,7 19,5 21,2 21,4 17,5 21,4 13,5 12,6 50,2 52,7

Others

Seats

Votes

Seats

5,3

5,7

12,0 66,7 18,7 10,7 12,0

12,2

6,7 4,0 -

5,4 2,7 4,1 2,7 1,3

77,3 84,0

4,2

30,6 34,9 33,2 25,0 32,8 24,0 24,8 19,2 14,4 17,1

34,6 26,6 14,7 18,9 21,6 14,8

8,0 — — —

Sources: Gerald Bernier and Robert Boily, Le Quebec en chiffres de 1850 a nos jours, ACFAS, 1986; Election Canada, unpublished data; author's compilations.

373

11.2 Confidence in Institutions Abstract. The churches continue to be the institutions that enjoy the most confidence on the part of the public, followed by educational institutions. The law, the courts, the police, and the armed forces are also well regarded. The business world is being accorded increasing confidence. The closer governmental institutions are to people in their daily lives, the greater their credibility. The public has certain reservations regarding Parliament and political parties. The public's confidence in the labour unions is somewhat limited. In Quebec, the media are very highly rated.

The churches are among the institutions that have maintained the highest degree of confidence among the population Of all the institutions about which the Canadian public has been asked to express its level of confidence, the churches have generally scored the highest. In every such survey between 1974 and 1984, a majority stated that they had great confidence in these institutions; however, this majority appears to have diminished over the years (tables 1, 2, and 3). An analogous phenomenon has occurred within Quebec, where religious leaders are the leaders in whom Qu6becers have maintained the highest level of confidence. This high level of confidence has remained in spite of the fact that a large part of the population has moved substantially away from religious practice and from many of the moral precepts of the Catholic church, particularly those concerning contraception, abortion, and divorce.

Educational institutions continue to enjoy a relatively high level of confidence In spite of criticism regarding the quality of teaching in the educational system, and despite reservations about teachers' commitment and huge, impersonal administrative machines, people still seem to have a fair amount of confidence in educational institutions - 65% of Canadians in 1982 (table 3). The proportion who had a great deal or a considerable amount of confidence in public schools fluctuated between 54% and 56% between 1979 and 1984 (table 3).

The law, the courts, the police, and the armed forces continue to be highly rated In a cross-Canada survey in 1982, the police was the institution that received the highest level of confidence from Canadians (84%). The law was in fourth place, almost on a par with educational institutions (table 2). In a 1974 survey, the Supreme Court of Canada had the confidence of the majority of Canadians, only a few points below the churches (see table 1). In 1979 and 1984, the Supreme Court had the confidence of a majority roughly equal to that accorded to the public schools (table 3). In 1982, 63% of Canadians gave a vote of confidence to the armed forces, the same percentage accorded to the law, and a few points less than that accorded to educational institutions (table 2). Between 1984 and 1988, national defence received a fairly high score in Quebec (table 4). This institution, much like the law, the courts, and the police, performs order and security functions. People regularly 374

11.2 Confidence in Institutions

granted it a level of confidence ranging from high to very high, and it appears that these institutions have functioned according to expectations. However, churches and educational institutions, the function of which is to transmit values and which have an image of stability, enjoyed a higher level of confidence than that expressed toward order and security institutions.

The business world has increased public confidence Even though the level of confidence accorded to the business world has constantly been lower than that granted to institutions responsible for transmitting values or for safeguarding order and security, it gained a high level of support in 1982, in the middle of the economic recession (table 2). Between 1979 and 1984, confidence in large businesses increased slightly (table 3). Que"becers maintained a fairly high level of confidence in the banking system (table 4). On the other hand, they gave a medium score to businesspeople between 1984 and 1988 (table 4). The percentage who expressed considerable confidence in business leaders increased between 1979 and 1988, and stood at 47% in 1987 (table 5). On the other hand, in times of crisis, more confidence is accorded to governments than to businesses when it comes to finding effective solutions.

There is a continuing moderate level of confidence in government administrations Canadians showed moderate confidence in government institutions (table 2). When they were asked in which of these institutions they tended to have the most confidence, municipal administrations were ahead by far, followed by the provincial government, and then the federal government. Very few expressed actual mistrust in government institutions (6%) (Market Development Ltd., 1979, cited in National Assembly Library Database). These institutions are involved both with functions of order and security and with functions related to prosperity, the latter particularly involving businesses. The relative confidence in government probably has as much to do with performance as with expectations that the public may have. The level of confidence rises as administrations become more local, and therefore more visible and easier to reach.

Confidence in political institutions is dropping Political institutions are those for which, on a regular basis, the lowest percentages of a high level of confidence are expressed. In 1974, only 17% of Canadians stated that they had a great deal of confidence in Parliament (table 1). Although the House of Commons was accorded considerable confidence by 38% of Canadians in 1979, this percentage fell to 29% in 1984 (table 3). For political parties, the rating was even lower: 30% in 1979 and 22% in 1984 (table 3). In Quebec, between 1984 and 1988, the rate was on some occasions lower than even that for union leaders (table 4). About one person out of five expressed full confidence in political leaders between 1979 and 1988, with a low point of 16% between 1984 and 1986 (table 5). 375

11 Ideologies and Beliefs

There has been a low level of confidence in labour unions, but this level has risen recently Between 1979 and 1984, just over one Canadian out of five expressed a high level of confidence in labour unions (table 3). However, only one out of three expressed confidence in these institutions in 1982, in the middle of the economic recession (table 2). In Quebec, among non-unionized individuals, a little more than one person out of four had the same level of confidence in labour unions in 1982, as compared to 84% of unionized workers (Centre de sondage, 1982). Although union leaders usually obtain the lowest scores in Quebec, when leaders are ranked in terms of the proportion of the population that have confidence in them this percentage appears to be improving slightly (table 5). Other sources, however, tend to show that confidence regressed in the late 1980s (table 4). Since most of these surveys cover the population as a whole, whereas union leaders are identified only with a fraction of the working population - and that fraction is diminishing - one can hardly be surprised by their low scores, or by results that are apparently contradictory. In fact, the actions of union leaders affect only a small proportion of the people interviewed.

The level of confidence in the media is stable among Quebecers In both 1979 and 1984, 37% of Canadians stated that they had a high level of confidence in newspapers (table 3). In 1982, 44% expressed confidence in the press (table 2). These rates are average as far as confidence levels go. On the other hand, between 1984 and 1988, when Quebecers were asked to express their confidence in various institutions they gave the highest scores to the media, above those for the banking system and national defence, for example (table 4). This difference may be related to the origin of the media used by Anglophones and Francophones respectively. The former devote a lot of their televisionwatching time to American broadcasts, for information and public affairs; the latter rely greatly on Quebec French-language television. English Canada has access to a large number of newspapers and magazines from outside the country. French Quebecers can choose from among a larger number of French periodicals that are produced here. The information content and presentation of the American media are designed to appeal to the American public, and Canadian audiences do not identify with them so readily, resulting in a lower level of confidence than would be the case if the material and the commentators were more familiar.

Jean-Paul Baillargeon Reference Centre de sondage 1982 Sondage omnibus. Montreal: University de Montreal. Mimeo. 376

11.2 Confidence in Institutions

Table 1 Level of Confidence in certain Institutions, Percentage. Canada. 1974

Highly Adequately Fairly Little or not at all No opinion

Churches

Supreme Court

Parliament

35 23 26 14 2

25 28 22 9 15

17 25 30 14 14

Source: Gallup

Table 2 Percentage of Population Having Confidence in certain Institutions, Canada, 1982

84 69

Police Churches Educational institutions The law The armed forces

53 49

Larges businesses Governments The press Labour unions

65 63 63

44 33

Source: Gall

Table 3 Level of Confidence in certain Institutions, Percentage, Canada, 1979 and 1984

Churches Public schools Supreme Court

1979 1984 1979 1984 1979 1984

Very much

Somewhat

Very little

60 54 54 56 57 55 37 37

27 30 29 30 21 26 38 42

12 15 12 11

Newspapers

1979 1984

House of Commons

1979 1984

Large businesses

1979 1984

Political parties

1979 1984

38 29 34 28 30 22

Labour unions

1979 1984

23 21

Source: Gallup

377

No

opinion

2 1 4 4

36 41

8 10 22 20 15 20

11 10

35 43

24 22

8 6

43 43 34 36

30 30

5 5

36 39

7 4

14 9 3 2

11 Ideologies and Beliefs

Table 4 Level of Confidence of Quebecers in certain Institutions or Groups, Quebec, 1984-1988

Information media Banking system National defence Political parties Businessmen Union leaders

1984

1986

1987

1988

64,2 64,1 45,9 38,7 59,1 39,2

64,6 64,2 46,7 40,1 58,6 42,0

63,6 65,9 47,9 38,0 58,2 38,8

65,0 63,3 40,6 36,7 54,7 37,7

a. The measurement of confidence is obtained by granting 3 points for "very", 2 points for "somewhat", 1 to "a little" and zero to "not at all". "No opinion" responses are not taken into account in the calculation. The average is divided by three. Source: Publishes by permission of SORECOM.

Table 5 Level of Confidence in what certain Leaders Say,9 Percentage, Quebec, 1979-1988Leaders Religious leaders 1 ) entirely or somewhat confident 2) a little or not at all confident 3) does not know or no response Businesses leaders 1 ) entirely or somewhat confident 2) a little or not at all confident 3) does not know or no response Political leaders 1 ) entirely or somewhat confident 2) a little or not at all confident 3) does not know or no response Union leaders 1 ) entirely or somewhat confident 2) a little or not at all confident 3) does not know or no response Total ii

1979

1981

1982

1983

1984

1986

1987

1988

51

47

46

52

51

47

56

48

34

38

39

36

41

42

38

47

14

15

14

12

8

10

6

5

37

37

35

39

38

46

47

43

49

50

53

52

52

47

47

53

14

14

11

8

11

8

5

4

26

22

18

17

16

16

24

20

66

69

75

78

78

79

73

78

8

9

7

6

5

5

4

1

16

18

16

16

15

21

20

26

72

71

75

77

78

73

77

70

11

11

8

8

7

6

4

4

100

100

100

100

100

100

100

100

Quesiion; "In general, would you say lhal you are entirely, somewhat, a little or not at all confident in what is said by.

Source: SoncUiges CROP

378

11.3 Economic Orientations Abstract. Francophones have been more active in the management of the Quebec economy, initially with government support during the 1960s and thereafter in private business. There has been a growing interest in business, and concern about economic matters has become predominant.

Francophones have gained greater control of the Quebec economy For generations, and up to the beginning of the Quiet Revolution, Quebec Francophones traditionally showed less interest in business than did Anglophones. They tended to be concentrated in the traditional liberal professions rather than in business-related professions. Francophones were generally absent from the middle and upper echelons of major enterprises, which were dominated by Anglophones, but they have always been active in small businesses. A number of explanations have been proposed to account for what has been called the economic inferiority of French Canadians since the English conquest in 1760: a different system of values (Taylor, 1961), exclusion from information and social-relations networks (Migue", 1970), discrimination and domination by Anglophones (Saint-Germain, 1973), underdevelopment of qualifications, an inadequate school system, limited access to business financing, and so on. The situation changed radically in the three decades since the beginning of the 1960s. The Quebec government played a major role in this process of change, encouraging the rise of a middle class (Guindon, 1964, 1977, 1988) and of a technocracy which took control of a large number of activities by means of government agencies. In the 1970s, Francophones began to assert themselves through a rise in entrepreneurship and the establishment of large businesses (Merrier, 1988). During the 1980s, Francophone control of manufacturing jobs increased substantially, according to Vaillancourt and Carpentier (1989: 64), who state that "Francophone control of the Quebec economy has increased by about 0,5% per year since 1960, rising from 47 percent in 1961 to 60 percent in 1987." During the 1970s and the 1980s, the westward movement of economic activities, especially toward Toronto, not to mention a changing political climate, encouraged the departure of part of the Anglophone elite, which contributed to an increase in the relative importance of Francophones in the business world. This shift led major Canadian businesses to set up regional centres in Quebec and, as a result, to grant more power to Francophones in order to service the regional market. Furthermore, the large businesses that remained in Quebec hired more Francophones for upper management. Three studies noted a clear progression in the presence of Francophones in upper-management positions in businesses since the early 1970s (Bernard et al., 1980; SfiCOR inc., 1980; Vaillancourt, 1988a, 1988b). The departure of a large number of Anglophones who held important jobs and the rise of Francophones have changed the respective positions of the two linguistic groups in the Quebec economy, to the benefit of the latter group.

Francophones have become increasingly interested in business In the last few years, interest in business and economic matters has increased strongly throughout the population of Quebec. First, there has been a consider379

11 Ideologies and Beliefs

able increase in numbers of shareholders. According to the Commission des valeurs mobilieres du Quebec (1987), the proportion of adults aged 18 years and over who own shares in businesses rose from 4,4% in 1977 to 16% in 1987; this proportion reached 18% in 1989, according to a survey carried out on behalf of the Toronto Stock Exchange (La Presse, 1990: A10), but it apparently increased even more in the rest of Canada. The creation of the Regime d'Epargne-Actions in 1979 contributed greatly to this rise. The plan provided for a tax deduction upon the purchase of new shares issued by Quebec corporations listed on the stock exchange. This tax shelter led thousands to purchase shares for the first time, during a period of strong growth in the stock market, beginning in 1982; this interest fell off somewhat, however, after the stock-market crash of October, 1987. Media concerned with business saw a considerable boom over the past ten years: two new weeklies were created ("Finances," "Business Weekly)," another was reissued and expanded ("Les Affaires)," the financial pages of the major dailies were extended, several magazines were created ("L'argent et vous," "Le Devoir 6conomique)," radio and television programmes were launched, and so on.

Commerce and business study programmes have undergone substantial development since the early 1970s Full-time student registration in university-level business-administration and commerce programmes reflect the above-mentioned expansion of interest in business. Registration increased substantially beginning in the early 1970s, rising from 12,7% of all full-time undergraduate registration in Quebec in 1966-1967 to 18,1% 20 years later (see table 1). The number of students registered in this type of programme increased much more rapidly than did total registration, according to the indices with a 1966-1967 baseline. There is greater interest in pursuing studies in business administration in Quebec than in Canada as a whole; between 1966 and 1980, Qu6becers accounted for about 30% of all Canadian students in this field, and this proportion rose to 35% in 1986-1987. The strong growth in registration can be attributed in part to the even more rapid development of short-duration university programmes (certificates requiring one year of study), taken mainly by adults who are also working. The interest in business is also reflected in registration in administrative-techniques programmes at the college level. The proportion of registration in this field, in comparison to all registration in professional training, increased from 26,5% in 1970 to 40,2% in 1983, falling back to 33,9% in 1988 (table 2).

Simon Langlois References Bernard, Paul, Andr6e Demers, Diane Grenier, and Jean Renaud 1980

L'tvolution de la situation socio-e'conomique des francophones et des non francophones au Quebec, 1971-1978. Quebec City: Editeur official, coll. Langue et Soci6t4s. 380

11.3 Economic Orientations

CVMQ (Commission des valeurs mobilieres du Quebec) 1987 L'actionnariat au Quebec en 1987. Montreal: CVMQ. Fraser, Mattew 1987 Quebec Inc.: les Quebecois prennent d'assaut le monde des affaires Editions de ITiomme.

Montreal: Les

Hamel, Jacques, Gilles Houle, and Paul Sabourin 1984 "Strategies 6conomiques et deVeloppement industriel: Emergence de Forano." Recherches sociagraphiques 25, no. 2, 189-209. Guindon, Hubert 1964 "Social Unrest, Social Class, and Quebec's Bureaucratic Revolution." Queen's Quarterly no. 71, 150-162. 1977

"La modernisation du Quebec et la I6gitimit6 de 1'Etat canadien." Recherches sociographiques 18, no. 3, 337-365.

1988

Quebec Society: Tradition, Modernity and Nationhood. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

La Presse 1990 "Survey on behalf of the Toronto Stock Exchange." January 15th. Mercier, Jean 1988 Les Quebecois entre I'Etat et I'entreprise. Montreal: L'Hexagone. Migue, Jean-Luc 1970 "Le nationalisme, I'unit6 nationale et la thgorie gconomique de reformation." Revue canadienne d'economique 3, no. 2, 183-198. Rainville, Jean-Marie 1980 Hierarchie ethnique dans la grande entreprise. Montreal: Les Editions de 1'Homme. Saint-Germain, Maurice 1973 Une Economic d, liberer: le Quebec analyst dans ses structures economiques. Montreal: Presses de ITJniversitS de Montreal. Sales, Arnaud 1974 "Differentiation ethnique des directions industrielles." Sociologie et societes 6, no. 2, 101-113. 1979

La bourgeoisie industrielle au Quebec. Montreal: Presses de ITJniversite de Montreal.

381

11 Ideologies and Beliefs

Sales, Arnaud, and Noel Be'langer 1985 Dtcideurs et gestionnaires. Etude de la direction et I'encadrement des secteurs privt et public. Quebec City: Conseil de la langue francaise. StiCOR inc. 1980 La presence francophone dans la grande entreprise manufacturiere, 1964-1979. Montreal: sfiGOR inc. Mimeo. Taylor, N. W. 1961 "L'industriel canadien-francais et son milieu." Recherches sociographiques 2, no. 2, 123-150. Vaillancourt, Francois 1988a Langue et disparity de statut Economique au Quebec, 1970-1980. Quebec City: Conseil de la langue francaise. 1988b "Le statut economique du francais et des francophones au Quebec." Interface, 23-27. Vaillancourt, Francois, and Jose'e Carpentier 1989 Le controle de I'economie du Quebec: la place des francophones en 1987 et son Evolution depuis 1961. Montreal and Quebec City: Centre de recherche et de"veloppement en Economique and Conseil de la langue francaise.

382

11.3 Economic Orientations

Table 1 Undergraduate University Registrations, Total and for Business-Administration Only, Full-time and Part-time. Index (1966=100) and Proportion, Quebec, 1966-1987 Full-time Year (December)

1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

Total Index 100

1 12

128 154 147 152 157 172 192 208 210 222 230 243 247 251 260 277 290 307 314 316

Part-time

Businessadminist. Index

Admi./ total %

Administration Index

Admin./ total %

100 107 119 131 125 138 164 185 197 235 252 272 259 323 347 356 371 393 399 419 440 449

12,7 12,2 11,9 10,8 10,8 11.5 13,3 13,8 13,0 14,4 15,3 15,6 14,3 16,9 17,9 18,1 18,2 18,1 17,5 17,4 17,8 18,1

100 95 103 138 109 108 124 95 124 218 217 236 232 239 248 287 294 319 336 402

47,0 41,3 39,8 41,7

442

432

27^3

24,2 24,4 16,0 17,8 28,8 26,4 26,2 22,9

21.9

20,5 23,6 23,8 23,1 24,1 27,8 30,8 30,2

Sources: Statistics Canada, Education in Canada, a Statistical Review, Ottawa, cat 8 I-229, Statistics Canada, I'r!/t tv.-r/• e> Enroirren; andDegrees, Ottawa, cat. 81-204; MESS, Effectifetudiantdes universites quebecoises Faitssdi/tantsde son eioit.";or. 1971-72 a 1986-87. Quebec, DGERU, January 1988; author's compilations.

383

11 Ideologies and Beliefs

Table 2

Number of College registrations in Business Administration and Professional Training, Index (1970=100), Quebec, 1970 1988 Business administration techniques Year 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

6 8 11 12 14 15 17 20 22 24 25 26 29 31 30 29 27 25 23

IM

Index

648 909 318 810 625 838 335 305 146 624 080 246 502 311 815 215 865 595 500

100 134 170 193 220 238 261 305 333 370 377 395 444 471 464 439 419 385 353

N

Index

Businessadminist./ prof, train. %

134 876 621 275 749 440 525 107 244 204 500 686 289 898 851 380 078 818 349

100 131 162 184 198 209 217 239 252 263 265 273 296 310 310 304 299 286 276

26,5 27,1 27,9 27,7 29,4 30,2 31,8 33,8 35,0 37,2 37,7 38,2 39,7 40,2 39,6 38,2 37,1 35,6 33,9

Professional training 25 32 40 46 49 52 54 60 63 66 66 68 74 77 77 76 75 71 69

Source: Ministere de I'Enseignement superieur etde la Science, Direction generate de I'enseignement collegial; author's compilations

384

11.4 Radicalism Abstract. Quebec has never been confronted with European-style radicalism. The only electoral radicalism has come from nationalists and populists. Marxism, once popular with some intellectuals, has become a marginal ideology. On the other hand, an extreme-right neo-conservative ideological faction is emerging.

There is an absence of radical European-style political parties Radicalism, both electoral and ideological - right-wing as well as left-wing - will be considered here. Radicalism will be examined with respect to its degree of extremity, that is, the extent to which it would imply a profound change in society. Political radicalism, as manifested in extreme right- or left-wing political parties, is a marginal phenomenon in Quebec. There has been only one communist elected representative, federal or provincial, in Quebec's history, Fred Rose (Labour-Progressive Party). He was elected to the House of Commons during World War II, in 1943 and 1945, and was expelled on the ground of espionage. Socialism has taken on a social-democratic form, as manifested in the New Democratic Party, previously known as the CCF (Co-operative Commonwealth Federation). In a by-election in February, 1990, the NDP succeeded in electing its first member in Quebec. Through its presence and progressive social thinking, this political party has nevertheless exerted considerable influence on the social policies of our governments. At the municipal level (in Montreal) since World War II, there has been an attempt at electoral mobilization by a socialist-oriented party, the Front d'Action Politique. Before World War II, in Quebec as elsewhere in Canada, there was one fascist-oriented party (Betcherman, 1975). The extreme right has not had any electoral counterpart.

There has been a rise and fall in populist radicalism Electoral radicalism in Quebec has, instead, taken the forms of populism and nationalism. The former was seen especially during the 1960s. The Social Credit Party succeeded in making inroads into the federal Parliament, with more than a dozen members from Quebec. This party acted as a vehicle for expression of frustration in rural society and among the working class and the petty bourgeoisie (Pinard, 1971). Its presence on the electoral scene, which lasted 17 years in the federal Parliament and six years in the Quebec National Assembly, did not persist.

Nationalism has been a political constant in Quebec Nationalism, on the other hand, has been a constant in Quebec political life. It survived a socialist and reformist trend (the Bloc Populaire) to become the motive force of a conservative party in the 1950s (the Union nationale) and of a socialdemocratic party more recently, (the Parti que"b6cois). The latter had been preceded by at least one radical nationalist party, the Rassemblement pour l'inde"pendance nationale (RIN), which was dissolved when the Parti que"becois was created. Since then, the Parti que"becois has borne the nationalist colours. It was relegat385

11 Ideologies and Beliefs

ed to the opposition after having been in power in Quebec for nine years, but it continues to form the official opposition in the National Assembly.

Radical political movements have a traditional form of leadership The short-lived success of the Social Credit Party was explained by the ability of a leadership constituted by the traditional elite to steer any radical expression originating in socially underprivileged classes toward more nationalistic parties (Pinard, 1971). This leadership, formerly composed chiefly of lawyers, doctors, and journalists, and more recently also of teachers, professors, and managers, emerged from the classical colleges. It was socialized in a Quebec institutional model that was paternalistic and corporatist (Archibald, 1984). With the exception of the Social Credit Party, political leadership in Quebec has always been traditional. The monopoly of this kind of leadership has never allowed any other to attain legitimacy. Except in the case of nationalism, this leadership stranglehold has limited expression of radical or marginal political ideas. In a technical sense, the British-style parliamentary electoral system has encouraged the persistence of this kind of leadership. However, the abolition at the end of the 1960s of classical colleges pre-empted reproduction of this type of leadership, which was a veritable political elite.

The pendulum effect persists in Quebec political life The ups and downs of the British-style electoral system, coupled with the fact that a traditional style of leadership monopolized the political process in Quebec, explains to a great extent why the pendulum-like nature of Quebec political life - sudden and massive changes in the number of elected representatives per political party - is confined to the choices offered by parties with traditional leadership. Power has changed hands, often and sometimes dramatically, from overwhelming majority to overwhelming majority, at both the federal and provincial levels. These successive climbs to power resulted from electoral representation which did not extend beyond non-radical parties, that is, parties run by members of the same political elite. Some observers have detected a well-defined cycle in this pendulum movement (Lemieux, 1986).

There was an emergence and a subsequent marginalization of Marxistoriented radical social doctrine Marxism attained some popularity in Quebec in intellectual and militant circles in the 1970s, to the point where it became a kind of intellectual predilection. In colleges and universities, Marxists succeeded in imposing an ideological orthodoxy in some social-science departments (Lagueux, 1982). The Marxist paradigm had a major influence on research on the business world, on social stratification, on migration, on the national question, and on rural life (Bourque, 1977; Fournier, 1978; Legar6, 1977; Morisset, 1987; Niosi, 1980, 1982; Se'guin, 1980). Several authors emphasized the influence of the Marxist paradigm in their syntheses of the treatment of some of these questions: Harvey (1980) on the labour movement; Vandycke (1980) on the national question; and S6guin (1980) on the rural milieu. 386

11.4 Radicalism

Yet this paradigm was rarely successfully substituted for a more classic one, that which gave priority to the national and ethnic dimensions, though the latter was often strengthened by the former. Although the volume of research and publications inspired by Marxism was considerable, it did not initiate a lasting tradition (Lagueux, 1982).

Marxist-inspired social militancy reached its peak at the beginning of the 1970s, and subsequently declined In certain grass-roots groups, Marxism exerted a considerable influence for a limited time. This can be attested to by the emergence of communist, MarxistLeninist ("En lutte," the Parti Marxiste-Le"niniste), and national-liberation (Front de liberation du Quebec) organizations (Piotte, 1987). During the late 1960s and early 1970s, at least two "pro-Marxist" authors, Pierre Vallieres ("Negres Blancs d'Am^rique," "L'Urgence de choisir)" and L^andre Bergeron ("Petit manuel d'histoire du Quebec)," wrote best-sellers. In the Marxist milieu there was tension between those who favoured national liberation in the sense of decolonization and those for whom class struggle remained the absolute priority, with the latter accusing the former of bourgeois nationalism. Under the influence of purists like Gagnon, "the avant-garde of the proletariat" gained the upper hand on the nationalist "revisionists." Nevertheless, this militancy is "an important social and political phenomenon which affected most popular organizations and movements and which seems to have disappeared more quickly than it came" (Godbout, 1987: 407). Nevertheless, there have always been Marxist-Leninist candidates in federal and provincial elections in Quebec. In two large labour unions, the CEQ (Centrale de 1'enseignement du Quebec) and the CSN (Confederation des syndicats nationaux), Marxist thinking was predominant for at least a decade, that of the seventies. These unions and the FTQ (Federation des travailleurs du Quebec) produced some radical, Marxist-inspired documents which were widely circulated, among them "L'Etat, rouage de notre exploitation," from the FTQ (1971); "Ne comptons que sur nos propres moyens" and "II n'y a plus d'avenir pour le Quebec dans le systeme 6conomique actuel," from the CSN (1971); and "Pour une journ^e d'dcole au service de la classe ouvriere," from the CEQ (1975). Since that time, radical and "pro-Marxist" orthodoxy (Grandmaison, 1979), which had reigned in labour unions, was challenged at the grass-roots level. What is more, "intellectuals who bought into a leftist 'simulation' for lack of an authentic assimilation of the heritage bequeathed to the world by the left" (Simard, 1986: 68), once conscious that they themselves had manifested a colonialized mentality by so quickly succumbing to doctrines emanating from the metropolitan centres, realigned themselves (Piotte, 1987).

Neo-conservative ideology and economic neo-liberalism have increased in visibility since the 1970s A neo-conservative ideology has been propagated in Quebec, especially since the 1970s, promulgating a rhetoric which is anti-union, anti-communist, anti-egalitarian, anti-interventionist, and anti-state (Migue", 1979), in the name of personal freedom and, particularly, of absolute self-autonomy versus state control 387

11 Ideologies and Beliefs

(Lemieux, 1983, 1987). Its most extreme manifestations appear in libertarian and anarcho-capitalist exhortations for a minimal state. It repeatedly attacks the welfare state and advocates tax loopholes (Lemieux, 1987). Lemieux proclaims the necessity of "forcing the state to reduce spending ... imposing institutional and constitutional restraints to force it to limit its interventions" (Lemieux, 1987: 153). While this rhetoric contained nothing really new, it was nevertheless openly proclaimed in public (Jalbert & Beaudry, 1987; Jalbert & Lepage, 1986). It essentially gravitates around two poles: the collapse of Keynesian supremacy and the discrediting of Marxism (Beaudry & Jalbert, 1987). The economic counterpart of conservatism, neo-liberalism, had a definite impact on Quebec and Canada, where monetarism is progressively being imposed on economic policies (Jalbert & Beaudry, 1987), contrary to Keynesianism, which is under attack for its implicit interventionism. In Quebec, reports in 1986 by Fortier, Gobeil, and Scowen, dealing with, respectively, privatization of crown corporations, revision of functions and governmental organizations, and deregulation, and aimed at conveying governmental intentions, aroused major controversy (Bergeron, 1987). Most of their recommendations, with a few exceptions in the case of privatization, were not carried out, perhaps due to a backlash effect with regard to radical solutions; opinion in 1985 overwhelmingly favoured the status quo concerning the size of the state, along with a preoccupation for avoiding wastage (Blais & Dion, 1987). It is true, nevertheless, that the ideology and principles of neo-liberalism, extolling the virtues of the free market, competition, and profit-making ability in the managing of state business, made gains during the past 15 years. Reactionary groups are increasing in visibility Within radical factions, racism has historically been visible among the ultranationalist right, which holds an anti-immigration position. This phenomenon, along with its symptoms, has been increasingly visible since the beginning of the post-war period. It would be risky, however, to accuse Francophones in Quebec of being increasingly racist since, though they are inclined toward xenophobia, they have historically been recognized for their tolerance. They themselves have suffered and continue to suffer from expressions of racism by anti-Francophone groups in other Canadian provinces in particular. Other factions are notable for the extremism of their positions in reaction to change, particularly with regard to demands emanating from certain social movements. Groups which advocate, for instance, a return of women to the role of homemaker and recriminalization of abortion have considerable promotional means at their disposal (Vandelac, 1986). In an entirely different sphere, reactionary groups that oppose the imposition of French in Quebec and bilingualism in other Canadian provinces enjoy a not insignificant popularity in some Anglophone communities. Gary Caldwell

388

11.4 Radicalism

References Archibald, Clinton 1984 Un Quebec corporatiste? Corporatisme et neo-corporatisme: du passage d'une ideologic corporatiste sociale & une ideologic corporatiste politique: le Quebec de 1930 d nos jours. Hull: Editions Asticou. Beaudry Lucille, and Lizette Jalbert 1987 "Le n6o-libe>alisme, signification et portle politiques." In Lizette Jalbert, and Lucille Beaudry, eds., Les metamorphoses de la pensee liberate: sur le neo-liberalisme actuel, 9-28. Sillery: Presses de lITniversite" du Quebec. Bergeron, Johanne 1987 "L'autel du liberalisme: une revue des rapports Fortier, Gobeil et Scowen." Politique no. 11, 129-138. Bergeron, Le'andre 1970 Petit manuel d'histoire du Quebec. Montreal: Editions Queb^coises. Betcherman, Lita-Rose 1975 The Swastika and the Maple Leaf: Facist Movements in Canada in the Early Thirties. Toronto: Fitzhenry & Whiteside. Blais, Andr6, and Stephane Dion 1987 Trop d'Etat? Un barometre de 1'opinion." Politique no. 11, 43-72. Bourque, Gilles 1977 L'Etat capitaliste et la question nationals. Montreal: Presses de l'Universit£ de Montreal. CEQ (Centrale de 1'enseignement du Quebec) 1975 Pour une journee d'ecole au service de la classe ouvriere. Montreal: CEQ. CSN (Centrale des syndicats nationaux) 1971 Ne campions que sur nos propres moyens. Montreal: CSN. Comeau, Robert, and Bernard Dionne 1989 Le droit de se taire. Histoire des communistes au Quebec, de la Premiere Guerre mondiale a la Revolution tranquille. Montreal: VLB Editeur. Dion, St^phane 1986 "Libe'ralisme et democratic: plaidoyer pour I'id6ologie dominante." Politique no. 9, 5-38. Fournier, Marcel 1979 Communisme et anti-communisme au Quebec 1920-1950. Laval: Editions cooperatives A. Saint-Martin. Fournier, Pierre 1978 Le patronat quebecois au pouvoir. Montreal: HMH.

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FTQ (Federation des travailleurs du Quebec) 1971 L'Etat, rouage de notre exploitation. Montreal: FTQ. FRAP (Front d'action politique) 1970 Les salaries au pouvoir. Montreal: Les Presses Libres. Giroux, France 1986 "Les incoherences d'un liberalisme exacerbe." Politique no. 9, 99-110. Godbout, Jacques 1987 "La communaute retrouvee?" Recherches sociographiques 28, nos. 2-3, 407-414. Grandmaison, Jacques 1979 La nouvelle classe et I'avenir du Quebec. Montreal: Stanke. Gruslin, Andre 1985 "Le theatre politique au Quebec: une espece en voie de disparition." Jeu: cahiers de theatre no. 36, 32-39. Harvey, Fernand 1980 Le mouvement ouvrier au Quebec. Montreal: Boreal Express. Jalbert, Lizette, and Laurent Lepage, eds. 1986 Nfo-conservatisme et restructuration de I'Etat. Sillery: Presses de llJniversite du Quebec. Jalbert, Lizette, and Lucille Beaudry, eds. 1987 Les metamorphoses de la penste liberate: sur le neo-liberalisme actuel. Sillery: Presses de 1'Universite du Quebec. Lagueux, Maurice 1982 Le marxisme des anntes soixante. Montreal: Hurtubise. Legare, Anne 1977 Les classes sociales au Quebec. Montreal: Presses de llJniversite du Quebec. Lemieux, Pierre 1983 Du liberalisme a I'anarcho-capitalisme. Paris: Presses universitaires de France. 1987

La souverainete de I'individu. Paris: Presses universitaires de France.

Lemieux, Vincent 1986 "L'e"tat et les jeunes." In Fernand Dumont, ed. Une socitte des jeunes? 325-335. Quebec City: Institut qu6becois de recherche sur la culture. LeVesque, Andree 1984 Virage a gauche interdit. Montreal: Boreal Express. Migue, Jean-Luc 1979 L'economiste et la chose publique. Sillery: Presses de I'Universite" du Quebec. Morisset, Michel 1987 L'agriculture familiale au Quebec. Paris: L'Harmattan.

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11.4 Radicalism

Niosi, Jorge 1980 La bourgeoisie canadienne. Montreal: Boreal Express. 1982

Le contrdle financier du capitalisme canadien. Sillery: Presses de I'Universit^ du Quebec.

Pinard, Maurice 1971 The Rise of a Third Party: A Study in Crisis Politics. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall. Piotte, Jean-Marc 1987 La communaute perdue. Petite histoire des militantismes. Montreal: VLB. Se'guin, Normand 1980 Agriculture et colonisation au Quebec: aspects historiques. Montreal: Boreal Express. Simard, Jean-Jacques 1986 "Les pieds et le plat: e'tiologie de 1'autogestion." Possibles 10, nos. 3-4, 63-78. Vallieres, Pierre 1969 Negres blancs d'Am6rique. Montreal: Editions Parti-Pris. 1971

L'urgence de choisir. Montreal: Editions Parti-Pris.

Vandelac, Louise 1986 "A droite toutes! ou 1'impact 'des droites' sur le fe"minisme et les rapports de sexe." In Lizette Jalbert, and Laurent Lepage, eds., Nfo-conservatisme et restructuration de I'Etat, 219-232. Sillery: Presses de I'UniversitS du Quebec. Vandycke, Robert 1980 "La question nationale: ou en est la pense"e marxiste?" Recherches sociographiques 21, nos. 1-2, 197-130.

391

11.5 Religious Beliefs Abstract. A rupture has occurred during recent decades in the almost exclusively Christian and Catholic history of Francophones in Quebec. There is an ongoing proliferation of new religious movements of such diversity that it is difficult even to classify them. They originate from a wide variety of types of beliefs, be they Christian or Oriental, or are related to paranormal and esoteric phenomena.

The religion of Qu£becers, and their underlying beliefs, have changed from a mass phenomenon to a private matter Until recent decades, the religious beliefs of Qu6becers were associated with Christianity, the traditional religious orientation both of settlers of French origin and of immigrants of British origin. Waves of immigration from Asia contributed somewhat to diversifying the religious landscape, and Buddhism, Hinduism, and other Oriental religions are now established alongside Judaism and Islam. Catholicism among Qu6becers was so closely related to their culture that, up to the middle of the twentieth century, survival of the French-Canadian culture, while of course associated with maintenance of its language, was also associated with that of its religion, which provided spiritual cohesion through its daily rites, its strict set of morals, and its presence in all social and educational institutions. Was this religious adherence nothing but a set of more or less meaningless ritualistic practices, or was it sustained by shared inner beliefs? Lacroix describes the traditional faith of Qu6becers as a summary form of theology, often rigid due to its traditionalism, of fatalistic inspiration, and full of mediation - by the saints and the clergy, among others — due to the image of a distant god. This faith, shared more through rituals related to the seasons and to daily life than through knowledge of the Bible, was indeed in danger of not standing up to the challenges of modern urban life in contemporary Quebec (Lacroix, 1985). Moreux (1969) observed that Catholics, by far the majority in Quebec in a context of pervasive Christianity, had not interiorized either the moral standards of Catholicism or its doctrine, which they often did not know. This made them vulnerable to the views of the modern world. The insecurity of the faithful was also often founded on the spectacle of a church in crisis, with a clergy that was in the process of re-examining itself, even going as far as abandoning the sacerdotal life, and unable to continue supervising collective life in a changing society. The hierarchy of the Catholic church perceived the malaise, which reached its peak at a time known as the Action catholique crisis. It set up a study commission which shed light on the problems that had existed between the episcopacy and the laity during the 1950s and 1960s. In particular, this commission was the occasion of ample testimony of the crisis in the faith of Catholic supporters (members of the JOG, the JEC, the travailleurs chr&iens, etc.), who were torn between their faith in the church and their socio-political commitment (Cl6ment, 1972). With the secularization of institutions and values, Qu^becers adopted various forms of behaviour, beginning in the middle of the twentieth century. Some abandoned all reference to the religious world; this was particularly the case for the post-war generation. Some continued to practise their faith, though they can be distinguished as followers of three different schools: the traditionalists oppose liturgical reform and fight for maintenance of denominational schools; the charis-

392

11.5 Religious Beliefs

matics, conversely, blindly follow the "will of the Holy Spirit"; and the politicized Christians "base their relationship with God on the appeals and needs of the world" (Hamelin, 1984: 359). Nevertheless, the majority express their faith discreetly. More recently, some have gone out on the market for spiritual values in search of the sect, association, or spiritual path that will best suit their needs. There is, however, an apparent contradiction when it comes to taking concrete action that is indicative of adherence to religious values. Qu6becers continue to associate the great moments of their life with a religious ritual, despite all the opportunities that they have to act otherwise (civil registration of births and names, civil marriage, etc.). Faced with a choice at the beginning of each school year between Catholic religious teaching and neutral moral teaching, the great majority of parents prefer religious teaching for their children enrolled in primary school, although this preference has gradually shifted over the years. In secondary school, the situation is different: the proportion of students exempt from religious teaching or enrolled in moral education increased from 15,1% to 25,7% over six years (see table 1).

Although they have distanced themselves from the religious institution, the majority of Quebecers continue to be believers Although many surveys on religious practice have been carried out over the years, few have studied the question of belief. A renewed interest in this matter, however, has begun to produce results. In a survey carried out at the time of the visit of Pope John Paul II to Canada in 1984, 92% of the respondents stated that they believed in God (Le Devoir, 1984: 5). Three years later, this rate had declined to 88,4%, not a very substantial difference (Le Journal de Montreal, 1987). Also in 1984, 79% of the Catholics stated that they believed that Jesus Christ was God, which calls into question the unanimity of beliefs within a single religious group. The most significant changes relating to the creed taught by the Catholic church appear to concern beliefs in what happens after death (Jeffrey, 1991). In this case, the beliefs of Catholics differ little from those of other respondents: only 15% believe that some go to heaven and the rest to hell. Another survey (Le Devoir, 1985: 5) indicates that belief in heaven (71%) and in hell (39%) have shifted. Have these beliefs been replaced by different ones? Catholics, still in about the same proportions as other respondents, believe that one goes on living, but do not know how (40%). Others are inclined to believe that they will be reincarnated (19%), whereas nearly as many (18%) state that everything comes to an end with death. A professor of religious sciences in Sainte-Foy attempted to investigate the state of unconventional beliefs among students in his institution (Bouchard, 1991). Certain beliefs, centred around questions about what happens after death and around paranormal phenomena, are subscribed to by the majority of the students questioned, for example, communication with the dead, extrasensory perception, and so on. This state of affairs represents a split from the religious heritage of previous decades; the number of people who adhere to traditional beliefs in the afterlife is no greater than the number who subscribe to esoteric 393

11 Ideologies and Beliefs

beliefs or those promulgated by Oriental thought. The same trend has been observed throughout the Canadian population (Bibby, 1984). The fact that Que"becers continue to believe in God does not mean that there is unanimity concerning the representation of God. Montminy et al. (1991) found, in a survey carried out in the region of greater Quebec City in 1989, that people felt that God is, first, a personal God (29%), second, an inner God (20%), and, finally, a cosmic God (19%). However, the overall trend of all the representations of God is toward a cosmic God.

For the past two decades, there has been exponential growth in "new religious movements" In Quebec, one can no longer speak of religious beliefs without referring to what are now currently called "the new religious movements" or "the new religions." The adjective "new," used to describe the religions established in Quebec since the late 1960s and the early 1970s, therefore has a meaning that is, above all, cultural and contextual. It is in relation to the religious history of Quebec that these religions are new. They represent a major rupture in the homogeneity of the history of Francophones in Quebec, which up to now had been almost exclusively Christian and Catholic. (Chagnon, 1986: 13) Is this new reality reflected in census data? Only 2,1% of Quebecers state that they do not belong to any religion (Statistics Canada, 1981a). Even with new categories being added from one decade to another - such as parareligious groups, added in 1981 - the phenomenon fails to come to light (Statistics Canada, 1981b). What makes detection difficult is the fact that adherence to new religious movements can be reconciled with attachment to traditional religion — Catholicism in the case of Francophone Qu6becers. While it appeared to the Scientologists that belonging to other new spiritual movements was impossible to reconcile with their belonging to Scientology, they had no difficulty in allying their belonging to Scientology and their adherence to a great religious tradition such as Catholicism, Protestantism, or Judaism. (Chagnon, 1985a: 171) Observation of a few of these movements, particularly those approaching esoterism or the Oriental religions, reveals that there is a great deal of coming and going among members, and the actions of some devotees are worthy of the Qu£b£cois term magasinage (shopping around). Such people will go to various groups in search of what appeals to them, until they find one that fulfills their expectations. Most often these movements are syncretic: such teachings present great coherence, integrating scattered elements taken from various sources, making them acceptable on the cognitive level. For example, members of the Association des chercheurs en science cosmique seem to have acceded to the belief in reincarnation proposed by their movement, even though they state that they are Catholics (Gauthier, 1984). 394

11.5 Religious Beliefs

Over the past two decades, the number of new movements has undergone exponential growth. In 1982, Bergeron caused quite a stir when he described 300 religious or parareligious groups in Quebec. "A vacuum cries out to be filled. The new religious movements fit into the gaps of indetermination left open by today's society" (Bergeron, 1982: 9). These gaps have continued to be filled; in December, 1987, the Centre d'information sur les nouvelles religions identified no fewer than 600 of these new movements. By April of 1988, about 50 more had been added to the list. Due to the number of groups, however, it is not possible to tell whether they are small groups or larger ones. It is the sum of these many little groups that makes up a large movement. Since the leaders of these movements are often quite reticent about surveys, it is not easy for researchers to gain access to their files. The numbers advanced in articles are always approximations. For example, the Church of Scientology apparently dispensed its services to 3 500 persons between 1973 and 1982 (Chagnon, 1985). The Association des chercheurs en science cosmique had 800 members in good standing in the autumn of 1978 (Gauthier, 1984). Some of these groups fall under the umbrella of Catholicism, and are not listed apart from the church (Zylberberg & Montminy, 1981). The difficulty of enumerating members of the new religious movements is also increased by the multitude of forms of these movements. Neither researchers nor members themselves can agree on a typology that would facilitate the gathering of census data. Bergeron proposes the notion of sects and gnoses, two major spiritual families: in the first, "the universe of thought and the system of ethics is inspired principally by the old Judeo-Christian background," and in the other the groups "take their fundamental symbols and their inspirational ideas not from the Judeo-Christian current, but from the Oriental religions, from the esoteric tradition, from psychology, or from science (or science fiction)" (Bergeron, 1982: 41-42). Most groups of Christian inspiration are characterized by fundamentalism. Paranormal phenomena and the Oriental concepts of life after death are slowly but surely penetrating them. These beliefs often come in via California, reaching Quebec by means of travellers returning home, literature, or visits by gurus (Chagnon, 1985b). While specialists disagree on classification - a great deal of controversy surrounded the publication of Bergeron's book (Couture, 1982) - devotees, sometimes for fiscal reasons (not having to pay taxes) and sometimes for cultural reasons (not wishing to be identified with religion), are not always satisfied with how analysts define their movements (Gauthier, 1986). In view of all this, it is not surprising to find that the census data are a better indicator of the religion into which people were born, rather than their new beliefs.

All social categories are affected by changes in the field of religion A few articles and surveys are just beginning to reveal the characteristics of those who have frequented the new movements, or who have internalized their teachings. Although each movement reaches only part of the population, all subgroups of society appear to have been attained. For example, the Association des chercheurs en science cosmique is composed largely of mothers in their thirties 395

11 Ideologies and Beliefs

and subordinate employees (Gauthier, 1984); nearly half of those in the charismatic movement are women who are well-educated, single, and in their fifties (Zylberberg & Montminy, 1981); Scientology involves men and women aged 31 to 35, also quite well educated (Chagnon, 1985). In 1984, readers of books on Oriental spiritualism consisted of people who practised no religion (40%), followed by Protestants (33%) and Catholics (17%) (Le Devoir, 1984). A few years later, a survey of CEGEP students indicated that fragmentation of the religious landscape leads to combinations that at first glance appear contradictory: practising Catholics who do not necessarily believe in the fundamental dogma of Christianity (the divinity of Christ and the resurrection of the dead, for example) and accept esoteric or unconventional beliefs as complementary to or as an extension of their faith (Bouchard, 1989). Madeleine Gauthier References Bergeron, Richard 1982 Le cort&ge des fous de Dieu. Montreal: Editions Paulines. Bibby, Reginald 1984 Fragmented Gods. Poverty and Potential of Religion in Canada. Toronto: Irwin Publishing. Bouchard, Alain 1989 "Les 'concile boomers': la g6n6ration 'zap.' Esquisse d'une interpretation de croyances 6sot6riques chez les jeunes." Approches, 89-112. 1991

"Les croyances esoteriques: la reconstruction du sacr6." In Micheline Milot, and Raymond Lemieux, Les croyances des Quebecois. Cahiers de recherche en sciences de la religion (in press).

Chagnon, Roland 1985a La Scientologie: une nouvelle religion de la puissance. Montreal: Hurtubise HMH. 1985b Trois nouvelles religions de la lumiere et du son. Montreal: Editions Paulines. Clement, Gabriel 1972 Histoire de I'Action catholique au Canada franqais, 2. Montreal: Fides, Commission d'eiude sur les laics et 1'Eglise. Couture, Andr6 1982 "Sectes et gnoses au Quebec. Note sur Le cortege des fous de Dieu de Richard Bergeron." Laval thfologique et philosophique 39, no. 2, 215-219. Gauthier, Madeleine 1984 Parascience et parareligion: etude d'un cos quebecois. Ph. D. dissertation. SainteFoy: University Laval.

396

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Gauthier, Madeleine 1986 "La science cosmique est-elle une science ou une religion?" Studies in Religion, Sciences religieuses 15, no. 1, 29-41. Hamelin, Jean 1984 Histoire du catholicisme quebecois. Le XX" siecle. De 1940 a nos jours. Vol. 2. Montreal: Boreal Express. Jeffrey, Denis 1991 "Les emplacements des conceptions de 1'au-dela." In Micheline Milot, and Raymond Lemieux, Les croyances des Quebecois. Cahiers de recherche en sciences de la religion (in press). Lacroix, Benoit 1986 La religion de mon pere. Montreal: Les Editions Bellarmin. Le Devoir 1984 "L'essentiel n'est plus le ciel,thc'est 1'ici-bas ... mais 1'au dela rend les catholiques bien perplexes." September 8 . 1985

"Settlement les deux-tiers des catholiques canadiens croient encore au paradis et un tiers a 1'enfer." September 14th.

Le Journal de Montreal 1987 "Oui les Quebecois croient toujours en Dieu." May 4th. Montminy, Jean-Paul et al. 1991 "Dimension sociale de la representation de Dieu." In Micheline Milot, and Raymond Lemieux, Les croyances des Quebecois. Cahiers de recherche en sciences de la religion (in press). Moreux, Colette 1969 Fin d'une religion? Monographic d'une paroisse canadienne-frangaise. Montreal: Les Presses de PUniversite de Montreal. Statistics Canada 198 la Points saillants: recensement du Canada 1981. Ottawa: Statistics Canada. 1981b Population par religion et sere. Canada et provinces. Ottawa: Statistics Canada. Zylberberg, Jacques, and Jean-Paul Montminy 1981 "L'Esprit, le pouvoir et les femmes, polygraphie d'un mouvement culturel quebecois." Recherches sociographiques 22, no. 1, 49-104.

397

11 Ideologies and Beliefs

Table 1

Registrations in Catholic Religious Instruction and in Moral Instruction in Primary and Secondary School. Quebec, 1982-1989 Prinlary

Year 1982-1983 1983-1984 1984-1985 1985-1986 1986-1987 1987-1988 1988-1989

Secoiidary

1fotal

Religious %

Moral %

%

96,5 95,3 94,2 92,8 92,2 91,6 91,6

3,5

100

4,7 5,8 7,2 7,8 8,4 8,4

100 100 100 100 100 100

N 549 484 496 492 510 523 521

227 448 118 886 691 478 579

Religious %

Moral %

84,9 83,9 81,3 78,4 77,0 75,0 74,3

15,1 16,1 18,7 21,6 23,0 25,0 25,7

Source: Ministers de l'£ducation, Direction de I'enseignement cathoiique, Quebec, special compilation.

398

Fotal

% 100

100 100 100 100 100 100

N 385 363 346 323 328 324 314

229 932 779 962 045 024 166

12 HOUSEHOLD RESOURCES

12.1 Personal and Family Income Abstract. The steady growth of real personal income ended in the early 1980s. More rapid growth in investment incomes and transfer payments altered the relative importance of income sources. Family income is increasing faster than is that of individuals, the gaps between men and women are slowly narrowing, and the state is playing a greater role in determining personal disposable income.

Personal per-capita income has grown in real terms In current dollars, personal per-capita income increased by a factor of 11 between 1961 and 1988. Taking inflation into account, it more than doubled, increasing from $4,775 to $12,877 in constant 1981 dollars, or, taking 1961 as a baseline, from 100 to 170, by 1988 (see table 1). However, during that period, the year-byyear growth of real income was very uneven. It was strong from 1961 on, especially between 1970 and 1975, a remarkable five-year period from this point of view. On the other hand, growth in real per-capita income slowed down in the early 1980s, and was even negative in 1982 and 1983, years of economic recession. It was not until 1984 that real per-capita income caught up to and passed the 1981 level.

Sources of income change: transfer payments and investment income increase in relative size Personal income originates from four main sources: wages and salaries, net individual business income, returns on investments, and transfers from government to individuals (to these sources are added other transfers, which are quite insignificant). It should be noted that the figures which follow must not be interpreted as a measure of the relative incomes of individuals, but rather as a measure of the sources of personal income, globally speaking, in Quebec society at a given point in time, even though individuals receive their total income from several sources simultaneously. The growth in these four main sources of personal income has been very uneven over the past 25 years. Total investment income and total transfer payments from government to individuals have increased twice as rapidly as have total salaries, whereas total personal net business income (the income of nonsalaried self-employed workers) has undergone the lowest rate of growth (table 2). A little less than two-thirds of total personal income comes from wages and salaries. This proportion reached a peak in the mid-1960s (73,9%) and decreased thereafter, reaching 63,8% in 1988. In fact, the proportion of personal income 399

12 Household Resources

earned from this source was about 70% during the 1960s and 1970s, and began to fall from 1980 on (table 3). Personal income earned from self-employment makes up a much lower proportion of the total (about six times less than income originating from wages and salaries in 1961, and nine times less in 1988). The decline in the number of farmers accounts, in part, for this decline. The proportion of the total income earned from self-employment fell continuously during the 1960s and 1970s, dropping from 12,3% of the total of all personal income to 5,1% in 1981, and increased thereafter, reaching 6,7% in 1988. Over 25 years, this type of income dropped from second to fourth rank among the sources of personal income mentioned above. The decrease in the relative share of income earned from self-employment marks an important shift toward salaried employment over the past 25 years. Corresponding to the decrease in the relative share of income from employment, whether salaried employment or self-employment, the other two sources show large and continual increases over the past 25 years. Government transfers to individuals have increased the most, and they now constitute the second-greatest source of personal income in Quebec society, at 16,3% of the total in 1988, versus 9,6% in 1961 (table 4). This growth resulted from implementation of numerous social programmes after 1967, and intensified after the recession of the early 1980s. Income earned from investments constituted the third-largest source of personal income in 1988, with 12,8% of total income, versus 7,1% in 1961. The relative size of investment income doubled over 25 years; it was equal to 10,0% of salaries in 1961, versus 20,1% in 1988. There was a complete and almost perfect inversion in the relative size of investment income and individual business income between 1961 and 1988; the former rose to third rank, overtaking income from self-employment. This major change began to take place in 1973.

The role of government in determining personal disposable incomes increased Government's influence in determining personal incomes has considerably increased through collection and redistribution of an increasing share of national income. The proportion collected through income tax and other direct transfers increased in Quebec, from 9,5% in 1961 to 22,4% in 1988 (table 5). The ratio of personal per-capita income to personal disposable income (after direct transfers to the government) decreased continually, from 0,907 in 1961 to 0,757 in 1988. A large part of these funds is redistributed in the form of direct transfers to individuals, as mentioned above.

Family income grew more rapidly than did individual income In the early 1960s, most families relied mainly on the income of the male head of household. The situation changed rapidly between 1970 and 1980 with the rise of the double-income family (+48,2%) and single-parent families headed by a man (+25,3%) or a woman (+59,2%). These changes suggest that the evolution of incomes cannot be analysed on a strictly individual basis, independent of changes in life styles. 400

12.1 Personal and Family Income

The average total family income (in constant dollars) increased more rapidly than did the average income of individuals between 1971 and 1988 (table 6). This phenomenon can be explained by the increase in the participation rate of married women in the labour market. According to Statistics Canada (1984), the greatest increases in income could be observed in households whose income was derived mainly from transfer payments from government: the incomes of husband-wife families without a provider and of elderly families increased more rapidly than did those of other families, and the incomes of single elderly women increased more rapidly than did those of other single persons. The relative economic status of single-parent families headed by females deteriorated. They are quite numerous, and their total income increased by only 17,7% between 1970 and 1980. "As a result, the material status of single-parent families headed by women has worsened in comparison to other families" (Statistics Canada, 1984: 19). After single-parent families headed by women, families with only one provider had the next lowest increase in income. As a result, the difference between the income of single- and doubleincome families increased by about 4% in 10 years in Canada. "The average size of the family has decreased by about half a unit, from 3,97 in 1971 to 3,48 in 1981. Thus in 1980, the typical family was smaller and had a higher average income. As a result, disposable income for each family member increased by an average of 48% during the 1970s." (Statistics Canada, 1984: 7).

Employment earnings of men and women: there has been a gradual reduction in inequality, and claims mechanisms to fight systemic discrimination against women have been set up Women's employment incomes have increased more rapidly than have men's over the past 15 years, and the salary gap between the two sexes has narrowed; the ratio of women's full-time employment incomes to those of men increased from 58,9% in 1971 to 69,5% in 1986, and stood at 65,9% in 1988 (table 7). Several factors account for the income disparity between men and women. Men work (full time) on average five hours more per week than women. Furthermore, older women have a lower level of education and experience, which tends to be reflected in lower incomes. However, as demonstrated by Boyd and Humphreys (1980), these differences do not entirely explain the persistence of this disparity. In fact, "the differences in the appreciation of the characteristics of men and women remain one of the main causes of lower incomes among women throughout the labour market" (Boyd & Humphreys, 1980: 464). Indeed, in markets in which the determination of salaries is better controlled (unionized businesses, public enterprises, professions controlled by a professional association), salary disparities between the sexes are lower, which confirms the hypothesis that the qualifications of women are undestimated in certain businesses, a phenomenon also referred to as "systemic discrimination." Certain types of jobs held mostly by women are subject to salary discrimination, in the sense that the qualifications required and the tasks accomplished are not as well remunerated (David, 1986). The union movement is now demanding an in-depth review of salary ranges for a large number of occupations or jobs with a high proportion of women, in order to reduce or eliminate this systemic 401

12 Household Resources

disparity. It is to be expected that more and more demands of this sort will be made in the next few years. After comparisons of salaries between the public and private sectors, comparisons of salaries between jobs held mostly by women and those held mostly by men generate the most new demands relating to remuneration. Education is having a growing impact on incomes The incomes of individuals are relatively indeterminate at the beginning of their careers in the different occupational categories, and a gap emerges with age. Th factors determining the incomes of individuals become clearer as they leave their first jobs and progress in their careers (Renaud et al., 1980). Education acquired in school and, in particular, during professional training has had a growing im pact on determination of incomes in the various cohorts in the labour market between 1930 and 1978 (in fact they are pseudo-cohorts, estimated according t different age groups) (Renaud et al., 1980). "Education is becoming an increasingly important determinant of income, but the advantage gained by a worker from a given level of education tends to diminish, except in the case of those with a university-level education. Only the latter group escapes what can be referred to as the inflation of education" (Renaud et al., 1980: 25). Only those with higher education now manage more substantial gains than during the 1960s (Allaire et al., 1979). The relative income of young people decreased after 1980

Young people employed full time have, of course, lower personal incomes than do adults employed full time. Age and experience explain a large part of this gap. Is this discrepancy constant over time? In other words, is the relative share of income earned by young people working full time stable over a long period, in comparison to that of other age groups? Men and women must be considered separately in order to properly answer this question. The relative situation of young men has deteriorated considerably since 1980. Their wages and salaries have increased less rapidly than have those of other age groups. As a result, their relative employment earnings have decreased since 1980, in comparison to those earned by older men. There has been a deterioration even in the relative economic situation of men between 25 and 35 years of age, compared to older men. In summary, since 1980, the gap between men ove 35 and men below that age seems to be widening, particularly because the incomes of older men are growing more rapidly (table 8). There has also been some deterioration, since 1980, in the relative salaries of young women working full time, and, as is the case for men, the situation of women aged 25 to 35 has begun to deteriorate in comparison to that of older women. The gap between those under 35 years and those who are older thus applies to both men and women. The relative situation of women is better than that of men: the gap between young and older adult women is less pronounced than is the gap between young and older men, no doubt because women who are active in the labour market tend to be more concentrated in a limited range of jobs. 402

12.1 Personal and Family Income

There has been a substantial reduction in the employment income gaps between Francophones and Anglophones since 1970 Anglophones in Quebec earn on the average higher incomes from employment than do Francophones, but this gap narrowed substantially between 1970 and 1980, for both men and women (table 9). The same is true of the differences between bilingual or unilingual English-speaking allophones and Francophones (Vaillancourt, 1988). Knowledge of French has become a more valuable asset on the labour market as a result of a number of factors. Vaillancourt (1988) observed an increase in the demand for French which can be attributed to growth in the public and parapublic sectors and to growth in employment in private-sector business under Francophone control; it is also due to a decrease in the demand for English, mainly attributable to the departure from Quebec of a number of head offices and businesses. Nevertheless, knowledge of English continues to be well rewarded, since bilingual Anglophones and bilingual Francophones have the highest employment incomes (Levesque, 1989). According to Grenier (1988), this last observation is valid only in the case of men, since knowledge of languages has little impact on women's incomes in Quebec. Simon Langlois References Allaire, Andre, Paul Bernard, and Jean Renaud 1979 "Qui s'instruit s'enrichit." Possibles 3, nos. 3-4, 13 Bisson, Louis et al. 1987Le salaire a-t-il un sexe? Les ine'galite's de revenus entre les femmes et les hommes au Quebec. Quebec City: Conseil du statut de la femme, Les publications du Quebec. Boyd, Monica, and E. Humphreys 1980"Differences de revenus et inegalites sur les marches du travail entre les hom mes et les femmes au Canada." In Conseil Economique du Canada, Observations sur les revenus au Canada, 453-474. Ottawa: CEC. Buse, A. 1982TheCyclical Behaviour of the Size Distribution of Income in Canada, 1947-1978." Canadian Journal of Economics 15, no. 2, 189-204. CEC (Conseil Economique du Canada) 1980Observations sur les revenus au Canada. Ottawa: CEC. David, Helene 1986Femmes et emploi, le dtfi de I'tgalite. Montreal: Presses de 11Jniversit6 Montreal and Institut de recherche applique*e sur le travail. 403

12 Household Resources

Gillespie, Irwin 1980 The Redistribution of Income in Canada, 124. Toronto: Lage. Grenier, Gilles 1988 "Participation au march6 du travail, revenus et langues au Quebec: le cas des femmes marines." L'Actualite economique 64, no. 1, 5-22. Henderson, D.W., and J.C. Rowley 1980 "Repartition du revenu du travail parmi les families canadiennes selon les caract£ristiques socio-e'conomiques." In Conseil Economique du Canada, Observations sur les revenus au Canada, 75-100. Ottawa: CEC. Lacroix, Robert, and Francois Vaillancourt 1981 Les revenus et la langue au Quebec, 1970-1978. Quebec City: Conseil de la langue francaise. LeVesque, Jean-Marc 1989 "Le bilinguisme et le revenu du travail." In Statistics Canada, Perspectives on Labour and Income, 56-63. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, cat. 75-001E. MacLeod, Neil, and Horner Keith 1980 "Analyse des changements survenus dans la repartition du revenu au Canada dans 1'apres-guerre." In Conseil Economique du Canada, Observations sur les revenus au Canada. Ottawa: CEC. Payette, Micheline, and Francois Vaillancourt 1985 Les revenus des Qutbecois en 1981. Montreal: University de Montreal, CRDE. Podoluk, Jenny R. 1968 Incomes of Canadians. Ottawa: Dominion Bureau of Statistics. Renaud, Jean, Monique Berthiaume, and Paul Bernard 1980 "Education, qualifications professionnelles et carrieres au Quebec." Sociologie et socie'te's 12, no. 1, 23-52. Shapiro, Daniel 1987 "Earnings Disparities Among Linguistic Groups in Quebec: Canadian Public Policy I Analyse de politiques 13, no. 1, 97-104.

1970-1980."

Statistics Canada 1984 Change in Income in Canada, 1970-1980. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, cat 99-941. Vaillancourt, Francois 1988 Langue et disparity de statut Economique au Quebec, 1970-1980. Quebec City: Conseil de la langue francaise. Vaillancourt, Francois, ed. 1986 La repartition du revenu et la stcurite Economique au Canada. Ottawa: Commission royale sur 1'union Economique et les perspectives de deVeloppement du Canada (MacDonald Commission).

404

12.1 Personal and Family Income

Vaillancourt, Francois, and Robert Lacroix 1983 Revenus et langue au Quebec 1970-1980. Une revue des Merits. Quebec City: Conseil de la langue franfaise.

Table 1 Personal Income per capita (1981 Dollars8), Index (1961 = 100), and Annual Growth Rate, Quebec, 1961-1988 Income Year

1981$

Index

1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974

4 775 5 000 5 102 5 383 5 679 6005 6 361 6 490 6 754 6 997 7 464 8 113 8 630 9 204

100 105 107 113 119 126 133 136 141 147 156 170 181 193

Income

Growth rate % _

4,7 2,1 5,5 5,5 5,8 5,9 2,0 4,1 3,6 6,7 8,7 6,4 6,7

Year

1981$

Index

Growth rate %

1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

9 624 10 305 10 562 10 685 10 913 1 1 180 1 1 340 1 1 173 1 1 063 1 1 485 1 1 884 12 118 12 483 12 879

202 216 221 224 229 234 238 234 232 241 249 254 261 270

4,6 7,1 2,5 1,2 2,1 2,5 1,4 -1,5 -1,0 3,8 3,5 2,0 3,0 3,2

a Consumer price index. Sources: Statistics Canada, Provincial Economics Accounts, Historical Issue 1961-1986, Ottawa, cat. 13-213S, Bureau de la statistique du Quebec, Comptes economiques des revenus et des depenses, Edition 1989, Quebec, Les publications du Quebec, 1989; author's compilations.

405

12 Household Resources

Table 2

Sources of Personal Income per capita (1981 Dollars'). Index (1961 = 100), Quebec, 1961-1988

Year

salaries

Earnings from selfemployment

1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974

100 106 109 115 123 132 140 140 147 152 161 172 182 193

100 101 102 101 102 109 103 106 107 104 107 112 116 111

Wages and

Investment income

Government transfer payments

Year

100 104 107 119 121 126 130 135 143 151 154 179 202 228

100 105 104 110 116 116 143 162 168 184 217 260 279 313

1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

salaries

Earnings from selfemployment

Investment income

Government transfer payments

201 215 220 219 224 228 228 214 209 215 220 225 236 244

113 110 107 112 110 106 99 102 113 129 137 142 148 147

234 249 255 281 316 348 403 428 393 415 432 436 461 488

350 396 427 439 426 437 447 495 522 534 559 560 569 581

Wages and

a. Consumer price index Sources: Statistics Canada, Provincial Economics Accounts, Historical Issue. 1961-1986, Ottawa, cat 13-213S. Bureau de la statistique du Quebec, Comptes economiques des revenus et des depenses, Editions 1988, Quebec, Les Publications du Quebec, 1989; author's compilations.

406

12.1 Personal and Family Income

Table 3 Sources of Personal Income per capita. Percentage, Quebec, 1961-1988

Year

Wages and salaries

1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

70,5 71,2 71,8 72,2 73,1 73,9 73,9 72,8 73,1 73,0 72,5 71,3 70,9 70,8 70,4 70,3 70,0 68,9 69,0 68,8 67,7 64,7 64,0 63,5 63,1 63,4 63,6 63,8

Earnings form selfemployment

Investment income

12,3 11,8 11,6 11,0 10,5 10,6

7,1 7,1 7,1 7,5 7,2 7,1 6,9 7,0 7,2 7,3 7,0 7,5 7,9 8,4 8,2 8,2 8,2 8,9 9,8

9,5 9,6 9,3 8,7 8,4 8,1 7,9 7,0 6,9 6,3 5,9 6,1 5,9 5,5 5,1 5,4 6,0 6,6 6,8 6,9 7,0 6,7

10,5 12,0 13,0 12,1 12,3 12,4 12,3 12,5 12,8

Government transfer payments 9,6 9,4 8,9 8,8 8,6 8,0 9,2

10,1 10,0 10,5 11,6 12,7 12,8 13,4 14,1 14,8 15,5 15,7 14,8 14,7 14,7 16,5 17,5 17,2 17,4 17,0 16,6 16,3

Others transfer payments to persons 0,5 0,5 0,5 0,5 0,6 0,5 0,5 0,5 0,4 0,5 0,5 0,4 0,5 0,4 0,4 0,4 0,4 0,4 0,4 0,4 0,4 0,4 0,4 0,3 0,3 0,3 0,3 0,3

Sources: Statistics Canada, Provincial Economics Accounts, Historical Issue 1961-1986. Ottawa, cat. 13-213S; Bureau de la Statistique du Quebec, Comptes 6conomiques des revenus et des depenses. Edition 1989, Quebec, Les Publications du Quebec, 1988; author's compilations.

407

12 Household Resources

Table 5

Personal Transfers to Government (%), Personal Disposable Income per capita (1981 Dollars'), Index (1961 = 100). and Ratio of Disposable Income to Total Income, Quebec, 1961-1988

Year

Personal transfers to government

1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

%

1981$

9,5 9,6 9,6

4 4 4 4 5 5 5 5 5 5 6 6 7 7 7 8 8 8 8 8 8 8 8 8 9 9 9 9

10,4 10,1 12,3 13,6 14,9 16,3 17,5 18,3 18,4 18,9 19,6 19,3 19,9 21,3 20,4 21,0 21,1 21,1 21,8 22,2 22,0 22,4 22,4 22,4 22,4

Index

Disp. inc./ total inc. %

100 105 107 112 118 122 128 128 131 134 142 154 163 172 180 191 192 197 200 204 205 202 199 206 212 213 221 225

90,7 90,6 90,6 89,8 90,2 88,1 86,9 85,6 84,3 83,1 82j3 82,4 81,8 80,8 81,1 80,5 78,9 79,7 79,4 79.2 78,4 78,5 78,4 78,4 78,2 77,2 76,7 75,7

Personal disposal income

331 532 622 836 121 306 525 553 691 817 145 685 061 433 806 294 334 523 664 851 890 747 629 939 197 233 577 753

a. Consumer price index. Sources: Statistics Canada, Provincial Economics Accounts, Historical Issue, 1961-1986, Ottawa, cat 13-213S; Bureau de la Statistique du Quebec, Comptes economiques des revenus et des depenses, Edition 1989, Quebec, Les Publications du Quebec, 1988; author's compilations

408

12.1 Personal and Family Income

Table 4

Earnings from Self-Employment, Investment Income and Transfer Payments in Proportion to Wages and Salaries, Percentage, Quebec, 1961-1988 Year 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974

Earnings from selfemployment 17,4 16,6 16,2 15,3 14,4 14,3 12,9 13,2 12,7 11.9 11,6 11,4 11,1 10,0

Investment income

Transfer payments

10,0

13,6 13,3 12,4 12,1 11.8 10,8 12,4 13,9 13,7 14,4 16,0 17,9 18,0 18,9

9,9 9,9 10,3

9,9 9,6 9,3 9,7 9,8 10,0

9,6 10,5 11,2 11,9

Year 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

Earnings from selfemployment 9,8 8,9 8,4 8,9 8,6 8,0 7,5 8,3 9,4 10,4 10,8 11,0 10,9 10,5

Investment income

Transfer payments

11,7 11,6 11,7 12,9 14,2 15,3 17,7 20,1 18,9 19,4 19,7 19,4 19,6 20,1

20,1 21,1 22,1 22,7 21,4 21,4 21,8 25,5 27,4 27,2 27,5 26,8 26,1 25,6

Sources: Statistics Canada, Provincial Economics Accounts, Historical Issue, 1961-1986, Ottawa, cat. 13-213S; Bureau de la Statistique du Quebec, Comptes economiques des revenus et des depenses, £dition 1988, Quebec, Les Publications du Quebec, 1988; author's compilations.

409

12 Household Resources

Table 6 Total Incomes for Families and Single Persons, Index (1971 = 100), for Men and Women, (1981 Dollars1 and Global Index, Qu6bc, 1971 1988 Families Year

Index

Single persons Index

1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

100 104 107 111 112 123 119 122 123 122 120 117 116 118 117 120 123 122

100 99 102 104 101 106 114 119 119 114 114 112 114 11 113 114 122 119

Women

Men

1981$

16 16 16 16 17 18 17 17 18 17 17 16 16 16 16 16 16 16

Index

597 468 441 744 161 323 673 957 104 504 149 641 234 499 619 776 931 897

100 99 99 101 103 110 106 108 109 105 103 100 98 99 100 101 102 102

1981$

6 7 7 7 8 8 8 8 9 9 9 8 8 9 9 9 9 9

986 154 737 907 031 410 963 861 233 245 234 960 683 311 244 642 660 430

Global Index

Index

100 102 111 113 115 120 128 127 132 132 132 128 124 133 132 138 138 135

100 102 103 105 106 112 1 11 112 113 110 108 104 101 105 105 107 107 106

Consijmer price index. Source: Statistics Canada. Income Distributioni by Size in Canada, Ottawa, cat 13-207. a

Table 7 Full-time Employment Incomes (1981 Dollars'), Index (1971 = 100), by Sex and Gender Ratio, Quebec 1971-1988

Men

Women

Men

Women

Year

1981$

1981$

Index

Index

Ratio W/M

1971 1973 1975 1977 1979 1981 1982 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

20 211 20 559 21 398 22 171 22 192 21 735 21 450 22 269 21 567 21 244 22 216 22 074

11 910 12 521 13 470 14 106 14 311 14 527 14410 14 981 14 726 14 755 14 836 14 551

100 102 106 110 110 108 106 110 107 105 110 109

100 105 113 118 120 122 121 126 124 124 125 122

58,9 60,9 62,9 63,6 64,5 66,8 67,2 67,3 68,3 69,5 66,8 65,9

a

Consumer price index.

Sources: Statistics Canada, Earnings of Men and Women, Selected Years, 1967 to 1979, Ottawa, cat 13-577, Earnings of Men and Women, Ottawa, cat. 13-217.

410

12.1 Personal and Family Income

Table 8

Average Earnings (Wages and Salaries) of Young People as a Proportion of Average Earnings by Older Persons employed full-time, by Sex, Canada, 1967-1987 Men

Women

Year

15-19/ 35-44

15-19/ 45-54

20-24/ 35-44

20-24/ 45-54

2S-34/ 45-54

15-19/ 35-44

15-19/ 45-54

20-24/ 35-44

20-24/ 45-54

25-34/ 45-54

1967 1969 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1981a 1982 1984 1985 1986 1987

0,433 0,386 0,360 0,340 0,406 0,426 0,414 0,407 0,480 0,442 0,465 '0,400 0,337 0,319 0,307 0,387 0,370

0,427 0,395 0,365 0,354 0,415 0,444 0,430 0,423 0,494 0,450 0,473 0,402 0,339 0,317 0,303 0,375 0,366

0,661 0,604 0,624 0,578 0,601 0,612 0,594 0,614 0,653 0,584 0,640 0,627 0,610 0,555 0,544 0,535 0,532

0,651 0,618 0,632 0,601 0,614 0,638 0,618 0,638 0,672 0,596 0,650 0,629 0,613 0,553 0,538 0,519 0,527

0,882 0,882 0,891 0,865 0,881 0,895 0,885 0,867 0.888 0,850 0,889 0,854 0,833 0,824 0,820 0,804 0,789

0,565 0,567 0,557 0,544 0,547 0,611 0,626 0,575 0,684 0,604 0,650 0,562 0,484 0,411 0,522 0,394 0,495

0,564 0,591 0,599 0,555 0,554 0,607 0,627 0,609 0,715 0,606 0,654 0,604 0,505 0,445 0,572 0,415 0,490

0,858 0,815 0,804 0,795 0,797 0,829 0,826 0,785 0,821 0,811 0,807 0,772 0,760 0,691 0,670 0,649 0,701

0,856 0,849 0,865 0,811 0,807 0,824 0,827 0,831 0,858 0,813 0,812 0,830 0,794 0,748 0,734 0,683 0,702

1,046 1,033 1,081 1,072 1,019 1,040 1,026 1,026 1,046 0,984 0,997 1,033 1,00A 1,005 0,991 0,945 0,914

a

The definition of year round full-time workers was slightly modified in 1981 to include those who have worked 49 weeks during the year of reference. Source :; Statistics Canada, Earr,\ings of Men' and Women, Ottawa, cat 13-577 and cat. 13-217.

Table 9

Average Earned Income, in Current Dollars and Index, by Linguistic Group and Sex, Quebec, 1970 and 1980 Women

Men

1970 Group Francophones unilingual bilingual Anglophones unilingual bilingual Allophones francophone anglophone bilingual

1980

1980

1970

$

Index

$

Index

$

Index

$

Index

5 136 7 363

100 143

14408 19 547

100 136

3 097 3 842

100 124

8 801 11 195

100 127

8 171 8 938

159 174

17 635 19 562

122 136

3 835 3 956

124 128

10 271 10 759

117 122

5430 6 462 7 481

106 126 146

13 287 15 637 17 946

92 109 125

3 241 3 329 3 881

105 107 125

8 191 9 753 10 868

93 111 123

Source: Vaillancourt, 1988, table 3.1.

411

12.2 Informal Economy Abstract. The underground economy is relatively stable over time and is fairly marginal overall. The black-labour market is concentrated in a few fields of activity, which most often involve a direct relationship between the client and the worker. Tax fraud decreased up to 1980, but tended to increase thereafter.

The underground economy is stable, but relatively marginal The informal, or underground, economy includes all undeclared incomes earned from employment (black-market employment), and from investments in lucrative criminal activities (such as the drug trade), but not those from domestic production, volunteer work, recreational activities, or unproductive illegal activities (such as theft and extortion). Ethier (1986) estimates that the underground economy represents about 5% to 8% of Canada's GNP; Berger (1986) estimates that u declared economic activities represent between 3% and 3,5% of Canada's GDP. Fortin et al. (1987) estimate that the informal economy represents about 1,4% of the Quebec GDP, and this proportion would double if criminal activities were taken into account. Contrary to widely held ideas, it therefore appears that underground economic activity is relatively marginal in Canada and in Quebec, at about 3% of the GDP. "Moreover, it is difficult to imagine that the estimates could be much higher, given the important role in the economy played by the administrative sector and the large private and public corporations" (Berger, 1986). Fortin et al. (1987) estimate that, in 1987, 13,8% of the population aged 18 and over participated in undeclared economic activities and that 20,5% of the population were purchasers of these. The underground economy is quite concentrated in a few fields of activity. About one-third occurs in the construction sector (renovations and repairs), 17,6% in child care, and 10,8% in household maintenance. The types of economic activities inventoried by Fortin et al. almost always involve a personal relationship between the worker and the client, which can be established on the margin of the market, and hardly ever come into contact with the formal market, that is, the market for production of goods and services for unknown clients. The underground economy appears to be quite stable over time, according to the only study that attempted to measure its evolution. "It can be stated that the underground economy, as evaluated by methods based on discrepancies, does not appear to have progressed during the period 1970-1978" (Ethier, 1986: 111).

Tax fraud decreased between 1969 and 1980, and tended to increase thereafter Ethier compared incomes posted in the national accounts and incomes declared to taxation authorities by individuals and corporations between 1964 and 1980, and found that "tax fraud thus evaluated appears to diminish with time" (Ethier, 1986: 106). This diagnosis is accurate for the period analysed by the author. But the situation has been different since 1981. An analysis of the available data for the 1980s indicates that tax fraud is on the increase (see table 1).

Simon Langlois 412

12.2 Informal Economy

References Berger, Seymour 1986 "L'e'conomie non recens£e: concepts, me'thodes et estimations preliminaires pour le Canada, 1981." Revue statistique du Canada, xi-xxvii. Ethier, Mireille 1986 "L'e'conomie souterraine: recension des Merits e"conomiques et nouvelles estimations pour le Canada." In Francois Vaillancourt, ed., La repartition du revenu et la stcuriM economique au Canada, 87-124. Ottawa: Commission royale sur 1'union Economique et les perspectives de deVeloppement du Canada (MacDonald Commission). Fortin, Bernard, Pierre Frechette, and Joelle Noreau 1987 "Premiers rEsultats de 1'Enquete sur les incidences et les perceptions de la fiscalit6 dans la region de Quebec." Quebec City: University Laval. Frechette, Pierre 1985 L'economie souterraine: examen de la litterature recente et premieres estimations pour le Quebec. Quebec City: University Laval, ATDR. Mercier, Guy 1988 Analyse et estimation du chdmage comme determinant de I'economie souterraine au Canada de 1953 a 1985. Montreal: D£partement d'6conomique, UQAM. Minis, Rolf, and R. S. Smith 1981 "Canada's Irregular Economy." Canadian Public Policy/Analyse de politiques 7, no. 3, 444-453. Noreau, Joelle 1986 Une premiere analyse des rtsultats de 1'Enquete sur les incidences et les perceptions de la taxation dans la region de Quebec. M.A. dissertation. Quebec City: University Laval.

413

12 Household Resources

Table 1

Gross National Product, Personal and Corporate Income Declared to the Tax Department, in Millions of Dollars, Canada, 1969-1985

Year

GNP market prices 1

Declared personal income (tax dept.) 2

Declared corporate income (tax. dept.) 3

Difference between 1 and (2 + 3) 4

Ratio 4/11 % 5

1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985

81 819 87 765 95 784 107 168 125 642 149 873 169 002 1 94 388 213 308 235 654 268 941 302 064 344 657 361 772 394 114 432 092 465 112

46 467 50 825 56 016 66 249 77 752 94 785 110 704 127 295 139 879 157 013 177 341 202 513 233 994 256 089 265 241 283 676 307 552

9 900 8 786 10 655 11 911 17 253 22 628 22 220 23 001 24 238 31 324 43 585 48 993 47 895 30 651 40 093 57 223 58 891

25 452 28 154 29 113 29 008 30 637 32 460 36 078 44092 49 191 47 317 48 015 50 558 62 768 75 032 88 780 91 193 98 669

31.1 32,1 30,4 27,1 24,4 21,7 21,3 22,7 23,1 20,1 17,9 16,7 18,2 20,7 22,5 21,1 21,2

Source: Statistics Canada, Corporation Taxation Statistics, Ottawa, cat. 61-208, Statistics Canada, National Income and Expenditure Accounts: Annual Estimates, 1926-1986, Ottawa, cat. 13-531.

414

12.3 Personal and Famtty Wealth Abstract. Savings and the value of total personal wealth have increased more rapidly than have incomes since 1961. The dwelling or house accounts for about half of the total value of personal wealth, which is increasing more rapidly in husband-wife families and in the middle-age group. Inequality of distribution of wealth is increasing more rapidly than is inequality in income distribution, and financial assets are more concentrated among a limited number of households.

Growth in savings has been more rapid than growth in income since 1961 According to the national accounts, personal savings in constant dollars grew more rapidly than did personal income between 1961 and 1988. The savings index increased from 100 to 457, with a peak of 959 in 1982 (see table 1). The rate of savings in relation to net after-tax income went through three distinct phases. It was relatively stable between 1961 and 1970 at about 5% to 6% (with a peak in 1965 and 1966); it increased sharply beginning in 1971, reaching 14,7% in 1982, a rate three times as high as during the preceding period. It then fell back to 5,9% in 1988, during the period when real incomes were regaining part of the ground they lost during the economic recession. The savings rate increased considerably during the years in which the rate of inflation was at its highest, at which time interest rates were also at their highest levels. "Up to 1976, average real income showed regular annual growth, whereas, from 1977 on, incomes have not changed in real terms. Even so, the rate of personal savings has remained high: Canadians continued to put aside a remarkably large portion of their incomes, even after these stopped increasing" (Oja, 1987: 9). The same is true in Quebec.

During periods of growth, total indebtedness of families and single persons increased more rapidly than income, but during the recession it decreased Total indebtedness of families and single persons increased more rapidly than did incomes during the years in which incomes showed strong growth (from 1970 to 1977). This suggests that the high growth rate developed even higher expectations among households, since borrowing may be considered a way of anticipating future income. Indebtedness in proportion to income fell back after 1977, a period in which there was an economic recession, and in which interest rates reached peak levels (table 2). The average indebtedness of families in Canada represented 41,5% of income in 1970, 52,3% in 1977, and 42% in 1984. The ratio of debt to total assets was much lower in these years: 14,9%, 15,2%, and 12,5% respectively (Oja, 1987). Comparable data are not available for Quebec.

The wealth of families and individuals living alone grew more rapidly than did their incomes The wealth of individuals and households is the total of assets minus debts. Included in assets are liquid assets, financial assets (stocks, RRSPs, etc.), the estimated value of the property in the case of home-owners, vacation homes and

415

12 Household Resources

certain other real property, shares in business interests, and the estimated value of automobiles. The total real wealth of families and single persons, in constant 1984 dollars, increased more rapidly than did their revenues during the 1980s; in fact, between 1977 and 1984 the increase in the average value of wealth was 33%, whereas real revenue underwent a slight decline (table 2). The average wealth of individuals living alone increased less than did that of families.

The value of homes, the principal asset of households, tends to diminish as a proportion of wealth, while financial assets increase More than half of all households now own their house or dwelling; this property represents by far their largest asset. In Quebec, the estimated market value of property represented 42,4% of total assets in 1977 and 40,8% in 1984 (table 3). The type of home purchased tended to change in the 1980s, particularly with the increased availability of row houses and condominiums, which has had a downward influence on the average value of homes owned by families as a proportion of average wealth. Other financial assets, essentially stocks and investments in registered savings plans (for retirement, housing, studies, etc.), have increased in value as a proportion of wealth. The same is true of ownership of shares in business interests and individual businesses. Finally, liquid assets and the estimated value of consumer durables other than homes account for a slightly smaller proportion of overall assets. The composition of single people's assets is different from that of families. The proportion of homeowners is lower among the former and, as a result, the value of the home accounts for a smaller proportion of their total assets. The same is true of business interests. Thus, financial assets and particularly liquidities make up a larger proportion of the assets of single people. These differences could be explained, among other things, by the fact that single people are very often young or elderly individuals, who are less likely to own their own home or shares in companies. In Canada, "average wealth progresses from the under 25year age group through to the 45- to 54-year age group, and then regresses. Thus, average wealth reaches its peak in the age group which also enjoys the highest average income" (Oja, 1987: 14). A more detailed breakdown by age group shows that average wealth is at its highest level just before retirement (between 55 and 64 years). Also, a separate examination of families and single persons, in 1984, shows that the situation of the elderly is more favourable than is suggested by Oja's analysis. Again according to Canada-wide data, families whose head is aged 65 and over have an average wealth 25,7% higher than the overall average for families. In the case of single elderly people, the level of wealth is 36,8% higher than the overall average observed for single households (Statistics Canada, 1986).

The participation of women in the labour market contributes to the more rapidly increasing wealth of husband-wife families The sharp increase in the labour-force participation rate of married women since 1970 has favoured a more rapid increase in the wealth of families with two incomes at their disposal (Rashid, 1983). Double-income families, which have 416

12.3 Personal and Family Wealth

higher and more rapidly growing incomes, also increased their level of indebtedness more rapidly during the 1970s. This confirms observations that indebtedness increases more rapidly with higher incomes. Paid work on the part of wives has favoured access to property among double-income families, especially among young families. On average, property ownership among families in which the wife works has increased from 57,1% in 1970 to 75,4% in 1977. Compared to this gain of more than 18 percentage points, families in which the wife does not work have gained approximately 12 percentage points, the frequency of property ownership having increased from 66,1% in 1970 to 77,9% in 1977 ... During the initial stages of the life cycle, the financial contribution of the working wife probably goes toward current consumption and the acquisition of a home, and the accumulation of savings in the course of the life cycle is often higher in the case of families in which the wife works than for families in which the wife does not work. (Rashid, 1983: 133)

Inequality of distribution of wealth is increasing and negotiable assets are more concentrated in a restricted number of household Inequality in the distribution of wealth increased more rapidly than has inequality in the distribution of incomes after 1970. Financial and liquid assets are also more unevenly distributed than are other types of commodities. In his analysis of the distribution of wealth in Canada, Osberg (1981) distinguishes between negotiable assets and goods and productive investments, such as farms and small businesses, which are essential to a job and which the owners cannot dispose of at will. Since the wealth of the majority of families is made up to a large extent of assets which are not very liquid, Osberg (1988) maintains that the real inequality in the distribution of wealth is in fact even higher and that assets are more concentrated among a small number of households.

Simon Langlois References Davies, James B. 1979 "On the Size Distribution of Wealth in Canada." Review of Income and Wealth 25, no. 3, 237-260. 1980

"L'enquete de 1970 sur les finances des consommateurs, les erreurs d'observation et la distribution de la richesse personnelle au Canada." In Conseil 6conomique du Canada, Observations sur les revenus au Canada, 365-384. Ottawa: CEC.

417

12 Household Resources

Harrison, Alan 1980 "La repartition de la richesse personnelle au Canada, au Royaume-Uni et aux Etats-Unis." In Conseil Economique du Canada, Observations sur les revenus au Canada, 413-431. Ottawa: CEC. Niosi, Jorge 1977 The Economy of Canada. Montreal: Black Rose. Oja, Gail 1980 "Inegalitg de la repartition de la richesse au Canada, 1970 et 1977." In Observations sur les revenus au Canada, 387-412. Ottawa: Conseil Economique du Canada. 1987

Changes in the Distribution of Wealth in Canada, 1970-1984. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, cat. 13-588, 1.

Osberg, Lars 1981 Economic Inequality in Canada. Toronto: Butterworths. 1988

The Distribution of Wealth and Riches." In James Curtis et al., eds., Social Inequality in Canada. Patterns, Problems and Policies, 92-96. Scarborough: Prentice-Hall Canada Inc.

Rashid, A. 1983 Wealth of Families with Working Wives, 1977. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, cat. 13-578. Statistics Canada 1986 The Distribution of Wealth in Canada, 1984. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, cat. 13580.

418

12.3 Personal and Family Wealth

Table 1

Personal Savings (1981Dollars1), Index (1961 = 100), and in Proportion to Total Income and Disposable Income Quebec, 1961-1988 Year

1981$

Index

Savings as % of total income

Savings as % of disposable income

1961 19622 1963 1964 19655 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 19711 1972 1973 1974 19755 1976 19777 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 19877 1988

987 1 041 969 1 265 1 959 2 119 3282 2 192 1 975 2 283 2 941 3 738 3689 4547 5241 6768 6 191 7084 6892 8202 9226 10 625 8474 8334 7 579 6228 5441 5061

100 105 98 128 198 215 332 222 200 231 298 379 374 461 531 685 627 717 698 831 934 1 076 858 844 768 631 551 513

3,9 3,9 3,5 4,2 6,1 6,1 '8,8 5,7 4,9 5,4 6,5 7,6 7,0 8,1 8,8 10,5 9,3 10,5 10,0 11,5 12,6 14,7 11,8 11,2 9,8 7,9 6,6 5,9

4,3 4,3 3,8 4,7 6,7 6.9 10,1 6,7 5,8 6,5 7,9 9,2 8,6 10,0 10,9 13,1 11,8 13,2 12,5 14,5 16,1 18,7 15,1 14,3 12,5 10,2 8,6 7,8

a

Consumer price index.

Sources: Statistics Canada, ProvincialEconomic Accounts: Historical Issue 1961-1986, Ottawa, cat 13-213S, Bureau de la statistique du Quebec, Comptes 6conomiques des revenus et depenses, 1989; author's compilation

419

12 Household Resources

Table 2

Assets and Debts of Families and Single Persons, (1984 Dollars') and in Proportion, Quebec, 1977 and 1984 Quebec Families and single persons Average income Average total assets Average total debt Average wealth Estimated market value of home Homeowners Shareholders Holders of commercial interests RSP owners

1977

1984

(Real dollars)

(1984 dollars) 27 57 11 46

% %

26 69 8 61

682 456 308 148

27 046

26 431

49,6

51,1

—

11,3 26,0

4,4

% %

744 740 229 511

9,6

12,4

a. Consumer price index. Source: Statistics Canada, The Distribution of Wealth in Canada, Ottawa, cat. 13-572 et 13-580.

Table 3

Distribution of Total Assets and Wealth, Families and Single Persons, Quebec, 1977 and 1984 Total assets

1977

Total liquid assets

18,0

Other financial holdings

1984 16,5

5,8

8,6

Estimated market value of home (including cottage)

42,4

40,8

Market value of other property

16,3

13,0

Commercial interests

17,5

21,1

Total

% $

100 31 899

100 69 740

Wealth

Current dollars 1984 dollars

25621 46 148

61 511 61 511

Source: Statistics Canada, The Distribution of Wealth in Canada. Ottawa, cat. 13-572, p. 26; cat. 13-586, p. 86

420

13 LIFE-STYLE

13.1 Market Goods and Services Abstract. The structure of household consumption has changed profoundly since 1970: the relative importance of food has decreased while that of transportation, recreation, and housing has increased. The proportions devoted to durable goods and to services are undergoing parallel increases and household equipment is greater and more diversified; the automobile is one of the most important goods; and electronics are occupying a position of increasing importance in households.

There were important changes in household consumption patterns over the past 20 years Household expenditures may be grouped under major functions to provide a distribution which makes it possible to identify the pattern of consumption, and hence the pattern of needs as defined by the households themselves. In households with at least two members, a number of modifications in consumption can be observed over a period of a little less than 20 years (see table 1). The most important change was certainly the major reduction in the budgetary coefficient for food. This proportion is often used as a measure of the standard of living, as the share of the budget devoted to food is strongly associated with disposable income. This reduction indicates that households now have more discretionary resources, which can be used to satisfy other needs, than was the case 20 years ago. In addition, the clothing function, also considered essential, has diminished as a proportion of total budget. The level of expenses for health care assumed directly by households is quite low because the government directly defrays the cost of most services offered, from funds derived from direct taxes, without requiring any payment on the part of individuals. Nevertheless, an increase has been noted in the budget coefficient for health care since the late 1970s, from 3,9% to 4,8%. The share of three functions has increased in the average budget: housing, transportation, and recreation. The latter two indicate the presence of new or more rapidly growing needs which can be satisfied because there is more discretionary income and a higher standard of living allows households more room for manoeuvre. The same is true of housing. Inflation and rising costs (for mortgages and energy, in particular) only partly explain the increased importance of this item: households have also raised their real consumption, either by renting larger apartments or by buying houses. Finally, the protection function, which includes various types of insurance and employee contributions to various programmes, has also undergone an increase in share of the average budget.

421

13 Life-style

Consumption of consumer durables has increased The relative share of consumer durables as a part of overall personal-consumption expenditures increased between 1961 (12,3%) and 1988 (16,0%), as did the share of services, from 36% to 44,3%, whereas that of nondurable goods diminished considerably (table 2). Table 3 expresses, in constant dollars, the trends in real consumption of goods and services, estimated according to a separate cost-ofliving index for each type of good or service. Expenditures on durable goods increased more rapidly than did expenditures on other types of goods and services. This increase is due to the increasing importance of the automobile in day-to-day life, as well as to increases in expenditures on household equipment. A portion of services purchased is connected with the sale and maintenance of durable goods. It follows that a distinction should be made between two major types of services: services to persons and services based on the commodities they use. In contemporary society, not only are new services being developed, but durable goods are becoming increasingly numerous as well. A large portion of these services would doubtless never have existed if individuals had not increased their consumption of durable goods. Individuals and households are producing more and more of their own services through the use of durable goods, whether for travel (automobile), for daily housework (washing machines, etc.), or for recreation (videotape recorders, outdoor equipment, etc.). New needs tend first of all to be satisfied by services to persons; once established, these needs are likely to be satisfied more and more through a supply of durable goods, which in turn require the development of other types of services.

There has been an increase in and diversification of household equipment An examination of the development of household equipment illustrates the growing omnipresence of durable goods in the immediate environment of individuals. The basic elements of sanitary equipment are present in virtually all households, and more than one-quarter of them now have two or more bathrooms (table 4). New household appliances have been added to the basic appliances (refrigerator, stove/oven, washing machine) that were very widespread at the beginning of the 1960s (table 5). Three out of four households own a car, and multiple-car ownership has grown rapidly since 1970: over 20% of households owned two cars in 1988, including more than a quarter of households with at least two members. The average age of vehicles increased greatly between 1982 and 1984, an effect of the economic recession, and since then has remained over the five-year level (table 6). In particular, there was a considerable increase in the proportion of vehicles eight years old or more noted during the 1980s. Electronics are now playing an increasingly important role in the range of household equipment, from videotape recorders through video cameras and microcomputers to more sophisticated items such as cordless and cellular telephones (table 7). Electronics make it possible to incorporate expertise into a piece of equipment, but at the same time it is becoming more and more difficult to understand how to operate and maintain this equipment, whence the need to call 422

13.1 Market Goods and Services

on outside expertise for regular maintenance or replacement in the event of problems. Simon Langlois Jean-Pierre Simard References Belley, Jean-Guy, Jacques Hamel, and Claude Masse 1980 La societe de consommation au Quebec. Quebec City: Editeur officiel. Hassan, Z.A., and S.R. Johnson 1976 Modules des d6penses familiales au Canada: une analyse statistique de I'homogeneit6 structurelle. Ottawa: Agriculture Canada. Letourneau, Jocelyn 1988 "Croissance £conomique et regulation duplessiste: essai de position du probleme." Interventions economiques no. 19, 205-226. Langlois, Simon 1983 "Crise economique et mutations dans les genres de vie des families qu^becoises." In Lise Pilon-Le, and Andr6 Hubert, eds., Les enjeux sociaux de la decroissance, 119-139. Montreal: Albert St-Martin. 1990

"L'avenement de la sociSte de consommation, un tournant dans ITiistoire de la famille." In Denise Lemieux, ed., Families d'aujourd'hui, 89-113. Quebec City: Institut qu^becois de recherche sur la culture.

Tremblay, Marc-Ad61ard, and Gerald Fortin 1964 Les comportements e~conomiqu.es de la famille solarise au Quebec. Quebec City: Presses de 1'Universite' Laval.

423

13 Life-style

Table 1

Percentage Distribution of Budget for Families of two Persons or more, by Expenditure Item, Quebec, 1969-1986 Item

1969

Food

24,1

22,0

20,5

19,2

Housing - rental - ownership - energy - others

16,7

17,9

19,5

18,3

Transportation - automobile - purchase - use - public

14,2 11,6

15,3 13,9

15,2 14,0

16,6 15,6

9,7

Equipment3

1978

6,3 6,0 3,6 0,9

4,6 8,4 3,8 1,1

5,2 6,4 2,5

6,3 7,6 1,4

1982

5,0 8,9 4,3 1,3

— — 1,2

1986

5,0 8,3 3,8 1,2

— — 1,0

9,4

10,4

9,3

10,5

9,4

8,3

8,6

Leisure - reading - others

3,9 0,7 3,1

6,1 0,8 5,3

5,7 0,8 4,9

6,4 0,7 5,8

Tobacco and alcohol

5,0

4,3

4,2

4,4

Protection

5,0

5,6

6,2

5,8

Health - medical - personal care

6,6 4,0 2,6

3,9 1,9 2,0

4,6 2,2 2,4

4,8 2,3 2,6

Education

0,9

0,7

0,9

0,9

Miscellaneous - donations - others

3,7 2,0 1,7

4,4 1,5 2,9

5,7 2,2 3,5

5,2 2,2 3,1

100 7 704

100 16 866

100 23 353

100 30 415

Clothing

Total

% $

a. Also includes child-care expenses. Sources: Statistics Canada, Family Expenditure in Canada, Ottawa, cat. 62-535F, 62-551, 62-555, microfiches 1986; author's compilations.

424

13.1 Market Goods and Services

Table 2 Percentage Distribution of Personal Expenditures on Consumer Goods and Services, Qu6bec, 1961-1988 Total

Year

Durable goods

Semidurable goods

Nondurable goods

Services

%

'000

1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

12,3 12,9 13,3 13,6 14,2 14,2 14,8 14,5 14,2 13,2 14,0 15,2 16,0 16,2 16,1 16,3 15,4 15,1 15,9 14,9 13,9 12,4 13,5 14,6 15,0 15,3 16,0 16,0

15,5 15,3 15,0 14,9 14,4 14,5 15,6 14,9 14,7 14,2 12,6 13,0 12,5 12,7 12,1 12,4 12,1 11,7 11,7 11,4 11,3 10,7 10,7 10,7 10,5 10,7 10,7 10,7

36,2 35,9 36,0 35,5 35,3 34,9 35,8 33,4 33,4 33,8 32,6 31,9 32,0 32,7 32,9 31,5 31,0 31,6 31,6 32,4 33,2 34,0 32,2 31,4 30,8 29,8 29,4 29,0

36,0 35,8 35,8 36,0 36,0 36,4 33,7 37,2 37,7 38,9 40,7 39,9 39,4 38,4 38,9 39,8 41,4 41,7 40,8 41,3 41,7 43,0 43,6 43,4 43,7 44,2 44,9 44,3

100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100

6 668 7 211 7 668 8 257 8 894 9 608 10 133 11 268 12 108 12 820 14 226 16 045 18 442 21 319 24 814 27 874 30 935 33 970 38 075 42 102 46 927 50 536 55 324 60 607 66 138 71 674 78 454 84 376

Source: Bureau de la Statistique du Quebec, Comptes Gconomiquesdesrevenus etdesdepenses, Edition 1988, Quebec, Les Publications du Quebec, 1988; authors' compilations

425

13 Life-style

Table 3

Growth Rate of Personal Expenditures on Consumer Goods and Services, Index (1961 = 100), Quebec, 1961 1988

Year

Durable goods

Semidurable goods

Nondurable goods

Services

Total

1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

100 114 124 138 155 166 176 187 194 184 216 260 308 331 354 383 383 393 428 406 392 357 413 480 527 557 624 653

100 105 107 112 115 121 131 134 139 139 134 152 160 171 178 193 198 201 205 202 205 194 202 216 224 241 252 258

100 106 111 117 123 126 134 133 138 146 154 162 169 177 185 188 190 192 195 197 195 192 188 189 194 198 204 210

100 105 109 114 119 124 115 133 136 141 157 166 177 182 192 201 215 220 226 232 236 236 244 253 266 276 298 312

100 107 1 11 118 124 129 131 139 144 147 159 173 186 195 205 215 222 227 234 235 236 230 237 249 261 271 290 302

Source: Bureau de la Statistique du Quebec, Comptes economiques desrevenus et desdepenses, Edition 1988, Quebec, Les Publications du Quebec, 1988; authors' compilations

426

13.1 Market Goods and Services

Table 4

Proportion of Households with certain Bathroom Installations, Quebec. 1961-1989 Bath or shower Year

One

1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989

80,5 82,8 84,5 86,0 87,4 88,8 90,5 87,1 87,7 87,6 88,4 88,6 89,7 89,4 89,7 89,6 89,4 89,2 88,4 88,6 87,2 87,8 87,1 87,3 86,7 85,3 84,2 82,8 83,1

Two or more _ — _ — — — — 4,1 4,4 4,9 5,8 5,9 6,2 7,1 7,8 8,4 8,6 8,7

10,3 10,5 11.7 11,6 12,0 12,2 12,3 13,9 15,3 16,8 16,4

Flush Toilet Total

One

80,5 82,8 84,5 86,0 87,4 88,8 90,5 91,2 92,1 92,5 94,2 94,5 95,9 96,5 97,5 98,0 98,0 97,9 98,7 99,1 98,9 99,4 99,1 99,5 99,0 99,2 99,5 99,6 99,5

91,2 91,7 91,3 90,4 89,3 89,2 89,2 87,7 86,8 85,9 85,4 84,8 84,9 83,7 83,2 83,8 82,1 81,8 80,9 81,1 78,2 78,5 76,4 77,2 76,3 74,7 74,6 72,7 72,8

Two or more 4,1 4,4 6.2 6,6 8,0 9,0 9,5

11,1 12,0 13,1 14,1 14,4 14,6 15,8 16,4 15,7 17,3 17,5 18,7 18,5 21,4 21,1 23,2 22,5 23,0 24,5 25,1 26,9 27,0

Source: Statistics Canada, Household Facilities and Equipment, Ottawa, cat. 64-202; authors' compilations

427

Total

95,4 96,1 97,5 97,0 97,3 98,2 98,7 98,8 98,8 99,0 99,4 99,2 99,5 99,5 99,6 99,5 99,4 99,3 99,6 99,6 99,6 99,6 99.6 99,7 99,3 99,2 99,7 99,6 99,8

13 Life-style

Table 5

Proportion of Households with certain Household Appliances, Quebec, 1961-1989 Year 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989

Refrigerator 94,9 95,7 96,7 97,2 97,5 98,2 98,9 98,9 99,3 99,5 99,0 99,2 99.3 99,2 99,6 99,5 99,6 99,6 99,7 99,9 99,7 99,9 99,8 99,6 99,5 99,3 99,6 99,8 99,0

Freezer 5,2 5,9 7,0 8,6 9,5

12,4 14,6 16,5 17,4 20,3 19,9 21,6 23,4 25,6 28,9 28,5 34,3 33,6 36,4 37,4 39,8 41,6 41,8 42,6 45,5 46,1 45,3 44,2 45,4

Microwave oven

Dishwasher

— — — _ — — — — — — — — — — 0,7 — — _ 2,0 _ 3,1 4,3 5,5 8,2

2,0 2,1 3,2 3,3 3,8 3,9 5,5 5,8 6,4 8,6 8,7

10,1 11,1 13,4 16,3 18,4 22,0 24,1 28,2 29,1 32,5 32,7 35,4 35,7 38,6 39,6 41,9 42,7 43,1

15,4 26,7 36,6 49,0 59,6

Vacuum cleaner

Washing machine

Dryer

58,9

89,0 88,0 87,4 88,1 86,4 86,2 86,1 85,9 85,5 85,9 83,9 83,9 82,6 83,4 83,4 81,7 81.9 81,1 81,9 84,2 82,4 83,3 82,3 82,3 83,3 81,2 83,4 83,7 84,3

11,6 15,1 17,4 20,1 23,6 28,1 32,4 34,4 40,1 42,2 44,0 47,9 49,3 54,2 57,0 58,1 62,8 63,6 67,6 68,0 71,3 70,0 71,2 72,9 72,9 75,7 76,4 78,3

_

61,9 _

65,1 —

70,4 —

74,8 —

77,1

—

79,8 —

83,8 —

85,2 — — —

87,1 — — — —

86,1 — — —

Source: Statistics Canada, Household Facilities and Equipment, Ottawa, cat. 64-202, authors' compilations.

428

9,6

13.1 Market Goods and Services

Table 6 Distribution of Passenger Vehicles according to Age and Registration Year of Vehicle, Qu6bec, 1979-1988 Age of vehicle

under 1 year 1 year 2 years 3 years 4 years 5 years 6 years 7 years 8 years 9 years 10 years & + Not specified Total

% '000 Average age

Registration year 1979

1980

1981

1982

1983

1984

1985

1986

1987

1988

14,9 12,4 12,5 12,0 10,8 11,0

11,4 12,7 11,7 11,9 11,4 10,1

10,1 12,1 12,1 11,1 11,3 10,7

8,3

10,9

14,4

7,5

8,7 7,2

13,4 13,7

13,7 12,9 12,8

12,7 12,2 11,9 12,0

12,2 11,2 11,6 11,3 11,3

9,1 5,6 3,4 2,5 5,3 0,5

9,9 7,7 4,5 2,6 5,8 0,2

9,2 8,2 5,8 3,2 5,9 0,2

100

100

100

2 115 4,29

2 263 4,64

2 332 4,80

11,0 11,9 11,8 10,9 11,0 10,1

10,6 11,3 11,1 10,3 10,3

10,1 10,6 10,4

8,0 6,4 4,0 6.4 0,1

8,9 6,7 4,8 7,5 —

9,5 9,1 7,1 4,8 8,2 —

100

100

100

2320 5,02

2 393 5,20

2 408 5,17

8,2 6,7 9,3 9,7 9,4 8,3 7,4 5,1 8,7 — 100

2 470 5,12

7,6 6,2 8,5 8,8 8,3 6,9 5,5 8,9 — 100

2 606 5,02

7,1 5,8 7,8 7,8 7,2 5,5

10,0

6,6 5,3 6,9 6,7 5,9

11,0

—

—

100

100

2 674 5,08

2 788 5,14

Source: Regie de I'assurance automobile du Quebec, Direction de la statistique, Rappon stattstique 1983, Quebec, preliminary data 1984-1988

429

13 Life-style

Table 7 Proportion of Households with certain Communication Equipment Quebec, 1961-1989 Radio Year

Television

One

Two

1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989

90,8 91,8 94,1 94,6 95,5 96,1 97,0 97,1 97,7 97,7 97,4 96,8 97,2 97,6 97,8 97,4 98,0 98,1 98,5 98,6 98,9 98,8 98,4 98,3 99,1 99,1 98,9 99,1 99,4

68,2 70,5 65,6 64,7 61,8 52,8 49,2 49,7 46,9 43,7 42,3 39,3 36,5 35,1 33,8 36,0 35,0 32,9 36,8 34,5 35,7 36,9 28,2 30,2 29,6 32,7 31,7 28,9 29,4

18,9 18,3 21,9 21,5 23,8 27,2 28,7 27,0 28,7 28,8 30,5 29,9 31,2 31,4 34,6 34,0 33,1 35,0 33,7 34,7 32,5 33,5 34,3 34,0 34,6 32,6 33,7 31,1 31,5

Telephone

Three or more

10,4 7,8 9,2 9,9

10,8 16,4 19,0 20,2 21,6 25,0 24,5 28,6 29,8 31,8 30,0 28,9 30,0 30,5 28,1 29,8 30,9 28,6 36,3 34,9 35,0 33,9 33,8 38,7 38,3

Total

One

97,6 96,6 96,7 96,0 96,4 96,4 97,0 96,9 97,2 97,5 97,3 97,8 97,5 98,3 98,4 98,9 98,1 98,4 98,6 98,9 99,1 99,0 98,8 99,1 99,3 99,2 99,1 98,7 99,2

76,7 76,8 76,7 77,4 76,1 77,9 78,0 78,1 78,4 76,2 75,5 76,1 76,3 74,6 73,8 73,7 71.1 71,8 71,2 70,8 66,9 66,3 62,9 58,6 54,7 49,4 45,7 42,1 36,8

Two or more

10,6 1 1,4 13,4 13,1 15,0 15,4 16,4 17,6 18,6 18,3 19,0 21,2 22,8 23,0 24,9 23,9 25,9 27,1 30,9 31,6 34,9 40,1 43,9 48,3 52,7 56,4 61,8

Source: Statistics Canada, Household Facilities and Equipment, Ottawa, cat. 64-202; authors' compilations.

430

7,7 9,2

Total

84,3 86,0 87,3 88,8 89,5 91,0 93,0 93,4 94,8 93,8 94,0 94,3 95,3 95,8 96,6 96,7 95.9 95,7 97,0 97,9 97,8 97,9 97,8 98,7 98,6 97,7 98,4 98,5 98,6

13.2 Mass Information Abstract. There are increasing numbers of radio receivers and television sets in households. The French-language radio stations are being used increasingly for listening to music. Qu6becers watch more English-language television, while still remaining faithful to the French-language stations. Households read fewer daily and weekly newspapers and more magazines. French-language magazines produced in Quebec have recently begun to compete with Franco-European magazines.

Radio receivers have become an everpresent part of everyday life All households have had radios at home since 1961. As early as the 1960s, one household out of three, containing two or more people, had more than one radio receiver. Since 1983, between 84% and 92% of these households have owned two or more radio receivers. The proportion of households equipped with FM radios became a majority in 1969. In recent years, this has been a standard item of equipment in virtually all households. They therefore now have access to the complete range of stations broadcasting in AM and in FM. In addition to this increase in household equipment and the more varied choice to which it gives access, households have also equipped their private automobiles with such receivers. As of 1961, two households out of three that owned a private automobile had car radios. Since 1979, virtually all private automobiles have radios. Whereas in 1974 one car out of four with a radio could receive the FM channels, since 1983 two cars out of three with radios have had AM/FM receivers (see table 1). In addition to these types of fixed equipment, mention should be made of the growing popularity of miniaturized cassette/radio systems, which enable pedestrians to listen to either the radio or an audiocassette.

Quebecers increasingly listen to French-language FM radio and to popular music Listening to the radio, especially when it involves music, is usually a secondary activity. Qu6becers listen to the radio a lot, and this practice has increased. Quebec residents aged 7 and over listened to an average of 19 hours of radio per week in 1976 and to about 22 hours in 1985 (table 2). They have shifted away from AM stations toward FM stations. The latter accounted for 23% of the listening hours in 1976 and for 49% in 1985 (Lemay, 1987). This shift occurred in favour of French-language FM stations, which obtained 52% of the audience among this type of stations in 1976 and 76% in 1985. Furthermore, by 1985, AM radio audiences had switched, en masse, to Francophone stations (table 3). These stations are now generally listened to mainly for news, public affairs, and community services (weather, traffic, phone-ins, etc.) (Lavoie, 1986). The Montreal area is the nerve centre of the electronic media in various languages. With half the population of Quebec, it comprises the vast majority of Quebecers whose mother tongue is English or other, as well as the majority of Francophone Quebecers who understand English. In Montreal, French-language stations have made large gains in terms of audiences. In 1976, 59% of the listening hours went to Francophone stations; by 1985 this share had reached 71%. Whereas the overall number of listening hours grew by 14% in Montreal, those of the French stations increased by more than 38% between 1976 and 1985, while

431

13 Life-style

those of the English stations decreased by more than 20% (table 4). In 1985, as in 1976, 34% of the listening hours of English stations originated from Frenchspeaking clientele. In 1976, 90% of the native French-speaking audience listened to French-language stations, and this share climbed to 93% in 1985 (table 5). The radio remains the most-used medium for listening to music, especially popular music, outdistancing miniaturized radio/cassette systems, which are used mainly by young people. As a result of musical programming on the FM stations, listeners in Quebec have been turning more and more toward these stations (Pronovost, 1988a; 1988b). Even though there was increasing interest in FM stations broadcasting in French, the majority of people (56,5%) listened to English music or songs in 1985, whatever the medium used. Three-quarters of this music was of American origin (Pronovost, 1988a). This phenomenon is more the result of programming at the stations than of listeners' tastes (Pronovost, 1988a; Saucier, 1986).

Quebec households, almost all of which are equipped with television sets, are obtaining increasing numbers of sets and are increasingly becoming cable-television subscribers Less than 10 years after the first television shows were broadcast, in 1961, nearly 91% of Quebec households were able to receive television broadcasts at home. Since 1977, this percentage has varied between 98% and 99%. Whereas one household out of four with a television owned more than one set in 1970, the majority have owned more than one set since 1985. Moreover, cable television has provided access to a wide range of channels and services, as many as 30 (MCQ, 1983). While nearly one-third of households with televisions were using cable service in the mid-1970s, this proportion increased to about 62% in 1989. The videocassette recorder was recently added to this arsenal of electronic equipment. Its market penetration was very rapid. Barely 4% of the households owning one or more televisions sets owned a videocassette recorder in 1983; this percentage rose to 54,4% in 1989 (table 6).

After having increased their viewing of Anglophone television stations, the television audience turned toward the Francophone stations Between 1975 and 1985, the average Quebec television viewer (aged two years and over) watched between 24 and 27 hours of television per week (table 2). Among the average viewer's 10 preferred programmes, the majority were produced in Quebec — between six and nine — depending on the year. These Qu&bec programmes are almost all serials or soap operas. Between 1968 and 1983, the Anglophone stations in the Montreal region captured 35% to 48% of the overall audience in that region (table 7). -Francophones increased the share of their English viewing from 14,2% in 1976 to 28,0% in 1983. This increase occurred mostly in favour of American television networks, through cable distribution (table 8). Since 1986, with the arrival of a new French television network in the Montreal region, this share fell to 13% in 1988 (MCQ, 1989). "Francophones seem to watch more Quebec-produced television overall, but their preferences are broadening" (Cauchon, 1988a; 1988b). Thus, there have 432

13.2 Mass Information

recently been both a turnabout in trends regarding the Francophone television audience's choice of broadcasting language and an intensification of the trend toward more and more diversified audience choices and the continuation of strong preferences for programmes produced in Quebec (MCQ, 1989).

Interest in printed media has diminished, except for magazines Although they continue to have very wide circulation, daily newspapers have become less important to the public. Their output decreased by 12%, falling from 204 copies per thousand inhabitants in 1961 to 179 copies in 1987. Examined on a per-household basis, if we assume that only one copy of a newspaper per household is purchased (Martin & de la Garde, 1986), this decrease is more spectacular, at nearly half over 25 years, from 92 copies per 100 households in 1961 to 49 in 1987 (table 9). The national weekly press underwent a more rapid decrease in popularity, declining from 76 copies to 9 copies per 100 households between 1961 and 1987. Regional weeklies that are sold have suffered the most from the drop in interest, falling from 47 copies per 100 households in 1960 to only 14 in 1987, a drop of 70%. The free regional weekly newspapers underwent a reverse trend: their circulation grew from 74 copies per 100 households in 1960, to 139 in 1987, an increase of 88% (table 10). In contrast to newspapers, circulation of general-interest magazines - nearly nonexistent in the early 1960s (MCQ, 1983) - rose rapidly during the 1980s, tripling from 110 to 327 per 100 households between 1981 and 1987. Specialized magazines have also grown rapidly in the last few years. Between 1981 and 1987, circulation increased by more than 50% per 1 000 inhabitants, from 146 to 232 (table 11). For a long time, Quebec has been importing a large variety and quantity of French-language periodicals, mainly from France. In 1981 dollars, the import value of these periodicals represented about $0,90 per household in 1971. This amount gradually increased, reaching $6,46 per household in 1984; it then decreased (table 12), at the same time as Quebec French-language periodicals were on the rise.

The increase in reading of printed media in French is entirely due to periodicals Taking into account only material printed in Quebec, there was a 6% increase in the number of copies purchased per household between 1981 and 1985. Daily newspapers underwent an 11% decrease in interest, national weeklies underwent a 60% decrease, and regional weeklies that are sold decreased by nearly half. During the same period, the number of copies of general-interest magazines more than tripled on a per-household basis, from more than 28 on average to nearly 91. Even though interest in Franco-European magazines diminished beginning in 1985, their import value per household almost sextupled between 1971 and 1987 (table 12). A wide variety of English-language general-interest magazines are available on newsstands in Quebec. These are mostly American. Whether they are in English or in French, magazines appear to attract a fairly well-educated audience. The 433

13 Life-style

rise of French-language magazines in Que'bec seems to have replaced, to a certain extent, the reading of English-language magazines. Thus, whereas in 1979, among the better-educated, 1,4 French magazines were read for every English magazine, in 1983 2,2 French magazines were read for every English magazine (Delude & CROP, 1979, 1984). Jean-Paul Baillargeon References Baillargeon, Jean-Paul, ed. 1986 Les pratiques culturelles des Quebecois: une autre image de nous-memes. Quebec City: Institut qu£b£cois de recherche sur la culture. Belanger, Pierre C. 1988 Impacts culturels et linguistiques de la consommation de produits culturels Grangers (Emissions de television et musique a la radio). Que'bec City: Ministere des Communications. Cauchon, Paul 1988a "Un march6 satur£ qui profile aux telespectateurs." Le Devoir. March 19th. 1988b "Les Qu£b£cois ecoutent plus thde television depuis I'entre'e en ondes de Quatre Saisons." Le Devoir. March 30 . Delude, Camille, and CROP 1979 Le comportement des Qutbecois en matiere d'activites culturelles de loisir. Quebec City: Editeur officiel. 1984

Le comportement des Que'be'cois en matiere d'activites culturelles de loisir au temps 2. Que'bec City: Ministere des Affaires culturelles.

Groupe de travail sur la politique de la radiodiffusion 1986 Rapport du groupe de travail sur la politique de la radiodiffusion. Approvisionnements et Services Canada.

Ottawa:

IQRC (Institut qu£becois de recherche sur la culture) 1985 Statistiques culturelles du Que'bec, 1971-1982. Quebec City: IQRC. Lavoie, Elz£ar 1986 "La radio: loisir me'connu." In Jean-Paul Baillargeon, ed., Les pratiques culturelles des Que'be'cois: une autre image de nous-mSmes, 233-273. Que'bec City: Institut que'be'cois de recherche sur la culture. Lemay, Danielle 1987 Portrait de I'ecoute de la radio au Quebec de 1976 a 1985. Document interne. Quebec City: Ministere des Communications.

434

13.2 Mass Information

Martin, Claude, and Roger de la Garde 1986 "Si Gutemberg m'e'tait compte'. De la presse d'entreprise aux entreprises de PRE$$E." In Jean-Paul Baillargeon, ed., Les pratiques culturelles des Qu6b4cois: une autre image de nous-memes, 45-74. Quebec City: Institut que'be'cois de recherche sur la culture. MCQ (Ministere des Communications du Quebec) 1983 Le Quebec et les communications: un futur simple? Quebec City: MCQ. 1989

La television francophone du Quebec. Quebec City: MCQ.

Pronovost, Gilles 1988a "Musique et culture au Quebec." Chiffres a I'appui 5, no. 2. 1988b "Musique, culture de masse et culture de classe." Loisir et Socie'te' 11, no. 2, 325-349. Saucier, Robert 1986 "La face 'B' du d£bat sur la musique populaire de langue francaise." In Association de la Recherche en Communication du Quebec, Les produits culturels: scenarios des lendemains. Conference Proceedings. Montreal: ARCQ. Statistics Canada n.d. Culture Statistics, Television Viewing in Canada. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, cat. 87-208.

435

13 Life-style

Table 1 Percentage of Households equiped with Radio at Home and in their Car, Quebec, 1961 -1989 FM

Year

Radio

receiver

1961 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989

97,6 97,3 97,8 97,5 98,3 98,4 98,8 98,2 98,3 98,6 98,9 99,0 98,9 98,8 99,1 99,1 99,2 99,2 98,6 99,1

63,1 68,1 73,5 79,3 81,7 81,5 85,9 87,2 88,3 90,4 91,6 92,6 92,5 95,2 95,9 97,0 97,4 97,2

7,4

—

More than one receiver*

Car equipped with a radio

Car equipped with FM radio

30,9 61,3 65,9 69,0 72,6 73,9 73,5 74,6 78,3 75,4 77,3 79,1 77,2 88,3 86,9 87,5 85,4 86,5 89,5 92,4

61,3 87,9 89,3 91,0 92,2 93,8 94,0 94,9 96,4 97,0 97,3 97,8 97,6

13,3 17,8 21,3 26,5 29,5 35,1 38,2 42,6 48,8 54,9 57,8 66,4

— _ — — — — —

a. Households of at least two people. Source: Statistics Canada, Household Facilities and Equipment, Ottawa, cat. 64-202; author's compilations

436

_

— — — —

— . —

13.2 Mass Information

Table 2

Average Number of Radio Listening Hours and Television Viewing Hours, Quebec, 1975-1987 Year

Radio Listeners aged 7 years and over

Television Viewers aged 2 years and over

—

1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981

Year

26,9 24,4 24,3 24,4 24,9 26,3 25,0

18,8 19,7 19,8 21,4 21,4 20.2

Radio Listeners aged 7 years and over

Television Viewers aged 2 years and over

21,1 21,9 21,9 21,6

24,6 23,3 25,1 25,6 26,8 26,3

1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

_ _

Source*: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture, 1985; Lemay, 1987; Ministere des Communications du Quebec, Rapport statistique sur les madias quebecois, Quebec, Les Publications du Quebec; Ministfere des Communications du Quebec, Les medias a Montreal: portrait et tendances. La television, Quebec, Les Publications du Quebec, 1989

Table 3

Share of Listening Hours of Quebec's Radio Stations by Language of Broadcast and Technical Type, Quebec, 1976 and 1985 1985

1976

Language French English Others Total

Both

AM

FM

Both

AM

FM

69 28 3

74 22 4

52 47 1

78 19 4

81 16 3

76 21 3

100

100

100

100

100

100

Source: Lemay, 1987.

Table 4

Number and Percent of Listening Hours of Montreal Region's Radio Stations by Language of Broadcast, 1976 and 1985

1976

Hours (1 000) % 1985

Hours (1 000) % Variation rate 1985/1976

French-speaking stations

English-speaking stations

36498

25 695

58,7

41,3

50 510

20394

71,2

+ 38,4%

Source: Lemay, 1987.

437

Both

62 193 100,0

28,8

70 904 100,0

-20,6%

+ 14%

13 Life-style

Table 5

Share of Listening Hours of Radio Stations according to Listeners' Mother-tongue in Montreal Region, 1976 and 1985 French-speaking stations

1976

1985

Audience mother-tongue: French English others

90,4 1,9 7,7

93,1 2,0

34,3 47,3 18,4

34,5 44,5 21,0

4,9

English-speaking stations Audience mother-tongue: French English others Source: Lemay, 1987.

Table 6

Percentage of Households having Television Sets, Quebec, 1961-1989

Year

Households with TV

Households with TV, 2 receivers or more

1961 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989

90,8 95,6 96,8 97,1 97,6 97,8 97,4 98,0 98,2 98,5 98,6 98,8 98,7 98,4 98,3 99,0 99,0 98,9 99,1 99,4

28,5 29,7 32,4 36,8 38,1 38,4 40,3 38,5 41,0 45,4 44,7 42,0 47,9 48,2 50,7 50,6 52,2 52,6 53,5

4,1

Households with TV and cable

Households with TV and video-tape

_ _ _ _ —

28,7

_

36,0 37,6 36,7 40,4 43,6 47,6 47,2 48,7 51,7 56,7 58,0 59,7 62,5

22,7 34,4 44,3 49,5 54,4

Source: Statistics Canada, Household Facilities and Equipment, Ottawa, cat. 64-202; author's compilations.

438

_ — _ _ — _ — — — — — — 4,2 9,9

13.2 Mass Information

Table 7

Percentage of Total Television Viewing Hours by Viewers of Montreal Region according to the Language used by TV Stations, 1968-1983 Year

French

English

Not specified

1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983

65 66 65 63 64 64 64 61 62 61 57 57 58 56 55 48

35 34 35 37 35 36 36 39 39 39 41 42 40 43 46 48

_ _ _ _ — _ — _ — _ 2 1 2 1 _ 4

Sources: MinisteredesCbmmunicationsdu Quebec, Rapport statistique su r les madias quebecois. Quebec, Les Publications du Quebec ; Groupe de travail sur la politique de la radiodiffusion, 1986.

Table 8

English-Canadian and American Television as Percentage of Total Viewing Hours of Montreal's Francophones, 1976-1985 Year

English-Canadian

American

Both

1976 1978 1979 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985

9,6

4,6 6,1 4,8 7,7 8,0 9,7 7,3 7,4

14,2 17,7 17,3 20,5 22,0 26,3 19,6 18,6

11,6 12,5 12,8 14,0 16,6 12,3 11,2

Source: L Giroux and A. H Caron, Les Quebecois francophones et I'ecoute de la television de langue anglaise, Ottawa, Ministers des Communications, 1985.

439

13 Life-style

Table 9

Circulation Figures of Dailies and National Weeklies per 1 000 Inhabitants and per 100 Households, Quebec, 1961-1987 Per 1 000 inhabitants Per 100 households Year 1961 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978

Dailies

Weeklies

204 200 197 194 195 187 184 185 211

Dailies 92 78 73 71 69 65 62 62 68

161 174 165 — 145 132 — — —

Per 1 000 inhabitants Per 100 households

Weeklies

Year

76 68 61 — 51 46 — — —

1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1987

Dailies

Weeklies

Dailies

166 180 179 — 174 171 174 179

_ _ 198 — 82 _ _ 34

52 56 54 — 50 48 48 49

Weeklies _ — 60 — 24 — — 9

Sources: Ministere des Communications du Quebec et Multi-Reso Inc , Lapresse ecriteau Quebec•, bilaneiprospective, Quebec, Editeur officiel, 1977; Statistics Canada, Newspapers and Periodicals, Ottawa, cat 87-625, Ministere des Communications du Quebec. Rapport statistique sur les medias quebecois, Quebec, Les Publications du Quebec; Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture, 1985; Ministere des Communications du Quebec, unpublished data, author's compilations.

Table 10

Circulation Figures of Regional Weeklies per 1 000 Inhabitants and per 100 Households by Mode of Distribution, Quebec, 1960-1987 Together

Sold

Free

Year

/1 000 inhabitants

/100 households

/1 000 inhabitants

/100 households

/1 000 inhabitants

/100 households

1960 1970 1980 1982 1983 1984 1985 1987

253 234 506 329 494 475 526 556

116 94 158 97 142 132 145 153

95 57 84 106 55 51 50 51

47 23 26 31 16 14 14 14

162 178 422 222 438 424 477 505

74 71 132 66 127 119 132 139

Sources: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture, 1985; Minislere des Communications du Quebec, Rapport statistique sur les medias quebecois, Quebec, Les Publications du Quebec; Ministere des Communications du Quebec, unpublished data; author's compilations.

440

13.2 Mass Information

Table 11

Circulation Rate of General and Specialized Interest Periodicals, Quebec, 1981-1987 General interest periodicals Year 1981 1983 1984 1985 1987

/1 000 inhabitants 1 1 1 1

Specialized Periodicals

/1 00 households

/1 000 inhabitants

110 328 325 350 327

146 229 178 216 232

362 130 154 262 186

Sources: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture, 1985; Ministere des Communications du Quebec, Rapport statistique sur les medtas quebecois. Quebec, Les Publications du Quebec; Ministere des Communications du Quebec, unpublished data; author's compilations.

Table 12

Value per Inhabitant and per Household of Quebec's Imports of Periodicals from France, Belgium and Switzerland, (1981 Dollars') and Index (1971 = 100), 1971-1987 Per inhabitant

a

Per household

Year

$

Index

$

Index

1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

0,23 0,25 0,42 0,57 0,83 0,71 0,75 1,46 1,61 0,93 1,49 1,63 1,36 2,29 1,92 1,63 2,00

100 109 183 248 361 309 326 644 700 404 648 709 591 996 844 709 870

0,90 0,94 1,56 2,04 2,91 2,43 2,51 4,73 5,06 2,91 4,53 4,81 3,96 6,46 5,31 4,42 5,21

100 104 173 227 323 270 279 526 562 323 503 534 440 718 590 491 579

Implicit price index of importation of market goods and services.

Source: Statistics Canada, Imports, Merchandise Trade, Ottawa, cat. 65-203; author's compilations

441

13.3 Personal Health and Beauty Practices Abstract. The life expectancy of Quebecers has considerably increased and their health has improved, due both to more accessible medical services and to changes in life styles and environment. Instead of considering only the absence of illness, many now value physical fitness, appearance, and mental well-being.

Life spans have lengthened and the proportion of some of the most frequent causes of death has declined The most significant result of the transformations that have taken place in health and personal-care services has been the postponement of death. Between 1930 and 1987, life expectancy at birth increased by 15,7 years for men and by 21,6 years for women (see table 1). Although these gains have placed Quebec among the top industrialized societies in this area, the benefits have not been evenly spread among ethnic groups, social classes, and regions (Billette, 1977; Paquet, 1989). The gains have taken place mainly at the two ends of the life cycle (Roy, 1988). Life expectancy at age 65 increased by 7,3% for men and by 13,4% for women between 1970 and 1987 (table 1). Quebec's infant-mortality rate, which is one of the lowest in the world (Duchesne, 1989), dropped from 17,3 per thousand births in 1971 to 7,2 in 1987 (table 2). Perinatal diseases, which were the fourth most common cause of death in 1952, with a rate of 63 per 100 000, accounted for only 4 or 5 per 100 000 during the 1980s. Between 1950 and 1987, there were changes in the rates and in the ranking of the most common causes of death. Circulatory diseases are still at the top of the list, but the rate per 100 000 inhabitants has decreased from 308 to 293. The improvement is mainly due to drops in the rate of hypertensive diseases and, more recently, in the rate of ischemic heart diseases. Cancers still rank second, though there has been a 71% increase in the death rate per 100 000 persons. These diseases most often strike at an advanced age. Respiratory diseases (e.g., tuberculosis, pneumonia, emphysema) have dropped from third to fourth rank, falling from 67 deaths per 100 000 in 1952 to 54 in 1987, a reduction resulting, to a great extent, from a substantial decrease in deaths from infectious diseases of the respiratory system. Deaths due to traumatisms and poisoning shifted from fifth to third rank, though the rate of death from these causes decreased somewhat between 1980 and 1986, mainly due to the reduction in the rate of death from road accidents. This reduction was sufficient to offset an increase in the rate of death from suicide (table 3). These developments result both from universal free access to hospitals and medical care and from changes in the environment or acquisition of new lifestyles (Roy, 1988).

Quebecers have increased their already massive use of the public health-insurance plan The universal public health-insurance plan was introduced in the early 1970s. Massive use has been made of the system since its inception. This use has continued to grow over the years: 77% of the population consulted a doctor in 1980, and this percentage grew to over 80% in 1987. Women made more frequent use of the plan than did men. There was also an increase in the number of medical 442

13.3 Personal Health and Beauty Practices

services rendered. In 1980, each user received an average of 9,1 services, paid on a per-treatment basis; by 1987, this number had reached 9,9. Women received more services on the average than did men, with 10,2 per female user in 1980 and 10,5 in 1987, versus 7,7 and 9,2 per male user (table 4).

The number of patient-days per 100 000 inhabitants remained stable The number of patient-days per 100 000 inhabitants in Quebec increased from 333 324 in 1977-1978 to 334 346 in 1987-1988, a difference of 0,3%. However, this figure varied according to the type of treatment involved. In the area of short-term care, there was a difference of 1,4% between 1977-1978 and 19871988, whereas the difference was 16,5% for long-term care over the same period. In the area of transitional care and rehabilitation, 14,3% fewer patient days per 100 000 persons were required in 1987-1988 than in 1977-1978. The number of patient days for psychiatric care decreased by 12,3% over the same period. The increase in patient-days devoted to long-term care is the result of population ageing. The decrease in the number of patient days devoted to rehabilitation and psychiatric care is due to an effort to return patients as quickly as possible to their natural environment (table 5).

Alternative forms of medicine are used more frequently Que'becers are consulting practitioners of alternative medicines more often, either as a substitute or as a complement to officially recognized medicine, even though such consultations require personal expenditures and the majority of the practitioners operate outside the public system (Bibeau, 1985; Boilard, 1985; CESSSS, 1988; Gu6rin, 1987; Laplante, 1988). As a result of this increase in popularity, a broad range of private health-insurance plans reimburse the cost of several of these forms of medicine, particularly chiropractic and acupuncture.

Self-health groups have sprung up Faced with the increasing scale and complexity of the official medical system, as well as the growth of alternative medicines, individuals feel less able to make the right choices on their own. Many complain of depersonalization in the official medical system. To counteract these problems, some people have begun to establish self-health groups with a view to regaining control over their health and the freedom to take care of their own hygiene and well-being (Dumais & Levesque 1986; Dumont, 1985). Although this movement is small, it is expanding. The aim is to "escape from excessive medication, the lack of understanding experienced in the system, and the dependence which it creates" (Roy, 1987: 29).

More and more Quebecers are seeking solutions to their psychological and sexual problems from experts Quebecers have been making increasing use of the various forms of psychotherapy that have become widely available over the past two decades, ranging from psychiatric care to clinical psychology and self-improvement groups, two 443

13 Life-style

rapidly growing forms (Baillargeon, 1987; CESSSS, 1988; Comit6 de la politique de sant6 mentale, 1987; Desjardins, 1987). The number of psychologists in private practice in Quebec, which stood at 2,8 per 100 000 inhabitants in 1978, had risen to 10,3 by 1987 (table 6). Here, as with physical care, the public has a choice between a wide range of approaches, more than 50 (Verreault et al., 1986). Users often switch from one approach to another (Arseneau, 1983). The number of selfimprovement groups, which stood at more than 165 in 1987 (Desjardins, 1987), was estimated at about 225 in 1988; between 50 000 and 80 000 people per year are registered in these groups (v.g. Infb-Croissance). Some of these groups involve mixtures of psychotherapy, parapsychology, and religious beliefs (Bergeron, 1982). The clients of these forms of therapy or sessions are mainly women and the middle class (a group which has recently grown in size in Quebec). Social mobility is believed to have caused certain tensions, which add to disruptions resulting from divorces, mental burnout caused by increased competitiveness in the workplace, the disappearance of traditional values, and increased emphasis on the body and sexual gratification (Kiel & Morissette, 1984). In addition to this wide range of psychotherapies and self-improvement groups, one can now consult sexologists. Only one university department in North America has been providing training in this field since 1976; between 1981 and 1987, it conferred 415 bachelor's degrees and 41 master's degrees (table 7). The priority which has recently been accorded to sexual problems appears to be linked with one divorce out of two in Quebec, where the divorce rate has reached unprecedented levels. Some experts estimate that 80% to 85% of couples are sexually unsatisfied and that nearly everyone will experience sexual problems at some point in life (Dostie, 1988). In a society which until recently was influenced by austere morals, such a radical transformation in such a short time is remarkable.

The proportion of family expenditures allocated to direct health care is still quite low, but contributions to private health-care plans have increased Although the cost of prescription drugs for the elderly and for welfare recipients and of preventive dental care for children is covered by the public healthinsurance plan, the vast majority of Qu6becers must pay for these types of expenses themselves. The same is true of all optical services, as well as all alternative-medicine and private-psychotherapy services. Between 1972 and 1986, the direct health-care expenses of the average Montreal family rose from $402 to $440, to represent 2,3% of its current expenditures. There was a 48% decrease in direct expenses for medical and pharmaceutical products (table 8). This does not mean that fewer of these products were consumed. In 1972, the retail trade in drugstores represented $8,14 per capita; this amount rose to $12,41 in 1987, a difference of 51% (table 9). This difference results not only from the increased numbers of large discount drugstores, it is also due to increased purchases of prescription drugs. Spending on private health-care insurance increased, in constant 1981 dollars, from $30,10 per capita in 1972 to $58,30 in 1978, then jumped to $98,10 in 1982 and reached $106 three times the 1972 level, in 1986 (table 8). These increases are the result of two factors: the increased popularity of this type of insurance and its broadening 444

13.3 Personal Health and Beauty Practices

scope. Companies have gradually begun to cover various paramedical, optical, psychotherapeutic, and dental services, as well as certain types of alternative medicine. Quebecers are more concerned about physical fitness and physical appearance As is the case throughout the Western world, people are becoming increasingly concerned about their physical fitness and appearance. This has led the adult population to participate more frequently and more regularly in various physical activities, or to modify certain habits (Emond & Guyon, 1988). The phenomenon involves mainly the middle and upper classes, as the idea of "total health" has not as yet significantly penetrated the lower classes (Paquet, 1989). A preference is developing for foods containing less fat and sugar. Adult men have made the fewest changes in their eating habits. In 1987, 18% of the men in the 45-54-year age group and 14% of men 65 and over suffered from obesity. Younger people seem to suffer less from the problem of excess weight, which would suggest that they have acquired different dietary habits from those of their elders (Emond & Guyon, 1988). Weight-loss diets and diet cuisine have become popular. There are growing numbers of "natural" food stores and, in large supermarkets, food counters. The number of people who smoke regularly or consume large amounts of alcohol or drugs has dropped since the late 1960s (CESSSS, 1988). The proportion of Qugbecers who consumed non-prescription drugs decreased slightly between 1978 and 1987, from 57% to 55% (Emond & Guyon, 1988). Between 1977 and 1987, at least 273 new "physical care" centres were established (physical conditioning, sauna, massage therapy, etc.), devoted to improving physical fitness and appearance. From 1972 to 1986, families increased their spending by 7,5% for toiletries and by 8,3% for personal-care services (table 10). Purchases of these items increased less rapidly than did personal disposable income, which went up by more than 48%. The idea of a "natural" and "youthful" physical appearance would appear to have supplanted the idea of "cosmetic" appearance. Death is being rendered less visible This concern for natural things and perpetual youth is linked with a constant postponement of death, as well as with a reduction in causes of death which most often strike young people or those in the prime of life. These reductions are accompanied, in a sense, by an eclipse of the idea of death itself (De Billy, 1989), to the point that cremation, which was only occasionally practised about 15 years ago, has largely replaced traditional burials. Now, instead of a body, there are only the ashes of the departed, as these provide less of a reminder of the harsh reality of death. Proximity to death appears to have become intolerable. As soon as close relations show signs of nearing the end, people generally send them to the hospital, where 73% of deaths occurred in 1980. Many people die alone, without the support of their family or friends. This attitude and the fact that an increasing number of agonies are perceived as being uncurable have given rise 445

13 Life-style

here, as elsewhere, to debates on the use of euthanasia (Boulanger & Durand, 1985; Keyserling, 1979; Lasvergnas, 1985). Jean-Paul Baillargeon References Arseneau, Johanne 1983 "Les utilisateurs et les utilisatrices." In Johanne Arseneau et al., Psychotherapies: attention! 75-98. Sillery, Presses de l"Universit6 du Quebec. Baillargeon, Jean-Paul 1987 "Les psychologues de pratique prive"e au Quebec: une croissance fulgurante." Psychologic Quebec no. 4, 4. Bergeron, Richard 1982 Le cortege des fous de Dieu. Montreal: Editions Paulines. Boulanger, Viateur, and Guy Durand 1985 L'euthanasie: probleme de societe. Montreal: Fides. Bibeau, Gilles 1985 "Des pratiques differences de la sant6." In Jacques Dufresne, Fernand Dumont, and Yves Martin, eds., Traite d'anthropologie mtdicale. L'institution de la sante et de la maladie, 1167-1188. Sillery, Quebec City, and Lyon: Presses de l'Universit6 du Quebec, Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture, Presses universitaires de Lyon. Billette, Andr6 1977 "Les megaliths sociales de mortality au Quebec." Recherches sociographiques 18, no. 7, 415-430. Boilard, Jean 1985 "Les approches complementaires en medecine." In Jacques Dufresne, Fernand Dumont, and Yves Martin, eds., Traite d'anthropologie medicate. L'institution de la sante et de la maladie, 151-175. Sillery, Quebec City, and Lyon: Presses de 1'Universite du Quebec, Institut queb6cois de recherche sur la culture, Presses universitaires de Lyon. Comite' de la politique de sant6 mentale 1987 Pour un partenariat elargi. Projet de politique de sante mentale pour le Quebec. Quebec City: Ministere de la Sant6 et des Services sociaux. CESSSS (Commission d'enquete sur les services de sant^ et les services sociaux) 1988 Rapport de la CESSSS. Quebec City: Les Publications du Quebec. CASF (Conseil des Affaires sociales et de la famille) 1981 Mourir chez soi ... Quebec City: CASF.

446

13.3 Personal Health and Beauty Practices

Corin, Ellen 1985 "La sante: nouvelles conceptions, nouvelles images." In Jacques Dufresne, Fernand Dumont, and Yves Martin, eds., Traite d'anthropologie medicale. L'institution de la sante et de la maladie, 45-73. Sillery, Quebec City, and Lyon: Presses de 1'Universit^ du Quebec, Institut qu£b£cois de recherche sur la culture, Presses universitaires de Lyon. De Billy, Pierre 1989 "Avons-nous tu6 la mort?" Ma Caisse 26, no. 2, 14-18. Desjardins. Danielle 1987 Etude exploratoire des modalites de fonctionnement de sept groupes de croissance personnelle. Montreal: Info-Croissance. Dostie, Michel 1988 Les corps investis. Montreal: Editions Saint-Martin. Duchesne, Louis 1989 La situation demographique au Quebec. Edition 1989. Quebec City: Bureau de la statistique du Quebec and Les Publications du Quebec. Dufresne, Jacques, Fernand Dumont, and Yves Martin, eds. 1985 Traite d'anthropologie medicate. L'institution de la sante et de la maladie. Sillery, Quebec City, and Lyon: Presses de I'Universite du Quebec, Institut qu6b£cois de recherche sur la culture, Presses universitaires de Lyon. Dumais, Alfred, and Johanne Levesque 1986 L'auto-sante des individus et des groupes au Quebec. Quebec City: Institut qu6becois de recherche sur la culture. Dumont, Fernand 1985 "Le projet d'une anthropologie me'dicale." In Jacques Dufresne, Fernand Dumont, and Yves Martin, eds., Traite d'anthropologie medicale. L'institution de la sante et de la maladie, 1-39. Sillery, Quebec City, and Lyon: Presses de l*Universit6 du Quebec, Institut qu£b£cois de recherche sur la culture, Presses universitaires de Lyon. Emond, Aline, and Louise Guyon 1988 Fails saillants 1987: I'enquete Sante Quebec. Quebec City: Ministere de la Sante et des Services sociaux. Fortin, Andr6e 1985 Le Rezo. Essai sur les cooperatives d'alimentation au Quebec. Quebec City: Institut que'be'cois de recherche sur la culture. Gu6rin, Daniel 1987 "MSdecines douces: le temps des choix?" Sante Societe 9, no. 1, 3-5. Keyserling, E. W. 1979 Le caractere sacre de la vie ou la qualite de vie. Ottawa: Commission de reTorme du droit du Canada.

447

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Laforest, Lucien 1985 "Pratiques mgdicales et Evolution sociale." In Jacques Dufresne, Fernand Dumont, and Yves Martin, eds., Traitt d'anthropologie medicale. L'institution de la sante et1 de la maladie, 267-280. Sillery, Quebec City, and Lyon: Presses de 1'Universite du Quebec, Institut qu6b6cois de recherche sur la culture, Presses universitaires de Lyon. Laplante, Sylvie 1988 "Dure m£decine pour les mgdecines douces." Justice pour tous, 19-23. Larouche, Claire 1985 "M6decines douces, therapies alternatives, techniques naturelles, holistiques, complementaires, h6te>odoxes." Sante Socitte 7, no. 4, 14-16. 1985

"Pour juger d'une theYapie." Sante Societt 7, no. 4, 17-21.

Lasvergnas, Isabella 1985 "La vie et la mort." In Jacques Dufresne, Fernand Dumont, and Yves Martin, eds., Traite" d'anthropologie medicate. L'institution de la sante et de la maladie, 691-708. Sillery, Quebec City, and Lyon: Presses de l[Universit6 du Quebec, Institut qu£b£cois de recherche sur la culture, Presses universitaires de Lyon. Paquet, Ginette 1989 Sante et inegalites sociales: un probleme de distance culturelle. Quebec City: Institut qu£b6cois de recherche sur la culture. Kiel, Marquita, and Luc Morissette 1984 Guide des nouvelles therapies. Les outils de I'espoir. Sillery: Presses de 1'Universit6 du Quebec. Roy, Jacques 1987 "Les groupes d'auto-sante." Sante Societt 9, no. 3, 43-47. 1988

"La sant^ des Qu6b6cois." L'Action nationale 78, no. 5, 366-373.

Saillant, Francine, Nicole Rousseau, and Marthe Lavergne 1987 "Notes pour une definition des pratiques alternatives et des therapies douces au Quebec." Sante mentale au Quebec 12, no. 1, 20-28. Verreault, Richard, Yves Lamontagne, and Jocelyne Delage 1986 L'industrie des psychotherapies. Montreal: Les editions La Presse.

448

13.3 Personal Health and Beauty Practices

Table 1 Life Expectancy at Birth and at Age 65 by Sex, Quebec, 1930-1987

At age 65

At birth Period 1930-1932 1940-1942 1950-1952 1955-1957 1960-1962 1965-1967 1970-1972 1975-1977 1980-1982 1985-1987

M

F

Difference

M

F

Difference

56,19 60,18 64,42 66,13 67,28 67,88 68,22 69,03 70,99 71,88

57,80 63,07 68,58 71,02 72,77 73,91 75,20 76,56 78,70 79,42

1,61 2,89 4,16 4,89 5,49 6,03 6,97 7,53 7,71 7,54

12,60 12,44 12,81 12,88 13,16 13,28 13,12 13,22 13,97 14,08

13,15 13,41 14,17 14,73 15,27 15,79 16,56 17,10 18,56 18,78

0,55 0,97 1,36 1,85 2,11 2,51 3,44 3,88 4,59 4,70

Sources: Laurent Roy, Des victoires surla mort, Quebec, Conseil des affaires sociales et de la famille, 1983; Louis Duchesne, La situation demographiqueau Quebec, Editions 1985, 1987 and 1988, Quebec, Bureau de la statistique du Quebec and Les publications du Quebec

Table 2 Infant Mortality Rate, Quebec, 1971 1987 Year

Rate

Year

Rate

1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979

17,3 17.2 15,5 14,5 13,4 11,5 11,9 11,5 10.3

1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

9,6 8,3 9,0 7,6 7,5 7,3 7,1 7,2

Source: Louis Duchesne, La situation demographique au Quebec. Editions 1985, 1987 and 1988, Quebec, Bureau de la statistique du Quebec and Les publications du Quebec

449

13 Life-style

Table 3 Mortality Rate per 100000 Inhabitants by Cause (Diagnosis), Quebec, 1950-1987 Cause

19501952

19791980

1984

1985

1986

1987

118 56

185 55 50 17 2 15 6 15 11 300 6 177 50 11 45 24 9 10 5 5 59 17 17

189 55 50 16 1 16 7 16 13 296 6 174 48 10 50 25 9 10 5 4 63 20 17

198 58 53 17 1 17 7 17 15 298 6 173 50 9 55 25 8 10 4 5 60 15 18

202 59 55 17 1 17 7 17 16 293 6 172 50 9 54 26 9 11 5 4 61 17 18

686

701

718

722

Tumours Digestive system, peritoneum Trachea, bronchus, lung Breast Cervix Lymphatic tissue Leukaemia Diabetes Nervous system, sense organs Circulatory system Hypertensive diseases Ischemic diseases of the heart Cerebro-vascular diseases Arteriosclerosis Respiratory system Digestive system Cirrhosis of the liver Genito-urinary system Congenital abnormality Perinatal affections Traumatism and poisoning Motor vehicle accidents Suicides

24 7 7 4 13 15 308 45 154 55 11 67 30 5 51 20 63 57 20 4

166 51 39 35 2 14 7 13 8 312 8 180 56 15 38 26 10 9 7 6 64 24 15

Global

846

679

7

Sources: Laurent Roy, Des victoires surla mon. Quebec, Conseil des affaires sociales et de la (amilie, 1983 ; Louis Duchesne, La situation dimographique au Quebec, Editions 1985, 1987, 1988 and 1989, Quebec, Bureau de la sta tistique du Quebec and Les publications du Quebec; author 's compilations.

Table 4 Participation Rate and Average Number of Services per Participant by Sex, Health-insurance System, all Medical Treatments paid on a per-treatment Basis, Quebec, 1980-1987 Participation rate Year

1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

Number of services

M

F

T

M

F

T

71,9 72,7 72,4 72,7 74,4 73,6 74,2 75,2

82,3 82,6 83,0 84,1 85,2 85,1 85,3 85,6

77,1 77,7 77,8 78,5 79,9 79,4 79,8 80,4

7,7 8,0 8,1 8,0 8,2 8,5 8,7 9,2

10,2 10,0 10,2 10,3 10,1 10,0 10,3 10,5

9,1 9,1 9,2 9,3 9,2 9,3 9,6 9,9

Source: ,R6gie de I'assurance-maladie du Quebec: Statistiques annuelles.

450

13.3 Personal Health and Beauty Practices

Table 5 Number of Patient-Days per 100000 Inhabitants, by Type of Care, Qu6bec, 1977-1988 Short-term care

Year 1977-1978 1978-1979 1979-1980 1980-1981 1981-1982 1982-1983 1983-1984 1984-1985 1985-1986 1986-1987 1987-1988

128852 122887 119 180 ' 126 149 124336 123 150 126 733 127 131 133056 131 552 130 717

Long-term care

Transitional rehabilitation, etc.

Psychiatry

87 533 99 318 98 700 108419 109 633 108 932 111 057 111 603 108 053 107 741 101 968

45061 40 134 28 800 30040 32 181 34 195 34 554 34 717 33 816 32 775 38 593

71 878 68832 68000 67 388 67 476 65 771 65 181 64 160 63458 65 234 63 068

Global

333 331 314 331 333 332 337 337 338 337 334

324 171 680 996 626 048 525 611 383 302 346

Source: Ministere de la Same et des Services sociaux, Donnees financiers et operattonnelles surles centres hosp/tatiers pour/es annees 1977 a 1987-1988, Quebec, Service des donnees financiers et operationnelles, 1989; author's compilations

Table 6 Number of Psychologists in Private Practice and Rate per 100 000 Inhabitants Quebec. 1978-1987 Year

N

Rate

1978 1979 1980 1982 1985 1986 1987

179 227 261 335 516 . 640 680

2.8 3,6 4,1 5,2 7,9 10,0 10,3

Source: Corporation professionnelle des psychologies du Quebec, Rapports annuals, author's compilations

Table 7 Number of Sexology Graduates at the University du Quebec a Montreal, by Level and Sex, 1981-1987 Bachelor's degree

Master's degree

Year

M

F

T

M

F

T

1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

2 1 19 18 14 18 8

3 19 55 61 64 75 58

5 20 74 79 78 93 66

— — — 3 8 6 2

_ — — _ 5 7 10

_ — — 3 13 13 12

Source: Ministers de I'Enseignement superieur et de la Science, special compilation.

451

13 Life-style

Table 8

Direct Health Expenditures and some Components (1981 Dollars') Average Family, Montreal Region, 1972-1986 Year

Direct health expenditures

% of current expenditures

Medical and pharmaceutical products

Dental care

Private insurance

402,0 323,1 304,3 332,7 314,4 335,2 440,0

2,3 1,7 1,5 1,7 1,8 1,9 2,3

170,8 134,1 105,6 107,3

145,5 166,3 128,6 148,3 120,3 142,3 139,0

30,1 49,6 41,6 58,3 98,1 93,2

1972 1974 1976 1978 1982 1984 1986

92,4 95,7 88,0

106,0

a Consumer price index. Sources: Statistics Canada, Family Expenditure in Canada, Ottawa, cat 62-535F, 62-541. 62-544, 62-547, 62-550, 62-555; FAMEX 86; author's compilations.

Table 9

Drugstore Retail Trade, Average Value per Capita (1981 Dollars'), Quebec, 1972 1987 Year

1981$

Year

1981$

1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979

8,14 7,88 8,39 7,47 7,41 7,44 7,13 6,95

1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

6,83 7,37 9,21 9,47 11,06 12,07 12,34 12,41

a. Consumer price index. Source: Statistics Canada, Retail Trade, Ottawa, cat 63-005, author's compilations.

Table 10

Average Family Expenditures in Personal-care Services and Toiletries (1981 Dollars'), Montreal, 1972-1986 Year

Personal care services

Toiletries

1972 1974 1976 1978 1982 1984 1986

188,30 171,60 174,90 200,40 173,10 188,30 203,90

188,30 209,20 198,70 197,40 267,40 175,20 202,40

a. Consumer price index Source: Statistics Canada, Family Expenditure in Canada. Ottawa, cat. 62-541, 62-544, 625-547,62-550,62-555; author's compilations.

452

13.4 Time Use Abstract. With a slightly lower proportion of their week devoted to domestic tasks and to free time, Qu£becers have been devoting more time to meals and to travel to and from work or studies.

Over the period 1981 to 1986, Quebecers devoted about the same amount of time to work and a little less to domestic tasks and free time The length of the normal work week for people working full time has remained practically unchanged for a long time. On the other hand, part-time workers now work more hours per week. As a result, data on the labour force and data from time-use surveys, expressed in overall averages, give the impression of a slight decrease in the amount of time per week devoted to work (see table 1). In a breakdown of time use according to age, the proportion of the week devoted to work remained stable between 1981 and 1986 for people in the 25-54-year age group. This proportion grew from 7,7% to 10,7% in the 15-24-year age group and decreased from 7,7% to 5% among those aged 55 and over (table 2). From the point of view of a breakdown according to main occupation, one can observe that the proportion of the week devoted to paid work, for those whose principal occupation is working, has increased from 21,4% to 25,7%. This is mainly the result of the growth in number of hours per week worked by part-time workers. Corresponding to the increase in time devoted to work among the 15-24-year age group, the data indicate an increase between 1981 and 1986 in the amount of time worked by students. People aged 55 and over and retirees have reduced the amount of time they devote to work (tables 2 and 3). For the population as a whole, time devoted to domestic tasks has been reduced (table 1). This applies to all occupational categories and to all age groups except the 35-44-year age group. For the latter, this increase has essentially taken place at the expense of free time (table 2). In general, the reduction in the time devoted to domestic tasks is related to the increased percentage of households equipped with the usual household appliances as well as to the increasing popularity of microwave ovens. The relative share of free time has decreased considerably on average, from 26,1% in 1981 to 23,5% in 1986 (table 1). This is true of the population as a whole, regardless of age (table 2). By breaking down the population according to main occupation, two exceptions to this general trend can be observed: homemakers have slightly increased the amount of time per week that they devote to free-time activities, and retired people have made a substantial gain in this area (table 3). This decrease should be considered only an indication, since the size and structure of the 1981 and 1986 samples were not strictly identical. But other indications also point to the conclusion that the reduction in free time is partly the result of a movement toward activities not usually listed under free time - such as, for example, meals - but which are increasingly being used to occupy it.

453

13 Life-style

The proportion of the week spent on meals and on travel to and from work and studies has increased The amount of time devoted to the consumption of meals has increased significantly for all Qu6becers, without exception. Two elements have contributed to this increase. A greater number of workers more frequently have their midday meals outside the home - principally at restaurants — since the average distance between the home and the workplace has increased. In addition, it has become popular to have evening or weekend meals at a restaurant. This has partly taken the place of other free-time activities, especially going out to a show. The increase in amount of time spent on eating out corresponds to the substantial increase in the past decade in the number of high-quality restaurants. As well, it has become more common to have relatives or friends over for an elaborate meal. There has been an increase in the volume of table wine consumed, which is related to the increase in meals eaten at restaurants and other people's homes. As mentioned above, the average distance between the home and the workplace has increased, resulting in longer trips to and from work (table 1), with the exception of the 15-24-year age group (table 2). This group probably comprises part-time workers who are also students, and who take jobs nearer to their homes than does the average employee. For the latter, this increase in distances is related to the expansion of suburbs around the major urban centres. Although the proportion of the week devoted to studies has increased for most people, it decreased considerably for students (tables 2 and 3), due to the fact that both part-time studies and part-time work are becoming more widespread. Finally, there has been an increase in the time Qu£becers spend sleeping, no doubt on weekends.

Jean-Paul Baillargeon References Canada 1983 Recherches sur I'emploi du temps, 1983. Vol. 1: "Vingt-quatre heures dans la vie des Canadians"; Vol. 2: "Le temps present"; Vol. 3: "Le travail des Canadiens". Ottawa: Ministere des Communications. Pronovost, Gilles 1988 "Le budget-temps des Quebecois, 1981." Recherches sociographiques 29, no. 1, 2343. Pronovost, Gilles, and Daniel Mercure, eds. 1989 Temps et societe." Questions de culture no. 15. Quebec City: Institut qu^becois de recherche sur la culture. Statistics Canada 1983 "Emploi du temps au Canada." Bulletin de service. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, cat. 87-001, 6, no. 2. 454

13.4 Time Use

Table 1

Percentage Distribution of Individual Time Budget of Quebecers aged 15 and over, by Sex, Typical Week, Quebec, 1981 and 1986 Men

1981

1986

1981

Work Commuting Housekeeping tasks" Meals Sleep Personal care Studies Spare timeb

16,7

17,3

9,9 0,8

Total a

1,2 8,1 4,3

1,8 6,3 6,9

34,7

4,1 3,7

1981

1986

13,5

13,3

1,0

1,4

15,0

15,0

11,8

10,7

36,4

36,6

35,5

36,1

22,7

26,1

23,5

4,4

7,2

4,6 3,5

25,5

100 168

100 168

9,4 1,0

4,8 3,3

24,3

27,8

1986

4,3

35,6

4,4 2,8

% Hours

Both

Women

Time budget

100 168

7,1

4,6 3,1

100 168

4,3 3,6

100 168

100 168

Housekeeping tasks, child care, shopping, and services.

b. Taking part in associations, entertainment, recreational, cultural and physical activities, social meetings, radio, records, tapes, television, reading, conversations, othe leisure activities plus, transportation for leisure activities. Sources: Pronovost, 1988; Statistics Canada, «Enquete sociale generale, 1986», unpublished data; author's compilations

Table 2

Percentage Distribution of Individual Time Budget of Quebecers, by Age, Typical Week, Quebec, 1981 and 1986 25-34

15-24

Time budget Work Commuting Housekeeping tasks9 Meals Sleep Personal care Studies Spare timeb Total

% Hours

1981

7,7 1,3 7,1 3,5

1981

1986

1981

10,7

17,5

17,9

18,7

1,3

1,1 5,5 5,3

13,1

37,4

37,2

33,9

10,7 27,0

13,0 23,3

5,3

100 168

35-44

1986

3,9

100 168

4,2 4,2 1,3

24,5

100 168

1,8

1,3

55 and over

45-54

1986 18,4

2,1

1986

1981

1986

15,8

15,6

1,6

7,7 0,5

5,0 0,5

1981

1,3

12,3

12,9

13,2

13,5

12,1

12,1

10,8

35,0

34,1

34,6

35,9

34,9

36,5

38,2

18,9

24,1

23,1

32,2

31,2

6,8

4,2 2,3

19,7

100 168

4,4 4,1 0,8

23,7

100 168

7,6

4,2 1,0

100 168

4,5 4,4 0,5

100 168

7,6

4,2 0,9

100 168

5,2

4,7 1,1

100 168

8,1

5,6 0,2

100 168

a. Housekeeping tasks, child care, shopping, and services. b. Taking part in associations, entertainment, recreational, cultural and physical activities, social meetings, radio, records, tapes, television, reading, conversations, other leisure activities plus, transportation for leisure activities. Sources: Pronovost, 1988; Statistics Canada, «EnquSte sociale generale, 1986», unpublished data; author's compilations.

455

13 Life-style

Table 3 Percentage Distribution of Individual Time Budget of Quebecers aged 15 and over according to Major Occupation in Typical Week, Quebec, 1981 and 1986 Worker

Unemployed

Housekeeper

Time budget

1981

1986

1981

1986

1981

1986

1981

1986

1981

1986

Work Commuting Housekeeping tasks" Meals Sleep Personal care Studies Spare time"

21,4 1,6 9,4 4,0 34,3 4,7 1.1 23,5

25,7 2,6 7,9 6,4 34,3 4,3 0,8 18,0

1,7 0,5 12,4 4,5 39,8 4,5 0,7 35,9

3,0 1,1 12,0 7,6 38,0 3,8 0,9 33,6

2,1 0,1 23,9 5,3 37,8 3,5 0,7 26,6

0,7 0,1 22,5 8,3 36,3 3,8 0,5 27,8

1,1 0,3 5,9 2,9 34,1 4,5 29,1 22,1

2,2 0,3 4,3 5,6 36,2 3,6 25,7 22,1

1,2

12,3 6,1 38,0 5,4 0,1 36,9

0,8 0,1 8,9 7,8 36,7 4,9 0,2 40,6

100 168

100 168

100 168

100 168

100 168

100 168

100 168

100 168

100 168

100 168

Total

% Hours

Student

Retired

a. Housekeeping tasks, child care, purchasing, and services. b Taking part in associations, entertainment, recreational, cultural and physical activities, social meetings, radio, records, tapes, television, reading, conversations, other leisure activities plus, transportation for leisure activities Sources: Pronovost, 1988; Statistics Canada, «Enquete sociale generate, 1986», unpublished data; author's compilations.

456

13.5 Daily Mobility Abstract. All spheres of activity - work, leisure, socializing, and everyday life - now involve travel. The automobile is at the core of this increased mobility, and it occupies an ever-larger role in the daily life of individuals, to the point of having become an essential commodity for most households. There has also been a marked decrease in intercity bus travel.

Mobility has increased in all spheres of individual activity Individuals are becoming increasingly mobile. This is particularly apparent in three spheres of activity: work, leisure, and activities related to everyday life and to personal care. The first of these spheres of activity, work, requires people to have a certain degree of spatial mobility, since the workplace is often far from the home. Suburbs and satellite cities have developed around the major urban centres, attracting a growing segment of the population for whom the workplace and the home have become dissociated. This dispersal requires that individuals travel on a daily basis, unlike those who lived in working-class neighbourhoods at the turn of the century, in which factories were located near the workers' homes. Activities associated with work, in a large number of cases, also involve travel. Production of goods is accomplished with a smaller sedentary labour pool, whereas distribution and maintenance of these goods require greater mobility on the part of many workers. The execution of work itself also tends to include a higher proportion of mobility. Leisure-time activities also involve travel. Certain cultural activities take place away from the home: theatre, cinema, spectator sports, and so on. Consumption of meals outside the home is increasing, not only during working hours but also during leisure time. As well, many people travel during their annual vacations and during holidays throughout the year. The same is true of social relations. Residential and, especially, occupational mobility have eliminated the overlap that existed between the neighbourhood and the circle of family and friends. People often live far from their friends and close relations, and the maintaining of continuous social relations with them generally involves travel. On the other hand, the existence of communications networks and the availability of efficient means of transportation make it possible to maintain fairly frequent contact with a large number of people, even if they live quite far away. Finally, the obligations of daily life force people to travel frequently. Increases in consumption of goods leads people to travel frequently to purchase, maintain, and replace them. The same is true of an enormous variety of services, ranging from health care and personal care to education and professional training. In summary, the broadening of consumption and increased consultation of experts in a wide variety of fields involves not only monetary exchange - which some authors have described as the commercialization of daily life - but also an increase in the mobility of individuals.

Automobile ownership has increased Daily mobility is mainly associated with the automobile. It is difficult to discern which of these is the cause and which the effect; rather, the automobile and mobility should be seen as two interacting parts of a system which reinforces the

457

13 Life-style

development of both. The number of cars registered has more than doubled in Quebec since 1966 (+123,8%). The growth in the number of personal cars has been more rapid than that of the adult population: there were 44 cars per 100 persons in 1971, versus 53 in 1987 (see table 1). The growth in the total number of cars registered slowed down in the years following the oil crises in 1973 and 1977, and in the early 1980s, during the recession. The underlying trend, however, has clearly been one of increase. New-car sales followed the same upward trend. The proportion of households with no car fell rapidly until 1975 and then remained fairly stable, at about 25% (table 2). This relative stability is consistent overall with the increase in the number of cars mentioned above, since the number of single-person households has increased considerably over the past 15 years. Multiple car ownership is a spreading phenomenon; the proportion of households with two or more cars increased from 3,1% in 1961 to 19,9% in 1989. It should be noted that the basis of calculation for this proportion includes single-person households, which in theory can have only one car. Thus, this trend is actually much more pronounced.

There has been a continual decrease in the use of intercity public transportation Corresponding to increasing use of automobiles in Quebec, there has been a rapid and continual decrease in the number of persons travelling on intercity buses; the number of passengers decreased by two-thirds between 1961 and 1986 (table 3). The number of kilometres travelled by intercity buses increased until 1980, and then fell back slightly until 1986. Supply of services thus did not follow the rapid decrease in demand. However, a turnaround in this trend has been noted, since transport companies cut back on service to outlying or less populated regions in the past few years.

There has been a rise in the budgetary coefficient for transportation: the automobile has become an essential commodity for most households An analysis of the budgets of households of two or more people reveals that transportation has become one of the most important consumption functions (table 4). According to Tremblay and Fortin (1964), this item ranked sixth in the structure of the average family budget in 1959; it rose to third rank during the 1980s, behind food and lodging. The importance that households accord to transportation - and especially to the automobile - in their budgets indicates the extent to which it has become essential, in the same way as are food and lodging. Mobility has become a requirement of daily living, involving a considerable and ongoing budgetary effort. Transportation expenditures are even greater in households with higher incomes, which shows that increasing importance is given to this function as discretionary income increases (Langlois, 1984). An analysis of family expenditures shows that the automobile accounts for the lion's share, far

458

13.5 Daily Mobility

ahead of public transportation, for which the share of expenditures regressed from 1969 (2,6% of the average budget) to 1986 (only 1%). Simon Langlois References Langlois, Simon 1984 "L'impact du double revenu sur la structure des besoins dans les menages." Recherches sociographiques 25, no. 2, 211-266. Tremblay, Marc-Adelard, and Gerald Fortin 1964 Les comportements tconomiques de la famille salartee. Quebec City: Presses de l'Universit6 Laval.

459

13 Life-style

Table 1

Number of Vehicles on the Road and New Automobiles Sales, in Number, Index (1966=100), Quebec. 1966-1987 Number of automobiles Year 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

'000

Index

1 168 1 371 1 448 1 535 1 602 1 691 1 871 2 010 2 187 2 189 2 350 2 523 2 450 2 569 2 548 2 379 2 376 2 449 2466 2 483 2 614 2 682

100 177 124 131 137 145 160 172 187 187 201 216 210 220 218 204 203 210 211 213 224 230

New automobiles

per 1 00 people 18 years & over

_

— — — —

43,8 47,6 50,2 53,4 52,2 54,9 57,7 55,2 56,9 55,5 50,9 50,0 50,7 50,5 50,3 52,4 53,4

'000

Index

178 176 195 210 173 209 241 273 265 269 276 273 269 299 264 249 195 247 299 337 312 315

100 99 110 118 97 117 135 153 149 151 155 153 151 168 148 140 110 139 168 189 175 177

Sources: Statistics Canada, Road Motor Vehicle Registrations, Ottawa, cat. 53-219; Statistics Canada, New Motor Vehicle Sales, Ottawa, cat. 63-007; author's compilations

460

13.5 Daily Mobility

Table 2 Percentage Distribution of Households according to the Number of Automobiles, Quebec, 1961-1989

Year

None

One

1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989

43,6 43,6 38,6 35,7 33,9 34,7 31,4 31,4 29,6 27,8 27,8 28,3 27,0 27,1 25,2 25,4 25,2 26,1 26,3 22,8 23,6 23,4 24,9 26,4 27,6 27,4 24,5 24,1 25,2

53,3 53,2 56,7 58,3 59,5 58,7 61,5 61,0 62,5 63,7 62,0 61,1 60,3 58,9 60,1 59,6 58,2 58,2 57,1 58,2 57,6 57,9 56,4 57,4 55,3 53,5 55,7 54,2 55,0

Two or more 3,1 3,1 4,7 6,0 6,6 6,6 7,0 7,5 7,9 8,5

10,2 10,5 12,7 14,0 14,6 15,1 16,6 15,7 16,6 19,1 18,8 18,7 18,7 16,2 17,1 19,1 19,7 21,7 19,9

Total

%

N

100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100

1 162 1 187 1 235 1 257 1 280 1 300 1 419 1 450 1 475 1 499 1 535 1 641 1 655 1 721 1 764 1 832 1 868 1 944 2 012 2 046 2 117 2 190 2 241 2 324 2 376 2 461 2 530 2 416 2 511

Sources: Statistics Canada, Household Facilities and Equipment, Ottawa, cat. 64-202, Statistics Canada, Household Facilities and Equipment, revised estimates, Ottawa; author's compilations.

461

13 Life-style

Table 3

Travellers Using Long-Distance Public Transportation and Kilometres covered by Bus, in Number and Index (1961 = 100), Quebec, 1961-1986 Distances in km

Travellers Year 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1974 1975

'000

Index

'000

Index

59 454 55 347 53 657 51 249 50 177 54 600 55 989 53 437 47 353 50086 33 882 34 936

100 93 90 86 84 92 94 90 80 84 57 59

144 107 147 868 152 521 153 992 148427 176 550 199 369 183 983 184 286 177 938 172 395 176 198

100 103 106 107 103 123 138 128 128 123 120 122

Distances in km

Travellers Year 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986

'000

33 36 33 36 33 29 31 29 25 24 22

169 633 059 997 282 585 187 743 702 397 871

Index 56 62 56 62 56 50 52 50 43 41 38

'000 181 199 191 189 203 185 197 194 182 173 173

132 688 261 973 11 9 014 838 388 771 613 247

Source : Statistics Canada, Passeng er Bus and Urban Transit Statistics. Ottawa, cat. 53-215; author's compilations.

Table 4

Transportation Expenses and Budgetary Coefficients of Families of two or more People, Quebec, 1969-1986 Item

1969

Transportation — automobile — public Total

$ %

1978

1982

1986

14,2 11,6 2,6

15,3 13,9 1,4

15,2 14,0 1,2

16,6 15,6 1,0

7 704 100

16866 100

23 353 100

30 415 100

Source: Statistics Canada, Enquete sur les depenses des families, micro-data; author's compilations

462

Index 126 139 133 132 141 128 137 135 127 120 120

13.6 Household Production Abstract. Unpaid work in businesses is rapidly declining. This downward trend is most pronounced in the farming sector, where about two-thirds of this type of work occurs. Unpaid household work is also decreasing, as is non-monetary consumption.

There has been a marked decrease in unpaid work, especially in the farming sector Unpaid work is defined as the activity of a person who works without remuneration in a business (family farm, store, professional business, etc.) owned by a parent or a member of the household. "The work done must contribute directly to the operation of the business. Although there are no formal wage agreements for these employees, they are considered to benefit financially from the success of the family business" (Duchesne, 1988: 17). Unpaid work must not be confused with black-market labour, because undeclared income is earned in the latter case. Unpaid work has been declining substantially since the post-war period; this decline continued into the 1970s and 1980s. Duchesne (1988) estimates that this type of employment decreased by 38% in Canada between 1975 and 1987. Historically, unpaid work was particularly common in farming; Statistics Canada estimates that two-thirds of all Canadian unpaid workers in 1987 were in this sector. "Even in that industry, however, the role of unpaid family work is rapidly declining. In 1946, unpaid workers represented 30% of the total number of farming jobs; in 1987, this share had dropped to only 12%" (Duchesne, 1988: 17). The two other main sectors in which unpaid workers are found are retail trade and office work. After having declined regularly between 1980 and 1986, the number of unpaid workers in these two sectors has been on the increase. "This is perhaps a temporary phenomenon, or the birth of a new trend, possibly related to the recent proliferation of small businesses in the Canadian economy" (Duchesne, 1988: 20). Only about 1% of the total number of jobs were in this category in 1987 (Statistics Canada, 1988). The majority of unpaid workers in 1987 were women (70%) and single teenagers (18%). The number of teenagers who work without remuneration decreased by half and the number of married women in this category decreased by 24% during the post-war period. Three factors account for this decrease. First, families have fewer children, for whom the level of schooling has increased substantially. "The shrinking population of youths 15 to 19 years of age has reduced the potential pool of unpaid workers in this age group" (Duchesne, 1988: 22). Second, many legislative changes (concerning the property of married couples, taxation, etc.), demanded by women who "helped out" and were increasingly aware of the precariousness of their situation, led to a large decrease in unpaid work in the family by women. An increase has been observed, especially in the farming sector, in the number of women who own businesses, independently or in partnership with their spouse. Since 1980, the owners of small, unincorporated businesses, in the farming sector and elsewhere, have been able to write off as a tax deduction the income earned by their spouse as an employee, provided that this income was in fact paid and provided that it was reasonable (Duchesne, 1988). Women are less and less willing to be unpaid workers in family businesses; a number of women's associations (the AFEAS, women farmers' associations, etc.) encourage them to demand wages or a share in the ownership and the profits of 463

13 Life-style

family businesses, and a number of legislative changes are in line with these demands. "In farming, these legislative changes appear to have contributed to a considerable increase in paid work and independent work by women" (Duchesne, 1988: 22). The third factor tending to discourage unpaid work was probably the industrialization and increasing capitalization of farming businesses, the sector in which the majority of these workers are found. This highly mechanized sector of employment, made up of businesses of increasing size, can no longer rely only on a readily available but unpaid source of additional labour to ensure efficient operation; the use of complex technical equipment and salaried labour is increasing in farming operations that are increasing in scale.

There is a downward trend in the estimated value of unpaid household work Household work is not taken into account in the estimation of black-market labour, nor in the estimation of unpaid work, as denned above. However, in view of the fact that a large and growing proportion of household tasks are in a sense being taken over by the market system of goods-and-services production (child care, care for the elderly, preparation of meals, production and maintenance of clothing), household work, or at least certain activities included in this type of work, can be identified as a form of unpaid work. This work does not contribute to the operation of a business, but rather to the care and production of human beings; in fact, it is related to the work of teachers and health-care personnel, and in this sense it may be justifiable to consider it a form of unpaid work, especially once there are equivalents for it on the market. Overall, unpaid household work appears to be declining. Swinamer (1985) evaluated the importance of household work carried out for eight functions - meals, cleaning, clothing maintenance, housework and repairs, shopping and household management, physical care of children, education, and other child-care related tasks - in proportion to the GNP, using the "household-function costs method," and the "opportunity cost method." Using the first method, the cost of household work is estimated at 35,7% of the GNP in Canada, while the second method yields an estimate of 41%. "According to the method of costing household functions, the value of household work, expressed as a percentage of the GNP, decreased from 40,9% in 1971 to 35,7% in 1981. This decrease is due to the combined effect of the increasing female labour-force participation rate, and to a smaller contribution, in terms of time, to household work on the part of working women by comparison to that furnished by women at home" (Swinamer, 1985: xv) (see table 1). It should be added that double-income families make greater use of market goods and services to accomplish household tasks; this also contributes to the reduction in the estimated value of this type of unpaid work.

There has been a decrease in non-monetary consumption Consumption of goods and services produced outside of market circuits is on the decline. Production of clothing in the household greatly declined, especially in the 1960s. There has also been an increase in consumption of meals outside the home, during the working day, during leisure time, and while traveling. More464

13.6 Household Production

over, production of certain goods or services for one's own use is increasingly considered to be a form of recreation (making one's own preserves, bread, or clothing) and no longer as a form of productive labour in the strict sense. Simon Langlois References Duchesne, Doreen 1988 "Le de'clin du travail familial non r6mune>6 au Canada." Tribune sur I'emploi et le revenu, 17-24. Ottawa: Statistics Canada. Dulude, Louise 1984 Love, Marriage and Money. Ottawa: Conseil consultatif canadien de la situation de la femme. Heawrylystyn, O. I. 1978 L'estimation de la valeur du travail manager au Canada, 1971. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, cat. 13-566. Statistics Canada 1988 The Decline of Unpaid Family Work in Canada. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, cat. 71-535, no. 2. Swinamer, J. L. 1985 "La valeur du travail manager au Canada en 1981." Revue statistique du Canada, March, vi-xv. Vandelac, Louise et al. 1986 Du travail et de I'amour. Montreal: Editions cooperatives A. St-Martin.

465

13 Life-style

Table 1

Estimated Value of Housekeeping Work, Canada, 1971 and 1981 Canadian comparisons (According to the housekeeping function cost method)

1971

1. (a) Value of HW (in billions of dollars)

38447$

121 190 $

94 115 $

339 055 S

40,9%

35,7%

6170435

8273649

6231$

14648$

15 253 $

40 980 $

(b) Value of GNP (at market prices in billions of dollars) (c) HW in percentage of GNP 2. (a) Number of family and non-family units (b) HW value per unit (1(a)/2(a» (c) Growth of off-market HW production value per unit (2(b) 1981)-2(b) 1971) (d) Value of GNP, per unit (1(b)/2(a))

135,1%

(e) Growth of production value on the market per unit, (2(d) 1981-2(d) 1971)) 3. Women's relative contribution to housekeeping work Source: Swinamer, 1985: XIII.

466

1981

168,7% 67,3%

60,7%

13.7 Forms of Erotic Expression Abstract. Pornography has become harder and more violent. Those who denounce it focus on its conveyance of the ideology of subordination of women, and especially on its intrinsic violence. More television productions portray nudity while often suggesting more than they show. Advertising makes extensive use of the female image, although progress is being made in the area of sexist stereotypes. Harder and more violent pornography is increasingly available Trying to establish a precise definition of pornography has become a treacherous enterprise, since one must counter the argument that the male image carries just as many sexual connotations as the female image; this is becoming a defensive argument (Poulin & Coderre, 1986) on the same level as arguments regarding freedom of expression and puritanism. Some authors attempt to precisely define what is or is not pornography, or try to distinguish between the concepts of sexuality, eroticism, obscenity, and pornography; others avoid doing so, not wishing to support in any way the "script" that generally accompanies the exploitation of nudity and, above all, the sexuality of women. This kind of "script" contains a set of codes that refer to specific social models: possession and domination, violence, sexism, and machismo. Criticism of pornography has become more frequent over the past few years, and a number of authors have analysed the degrading nature of the female image and especially the ideology of subordination of women that it can convey (Carrier, 1983; Cossette, 1983; Dunnigan, 1983; Poulin & Coderre, 1986). The federal government instituted a commission of inquiry on pornography and prostitution in Canada (the Eraser Commission), which filed a voluminous report in 1985. The association of pornography with violence, although not universal, is often cited; this violence may be explicit, portraying sado-masochism or bestiality, or implicit, showing attitudes of availability and submission and the eroticization or trivialization of rape and incest. Cossette (1983: 138) wrote, "Given the current orientation of pornography, one wondered whether it was not more related to domination and violence than to sexuality." The fight against pornography is, at the same time, a fight against sexual crimes, marital violence, wife-beating, and sexual discrimination in all its manifestations. Pornography, with or without violent connotations, fits into a complex dynamic of attraction and repulsion: attraction toward what is forbidden or taboo, and repulsion from its excessive and degrading representations. The problem, on the social level, is precisely to define what is excessive and what is not, the subjectivity criterion not being practicable owing to the numerous different points of view (Arcand, 1983). Thus, one refers to the standards of the community, which must allow for a degree of social tolerance and take into account the fine line that exists between what is public and what is private. It would seem appropriate, a priori, to state that pornography has benefited from the broader permissiveness and tolerance within society that accompanied the sexual-liberation movement, as well as from the affirmation of the rights of women and several minorities. However, some distortions may have occurred: sexual h'Deration may have been deformed through forms of expression of sexuality that have become pure marketing ploys which, in the name of freedom of expression, have become 467

13 Life-style

substitutes for sexuality that lead to the exact opposite of a liberation: namely, to a form of imprisonment or even sexual alienation. Nevertheless, the feminist viewpoint on the issue has disputed puritan positions, pointing out that censoring of sexual themes can also counteract the gains made by previous struggles by the women's movement (Dunnigan, 1983), and that pornography feeds off a grossly inadequate sexual education (Poulin & Coderre, 1986). The issue of censorship recurs periodically. It came to head in 1981 with the prohibition of pornography portraying children or teenagers. The most striking trend in recent years has been the target of censorship, which has shifted from pictures to products judged to be "excessively" violent or socially "unacceptable." Hence, there is virtually no more censoring of the full graphic sexual gymnastics in so-called "sexually explicit" media productions, although control is exercised at customs over a media production that is imported mainly from the United States (83%) and from other countries (17%) (Fraser et al., 1, 1985). The presence of pornography has been increasing through magazines and periodicals, films and videocassettes, clubs featuring male and female dancers, sex shops and massage parlours, erotic telephone services paid for by credit card, and so on. Since profit is not sexist (Arcand, 1983), the pornography industry has tried to reach female consumers with products specifically designed for them. This explains the appearance of magazines for women and clubs with male dancers, which have had much more limited success than their equivalent aimed at male consumers. In Quebec, "adult" films shown in movie theatres underwent a considerable relative decline over the last few years, in terms of both number of screenings and attendance. The proportion of adult-film showings fell from 40% to 10% of the total of showings between 1975 and 1987, and attendance decreased from 32% to 7% over the same period (see table 1). This is no doubt a reflection of the fact that consumption is increasingly moving into private circles, particularly with the advent of videocassette recorders and the wide availability of pornographic videocassettes.

Television shows are more suggestive Television, in its search for larger and larger audiences, has placed more emphasis on sexuality. As a result, it relies on productions which suggest more than they show, a fact that indicates the importance of suggestive scripts and of images that devote more space to nudity. In Quebec, a show such as "Lance et compte," which plays on both the sports and sex dimensions, was relatively successful in the late 1980s. The programme perhaps represents a turning point, since it occasionally shows love-making scenes during peak viewing hours - something that would have been inconceivable a few years ago. The mini-scandal caused by this programme is evidently not unrelated to its success. Music videos (Beaulieu, 1988) are another television phenomenon that have been analysed: nearly 50% of their content is of a sexist nature; among these, 56% portray a woman in the role of a seductress, 34% portray a woman in a role of submission, and 27% portray a woman as the victim of violence. In the portrayal of men, the camera remains remarkably modest and discreet (Baby et al., 468

13.7 Forms of Erotic Expression

1988). The authors undertook especially to demonstrate the importance for young people to know how to decipher the messages that are conveyed under the attractive cover of popular music. Since the early 1980s, nudity has been appearing with increasing frequency on television. Films are broadcast that contain more direct references to sex, either on specific channels — such as on pay television — or at later hours - such as on the Quatre Saisons network — with a warning at the beginning. This in fact constitutes a broadening of the function of television to that of a simple broadcaster of films, including erotic productions. The tendency is to make advertisements less sexist, rather than to desexualize them: there is less emphasis on sexist stereotypes, despite the increased presence of sexual references Advertisements contain numerous sexual references: youth and beauty are used in abundance to sell just about all consumer products. Images of women and, increasingly, of men are used to the point of trivializing the sexualization of advertising. The feminist perspective on the issue, although it contests this state of affairs with a certain reluctance, has become mainly oriented toward criticizing the sexist nature of advertising and is about to aim its criticism at music videos. The Conseil du statut de la femme brought in the "Em6ritas" and "D6m6ritas" awards for non-sexist advertising a few years ago, the former to reward advertisers for portraying women in situations in which they are on an equal footing with men and in nontraditional occupations, and the latter to denounce the most backward stereotypes (CSF, 1978). The flurry of publicity surrounding the presentation of these awards each year has certainly forced advertisers to rethink their approach; they tend more and more to portray a new image of women, although there has been a displacement of sexism to music videos or elsewhere. Guy Frechet References Arcand, Bernard 1983 "Vers une analyse anthropologique de la pornographic." Anthropologie et socittts 7, no. 2, 29-45. Baby, Francois, Johanne Cheng, and Johanne Viens 1988 Sexisme dans les vidtoclips a la television. Quebec City: Study conduscted for the Conseil du statut de la femme in collaboration with the Dgpartement des litteratures de llJniversitg Laval. Beaulieu, Nicole 1988 "Pout-on eliminer le sexisme des videoclips?" La Gazette des femmes 10, no. 3, 12-19.

469

13 Life-style

Carrier, Micheline 1983 La pornographic: Apostrophe.

base

idtologique

de

I'oppression

des femmes.

Sillery:

CSF (Conseil du statut de la fetnme) 1978 Pour les Qutbecoises: egalitt et indtpendance. Quebec City: CSF. Cossette, Louise 1983 "Pornographic, quelques annees apres la, revolution sexuelle." In Nous, noire sante, nos pouvoirs, 135-144. Montreal: Editions cooperatives A. Saint-Martin and Editions du Remue-M6nage. Ounnigan, Lise 1983 La pornographie et I'erotlsation de la violence: questions entourant la revendication de mesures ttgales. Quebec City: Conseil du statut de la femme. Fraser, Paul (pres.) et al. 1985 La pornographie et la prostitution au Canada. 2 vols. Ottawa: Rapport du Comite special d'etude de la pornographie et de la prostitution. Poulin, Richard, and C&ile Coderre 1986 La violence pornographique. Hull: Editions Asticou.

470

13.7 Forms of Erotic Expression

Table 1 Cinematographic Projections, Number of Film Screenings, Total and Adult Audience (18 and over) in Thousands, and Adults as a Proportion of Total, Qu6bec, 1975-1987 Number of film screenings

Audience

Year

Total '000

Adults '000

Ad. /tot. %

Total '000

Adults '000

Ad. /tot. %

1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

232,2 231,7 242,9 245,9 246,0 252,3 250,0 265,9 256,0 245,2 232,8 240,3 260,5

94,0 84,4 78,3 72,4 74,0 82,2 82,3 93,9 71,2 63,9 52,2 39,7 26,8

40,5 36,4 32,2 29,5 30,1 32,6 32,9 35,3 27,8 26,1 22,4 16,5 10,3

20 107,0 19 213,0 19099,0 20 770,0 20 483,0 20 082,0 18 657,0 17 824,0 17 293,0 14 351,0 13 605,0 14 577,0 14 974,0

6 508,0 5 496,0 4 904,0 4 579,0 4 769,0 5 405,0 4 831,0 4 716,5 3 356,1 2 831,0 2 354,0 1 548,0 1 104,0

32,4 28,6 25,7 22,0 23,3 26,9 25,9 26,5 19,4 19,7 17,3 10,6

Source: Bureau de la statistique du Quebec, Projections cinemarographiques, Quebec, 1975 to 1987; author's compilations

471

7,4

13.8 Mood-altering Substances Abstract. Overall, consumption of mood-altering substances and legal drugs has decreased. There is overconsumption of prescription drugs, especially psychotropic drugs, among women and the elderly. Consumption of illegal drugs among youth has become widespread, but the substances used are less harmful.

Consumption of legal mood-altering substances has diminished since the early 1970s Consumption of pure alcohol diminished, on average, by about one litre per person 15 years of age or over, from 10,2 litres to 9,1, between 1979 and 1986. Between 1967 and 1975, this figure had increased from 8,4 to 10 litres, and it remained at essentially the same level throughout the 1970s (see table 1). This drop is mainly the result of reduced consumption of liquor, from 6,9 litres per person in 1979 to 4,5 in 1986. Consumption of beer also decreased over the same period, from 121,1 litres to 114,8. Wines increased in popularity, however, with consumption rising from about 11,8 litres in 1979 to 14,1 in 1986 (table 2). In addition, there was a drop of about 6% in the number of regular drinkers between 1978 and 1987. Of these drinkers, 17,4% consumed 14 drinks or more per week in 1978. This percentage fell to 12,4% in 1987. However, in the 15- to 24-year age group, 11% of the men and 8% of the women stated that they had increased their consumption between 1986 and 1987 (Emond & Guyon, 1988). Various campaigns have been launched to encourage people to reduce their alcohol consumption, and several anti-smoking campaigns and nonsmokers' lobbies were initiated. As a result of this pressure, all advertising of tobacco products was banned from the electronic media about a decade ago and, more recently, public establishments have been obliged to limit smoking to restricted areas. In 1978, about 40% of Qu6becers smoked cigarettes regularly; this fell to 30% in 1987. This reduction has occurred mainly among men 45 years of age and over; however, this group still comprises the largest proportion of very heavy smokers. The majority of nonsmokers now consist of people who have never smoked. In the 15- to 24-year age group, nonsmokers are more numerous among men than among women (Emond & Guyon, 1988). In Canada, and particularly in Quebec, tea has been less popular than coffee for a long time. There has been an accentuation of this phenomenon over the last few years. Whereas Canadians consumed about 1 kg of tea per capita in 1978, by 1987 this consumption had fallen to only one-quarter of that amount. On the other hand, coffee was consumed at the rate of 4,2 kg per capita in 1978; this figure exceeded 4,7 kg in 1987. However, combined consumption of tea and coffee decreased somewhat, from an average of 5,25 kg per capita in 1978 to 4,85 kg in 1987 (table 3). There is overconsumption of medications, principally among elderly women Although it is impossible to determine whether overconsumption of medications was stable or increased, various analyses in the 1970s and 1980s mentioned the existence of this phenomenon, mainly among women and especially among elderly women. Women appear to have taken a greater quantity and a greater variety of 472

13.8 Mood-altering Substances

medications than have men, particularly in the case of tranquillizers and sleeping pills (Gauthier & Duchesne, 1986; Villedieu, 1975). This has led experts to denounce the tendency of physicians to want to "pacify or tranquillize the elderly, or put them to sleep" (CESSSS, 1987b: 168).

The number of moderate consumers of illegal drugs has increased, with a shift toward less harmful substances The use of illegal drugs involves mainly young people, among whom it has become a socially integrated practice (MEQ, 1987; Seidman, 1986). Moderate users have become younger, and first experiences are also occurring at a younger age (Dumas, 1984). Between 1974 and 1985, although there was a decrease in the number of heavy users, a rise was observed in the number of moderate users. The latter switched from more dangerous drugs to less harmful substances (Le Blanc, 1986). "After an explosive period of experimentation with illegal drugs, the phenomenon appears to have levelled off, and interest has declined" (Le Blanc & Tremblay, 1987: 58). On the other hand, there are several indications that "crack," a particularly addictive form of cocaine, has begun to circulate in Quebec. Since these drugs are illegal, the spread in use of them has been accompanied by an increase in the number of offences related to their sale. The number of offences in the illegal-drug trade reported by the police increased from 115 per 100 000 inhabitants in 1979 to 124 in 1987 (table 4).

Jean-Paul Baillargeon References AITQ (Association des intervenants en toxicomanie du Quebec) 1986 QualM de vie et drogues. Place aux jeunes. Chicoutimi: Gae'tan Morin, ed.. Beauchesne, Line 1985 Les jeunes et les drogues: recension de la literature et donnees quebecoises. Montreal: Centre international de criminologie compared, University de Montreal. CESSSS (Commission d'enquete sur les services de la sant£ et les services sociaux) 1987a Dossier "Jeunes adultes 18-30 ans". Programme de consultation d'experts. Quebec City: CESSSS. 1987b Dossier "Personnes ogees". Programme de consultation d'experts. Quebec City: CESSSS. 1988

Rapport de la CESSSS. Quebec City: Les Publications du Quebec.

Dumas, Suzanne 1984 La drogue banalisee: la consommation de drogues chez les etudiantes et les etudiants quebecois. Quebec City: Ministere de 1'Education. 473

13 Life-style

Emond, Aline, and Louise Guyon 1988 Faits saillants 1987: I'enquete Sante Quebec. Quebec City: Ministere de la Sante et des Services sociaux. Gauthier, Herv6, and Louis Duchesne 1986 Les personnes ag4es au Quebec. Quebec City: Bureau de la statistique du Quebec and Les Publications du Quebec. Le Blanc, Marc 1986 La consommation des drogues illicites chez les adolescents de quatorze et quinze ans a Montreal en 1985. Montreal: Ecole de criminologie, Universite de Montreal. Le Blanc, Marc, and Roch Tremblay 1987 "Drogues illicites et activit£s delictueuses chez les adolescents de Montreal: epidemiologie et esquisse d'une politique sociale." Psychotropes 3, no. 3, 57-72. Levasseur, Madeleine 1983 Des problemes prioritaires: la maladie selon les ages de la vie. Quebec City: Conseil des affaires sociales et de la famille. MEQ (Ministere de 1'Education du Quebec) 1987 Le phtnomene-drogue et les jeunes. Quebec City: MEQ. Roy, Laurent 1985a Le point sur les habitudes de vie: I'alcool. Quebec City: Conseil des affaires sociales et de la famille. 1985b Le point sur les habitudes de vie: le tabac. Quebec City: Conseil des affaires sociales et de la famille. Seidman, Karen 1986 "Growing Number of Students Using Drugs: Study." The Gazette. September 20th. Villedieu, Yanick 1975 "Medicaments: un regime de drogues." Quebec Science 13, no. 7, 19-31.

474

13.8 Mood-altering Substances

Table 1 Litres of Pure Alcohol Consumed per Person aged 15 and over, Quebec, 1967-1986 Year

Litres

Year

Litres

1967 1973 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979

8,4 9,5 10,0 10,2 10,1 10,1 10,2

1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986

9,6 9,7 9,5 8,9 8,9 8,8 9,1

Sources: Statistics Canada, Perspectives Canada III, Ottawa, cat. 11-511F; The Control of Sale of Alcoholic Beverages in Canada, Ottawa, cat. 63-202; author's compilations.

Table 2 Average Number of Litres of Alcoholic Beverages Sold per Inhabitant aged 15 Years and over, Quebec, 1975-1986 Year

Spirits

Wine

Beer

1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986

6,9 7,1 7,0 7,1 7,0 5,7 6,3 6,0 5,4 5,2 4,9 4,5

8,8 8,9 9,3 10,0 11,8 11,8 12,0 12,3 12,0 12,5 13,1 14,1

125,0 127,9 126,3 123,5 121,1 120,1 117,2 114,4 108,0 109,3 107,1 114,8

Source: Statistics Canada, The Control and Sale of Alcoholic Beverages in Canada, Ottawa, cat 63-202

475

13 Life-style

Table 3

Average Number of Kilogrammes of Tea and Coffee Consumed per capita, Canada, 1978-1987 Year

Tea

Coffee

1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

1,03 0,98 1,03 0,94 0,91 0,91 0,88 0,51 0,22 0,26

4,22 4,50 4,51 4,80 4,35 4,33 4,37 4,54 4,38 4,59

Source: Statistics Canada, Apparent Per Capita Food Consumption in Canada, part 1, Ottawa cat. 32-229.

Table 4

Number of Drug-Related Offences and Rate per 100 000 Inhabitants, Quebec, 1979-1987 Year 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

N

Rate

7290 7 637 8 674 8866 8 26 7 274 7 540 8 875 8200

115 120 135 137 127 111 115 133 124

Sources: Statistics Canada, Canadian Crime Statistics, Ottawa, cat. 85-205; Juristat, 8, 2, May 1988; author's compilations.

476

14 LEISURE

14.1 Amount and Use of Free Time Abstract. It would seem that Quebecers as a whole now have less free time. They have also changed the way they use this time, devoting more of it to socializing and to watching television.

As a whole, the proportion of the week devoted to free time appears to be smaller, at the expense of attendance at shows and certain cultural practices in the home Free time includes all hours of the week not used for working, household tasks, studies, or non-discretionary time (sleep, meals, personal care). For the population aged 15 and over as a whole, the proportion of the week devoted to free-time activities was lower in 1986 than in 1981, decreasing from 43,9 hours to 39,6 hours. This decrease seems to be much greater than it actually is, since the amount of time devoted to meals has increased, in large part due to more frequent trips to restaurants as a form of social activity or leisure. Nevertheless, the number of hours people devoted to the several activities considered as free time decreased between 1981 and 1986. On an individual basis, these are not activities to which a great number of hours per week are devoted; they range from attending various types of shows and entertainment, to participating in cultural and physical activities, to listening to music at home, reading, conversing, and various other types of leisure activities such as car rides and involvement with handicrafts or hobbies.

More hours are devoted to activities that favour socializing In addition to the increased amount of time devoted to meals, which have become occasions for meetings or relaxation, social meetings as such, participation in associations, and conversations are activities which favour socializing. Social meetings and associations are taking up more of Quebecers' free time, whereas ordinary conversations appear to have lost ground. Like meals of a social nature, volunteer activities (participation in the activities of associations) and social meetings usually take place with several people present. The latter two activities combined accounted for an average of seven hours per person per week in 1981 and for more than eight hours in 1986. Social meetings have increased the most, up 24%. All categories of people devoted more time to this type of activity, except those with salaried employment, for whom the number of hours remained essentially the same. The increase in participation in voluntary associations has been less widespread. The 25- to 44-year age group spent less time on these activities, as did the unemployed. In contrast, people aged 55 and over have considerably 477

14 Leisure

increased their participation in the activities of associations of all types, by more than 24%.

Ordinary conversations take up less time Whether on the phone or in person, conversations appear to have lost ground in terms of number of hours devoted to them. On the average, nearly 16% of the week was spent in conversation in 1981, and about 6% in 1986. This decrease has occurred across the board, independent of sex or occupation. There may be a link between this drop and the increase in the number of single-person households. At any rate, the decrease in the amount of time devoted to interpersonal exchanges has not taken place only in favour of social meetings or participation in associations; a portion of the conversations between members of the same household has given way to television viewing.

Television takes up even more time The time spent watching television increased by more than 23% between 1981 and 1986. Except for the 35- to 44-year age group, that is, people most intensely involved with professional and parental duties, all Qu6becers have, to varying degrees, increased the amount of time that they devote to television. This rise corresponds to the very rapid penetration of the videocassette recorder and cable television into households; in addition, an increasing number of households are equipped with two or more television sets. The increased number of hours spent in front of the TV is perhaps not unrelated to less frequent and less varied daily interpersonal contacts. Although it takes up the largest amount of free time, television viewing is only one of the cultural activities practised in the home. We may assume that a large portion of social meetings take place in the home as well. While the amount of time taken up by these two activities increased at the expense, first, of conversations and, second, of outings to go to shows, they have also taken up a little of the time devoted to reading and to listening to music as a primary activity.

Jean-Paul Baillarge References Canada 1983 Recherches sur I'emploi du temps, 1983. Vol. 1: "Vingt-quatre heures dans la vi des Canadians"; Vol. 2: "Le temps present"; Vol. 3: "Le travail des Canadiens"; Vol. 4: "Le temps, toujours le temps". Ottawa: Ministere des Communications. Pronovost, Gilles 1988 "Le budget-temps des QuSbecois, 1981." Recherches sociographiques 29, no. 1, 23-43. 478

14.1 Amount and Use of Free Time

Pronovost, Gilles, and Daniel Mercure, eds. 1989 Temps et soci6te." Questions de culture no. 15. Quebec City: Institut qu6b6cois de recherche sur la culture. Statistics Canada 1983 "Emploi du temps au Canada." Bulletin de service. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, cat. 87-001, 6, no. 2.

Table 1

Percentage Distribution of Individual Time Budget of Quebecers aged 15 and over, by Sex, Typical Week, Quebec, 1981 and 1986

Participation, associations Entertainment Physical activities Cultural activities Social meetings Radio, records, tapes Television Reading Conversation Other leisure activities Transportation, leisure activities Total % Hours

Both

Women

Men

Time budget

1981

1986

11981

986

3,5 1,7 7,5 2,2

4,1 1,4 7,0 —

3,3 1,6 4,1 6,3

5,3 1,2 3,8 —

10,5

14,2

13,1

3,0

2,0

18,1

1,6

34,0

46,4

1,1

27,2

6,7

17,2 11,4

5,6

7,8 4,9 7,0 5,2

10,3

5,2

4,4

15,9 11,9

100

100

100

100

100

13,8 11,5

46,7

40,8

9,5

42,9

41,2

7,5 6,6

38,1

1981

3,5 1,6 5,9 4,3

4,8 1,2 5,4 —

11,9

16,3

31,8

43,7

8,4

7,8 5,7 8,4 4,9

2,2

2,6

43,9

Sources: Pronovost, 1988; Statistics Canada, «Enquete sociale g^nerale, 1986», unpublished data; author's compilations.

479

1986

1,8

100 39,6

14 Leisure

Table 2 Percentage Distribution of Individual Time Budget of Quebecers aged 15 and over, by Age, Typical Week, Quebec, 1981 and 1986 15-24

Time budget Participation, associations Entertainment Physical activities Cultural activities Social meetings Radio, records, tapes Television Reading Conversation Other leisure activities Transportation, leisure activities Total % Hours Sources:

25-34

35-44

45-54

55 and over

1981

1986

1981

1986

1981

1986

1981

1986

1981

1986

1,0 2,5 7,9 3,6

3,0 2,4 6,0 0,3

3,1 2,0 6,3 2,3

3,6 2,6 5,4 0,4

3,8 2,7 3,8 3,8 6,5 1,5

3,8 1,9 6,0 —

3,7 0,9 4,3 5,4 8,0 2,0

4,9 0,9 4,0 0,3

5,4 0,4 5,2 6,0 7,3 1,3

6,8 — 4,9 0,2 9,9 2,2

18,6 3,0

23,7

3,3

20,4

7,4

23,0

2,4

39,6

3,3 5,7 6,9

13,7

2,0

29,4

7,4

21,5

1,4

41,6

5,0 5,7 6,5

16,3 11,7

35,7

7,7

17,4 12,4

14,2

1,1

44,6

7,9 6,7 9,0

33.8

9.2

16,9 12,0

13,5 1,5

48,3

8,9 6,5 7,4

34,4 12,5 10,8 13,8

45,3 11,7

4,6

12,1

8,6

7,4

5,8

6,3

4,7

4,8

3,8

3,8

2,9

2,3

100

100

100

100

100

100

100

100

100

100

45,4

39,3

41,1

33,0

39,8

31,7

40,8

38,8

53,2

54,3

Pronovost, 1988; Statistics Canada, « Enquete sociale generate. 1986», unpublished data; author's compilations.

Table 3 Percentage Distribution of Individual Time Budget of Quebecers aged 15 and over according to Major Occupation, Typical Week, Quebec, 1981 and 1986 Unemployed

Housekeeper

1981

1986

1981

1986

1981

1986

1981

1986

1981

1986

3,4 2,6 7,9 3,8

4,3 2,0 4,3 0,4

4,3 0,4 3,9 3,3

2,5 0,8 8,0 —

3,9 1 ,3 2 ,6 8 ,9 9 ,1 0,3 38 ,4 8 ,1 11 ,5 14 ,4

5,7 0,5 4,3 0,3

0,9 2,3

3,1 2,8 6,9 —

6,6 0,8 7,2 4,2 5,5 0,9

6,0 — 5,0 0,2 7,6 2,9

Worker Time budget Participation, associations Entertainment Physical activities Cultural activities Social meetings Radio, records, tapes Television Reading Conversation Other leisure activities Transportation, leisure activities Total % Hours Sources:

14,7

2,6

13,5 10,2 19,2 14,3

18,4

1,6

43,4

7,4 5,5 6,6

15,5

18,4

32,7

43,5

1,0

7,7

2,5 4,5 6,4 9,9

15,3 10,1

Student

10,1 4,6

16,8

15,9

19,2

44,4

19,9

38,1

0,5

6,5 6,0

11,4

5,5

2,9

21,3 7,2

4,1 4,8 7,2 6,5

Retired

38,3 12,6

45,7 13,0

14,2

12,8

7,9

4,5

7,8

6,1

5,8

3,5

1,5

3,6

9,4

7,3

1,8

2,3

100

100

100

100

100 44,7

100

100

100

100

100

39,6

30,3

60,2

56,8

46,7

37,1

37,1

62,0

Pronovost, 1988; Statistics Canada, « Enquete sociale generale, 1986», unpublished data; author's compilations.

480

68,3

14.2 Vacation Patterns Abstract. Despite an increase in workers' annual vacation time, Qu6becers do not travel more. They now travel less within Quebec and more outside the country. Those who prefer to spend time in the great outdoors are less sedentary than before.

The length of unionized workers' annual vacation has increased The length of the annual vacation taken by unionized workers has increased significantly in Quebec. In 1987, 85,4% of these workers were entitled to four weeks or more of annual vacation, whereas in 1979 this proportion had stood at 73,3%. In 1979, fewer than one salaried union member out of two was allowed five weeks or more of annual vacation; in 1987, three employees out of four received this amount of vacation time (see table 1). This is the follow-through of a trend that began in the early 1950s (Delisle, 1977). Few data are available on annual vacations among non-unionized workers. Their vacations also appear to be increasing in length, although at a slower pace and a lower amplitude. Qu6becers do not travel more often than they did before, but they have diversified their destinations Despite the increase in the length of workers' annual vacations, Quebecers take slightly fewer trips: 313 660 per 100 000 inhabitants in 1986 versus 334 926 in 1979, a difference of 6,3% (table 2). Retired people, however, have increased their amount of travel, mainly due to the lengthening of their good-health life expectancy, as well as to the fact that more of them benefit from assured incomes (Samson & Stafford, 1986). On the other hand, Quebecers have, as a whole, slightly altered their habits as far as destinations are concerned. Although they travel less in Quebec and in Canada, they have maintained their interest in the United States and are increasingly choosing other international destinations (a rise of 17,3% between 1972 and 1987) (table 3). The United States is still the country to which people most readily travel when they leave the country, with 4,5 trips for every one to the rest of the world in 1987, as compared to 5,6 trips to 1 in 1979. The increase in international travel has been in favour of destinations other than the United States. People aged 55 and over who travel more frequently, both to the United States and to other countries, account for most of this phenomenon. In addition, people in the 12-to-19-year, 20-to-24-year, and 45-to-54-year age groups travel more frequently outside of North America, while their interest in the United States has decreased slightly. The 20-to-24-year and 45-to-54-year age groups have diversified their destinations outside Canada the most (tables 4 and 5). The interest in trips to other continents is directed, first, to Europe, then to Bermuda and the Caribbean. These two regions represented nearly 79% of all destinations in 1979, and 69% in 1987 (table 6). Trips to South America, although still modest in number, increased considerably (by 427%) in terms of trips per 100 000 inhabitants between 1979-1981 and 1985-1987. There was a large increase in trips to Asia (70,7%); cruises or trips to multiple destinations increased a little more rapidly (58,7%) than did trips to Europe (54,1%). All of these destinations together increased more rapidly than did those to Bermuda and the Caribbean (14,6%). 481

14 Leisure

Trips to foreign countries led to an increase of over 43% in the business volume of retail travel agents, in constant dollars, between 1979-1980 and 1987-1988. Expressed as an average per capita, this stood at $84,58 in 1979-1980 and at $116,51 in 1987-1988, a difference of 37,7% (table 7). Outdoor enthusiasts have become more nomadic Among those who like to spend time in the great outdoors, camping equipment has become more popular, whereas the cottage has lost some of its attraction. The proportion of households of two people or more that own camping equipment increased from 14,7% in 1971 to 26,3% in 1978, and then remained virtually stable. The proportion of households owning a cottage decreased from 11,2% in 1973 to 9,6% in 1976, after which it was relatively stable (table 8). There is probably a relationship between the type of trip in the outdoors - to a cottage or camping - and changes in the size of families. It is easier to travel with camping equipment when one has few, if any, children. Declining cottage ownership may be related to the fact that an increasing proportion of married couples are being split by divorce. Since divorces occur sooner, young couples may not have had the time to acquire a cottage. As well, owning a cottage implies spending much of one's free time in the same place, whereas Qu£becers have diversified their destinations. Jean-Paul Baillargeon References Baillargeon, Jean-Paul 1989 "Les Qu£b£cois restent de grands voyageurs: une 6tude de la peYiode 19791987." Tforos 8, no. 3, 36-39. Cluzeau, Patrick

1987

Le Quebec touristique: indicateurs sur les marches et sur les secteurs touristiques de 1980 a 1986. Quebec City: Les Publications du Quebec.

Delisle, Marc-Andr6

1977

Le temps des Quebtcois: recherche portant sur les temps sociaux au Quebec. Trois-Rivieres: University du Quebec a Trois-Rivieres.

Demers, Jacques

1983

Le tourisme en peril: essai sur le dtveloppement touristique au Quebec. Montreal: Nouvelle Optique.

Demers, Jacques 1985 "Nos touristes depuis 20 ans." Ttoros 4, no. 2. MICT (Ministere de 1'Industrie, du Commerce et du Tourisme) 1984 Le tourisme du Quebec. Bilan et perspectives d'action 1985-1988. Quebec City: MICT. 482

14.2 Vacation Patterns

Samson, Marcel, and Jean Stafford et al. 1986 L'effet de la retraite sur les comportements de vacances des nouveaux retrains. Montreal: INRS-Urbanisation and University du Quebec a Montreal. Stafford, Jean, and Marcel Samson 1986 "L'industrie touristique quebecoise: entre le pass£ et 1'avenir." In Jean-Paul Baillargeon, ed., Les pratiques culturelles des Quebecois: une autre image de nous-memes, 219-317. Quebec City: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture. Table 1 Percentage of Employees Regulated by an Effective Labour Collective Agreement under Provincial Jurisdiction according to the Maximal Length of Paid weeks off Annually. Quebec, 1979-1987 Number of

weeks

1979

2 3 4 5 6+

1980

2,5 17,0 29,1 29,8 14,4

5,4

N.D.

1982

0,7 4,3

11,4 48,5 16,2 18,9

1984

0,5 4,1

1986

0,7 6,4

0,5 3,6

11,7 51,0 15,0 17,7

10,4 51,9 14,3 19,3

20,0 31,0 36,7

5,2

1987

0,3 3,0

10,4 52,8 22,2 11,3

100

100

100

100

526 650

100

100

517 533

100

137078

614 128

600 334

369 366

638 710

Total %

N

1,2 3,9

13,7 45,8 15,8 19,6

1981

Source: Centre de recherche et de statistique sur le march6 du travail, Conditions de travailcontenues dans les conventions collectives au Quebec, Quebec. Ministere du Travail and Les publications du Quebec.

Table 2

Number of Trips overnight or longer per Person, by Destination, by 100000 Population, Quebec, 1979-1986 Destination Quebec N %

Elsewhere, Canada N

%

USA

N %

Elsewhere, world Global

N %

1979

1980

1982

1984

1986

247 042 73,8

254 541 75,1

213 225 75,0

200 370 74,1

44013

36 549 10,8

28 999 10,2 37 294 13,1

25 339 9,4

227 547 72,5 40 779 13,0

37492

37 139 11,8

7039

8 195 2,7

13,1 37 261 11,1

42 155 12,4

6610 2,0

5 684 1,7

4875

334 926

338 929

284 393

1,7

13,9

2,6 270 240

313 660

Sources: Cluzeau, 1987; Statistics Canada, International Travel, Travel Between Canada and Other Countries, Ottawa, cat. 66-201; author's compilations.

483

14 Leisure

Table 3 Number of Trips overnight or longer per person Outside Canada by 100000 Inhabitants, Quebec, 1972-1987 Year

Number

Year

Number

1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979

42 207 42 129 40612 46 172 46848 51 375 49 798 43 950

1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

47 790 45 910 42 203 48824 44 521 44375 45392 49496

Sources: Cluzeau, 1987; Statistics Canada, Internatiom3/ Travel, Travel Between Canada and Other Countries , Ottawa, cat. 66-201; author's compilations

Table 4 Trips overnight or longer per person to USA per 100 000 Inhabitants according to Age, Quebec, 1979-1987

1979

1980

1981

1982

1983

1984

1985

1986

1987

- 1 2 years 12-19 20-24 25-34 35-44 45-54 55-64 65 +

23 174 23452 37 753 42962 52 791 54 290 46097 26 252

24 110 24303 40015 47414 55 266 56686 53 730 33 304

19 969 22 591 40863 43 553 47 752 52809 50383 30070

25046 27443 43413 48677 55446 59955 58 584 34007

40850

37 105

43 105

20 170 22 205 35 239 39 299 48 628 55 502 53491 28003 37 139

25215 23 597 36 268 44655 51 808 55345 55226 34 190

37 261

21 662 21 141 32 984 41 048 50 734 53 575 52 596 33015 37492

20823 21 825 30246 39 183 48 159 50074 54934 29494

Average

25667 26 655 45 636 50 747 56 785 59 867 51 068 34442 42 155

Age

36 143

40 576

Sources: Cluze3au, 1987; Statistics Canada , International Travel, Travel Between Canada and Other Countries , Ottawa, cat 66-201 author's compilations.

Table 5 Trips overnight or longer per person, Abroad, Elsewhere than the USA, per 100000 Inhabitants according to Age!, Quebec, 1979-1987 Age

- 1 2 years 12-19 20-24 25-34 35-44 45-54 55-64 65 + Average

1979

1980

1981

1982

1983

1984

1985

1986

1987

1 790 1 702 6835 9881 11 589 11 039 8401 3 936

1 430 1 735 5 761 8 707 9403 9673 7348 3638

1 153 1 673 5430 7748 8321 8094 6412 2390

1 027 1 326 4694 7663 8 134 7 544 6 150 3023

1 328 1 570 5206 8462 9 196 9333 7 696 3 940

1 468 1 901 6935 9 378 11 253 12 555 10 184 3 713

1 809 2324 7094 10910 12824 13888 11 518 5 744

1 735 3 139 7679 11 042 12805 13 100 11 370 4 777

1 645 3 101 9 507 11 949 12 717 15 158 12823 5899

6610

5684

5048

4874

5 761

7039

8 182

8 195

8995

Sources: Cluzeau, 1987; Statistics Canada, International Travel, Travel Between Canada and Other Countries, Ottawa, cat. 66-201; author's compilations.

484

14.2 Vacation Patterns

Table 6 Number of Trips overnight or longuer per person Abroad Elsewhere than the USA, by Destination, per 100000 Inhabitants, Qu6bec, 1979-1987 Destination

1979

1980

1981

1982

1983

1984

1985

1986

1987

Europe Africa Asia Central America Bermuda-West Indies South America Others Cruises and multiple

3332

2 529

2338

2 417

2 788

3 591

4 189

4000

4443

1 532

1 449

2217

2 180

1 763

Total

6409

172 172 33

1 877 79 793 151

171 188 17

1 705 85 806 183

5684

152 141 20

190 166 20

1 781

1 535 77 381 175

101 399 115

5047

4961

161 190 34

103 732 221

5 761

233 219 14 156

229 270 25

1 169 209

196 752 304

7040

8 182

194 261 24

417 917 200

8 193

224 323 36

899

1 097 209

8 994

Source*: Cluzeau, 1987; Statistics Canada, International Travel, Travel Between Canada and Other Countries, Ottawa, cat. 66-201; author's compilations

Table 7 Retail Travel Agents' Turnover (1981 Dollars*), Quebec, 1979-1980 to 1987-1988 Year

'000 000

Per inhabitant

1979-1980 1980-1981 1981-1982 1982-1983 1983-1984 1984-1985 1985-1986 1986-1987 1987-1988

538 085 531 041 547 025 526 700 509 784 617304 668 685 711 722 770 842

84,58 82,82 84,69 81,09 78,13 94,09 100,98 110,06 116,51

a. Consumer price index. Source: Office de la protection du consommateur, Service des permis, unpublished data; author's compilations.

Table 8 Households of two People or more having Camping Equipment or a Second Home, Quebec, 1971-1989 Camping equipment

Second home

Year

'000

%

•000

1971 1973 1974 1976 1978 1982 1985 1987 1988 1989

202 — 301 357 428 476 494 490 — 492

14,7 — 20,1 22,8 26,3 27,0 27,1 26,3 — 26,0

_

% _

164 158 150 153 170 177 163 179 180

11,2 10,6 9,6 9,4 9,7 9,7 8,7 9,5 9,5

Source: Statistics Canada, Household Facilities and Equipment, Ottawa, cat. 64-202; author's compilations

485

14.3 Athletics and Sports Abstract. Quebecers are becoming more physically active. They are less involved with sports than with activities practised for their own sake or that bring them into contact with nature. Professional spectator sports are becoming increasingly popular.

Here, the term "physical activities" refers to sports activities as well as to other leisure-time physical activities. Sports activities are associated with competition, performance, and a set of established rules. Quebecers take part in more, and more varied, physical activities While participation in traditional sports has remained relatively stable, participation in activities of a more individual nature increased steadily from 1972 to the present (Pronovost, 1986). This pattern fits in with the development of new life styles that are considered to be healthier (Emond & Guyon, 1988). Recreational physical activities have become more widespread and are more regularly practised by pe9ple who have high incomes and high levels of education, and who live alone (Emond & Guyon, 1988). This growth is related to the increase in the proportion of people in the "moderately active" category (from 32% to 42% be tween 1981 and 1987), while the percentage of the very active has remained essentially the same among those aged 15 and over, at about 50%, since 1981. A few years previously, this group represented only 41,6% of the population. It should be noted that the increase in the rate of participation was greater among women than among men, with women more frequently in the "moderately active" category (MLCP, 1987; Roy, 1985). Walking, followed by cycling, swimming, home exercises, jogging, and ice skating, head the list of current activities. The amount of enthusiasm for these activities has increased markedly. Although cross-country skiing, alpine skiing, tennis, and golf are more popular than before, their rates of participation have increased less rapidly. Of these activities, those "which bring the individual closer to or into direct contact with a natural element, if not nature itselF (Guay & Boileau, 1986: 321) have gained most rapidly in popularity. Nearly all of them have the following characteristics: not very costly, require fairly simple facilities, minimum supervision, learnt with little difficulty, and few scheduling constraints. "Whereas in 1981 barely half of those interested in physical activity practised their favourite outdoor sport requiring no special equipment, in 1987, over threequarters of the participants did so. A substantial increase has also been noted in the area of commercial establishments and private clubs" (MLCP, 1987: 15). During the 1970s, an effort was made to organize and supervise the trend toward physical activeness. The results were only partially satisfactory (Harvey, 1983). Alongside the increase in and diversification of individualized activities, one thing has remained unchanged: whatever the activity, the rate of participation appears to fall off drastically at the age of 35 to 40 years (Pronovost, 1986). Enthusiasm for physical activities that are not demanding in terms of equipment and organization is not limited to traditional ones. Other practices have been adopted which more explicitly aim at personal fulfillment and a harmonious integration with the environment, such as, for example, yoga, Tai Chi, the martial arts, and "soft" gymnastics (Bellehumeur, 1985; Larouche, 1985). 486

14.3 Athletics and Sports

Among outdoor activities, recreational fishing and hunting are still the most frequently practised, largely as a result of the nature of Quebec's territory and the very low population density in outlying areas of the Saint Lawrence Valley. For instance, depending on the year, between 7 500 and 11 400 persons per 100 000 inhabitants obtained sport-fishing licences. The popularity of hunting has fluctuated at a rate of between 8 300 and 10 300 per 100 000. These two activities increased in popularity until 1982, and then decreased by 6,4% and 4,8%, respectively, in 1983; thereafter, fishing remained stable and hunting regressed slightly (see table 1). The increase in popularity of these outdoor activities in the late 1970s was linked to government policies designed to increase accessibility to hunting and fishing territories. The effect of all of these increased and diversified activities is reflected in an increased amount of community facilities and household equipment. Among the types of community facilities whose evolution can be compared on the basis of statistics available from 1974 to 1989, tennis courts, gymnasia, exercise areas, and indoor skating rinks have become the most widely available (table 3). It is worthy of note that there has been a drop in interest in ice hockey among young boys. A number of municipalities complain that for the last several years they have not been able to rent out their indoor hockey rinks for lack of demand. In households, the most commonly owned types of equipment, among those surveyed, are the following: bicycles (27,1% of households in 1974 and 53,6% in 1987); cross-country skis (38,4% in 1980 and 39,8% in 1987); alpine skis (16,7% in 1980 and 22,8% in 1987); and snowmobiles (11,7% in 1974 and 6,1% in 1987) (table 3). The latter reached a peak of popularity at 12% of households in the mid-1970s, and steadily decreased after 1977. Some authors posit that this is related to the rising price of petroleum, the enactment of stricter regulations for their use, and the rise in environmentalism.

The three principal spectator sports in Quebec - hockey, baseball, and football - have larger audiences There has been an increase in the number of enthusiasts for most spectator sports" (Quay & Boileau, 1986: 320). Among spectators, team sports (hockey, baseball, football) have remained the most popular (Guay & Boileau, 1986). In 1987, professional football disappeared as a spectator sport in Quebec. According to the data for 1979 and 1983, the new enthusiasts are, in general, occasional spectators (1 or 2 times per year) or first-time spectators in the 25-34-year age group; assiduous spectators (more than 3 times per year) are found in the 35-44-year age group. Occasional spectators are generally people with a medium level of education (12-15-years), and new spectators are being recruited among the well-educated (Delude, 1979, 1983).

Jean-Paul Baillargeon

487

14 Leisure

References Baillargeon, Jean-Paul, ed. 1986 Les pratiques culturelles des Qutbtcois: une autre image de nous-mimes. Quebec City: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture. Bellehumeur, Daniele 1985 "Traiter 1'esprit par le corps." Santt Soctttt 7, no. 4, 32-33. Bouchard, Claude, and Fernand Landry 1985 "La pratique des activites physiques." In Jacques Dufresne, Fernand Dumont, Yves Martin, eds., Traite" d'anthropologie medicate, 861-904. Sillery, Quebec City, and Lyon: Presses de l'Universit£ du Quebec, Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture, Presses universitaires de Lyon. Comit^ d'etude sur la condition physique des Quebecois 1974 Le rapport et les recommandations. Rapport present* au ministre responsable du Haut-Commissariat a la jeunesse, aux hisirs et aux sports. Quebec City: L'Editeur officiel du Quebec. Delude, Camille 1979 Le comportement des Qutbtcois en matiere d'activites culturelles de loisir. Montreal: CROP. 1983

Le comportement des Qu6b£cois en matiere d'activites culturelles de loisir au temps 2. Montreal: CROP.

Emond, Aline, and Louise Guyon 1988 L'enquete Santt Quebec. Fails saillants 1987. Quebec City: Ministere de la Sante et des Services sociaux. Gagnon, Robert 1984 L'itat de I'activite' et de la condition physique au Quebec. Quebec City: Ministere du Loisir, de la Chasse et de la Peche. Guay, Donald 1987 Introduction a I'histoire des sports au Quebec. Montreal: VLB Editeur. Guay, Donald, and Roger Boileau 1986 "Sport et plein air, temoins d'une culture corporelle en mutation." In Jean-Paul Baillargeon, ed., Les pratiques culturelles des Qutbtcois: une autre image de nous-m&mes, 320-342. Quebec City: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture. Harvey, Jean 1983 Le corps programme". Ou la rhttorique de Kino-Quebec. Montreal: Editions SaintMartin. Larouche, Claire 1985 "Medecines douces, therapies alternatives, techniques naturelles, holistiques, complementaires, het^rodoxes." Santt SocUte" 7, no. 4, 14-16. 488

14.3 Athletics and Sports

MLCP (Ministere du Loisir, de la Chasse et de la Peche) 1987 La pratique de I'activitt physique par les Quebecois, 2. Quebec City: MLCP. Pronovost, Gilles 1986 "Significations et transformation des activites de loisir." In Jean-Paul Baillargeon, ed., Les pratiques culturelles des Qu6be'cois: une autre image de nous-memes, 342-376. Quebec City: Institut qu£b£cois de recherche sur la culture. Roy, Laurent 1985 Le point sur les habitudes de vie: I'actiuitt physique. Quebec City: Conseil des affaires sociales et de la famille. Table 1

Number of Hunting and Fishing Permits Sold to Quebec Residents per 100 000 Inhabitants, Quebec, 1971 1988 Year 1971 1976 1977 1979-1980 1982-1983 1983-1984 1984-1985 1985-1986 1986-1987 1987-1988

Fishing permit

Hunting permit

7 538 9914 10750 — 11 371 10640 10 554 10686 10946 10930

— — — 8 271 10271 9 780 9431 9 305 8 744 8 441

Sources: Ministere du Loisir, de la Chasse et de la Peche, Bilan statistique du ministere du Loisir, de la Chasse et de la Peche, 1979, Quebec, Ministere du Loisir de la Chasse et de la Peche, 1981; Ministere du Loisir, de la Chasse et de la Peche, unpublished data, author's compilations.

Table 2

Certain Public Sport Facilities, Number and Ratio of Population, Quebec, 1974-1989 Number Equipment Athletics track Equestrian sports Golf course Tennis court Racketball Curling Gymnasium, hall equipped for physical training Interior skating rink Bowling rooms

Population per facility

1984

1989

1974

1984

70 89 176 705 59 87

232 138 298 1 142 134 93

233 139 304 1 205 113 86

87 471 68 798 34 790 8685 103 780 70379

28 194 47 398 21 950 5 728 48813 70333

28 48 22 5 59 77

1 330 229 264

1 838 393 272

1 968 435 266

4 604 26 738 23 193

3 559 16 644 24048

3399 15 376 25 145

1974

1989

707 120 002 551 192 776

Sources: HCJLS, Loisir. *Statisriques>, 1977-1978, Quebec, HCJLS, Service de la planification, 1979; Ministere du Loisir, Chasse et Peche, Fichier SIRTEL, special tabulation; author's compilations.

489

14 Leisure

Table 3

Percentage of Households Possessing certain Equipment for Physical Training and Outdoor Activities. Quebec, 1974-1989 Equipment

1974

1976

1980

1982

1985

1987

1989

Bicycle Outboard motor Canadian canoe Sailboat Rowboat Boat with outboard motor Snowmobile Downhill skis Cross-country skis

27,1

38,5

47,3

50,1

50,9

53,6

53,2

19,0 39,8

22,8 39,8

22,6 37,1

6,6 2,2 0,9 4,3 3,1 11,7

— —

— 2,5 0,7 2,9 3,9

11,0

— —

6,9 4,6 0,7 4,5 3,3 9,6 16,7 38,4

6,5 4,9 0,9 5,0 2,6 9,1

18,9 40,8

— 5,2 1,1 4,8 3,2 6,5

Source: Statistics Canada, Household Facilities and Equipment, Ottawa, cat. 64-202; author's compilations.

490

— 5,4 1,3 4,4 3,6 6,1

— 4,3 0,9 4,8 3,2 5,8

14.4 Cultural Activities and Practices Abstract. While movie attendance continues to decrease, attendance at stage productions and museums is increasing. French-speaking Qu£becers are reading more books in French, including an increasing number of imported books. People tend to buy books rather than to borrow them from the library. Music is very widely listened to, with an increasing tendency toward popular music of American origin. Certain other cultural practices are becoming more popular. Cultural activities are divided into those that are practised outside the home and those that can be practised at home. The former require specialized public facilities: movie theatres and drive-ins, concert halls, museums, and exhibition centres. The second group includes reading books and listening to music in the home.

Movies continue to decrease in popularity, in favour of watching videotaped feature films at home Attendance at movie theatres and drive-ins decreased considerably: in 1988, there were 26% fewer spectators than in 1974, a drop of 31,8% audience members per hundred thousand inhabitants. Movie theatres suffered less from this drop than did drive-ins, which are a seasonal phenomenon (see table 1). On the other hand, the number of screenings of movies increased by 11% between 1975 and 1988, with a peak of 265 880 screenings in 1982. At the same time, another trend was manifested: a gradual reduction of the proportion of screenings in French, from 72% in 1975 to 56,7% in 1988. Between those two years, the number of screenings in English (mainly American films) increased by a factor of 1,7. The Quebec public seems to have readily adapted to this supply situation; attendance according to the sound-track language of films followed roughly the same pattern as the number of screenings provided (table 2). Attendance at movie theatres had already decreased in favour of television during the 1950s and 1960s (Lamonde & Hubert, 1981). To this competition, which has gained in strength (more than half of all households now own two or more television sets; nearly one out of two owns a videocassette recorder [see chapter 13.2] has been added another, more classic, form of entertainment: stage productions, mainly theatre. Thus, whereas in 1974 there were 33 movie-goers for every audience member at a subsidized theatre, by 1986 this ratio dropped to nine to one. Summer theatres have also played a decisive role: they are active at the same time as are the drive-ins, which also suffer from competition with outdoor activities. First with the advent of television, then with the arrival of the videocassette recorder, feature films - which were previously public shows - have largely become a form of home entertainment. "In 1980, 4 910 feature films were scheduled in" by Quebec television stations, versus about 1 000 in cinemas in that year. "Each of these [television] broadcasts can be considered to have reached an audience ... at least one hundred times larger than that of a movie theatre" (IQRC, 1985: 13.46). Viewing of feature films on videocassettes has spread very rapidly, to the point that it has sparked stiff competition between videocassette-rertal firms (Angers, 1987).

491

14 Leisure

Attendance at stage productions and museums has increased Attendance at plays, operas, dance productions, and orchestra concerts underwent considerable growth during the 1970s and 1980s. According to some experts, this follows upon increased levels of education and of personal disposable income. Thus, subsidized theatres registered 9 648 spectators per 100 000 inhabitants in 1972 and 30 964 in 1984; attendance then dropped to 24 780 in 1986 (table 3). These variations have corresponded with two distinct developments in the theatre world. First, the repertoire of avant-garde and experimental theatre companies moved away from social protest and the promotion of a global political project, often closely linked with the rise and the apogee of nationalism in the 1960s and 1970s, toward themes centred more on community or private life, and very open to international currents. The former type of subject matter has all but disappeared from theatres (Denis, 1985; Gruslin, 1985). Moreover, a large number of summer playhouses have been created and maintained, nearly all of which are self-financed. Their repertoire comprises mainly light entertainment. The extent and duration of summer theatre led Beaulne (1986: 134) to comment that they "have become a cultural and social phenomenon." Over a relatively short period, from 1978 to 1986, attendance at professional operas increased by a factor of about 19, even though relatively few people still partake of this type of entertainment. While there were 225 tickets sold to subsidized theatres for every one ticket sold to the opera in 1978, this ratio had fallen to 16 to 1 by 1986. Dance performances drew between 4 500 and 6 300 spectators per 100 000 inhabitants between 1978 and 1982 (table 4). This form of expression is still the poor cousin of the stage arts in Quebec (Tembeck, 1986), in spite of its dynamism and originality (Tetu de Labsade, 1990). Although audiences at music performances have not considerably increased in size, it appears that people have access to a wider variety of events (Duval, 1986). Museums and exhibition centres have become more popular. The number of visits per 100 000 inhabitants to the 40 museums and 12 exhibition centres subsidized by the Ministere des Affaires culturelles (De Koninck, 1987) was 20 293 in 1983-1984; it was 19,3% higher in 1985-1986 (table 5). Unlike stage shows which have shorter runs and more scheduling constraints, museums and exhibition centres are more accessible.

Festivals and popular celebrations, nearly nonexistent in the 1960s, have become much more widespread Festivals and popular celebrations have become more frequent, primarily during the summer season. In addition to prestigious presentations with international participation, a large number of annual regional festivals have been organized (Chicoine, 1982). Very few of these events were taking place in the 1970s. By the early 1980s, there were "nearly 450 festivals and popular festivities" in Quebec (IQRC, 1985: 15.5). These presentations were mostly aimed at reviving or instilling a feeling of belonging to a local or regional community. Their numbers have been maintained with the help of government subsidies or private sponsorship (Quebec, 1978). 492

14.4 Cultural Activities and Practices

The labour force in the arts grew more rapidly than did the labour force as a whole between 1971 and 1981 The growth in stage presentations, along with that in television programmes, feature films, and sound recordings, has increased the relative importance of the artistic professions in the labour force. With all specialties combined, the number of persons practising a profession related to the arts increased by 72% between 1971 and 1981, whereas the labour force as a whole increased by only 38% (Graser, 1984). This is particularly the case for artists in the performing arts (+116%), especially actors (+173%) (Grandmont, 1987: 30).

Quebecers have increased their purchases of French-language books, especially imported books The Quebec population has become increasingly interested in French-language books, whether from domestic publishers or from European Francophone countries. Quebec publishers have not benefited the most from this trend. Although they offered 2,6 times as many titles in 1987 as in 1972, they printed only 1,4 times as many copies. The number of copies per 100 households followed the same pattern (table 6). The situation is entirely different for imported books. In 1971 the value of books per household imported from Franco-European countries was $3,66 in 1981 dollars, and this amount had reached $24,13 in 1987, increasing by a factor of 6,6 (table 7). This difference not only reflects a rise in the real cost of books, it also indicates an increase in consumption in real terms. Imports, especially those brought in from France, comprise a high number of translations. Quebec publications also include translations, though in much lower numbers and proportion (IQRC, 1984, 1985). As a result, French-speaking Quebecers still depend to a great extent on choices made by publishers in France for access in their own language to books written in foreign languages, as is the case for French versions of feature films in foreign languages (IQRC, 1985).

Public libraries have contributed little to the increase in reading The growth in activities of public libraries was fairly modest, at 3,2% per year on average for the number of book loans per user between 1971 and 1987; the number of loans per book increased by only 4% during this period (table 8). Increases in the reading of books thus occurred mainly through private acquisition rather than through borrowing from public libraries. Although the network of public libraries continued to develop and increase its activities per user and per volume to some extent, contrary to what happened among movie theatres, this is probably as much due to government assistance, which was late in beginning, as to more intense book-borrowing habits (Commission d'gtude sur les bibliotheques publiques, 1987). As well, Quebecers were quite late in adopting recreational reading (Lemire, 1986).

493

14 Leisure

After television viewing, listening to music is still the most popular form of home entertainment During the 1980s, about 80% of Qu£becers 18 years of age and over stated that they listen to music; about half of them listen on average 15 hours per week, and a quarter listen for 30 hours or more, due, first, to receivers in the home, and secondly to receivers in cars and to portable cassette players. FM radio is th main source of music. Moreover, a growing proportion of households have been acquiring record players and tape recorders, with numbers of the latter increasing more rapidly than the former (table 9). The decline in the number of households equipped with turntables has been offset by the appearance of compact-disc players, to the point that record shops now offer more compact discs than vinyl records. People listen especially to popular music, principally to songs which are American in origin. "One of the most important reasons people listen to American songs ... is related ... to their being broadcast by the media, and such broadcasting has something of a multiplier effect on listening and consumption habits" (Pronovost, 1988: 4). During the same period, there was "a remarkable degree of stability in the popularity of classical music, relative stability in that of background music, a clear decline in that of folk music, and further increases in that of popular music" (Pronovost, 1988: 4). Concurrent with the decline in popularity of folkmusic and the increase in that of popular music, Quebec songs have switched from nationalistic and collective themes to more universal types of content and to themes inspired by everyday life (Leroux, 1986). "Watching television is virtually the only activity that competes with listening to music" (Pronovost, 1988: 10)! In addition to, first, listening to the radio and, second, to watching television (on which music videos are a recent phenomenon on basic channels), about 66% of Qu£becers 18 years and over purchased records and cassettes annually during the past 10 years. The type of purchases, however, has changed. "During the last few years, the number of record purchases have decreased and that of prerecorded cassettes has increased" (Pronovost, 1988: 6). These products are being purchased increasingly from record stores, outlets which offer a wider selection than do department stores. A great increase in the number of blank cassettes purchased, especially by young people, has also been observed. These are used to record from radio, television (music videos), and other media; this activity has become so popular that the volume of blank-cassette sales has exceeded that of prerecorded cassettes (Pronovost, 1988). Thus, "the new technologies allow greater autonomy with regard to the media; people doubtless consume as much, or perhaps more, but the consumer can develop even more highly individualized habits" (Pronovost, 1988: 12). Singing and playing musical instruments as a form of recreation has been transformed It is estimated that currently about 18% of people 12 years of age or over sing or play a musical instrument during their leisure time (IQRC, 1985), a lower proportion than in the past. Although performing music was encouraged when folk 494

14.4 Cultural Activities and Practices

music underwent a period of revival, through the Bonne Chanson music books, the practice of singing in the family or among friends has largely died out. Although many households are still equipped with a piano, mainly in the upper and middle classes, pianos are being replaced, especially among young amateur musicians, by electronic instruments (Leroux, 1986).

There has been a relative increase in popularity of certain other cultural practices Other types of cultural activities, namely scientific recreational activities, are gaining in popularity, particularly among young people, as is participation in a wide range of courses and lessons offered by both public institutions and private establishments (MLCP, 1986). The rise of these cultural practices is part of an underlying trend characterized by increasing diversification of leisure activities (Pronovost, 1986).

Jean-Paul Baillargeon References Angers, Gilles 1987 "Concurrence fSroce entre les loueurs de videocassettes." Le Soleil. November 11th. Baillargeon, Jean-Paul, ed. 1986 Les pratiques culturelles des Qutbecois: une autre image de nous-memes. Quebec City: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture. Beaulne, Guy 1986 TJn theatre de creation et d'affirmation." In Jean-Paul Baillargeon, ed., Les pratiques culturelles des Quebecois: une autre image de nous-memes, 123-136. Quebec City: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture. Cau, Ignace 1981 L'edition au Quebec de 1960 a 1977. Quebec City: Ministere des Affaires culturelles. Cbicoine, Marie, Louise de Grosbois, Evelyne Foy, and Francine Poirier 1982 Locke's lousses. Les fetes populaires au Quebec, en Acadie et en Louisiane. Montreal: VLB editeur. Commission d'etude sur les bibliotheques publiques 1987 Les bibliotheques publiques: une responsabilite a partager. Quebec City: Commission d'etude sur les bibliotheques publiques.

495

14 Leisure

Commission d'etude sur le cinema et 1'audiovisuel 1982 Le cinema: une question de survie et d'excellence. Rapport de la Commission d'etude sur le cinema et 1'audiovisuel. Quebec City: Ministere des Communications. Coulombe, Michel, and Marcel Jean 1988 Le dictionnaire du cinema quebecois. Montreal: Boreal. De Koninck, Marie-Charlotte 1987 "Financement des musees et centres d'exposition Chiffres a I'appui 4, no. 4.

1983-1984 a 1985-1986."

Denis, Jean-Luc 1985 "Quelques commentaires sur 'Jeu' 36." Jeu, Cahiers de theatre, 7-31. Dionne, Rene, ed. 1984 Le Quebecois et sa litterature. Sherbrooke and Paris: Naaman and ACCT. Duval, Laurent 1986 "La grande musique se porte dangereusement bien." In Jean-Paul Baillargeon, ed., Les pratiques culturelles des Quebecois: une autre image de nous-memes, 137-164. Quebec City: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture. 1988

L'etonnant dossier de la Place des Arts: 1956-1967. Montreal: Louise Courteau.

Garon, Rosaire 1989a "Les politiques culturelles ou la gestion institutionnalisee du mecenat public." Loisir et Soctetf 12, no. 1, 65-85. 1989b "Les pratiques de loisir au Quebec et leur evolution." In Le Quebec statistique. 59th ed., 171-187. Quebec City: Bureau de statistique du Quebec and Les Publications du Quebec. Grandmont, GeVald 1987 "Le theatre au Quebec a un tournant?" In Theatre. Journee d'etude sur I'economie du theatre. La demande du public, 27-38. Quebec City: Ministere des Affaires culturelles and Conseil quebecois du theatre. Graser, Gail 1984 La main-d'oeuvre dans le domaine des arts: un secteur en croissance au Canada. Ottawa: Statistics Canada. Gruslin, Andrg 1985 "Le theatre politique au Quebec: une espece en voie de disparition." Jeu. Cahiers de theatre no. 36, 32-39. IQRC (Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture) 1984 Dossier statistique a I'intention des participants d la rencontre franco-quebecoise sur la culture, Quebec and Montreal, 4-8 juin 1984. Quebec City: IQRC, with the collaboration of the Service des etudes et recherches, Ministere de la Culture de la France. 1985

Statistiques culturelles du Quebec 1871-1982. Quebec City: IQRC. 496

14.4 Cultural Activities and Practices

Lachance, Gabrielle 1984 La culture contemporaine face aux industries culturelles et aux nouvelles technologies. Rapport synthese: Rencontre franco-qu£be'coise sur la culture. Quebec City and Montreal: Institut queb6cois de recherche sur la culture. Lachance, Gabrielle, ed. 1984 La culture: une Industrie? Questions de culture no. 7. Quebec City: Institut qu£b£cois de recherche sur la culture. Lachance, Pierre 1989 Indicateurs d'activitts culturelles au Quebec. Edition 1989. Quebec City: Bureau de la statistique du Quebec. Lacroix, Jean-Guy, ed. 1986 Les industries culturelles: un enjeu vital! Cahiers de recherche sociologique 4, no. 2. Lamonde, Yvan, and Pierre-Francois Hubert 1981 Le cinema au Quebec: essai de statistiques historiques (1896 d. nos jours). Quebec City: Institut qu£b6cois de recherche sur la culture. Lavoie, Pierre 1985 Pour suivre le theatre au Quebec. Les ressources documentaires. Quebec City: Institut queb^cois de recherche sur la culture. Legris, Renge et al. 1988 Le theatre au Quebec, 1825-1980. Montreal: Editions VLB. Lemire, Maurice 1986 "L'6crivain et son public-lecteur." In Jean-Paul Baillargeon, ed., Les pratiques culturelles des Que'be'cois: une autre image de nous-memes, 27-43. Quebec City: Institut qu6b6cois de recherche sur la culture. Lemire, Maurice, ed. 1987 Livres, lecture et litterature. Le poids des politiques. Quebec City: Institut qu6b6cois de recherche sur la culture. Leroux, Robert 1986 "Pourriez-vous baisser votre musique?" In Jean-Paul Baillargeon, ed., Les pratiques culturelles des Quebtcois: une autre image de nous-memes, 163-182. Quebec City: Institut qu6b£cois de recherche sur la culture. MAC (Ministere des Affaires culturelles), and CQT (Conseil qu6b6cois du theatre), eds. 1987 Theatre. Journee d'etude sur I'tconomie du theatre. La demande du public. Quebec City: MAC and CQT. MLCP (Ministere du Loisir, de la Chasse et de la Peche) 1986 6tude sur la pratique de loisirs socioculturels par les Que'be'cois et Quebecoises. Quebec City: MLCP.

497

14 Leisure

Pronovost, Gilles 1986 "Significations et transformation des activites de loisir"; In Jean-Paul Baillargeon, ed., Les pratiques culturelles des Quebecois: une autre image de nous-mimes, 343-376. Quebec City: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture. 1988

"Musique et culture au Quebec." Chiffres a I'appui 5, no. 2.

Quebec (Prov.) 1978 La politique que'be'coise du dtveloppement culturel. 2 vols. Quebec City: £diteur official. Saucier, Robert 1986 "La face 'B' du debat sur la musique populaire de langue francaise." In Association de la Recherche en Communication du Quebec, Les produits culturels: scenarios des lendemains. Conference Proceedings. Montreal: ARCQ. Shek, Ben-Z. 1990 "History as a Unifying Structure in Le dtclin de I'empire amiricain." Quebec Studies, 9-15. Tembeck, Iro 1986 "La danse: parente pauvre des arts de la scene et paria de notre culture." In Jean-Paul Baillargeon, ed., Les pratiques culturelles des Que'be'cois: une autre image de nous-mSmes, 183-214. Quebec City: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture. Tetu de Labsade, Francoise 1990 Le Quebec: un pays, une culture. Montreal: Boreal. Veronneau, Pierre 1990 "Les Annees 80: Le Sextant defaille." Quebec Studies, 1-8.

498

14.4 Cultural Activities and Practices

Table 1

Attendance at Commercial Cinema, Rate per 100 000 Inhabitants, Qu6bec, 1974-1988 Year

Movie theater '000

Drive-in

Total •000

1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

19870 18434 17708 17337 18 783 18 515 17861 16527 16 195 15 680 13088 12515 13565 14 120 13873

1 600 1 600 1 488 1 731 1 983 1 967 2 222 2 129 1 629 1 614 1 263 1 091 1 012 853 944

20035 20034

'000

19 196

19068 20766 20482 20083 18656 17824 17 294 14352 13606 14 577 14 973 14817

Rate 327 209 324 227 307 875 303 437 329514

323 1 1 1

314485

289 770 275819

267 093 221 072 208 867 222 893 227 118 223 1 74

Source: Bureau de la statistique du Quebec, Projectionscinematographiquesau Quebec. Quebec, Bureau dela statistique du Quebec; author's compilations.

Table 2

Number of Cinematographic Projections and Commercial Cinema Attendance according to the Language of the Sound Track, Quebec, 1975-1988 French

English and other

Year

N

%

N

%

Total

1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

166303 167396 176477 172 714 170735 180900 169219 161 150 149485 136 849 124491 136872 139970 145 376

72,0 72,3 72,6 70,2 69,4 71,7 67,7 60,6 58,4 55,8 53,5 56,9 53,7 56,7

64 791 64 180 66409 73218 75206 71 445 80746 104 730 106 519 108314 108 347 103453 120563

28,0 27,7 27,4 29,8 30,6 28,3 32,3 39,4 41,6 44,2 46,5 43,1 46,3 43,3

231 094 231 576 242 886 245 932 245 941 252 345 249 965 265 880 256 004 245 163 232 838 240 325 260 533 256 399

1 1 1 023

Attendance according to the language of the sound track (in thousands) 1985 1986 1987 1988

7324 8 162 7609 8 107

53,8 56,0 50,8 54,7

6282 6415 7364 6 710

46,2 44,0 49,2 45,3

13 606 14 577 14973 14817

Source: Bureau de la statistique du Quebec, Projections cinematographiques au Quebec, Quebec, Bureau de la statistique du Quebec

499

14 Leisure

Table 3

Attendance at Performances of Professional Subsidized Theatre and Rate per 100000 Inhabitants, Quebec, 1972 to 1985-1986 N

Rate

584 079 618273 883 479 1 152 194 1 557 559 1 711 266 2 007 562 1 617401

9648 10097 14 170 18 283 24390 26 530 30 964 24 780

Year

1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1981-1982 1983-1984 1985-1986

Sources: Francois Colbert, Le marche quebecois du theatre, Quebec, Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture. 1982 112 p.; Gaetan Hardy, « Les donnees statistiques du service de la recherche du ministere des Affaires culturelles». Ministere des Affaires culturelles et Conseil quebecois du theatre, eds, 1987; Statistics Canada, «Arts d'interpretation» survey, unpublished data, author's compilations.

Table 4

Attendance at Professional Opera and Dance Performances and Rate per 100000 Inhabitants Quebec, 1977-1978 to 1985-1986 Opera Artistic Year

N

1977-1978 1978-1979 1979-1980 1980-1981 1981-1982 1985-1986

5 127 10044 7 348 71 689

— 99480

Dance Rate 81 238 116 118 _

1 524

Rate

N

283 246 403 350 337

4 3 6 5 5

353 243 050 618 591 —

502 896 332 446 234 —

Sources: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture, 1985; Ministere des Affaires culturelles, Direction de la recherche, unpublished data; Ministere des Affaires culturelles. La politique de la danse au Quebec, Quebec, Ministere des Affaires culturelles, 1984, 67 p.; author's compilations.

Table 5

Number of Visitors in Subsidized Museums and Exposition Centers and Rate per 100 000 Inhabitants, Quebec, 1983-1984 to 1985-1986 Fiscal Year

N

Rate

1983-1984 1984-1985 1985-1986

1315688 1 402019 1579750

20293 21 559 24203

Source: Ministere des Affaires culturelles, Direction de la recherche, unpublished data; author's compilations.

500

14.4 Cultural Activities and Practices

Table 6

Number of Titles and Printings of other than Governmental Editions, Books, Rate per 100000 Inhabitants and per 100 Households, Quebec, 1972-1987 Titles Year

N

100000 inhabitants

1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

1 840 2 127 2084 1 976 2 398 2 782 2 715 3022 3 127 4 255 5071 3 936 4 275 4479 4851 4912

30 35 34 32 38 44 43 48 49 66 78 61 66 68 74 74

Printings 100 households

N

'000

100000 inhabitants

100 households

0,11 0,13 0,12 0,11 0,13 0,15 0,14 0,15 0,15 0,20 0,24 0,17 0,18 0,19 0,20 0,19

8 505 9 709 8234 6 563 8088 8 340 8641 9 795 11 626 14025 14 283 10 777 12 931 10 998 10505 12083

1 40 486 159 714 134 476 106 215 129 719 132 718 137 115 154520 182054 217 840 221 024 166443 199 184 168831 160 622 183 281

518 588 478 372 441 446 444 487 568 662 652 743 556 463 427 724

Source: Bibliotheque nationale du Quebec, Statist/ques de /'Edition au Quebec, Montreal, Ministers des Affaires culturelles; author's compilations.

Table 7

Value per Inhabitant and per Household of Quebec's Importations of Franco-European Books, (1981 Dollars"), 1971-1987 Year

Per inhabitant

Per household

Year

Per inhabitant

Per household

1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979

0,93 1,18 1,40 1,79 2,52 2,61 3,04 4,63 5,17

3,66 4,35 5,14 6,38 8,83 8,89 10,23 15,01 16,30

1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

6,07 4,98 4,56 5,13 6,79 6,33 8,62 9,26

18,95 15,14 13,49 14,91 19,10 17,35 22,90 24,13

a. Implicit price index of importal market goods and services. Source: Statistics Canada: Imports, Merchandise Trade, Ottawa, cat. 65-203; author's compilations

501

14 Leisure

Table 8

Average Number of Books and Lendings per User as well as Lendings per Book, Public Libraries, Quebec, 1961-1987 Year

Books per user

Lendings per user

Lendings per book

5,7 5,3 5,2 5,1 5,4 5,4 6,1 6,6 6,7 6,7 7,0 7,5 7,5 7,8 7,6

11,9 11,0 12,6 13,0 13,0 12,5 12,7 15,8 14,9 16,1 17,2 18,3 18,0 19,0 19,1

2,1 2,1 2,4 2,3 2,4 2,1 2,1 2,4 2,2 2,4 2,5 2,4 2,4 2,5 2,5

1961 1966 1971 1976 19a77 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

Sources : Commission d'etude sur les bibliotheques publiques, 1987; Ministers des Affaires culturelles, Statistiques 1 987 : bibliotheques publiques du Quebec. Quebec, Ministers des Affaires cutturelles, 1988; author's compilations.

Table 9

Percentage of Households having Record Players, Tape Recorders and Compact Disk Players, Quebec, 1962-1989 Taper recorder

Year

Record player

1962 1966 1971 1973 1975 1980 1983 1986 1988 1989

47,6 59,5 68,0 71,3 75,5 77,7 75,0 71,5 66,9

16,5 23,8 26,9 38,3 42,7 48,3 59,4

—

—

_ —

Compact disk player _ — — — — — — — 7,1 9,5

Source: Statistics Canada, Household Facilities and Equipment, Ottawa, cat. 64-202; author's compilations.

502

15 EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT

15.1 General Education Abstract. Young people's attendance at schools and colleges has increased. General college education has lost predominance in favour of vocational training. Girls persevere more than boys, both in secondary school and at the collegiate level. There has been an increase in university attendance, especially in part-time studies and certificate programmes, primarily by women. The presence of women has also considerably increased at the bachelor's and master's levels, especially in fields traditionally chosen by women.

There has been a rise in school attendance among youth Full-time school attendance by young people aged 15 to 24 has increased; the rise is accounted for by girls more than by boys, principally among the 15- to 19-year age group, where attendance grew from 50,2% in 1975 to 61,9% in 1989. The attendance rate of girls has climbed from slightly less to significantly higher than that of boys (see table 1). This trend is one among many in the rise of overall level of schooling in society since the educational system was reformed in the 1960s. At that time, the educational level of women was lower than that of men. While both sexes have made important gains, that of women has been more rapid, to the point where they have bypassed men in many areas.

Schooling delay at the elementary and secondary levels declined, then increased Schooling delay refers to the proportion of 12-year-olds who have not yet reached secondary school, and to the proportion of 17-year-olds who have not yet obtained their high-school diploma, because of either dropping out or failing a grade. In 1987, roughly 52% of students in elementary and secondary school had accumulated some delay in relation to a standard school curriculum. This proportion is equal to that of 1979, whereas it had dropped to 44,9% in 1986. The effect of raising the passing grade ... at the secondary level must be taken into account ... Boys are clearly more subject to schooling delays than are girls, and this occurs right from the beginning of schooling ... The differences observed between the sexes increase slightly subsequently, until the end of secondary school. (MEQ, 1989: 26)

503

15 Educational Attainment

Dropping out of secondary school is on the rise again after having considerably declined Dropping out of school is defined as definitely ceasing regular secondary education without having obtained a diploma. This was a frequent occurrence in 1976, when 53,2% of boys and 42,7% of girls dropped out of school. The drop-out rate diminished considerably until 1986, when no more than a third of boys and a fifth of girls left school in this way. It started increasing again in 1987, following a "tightening of prerequisites for obtaining a high-school diploma." (MEQ, 1989: 28). In addition, boys in particular are faced with competition between the labour market and studies, especially during economic growth. As a result, the probability of acceding to the collegiate level greatly improved, from 38,8% in 1972 to 62,8% in 1986, although there was a decrease to 61,3% in 1987. This probability was lower for girls than for boys in 1972, but improved from 1976 onwards (MEQ, 1989: 48-49).

Access to general college education has increased The probability of acceding to general college education rose from 23,8% in 1972 to 40,5% in 1987. "Almost all general high-school graduates pursue their education at the collegial level" (MEQ, 1989: 48). This probability was higher for boys than for girls at the beginning of the 1970s, but began to tip in favour of girls toward the end of the decade, to the point where in 1987 the advantage for girls was greater than that for boys in 1972. While young people are more committed than before to undertaking a long educational career, girls are more so than boys, who seem to be more frequently solicited by the labour market at various stages of schooling.

The prevalence of general college education has decreased At the beginning of the 1970s, six general diplomas of collegiate studies were awarded for every one vocational diploma; this prevalence had declined to two to one by the end of the 1980s. Notwithstanding this fact, the number of general college diplomas granted tripled between 1970 and the 1980s (table 2). The proportion of girls earning diplomas increased, and they outnumbered boys from 1981 onward. This majority reached 54,1% in 1986 (table 3).

Few general college students obtain their diploma in the minimum time allotted At the general college level, "33,5% take four sessions or fewer to successfully complete their college education" (CSE, 1989: 48). Those who choose the arts option are proportionally (29,6%) less likely to do so, followed by those registered in sciences (32,6%). On the other hand, 41,1% of young people who opt for humanities finish their general college education in four sessions or fewer. Students who do not obtain their diplomas of collegiate studies at the end of the allotted time do not necessarily require many more com504

15.1 General Education

plete sessions, since most often they complete their education part time, as they are missing only a few courses ... Two-thirds of students who obtain a [general] diploma take roughly 5,0 sessions ... this is one session more than the standard. (CSE, 1989: 48) Women, Anglophones, and allophones more frequently obtain a diploma than do men and Francophones Without taking into account dropping out, since college students might complete their college education or reach university via adult-education services, the Conseil sup6rieur de l'e"ducation has observed that around 25% of young people who have started a general college education do not obtain their diploma. This percentage appears to be diminishing. More boys than girls, and more Francophones than Anglophones or allophones, do not complete their educational requirements at college (CSE, 1989). There has been an increase in attendance and in degrees awarded at universities The rate of attendance at universities in the 20- to 29-year age group nearly doubled between 1973 and 1988 (table 4). This increase was reflected in the number of bachelor's and master's degrees awarded, which followed a similar pattern. Ph. D.'s, however, increased by a factor of only 1,5. On the other hand, certificates increased by a factor of 4,4 over the same period (table 2). There are more women among university graduates The proportion of women among university graduates has increased. This rise has been more noticeable at the lower levels: 50,4% in certificate programmes in 1973 and 62,9% in 1988; 39% at the bachelor's level in 1973 and 53,5% in 1988; 15,2% at the doctorate level in 1973 and 29,5% in 1988 (table 3). Women have outnumbered men at the undergraduate level since 1985. It is possible that these women are those who committed themselves to a long educational career in greater numbers than did their male counterparts at the collegiate level. They are more likely to choose disciplines traditionally associated with women: social sciences, education, health sciences, arts, and literature. Nevertheless, their numbers have grown significantly in other areas, notably in law, where they outnumber men; in administration; in natural sciences, where roughly one bachelor's degree in two was granted to a woman in 1988; and in applied sciences, where more than 20% of the bachelor's degrees were obtained by women in 1988, versus roughly 17% in 1983. It is in disciplines in which they were already well represented at the bachelor's level that women form the majority at the master's level and in which their numbers have increased. Although there has been a considerable increase in women at the master's level in natural sciences and law, this has not been true in administration and applied sciences. On the other hand, a growing number of women have continued on to the doctorate level in administration, applied sci505

15 Educational Attainment

ences, health sciences, natural sciences, and arts. The latter is the only discipline in which they obtained the majority of Ph. D.'s in 1988 (table 5). In addition, from 1977 to 1988 women comprised the majority of recipients of diplomas and certificates (table 6). They form the majority in nearly all of the disciplines in which these kinds of diplomas are awarded. They are present in greater numbers in disciplines in which they formed a majority at the bachelor's or master's level. Women who pursue their education at the certificate level seem to have different characteristics than those who obtain a bachelor's or master's degree. Most of them no doubt pursue their education part time. The average age of part-time students is over 30. The majority of part-time students have been aged 30 and over since 1977-78 and this situation persisted thereafter (up to 59,2% in 1983-1984, declining to 56% in 1986-1987) (table 7).

Part-time enrollment at universities has increased The majority of people enrolled at university since 1978-1979 have undertaken part-time studies, whereas in the mid-1960s only a third of students were enrolled part time. This phenomenon remains marginal at the collegiate level, although it is beginning to grow there as well (table 8). More women than men pursue an university education part time. However, while the proportion of women studying part time stabilized at around 56% between 1981-1982 and 1984-1985 and then declined slightly, that of men grew steadily and hovered around 45% during the second half of the 1980s (table 9). Women have still outnumbered men in this type of education since 1980-1981, and have even increased their majority (55% in 1987-1988).

Full-time school attendance, without working at the same time, has not increased The breakdown of rates of young people's attendance at school according to whether or not they combine education and work gives a different profile. The attendance rate of young people (15-19 years) who exclusively attend school has not really increased since the middle of the 1970s; this rate has fluctuated around 43%-45%. This trend does not contradict the fact that more young people are attending school; this rise manifests itself essentially among people who combine education and work. The proportion who tackle these two activities has more than doubled, to the point that this trend has contributed to the overall rise of young people's school attendance since the early 1980s. Attendance at school of young people who do not work has dropped among men and remained relatively stable among women, while the education/work combination grew more rapidly among women than among men (table 10).

Unemployment among young graduates grew rapidly between 1976 and 1981, then dropped slightly after 1982 Two periods stand out in the evolution of unemployment rates of Quebec graduates one year after the end of their studies. First, there was a spectacular rise in unemployment between 1976 and 1983, especially for female high-school grad506

15.1 General Education

uates, as well as college graduates of both sexes. These unemployment rates seemed to reach their peak around 1978, stemming mostly from a stuctural effect caused by the merging of sixth- and seventh-grade students around 1972. Starting in 1983, a decrease in the unemployment rate among high-school graduates was observed, followed a year later by a decrease among college graduates. Between 1984 and 1987, these rates decreased by nearly half for both secondaryschool and college graduates. Unemployment among university graduates also dropped after the beginning of the 1980s (table 11). Female graduates are unemployed more frequently than are male graduates, except in the case of college graduates The unemployment rate among women secondary-school graduates, which was lower than that of men in 1976 (19,5% versus 25,2%), had increased considerably by 1985, exceeding that of men by 2,5% (31,2% versus 28,6%). Graduates from the general education sector were the most severely affected. The unemployment rate among women was comparable to that among men in 1976; the difference in rates between the sexes reached 12% in 1983 and subsequently shrank to 3% in 1987. Therefore, it is not surprising that women are pursuing their studies further at the college level. Female college graduates are less frequently unemployed than are men, and their situation has steadily improved since 1983. Between 1983 and 1986, their unemployment rate shrank from 18,4% to 12,0%, whereas it varied between 21,8% and 15,1% among men. Among university graduates, women searched for jobs more than did men. The unemployment rate of female graduates rose from 12,2% to 14,0% over the period from 1978 to 1982, approaching that of men in 1985 (table 11). Jean-Pierre Simard Jean-Paul Baillargeon References Bigras, Louise 1980 Breve analyse de la frequentation scolaire et du niveau de scolarite du Quebec pour 1961, 1971 et 1976. Quebec City: Ministers de 1'Education, Direction des politiques et plans. Boudreault, Gilles 1979 L'acce&sibilite en education. Les abandons scolaires dans les ecoles des commissions scolaires 1972-1973 a 1976-1977. Quebec City: Ministere de 1'Education, Direction des politiques et plans. Chabot, Paul-Eugene 1986 "L'e'cole: un virage vers la qualite." Revue Notre-Dame, March, 3.

507

15 Educational Attainment

CSE (Conseil superieur de 1'Education) 1984 "La formation fondamentale et la qualit£ de 1'education." In Rapport annuel 1983-1984. Quebec City: CSE. 1985

Le regime pfdagogique du secondaire et la qualite" de formation de base. Avis au ministre de 1'Education. Quebec City: CSE.

1988a Du college a I'universite. L'articulation des deux ordres d'enseignement superieur. Avis au ministre de I'Enseignement suptrieur et de la Science. Quebec City: CSE. 1988b Rapport annuel 1987-1988 sur I'ttat et les besoins de I'tducation. Le rapport Parent, vingt-cinq ans apres. Quebec City: CSE. 1989

Rapport annuel 1988-1989 sur I'etai et les besoins de Education. L'orientation scolaire et professionnelle: par dela les influences, un cheminement personnel. Quebec City: CSE.

Corbeil, Paul 1979 RELANCE 1978. Abandon ou poursuite des etudes chez les etudiants sortants des niveaux secondaire et collegial pour I'annte 1976-1977. Quebec City: Ministere de 1'Education, Direction des politiques et plans. Dufour, Desmond, and Yolande Lavoie 1974 "La frequentation scolaire au Quebec 1966-1986." In Demographic scolaire, 9-20. Quebec City: Ministere de 1'Education, Direction generate de la planification. Fonteneau, Xavier 1976 "Les retards scolaires au Quebec. Estimation statistique de 1965-66 a 1971-72." In Demographic scolaire, 9-34. Quebec City: Ministere de 1'Education, Direction generale de la planification. Maisonneuve, Daniel 1984 Les abandons au secondaire, une mesure du phtnomene. Quebec City: Ministere de 1'Education, Etudes et analyses. MEQ (Ministere de 1'Education du Quebec) 1985- Indicateurs sur la situation de I'enseignement primaire et secondaire. Quebec 1989 City: Direction generale de la recherche et du developpement. MESS (Ministere de I'Enseignement superieur et de la Science) 1988 Les cegeps et I'enseignement colUgial au Quebec. Quebec City: Les Publications du Quebec. Picot, W. G. University Graduates and Jobs: Changes During the 1970s: a Comparison of the Occupations and Industrial Sectors Entered by University Graduates in 1971 and 1978. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, cat. 89-501F. Statistics Canada 1978 Du monde des etudes au monde du travail. Une etude sur les effectifs scolaires, les jeunes sortants de I'ecole et la population active au Canada. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, cat. 81-570F. 508

15.1 General Education

Statistics Canada 1983 Portrait statistique de I'enseignement suptrieur au Canada. Des anntes 1960 aux anntes 1980. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, cat. 81-602F. Thgberge, Andr6e 1976 Les abandons scolaires - 1. Importance quantitative du phtnomene. Quebec City: Ministere de l'6ducation, Direction ggneYale de la planification.

Table 1 School Attendance Rate, by Age and Sex, Quebec, 1975-1989 15-19

20-24

15-24

Year

M

F

T

M

F

T

M

F

T

1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989

52,9 51,8 51,2 52,8 52,3 51,6 53,6 56,3 56,9 56,9 58,3 57,7 57,8 56,6 57,6

50,2 50,9 50,0 50,3 51,3 50,8 53,5 54,9 55,4 57,6 59,5 60,7 62,8 62,4 61,9

51,5 51,5 50,7 51,5 51,8 51,2 53,5 55,6 56,3 57,3 58,9 59,0 60,2 59,6 59,7

12,8 13,2 13,2 12,1 12,5 12,5 13,3 13,2 14,0 15,5 16,8 17,4 18,0 15,1 16,3

8,9 8,7 8,9 7,8 9,6 8,6 9,1 9,6

11,0 11,0 11,0

34,2 33,7 33,0 33,0 32,9 32,2 33,2 34,0 34,2 34,6 35,6 35,6 36,1 34,3 35,6

30,4 30,7 30,0 29,5 30,5 29,5 30,6 31,1 31,5 32,4 33,8 35,6 36,7 36,7 38,4

32,4 32,3 31,6 31,2 31,7 30,9 32,0 32,6 32,9 33,5 34,7 35,6 36,3 35,5 36,9

11,0 11,8 13,4 15,7 15,5 15,2 17,7

9,9

11,1 10,5 11,2 11,3 12,5 13,5 15,1 16,5 16,8 15,2 16,9

Source: Statistics Canada, Labour Force Annual Averages, Ottawa, cat 71-529; authors' compilations.

509

15 Educational Attainment

Table 2 Number of Secondary, College and University Graduates, Public and Private System, Index (1970=100), Quebec, 1970-1988 College

University

Year

Secondary"

General

Vocat.

Total

Cert.

Degree

1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

37 598 49 709 51 410 61 649 68 902 72 396 75 359 89 610 91 451 84010 86 155 88 138 90 850 89 827 85 404 80 185 78 678 66 597 63 417

7 565 10 447 14 297 14 857 16 418 18 280 18 357 21 036 22 836 23 593 20 867 20 154 21 592 22 639 23 280 23 379 23 304 23 743 —

1 333 3060 6 183 7 565 9 174 9 856 10 137 10 820 12 368 13 846 14 151 13 715 13 549 13 721 15 641 16015 14 329 12 996 —

8 898 13 507 20480 22 422 25 592 28 136 28 494 31 856 35 204 37 439 35 018 33 869 35 141 36 360 38 921 39 394 37 633 37 269 —

1 896 2 424 2 685 3 600 3 584 3 860 5 948 5 140 8 878 9 483 9 330 11 063 12 719 12 308 12 154 12 590 14 545 14 124 16 097

13 771 17 466 18 021 13 735 16007 16 942 17 400 18 675 20 982 20411 21 678 21 830 22 724 22 245 21 737 22 221 23 625 23 860 25 057

Master 2 234 2 307 1 958 2 599 2 430 2 514 2 676 2 706 3 125 2 901 3 109 3 200 3 435 3 594 3 721 4 025 4 544 4 553 4 608

PHD 285 326 320 407 369 354 340 274 368 333 331 395 397 418 420 499 516 593 601

a. General or vocational sectors b. The last cohorts of graduates of secondary IV general (normal schools) are exclude (i.e. 49 770 graduates in 1970, 44 325 in 1971, 47 860 in 1972 and 52 314 in 19731 Sources: Ministere de ('Education, Diplomas. 1969-1983 (secondaire et universitaire); Statistiques de l'£ducationprescolaire, primaire, secondaire, Quebec, DEED, 1987; The populations of college graduating classes were provided by the Direction generate des etudes collegiales. 1987; Rizk, Magdy, Dip/dmesdecernespar/esuniversitesQuetiecoises, Quebec, Ministere de I'Enseignement superieur et de la Science, DGERU, 1988

510

15.1 General Education

Table 3

Proportion of Women among Secondary, College and University Graduates, Public and Private System, Quebec, 1969-1988 Year

1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 a

Secondary" _

52,7 52,9 53,9 54,2 53,8 54,7 54,9 54,1 51,1 50,9 51,9 51,1 51,2 50,6 51,1 51,8 51,6 52,6 52,8

College

University

General

Vocat.

Total

Cert.

Bach.

Master

PHD

38,8 41,2 44,0 40,6 43,4 45,1 46,6 46,2 47,5 47,9 49,4 49,7 50,1 50,7 51,9 52,3 53,3 54,1

56,0 51,5 65,1 54,9 61,5 64,1 65,2 64,3 63,7 62,7 62,7 61,6 59,1 58,7 58,6 59,0 58,4 57,6

39,9 42,7 48,8 44,9 49,5 51,9 53,2 52,7 53,0 53,1 54,3 54,5 53,7 53,8 54,5 55,0 55,3 55,4

80,6 79,7 59,4 53,1 50,4 54,2 47,4 53,6 51,7 54,8 57,1 56,4 58,4 60,2 57,5 59,7 60,5 63,0 61,8 62,9

34,5 35,8 39,2 42,2 39,0 39,9 40,9 42,9 43,9 45,7 45,9 46,8 48,2 49,2 48,4 49,3 50,1 50,8 51,9 53,5

24,4 23,0 24,2 27,9 28,4 30,0 29,2 33,4 33,8 33,3 36,1 36,9 38,9 41,9 39,2 39,8 41,3 42,2 44,7 44,6

15,0 11,9 15,3 12,5 15,2 14,4 20,9 23,2 20,4 23,9 29,1 23,6 27,1 27,7 25,6 27,1 26,9 27,7 27,7 29,5

— —

— —

— —

General or vocational sectors.

b The last cohorts of graduates of secondary IV general (normal schools) are exclude (i.e. 49 770 graduates in 1970, 44 325 in 1971, 47 860 in 1972 and 52 314 in 1973) Sources: Ministere de I'Education. Diplomas, 1969-1983 (secondaire et universitaire); Statistiques de /'Educationpresco/aire, pnmaire, secondaire, Quebec, DEED, 1987; The populations of college graduating classes were provided by the Direction generate des etudes collegiales. 1987; Rizk, Magdy, Diplomes decernesparles universites Quebecoises, Quebec, Ministere de I'Enseignement superieur et de la Science, DGERU, 1988.

511

15 Educational Attainment

Table 4

Secondary and University Attendance Rate by Quebec, 1966-1988 Secondary*

University

Year

13-18

14

15

16

20-24

1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

55,8 62,2 66,8 69,6 70,6 70,8

82,5 84,8 89,8 93,8 93,1 98,0

81,5 83,1 87,3 92,2 94,1 89,0

58,2 68,0 73,0 75,8 75,5 75,6

69,0 69,2 68,6 67,1 66,6 66,1 65,5 66,7 68,0 69,2 69,4 68,7 69,3 69,4

95,9 98,9 99,7 98,7 97,8 97,2 97,5 98,3 99,2 98,3 98,3 99,9 99,9 99,9

91,8 92,5 96,2 95,8 94,8 94,9 94,3 96,7 96,5 97,2 96,3 96,1 97,5 96,6

77,3 75,8 77,4 79,6 83,3 85,3 86,2 88,6 90,6 90,3 90,4 88,8 87,7 88,4

_ — — — — — — 8,4 9,0 9,3 9,6 9,6 9,9

— — —

— — —

— — —

— — —

10,1 10,4 10,0

9,5

10,3 10,9 13,0 14,7 15,0 15,5

25-29

_ _

_ _ _ — — 4,9 5,3 5,5 5,6 5,5 ' 5,6

5,7 6,0 5,9 5,4 5,8 6,1 6,6 7,4 7,2 7,1

a. Students already holding a diploma are not counted. Sources: Dufour and Lavoie, 1974; Data on school boards since 1975 provided by the Direction des etudes economiques et demographiques, Quebec, MEQ, 1987; LaHaye Jacques, Effectif 6tudiant des universes Qu&becoises, Quebec, Mmistere de I'Enseignement superieur el de la Science, DGERU, 1988; authors' compilations

512

15.1 General Education

Table 5 Percentage Distribution of University Graduates by Discipline and Female Rate, Quebec, 1983 and 1988 Bachelors Discipline Administration Humanities Education Applied Sc. Health Sc. Pure Sc. Literature Arts Law

Multidisciplinary Global

/Total Women /Total Women /Total Women /Total Women /Total Women /Total Women /Total Women /Total Women /Total Women /Total Women Women

Master's

Cert, and Dipl.

Ph. D.

1983

1988

1983

1988

1983

1988

1983

1988

19,2 34,6 17,6 52,7 18,0 70,3 14,0 16,7

19,1 47,4 18,3 55,2 14,8 73,6 14,7 21,3

25,5 34,0 25,0 44,0 13,0 55,0 13,7 15,9

24,7 37,4 24,0 51,0 11,6 66,7 13,7 14,9

5,3 0,0

3,0

31,0 38,7 14,5 66,6 21,2 65,7

33,9 53,8 18,1 74,0 18,7 65,3

16,5

23,4 10,8 75,6

7,6

60,9 7,1

8,9

3,9

66,9

8,6

71,6

9,6

26,4

5,1

71,9 10,7 36,2

28,0 37,6

6,0

56,0 14,4 3,3 4,1

23,5 32,3 18,5

36,0

43,5

76,0

72,8

62,6

63,8

66,9

48,8

56,6

66,7

28,0

34,1

20,0

5,6

4,1

66,7

3,8

48,2

2,9

4,8 4,2

3,6

56,3 3,1

62,6

73,6

48,8

53,5

100

100

5,4

2,4 1,4

0,0 0,0 100

39,2

6,1

3,1

1,0

0,0 0,0 100

44,6

7,9

45,5 0,7

1,2

0,2 0,0 100

25,6

16,7 24,8 38,9 7,8

48,9 21,3 10,9 5,0

2,4

9,4

43,3 31,1 23,0

81,6

59,0

68,7

6,5

0,3 0,0 0,2 0,0 0,0 0,0 100

29,5

1,5

36,3 6,0 2,5

73,0 1,9

49,2

9,6

3,4

1,4

44,9

6,3

72,1

2,3

76,2 2,4

53,7 2,8

60,0

68,7

56,8

62,9

100

100

Source: Ministere de I'Enseignement superieur et de la Science. Direction generate de I'enseignement et de la recherche universitaire, Magdy Rizk, unpublished data

513

15 Educational Attainment

Table 6 Percentage Distribution of University Graduates by Sex, Quebec, 1978-1988 Year

Bach.

Master's

Ph. D.

Cert, and dipl.

Global

1978 M

54,3 45,7 54,1 45,9 53,2 46,8 51,8 48,2 50,8 49,2 51,2 48,8 50,7 49,3 49,9 50,1 49,2 50,8 48,1 51,9 46,5 53,5

66,7 33,3 63,9 36,1 63,1 36,9 61,1 38,9 58,9 41,9 60,8 39,2 60,2 39,8 58,7 41,3 57,8 42,2 55,3 44,7 55,4 44,6

76,1 23,9 70,9 29,1 76,4 23,6 72,9 27,1 72,3 27,7 74,4 25,6 72,9 27,1 73,1 26,9 72,3 27,7 72,3 27,7 70,5 29,5

45,2 54,8 42,9 57,1 43,6 56,4 41,6 58,4 39,8 60,2 43,2 56,8 40,3 59,7 39,5 60,5 37,0 63,0 38,2 61,8 37,1 62,9

53,3 46,7 51,9 48,1 51,8 48,2 49,8 50,2 48,1 51,9 49,8 50,2 48,6 51,4 47,8 52,2 46,3 53,7 45,9 54,1 44,5 55,5

F

1979 M F

1980 M 1981

F

M

F M F 1983 M F 1984 M F 1985 M F 1986 M F 1987 M F 1988 M F

1982

Source: Ministers de I'Enseignement superieur et de la Science, Direction gen(Srale de I'enseignement et de la recherche iuniversitaire. Magdy Rizk, unpublished data

Table 7 Average Age and 30 years and over Persons in Percentage, University Students by the Type of Attendance, Quebec, 1973-1974 to 1986-1987 Total Year 1973-1974 1974-1975 1975-1976 1976-1977 1977-1978 1978-1979 1979-1980 1980-1981 1981-1982 1982-1983 1983-1984 1984-1985 1985-1986 1986-1987

Part-time

Full-time

Average age

% 30 years and over

Average age

% 30 years and over

Average age

% 30 years and over

27,0 27,2 27,4 27,6 27,9 28,2 28,2 28,0 27,7 28,6 29,1 29,0 28,8 28,9

24,6 25,3 26,9 28,1 29,9 31,8 32,2 32,2 31,3 34,2 36,1 35,5 34,7 35,0

23,5 23,4 23,7 23,8 23,7 23,6 23,4 23,1 23,1 23,9 24,0 24,2 24,3 24,4

6,9 6,6 7,5 7,9 8,0 7,5 7,1 7,2 8,6 9,6 9,8

31,0 31,1 31,3 31,3 31,9 32,4 32,4 32,0 31,5 33,0 33,5 33,3 31,1 33,0

44,6 45,2 47,4 48,0 51,1 53,8 54,2 52,4 50,8 57,2 59,2 58,1 57,1 56,0

10,5 10,9 11,4

Source: Jacques La Haye, Etfectif frudiant des universMs qu6becoises. Fails saillants de son Evolution, 1971-1972 a 1986-1987. Quebec, Ministere de I'Enseignement superieur et de la Science, 1988.

514

15.1 General Education

Table 8 Proportion of Students Registered Part-time (autumn) in Cegeps and Universities, Quebec, 1966-1989 Proportion part-time in public colleges Year 1966-1967 1967-1968 1968-1969 1969-1970 1970-1971 1971-1972 1972-1973 1973-1974 1974-1975 1975-1976 1976-1977 1977-1978 1978-1979 1979-1980 1980-1981 1981-1982 1982-1983 1983-1984 1984-1985 1985-1986 1986-1987 1987-1988 1988-1989

Student population by type of studies and proportion part-time in universities

Gen. sect.

Occ. sect.

Both

_ _ — _ —

_ — — — —

_ — — — —

0,67 1,15 0,86 1,11 1,71 1,73 1,26 1,44 1,85 1,80 1,95 2,20 2,64 3,05 3,17 3.09

1,93 1,37 1,90 1,94 2,90 1,99 1,72 0,97 1,29 1,43 1,66 1,74 2,00 2,14 2,50 2,34

1,26 1,25 1,35 1,50 2,27 1,86 1,48 1.21 1,56 1,61 1,80 1,96 2,31 2,60 2,86 2,84

— —

— —

Fulltime

36 40 45 54 54 55 57 61 68 74 75 78 81 84 87 89 95 101 106 113 114 116 118

— —

025 552 932 933 785 515 901 642 436 099 035 806 566 528 259 903 257 770 980 660 921 501 894

Parttime

16 18 21 27 33 38 43 52 60 64 69 75 85 92 101 102 101 112 114 117 118 118 122

634 555 677 804 655 079 850 174 130 606 600 785 741 942 810 022 913 572 592 597 999 815 381

Total

52 59 67 82 88 93 101 113 128 138 144 154 167 177 189 191 197 214 221 231 233 235 241

659 107 609 737 440 594 751 816 566 705 635 591 307 470 069 925 170 342 572 257 920 316 275

P.-time %

31,6 31,4 32,1 33,6 38,1 40,7 43,1 45,8 46,8 46,6 48,1 49,0 51,2 52,4 53,8 53,2 51,7 52,5 51,7 50,9 50,9 50,5 50,7

a. The proportion of part-time students is underestimated in colleges due to course withdrawals occurring after counting A student registered full-time may become part-time after having withdrawn from one or more courses Sources: Ministere de I'Enseignement superieur et de la Science, Direction generate de I'enseignement collegial, unpublished data; Caractenstiques des inscriptions universitaires. DGERU, Quebec, 1982-83, .... 1986-87; Le Corre and Cote, La situation lingu/stigue au Quebec. Ministere de I'Education, Direction des etudes economiques et demographiques, Quebec, 1982; authors' compilations.

515

15 Educational Attainment

Table 9 Part-time University Students by Sex and Female Rate, Quebec, 1973-1988 Women Year 1973-1974 1974-1975 1975-1976 1976-1977 1977-1978 1978-1979 1979-1980 1980-1981 1981-1982 1982-1983 1983-1984 1984-1985 1985-1986 1986-1987 1987-1988

Female rate

Men

%

N

%

N

Fulltime

Parttime

Total

51,5 45.0 44,7 49,4 54,2 54,9 56,2 57,3 56,1 56,4 56,8 56,0 55,1 55,0 55,2

44 184 41 402 47 313 60 834 72 346 77 631 85 630 93 879 95 493 100 378 109 126 114 725 120 371 125 836 129 424

40,5 34,4 36,7 42,5 43,5 39,2 44,9 45,1 44,6 43,7 45,2 45,0 45,4 44,8 44,6

61 613 54 234 62 417 79 879 83 866 96 419 88 108 92 604 93 235 95 157 103 536 105 712 108 478 108 354 105 857

36,9 39,1 39,9 40,1 41,1 41,9 43,6 44,0 44,8 45,0 45,4 46,5 47,7 48,6 49,7

47,7 49,9 48,0 47,0 51,8 53,0 54,9 56,3 56,3 57,6 56,9 57,4 57,4 58,8 60,2

41,8 43,3 43,1 43,2 46,3 47,3 49,3 50,3 50,6 51,3 51,3 52,0 52,6 53,7 55,0

Sources: Messier, Suzanne, Les femmes, ya compte, Quebec, 1983; Statistics Canada, Universities, Enrolment and Degrees. Ottawa, cat. 81-204, authors' compilations.

516

15.1 General Education

Table 10

School Attendance Rate by Age and Sex, and Labour Market Participation*, Quebec, 1975-1989 15-19 Year

M

Ff

20-24 T

t

M

F

15-24 T

M

F

T

Working persons

1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989

9,1 8,1 9,1 7,7 9,3 10,7 11,7 10,9 11,6 13,1 13,8 15,9 16,8 18,4 20,0

5,6 7,1 5,9 6,3 6,7 7,8 9,4 8,8 9,7 11,2 13,9 14,4 17,5 18,3 19,6

7,4 7,5 7,5 7,1 8,2 9,3 10,4 9,9 10,7 12,2 13,8 15,0 16,9 18,2 19,4

1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989

43,8 43,7 42,1 45,1 43,0 40,9 41,9 45,4 45,3 43,8 44,5 41,8 40,9 38,2 38,0

44,5 43,8 44,1 44,0 44,6 43,0 44,1 46,1 45,7 46,4 45,6 46,3 45,3 44,0 43,2

44,1 44,1 43,2 44,3 43,6 41,9 43,2 45,8 45,6 45,1 45,0 44,0 43,3 41,5 40,3

3,1 3,1 2,6 2,6 2,9 3,2 3,8 3,5 3,6 3,9 5,4 6,3 5,0 5,3 6,3

2,0 2,3 2,3 1,6 2,9 2,5 2,2 2,5 2,9 3,9 4,4 5,6 5,4 5,3 6,4

2,6 2,9 2,5 1,9 2,9 2,9 3,0 2,9 3,2 3,9 4,9 5,9 5,2 5,3 6,4

6,3 5,7 6,0 5,2 6,3 7,0 7,7 6,9 7,4 8,2 9,2 10,5 10,2 11,4 12,6

3,9 5,1 4,8 5,3 4,2 5,1 4,0 4,6 4,8 5,6 5,1 6,1 5,7 6,7 5,5 6,2 6,1 6,7 7,4 7,7 8,6 8,9 9,5 10,0 10,6 10,5 11,0 11,2 12,3 12,4

8,4 8,1 8,6 8,0 8,2 7,6 8,2 8,5 9,2 9,5 10,2 10,6 11,5 9,8 10,2

27,9 27,9 26,9 27,8 26,5 25,2 25,5 27,1 26,9 26,4 26,4 25,1 25,9 22,9 22,9

26,5 25,9 25,9 25,5 25,7 24,4 25,0 25,6 25,5 25,0 25,2 26,1 26,1 25,6 26,1

Jobless persons

a

9,7 10,2 10,6 9,4 9,6 9,3 9,5 9,6 10,4 11,5 11,4 11,1 12,9 9,8 9,5

6,8 6,4 6,6 6,1 6,7 6,0 6,9 7,0 8,1 7,9 9,1 10,1 10,1 9,9 10,8

27,3 27,0 26,5 26,6 26,1 24,9 25,3 26,4 26,2 25,8 25,8 25,6 25,8 24,3 24,4

We have divided the school attendance rate of young persons according to whether or not they were employed The activity rate totals correspond to those of Table 3

Source: Statistics Canada, Labour Force Annual Averages, Ottawa, cat. 71-529, authors' compilations.

517

15 Educational Attainment

Table 11 Unemployment Rate among Secondary, College and University Graduates, by Study Sector and by Sex, Public and Private System, Quebec, 1976-1987 Secondary (19 or less)

Aca-

demic year

Gen.

College (24 and over)

Long Voca.

Short Voca.

Total

23,3 17,3 24,9 14,2 21,9 35,9 35,3 34,0 27,9 21,9 17,0

28,5 41,9 24,8 30,5 48,7 53,4 52,0 46,1 41,4 34,3

25,2 17,0 29,6 16,4 22,6 34,8 38,1 34,6 28,6 -

14,6 16,2 19,4 13,5 18,7 31,3

24,2 42,2 43,5 29,0 35,3 52,2

19,5 18,1 20,9 15,5 19,6 31,8

33,7 33,0 28,8 23,7 17,6

52,0 53,0 48,7 45,3 39,8

37,2 35,5 31,2 -

Univ.

Gen.

Prof.

Total

Degree

28,7 13,0 12,7 9,8 15,5 28,9

10,2 10,5 15,4 4,9 12,5 22,0 20,1 22,2 19,5 14,5 10,8

19,7 11,7 14,5 6,4 13,3 24,0 21,8 23,8 21,7 15,1 -

7,6 9,8 9,6

5,7 7,5 10,7 7,4 8,1 17,8

9,7 10,3 14,6 8,9 8,6 17,5

12,2 14,7

15,2 14,5 12,8 11,2 7,1

18,4 15,9 13,5 12,0

Men

1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

25,2 14,0 32,4 15,5 20,6 27,5 34,5 31,0 24,7 25,7 17,6

1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

25,3 19,1 21,2 18,4 18,9 28,4 42,0 38,0 32,7 28,8 20,6

27,8 29,7 29,3 17,3 16,7

8,3 -

Women

19,2 16,4 25,1 13,8 10,4 15,7 33,9 22,4 18,6 15,2 21,6

14,0 10,9 -

Note: There was no RELANCE survey for the secondary and college levels in 1982. Sources: Ministere de I'Education, RelanceauSecondaire, Quebec, Direction generate de la recherche et du developpement, 1980-1988; Relance au Collegia/. Quebec, Direction generate de la recherche et du developpement, 1980-1988; Relance a I'Universite, Quebec, Direction generate de I'enseignement et de la recherche universitaire, 1979-1988.

518

15.2 Vocational Education Abstract. Young people are abandoning vocational education at the secondary level. Francophones, people of modest circumstances, and women are consistently overrepresented in this area. The shorter the vocational-study programme followed by secondary-school graduates, the less successful they are in the labour market. The proportion of young people in technical programmes at the college level has increased constantly. Women form the majority in these programmes. These graduates have had more success in the labour market than have those who terminated their studies at the end of the collegiate general programme.

There are three main streams of vocational education in the educational system, which prepare students for types of work at different hierarchical levels, ranging from unskilled labour, through specialized labour and technicians' jobs, to the university-level professions (Dandurand, 1986). The way the programmes are organized and the passing requirements make it difficult to progress from one stream to another through vocational training alone, since all of the lower-level programmes lead almost exclusively to the labour market.

The number of students in the vocational sector at the secondary level has decreased Fewer and fewer students choose a vocational education in secondary school, to the point that this option has become practically marginal (see table 1). Between 1975 and 1985, the reduction in student populations was more pronounced in the long and supplementary vocational sectors than in the short vocational sector (Dandurand, 1986). The percentage of young people who will probably not attain secondary-school diplomas also decreased - in the general and vocational sectors combined - falling from 54% in 1972 to 28% in 1984. This development was related both to the increasing level of educational aspirations of parents for their children and to higher requirements in the labour market. Parents have pressured their children to complete their secondary-school education, especially insofar as the general education sector is concerned. The labour market accorded greater value to diplomas than to "on-the-job" learning, although there were not necessarily any changes in the skills required to carry out various types of jobs for unskilled or specialized workers. This can be observed in the regular surpluses in a number of trades on the labour market, a surplus most often made up of people who, because of their age, were unable to acquire their training in other ways than "on the job" (MMSR, 1986 to 1989). On the other hand, the abandonment of the vocational sector appears to have led to a rapid ageing in certain trades, particularly in construction, where there are fewer newcomers than departures. This situation has had the overall result of increasing the percentage of diploma holders from the general-education sector, from 75,6% in 1972 to 78,8% in 1987 (table 2). Alongside this trend, the perception has developed that technical secondary-school programmes are for the students who perform the most poorly in the basic subjects. Some of these programmes have even become the "third world" of vocational education (Dandurand, 1986). Francophones, people of modest circumstances, and women are consistently overrepresented there. 519

15 Educational Attainment

The situation of secondary-school graduates on the labour market deteriorated, then recovered after 1982 Once graduates have entered the labour market and have been able to compare what they have learned with the skills that are expected of them, it turns out that the longer the study programme they followed, the greater the correspondence between the two (table 3). Their employment situation one year after completion of their studies was not only consistently unattractive, it also deteriorated somewhat over the years, though it improved after the recession in 1982. The shorter the programme chosen, the less favourable was this situation (table 4). Cohorts became less numerous in the 1980s, and unemployment rates for 1987 graduates were comparable to those registered before the beginning of the 1980s.

There was continual growth in the number of students in and graduates from the vocational-college sector In the CEGEPs, the introduction of new courses, the removal of entrance restrictions, and the better chance of being hired as a technician led slightly more students to register in the vocational sector, which comprised majority of college students between 1979 and 1983. The situation regressed slightly thereafter, especially in the area of administrative sciences. A slight shift of student populations toward the humanities has been observed during the last few years (table 5). Since the percentage of secondary general-education-sector graduates has increased, their passage to the college level has partly offset the effects of low birth rates, more so than in the vocational sector (table 6). This is another area where the effects of parental aspirations and higher requirements in the labour market can be seen. The gap between general and technical college graduates has narrowed, however, from 3,4 general graduates to one technical graduate in 1961 to 1,8 to one in 1987. This gap was wider for men than for women in the early 1970s, at 5,5 versus 2,3. It then diminished considerably, to the point of becoming almost equal, at 2 for men versus 1,7 for women. Throughout this period, a greater proportion of women than men chose the vocational sector, but this proportion has lessened among women and grown slightly among men. As is the case at the secondary-school level, though to a less significant degree at the vocational-college level, women, Francophones, and young people of modest circumstances are overrepresented (Dandurand, 1986). In both the secondary-vocational and the vocational-college sectors, the majority of women still choose fields that are traditionally feminine. A number of indicators suggest that men, who choose technical-college studies more often than before, have more willingly opted for high-technology fields or for fields in high demand. Administrative and physical-science technical programmes are therefore the two families of programmes that have grown the most since 1975. These two fields accounted for one-quarter of the CEGEP student population in 1976, and for a little more than one-third in 1983. They gradually fell back to one-quarter between 1984 and 1988 (table 5).

520

15.2 Vocational Education

Vocational-sector college graduates have found a generally more favourable situation in the labour market One year after completing their studies, vocational-sector college graduates were regularly more successful at finding jobs than were those with secondary-school diplomas (table 7). The proportion who returned to school was also greater, especially among men. Not only were college-level graduates more successful on the labour market, but their chances improved, at an increasing rate and to a greater extent than those from the secondary level, if they returned to school. For both men and women, unemployment rates of technical-college graduates were constantly lower than were those of the general education sector, although a slight decrease occurred in the gap between their respective rates in 1986 compared to 1976 (table 8).

Jean-Paul Baillargeon Jean-Pierre Simard References Charland, Jean-Pierre 19822 Histoire de I'enseignement technique et professional. Quebec City: Institut que'be'cois de recherche sur la culture. Charland, Jean-Pierre, and Nicole Thivierge 19822 Bibliographic de I'enseignement professional au Quebec (1850-1980). Quebec City: Institut que'be'cois de recherche sur la culture. Corbeil, Paul 19799 RELANCE 1978. Abandon ou poursuite des etudes chez les ttudiants sortants des niveaux secondaire et cottegial pour Vannte 1976-1977. Quebec City: Ministere de I'ftducation, Direction des politiques et plans. Corriveau, Louise 19911 Les cegeps: question d'avenir. Quebec City: Institut que'be'cois de recherche sur la culture. Dandurand, Pierre 19866 "Situation de la formation professionnelle au Quebec." In Fernand Dumont, ed., Une societe des jeunes? 209-235. Quebec City: Institut que*b£cois de recherche sur la culture. Filion, Anne, and Colette Bernier 19899 Nouvelles technologies: qualifications et formation. La formation en entreprise au Quebec, le cos des emplois administratifs du secteur tertiaire, 30. Montreal: IRAT.

521

15 Educational Attainment

Fournier, Marcel 1980 Entre I'ecole et I'usine: la formation professionnelle des jeunes travailleurs. Montreal: Editions cooperatives Albert Saint-Martin and Centrale de 1'enseignement du Quebec. Fournier, Marcel, Charles Halary, and Justo Michelena, collab. 1975 Entre I'ecole et I'usine: enquete sur I'enseignement professional Montreal: University du Quebec a Montreal.

au Quebec.

Lamonde, Jeannine 1983 "Analyse des caract£ristiques de 1'effectif collegia! et des phenomfenes lie's a 1'admission et a la poursuite des Etudes col!6giales." Direction g6n£rale de I'enseignement collegia!, Bulletin statistique 8, no. 3. Langlois, Simon, and Gary Caldwell, eds. 1986 "Les c£geps, vingt ans apres." Recherches sociographiques 27, no. 2, 3. MMSR (Ministere de la Main-d'oeuvre et de la S£curit6 du Revenu) 1986- Surplus et penuries de main-d'oeuvre prfvus au Quebec et dans ses regions. 1989 Quebec City: Les Publications du Quebec.

Table 1 Proportion of High-School Students Registered by School Board according to Study Orientations, Quebec, 1975-1989

Year 1975-1976 1978-1979 1981-1982 1984-1985 1985-1986 1986-1987 1987-1988 1988-1989

^ General studies

v, Vocational

83,0 82,3 83,1 85,8 88,0 89,9 93,4 95,4

B°th

studies

%

N

17,0 17,7 16,9 14,2 12,0 10,2 6,6 4,6

100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100

614460 550 135 464008 419992 395800 382953 380421 379230

Sources: Ministere de l'6ducation. Statistiques de /'education. Direction des etudes economiques et demographiques; Ministere de I'Education, Direction des etudes economiques et demographiques, unpublished data; authors' compilations

522

15.2 Vocational Education

Table 2

Proportion of Regular High-School Graduates by Study Programme and Sex, Quebec, 1972-1987 General studies

Year 1972

M F T 1977 M F T 1982 M F T 1983 M F T 1984 M F T 1985 M F T 1986 M F T 1987 M F T

80,1 71,4 75,6 77,6 75,6 76,5 71,1 71,7 71,4 65,0 69,5 67,3 67,9 72,3 70,2 72,7 77,5 75,2 75,7 78,9 77,3 76,3 75,4 78,8

Both

Vocational studies

%

N

19,9 28,6 24,4 22,4 24,4 23,5 28,9 28,3 28,6 35,0 30,5 32,7 32,1 27,7 29,8 27,3 22,5 24,8 24,3 21,1 22,7 23,7 24,6 21,2

100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100

25601 30749 56350 39 161 48374 87 535 40975 45 163 86 138 44367 45 460 89 827 41 795 43619 85 404 38671 41 514 80 185 38052 40626 78 678 31 595 35 002 66597

Sources: Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture, Statistiques culturelles du Quebec. 197t-J982, Quebec, Inslitut quebecois de recherche sur la culture, 1985; Ministers de l'£ducation, Direction des etudes economiques et demographiques. unpublished data, authors' compilations.

Table 3

Proportion of Graduates having perceived a Positive Correspondence between Studies and Work, by Sector and by Sex, Quebec, 1983-1987 Secondary Year

Short professional

Long professional

Collegiale Professional

M F

47,4 51,0

49,2 69,4

74,0 82,4

1984 M F 1985 M

F

39,5 52,0 44,3 9,0

51,0 66,0 55,6 68,9

75,0 82,0 74,9

1986

M F

49,9 50,0

55,0 70,0

76,9 83,0

1987

M F

46,9 41,9

60,8 74,1

80,5 84,6

1983

1,9

Source*: Ministers de I'tducation, Relance au secondaire et Relance au collegia!. Direction generate de la recherche el du developpement.

523

15 Educational Attainment

Table 4

Proportion of Vocational High-School Graduates by Activity about one year after the end of Studies and by Sex, Quebec, 1976-1987 Vocational long Have a job

Year

1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F

66,3 76,7 71,4 74,0 62,0 71,4 72,7 74,2 66,8 69,2 54,9 58,8 52,7 55,6 54,0 56,1 60,8 58,9 61,8 62,2 67,1 69,3

Looking for a job

20,2 13,1 14,9 14,3 20,6 17,2 12,1 11,6 18,7 15,9 30,7 26,8 28,8 28,2 27,4 28,0 23,5 23,8 17,4 19,3 13,7 14,8

Studying

9,5 6,5 9,2 7,2 14,0 8,0 9,4 6,2 9,4 8,7 10,7 10,8 16,8 16,8 17,1 14,0 13,7 15,2 18,8 16,4 15,7 12,5

Vocational short Inactive

Have a job

4,0 3,8 4,6 4,5 3,4 3,4 5,8 7,9 5,0 6,2 3,7 3,7 1,7 1,7 2,0 2,2 2,0 2,1 2,0 2,1 3,5 3,4

66,8 67,9 46,2 54,3 50,3 65,9 52,1 62,5 50,8 48,8 41,7 44,0 44,0 44,5 42,0 49,3 45,7 50,0 43,3 55,9 46,9

Looking for a job

21,4 27,1 33,7 39,2 38,8 21,7 21,3 27,4 27,8 46,2 45,6 50,0 48,0 47,4 47,3 42,2 43,4 35,4 35,7 29,2 30,9

Studying

- 4,9 0,4 1,4 0,6 1,2 0,4 0,6 0,5 0,9 0,5 0,3 4,2 4,0 5,0 6,2 6,2 6,7 11,6 16,6 9,1 13,0

Source: Ministere de ['Education, Relance au secondaire. Direction generate de la recherche et du developpement.

524

Inactive

6,9 4,6 18,7 6,0 9,7 12,0 26,0 9,6 20,6 4,5 12,3 2,3 4,4 3,3 5,0 2,3 4,3 3,0 4,4 5,7 9,2

Table 5

College Students' Distribution according to Study Programme, Quebec, 1976-1988 Study programme

1976

1977

1978

1979

1980

1981

1982

1983

1984

1985

1986

1987

1988

General studies Sciences Humanities Arts Literature

51,8 18,3 26,7 2,8 4,0

52,0 17,9 27,6 2,6 3,9

50,4 16,6 27,3 2,7 3,8

47,9 15,3 26,2 2,8 3,6

48,2 15,8 26,0 3,1 3,3

49,0 16,1 26,6 3,1 3,2

48,2 16,1 25,8 3,1 3,2

48,1 16,9 25.3 2,9 3,0

49,5 17,5 26,3 2,7 3,0

50,8 17,7 27,6 2,8 2,7

51,6 17,6 28,7 2,7 2,6

52,5 17.2 30,0 2,8 2,5

53,6 16,5 31,7 3,0 2,4

Vocational studies Techn. biology Techn. physics Techn. humanities Administration tech. Arts Indep. studies

47,6 13,4 11,4 6,2 14,1 2,5 0,6

47,2 12,1 11,9 6,0 15,1 2,4 0,8

48,8 11,4 12,5 6,2 16,3 2,4 0,8

51,2 10,9 13,0 6,3 18,5 2,5 0,9

51,1 10,2 13,2 6,4 18,7 2,6 0,7

50,3 9,7 13.1 6,2 18,8 2,5 0,7

51,1 9,3 13,6 5,8 20,0 2,4 0,7

51,0 9,1 13,6 5,6 20,2 2,5 0,9

49,8 9,2 13,0 5,5 19,5 2,6 0,7

48,3 9,7 12,2 5,6 18,2 2,6 0,9

47,4 10,2 11,3 5,9 17,4 2,6 1,0

46,7 10,5 10,9 6,1 16,4 2,8 0,8

45,4 10,5 10,4 6,5 15,0 3,0 1,0

100

100

100

100

100

100

100

100

100

100

100

100

Total

%

N

100

106,2

118,1 120,8 117,3 118,1 123,4 131,3 137,1 137,6 137,2 136,4 131,8 13 13

Sources: Lamonde, Jeannine, 1983; Mimslere de I'Enseigneinent supcrieur et cle la Science. Direction generate de I'enseignement collegial, unpublished data; authors' compilations

15 Educational Attainment

Table 6

Proportion of College Graduates by Types of Diploma and Sex, Quebec, 1971-1987 Both Year

General

Vocational

%

N

1971

M F T

84,6 69,7 77,4

15,4 30,3 22,6

100 100 100

6921 6586 13507

1972

M F T

75,3 63,1 69,8

24,7 36,9 30,2

100 100 100

11 280 9202 20482

1977

M F T

74,3 59,2 66,0

25,7 40,8 34,0

100 100 100

14981 16876 31 857

1982

M F T

65,5 57,9 61,4

34,5 42,1 38,6

100 100 100

16234 18914 35 148

1983

M F T

65,7 59,4 62,3

34,3 40,6 37,7

100 100 100

16558 19811 36 369

1984

M F T

63,3 56,8 59,7

36,7 43,2 40,3

100 100 100

17552 21 435 38 987

1985

M F T

61,7 56,8 59,0

38,3 43,2 41,0

100 100 100

17716 21 929 39 645

1986

M F T

63,6 59,2 61,1

36,4 40,8 38,9

100 100 100

17 127 21 624 38751

1987

M F T

66,6 63,0 64,6

33,4 37,0 35,4

100 100 100

16083 20 804 36 887

Source: Ministere de I'Enseignement superieur el de la Science, Direction generate de I'enseignement collegial, unpublished data; authors' compilations.

526

15.2 Vocational Education

Table 7

Proportion of College Graduates by Activity about one year after the end of Studies and by Sex, Quebec, 1976-1987 Year

Have a job

Looking for a job

Studying

Inactive

1976

M F

75,7 87,5

8,6 5,3

12,7 4,5

1977

M F

83,7

6,8

4,4

4,7

1978

M F

70,6 81,3

12,9 9,8

14,2 6,7

1,9 1,8

1979

M F

84,3 81,4

4,3 6,5

9,4 6,8

1,5 4,9

1980

M F

73,9 80,8

10,6 7,1

12,6 8,1

2,4 3,6

1981

M F

65,1 72,2

18,4 15,6

14,3 8,9

1,8 2,9

1983

M F

60,2 69,9

15,2 12,5

23,8 16,2

0,8 1,4

1984

M F

57,6 69,8

16,4 11,8

24,1 16,8

1,9 1,5

1985

M F

61,0 71,1

14,7 10,4

23,0 16,9

1,3 1,6

1986

M F

64,5 75,1

10,9 9,5

23,6 14,1

1,0 1,3

1987

M F

70,8 78,3

8,6 6,0

19,1 14,3

1,5 1,4

Source: Ministre de I'Education, Relance au collegia/, Direction generale de la recherche et ctu developpement.

527

2,6 2,3

15 Educational Attainment

Table 8

Unemployment Rate among High-School and College Graduates by Study Programme and Sex, Quebec, 1976-1987 High-school Year

M F 19777 M F 1978 M F 1979 M F 1980 M F 1981 M F 1983 3 M F 1984 M F 19855 M F 1986 M F 1987 M F 1976

General

25,2 25,3 14,0 19,1 32,4 21,2 15,5 18,4 20,6 18,9 27,5 28,4 34,5 42,0 31,0 38,0 24,7 32,7 25,7 28,8 17,6 20,6

College

Vocational short

Vocational long

General

24,2 28,5 42,2 41,9 43,5 24,8 29,0 30,5 35,3 48,7 52,2 53,4 52,0 52,0 53,0 46,1 48,7 41,4 45,3 34,3 39,8

23,3 14,6 17,3 16,2 24,9 19,4 14,2 13,5 21,9 18,7 35,9 31,3 35,3 33,7 34,0 33,0 27,9 28,8 21,9 23,7 17,0 17,6

28,7 19,2 13,0 16,4 12,7 25,1 9,8 13,8 15,5 10,4 28,9 15,7 27,8 33,9 29,7 22,4 29,3 18,6 17,3 15,2 16,1 21,6

Vocational

10,2 5,7 10,5 7,5 15,4 10,7 4,9 7,4 12J5 8,1 22,0 17,8 20,1 15,2 22,2 14,5 19,5 12,8 14,5 11,2 10,8 7,1

Sources: Ministere de I'tducation, Relanceausecondaire et Relance auco/legial. Direction generate de la recherche et du developpement.

528

15.3 Continuing Education Abstract. The general orientation of adult education has evolved from reducing social inequality to tailor-made training geared toward immediate business needs. Adult participation in secondary training increased in the late 1980s, especially in the vocational sector and mainly for men. At the collegiate level, a slight increase in attendance is principally attributable to the presence of women in the vocational sector. The more highly educated have benefited more from adult education than have people with less schooling.

From reduction of inequalities to tailor-made training Considerable strides were made in adult education as reforms were adopted in the 1960s. These developments are among the many far-reaching objectives on which all reforms of the educational system were based: democratization, equal opportunity, respect for individual liberty, and integral development of individual potential. This has translated into a choice of programmes such as preparatory training programmes for vocational training, initial vocational training, and on-the-job training, which is aimed primarily at people who want to reintegrate into the labour force and at workers with little schooling. From 1970 to 1980, "government manpower training programmes intensified their initiatives in favour of women and the unemployed with little schooling or with no vocational training" (CSE, 1987: 14). At the same time, there emerged a concern for upgrading workers' skills in response to technological changes, and an increased interest in training within industry. Heeding a lesson learned from the recession of the early 1980s, ... businesses attempted to reduce production costs by curtailing their permanent staff, favouring instead sub-contractors, casual employees, and part-time and contractual workers. As they were no longer recruiting new employees, businesses ... stressed retraining and upgrading their labour force ... with the explicit objectives of giving a new thrust to their businesses and improving productivity ... The federal government therefore chose, in its national training programme of 1982, to concentrate on adaptation of the labour force to job requirements. (CSE, 1987: 14) The federal government still contributes a considerable portion of the funding devoted to vocational training, both in educational institutions and in businesses. An increased proportion of these funds was directed to institutional vocational training, to the detriment of general-skills development and of increased employability for people in the labour force. Most recently, the emphasis has been placed on tailor-made training and on upgrading manpower to meet business needs. This means placing educational institutions in a supply-and-demand context which differs from that behind the general objectives that gave rise to the reforms of the 1960s and 1970s. Despite this new course of action, or "double stream," the educational system as such is still at the forefront when it comes to upgrading the labour force. In the face of challenges rising from free trade, the system is entrusted both with the preparation of a more competent labour force and with the upgrading of workers' skills. Since businesses now rely less on hiring and more on upgrading 529

15 Educational Attainment

and retraining, this second area has increased in scale. Although large businesses are able to provide their own personnel with training, either on the job or in conjunction with educational institutions, small and medium-sized businesses find it difficult to do the same. "In this context, more and more workers are taking their training into their own hands, in order not to be bypassed by technological advances (as, for example, with secretarial techniques)" (C8E, 1987: 17). A new breakdown of responsibilities in matters concerning education is emerging. The public system is continuing to provide preparatory training, initial vocational training, and standardized upgrading to meet general needs, both to recycle workers and to combat social inequality. But it is not alone in providing upgrading; business is playing an increasingly active role. The rise of tailor-made training has started to have an influence on standardized training, to the point where there is concern that the latter may lose its preponderance to a shortterm, utilitarian outlook. Tailor-made training implemented in the business community has been geared particularly to administrators, professionals, and technicians. Lower-level workers most often must take it upon themseves to upgrade their general and vocational knowledge, whether for personal development, increased mobility, or socio-professional advancement.

The participation of working men and women in secondary-level adult education has increased recently Although participation by the labour force in basic general and vocational adulttraining programmes at the secondary level fluctuated between 1969 and 1985, it increased very rapidly during subsequent years to unprecedented levels, reaching more than 6 900 per 100 000 members of the labour force in 1987-1988 (tables 1 and 2). This rise was registered both in general training and in the vocational sector. While participation in vocational training had constantly been inferior to that in general training from 1969-1970 to 1978-1979, its proportion became generally greater from 1979-1980 on. Moreover, recent programmes aimed at training, upgrading, and retraining the labour force have had quite high participation rates. In general, women in the labour force participated more intensively in adult secondary training activities than did men. Although this participation was very strong during the 1970s, approximately two women for every man, the gap almost disappeared during the 1980s, replaced by an almost equivalent participation in these educational activities. Female participation was stronger in the general-education sector than in vocational training. In the former, it rose to three women per man in the mid-1970s. More recently, it has been at around two to one. On the other hand, male participation in vocational training has generally been higher than that of women since 1978-1979; by 1987-1988, it was nearly two men per woman (table 3).

There was a slight increase in the participation of working men and women in adult education at the collegia! level For every 100 000 people in the labour force, participation in adult education at the collegiate level rose from 2 067 in 1980 to 2 262 in 1989. Participation by 530

15.3 Continuing Education

women increased more rapidly than did that by men, and the increase was greater in vocational training than in general education. Male participation in vocational training even declined (tables 4 and 5): in 1989, enrollment stood at slightly less than one man per two women, whereas in 1980 the ratio had been slightly more than one man per woman. Therefore, in contrast to the secondary level, women's participation rate in vocational adult collegiate education has increased, while the rate among men has somewhat decreased. Both men and women increased their participation in general education, the latter in greater numbers (table 6). Inequalities persist despite efforts devoted to continuing education Adult participation in training activities differs considerably from one subgroup to another, despite efforts to reduce educational inequalities (CSE, 1987a). According to a recent Canadian study, the profile of a typical adult undertaking training is that of a "white-collar worker who is young, educated, and living in an urban centre" (Devereaux, 1985: 48). The more highly educated take greater advantage of continuing-education services. Roughly 40% of adults with a university degree take training courses, while the less educated have lower participation rates (fewer than 5% among those who did not reach high school). These discrepancies are reinforced by types of programmes chosen. The less educated are more inclined to choose programmes which do not lead to higher education. Women generally attend more continuing-education sessions than do men; however, they more frequently take less programmes which are less widely recognized (Doray, 1985). Administrators and professionals have more access to training given at the workplace than do other types of employees. Small businesses are less predisposed to offer on-the-job training, since they have fewer employees and therefore benefit less from economies of scale. In short, aon-the-job training tends not to diminish inequality of work categories, but rather to reproduce it" (Paquet et al., 1982: 134). Jean-Pierre Simard Jean-Paul Baillargeon References Belanger, Paul, and Ndia-Bintu Kayembe 1988 L'education des adultes au colltgial. En etat de dtoeloppement? Etudes et reflexions sur Venseignement colttgial. Quebec City: Conseil des colleges. Campeau, Daniel 1980 L'inflation des dipldmes: pour mieux reconnoitre ou pour mieux eliminer. Quebec City: Conseil sup£rieur de Education, Commission de l'6ducation des adultes.

531

15 Educational Attainment

Commission d'6tude sur la formation des adultes 1982 Apprendre: une action volontaire et responsable. Enonct d'une politique globate de ['education des adultes dans une perspective d'education permanente. Quebec City: Editeur officiel (Jean Commission). Conseil des colleges 1986 Les accords Quebec-Ottawa en mature de formation de la main-d'oeuvre et leur impact sur ['education des adultes au colUgial. Avis au ministre de I'Enseignement suptrieur et de la Science. Quebec City: Conseil des colleges. CSE (Conseil supgrieur de l'4ducation) 1983 Pour que les jeunes adultes puissent esp6rer: avis sur la formation des jeunes adultes de'favorise's et leur insertion sociale et professionnelle. Avis au ministre de I'Education. Quebec City: CSE. 1985

La formation dans les programmes rfguliers de I'universite": des Mudiants a part entiere. Avis au ministre de I'Enseignement supe"rieur et de la Science. Quebec City: CSE.

1986

La formation professionnelle de la main-d'oeuvre: le contexte et les enjeux educatifs des prochains accords Quebec-Ottawa. Avis au ministre de I'Enseignement supfrieur et de la Science. Quebec City: CSE.

1987a Des prioritts en Education des adultes. Avis au ministre de I'Education et ministre de I'Enseignement suptrieur et de la Science. Quebec City: CSE. 1987b Le perfectionnement de la main-d'oeuvre au Quebec: des enjeux pour le systeme d'tducation. Avis au ministre de I'Education et ministre de I'Enseignement sup6rieur et de la Science. Quebec City: CSE. Devereaux, M. S. 1985 Une personne sur cinq. Enquete sur ['education des adultes au Canada. Ottawa: Statistics Canada and Direction ge'ne'rale de 1'aide & I'Education. Doray, Pierre 1985 La participation a la formation des adultes au Quebec en 1983. Quebec City: Institut canadien d'£ducation des adultes. Dufort, Jean-Pierre 1986- Statistiques de Education. Quebec, City: Direction ge'ne'rale de la recherche et 1989 du deVeloppement, Ministere de I'Education. Fournier, Marcel 1980 Entre I'tcole et I'usine: la formation professionnelle des jeunes travailleurs. Montreal: Editions cooperatives Albert Saint-Martin and Centrale de 1'enseignement du Quebec. Lepage, Ren4 1983 Une analyse des expenses pour Education des adultes dans les commissions scolaires et les ctgeps de 1973-1974 a 1980-1981. Quebec City: Ministere de I'Education.

532

15.3 Continuing Education

MEQ (Miniature de l'6ducation du Quebec) 1984 Principals* statistiques de Education, 1973-74 d 1983-84. Quebec City: Direction des Etudes economiques et de'mographiques. 1986- Indicateurs sur la situation de I'enseignement primaire et secondaire. Quebec 1988 City: Direction generate de la recherche et du developpement, MEQ. MMSR (Ministere de la Main-d'oeuvre et de la Security du revenu) 1985 La formation professionnelle des adultes au Quebec: un effort a reussir. Quebec City: MMSR.

de rationalisation

Paquet, P. et al. 1982 Bondages sur les pratiques de formation en entreprise. Quebec City: Annexe III de la Commission d'etude sur la formation des adultes. Statistics Canada 1973 Formation dans I'industrie. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, cat. 81-555. 1978

Education permanente - Universes. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, cat. 81-225.

533

15 Educational Attainment

Table 1

Number of Persons Enrolled in Adult Education, in Secondary, General and Occupational, Quebec, 1969-1988 General Year r

1969-1970 1970-1971 1971-1972 1972-1973 1973-1974 1974-1975 1975-1976 1976-1977 1977-1978 1978-1979 1979-1980 1980-1981 1981-1982 1982-1983 1983-1984 1984-1985 1985-1986 1986-1987 1987-1988

M

48769 43027 33549 28306 20563 17905 29493 34245 37774 32100 26102 34811 31166 32914 33704 34627 45654 46465 43250

Occupational

F

T

M

F

T

38069 39677 41727 35483 30446 29153 44143 49110 50187 39530 32043 42083 34163 33344 35270 38371 58971 65474 61993

86838 82704 75276 63789 51009 47058 73636 83355 87961 71630 58145 76894 63329 66258 68974 72998 104625 111939 105243

21033 23646 28045 27807 26848 23202 24667 32906 31362 50770 40955 66741 47337 56224 59634 24362 31853 61343 88177

12192 15260 1750 15064 13959 12880 15097 19326 19334 17937 18263 25453 21381 21316 22875 16922 25932 31517 35843

33225 38906 45546

42871 40807 36082 39764 52232 50696 68707 59218 92194 68718 77540 82509 41 284-1 57 785J 92 860'a1 124 020

a. Does not include students enrolled in programmes administered bv the ministere de la Main-d'Oeuvre et de la Securite du Revenu. Sources: Ministere de I'tducation, Statistiques de /'education des adu/tes, Statist/ques de I 'education, edition 1989, Quebec, Ministere de I'Education.

534

15.3 Continuing Education

Table 2

Number of Persons Enrolled in Adult Education, Secondary Level, by Sector and by Sex per 100 000 members of the Labour Force, Quebec, 1969-1988 Both Year 1969-1970 1970-1971 1971-1972 1972-1973 1973-1974 1974-1975 1975-1976 1976-1977 1977-1978 1978-1979 1979-1980 1980-1981 1981-1982 1982-1983 1983-1984 1984-1985 1985-1986 1986-1987 1987-1988

General

Occupational

M

F

T

M

F

T

M

F

T

4489 4255 3881 3417 2810 2 391 3149 3839 3910 4612 3662 5528 4361 4917 5131 3218 4217 5781 6946

6847 7043 7441 5898 5029 4 529 6113 6769 6491 5219 4348 5628 4691 4462 4586 4230 6355 6988 6890

5247 5181 5070 4268 3573 3 141 4217 4911 4884 4847 3928 5566 4424 4733 4905 3639 5117 6296 6924

3136 2746 2114 1724 1219 1 042 1715 1958 3527 2915 2256 1146 1731 1815 1853 1889 2484 2491 2286

5186 3087 5242 4140 3448 3 141 4555 4857 4886 3590 2803 3507 2885 2722 2781 2936 4414 4717 4366

3795 3524 3159 2553 1985 1 778 2738 3019 3098 2474 1946 2532 2122 2181 2234 2325 3296 3441 3177

1353 1509 1767 1693 1591 1 350 1434 1881 1774 2825 2237 3633 2630 3101 3278 1329 1733 3289 4661

1661 1956 2199 1758 1581 1 388 1558 1912 1805 1629 1578 2121 1806 1740 1804 1295 1941 2271 2524

1452 1658 1911 1716 1588 1 363 1479 1892 1786 2373 1982 3036 2302 2552 2672 1315 1821 2855 3746

Source: Table 1, authors' compilations.

Table 3

Ratio of Men/Women Enrolled in Adult Education, Secondary Level, fay Sector, per 100000 members of the Labour Force, Quebec, 1969-1988 Year

Both

General

Occupational

1969-1970 1970-1971 1971-1972 1972-1973 1973-1974 1974-1975 1975-1976 1976-1977 1977-1978 1978-1979 1979-1980 1980-1981 1981-1982 1982-1983 1983-1984 1984-1985 1985-1986 1986-1987 1987-1988

0,66 0,60 0,52 0,58 0,56 0,53 0,52 0,57 0,60 0,88 0,84 0,98 0,93 1,10 1,12 0,76 0,66 0,83 1,01

0,60 0,54 0,40 0,42 0,35 0,33 0,38 0,40 0,72 0,81 0,80 0,33 0,60 0,67 0,67 0,64 0,56 0,53 0,52

0,81 0,77 0,80 0,96 1,01 0,97 0,92 0,98 0,98 1,73 1,42 1,71 1,46 1,78 1,82 1,03 0,89 1,45 1,85

Source: Table 2; authors' compilations

535

15 Educational Attainment

Table 4

Number of Persons Enrolled in Adult Education, General and Occupational College Level, Quebec, 1980-1989 Both

General

Year

M

F

T

M

1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989

27361 25424 27391 29255 28573 29554 28571 28176 28922 28602

34387 33658 35544 38297 38626 43683 42881 45054 48518 47024

61748 59082 62935 67552 67199 73237 71452 73230 77440 75626

17395 14762 15881 16006 17289 21887 19180 18969 19364 19186

f

F

Occupational

t

M

F

T

41290 36742 38385 38787 41074 53507 47220 48720 51289 51042

9966 10662 11510 13249 11284 7667 9391 9207 9558 9416

10492 11678 13040 15516 14841 12063 14841 15303 16593 15168

20458 22340 24550 28765 26125 19730 24232 24510 26151 24584

T

23895 21980 22504 22781 23785 31620 28040 29751 31925 31856

Source: Louise-M. Dallaire, Direction generale de I'enseignement collegial, Ministere de I'Enseignement superieur et de la Science, unpublished data.

Table 5

Number of Persons Enrolled in Adult Education, College Level, by Sector and by Sex, per 100000 members of the Labour Force, Quebec, Autumn 1980-1989 Both Year

1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989

M

F

1494 1 384 1522 1614 1 571 1612 1554 1511 1529 1501

f

General

t

T

2972 2 805 3002 3126 3046 3342 3210 3246 3417 3270

Mmm

2067 1 945 2108 2224 2 176 2332 2251 2251 2339 2262

f

F

950 804 882 883 950 1 194 1044 1017 1023 1007

Occupational tt

T

2065 1 832 1901 1860 1 876 2419 2099 2143 2248 2215

1382 1 210 1286 1277 1 330 1704 1488 1498 1549 1527

mmM

544 580 639 731 620 418 511 494 505 494

F

T

907 973 1101 1267 1 170 923 1111 1103 1 169 1055

Source: Table 4; authors' compilations

Table 6

Ratio of Men fWomen Enrolled in Adult Education, College Level, by Sector, of the Labour Force, Quebec, Autumn 1980-1989 per 100000 members Year

Both

General

Occupationa

1980 1981 19822 1983 1984 1985 5 1986 1987 1988 19899

0,50 0,49 0,51 0,52 0,52 0,48 0,48 0,47 0,45 0,46

0,46 0,44 0,46 0,47 0,51 0 0,49 0 0,50 0,47 0,46 00,45

0,60 0,60 0,58 0,58 0,53 0 0,45 0,46 0,45 0,43 0,47

Source: Table 5, authors' compilations.

536

t 685 736 822 947 846 628 763 753 790 735

16 INTEGRATION AND MARGINALIZATION

16.1 Immigrants and Ethnic Minorities Abstract. The Quebec population remains highly endogenous, and homogeneous in terms of French ethnic origin and mother tongue. Since the Second World War and up to the 1970s, the proportion of Anglophones decreased considerably in favour of European allophones and, more recently, immigrants of various origins, particularly Asia and Haiti. The latter have formed a visible minority which had been close to nonexistent. Virtually all immigrants in Quebec take up residence in the Montreal area.

The vast majority of the Quebec population still consists of native French-speaking inhabitants In spite of the massive post-war immigration, the vast majority of Quebec's population still consists of locally born people. This trend is more than secular. In 1950, 90% of the population was endogenous; this proportion fell to 88% as a consequence of the massive waves of immigration during the 1950s, and remained steady as of 1961 (see table 1). Nevertheless, the proportion of Qu^becers who were born outside Canada has increased from 4% to 8%, while the proportion born elsewhere in Canada has declined. These two phenomena have combined to maintain the percentage of the Quebec population born outside Quebec at 12%. Although the fertility rate among Francophones has fallen and a large number of immigrants have adopted English, the proportion of the population whose mother tongue is French has consistently remained at over 80% (table 2). The decrease in the number of native English speakers has given way to a relative increase in the number of native speakers of languages other than English or French. However, the percentage of Qu6becers of French ethnic origin decreased to 77,7% in 1986. A certain portion of the native French-speaking population is now made up of persons of ethnic origin other than French (for instance, French speakers from Haiti, etc.) (table 3).

The number of Quebecers of Italian origin is twice that of any other ethnic origin, whereas the presence of individuals of British origin has declined In 1986, there were only eight countries from which the cumulative number of immigrants established in Quebec stood at around 20 000, in descending order: Italy, France, the United States, the United Kingdom, Haiti, Greece, Portugal, and Poland (table 4). Italy dominated, with more than twice as many people as France, the United States, or Great Britain. Recent immigration from the United Kingdom and from France no longer represents a major contribution to the 537

16 Integration and Marginalization

Quebec population; these immigrants each constitute half of one percent of the Quebec population. Another way of examining the ethnic composition of the Quebec population, other than by place of birth, is by ethnic origin. Among the fifth of the population which is not of French ethnic origin, the most notable change was the drop in the British presence, which has decreased from 12% in 1951 to 6% in 1986. The position previously held by the British was taken over, first, by other Europeans (up from 3% to 7% of the population between 1941 and 1971). More recently, Europeans have been supplanted by Asians, Africans, and South Americans. Native North Americans have accounted for a very small but stable proportion, which has increased slightly since 1971. Quebec takes in only half as many immigrants as it did during the 1960s, and not all remain in Quebec Immigration to Quebec has decreased (table 5). Expressed as a proportion of the host population, the decline since 1966 has been substantial, with the gross annual rate of immigration having fallen from 7,8 per thousand inhabitants in 1966 to 2,1 in 1984; the rate then rose to 3,9 in 1988. This rate had been as high as 11,5 in 1957. Quebec has often been a staging area for a large fraction of its immigrants, especially since the 1950s. As only those who remain have an influence on the ethno-cultural composition of the population, it is significant that in June 1981, only 70,2% of the immigrants who had entered Quebec between 1971 and 1981 were still there (table 6). There are substantial differences depending on the country of origin, varying from 31,9% (China) to 97,2% (Mauritius). Nonetheless, in 1986, the "level of presence" of immigrants who entered Quebec in the previous ten years improved, moving up to 77% (Baillargeon & Benjamin, 1989). In general, the rates of retention of immigrants from English-speaking countries are among the lowest, although there are exceptions, such as France, Algeria, and Turkey, which also have low retention rates. The low rate of retention of immigrants from France is perhaps related to the fact that they were not able to constitute a cultural community in Quebec, despite the fact that they speak the same mother tongue as the majority of native Qu£becers. Immigrants are becoming more visible and are of increasingly varied origins Up to the 1970s, new immigrants arriving in Quebec were mainly European in origin. Since 1973, the proportion of European newcomers to the province has decreased by half, while that of Asians has doubled. There has been little change in immigration from Africa and the two Americas, except for the fact that the South American immigration has overtaken North American immigration (table 7). In each year since 1979, there has been at least one Asian country of birth among the five major sources of immigrants to Quebec (table 8). At the same time, apart from France and the United Kingdom, with which Quebec has particular attachments, there is only one other European country. which still appears on the list of the five most important sources of immigration, namely Poland. 538

16.1 Immigrants and Ethnic Minorities

The United States has been absent from this list since 1979, although it had held the top position from 1970 to 1973. Haiti appears on the list every year since 1973 and was the largest source of immigrants eleven times between 1974 and 1988. The major sources of immigration of the 1960s and 1970s have dried up (table 9). The ranking of the five largest sources of immigrants to Quebec reveals the increasingly short-lived nature of immigration waves, with the notable exception of France (table 8). Although there has been a slowdown in immigration to Quebec, newcomers are becoming more and more visible, particularly due to the increasing proportion of Haitian and Asian immigrants. Furthermore, since Bill 101 came into effect, the children of immigrants must attend French schools, whereas the majority of them previously attended English schools. This has led to unprecedented concentrations in French schools of students whose mother tongue is other than French or English.

There has been a decline in the proportion of immigrants who speak English and an increase in those who speak neither French nor English The proportion of immigrants who spoke English only, which stood at 41,8% in 1973, dropped to 18% in 1980 and has since risen gradually, reaching 31,4% in 1987 (table 10). The proportion who spoke neither English nor French increased from 26,9% in 1973 to 36,6% in 1987, reaching peaks of 45,8% in 1979, 53% in 1980, and 46% in 1988. The proportion who speak only French or both French and English, though volatile, has not changed substantially over the years. Immigrants who speak neither French nor English tend, for the most part, to gather in cultural communities upon their arrival in Quebec. Beginning in 1968, the Ministere des Communaute's culturelles et de I'lmmigration set up a network of special to agencies throughout Quebec facilitate the integration of immigrants; these are known as the Centres d'orientation et de formation des immigrants (COPIs).

Immigrants are increasingly concentrated in the Montreal area By the early 1960s, 75% of the immigrants arriving in Quebec were already opting for the Montreal area as their place of residence. In the early 1980s, this proportion rose above 80%, and it passed the 90% mark in 1987 (MCCI, 19681987). As a result, the vast majority of the new visible minorities in Quebec, as well as the greatest array of cultural communities, are to be found in the Montreal area.

After a major effort in 1979 and 1980, government resources allocated to language training of immigrants returned to the levels of previous years Before 1979, the Ministere des Communautgs culturelles et de I'lmmigration devoted about 6 million dollars per year, in 1981 dollars, to language training for immigrants (table 11). These amounts were increased considerably in 1979 and 1980, during the time of the large influxes of immigrants from Indochina. A large number of these immigrants were hosted and supported by volunteers. Once this 539

16 Integration and Marginalization

wave had receded, the department's effort decreased until 1986, returning to its previous levels. Since then there has been a certain increase. In 1977, these resources were used to provide courses for 16 669 immigrants, 85% of them on a part-time basis, at a cost of nearly 6 million dollars. In 1987, 26 885 immigrants took advantage of these courses, 89% of them part time, at a cost of 6,6 million dollars in constant dollars (table 11). For a slightly lower cost per participant (2,4% less) - on a full-time-equivalence basis - the department provided courses in 1987 for 16% more full-time candidates and 69% more part-time candidates than it did in 1977. Gary Caldwell References Baillargeon, Mireille, and Claire Benjamin 1989 Taux de presence de I'immigration au Quebec: analyse et commentaires. Quebec City: Ministere des Communaut^s culturelles et de I'immigration. Benjamin, Claire 1988 Origine ethnique: premieres donntes du recensement de 1986. Quebec City: Ministere des Communaute's culturelles et de I'immigration. Caldwell, Gary, ed. 1984 "Immigrants." Recherches sociographiques 25, no. 3. Juteau-Lee, Danielle, ed. 1983 "Enjeux ethniques." Sociologie et socittts 15, no. 2. MCCI (Ministere des Communaute's culturelles et de I'immigration) 1968- Bulletin Statistique. Quebec City: MCCI. 1988 1989

Population immigree par pays de naissance: importance et caract6ristiques g/tntrales, Quebec 1986. Quebec City: MCCI.

540

16.1 Immigrants and Ethnic Minorities

Table 1 Percentage Distribution of Population Born in Quebec, elsewhere in Canada and abroad, Quebec, 1951-1986

Year

Born in Quebec (1)

Born elsewhere in Canada (2)

Born abroad (3)

Born outside Quebec (2 + 3)

1951 1961 1971 1981 1986

90,3 88,4 88,0 88,0 87,7

5,3 4,2 5,8 3,6 4,0

4,3 7,4 6,2 8,2 8,2

9,6 11,6 12,0 12,0 12.3

Source: Statistics Canada, Population Census of Canada. Ottawa, author's compilations.

Table 2 Percentage Distribution of Population by Mother-tongue, Quebec, 1941-1986 Year

1941 1951 1961 1971 1976 1981 1986"

French

English

81,6 82,5 81,2 80,7 81,1 82,4 82,9

14,1 13,8 13,3 13,1 12,8 11,0 10,3

Other

4,3 3,7 5,5 6,2 6,1 6,6 6,8

a. For 1986, single and multiple responses. Source: Statistics Canada, Population Census of Canada, Ottawa; author's compilations.

Table 3 Percentage Distribution of Population by Ethnic Origin, Quebec, 1941-1986 Origin

1941

1951

1961

1971

1981

1986a

Inuit and Amerindian British French European Asian and African Latin Amer. and Caribbean Jewish Other origins, multiple origins, N.D.

0,4 13,6 80,9 2,8 0,2 ND 2,0

0,4 12,1 82,0 3,2 0,2 ND 1,8

0,4 10,8 80,6 6,2 0,3 ND 1,4

0,6 10,6 79,0 6,8 0,6 0,1 1,9

0,7 5,9 80,2 6,0 1,5 0,4 1,4

0,8 5,9 77,7 6,9 1,8 0,4 1,3

0,1

0,3

0,2

0,4

3,9

a

for 1986, single and multiple responses

Source: Statistics Canada, Population Census of Canda, Ottawa; author's compilations.

541

6,0

16 Integration and Marginalization

Table 4 Country of Origin of Immigrants to Quebec, 1986* Birth place

Number

Birth place

Number

Italy France United States United Kingdom Haiti Greece Portugal Poland Vietnam Germany Egypt USSR Morocco Belgium Lebanon India China Hungary Romania Jamaica Kampuchea

84 300 35 440 34 750 31 990 30 155 26 080 21215 19410 18 085 14 555 13 555 10 890 10 305 8 910 8 770 8 420 8 210 8 185 7080 6075 5 820

Spain Chile Yugoslavia Philippines Switzerland Trinidad andTobago Czechoslovakia Turkey Israel El Savador Iran Syria Netherlands Barbados Austria Laos Hong-Kong Guiana Algeria Peru Pakistan

5 665 5 110 4 830 4 545 4 500 4 435 4345 3935 3 550 3 490 3 435 3 330 3 275 3 070 2 930 2 880 2 765 2 510 2110 2110 2 050

a. Does not include people living in institutions. Sources: Statistics Canada. Population Census of Canada, 1986, Ethnicity, Immigration and Citizenship, cat. 93-109, tables 5Band 6; MCCI, May 1989

Table 5 Number of Immigrants and Immigration Rate per 1 000 Inhabitants, Quebec, 1961-1988 Year

Immigrants'1

Rate

Year

Immigrants'

Rate

1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973

17381 20160 24382 27061 33913 44685 40241 32651 26789 22383 17904 18815 32452

3,3 3,8 4,4 4,8 5,3 7,8 6,9 5,5 4,5 3,7 3,0 3,1 5,3

1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

26629 25699 16877 14602 23255 19393 23499 19239 15412 13535 15606 24917 24565

4,3 4,1 2,7 2,3 3,7 3,0 3,7 3,0 2,4 2,1 2,4 3,7 3,7

1974

31 670

1988

5,2

26 104

3,9

a. 1961-1986, as of June first. Source: Louis Duchesne, La situation demographiqueau Quebec, Editions 1988, Quebec, Les Publications du Quebec, 1988 and 1989.

542

16.1 Immigrants and Ethnic Minorities

Table 6

Presence of Persons who Immigrated to Quebec between 1971 and 1981, by Country of Birth, 1981 Country of birth

International arrivals 1971-1981*

People enumerated in 1981"

Reate of presence (%)

22 676 17908 15671 13630 13147 1 1 800 10404 9 596 7 753 6914 5021 4 876 4 672 4 580 4 403 4 068 3943 3 901 3 461 3175 3 103 2 806 2 374 2 366 2 226 2 187 2 176 2111 2 057 2 019 1 927 1 885 1 565 1 509 1 485 1 417 1 218 1204 1 135 1 130 28022

21 910 11085 9860 10590 6910 9 480 6260 6 755 5 295 5240 4060 3 650 3 455 1 460 3 140 3 670 2515 3 325 2 030 1605 2 435 1 835 1 255 1 740 1 170 1 590 1 580 1 615 1 560 1 420 1 630 1 370 1 220 1110 1 080 1 015 885 1170 670 870 17245

96,6 61,9 62,9 80,5 52,5 80,3 60,2 70,4 68,3 75,8 80,9 74,9 73,9 31,9 71,3 90,2 63,8 85,2 58,6 50,5 78,5 65,4 52,9 73,5 52,6 72,7 72,6 76,5 75,8 70,3 84,6 72,7 78,0 73,6 72,7 71,6 72,7 97,2 59,0 77,0 61,5

237521

166760

70,2

Haiti United States France Vietnam United Kingdom Portugal Greece Italy India Lebanon Morocco Egypt Jamaica China Philippines Chile • Trinidad and Tobago Kampuchea Switzerland Hong Kong Laos West Germany Guiana Belgium Turkey Pakistan Poland Israel Colombia Romania Syria Spain USSR Barbados Yugoslavia Argentina Peru Mauritius Island Algeria Iran Other countries Total a. First five months for 1981. b. Do not include people living in institutions

Source: Ministers des Communautes culturelles et de I'lmmigration du Quebec, Que/ques caracieristiques ethno-culwrelles de la population du Quebec, February 1984.

543

16 Integration and Marginalization

Table 7

Percentage Distribution of Immigrants according to Place of Birth by Continent, Quebec, 1973-1988 Year

Africa

America*

Asia

Europe

Oceania

1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 19788 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985a 1986 1987 7

5,3 9,0 9,1 9,0 9,0 8,5 6,2 6,6 7,8 8,3 8,1 8,0 8,7 8,2 9,9

36 38 32 31 31 35 21 18 29 32 38 31 28 31 26 20

17 17 22 29 25 23 45 51 34 30 30 39 42 43 46 48

41 36 31 31 34 33 27 24 28 30 24 21 21 18 18 21

0,7 0,4 0,4 0,4 0,4 0,4 0,3 0,2 0,2 0,2 0,1 0,2 0,2 0,2 0,2 0,1

1988"

10,9

a. North, Central and South. b. Preliminary data for 1988. Source: Ministere des Communautes culturelles et de I'lmmigration, Bulletin Statistique. Table 8

The Five Countries having provided the largest Number of Immigrants, by Order of Importance, Quftbec, 1969-1988 RANK Year

1

2

1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1 979 1980 1981 1982 1 983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988"

France USA USA USA USA Haiti Haiti Haiti Haiti Haiti South Vietnam South Vietnam Haiti Haiti Haiti Haiti Vietnam Haiti Haiti Lebanon

Greece France Greece Portugal Haiti USA France USA France France Haiti Kampuchea Vietnam France Vietnam Vietnam Haiti Lebanon Lebanon Haiti

3 Italy Greece Portugal Greece Portugal UK UK Lebanon Lebanon USA France Laos France Vietnam France France Lebanon Sri Lanka Sri Lanka France

4

5

UK Italy France France Greece France USA France USA Portugal Laos Haiti UK Poland El Salvador UK France France France Hong Kong

USA UK Italy Italy France Greece South Vietnam South Vietnam UK Chile USA France Kampuchea Kampuchea Poland Kampuchea Hong Kong Vietnam Iran Portugal

a. Place of birth. b. Preliminary data for 1988. Source: Ministere ties Communautes culturelles et de I'lmmigration, Bulletin statistique.

544

16.1 Immigrants and Ethnic Minorities

Table 9

Immigration to Quebec by Country of Birth for Seven Countries, 1973-1988 Year

USA

Haiti

France

UK

Italy

Portugal

Greece

1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988a

2 788 2843 1865 2167 1288 865 580 729 694 644 601 592 472 599 687 574

2 266 4856 3422 3094 2011 1 625 1 258 1 594 3582 3396 2754 1 356 1 253 1 655 2053 1 709

1 670 2047 2021 1861 1582 970 1 147 1 098 1245 1450 957 712 744 834 1106 1 382

1 611 2307 2058 1414 1050 520 821 968 1069 619 329 291 292 250 294 264

1 347 1211 1010 1202 730 575 519 497 535 427 262 223 184 175 256 203

1 948 1852 1189 1074 719 613 609 612 607 591 326 270 256 409 740 963

1 829 1970 1098 830 554 393 399 329 281 286 211 207 178 201 268 219

a. Preliminary dataSource: Ministere des Communautes culturelles et de I'lmmigration, Bulletin statistique.

Table 10

Percentage Distribution of Immigrants according to their Knowledge of French and English, Quebec, 1973-1988 Year

1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988"

French only

English only

French and English

Neither French nor English

20,0 27,6 27,1 29,3 30,7 28,6 22,8 20,7 30,6 31,8 32,7 24,1 24,5 20,9 18,6 16,3

41,8 37,8 33,1 30,0 30,3 28,4 21,0 18,0 19,3 19,3 21,1 24,3 25,1 30,6 31,4 24,3

11,2 9,7 10,1 12,4 12,4 10,9 10,4 8,3 9,9 11,5 10,8 12,1 13,5 14,0 13,4 13,3

26,9 24,9 29,7 28,0 26,5 32,2 45,8 53,0 39,8 37,4 35,4 39,5 36,9 34,5 36,6 46,0

a. Preliminary data for 1988. Source: Ministers des Communautes culturelles et de I'lmmigration, Bulletin statist/Que.

545

16 Integration and Marginalization

Table 11 Language Training for Immigrants provided by the ministere des Communautes culturelles et de ('Immigration, Enrolments and Expenditures, Quebec, 1976-1988 Expenditures Year8

Full-time

Enrolment" Part-time

1981$ '000

Percent of the MCCI budget %

1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

2513 2 508 2289 3254 6 869 1 893 3460 2804 2733 2235 2388 2910 -

14 161 13015 11 850 21 299 18052 19833 18017 23975 28722

5 830 6517 8595 13 360 6 942 6418 5575 5529 5029 4761 6667 -

51 53 55 65 48 44 40 36 33 33 42 -

a. Fiscal year: 1976 = 1976 and 1977. b. Part-time enrolments do not necessarily represent the exact number of persons since the same individual could enrol in more than one course Source: Minn Trong, MCCI. Direction de la formation linguistique, special tabulation

546

16.2 Crime and Punishment Abstract. The areas in which adult crime has grown most strongly are violent crimes, property crimes, and fraud. After a period of marked growth, the rise in juvenile delinquency slowed after 1969. The rate of admission into correctional institutions has remained steady or regressed, and substitutes for or complements to imprisonment have been instituted. Adult criminal activity has risen, and the most marked increase has been in assault and fraud According to the available official statistics, criminal activity among adults increased substantially between 1962 and 1988, from 2 056 to 7 228 instances per 100 000 inhabitants, or by a factor of 3,5. The greatest rise occurred in crimes against persons, which increased by a factor of 4,4, versus 3,1 for property crimes (see table 1). This is essentially due to the increase in assault cases, for which the rate sextupled between 1962 and 1988 (table 2). This growth does not necessarily represent an actual increase in the number of violent acts; it may be in part due to the efforts to build awareness among citizens so that they will report this type of criminal activity (Laplante, 1991). Family and sexual violence are now increasingly frequent components of this type of offence. Among crimes against the person, homicide continues to be a subject of attention. Between 1976 and 1988, the number of homicide victims fluctuated between 180 and 219 per year, and the rate varied between 2,3 and 3,3 per 100 000 inhabitants (table 3). In the area of property crimes, the rate of fraudulent acts increased by a factor of 9 between 1962 and 1986, to 468. This type of offence is usually referred to as white-collar crime. It is often committed by adults with an above-average level of education. Theft remains the most common offence. Between 1962 and 1988, the rate of thefts increased by a factor of 2,8, rising from 851 to 2 352 per 100 000 inhabitants (table 4). The steady growth of this type of crime appears to have gone through two phases. Between 1962 and 1966, there were increases particularly in the areas of robbery, fraudulent bankruptcy, and automobile theft; subsequently, other types of offences increased: organized crime, attempted corruption, illegal gambling, prostitution, usury, and other crimes of an economic nature (Normandeau & Rico, 1985). Women account for a small but growing proportion of persons charged with criminal offences in Canada. In 1982, they represented nearly 16% of the adults charged with offences under the Criminal Code, in comparison to 12% in 1971. Whereas 20% of those charged with property crimes are women, they account for only 10% of the persons charged with violent crimes. More than half (53%) of all charges under the Criminal Code brought against women in 1982 were related to shoplifting or fraud; in contrast, these two offences represented only 17% of the charges brought against men (Statistics Canada, 1985: 113). Juvenile criminal activity increased between 1960 and 1970, and dimin.ished thereafter Following a period of growth up to 1970, juvenile crime regressed. These two phases comprised distinct offences. Between 1960 and 1970, juvenile delinquency increased by about 40%. This growth was accounted for by two factors: a con-

547

16 Integration and Marginalization

siderable increase in births after 1945, which led to an expansion of the age group concerned until about 1969, and a growth in new forms of juvenile delinquency between 1965 and 1971, such as the proliferation of drugs, hippies, structured gangs, and certain violent forms of student protest. These new forms of delinquency emerged mainly among the well-to-do and the working class. Throughout that period, delinquency in the underprivileged classes remained stable and was limited to traditional forms. From 1970 onward, juvenile delinquency overall has essentially returned to these forms (principally property-related offences). There are not more delinquents, but rather more delinquent acts committed by the same young offenders (Normandeau & Rico, 1985).

Rates of admission to correctional institutions for short sentences are down, while those for long sentences are on the increase The number of persons imprisoned for sentences of under 24 months was slightly lower in 1986-1987, in comparison to 1978-1979. During this period, the admission rate for short sentences decreased from 286 per 100 000 inhabitants to 260 (table 5). Although minor offences have become less frequent, they have also become more serious; the offenders involved are not as young, and include a slightly higher proportion of women. The median age for those convicted has risen from 26 to 28 years. At the same time, the proportion of women among them has risen from 5% to 7% (table 6). The median length of sentences has also increased, from 22 days in 1978-1979 to 24 in 1986-1987 (table 7). Throughout this period, imprisonment resulted most often from offences under the traffic code and/or from failure to pay fines (Comite d'6tude sur les solutions de rechange & I'incarc^ration, 1986). Imprisonment for more serious offences (24 months or more) increased slightly over the same period. The upward trend in the number of inmates serving such sentences per 100 000 inhabitants is probably as much due to increased admissions as to the handing down of longer sentences (table 5). The median age of these persons increased from 25 years in 1978-1979 to 29 in 1986-1987. The ageing of offenders was more marked in the case of minor offences (table 6). The phenomenon of repeat offences, related to the increased length of sentences, may have played a role here. Moreover, in contrast to the trend in minor offences, the proportion of women in this area has continually been on the decline, falling from 4% to 1% of the persons sentenced. In this regard, in Quebec "women tend to be found guilty less often than men and to receive less severe sentences" (Statistics Canada, 1985: 113-114).

Substitutes for or complements to imprisonment were instigated between 1967 and 1978 The usual forms of punishment have been imprisonment or fines. Since most of the penalties inflicted by the courts resulted from minor offences (Comite d'6tude sur les solutions de rechange a 1'incarceration, 1986), various measures were introduced to reduce the harshness of the imprisonment or to serve as a substitute: probation service for adults in 1967; use of temporary absences and community work in 1970; a Quebec Parole Board in 1978. Since 1958 there has been 548

16.2 Crime and Punishment

a federal Parole Board. Along with these measures has been a corresponding reduction in the capacity of provincial prisons (table 8).

Jean-Paul Baillargeon References Comite d'etude sur les solutions de rechange a l'incarce*ration 1986 Rapport du Comite d'&ude sur les solutions de rechange a I'incarceration. Quebec City: Ministere du Solliciteur general. Gauthier, Maurice 1986 "Les politiques et les pratiques en matiere correctionnelle adulte au Quebec, 1960-1985." Criminologie 19, no. 1, 239-259. Laplante, Laurent 1991 La police et les valeurs democratiques. Quebec City: Institut qu£b£cois de recherche sur la culture. Ministere de la Justice (Laurent Laplante, pres.) 1980 Le vol a main armee au Quebec. Quebec City: Ministere de la Justice. Ministere de la S6curite publique n.d. Statistiques. Criminality et application des reglements de la circulation au Quebec. Quebec City: Ministere de la Justice and Ministere de la Security publique. Normandeau, Andre, and Jos6 Maria Rico 1985 "La criminality au Quebec: 1960-1985. Tendances et configurations." In Denis Szabo, and Marc Le Blanc, eds., La criminologie empirique au Quebec. Phenomenes criminels et justice penale, 25-65. Montreal: Presses de ITJniversit^ de Montreal. Statistics Canada 1985 "Les actes criminels et la victimisation." In Women in Canada: a Statistical Report. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, cat. 89-503F. Trgpanier, Jean 1986 "La justice des mineurs au Quebec: 25 ans de transformation (1960-1985)." Criminologie 19, no. 1, 190-213.

549

16 Integration and Marginalization

Table 1

Number of Offences, Crimes against Individuals and Property, Rate per 100000 Population, Quebec, 1962-1988 Crimes against

iindividuals

Both* Year

1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 a

Crimes against property p

N

Rate

N

Rate

m N

rRate

110452 122300 135501 133170 148295 171268 191293 217871 227272 220265 224833 283972 311698 336426 337088 322930 320119 384787 446771 472994 457367 431518 442056 457 733 464148 470949 479822

2056 2231 2427 2342 2565 2921 3227 3640 3780 3654 3714 4671 5091 5445 5406 5139 5080 6070 6996 7347 7058 6628 6758 6 955 7097 7144 7228

8066 9418 9732 11018 13408 15227 16659 18159 18274 17969 18553 20809 23858 27223 26866 25345 25202 29176 31 131 32950 31572 30717 32257 33 847 36465 40237 44169

150 172 174 194 232 260 281 303 304 298 306 342 390 441 431 403 400 460 487 512 487 472 493 514 558 610 665

82617 93788 95853 95560 100976 114246 128432 145184 154776 156883 161342 182383 220330 243283 245175 233593 229283 276255 325464 345577 337855 315854 318490 324 945 323005 317376 318155

1538 1711 1717 1681 1747 1948 2166 2426 2574 2603 2665 3000 3598 3937 3932 3717 3638 4358 5096 5368 5214 4852 4869 4 938 4939 4814 4793

Includes: crimes against persons, property crimes and other offences.

Source: Statistics Canada, Canadian Crime Statistics, Ottawa, cat 85-205 (CANSIM, Janvier 1988); author's compilations

550

16.2 Crime and Punishment

Table 2 Number of Offences, Crimes against Individuals, Rate per 100000 Population, Quebec, 1962-1988 Attempted murder

Homicide

Others (assaults, etc.)

Robbery

Year

N

Rate

N

Rate

N

Rate

N

Rate

1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

44 56 45 59 50 63 82 115 134 116 148 134 160 210 196 179 163 181 129 177 183 179 191 207 142 174 154

0,8 1,0 0,8 1,0 0,9 1,1 1,4 1,9 2,2 1,9 2,4 2,2 2,6 3,4 3,1 2,8 2,6 2,9 2,0 2,7 2,8 2,7 2,9 3,1 2,2 3,0 2,0

34 43 52 51 59 54 86 101 113 122 151 167 216 221 303 214 232 242 266 312 288 294 334 315 256 286 254

0,6 0,8 0,9 0,9 1,0 0,9 1,5 1,7 1,9 2,0 2,5 2,7 3,5 3,6 4,9 3,4 3,7 3,8 4,2 4,8 4,4 4,5 5,1 4,8 3,9 4,0 4,0

2 712 3414 2853 2 782 2616 3168 3715 4712 5215 4563 4418 5535 7953 11 163 10377 9780 9610 11052 13061 13691 13172 10748 10403 10502 10170 9750 10371

50 62 51 49 45 54 63 79 87 76 73 91 130 181 166 156 152 174 204 213 203 165 159 160 155 148 156

5 258 5893 6776 8 121 10677 11930 12757 13222 12806 13180 13829 14952 15519 15614 15982 15159 15182 17698 17623 18762 17920 19485 21322 22813 25885 30027 33390

98 107 121 143 185 203 215 221 213 219 228 246 253 253 256 241 241 279 276 291 276 299 326 347 396 455 659

Source: Statistics Canada, Canadian Crime Statistics. Ottawa, cat. 85-205 (CANSIM, Janvier 1988); author's compilations.

Year

Men

1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

164 125 123 119 126 132 135 131 129 157 -

Table 3 Victims of Homicide by Sex, Quebec, 1976-1987 Women Total M/W w 205 197 180 186 181 186 191 190 198 219 156 174

61 72 57 67 55 54 56 59 69 62 -

2,7 1,7 2,1 1,8 2,3 2,4 2,4 2,2 1,9 2,5 -

Per 100 OOO pop. 3,3 3,1 2,8 2,9 2,8 2,9 2,9 2,9 3,0 3,3 2,3 2,6

Sources: Statistics Canada, Homicide in Canada, a Statistical Perspective. Ottawa, cat. 85-209; Canadian Crime Statistics Canada. Ottawa, cat. 85-205

551

16 Integration and Marginalization

Table 4 Number of Offences, Crimes against Property, Rate per 100000 Population, Quftbec, 1962-1988 Breaking and entering

Motor vehicle-theft

Common theft

Year

N

Rate

N

Rate

N

Rate

1962 1964 1966 1968 1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

20572 26838 26079 39095 46259 50671 71473 82402 76468 119213 119989 112126 106244 105867 104591 103828 102564 104347

383 481 451 659 769 837 1167 1322 1213 1867 1864 1731 1632 1618 1589 1588 1556 1572

12327 13953 12302 15732 18231 18252 22835 26949 21866 27845 29032 24594 21500 23450 26501 26978 27532 27754

229 250 213 265 303 301 373 432 347 436 451 379 330 358 403 412 418 418

45713 50572 56633 66555 81290 83592 111450 121775 116662 158979 173412 176293 161642 162241 163077 159369 157114 156129

851 906 980 1123 1352 1381 1821 1953 1851 2489 2694 2721 2483 2480 2478 2437 2383 2352

Possession of stolen property

Others (mischief, etc.)

Fraud

Year

N

Rate

N

Rate

N

Rate

1962 1964 1966 1968 1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

678 865 786 926 1117 1113 1195 1358 1263 2162 2223 1869 2224 1 797 2329 2201 1 987 2068

13 15 14 16 19 18 19 22 20 34 34 29 34 27 35 34 30 31

3327 3625 5176 6124 7879 7714 13377 12691 13024 17265 20921 22973 24244 25 135 28447 30629 28 179 27857

62 65 89 103 131 127 218 203 207 270 325 354 372 384 432 468 427 420

19769 29916 33911 46202 54222 44938 67510 65047 65634 90176 94467 87940 84947 91 309 98941 104678

368 536 587 779 902 742 1103 1043 1041 1412 1467 1357 1305 1 396 1503 1601

-

Source: Statistics Canada, Canadian Crime Statistics, Ottawa, cat- 85-205 (CANSIM, jarwier 1988); author's compilations.

552

-

16.2 Crime and Punishment

Table 5 Number of Adults Sentenced, Imprisoned and Admitted in Correctional Institutions. Rate per 100000 Population. Quebec, 1978-1987 Federal facilities'3

Provincial facilities' Year 1978-1979 1979-1980 1980-1981 1981-1982 1982-1983 1983-1984 1984-1985 1985-1986 1986-1987

Prisoners

Rate

Admissions

Rate

Prisoners

Rate

Admissions

Rate

1705 1494 1781 2118 2416 2567 1742 1792 1722

27 24 28 33 37 40 27 27 27

18051 18434 20380 21620 26741 24888 17267 18437 16835

286 290 318 331 413 384 265 282 260

2622 2613 2722 2907 3023 3080 3028 3161 3252

41 41 42 45 47 47 47 48 50

1091 951 1046 1574 1208 1052 1106 1214 1110

17 15 16 24 19 16 17 19 17

a. Sentences of less than 24 months. b. Sentences ol 24 months and over. Source: Statistics Canada, Adult Correctional Services in Canada, Ottawa, cat 85-21 1, author's compilations

Table 6 Median Age of Sentenced Adults and Female Percentage, Quebec, 1978-1987 Provincial Custody' Year

Federal Custody"

Median age

% women

Median age

% women

26 26 26 26 26 27 27 27 28

5 6 6 6 6 6 6 7 7

25 26 26 25 27 29 28 30 29

4 3 2 1 2 2 1 2 1

1978-1979 1979-1980 1980-1981 1981-1982 1982-1983 1983-1984 1984-1985 1985-1986 1986-1987 a. Sentences of less than 24 months. b. Sentences of 24 months and over.

Source: Statistics Canada, Adult Correctional Services in Canada, Ottawa, cat. 85-211

553

16 Integration and Marginalization

Table 7

Percentage Distribution of Admissions for Sentence in Provincial Correctional Institutions by Length of Sentence Anticipated, Quebec, 1978-1987 Year

Less than 30 days

30 to 1 79 days

180 to 364 days

365 days or more

Median number of days

71 71 72

66

17 17 16

20

6 6 6

6 6 6

7

22 22 22

23

70 66 59 59 57

17 18 24 25 27

7 7 9 8 8

8 8 8 8 8

13 13 22 23 24

1978-1979 1979-1980 1980-1981 1981-1982 1982-1983 1983-1984 1984-1985 1985-1986 1986-1987

7

Source: Statistics Canada, Adult Correctional Services in Canada, Ottawa, cat. 85-211 -

Table 8

Normal Accomodation Capacity, Correctional Institutions for Adults, Quebec, 1978-1987 Year 1978-1979 1979-1980 1980-1981 1986-1987

Federal facilities

Provincial facilities

2997 2810 2815 3676

3088 3005 3005 2737

Source: Statistics Canada, Adult Correctional Services in Canada, Ottawa, cat. 85-211

554

16.3 Emotional Disorders and Self-destructive Behaviours Abstract. Although serious mental illnesses have not been on the increase, the need for psychiatric-care services is growing. Suicides have continued to increase, reaching epidemic proportions among young men. The number of heavy consumers of alcohol and Tiard" drugs appears to have stabilized.

Growth in the amount of psychiatric care does not mean a deterioration in the mental health of the population Although no satisfactory definition appears to have been found for mental health (Comit6 de la sant