Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement 9781512817294

Table of contents :
Contents
I. Introduction
II. The Administration
III. The Commanding Officers
IV. The Commanding Officers (continued)
V. The White Patrolmen
VI. The White Patrolmen (continued)
VII. Negro Personnel
VIII. Negro Personnel (continued)
IX. The Negro Press
X. Summary
XI. Recommendations
Appendixes
Selected Readings

Citation preview

RACIAL FACTORS AND URBAN LAW ENFORCEMENT

RACIAL FACTORS AND URBAN LAW ENFORCEMENT

William M. Kephart University of Pennsylvania

PHILADELPHIA

UNIVERSITY

OF

PENNSYLVANIA

PRESS

© 1957 by the Trustees of the University of Pennsylvania Published in Great Britain, India, and Pakistan by the Oxford University Press London, Bombay, and Karachi Library of Congress Catalogue Card Number: 56-13431

Printed in the United States of America

Contents

I Introduction II The Administration III The Commanding Officers IV The Commanding Officers (continued) V The White Patrolmen VI The White Patrolmen (continued) VII Negro Personnel VIII Negro Personnel (continued) IX The Negro Press X Summary XI Recommendations Appendixes Selected Readings

PAGE

9 26 39 57 75 96 108 123 146 158 165 183 207

I Introduction purpose of the present survey was to learn something about the integration of Negroes into the Philadelphia Police Department. The study was not undertaken because of the assumption that Negro police morale was high—or low, or that integration had succeeded—or was failing. It was hoped that the survey would accomplish two things: (a) Provide the Philadelphia Police Administration with an analysis of some of the more important areas of race relations within the police force. An analysis of this kind, it was hoped, might aid the administration in the formulation of policy, not only at the daily operational level, but also in terms of the possible utilization of survey findings in police educational and training programs. It was hoped, too, that such a survey might be of value to other urban police departments and persons interested in the policy phases of Public Safety. (b) Provide social scientists with statistical and descriptive material from which inferences and hypotheses can be drawn and tested relative to a broader consideration of the framework of race relations, both at the theoretical and practical levels. It was possible, for example, in terms of study-design, to formulate and test certain hypotheses within the confines of the interacting group» under consideration. It is believed that some of these hypotheses have a potential application to much broader areas. Thus it was found that white patrolmen who had, THE INITIAL

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as defined herein, "unfavorable" attitudes toward Negro patrolmen were prone to overestimate grossly the percentage of Negro arrests in their district, as compared to the estimates of white patrolmen holding favorable opinions. In the light of a detailed statistical analysis a more general hypothesis suggested itself: "The attitude of a person toward a minority group relates to what might be called his perception of that group, or the extent to which that group is 'visible' to him." And in view of the importance of attitude-measurement today, this latter hypothesis would seem worthy of future verification, refutation, or revision and modification. Along the same empirical lines it was possible to inquire into relationships between expressed opinions about Negro policemen and Negro offenders and such variables as length of service, education, amount of association with Negroes, et cetera—relationships which, in general, are of concern to social scientists. However, such findings are only of peripheral interest to persons who are charged with administering a large police organization. What these men are concerned with are factors which bear directly on the effectiveness of police functions. They are little concerned with academic hypotheses relating to generalized theories of intergroup relations or to the structural analysis of minority group membership. They are vitally interested in concrete behavioral phenomena, such as whether white policemen resent taking orders from a Negro sergeant or captain, or whether white patrolmen object to riding in a red car with a Negro partner; they are interested, that is, at least to the extent that the aforementioned attitudes might be found to interfere with the ever-difficult job of maintaining law and order. A large portion of the present study, therefore, was devoted to practical questions of the type just mentioned. An attempt was made, also, to discover whether racial

Introduction

11

discrimination operated at any of the command levels; whether Negro patrolmen were being promoted to responsible positions commensurate with their ability; whether, perhaps, Negro policemen were in some instances "seeing" discrimination where none, in fact, existed. After a series of preliminary interviews was held it became apparent that in certain respects attitudes and experiences of Negro policemen take on meaning only in terms of parallel attitudes and experiences of white policemen.The Negro policeman's feelings about promotions, or his attitude toward Negro offenders, for example, cannot be appreciated unless the reader is given some idea of corresponding perspectives on the part of white patrolmen. In consequence, the scope of the study was widened to include not only an analysis of the interaction between Negro police and Negro offenders, and between Negro police and white offenders, but also between white police and Negro offenders. All in all, a wealth of information was collected, coded, and analyzed. But the most difficult task was yet to come. How to write the report so that it would be readable and meaningful to persons engaged in daily police activities, and at the same time present the requisite methodological and statistical material which could be utilized by social scientists working in the area of intergroup relations? It was not an easy undertaking. Some compromises were necessary. For example, insofar as the social scientist is concerned the present report probably contains an overabundance of case histories. And from the view of the police administrator there are probably too many statistics. T h e aim throughout, however, has been to reach both groups of readers. In the interest of clarity, statistical and tabular material have been presented as simply as possible; in fact, detailed data pertaining to attitude-scaling and multi-correlational factors have been omitted from the present volume. Since this latter material is of interest

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Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

to specialized groups of sociologists and social psychologists, it was felt that one of the professional journals would provide a more appropriate medium. Nevertheless, it is the hope of the writer that both social scientists and those engaged in urban police work will find enough pertinent material in the report to justify the time and money spent on the project. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

So far as the writer is aware, the present study is the first of its kind to be undertaken in the United States. It was made possible through the co-operation and whole-hearted support of three people: Dr. Martin P. Chworowsky, Dr. Jeremiah Patrick Shalloo, and Police Commissioner Thomas J. Gibbons. Dr. Chworowsky, Director of the University of Pennsylvania Albert M. Greenfield Center for Human Relations, was responsible for alloting the financial assistance necessary for the study. Upon his shoulders also fell the task of acting as a kind of Public Relations Director for the project. Large-scale studies of race relations invariably arouse a certain amount of resentment on the part of both the minority and the majority groups involved, and the present survey proved no exception. There were a few individuals and groups (including some local V. I. P.'s) who felt the study "would do more harm than good." Dr. Chworowsky lent his full support to the project, however, and his tactful and ever-pleasant manner in dealing with people, although time-consuming on his part, meant that the study was able to progress on schedule. Dr. Shalloo, Professor of Sociology at the University of Pennsylvania, and Chairman of the Philadelphia Crime Commission at the time the study was undertaken, was responsible for the project getting started. The original idea was solely his, as were some of the plans that later

Introduction

»3

developed. In the course of his varied criminological observations, Dr. Shalloo was once heard to remark that a detective "is an honest man who thinks like a thief." Jerry Shalloo, himself, might be characterized as a sociologist who, when the occasions calls for it, can think like a cop. At any rate, his dual role served the present study well. Both Dr. Chworowsky and Dr. Shalloo spent many hours in conference with the writer, and it was from these discussions that the study assumed its form. After listening to the proposal, Police Commissioner Gibbons gave his approval to the study. There were no strings attached to the approval. The writer was given the authority not only to check records, but to "go anywhere and talk to anybody on the police force," and to this end a foimal letter of introduction, signed by the Commissioner, was supplied. Perhaps it would have been safer for the Commissioner to have refused to authorize the study. The head of a metropolitan police department inevitably comes to be a public target, and the present study simply added another ring to the target's circle. Some adverse repercussions arose during the course of the project; and perhaps there will be further vociferation—in the form of denials—when this report is published. However, whatever reverberations were felt by the Commissioner after the study had begun, none was communicated to the writer; as a matter of fact, aside from the initial interview—wherein approval was obtained and Commissioner Gibbons stated his own views on race relations within the police force—the writer never set foot inside the Commissioner's office, except to present him with a typed copy of the finished report. In the interest of improved race relations, it is indeed gratifying that Commissioner Gibbons had the stature to permit the investigation of his own department on a subject which, by its very nature, gives rise to so much misunderstanding and ill-feeling.

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With regard to the mechanics of the study. Chief Inspector Charles Newns, since retired, provided invaluable aid. The writer had little prior knowledge of urban police structure, and this information was patiently supplied by Inspector Newns. As liaison officer it was he, also, who procured records, supplied lists of police personnel, and otherwise cut through red tape in order to make the interviewing program a rewarding and pleasant experience. Inspector Franklin Luckman, former Commander of the Second Police Division, and Captain William Butler, head of the Seventeenth Police District, gave generously of their time in explaining the intricacies of division and district command functions. Sergeant Edward Payne—since promoted to the rank of Deputy Inspector—gave the writer the benefit of his experience in helping to formulate some of the questions pertaining to Negro police morale. Albert Brown, President of the Fraternal Order of Police (F. O. P.) when the study was undertaken, furnished psychological backing when he permitted the project to be explained at one of the regular meetings of the F. O. P. Dr. Arnold Rose, of the University of Minnesota Sociology Department, read the completed manuscript in its entirety, and a number of his suggestions were incorporated in the final text. T o all of the above, as well as to the many others who co-operated in the study, the writer wishes to express his thanks. Portions of the present study have appeared in sociological journals, and the publishers have granted special permission to reprint this material. Parts of chapter V appeared in the American Sociological Review, Vol. 19, No. 4, 1954. Parts of chapter VI appeared in the American Journal of Sociology, Vol. LX, No. 1, Copyright, 1954, by the University of Chicago. Portions of chapter VIII appeared in the Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology, and Police Science (Northwestern University School of Law), Vol. 45, No. 3, 1954.

Introduction

15

ORGANIZATION OF THE PHILADELPHIA POLICE DEPARTMENT

In the decades following the First World War, police departments—especially those which service metropolitan areas—have undergone vigorous changes. They have become increasingly mechanized and mobile. T h e installation of radio and teletype systems revolutionized police communication systems. Improvements in coding and filing, the perfection of fingerprinting, the adoption of the lie-detector, the classification of criminals by the use of I. B. M. machine methods, and the utilization of a host of specific crime-detection techniques—all of these factors served to change much of the over-all strategy of police operations. This change was necessary, not only as a result of improved criminal techniques, but also because of the sheer numbers of people living in and around urban centers. As a result of these developments the metropolitan police force has become exceedingly complex, both in organization and in function. It has become necessary to recruit a higher type of personnel to handle police work, and also to provide lengthier and more comprehensive training programs. In these respects the Philadelphia Police Department has been no exception. Today the city's streets are patrolled by some 600 vehicles,* most of which are radioequipped; 1,256 police call-boxes are available to the public. The Communications Unit of the Police Department includes radio, telephone, city and state teletypewriter systems, and motorized mail service. Through the radial switchboard and its associated apparatus Philadelphia Police can communicate directly with the Pennsylvania State Police at Harrisburg. Branch channels also * Including Red Cars, Emergency Patrols, Black and White Can, Police Vans, Squad Cars, Tow Trucks, Mobile Crime Laboratories, and various types of Motorcycles. The cost of fuel alone for these vehicles runs to more than a half-million dollars per year!

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radiate to Allentown, Bristol, Chester, Easton, Lansdowne, Media, Norristown, Pottstown, Reading, Swarthmore, Upper Darby, Ardmore, and Wilmington. Through the state teletypewriter system it is also possible to communicate with the police of Connecticut, Delaware, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Rhode Island, Vermont, Virginia, and Washington, D. C. Some idea of the work-load of the Communications Unit can be seen from the following statement, quoted from the 1955 Annual Report of the Philadelphia Police Department: "During the year 1955, the Police Communications Unit printed a total of 3,194,302 Bulletins, Procedural Directives, General Orders, Training Manuals, Wanted Car Digest, Lost and Stolen Articles, Missing Persons, Stolen and Recovered automobiles." (p. 9) For the reader who is unfamiliar with police organization and function it might be well to describe briefly the Philadelphia Police System, which is more or less typical of the systems found in all large industrial cities in the United States. The Philadelphia Police Force is comprised of a variety of differing functional units, although the bulk of the city's law-enforcing activities is handled through its twentyfour police districts. The districts operate on a round-theclock schedule, with new shifts of patrolmen reporting at 8:00 A.M., 4:00 P.M., and 12 midnight. Each shift includes a street sergeant, who is the immediate supervisor of the man-on-the-beat, and a house sergeant, whose duty it is to book the offender, take care of certain paperwork, et cetera. In charge of each district is a captain, who is responsible for the enforcement of law within his district, and who is "on call" practically at all times.* The districts vary both in geographical size and in the * Midway during the present study certain changes in police organization were introduced, including the establishment of the rank of lieutenant.

Introduction

»7

number of assigned police personnel, depending largely on the incidence of crime in that area. While all districts contain both foot patrolmen and patrol cars ("red cars") most of the city today is being covered by the latter. The district policeman is expected to cope with all types of criminal actions. The cop-on-the-beat (foot or patrol) is not a specialist. In the course of a day he may experience anything from a call involving wife-beating to one of murder. He is called in such minor offenses as streetbrawling; but he is also first on the scene in the event of an armed robbery or a race riot. It is probably true that the effectiveness of an urban police force cannot rise much above the efficiency level of the district personnel. It is for this reason that the present study has focused on the uniformed patrolman and his immediate superiors. For administrative purposes the twenty-four Philadelphia Police Districts are grouped into six divisions, each representing a geographical section of the city (South, Central, North-Central, Northeast, West, and Northwest). Each division—made up of from three to five districts—is commanded by an Inspector, who is responsible for the supervision of the captains in his division. Above the division inspectors, in command, are the chief inspectors, the deputy commissioners, and the commissioner of police. All of these higher echelons have offices in City Hall. It is here that policy is made and transformed into action through the chain of command: division inspector, district captain, sergeant, patrolman. While the district personnel, numerically, represent the largest segment of police activity, there are a variety of other functional units in the police department, each of which plays a vital role in the maintenance of law and order and the apprehension of law violators. These units include the Highway Patrol, Foot Traffic, Motor Harbor, Accident Investigation, Communications, and many others. Each of these specialized units is commanded by an

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inspector or a captain, and the chain of command operates in a manner umilar to that outlined above. in addition to the uniformed personnel operating out ot uocn tne districts and specialized units, the Philadelphia Police Department maintains a large detective division, and it is the latter which carries on the bulk of the criminal investigation. For administration the detective division is broken down into a number of subdivisions, and while these subdivisions are located in certain District Station Houses, they have their own commanding officers (a lieutenant or a captain) and their chain of command operates through detective channels rather than through the uniformed ranks. The two chains of command—uniformed and plain clothes—merge only at the highest levels: deputy commissioner and commissioner. The Detective Division parallels the Uniformed Ranks in that in addition to the division personnel there are also specialized detective units. These include the Homicide Squad, Intelligence Squad, Labor Squad, Missing Persons Squad, Safe Squad, Pawn and Junk Squad, and others. These specialized plain-clothes squads operate out of Detective Headquarters at City Hall, and maintain their own commanding officers. While detectives occasionally work with uniformed personnel, the two duties, in general, are quite different, hence the different chains of command. Incidentally, from the point of view of police work, the job of detective is a desirable one. If they could hold assignments of their own choosing, most uniformed patrolmen would pick the job of detective. The Philadelphia Police Department also includes a Police Academy, where both rookies and regulars attend courses on a year-round schedule, an Accounting Division, a Research and Analysis Section, a Sanitation Unit, a Criminal Identification Unit, a Records Section, a Central Complaint and Radio Room, a Ballistic Laboratory, a

Introduction

»9

Chemical Laboratory, a Mobile Crime Unit, a Juvenile Aid Bureau, a Morals Squad, a Policewomen's Unit, and others. Numerically speaking, the Philadelphia Police Department is large—and getting larger. When the present study was begun in 1952-53 the Force numbered 4,224 personnel, exclusive of civilian employees. In May, 1956, the number was 4,708, which makes the Philadelphia Police Department the third or fourth largest in the country.* City-wide arrests in 1955 totaled 90,514, and in addition some half-million traffic and parking summonses were issued. Also, of course, the police are responsible for routine duties such as school crossings, parades, athletic contests, civil defense drills, fires, and a hundred-and-one other things. As a matter of fact, so numerous have the various police duties become that in recent years it has been necessary to utilize supplementary and auxiliary personnel. In addition to the uniformed police, or "regulars," civilian employees in 1955 totaled 437. In recent years the use of School Crossing Guards has been authorized, and in a highly successful program their number has grown to 630. In 1952 the organization of a Philadelphia Police Reserve was approved by both the City and the State Legislature. Wearing virtually the same uniform as regulars, the Reserves are assigned on foot-patrol duty over the week ends, participate in all civil defense drills, assist during parades, football games, et cetera. Currently there are 1,205 Reserve Police on the active rolls. It is unfortunate, in a sense, that the average citizen has so little awareness of the daily operational functions of his own police force. More awareness on his part might well result in a better understanding of policemen and a more receptive attitude toward police problems. Many social • New York's, Chicago's, and possibly Detroit's are large. See page 1S5 for complete figures.

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scientists, also, are little aware of the operational tasks confronting the patrolman and his commanding officers. For example, despite the fact that they regularly teach courses dealing with race relations, criminality, and urbanization, most sociologists have had little or no experience in the general area of "police problems." On page 20 of the aforementioned Annual Police Report the editor has listed some year-end figures for 1955 which illustrate the magnitude and diversity of presentday police operations. Included were the following: 576 4,066 14,650 17,858 2,677 4,227 3,723 10,708 6,842 14,571 244 1,222 3,935 8,029 671 10,047 101,975

Suicide attempts Missing persons Fires reported to the police Autos investigated Dog-bite cases Police escorts Burglar alarms Dangerous highway conditions Damaged and defective traffic signals Persons investigated Lodgers cared for Abandoned autos removed Properties found open Hospital messages delivered Dangerous wires and poles Premises investigated Disorderly groups

When coupled with the aforementioned 90,000 arrests and half-million parking and traffic cases, the above figures are indeed impressive. It is the view of the writer that no matter how well-intentioned any police administrator or commander may be apropos of race relations within the police force, his daily workday is taken up with more pressing problems. When the various relationships be-

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Introduction

tween Negro and white police are discussed in the present volume, therefore—especially as they relate to administrative and command personnel—the reader would do well to keep in mind the long list presented above. S T A T E M E N T ON

METHOD

Preliminary conversations with police personnel indicated that there was at least a four-way view of the relations between Negro and white police: (a) The administrative view, as seen from the offices of Commissioner, Deputy Commissioners, and Chief Inspectors; (b) The command view, as seen by the inspectors, captains, and sergeants; (c) The view of the white patrolmen, and (d) The view of Negro police personnel. While there is some overlapping of these perspectives, in many ways the matter of race relations means something different to each of the four groups, and the methodological problem became that of devising the most effective means of recording the four views at the same time staying within the budget and time schedule allowed for the study. The administrative personnel were few enough in number (one commissioner, three deputy commissioners, two chief inspectors) so that all of these men could be interviewed. Their position is reported in the following chapter. The divisional, district, and specialized unit commanders were much larger in number, but still small enough as a group to permit a feasible interviewing program. It was originally intended to interview a 30 per cent random sample of these men; however, in the process of collecting questionnaires and other information it was necessary, at one time or another, to meet with most of the commanding officers, and on such occasions an interview usually resulted. All told, forty-six commanding officers (more than 75 per cent of the total) were interviewed. Included were four of the six divisional inspectors;

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Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

twenty of the twenty-four district captains; commanding officers (inspectors or captains) of the Highway Patrol, Motor Bandit Patrol (since disbanded), Juvenile Division, and Traffic Division; commanding officers (captains and lieutenants) of four of the seven detective subdivisions; commanding officers (captains, lieutenants, sergeants) of specialized units such as Homicide, Narcotics, Pawn and Junk, Intelligence, Safe, and others. The interviews averaged about an hour each, and were carried on either in their unit headquarters or at the men's homes in the evening. (The interviewing schedule can be found in Appendix # 1.) It might be added that all of the commanding officers were most co-operative. They answered questions freely and seemed quite willing to discuss the various facets of race relations in their jurisdiction. Apparently many of them had never had an opportunity to do so before. Their viewpoints are reported in chapters III and IV. The most difficult part of the study involved the white patrolmen, who numbered more than 3500. The number was obviously too large to attempt to reach them by means of interviews. On the basis of informal conversations with some of the men, preliminary interviews with certain commanders, together with interviews with a number of Negro members of the force, a questionnaire was constructed, comprising some thirty items. During its construction it became apparent, because of the diversity of assignments within the police force—traffic, motor bandit, highway, detective, et cetera—that a single questionnaire applicable to all duty assignments would not only be unwieldy but would require an excessive amount of time in distribution and collection. Inasmuch as the bulk of all metropolitan police activity centers around the police district (precinct), it was decided to restrict this phase of the study to district patrolmen. As a result, it was possible to make the questionnaire simple and at the same

Introduction

*3

time include pertinent questions relating to specific duty assignments. (See Appendix # 2.) A total of 2,101 questionnaires was distributed, and 1,081 (51.5 per cent) were returned—a very gratifying figure, and one probably larger than that obtained in most mail questionnaire studies. Further details regarding the distribution and return of the questionnaires—as well as their content—will be found in chapters V and VI. It was decided originally to handle the Negro district patrolmen in the same manner—through questionnaires; in fact, a corresponding questionnaire was actually drawn up and ready for use. However, in view of the small number of Negroes on the force—approximately 150 at the time of the survey, 103 of which were assigned to district work—it was felt that the analysis afforded by the questionnaire method would have little statistical significance. The decision was made, therefore, to use the questionnaires as schedules (See Appendix # 3), and to gather the information directly through personal interviews. From district personnel lists a 30 per cent random sample was drawn, comprising thirty-two Negro patrolmen, and each of the latter was interviewed at his home. In addition nine other Negro policemen—in higher ranks and in nondistrict assignments—were interviewed. These men were selected by the writer because of their rank or experience. The forty-one interviews averaged about an hour and a half in length, several of them taking the better part of an afternoon or evening. The men were highly responsive. For most of them it was the first time they had ever talked over their problems with a white man. Their story is told in chapters VII and VIII. There was no particular time sequence in the gathering of the various data. Interviews with commanding officers were interspersed with interviews of Negro personnel. Allegations made by one group were used as the basis for additional questions to the other groups. When no inter-

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views were scheduled, results from the written questionnaires were analyzed, and these findings (without revealing them as such) were woven into the fabric of the interviews. Thus, while certain questions were asked of all interviewees, as the study progressed and the various points of view became known to the writer, it became possible to pursue and explore additional avenues of information. In this manner the entire interviewing procedure became more rewarding in terms of content. A minor difficulty of the present study was the fact that like all metropolitan law-enforcement agencies the Philadelphia Police Department is in a constant state of change. T h e writer was concerned, among other things, with certain numerical factors: numbers of Negroes on the force, numbers in the various ranks, number of Negro arrests, et cetera, and, of course, these numerical components changed during the course of the survey. Some men died; others were hired; some were promoted, others demoted; many were transferred or retired. Some units were abolished; new ones came into being. Between the time the study was begun (1952-53) and the time the finished report went to press (1956-57) nearly all of the police administrative positions in City Hall had been filled by new personnel. Similarly, most of the district and divisional command posts had changed hands. Many of the changes in the higher command and administrative echelons stemmed from the results of competitive civil service examinations. It might be well, therefore, for the reader to keep the following information in mind. T h e present study was initiated in 1952-53, and the initial figures for both the police table-of-organization and the Negro arrest rate pertain to this period. T h e questionnaires were distributed, collected, and analyzed in 1953. Except where otherwise noted, interviews were conducted during the period 1953-54. T h e last figures dealing with the police table-of-

Introduction

«5

organization and city-wide arrest rates were collected in 1956 and pertain to the period 1955-56. In terms of time orientation, specific reference dates will be mentioned as the various phases of the study are presented. vox POPULI In the pages which follow it will soon become apparent that many white police personnel have, in varying degrees, unfavorable opinions about Negroes. It would have been most surprising had this not been the case, inasmuch as similar opinions are held by many persons of all occupational groups—be they lawyers, laborers, teachers, or baseball players. Whether police are more (or less) prejudiced against Negroes than are other occupational groups is not known to the writer—or to anyone else—and the present study should not be construed as an attempt to supply an answer.

II The Administration point of the police administrators (Commissioner, Deputy Commissioners, Chief Inspectors) race relations constitute an additional headache in a job in which the aspirin-needs are already high. In this connection, race relations would include both those within the police force and those involving racial interaction between the police-and-community and between police-andoffender. A policeman who, through the years, has worked up to the highest levels of command and administration, knows perfectly well that he will be faced with political pressures, graft and corruption, factional strife, attacks by the press and by special-interest groups. Needling and harassment of this kind, while deplorable, come hardly as a surprise, and one measure of the administrator's success is the extent to which he can resolve these difficulties without violating either his own integrity or his responsibility to the community. On the other hand, the police administrator comes to his job much less prepared to deal with problems which are racial in nature. In handling daily routines of police administration and in formulating over-all policy he can draw on manuals, textbooks, precedents, and the opinions of colleagues or other persons whose judgment he respects. In his attack on crime he can utilize a variety of technological and legal aids. But when he is attacked by the press for alleged discriminatory practices by white patrolmen FROM THE

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The

Administration

*7

against Negro offenders, or when he is faced with the realization that most white patrolmen object to riding in patrol cars with Negroes as partners, the police administrator has no valid source to which he can turn for guidance. Policy on racial matters is difficult to formulate and, indeed, were he to attempt to formulate such policy, the attempt itself would likely be termed "discriminatory" by some groups. As a result, racial problems are handled individually, as they arise, with the hope that they won't crop up too frequently. The fact of the matter seems to be that, as they pertain to police work, race relations are in many ways similar to those found in society at large, and it is questionable whether the former can advance much beyond the general societal level. EXTENT OF THE PROBLEM

It is probably safe to say that race relations within the police force do not loom very large, as viewed by the administration. The latter certainly does not consider them to be of the same magnitude, say, as problems stemming from political pressures, incompetence of personnel, or the continuing high frequency of most types of crime. Most administrators would perhaps question whether there was much of a race "problem" within the police ranks. As a matter of fact, when first asked about the status of Negroes on the police force, the initial reaction of some of the administrators was to point out that if a Negro policeman has the ability, there is virtually no assignment or rank on the force that he cannot attain. (This statement is literally true, although few Negro policemen would believe it.) It was also pointed out to the writer that Negroes were working side by side with whites in patrol cars, that they were then presently assigned to such units as Highway,

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Motor Bandit, Juvenile, et cetera, and that they were well represented in the Detective Division; also, that Negroes had attained the rank of house sergeant, street sergeant, detective sergeant, and district captain. These statements are quite in keeping with the facts, although it is also true that at the time of the interviews instances where Negroes and whites were riding together in a patrol car were comparatively rare, and that the total number of Negroes above the rank of patrolman (as of 1953) amounted to less than a half-dozen, and that practically all of these were "acting" rather than permanent ranks. OPINIONS ABOUT NEGRO POLICE

"Why are there so few Negroes on the police force, and why are there so few in the ranks of sergeant and higherf" As it turned out, these questions were to become perhaps the most important in the entire survey. They were asked of all groups that were interviewed, and the various answers provide a fascinating study in racial perspectives. These viewpoints will be examined in detail throughout the present volume, and in chapter VIII the writer will give his own interpretation. The administration's reaction to the questions was uniform, and the following replies are typical. "I don't know why, exactly—they (Negroes) just don't seem to pass the exams." "No special reason that I know. They just haven't done so well on our examinations." The examinations referred to are civil service examinations. Before he is appointed to the police force an applicant must achieve a satisfactory grade on the qualifying examination. Once he has been appointed to the force, the patrolman's promotions are based largely on further competitive civil service examinations. While these written

The Administration

*9

examinations are not the only determining factor—either in initial appointment or in subsequent promotions—unsatisfactory test scores can eliminate a man from consideration. After the preliminary stages of the interviews were completed, further questioning revealed that not only are many of the administrators cognizant that Negroes are underrepresented on the police force, but if they could they would like to increase the Negro personnel—both in total numbers and in the higher ranks. "We need more Negroes on the force. You tell us how to get them." "As I mentioned before, they don't seem to do well on the exams. It's too bad—we could use them." "We need some good young Negroes—there are lots of openings available today." "We're anxious to get qualified colored personnel. They're especially useful in detective work. What's the answer?" T o the question relating to the Negro policeman's general police efficiency: "Sure they're doing a job—same as the whites. No difference as far as I can see." "In general, there isn't much difference. Oh, there are some of them that are misfits, but that's true of some white policemen, too." "It depends a great deal on the individual man. In general, some good, some bad—like everybody else. They don't come before the police trial board any more than white police." "On the whole, they're as good as the whites. In detective work, maybe, they're a little more effective in some types of colored neighborhoods. There aren't too many, though, who seem qualified to handle administrative work." T o the question, "Are there any assignments you feel Negroes are not suited for?"

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"None at all." "Can't think of any." "Any job is open to them—if they're qualified." "I never heard of any complaints about them on any job—because they were Negroes, that is. Why should anybody complain? If a man does his duty, what's the difference what his color is?" Along the lines of the latter reply, the question was asked, "Have there been cases where a white community complained because a Negro patrolman was assigned to that area?" "Never, to my knowledge." "Never—and I've been in Philadelphia police work a long time." "Never heard of a single one." "None; in fact, we transferred a Negro from a white district—it was a routine transfer—and the people came down here to City Hall and petitioned to see if they could get him back again. . . ." If the statements of the administration are taken at face value, there is no discrimination in terms of job or rank operating at this level. Some of the administrators volunteered the information that they were opposed to the idea of interracial marriage or extensive social mingling with Negroes, but that in terms of police or other employment, individual ability should be the deciding factor. On the basis of these and other statements, the writer inquired why it was that Negroes were not assigned to certain specialized units—Traffic, for example: "There were some Negroes there, but they requested transfer." "No special reason. If there's an opening, any man can apply for a transfer, and if we're satisfied we'll make the assignment." "I don't know where those rumors start—about certain groups being kept out of certain units—I've heard 'em

The Administration

3«

myself. But assignments come from this office, or that one right there, and I can tell you the rumors are false." "I never heard of any of them wanting to get in there. If they did I never heard about it." THE ADMINISTRATOR'S POSITION

It is entirely possible, of course, that the administration was telling the writer what they thought he wanted to hear; this possibility confronts anyone who attempts to ascertain racial opinions by means of the personal interview. It is possible that both rank and assignment discrimination exist on the police force through administrative design, similar to the discrimination practiced in so many other employment areas. As will be seen in a later chapter, this view is held by some of the Negro police personnel. It is not shared by the present writer. T h e writer is of the belief that the administration is sincere in its desire to see an increase both in the number of Negroes on the force and in the number in the higher ranks. There are several reasons for this belief. In the first place, after interviewing large numbers of policemen of all ranks, an interviewer comes to get the "feel" of the situation; that is, he has accumulated enough factual information, in terms of the over-all picture, to attempt an assessment of the honesty of the person being interviewed. Incidentally, policemen, as a group, do not appear particularly adept at hiding their thoughts or feelings. Whether or not there is a "police personality" might make an interesting academic study. For what it is worth, the writer's impression was that policemen—and this would include all ranks rather than merely the higher levels currently being discussed—are characterized by a forthrightness or even a bluntness in manner. They are not verbally fluent, nor are they "clever" in utilizing mannerisms, expressions, or gestures to mask their real feelings.

3«

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

The interviewer's job is made easy because of the policeman's reluctance to pull any punches. He has a firm conviction about what is right and what is wrong, and during an interview he has little hesitancy in expressing his beliefs. Interviewing handbooks stress the need to establish "rapport" before proceeding to the crucial questions. Were he to follow a uniform procedure of this kind in the case of policemen, an interviewer would often waste valuable time. It is problematical whether the policeman's personality is, in good part, the result of the type of work he is engaged in, or whether this is a selective process hinging on the type of man who is attracted to police work. Whatever the reason, the bugaboo of the non-valid response failed to materialize, and it is believed that this will become self-evident in the chapters which follow. On the basis of a personal assessment, to repeat, the writer is convinced that the present administration is quite fair in its dealings with Negro members of the force. In the second place, there is evidence that the administration is assigning Negro police to positions of responsibility even though civil service requirements severely limit this process. While the administration does not have the authority to promote a man who has failed to qualify on the written examination, it is possible to give a man an "acting" rank, pending such examination. It is also possible to assign a man to a responsible job—in the detective division, for example—without an examination, and, prior to the civil service examinations of 1953-54, it was in these latter categories that Negroes were being given an opportunity—especially in the detective division. In discussing the matter of "acting" ranks and assignments, one administrator made the following remark: "There was an opening in the . It was the kind of job that called for a high degree of responsibility. We put (a Negro) in the job, even though I felt—and others now agree—that there were white police who could handle

The

33

Administration

the job better. Why does he retain that job today? It makes for better all-around relations." In the third place, the Negro population of Philadelphia is increasing so rapidly, and the crime rate among Negroes is so high, that it is to their own best interest for the ad-

ministration to try to maintain a large and efficient body of Negro personnel on the force. The following United States Census figures show the extent of Negro population growth in Philadelphia: Year

1910 1920 1930 1940 1950

Total

Population

1,549,008 1,823,779 1,950,961 1,931,334 2,071,605

No. of Negroes

Per Cent of Negroes

84,459 134,229 219,599 250,880 376,041

5.5 7.4 11.3 12.0 18.2

Sources: United States Bureau of the Census, Population (1910 and 1920 figures) Volume III, 1920, p. 867; (1930 and 1940 figures) Volume II, 1940, p. 210; (1950 figures) Series P-B 38, 1950, p. 116.

Approximating 25 per cent of the City's 1955-56 population, Negroes comprise a considerable vote-potential, and as such they are a sizable political factor. Beset as he is by a variety of pressure groups, the police administrator has no desire to add the Negro group to the list—which would surely happen if it could be shown that a discriminatory policy was being followed at the highest police levels. The high Negro crime rate is another reason why the police administrator needs a strong Negro element on the police force. While it is true that no one can say how much "crime" occurs, the differential arrest rates are striking. Whereas they comprise, say, one-fourth of the city's population, more than one-half of all arrests involve Negro violators; for many of the felony arrests the Negro ratio is considerably higher. While the matter will be touched on briefly in the final chapter, it is beyond the scope of the present study to

34

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

analyze the various reasons that are alleged to account for the disproportionate number of Negro arrests; suffice to say that this phenomenon exists in most metropolitan areas where Negroes are present in large numbers, and the foregoing figures have been presented merely for illustrative purposes. T o the police administrator it is unlikely that the term "Negro problem" conjures up thoughts of equal rights or fair employment. T o him, the term is probably more closely allied to the crime problem. It was stated awhile back that race relations within the police force did not loom as a very large problem to the police administrator. But it should be added that the interrelationship of race and crime in the city is of great importance. Since the Negro arrest rate is high, and the number of Negro police has been relatively small, a large share of all arrests involve a white patrolman and a Negro offender. In view of the frequency of such cases it is no wonder that allegations of "race prejudice" coupled with "police brutality" occur. These allegations are carried by the Negro Press, and the latter, together with other groups such as the N.A.A.C.P., demand an investigation. The extent to which differential treatment of Negro offenders actually does exist will be shown in later chapters; however, irrespective of their validity, the allegations are a headache to the police administrator. If there were a sizable number of Negroes on the police force, ill feeling of this kind, although it would not be eliminated, would certainly be reduced. The following account, for instance, was related to the writer: "There was a case awhile back in the District, where a colored offender was shot and killed by a policeman. One of the first questions I asked was whether the policeman was white or colored. When I heard he was colored, I tell you, frankly, I felt a lot better." It is true that there have been no large-scale race riots in Philadelphia, such as those in Detroit; however, there

The

Administration

35

have been some racial flare-ups, and the police administrator never knows whether one of the latter may develop into a full-blown riot. In this respect, his apprehension over the racial aspect of arrest is understandable. T h e final reason for believing the administration is fair in the handling of Negro personnel is the fact that there has been a substantial increase in the number of Negroes appointed to the police force. In the years 1953-1956 there has been almost a fourfold increase in the number of Negro policemen. There has also been some increase in the number of Negroes appointed to the ranks above patrolmen. In Philadelphia, as in all other large cities in the United States, Negroes continue to be underrepresented on the police force. As will be explained in chapter VIII, however, this underrepresentation seems to stem not from discriminatory personnel practices but from the failure of large numbers of Negroes to qualify on the civil service examinations. In general, the current police administration gives every indication of fair play as regards the treatment of Negro personnel. ADMINISTRATIVE

DEFICIENCIES

While the administration is apparently fair in its handling of Negro personnel, channels of communication are formalized in such a way that individual needs cannot easily be expressed. For example, if the Negro patrolman feels that he is being unfairly treated in the matter of assignment, there is little he can do about it. Being a semi-military organization, orders come from the top down, with little effective communication from the bottom up. From the view of the Negro policeman there is no pipe line whereby dissatisfactions reach the administrative levels. T h e complaints that do come to the latter's attention do so in the form of individual gripes, and are con-

36

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

sidered in the same light as complaints by a white policeman. As one of the administrators said, "If there are organized complaints we don't hear about them. Personal complaints come to our attention from time to time, but not 'Negro* complaints." T h e point is not that the morale of the Negro police is lower than that of the whites; but it is true that Negro police often have problems and questions which are different from those of white police, and it would seem expedient that a procedure be devised wherein these problems could be raised without fear of recrimination. In terms of the structure of the police organization, the administration would have to initiate the proceedings. The writer's own suggestion will appear in the concluding chapter. Another matter on which the administration seems to have been remiss has to do with the delegation of assignment authority to the district captains. Once a man is assigned to a district, his specific assignment or beat ordinarily becomes the responsibility of the captain of that district. The captain, in turn, can delegate some of the authority to the street sergeant. This same policy of assignment delegation is followed, in general, by all military-type organizations, and is quite necessary in a chain-of-command system. However, while the present police administration seems to be assigning personnel solely on the basis of merit, some of the district commanders have apparently been using skin color as one criterion for assignment. Some captains and sergeants have been reluctant to assign a Negro patrolman to a red car; in fact, throughout the city at large, prior to the civil service examinations of 1953-54, Negroes regularly assigned to vehicles were relatively few in number. Similarly, there were relatively few Negroes being trained for the job of House Sergeant or assistant House Sergeant. In fairness, it should be mentioned that many Negro patrolmen voiced preference for a foot beat, especially the older men; also, from the point of compe-

The

Administration

37

tence many Negroes should be assigned to foot rather than to car or clerical duty. But as of the time of the interviews it would seem that not all of the Negro assignments were defensible on these grounds, and the administration had apparently not looked into the matter closely. One reason for this, perhaps, is that until the present survey was made the matter had not been brought to the proper attention of the administration. T h e point is not raised by the captains, of course, and the Negro patrolman who feels he is discriminated against, again, has no practicable way of voicing his complaint. Since all communications are supposed to go through channels, the average patrolman, white or Negro, is understandably reluctant to go over the head of his immediate commanding officers. This is one reason why the high command, in any militarytype organization, is prone to overestimate the morale of the men. In any case, since the above-mentioned assignment inequities had not been effectively brought to their attention, and since the administration has been besieged daily with a variety of seemingly far weightier problems, the assignment of Negro personnel within the districts, until recently at least, has not received proper study. T o repeat, if anything is to be done about the matter the necessary steps must originate at the top. They will not come from the bottom up. THE RACE "PROBLEM"

With regard to the over-all question of whether there really is a racial "problem" on the Philadelphia Police Force, the answer would probably depend on one's perspective. In the writer's opinion, no major problem exists. On the other hand, it was evident from the interviews and questionnaires that from time to time racial irritations do occur. Whether it is necessary for a major problem to manifest itself before steps are taken to improve

38

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

morale, is a question for the administration to decide. It is hoped that the following pages will aid them in their decision. It should be reiterated that the Negro crime problem in Philadelphia is a staggering one. If, in the ensuing chapters, more space has been devoted to it than might be expected in a survey dealing with Negro policemen, the writer feels that in view of the size of the problem, any opportunity to gather relevant information should be grasped.

Ill The Commanding Officers

GENERALIZED OPINIONS

(Division Inspectors, District Captains and Sergeants, Specialized Unit Commanders) evidence a variation in their opinions on racial matters, most of the men interviewed seemed to fall into one of three groups. At the one extreme, constituting about 10 per cent of the interviewees, are those commanders who are actively concerned with the welfare of the Negro. They believe that Negro members of the force, as a whole, are efficient, and in several cases, outstanding. They point with pride to specific Negro police in (and out of) their command who are "doing a real job." These commanders also take an active interest in race relations within the community. They are well-liked by local Negro leaders; they attempt to maintain peaceful relations with the Negro Press; they are understanding in their dealings with Negro offenders, feeling that the latter are being victimized by circumstances initiated and perpetuated by whites. At the other extreme—comprising about 15 per cent of those interviewed—are commanders who are just as sincere in their belief that Negro police are not carrying their share of the law-enforcement burden. They point to individual Negroes in their command who "don't make any arrests." They feel also that within the community, Negroes, by and large, are a reprehensible and incorrigible element. They are loud in their denunciation of the Negro Press; they make no attempt to work with and through ALTHOUGH

COMMANDING

OFFICERS

39

40

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

the Negro community; they are acquainted with few or none of the local Negro leaders. The majority—about 75 per cent of the commanders interviewed—believe that Negro police efficiency is no different from that of the whites; that there are "good and bad in both groups." These commanders, also, have become soured on the Negro community as such, and many of them make little or no effort to take any intracommunity action. There is no gainsaying the fact that a large majority of Philadelphia police commanders are highly critical of certain patterns of Negro living. The term "race problem" to the police commander is likely to signify Negro crime, delinquency, sexual immorality, gambling, drunkenness, and brawling. All the commanders interviewed are highly cognizant of the disproportionate arrest rate in Negro areas, and with relatively few exceptions place the burden of blame upon the Negro himself. The minority point of view is fairly represented by the following commanders' statements: "Sure, Negroes commit a lot of crimes—it's obvious. But so do the poorer class of whites. And I'll say this—Negroes are a lot more appreciative of anything you can do for them. If you want to know why their crime rate is so high, come with me and I'll show you. I can take you to Negro 'apartments' where there's a dozen people sleeping in two rooms. You wouldn't believe the kind of places they have to live in. I've always tried to work through the Negro community; I try to get the people to think of the cop as their friend, not as their enemy. I tell them—any time you have a gripe my door is open. They come in to see me, too. I've had lots of talks with the community leaders. Hell, I go to their meetings and discuss problems with them; they had a Colored Elks parade, and I was invited to sit in the reviewing stand . . . I think it meant a lot to them when I accepted. Here's a case: we used to have

The Commanding

Officers

4»

a lot of young colored fellows hanging out on street corners —nothing serious, but they were boisterous, used foul language, made a nuisance of themselves. I could have had them picked up, but instead I talked with some of the local leaders—told them the problem—and they cleaned it up!" "Well, I'd answer your question this way. On the one hand it's obvious that the Negroes are responsible for most of your crimes. On the other hand, you find a high crime rate among your poorer whites. I don't think race has anything to do with it, except maybe the Negro has always been picked on. He figures he doesn't owe the white man anything, and who knows—maybe he's right. I've been on the Force a long time, and I know that where you find poverty and slums you find crime. Take your own case. I'll bet a dollar to a doughnut none of your friends or neighbors have ever been in jail. Outside of a traffic violation I'll bet they never have any reason to talk to a policeman. Yet I can take you to sections of this citywhite and colored—where almost everybody on the block has had a run-in with cops. No, it's a matter of education and upbringing rather than race. Some people think the Negro is wilder by nature than the white, but I don't think it's true. An educated Negro doesn't give you any more trouble than an educated white. And a poor white'll give you just as much trouble as a poor Negro. But you have to realize there's a lot more poor Negroes than poor whites. I know a lot of the boys on the Force think the Negro is more aggressive, but I never had much trouble that way. It depends a lot on your attitude. If you treat colored folks like human beings they'll act peaceful enough. As I said, they've never given me much trouble." T h e following statements are probably a fair representation of the opinions of the majority of commanders: "The crime problem in Philadelphia is largely a Negro problem. Look in any jail and you'll see what I mean. They simply have no respect for law and order. Criminals

42

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

and ex-cons are heroes in some colored neighborhoods. What happens when Negroes are allowed in a new housing project? The place goes to pot in no time, like what happened in the Project. The way I look at it is this: suppose you had two towns, one white, the other colored. Then suppose all the cops in both towns took a holiday for a few weeks. The white town would go on—things wouldn't change much—people would keep themselves pretty much in line. But the colored town would be like a jungle in a couple of weeks." "There's no doubt about it. The Negro is a menace in this city. Half of 'em don't even want to work—they want to get on relief. Lots of 'em don't bother to get married— they just live together. Seems like their favorite hobbies are drinking, gambling, and whorin' around. Look at the court figures and you'll see what I mean." "It's the Negroes who cause most of the trouble in this city. They have no regard for life or property. The young ones—the school kids—are the wildest of all. Ever see 'em when they get out of school? They act like crazy. I think it starts in the home—they don't get the proper training. I looked out of my window here last week—saw a young colored boy stealing Christmas tree balls off the trees across the street—up here people have the trees out on the lawns. I sent one of the men out to pick the kid up. We took him to his mother. Do you know what she did? Nothing! Didn't even yell at him. If that had been my kid he'd of had a warm bottom, all right." "Most of the arrests in our district are of Negroes. Check the records at City Hall for the serious crimes—armed robbery, burglary, homicide—you'll find seventy to eighty per cent of them Negroes. I don't know what it is. I know it isn't all their fault. God knows, they live under horrible conditions. But you'd think they'd want to earn the respect of the whites. We've had a lot of immigrant groups in this city—they never caused much trouble, and they had it

The Commanding

Officers

43

tough, too. Did you ever hear of a Chinese getting arrested? They take care of their own criminals. Nothing like that among the colored, though—they don't seem to think anything's wrong—just blame it on the whites." " T h e Negro crime rate is high—and it seems to be getting higher instead of lower. It must be education. They leave school too early—seem to want to get rich quick. That's why gambling appeals to them so much. Now some Negro neighborhoods are all right. They keep the places nice and clean, never give you any trouble. But other neighborhoods, they just don't seem to care how they live." "Negroes are trouble makers, everybody knows it. They don't seem to live like other people. They're poor, certainly, but that's because as soon as they make a buck they spend it. Most Negroes never see the inside of a bank. Talk to 'em about saving for a rainy day and they'll laugh at you. I was talking with some cab drivers last month— you may have read in the papers about a lot of the drivers being held up late at night—and they happened to mention that most of the holdup men were colored passengers. I asked them how come they were always driving around colored neighborhoods late at night. Know what they told me? They said that most of their fares were colored people. A young Negro gets a good job and it goes to his head. He doesn't bother to ride the streetcar or bus. Not him. He has to call a cab—rides home from work in a cab just so he can act like a big shot in his neighborhood. Course, when he's out of a job—which is about half the time—he'll turn to stealing. A lot of 'em start with tires and auto parts, and when they try to pull a big job they get caught." "It's the young Negroes that are the big problem today. When you read in the paper of a shooting war between 'teen-age gangs, they're colored hoodlums. Most of the delinquents sent to the Youth Study Center are Negroes; even the newspapers don't identify them. Some of the

44

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

colored girls are as bad as the boys. We had a young colored girl in here last week. T h e words she used turned my stomach—I don't like to hear girls use those words. I told her she ought to have her mouth washed out with soap." " T h e Negroes give you a hard time. It's not altogether their fault. Besides, a lot of the colored families are good people—I ought to know, I've talked to enough of them. It's that small percentage pocketed in — and that give them a bad name." OPINIONS REGARDING NEGRO POLICE EFFICIENCY

Although they are well aware of the high incidence of Negro crime, and are quite frank in their condemnation, police commanders, in general, feel that no special problem inheres in the supervision and assignment of Negro police personnel. T o the question regarding the over-all Negro police efficiency as compared to that of the white policeman, the majority of commanders could see little or no difference: "It depends strictly on the individual. No difference that I can see." "It's an individual matter. You find good and bad in both races." "No difference. Some of the older colored police aren't worth much, but you have a higher type on the force today." "No, a good cop is a good cop—nothing to do with color." "About the same. I'd prefer going into some colored neighborhoods with Negro police rather than with white police." " T h e younger ones (Negroes) seem to be on the ball. Some of them are crackerjacks." "We only have a few (assigned) here, but they're certainly O.K."

The Commanding

Officers

45

" I t all depends on the individual. Sometimes I feel they (Negro police) do a little better than whites in a colored neighborhood." A minority of the commanders—about 15 per c e n t took a dim view of over-all Negro police efficiency: "Over the years I've found white police are superior." "Once a nigger always a nigger, I say. I could show you records that prove that colored cops won't arrest their own kind. They frighten 'em, but that's about all." " I tell you frankly, I don't think I've ever seen a good colored policeman—and I've seen lots of policemen. I have a couple assigned here—they have no initiative." The above remarks (pro and con) were made by uniformed commanders. In the Detective Division the reaction was about the same. Most commanders reported no difference in Negro-white efficiency; in fact, some felt that in colored areas the Negro detective had an advantage: "There's no difference of that kind. A detective either has it or he doesn't. It's an individual matter." "Negro detectives are all right. Let me tell you, sometimes it's hard for a white detective to get information in a colored neighborhood." "A man is a good detective or he's not. It's mainly stickto-itiveness, whether he's colored or white." " T h e colored detectives I have working for me do a bang-up job." "No difference. It's not true that a colored detective is better in a colored area—just no difference. A good white detective can get just as much information. It's all in how you go about it." "We have some mighty fine Negroes with us. They're invaluable. We could use a lot more like them." "It depends mostly on the individual—also on the assignment. I can think of places where a Negro detective doing investigation work would stick out like a sore thumb. On the other hand, a white detective who walked into a Negro bar would be just as conspicuous."

46

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

"It depends on individual merit, not race. We used to have a Special Squad, commanded by (a Negro). The whole squad was colored. They used to work in colored neighborhoods—did a Hell of a good job. Sure, they were a little rough—you had to be in that kind of j o b but by God, they were keeping down crime. Then the squad was disbanded, and were the colored folks happy! I understand the crime rate shot up after that." A few detective commanders—less than 10 per c e n t were of the opinion that Negro detectives were inferior to whites: "There are good and bad in both races, but as a whole I feel whites make better detectives." "I don't have any Negroes on my squad, and it's no accident. Not long ago I was told by a friend of mine they were gonna ship some in on me. I said, 'Like Hell they will.' " ASSIGNMENT TO RED CARS

It has been stated that the commanders—with exceptions noted—are, in general, fair in their treatment of Negro personnel. But it was also stated (chapter II) that commanders were apparently more prone to assign Negroes to foot duty than to vehicle or clerical work. The writer's interpretation: A minority of commanders—the aforementioned 15 per cent—are of the opinion that Negro police are inferior to white police, and since there is a general feeling on the part of most district police (patrolmen and commanders) that vehicle duty is a somewhat more responsible (and to most patrolmen a preferable) assignment, these commanders are simply not assigning Negroes to vehicles. For the majority of district commanders who are otherwise fair in their handling of Negro personnel, the assigning of Negroes to vehicles presents a problem. T h e

The Commanding

Officers

47

vast majority of districts have only a few Negro patrolmen assigned, as the following table will show: District

A B C D E F G H I

J

K L M N O P

Q

R S T U V

w X

•

Number of Negro Patrolmen Ai

5 3 8 10 3 6 3 24 1 10 0 0 0 1 12 2 2 2 3 2 2 1 2 1

• Letters have no correspondence with actual district numbers. To preserve the confidence of the respondents, neither district numbers nor individual names will be recorded throughout the present volume, f Reported to the writer as of 1953. The number of Negroes per district was increased subsequent to the 1953-54 civil service examinations.

About two-thirds of the districts have no more than three Negroes assigned, and since each district operates on a three-shift basis, this would mean that city-wide, the majority of shifts would average only one Negro patrol-

48

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

man. Since vehicles are normally manned by two patrolmen, the commander is faced with the problem of assigning a white and a Negro to a vehicle. At the time of the survey most commanders were not making mixed assignments of this kind. Interviews with Negro patrolmen revealed that while on occasion whites and Negroes ride side by side in a red car, regular assignments of this kind were rather infrequent. Where a Negro rides in a regularly assigned vehicle, the usual procedure was for him to ride with a Negro partner. When questioned about the matter most commanders replied that men are assigned "according to their ability"; that Negroes are assigned to vehicles "whenever the occasion calls for it." Many of the Negro personnel interviewed, on the other hand, replied that the only time they were given a car was in case of an emergency. In fairness, it should be mentioned that the commander of a police district is not in business to improve the area of race relations, except insofar as it is believed that such improvement has a positive effect on law enforcement. It is the commander's belief that most white patrolmen would object to riding with a Negro*, and conceivably, were he to order a mixed assignment of this kind, on-thejob efficiency of the assignees might be impaired. Negro patrolmen, incidentally, have no particular preference either way. Their choice of a partner rests on the character of the man, and not on his color (chapter VII). And while the police commander is not in business to improve race relations, neither is it mandatory that he perpetuate discrimination. As a matter of fact, from the long-range point of view, discrimination and efficiency appear to be mutually exclusive. At present, whether commanders should arbitrarily assign whites and Negroes to the same • This belief is correct. Based on the questionnaire results (chapter V) 59.5 per cent of the white patrolmen responding stated that they objected to riding with Negro patrolmen; 32.8 per cent had no objection: 7.7 per cent did not answer the question.

The Commanding Officers

49

patrol car if the white patrolmen in question are strongly opposed can be debated either way. For the majority of white patrolmen who resent the idea of a Negro partner, the writer believes the following statements to be revealing: "I have no objection to working with Negroes. There's nothing wrong with 'em. But to have to ride all day with 'em, year after year, is asking too much. I know what you guys are after—civil liberties, racial equality, and all that. But look, we spend more time with our steady partner than we do with our wives. I wouldn't feel comfortable with a Negro—I don't think he would either. It doesn't seem right. We have different ways of life—nothing in common. If you don't get along with the guy you ride with, your life's a Hell on earth." "That's a loaded question, Doc. But to be honest, I wouldn't want to look forward to riding with a Negro every day. He's colored and I'm white, and all the talk in the world won't change the facts. I have nothing personally against colored people—they're good and bad like everybody else. But mixin' with 'em socially is something else. I know it's supposed to be strictly a business proposition, but the man you ride with you've got to like or it's no go. Maybe it would work out in some cases, and maybe it wouldn't. The present system works out O.K., so why stir things up?" "Any white man tells you he wants to ride with a Negro partner is a liar. If we had to, it would be different, but there's enough whites to go around. A Negro policeman ought to ride with another. I don't have any trouble with Negroes on the Force—never have had. They go their way, I go mine. It's that way in all walks of life." "Look, a policeman's job is tough enough without bringing race into it. We don't have that kind of trouble. The Negroes aren't complaining, are they? I don't believe in the mingling of the races. They have a job to do; we

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have a job to do. That doesn't mean I have to eat with 'em or ride with 'em. A Negro doesn't want to ride with me any more than I want to ride with him. Let well enough alone. They say in the future it's all gonna be different; maybe so. I'll be dead then. In the meantime I got my own life to live, and I tell you—I don't like these things shoved down my throat." Personally, the writer believes that some of these remarks are without factual bases, and that if some of the above-quoted patrolmen were to ride with Negro partners no undue conflict would arise; at least, in other occupations Negroes and whites work side by side with no reported loss in efficiency. As a matter of fact, there is evidence—based on army, housing, and industrial studies— which shows that interracial conflict is greater when Negroes and whites are in segregated units than when they are in mixed units. It might be argued, however, that patrol-car work calls for a greater degree of co-operation than in most other occupations, and that it is possible there would be conflict, and that this might lessen the efficiency of both patrolmen. The only way to find out would be to give the system a trial. It should be borne in mind, though, that the trial would be at the public's expense, and this fact should be considered in formulating policy. Another solution is available. Despite the fact that the majority of white patrolmen object to riding with a Negro, a substantial minority (32.8 per cent) have no objections. If these men were assigned to ride with Negroes there is no reason to expect that either morale or efficiency would be impaired. Once the initial patterns were set, it might be that objections on the part of other white patrolmen would tend to decrease, both in number and intensity. If there is a "trend of the times" it would seem to point in this direction. Many of the Negro patrolmen interviewed made statements similar to the following:

The Commanding

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51

"When I first came on the force in the twenties you never saw a Negro riding in a vehicle. I've seen 'em put a car out of commission before they'd let a colored cop ride in it. Of course, in those days you couldn't eat in a lot of white restaurants either. When you went to a movie you sat in the peanut gallery. Today things have changed all around. Some of the captains are pretty fair about it, although there are others who try to keep us off the cars as much as possible." "Things are a lot better than they used to be. Some of the older men are still prejudiced, but the younger fellows take you for what you are, and race doesn't enter into it. I ride the cars more and more, although I personally don't care whether I walk a beat or ride a car. I don't make an issue of it. I know some of the whites don't want to ride with me because I'm a Negro, but it doesn't bother me. That kind of thing is on its way out. I can see it getting less and less." "It used to be murder to try to get on a red car. I mean, in those days there weren't so many cars—mostly foot beats —and the colored man was always assigned to foot duty. But things are better today—not what they should be, you understand—but compared to the old days things are a lot better. Most of the captains'll put you on a car if you're needed, and if you do your job he's satisfied. I'll live to see the day when all assignments are like that. Things change fast. A young colored boy coming on the police force today has it easy." It will be remembered that at the time of the 1953 interviews most of the districts had relatively few Negroes assigned. Subsequent to the civil service examinations of 1953-54, however, the number of Negro personnel increased, and the problem of car assignments, accordingly, had changed somewhat. During 1954-55 the writer held some informal interviews with policemen of varying ranks to see how the car-assignment problem was being handled.

5*

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

The consensus seemed to be that the assignment of Negrowhite teams to a patrol car was more common than it had been. Several of the interviewees, however, seemed to feel that it was a "little too early to tell"; that the recruitment of a relatively large number of Negro policemen had, in fact, brought the car-assignment question into sharper focus, and that it would be some time before a fair assessment of duty-assignments could be made: "It's hard to tell about that in such a short period. Most of the districts have more Negroes assigned than they did a couple of years ago. It's doubtful if some of the captains would change their policy overnight, though. On the other hand, I've seen more red cars manned by a Negro and a white than ever before. In due time I guess it'll work itself out—I haven't heard of any complaints." "More Negro-white teams are riding the cars than before. I guess the main reason is there's more Negroes on the Force. From what I've seen, the recent bunch of Negro rookies are superior—I think some of the older ones were political appointees. I know a lot of them didn't want car assignments." "There's definitely more mixing 'em on the cars than there used to be. I think your survey had something to do with it. I mean, after you came along a lot of the men began to think about the Negro on the police force. I know some of the fellows were suspicious, thought of you as a do-gooder. But like I said to 'em, you didn't have any ax to grind, and I think the survey was beneficial. The young Negroes that were recently put on are a pretty good group, and there's no reason why the car-assignment problem won't solve itself." "In a lot of the districts I see more Negroes and whites riding side by side. It's hard to tell, though. The men are shifted around a lot, and some of the car assignments are only temporary. Then, too, there's been a wholesale change in your commanding officers, luckily for all of us. It'll take

The Commanding Officers

53

a couple of years before you can get a definite answer to your question. Things like that take time." CLERICAL DUTY

Relatively few Negroes were found to be assigned to desk duty (house sergeant, assistant house sergeant, clerks) in the twenty-four districts. T o be eligible for house sergeant a patrolman must qualify on the civil service examination, and failure in this written test is one reason why so few Negroes have been found in this position. There may be another reason, however, and the following statement by a Negro patrolman is definitive: "Well, you have to understand what those (clerical) jobs are; I mean, a lot of the boys don't want any part of them. There's never any action—it's just like an office job. You have to learn what forms to use, and how to handle all the red tape. Well, when I came on the Force all the house sergeants were white. Now, through the years you see what's happened. When they train a man for the job, why naturally the house sergeant works in one of his buddies. Then when he passes the exam he's all set. It's hard for a colored fellow to get any training, so it just goes on and on—white all the way." T h e following comments were made by commanding officers: "It's true, we don't have many Negroes in the desk jobs. They don't seem to have any flair for paper work. Reports and forms and all seem to frighten 'em. I imagine most of the white policemen don't want desk jobs either. In answer to your question, though, I've had lots of Negroes in my command and I don't recall any of 'em that ever hankered to do paper work." "Not many policemen are qualified to handle desk jobs. After all, you have to have clerical ability. You ought to know how to type, file, and all the rest of it. I don't know,

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but I wouldn't imagine many Negro policemen would be interested in something like that." "A few of the boys would rather work inside than out, and I guess that would go for Negroes and whites alike. I know that over the last twenty years I've seen very, very few Negroes doing desk duty. I don't know why, to be honest. I can't think of any special reason. Most cops like a job with action. If Negroes wanted desk jobs I don't think they would be very hard to get." This whole matter of clerical assignments is worth the attention of the administration. From the reports gathered, many colored offenders raise the charge of "race discrimination" when they are being booked in the district station house. Some of the brutality (white patrolmen, Negro offender) alleged in the press is reported to take place in the station house. If there were sufficient numbers of Negroes acting in the role of House Sergeant—especially in those districts with a large Negro population—it is possible that some of the racial antagonism could be averted. The importance of the matter can be seen from the fact that in one-third of the districts, Negro arrests outnumber those of the white by a substantial margin. Negro arrest percentages for these districts are given below: District

A B G I L N O S

*

Per Cent of Negro Arrests 66.4 65.1 57.9 70.1 51.9 61.9 65.3 83.9

• These are districts with a comparatively large Negro population, the arrest percentages being based on 1953 figures.

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A drawback is the fact that very few of the Negro patrolmen interviewed expressed any desire for clerical duty. (From all indications, a large majority of white police also prefer non-clerical assignments.) In view of the fact that policemen, like anybody else, are probably most efficient when they are in jobs of their own liking, the idea of assigning more Negroes to desk activities would have to be studied further. SUMMARY

The writer would characterize the commanding officers somewhat as follows: As a group they feel that the crime problem in Philadelphia is largely a Negro problem. They feel that Negro criminality, for the most part, is explainable neither in terms of low economic status nor in terms of discrimination on the part of the whites. They attribute Negro crime and delinquency, rather, to the prevalence of low moral standards and a looseness in community organization above which the Negro is making too little effort to lift himself. This low regard for the Negro community, as far as the writer could determine, is not carried over in the commander's assessment of Negro police personnel, although perhaps 15 per cent of these commanders have what seem to be generalized anti-Negro sentiments which operate in a manner prejudicial to the Negro personnel in those commands. Most commanders are faced with the question of whether to assign Negroes and whites to the same patrol car, and some have "solved" the problem by assigning Negroes to foot beats. While they did not say so, commanders who follow this policy apparently do so because of potential efficiency-loss due to the reluctance of the majority of white patrolmen to ride with Negroes.

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Although it is too early to tell, fragmentary interviewevidence suggests that in recent months there has been more mixing of Negroes and whites in patrol cars. There is a strong possibility that this particular problem will tend to solve itself in the foreseeable future.

IV The Commanding Officers (continued)

RACIAL

RELATIONSHIPS

BETWEEN

POLICE

AND

OFFENDER

would most white patrolmen prefer to be assigned —white, Negro, or mixed neighborhoods?" The following commanders' responses have been selected as typical: " I never heard the boys talk about it very much, one way or the other. What they really want is to be assigned near where they live. I think some of them prefer white areas, but the younger fellows who want to get ahead and get promoted like colored neighborhoods. There's more doing. They get more experience, learn to meet all kinds of situations." "It depends on the individual. T h e fellows who are bucking for promotion want colored neighborhoods—they get more action. But I don't think most of 'em have any preference. They seldom mention it." "Well, that depends. It's hard to give a general answer. Some cops like action and some like to take it easy. T h e ones that like action don't mind working in a colored area —gives them plenty to do. T h e picture has changed in the last ten years or so. It used to be you had certain colored pockets—certain neighborhoods that were colored, and that was it. Today, more and more you're likely to find colored and white in the same neighborhood or even in the same block. So the assignment question isn't so important any more." "WHERE

57

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Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

"Most of them don't care. The real preference comes from duty and type of assignment—traffic, highway patrol, sanitation, and all. If a man prefers district duty and you put him in a car, he doesn't much care where he's assigned. It's the same in business. The average man thinks about the line of work he's in, about his boss, about his salary, and about the people he has to work with. Whether he works in North Philadelphia or West Philadelphia makes no difference. Maybe he'd like to work close to where his home is, but he knows today that that's unlikely. Same with cops—it's his boss, his fellow workers, etc., rather than geographical location." When the same question was asked relating to the preference of the Negro patrolman: "Well, they don't say anything about it to us. It depends a lot on the man, I guess. I imagine the average Negro policeman feels more comfortable in a colored section." "A lot of 'em would rather be assigned to Negro neighborhoods. They feel they're more effective there. Also, they're looked up to as big shots there, you know. That means a good deal to 'em." "I'm sure the older colored policemen would honestly like to be assigned among their own people. Some of the younger fellows, I don't know. There's a certain kind of Negro—I don't know what it is—he wants to be where the whites are. If whites live in a certain section, he wants to live there. If whites eat in a certain restaurant or belong to a certain club, he wants to belong—know what I mean? Some Negro cops would feel insulted if they thought you were assigning them only to colored neighborhoods." "Most of the Negroes we have on the Force are fairly well up in years. We haven't had civil service exams under the present administration, though I hear there's some coming up. The Negro policemen have been on the force for some time, and if you assign them to colored areas they don't mind, most of them. If you put them in white neigh-

The Commanding Officers (continued)

59

borhoods they certainly wouldn't complain, either. It doesn't seem to be an important issue." "It's hard to say. You'd think they'd like colored neighborhoods. Maybe they do. But I know some of them think you're practicing discrimination if you assign 'em there." Actually—according to the questionnaires returned by the white patrolmen—35.5 per cent prefer to work in a white neighborhood; 3.4 per cent prefer to work in a Negro neighborhood; 20.8 per cent prefer a mixed neighborhood; 36.8 per cent have no special preference. (3.5 per cent of the respondents had no answer.) Practically all of the Negro patrolmen interviewed stated that they preferred to work either in a mixed Negro-white area, or that they had no special preference. Further questioning, however, revealed a complexity of purpose on their part, and a more complete account will appear in chapter VII. "What is your policy regarding assignments; that is, do you find it more effective to assign Negroes to Negro areas, or do you find it less effective, or doesn't it make any difference?" Two commanders reported that they tended to assign Negro patrolmen to colored areas, since "they were more effective there." All the other commanders apparently disregard skin color as an assignment basis. (This was corroborated by the Negro interviewees.) "No, we have no special policy along those lines. It's merit only. I try to assign a man where I think he does the most good. Race doesn't count." "Yes, we have one Negro assigned to this district. It just happens that we have one colored pocket in this districtjust a small section. I have him up there—his beat includes that area. He gets along wonderful with those people— they never give us any trouble." "There are no patterns for those things. Men are assigned according to where they're needed. It's all according to a man's ability."

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Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

"It doesn't seem to make any difference. W e have a lot of colored neighborhoods in this division. T h e assignments are mixed around—no set rules." "No. T h e men rotate on the three shifts. W e don't have picked assignments for the colored police. Some of the beats are more important than others, and I try to put the best men where they do the most good. A man's race or religion has nothing to do with where he's assigned. I think you'll find that true in all the districts." " N o difference that I can see. Men are assigned according to their ability. That's all there is to it as far as I'm concerned." " W h e n I first took over here I thought maybe a Negro cop would do better in a colored neighborhood, but it doesn't seem to work out that way. A good cop is good no matter where you put him—that's one reason he's good. In my experience a white cop that can't get along in a colored neighborhood can't get along in a white neighborhood either." "Do you think the attitude of a Negro violator is any different toward a Negro policeman than toward a white policeman?" O n this item there was little agreement among the commanders, as the following statements will indicate: "I'm not sure. I've seen a lot of cases where Negroes seem more afraid of a colored policeman." " N o difference that I ever saw. T h e y (Negroes) have respect for the uniform, not who's in it." " N o difference. Negroes have no respect for a n y b o d y white or colored. They're just not law-abiding, and there's nothing much you can do about it. I've seen 'em leave here after they've been arrested—it doesn't bother them. T h e y don't care. T h e community doesn't care, either." " T h e (Negro) women show more respect for a colored cop, but the males are just as arrogant."

The Commanding Officers (continued)

61

"It depends a lot on the age and the attitude of the colored policeman. I've seen some colored punks give an older colored policeman a lot of trouble. But if you have a good young colored policeman who knows his business he can command a lot of respect from the colored community. Of course, some of the colored who've just come up from the South—they have no respect for anybody. I wonder some of the colored ministers haven't done something about that situation." "They have more respect for their own kind." "A white policeman is more feared. They ride the colored cops." "No opinion on that point—never had occasion to think about it." "The cases I've seen in here, Negroes would rather be locked up by a Negro policeman." "It doesn't seem to matter. Negroes'll squawk no matter who arrests 'em. If a white cop arrests 'em they yell race prejudice. If a colored cop arrests 'em they claim he's pickin' on 'em." "A Negro neighborhood prefers a colored officer on their beat." "They have more respect for a Negro policeman, if he's a good man." "They don't like policemen, period." "Not much difference. It's the ones from the South that give you the trouble. Northern Negroes know their place." "It depends on the individual policeman. The troublemakers are the Negroes who've just come up North." " I don't believe it matters. The only difference I notice is that it's the young Negroes from the South that cause the trouble." Statements referring to the "trouble makers from the South" were made by fully one-quarter of the commanders interviewed. This observation was also reported by several

6s

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

of the Negro policemen who were interviewed. Remarks to this effect were also made on a number of the questionnaires distributed to white patrolmen. "Do you feel that Negro policemen, on the whole, are easier, more strict, or about the same with Negro violators than with white violators?" Of the three possible answers —"more strict," "about the same," and "easier,"—responses on the part of the commanders were divided about equally. "I think colored officers are a little harder on their own kind." "It varies a lot. On the whole, white police might overlook some things in a colored neighborhood that a colored policeman wouldn't." "I've seen it work both ways: some are definitely stricter on their own kind, and some are more lenient." "I think you get two extremes. Some Negro policemen are definitely stricter, but some go easy. In a lot of cases the question would never come up; after all, if you're shooting it out with somebody it doesn't make much difference whether he's Negro or white." "I can't say what goes on in other districts. The Negro police here are a little easier, I'd say." Results of the questionnaires returned by the white patrolmen showed that 16.2 per cent felt Negro police were easier; 26.3 per cent believed they were more strict; 26.2 per cent believed Negro police treated both Negro and white violators about the same; 27.8 per cent had no opinion; and 3.5 per cent did not answer. It can be seen, therefore, that among white policemen, both commanders and patrolmen have mixed feelings about the matter. It should be mentioned at this point that the majority of the Negro policemen interviewed reported that they found it necessary to be more strict with Negro than with white violators. "Have you ever received any complaints from white communities or individuals because a Negro patrolman

The Commanding

Officers (continued)

63

had been assigned to their neighborhood?" None of the commanders interviewed could remember a complaint of this kind: "In my experience, no." "No. No one ever said anything to me about it." "No, sir. We've had colored policemen on the force as far back as I can remember, and I don't think any white community ever voiced a complaint." "I've heard of veiy few complaints from a white community about any policeman being assigned there. Never heard of a gripe against a Negro." "Not that I ever recall. Policemen are moved around a lot; you have different shifts. I don't believe the average white community even knows who's assigned." "Have there been instances where white offenders showed resentment at being arrested by a Negro policeman?" Again, commanders were unanimous in stating that such instances rarely or never occurred: "Nobody ever complained to me about it, and I never heard of any such case." "No trouble along those lines—none whatsoever." "I've heard an occasional drunk call a colored officer a Nigger; that's about all." "We have trouble in the other instance—white police and colored offenders—but in answer to your question, no." "That's one kind of trouble we've never had." "Plenty of Negroes think they're picked on by white police—but not vice versa." THE NEGRO OFFENDER

T h e treatment of the Negro offender has received much attention in a variety of social science textbooks. While the present study was concerned primarily with the experience of the Negro policeman, the nature of the project

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made it possible to gather information relative to the Negro offender. Therefore, questions pertaining to the latter were asked of the commanders, and of both Negro and white patrolmen. T h e commanders were asked, "In your opinion, is the Negro law violator harder to handle than the white violator?" The patrolmen (white and Negro) were asked: "In your daily experience, have you found it necessary to be more strict with Negro law violators than with white violators?" T h e majority of commanders and patrolmen (both white and Negro) answered in the affirmative. Typical answers by commanders are as follows: "Oh, sure they are. I say to you frankly, when a policeman makes an arrest, he doesn't want any trouble. He's just doing his duty; he makes the arrest and he has to bring the man in. But a colored man seems to want to make a fuss. He starts to swing. T h e arresting officer has no alternative but to use force." "I'm glad you asked that question. The answer is definitely yes. When they're arrested, Negroes are more likely to resist than whites—any cop'll tell you that. Sometimes you have to beat 'em with a club to bring 'em in. Talk about brutality all you want, but they ask for itl" " T h e Negro is much harder to handle. I couldn't name a figure, but a large percentage give you trouble and you have to use force on them. Then it gets in the paperscops beat up prisoner on way to the station house. Maybe there are some cops who are naturally brutal, but all the brutality I ever saw was caused by the person being arrested." "Some Negroes are harder, but when I was a patrolman I never had any trouble. If you're firm, but fair, and treat them decent, why they're O.K." "Negroes are. T o o often they have a chip on their shoulder. We had a case last week. T w o (white) patrolmen were bringing in a young colored boy. He was caught in a knife

The Commanding

Officers (continued)

65

fight—you know, those switch blades—a lot of the colored kids carry 'em. They have this boy between them, one in front and one in back, and they're walking up the steps out there. All of a sudden this colored kid shoves the officer in front of him and kicks the one behind him—right in the groin—knocked the cop down the steps. Sure, when they got through with him, the colored boy is in the hospital. Some colored outfit took pictures of him—head all in bandages. They yelled about race prejudice and discrimination and police brutality. They never even asked for our side of it." "Negroes are harder to handle, especially when they're drunk. It's dynamite then. You have to use force in situations like that. It's not brutality. It's simply that you have no alternative. The arresting officer has to protect himself, that's all. He doesn't want trouble—it's forced on him." Since statements of this kind were so frequent, and inasmuch as both white and Negro patrolmen were also of the opinion that the Negro offender was harder to handle, the question was asked of a certain commander who the writer knew had worked with a variety of Negro civic organizations. This particular commander was friendly with many local leaders, and had established himself as a "friend of the Negroes." This was his interpretation: "It's true. As a group, Negroes are more pugnacious when they're arrested. You know me well enough to take my word for it. Some of the Negro leaders know it, too, although many of them don't want to know it; they'd rather blame it on the cops. Very few patrolmen like to use force—on anybody. Why should they? It's dangerous for themselves. The chances are ninety-eight in a hundred that when you read of a case where a colored offender was brutally treated, the colored man started it. "Of course, there's more to it than meets the eye. It's like this: a colored offender is released from the station house. He tells his friends he was beat up by a white cop—

66

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

maybe he has marks to prove it. He tells his side of the story, of course, not the cop's side. Anyway, word gets around the neighborhood. Then when a colored boy does get picked up, he expects to be beaten and acts up. I've seen some young kids (Negroes) come in here frightened to death. I've talked with them—explained that nobody's going to hurt them. "I don't know what the answer is. I think the Negro press plays up the wrong angle. Sometimes they hurt things instead of helping. It's got so now that some white cops hate to arrest a Negro. They know if there's any trouble the press will play it up to look bad for the cop. I don't know what the answer is. If we could only get it over to the colored community that we don't want trouble any more than they do. . . ." The writer believes that the foregoing account is a reasonable one, although it may be oversimplified. It would not explain, for instance, why the majority of Negro patrolmen also have a more difficult time with Negro offenders; nor would it account for the substantial minority of white patrolmen who report that they do not find it necessary to be more strict with Negro offenders. Many readers would probably raise this question: "Since there seems to be some racial element involved, why not school all patrolmen to be patient and understanding when dealing with Negro offenders?" There are pros and cons to this point of view, and it might be well to examine both sides of the question: (a) Against In the first place, the "patient" approach might have an effect opposite from that desired; that is, patience itself might increase pugnacity. One of the Negro patrolmen interviewed made the following statement: "I've tried all methods, especially with the young colored boys. I've tried being hard-boiled, and it didn't do much good. I've tried to reason and explain things to them and their parents, and that didn't do any good either. Give

The Commanding

Officers (continued)

67

them an inch and they take a yard. Both ways they give you a hard time you don't get from the whites. But I'll say this—if you had to pick one way to treat them, easy or hard, I'd say be hard." T h e following comments were written on the questionnaires returned by the white patrolmen: "You have to be more strict (with Negro offenders); if you weren't they'd run wild. If you show them you mean business they respect you; when you go easy they climb all over you." "You have to be more strict with Negroes. When we had the Special Squad (an all-Negro squad operating in plain clothes) the colored hoodlums were afraid to cut loose. T h e Special Squad kept the thing under control because they knew how to operate—they weren't brutal by any means, but they didn't stand for any monkey business. After the squad was broken up they (Negroes) all started carrying switch blades." " T h e strictness is forced on you. When you make an arrest in an all-colored neighborhood, there's the danger of a crowd gathering and ganging up on you. I never had this happen in a white neighborhood. If you're lenient in a colored neighborhood or if you try to reason with somebody you're liable to get a milk bottle thrown at you while you're talking." T h e above statements are neither typical nor atypical; they simply represent a point of view. It is only logical to expect that some policemen would favor a "be strict" policy. Some criminal-court judges feel the same way, and so do some parents. In the present day and age "strictness" may well be the exception rather than the rule, but whether this is true or not those who defend the strict approach are convinced they are right. In the second place, the very idea of a policeman's adopting a "patient" attitude may be academic. A patrolman who has been clubbed or stabbed while making an

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arrest is not likely thereafter to look with favor on a "kindly" approach. It should be kept in mind that the policeman's clientele are lawbreakers. Patience and understanding might in many ways be admirable qualities, but in some situations the policeman who is "patient" may pay for that trait with his life. One of the deputy commissioners, in talking about another matter, made the following comment: "You've probably heard a lot about trigger-happy cops. T h e press likes to print those stories. But I hate to think of the number of policemen I knew who were shot or stabbed to death simply because they didn't use their gun fast enough." It is easy for the average citizen to believe that a policeman should be quick and tough in some situations while being patient and understanding in others, but in making an arrest it is often difficult to draw the line. Most policemen probably act spontaneously in the light of their temperament and past experience. (b) For On the other hand, it can be argued that one bashed head in a Negro community stirs u p so much illfeeling toward uniformed policemen that, almost irrespective of the provocation, the over-all effect is highly detrimental to subsequent police operations in that area. It would seem expedient, therefore, in a Negro neighborhood, for district patrolmen to bend over backwards in order to maintain harmonious community relations— especially in view of the fact that the Negro is discriminated against in so many other ways. T h e argument that this approach might endanger the lives of patrolmen is a powerful one, and the writer is more cognizant of it than most people. At the same time the argument should not be twisted into a rationalized justification for the arbitrary treatment of Negro offenders. T h e writer will present some statistics in chapter V I which suggest that the white patrolman's treatment of the Negro

The Commanding

Officers (continued)

69

offender does not rest entirely on the latter's belligerence, b u t relates in part to the patrolman's own generalized attitude regarding Negroes. If one accepts the view that a most important function of a district police captain is to get the community to work with him, then it follows that every patrolman in that district is a public relations officer as well as a law-enforcement functionary, and in Negro areas this would have added significance. When a colored community becomes wrathful at the justified clubbing of a Negro felon by a white policeman, it may be that the groundwork for this wrath had been laid by a long series of irritating mannerisms on the part of the district police personnel. T h a t at least a few of the district commanders go along with this idea can be seen from the following statements: "I tell my men over and over again—when you're dealing with people, be polite; for God's sake act like a gentlem a n or we'll never get anywhere in this district. I'm sorry to say a lot of them just can't seem to do it. You know how it is—somebody talks back to them, and then there's an argument or a fight. I know it's tough—they have to take abuse all day long—I can understand how they get fed up. But they don't realize how much harm you can do in a district if you don't use a little patience." "I tell the men, if you have to use force, use it. But I also make it clear that they represent the entire district, and that if they're well-mannered and respectful they'll make their own job a darn sight easier." " W h e n you deal with the public, an ounce of kindness is worth a pound of toughness." "You don't have to get tough. Your uniform is your authority—you don't have to prove it by browbeating some poor devil who doesn't know any better." T h e foregoing arguments have been presented somewhat in detail in order to give some indication of the complexity involved. One thing is certain: on the basis of the best

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Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

statistical evidence available, Negro crime rates show no signs of diminishing. T h e problem is so important that concerted action is needed from all available sources. At the present time, most district commanders are not utilizing any positive programs—either in terms of the treatment of Negro offenders or in terms of working with the Negro community—nor are they even thinking along these lines. It would seem worthy of the administration's attention, therefore, to reassess the role of police commanders and patrolmen assigned to Negro areas with a view toward formulating an over-all policy. RACIAL INTERACTION W I T H I N T H E P O L I C E F O R C E

All of the commanders were asked the following questions: "In your experience have there been any racial conflicts within the police force? Have there been disagreements between white sergeants and Negro patrolmen, or between Negro sergeants and white patrolmen? Or between white and Negro patrolmenf" None of the commanders interviewed could recall any incidents of this kind: "We've never had any trouble like that in this district; fact, I never heard of any in any district. When a sergeant gives an order the men obey. That's it. It doesn't matter who's white and who's colored. Among the patrolmen, Negroes are accepted like anybody else, and we have several assigned here. One of them is just no good—not worth a damn—none of the men like him. But it's not because he's colored—he has no colored friends either." "I don't think there's ever been any trouble in this city. I've been in a lot of districts—as a patrolman, sergeant, and captain—and I never heard of any racial argument." "Never. If there's any resentment it never comes out in the open. I never saw any trouble." "No trouble along those lines. Understand, a white cop

The Commanding

Officers (continued)

7»

would rather work with a white, just the same as you'd rather work with a white than a Negro. But there's no open trouble." " T h e r e haven't been too many colored sergeants and captains to be able to give you a real answer to your question. I'm sure that there haven't been any conflicts up to now. If you had more colored commanding officers, I don't know what the answer would be. My guess is that it wouldn't make any difference. After all, it's a policeman's business to take orders. Otherwise you wouldn't have any police force." "White sergeants have no difficulty with colored p a t r o l men. I think a white man prefers working a detail with his own kind, just like a colored policeman wants to work with his own kind. But when they're all together in the station house there's no trouble—never has been." "No. I haven't seen any. Some years ago I was in a gunfight, and a Negro patrolman was with me. I told my wife about it that night. Next morning she saw our picture in the paper and she said to me, 'You didn't tell me he was colored.' T h e point I'm making is that when you're doing a real job you want a good man with you—his color doesn't make any difference." " I can't remember a single case. I know a lot of white fellows would rather work with a white partner, just like Negroes prefer their own kind. But you never see any arguments when they're all together." T h e above statements, the statements by Negro interviewees, plus the results of the questionnaires returned by white patrolmen, all point in the same direction: (a) Interracial conflict among district personnel seems to be nonexistent, (b) T h e majority of white patrolmen have some objections to riding with Negro patrolmen on a vehicle assignment. However, the commanders are probably rationalizing when they say that a Negro policeman prefers a Negro partner. (See chapter VII.)

7»

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement BRAVERY

"In your opinion, would you say there is any difference in courage or bravery between Negro and white police?" Two commanders were of the opinion that Negro police were "gun-shy." Three of the commanding officers reported that Negroes generally showed more courage than whites. All the others reported no difference: "When somebody's shooting at you it doesn't matter what color you are." "Most policemen are brave men. They have to be or they'd be miserable. We have a few cowards of both races —mighty few, though." "I never heard a report about a Negro cop that was yellow. I've met a few white ones that were, but they didn't stay on the force long." "Well, as I said, I don't think colored cops are much good—they don't make enough arrests. But I'll say this for 'em—I never saw one that ran from danger." "No difference. Some of the bravest policemen I ever saw were Negroes." "You don't understand how bravery works. Once a cop gets the reputation of being yellow, his name is mud on the police force. Nobody wants to work with him. It doesn't matter about race." "I never saw a policeman that was a coward. I hear there are a few—but I never saw any, personally." APPOINTMENTS AND PROMOTIONS

"Why are there so few Negroes on the Philadelphia Police Force? Why do you think they are so seldom promoted?" Most of the commanders had definite opinions on this matter, but there was little agreement. The following answers are quoted somewhat in detail since, as

The Commanding Officers (continued)

73

has been stated, the writer believes this is a very crucial point. "Young colored fellows don't want to be cops. They want to get rich quick. I don't know why those on the force don't get promoted. My guess is they don't want responsibility." "In both cases, I'd say they don't have enough education to make the grade." " T h e younger Negroes today don't really apply for police jobs. In colored communities policemen are regarded as enemies. In some neighborhoods practically every Negro boy has some relative who has been arrested. On the police force itself there are two kinds of cops— those that want to get ahead and those that don't. You know, some cops want a cut-and-dried job, with nothing to worry about. This kind don't take the exams. Most colored cops are content to be where they are, so they don't even bother with the exams. You ask 'em and they'll tell you the same story." " T h e Negroes have their share of policemen—if you check the figures you'll see they have a good number. No, there's no trouble getting on. Trouble is once they're on they can't pass the exams. I think it's psychological; they're afraid of anything with pencil and paper." " I think you're wrong about that. Negroes are well represented in police work. There are several hundred on the force now. We have Negro sergeants and a Negro captain. Lots of them are in the detective division. Of course, we haven't had any exams now for quite a while—none at all since the new administration took over." " I don't know why there are so few on the force. Even the ones we have don't get promoted much. Goodness knows, they take the exams—there's nothing they'd like better than to have some authority over white police. No, they take the exams, but they can't make good scores."

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Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

"They don't have the educational background to do well on exams. I know they're being marked fair, now." "Well, the older Negroes on the force were political appointees. They're not too sharp. The younger ones are all right—of course, the young white boys are good, t o o just a matter of competition, I guess." "In the old days they were kept down. Under (a former Commissioner) they didn't have a chance. Today it's different; it's on the up and up. There just haven't been any exams under the new administration." "We could use some more qualified Negroes on the force, and in the higher ranks. I think a lot of 'em don't take the exams, and those that do don't score high enough." The writer will withhold his own interpretation on promotions until the side of the Negro policeman has been presented. A number of points are involved, and the complete story will require an entire chapter (VIII). SUMMARY

Commanders were virtually unanimous in reporting little or no conflict between Negro police and white police, or between Negro police and white communities or white offenders. T h e majority of commanders have no set policy regarding the assignment of Negro or white personnel to Negro or white neighborhoods. Negro police were reported to be at least as courageous as white police, although the commanders were not in accord as to why Negro appointments and promotions have been relatively infrequent over the years. Commanders are agreed that the Negro offender is harder to handle than the white offender, but at the same time little or no effort is being made to formulate over-all policy which would aim at ameliorating the situation.

V The White Patrolmen

QUESTIONNAIRE

DISTRIBUTION

of white patrolmen was too large to attempt any feasible interviewing program—at least, one that would permit a statistical analysis of the responses—so it was decided to reach this group by means of a printed questionnaire (Appendix # 2). For reasons mentioned in chapter I it was also decided to restrict this part of the study to white district patrolmen. At the time of the survey—and before such units as the Motor Bandit had been disbanded and the personnel reassigned to district work—there were approximately 2,600 policemen assigned to the twenty-four Philadelphia Police Districts. T h e word "approximate" is used since the number on duty varies somewhat from day to day because of sickness, death, transfer, vacation, days off, retirement, suspension, and discharge. All the questionnaires were distributed within a one-week period, and were based on the actual number of white patrolmen present for duty as reported by the commanding officer. At the time the questionnaires were distributed twentythree of the twenty-four distircts were commanded by a white captain. One district was commanded by a Negro with the rank of acting captain. In order to preserve homogeneity in the data, it was decided to treat these two groups separately. Also, since the questionnaires dealt largely with opinions regarding Negro policemen, it was hoped that a statistical comparison of the two groups—one 75 T H E NUMBER

76

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

commanded by white captains, the other by a Negro captain—might prove rewarding. In the twenty-three districts commanded by white captains, 2,101 questionnaires were given out to white patrolmen. The forms were distributed in sealed envelopes by the captains, and were returnable to the districts unsigned and sealed. T h e commanding officers were asked by the writer to "sell" the project as much as possible. In addition, prior to the distribution of the questionnaires, a talk was given before one of the meetings of the Fraternal Order of Police, in which the importance of returning the forms was stressed. By and large, the "promotion" part of the survey was successful, inasmuch as 1,081 (51.5 per cent) of the 2,101 questionnaires were returned. T h e returns varied from district to district—38 per cent in the lowest to 80 per cent in the highest—and seemed to depend almost solely on the extent to which the commander had "sold" the project to the men. Some of the commanders distributed the questionnaires without explanation of any kind; others went over the project in detail, explaining both the nature and purpose of the study. The 51.5 per cent return is gratifying in view of the lower percentage usually returned in mail questionnaire studies. T h e district commanded by a Negro captain presented a special problem. It was realized that the white patrolmen might be reluctant to return questionnaires to a Negro captain since the content dealt with opinions about Negro policemen. T h e writer explained the problem to the Negro captain, and the latter suggested that a talk with the assembled patrolmen might help the situation. Accordingly the writer spoke to the patrolmen who were assembled for the afternoon roll call, and explained the nature of the study. T h e questionnaires were distributed by the captain in sealed envelopes, but the men were instructed to mail the forms directly to the University Research Center. (Stamped, addressed envelopes were enclosed.)

The

White

Patrolmen

77

Despite the co-operation of the captain, of the 160 questionnaires distributed, only thirty-seven (23.1 per cent) were mailed in—a number too small to permit adequate statistical treatment.

D I F F E R E N T I A L ASSOCIATION

Before turning to the questionnaire results, the writer would like to repeat a caution that was sounded in chapter I; namely, that the opinions of white patrolmen who voiced anti-Negro sentiments are no different from those heard in most other occupations. As a matter of record, it might be argued that a policeman who is "anti-Negro" probably has more reason to feel this way than a person engaged in almost any other occupation. With the exception of those few who have always been assigned to allwhite areas, policemen probably have their opinions about Negroes at least partly shaped by their daily experience with them. The "them" in this instance represent the "bottom" Negro element: juvenile delinquents, drunks, dope addicts, sex offenders, thugs, thieves, and murderers. White policemen have comparatively little contact with the majority of Negroes who are self-respecting and lawabiding citizens. It is little wonder that to many police the Negro stereotype is that of an abusive Black who spells trouble.

QUESTIONNAIRE

RESULTS

From the 1,081 questionnaires collected it was possible to run a number of internal statistical comparisons and breakdowns. Before turning to these it might be advisable to give the reader an over-all picture of the opinions of white patrolmen, in terms of both response-percentages and written comments. The present chapter will present

78

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

this over-all picture, with percentages, unless otherwise noted, being derived from the "N" of 1,081. Which vehicle?

(duty assignment)

do you prefer, foot beat or

Vehicle Foot beat Either No answer

53.6 28.5 14.8 S.l

Would you like to hold a higher ranking job (sgt., capt.) or are you satisfied where you are?

Higher Satisfied No answer

67.8 15.2 17.0

Have you ever lived in the same neighborhood Negro families?

Yes No No answer Would you have any objection patrolman?

Yes No No answer

with

36.4 63.2 0.4 to riding with a Negro

59.5 32.8 7.7

On items of the latter kind, space was provided on the questionnaire to permit the respondent, if he so desired, to write in any comment. This particular item was well "commented" upon. A variety of reasons was listed by respondents who objected to riding with a Negro patrolman, but the most often listed objection pertained to the so-called body odor of the Negro. T h e phrase "so-called" is used since, so far as the writer knows, none of the "perspiration odor" tests has ever yielded any racial differences. Typical comments are the following:

The White Patrolmen

79

"The Negro has sweat glands that give off a choking odor." "Yes, my main objection is the body odor of the Negro." "Yes, in the summer time." "Yes. They stink when the windows are closed in the patrol car." "Yes, as they are not clean about themselves and have a strong smell that soap and water can't cure." "Yes—more so on a hot summer day." "How would you like it?" "Nothing against him as a man, but cannot stand his B.O. in close quarters." "Yes, because the Negro is prejudiced to the whites." "East is East and West is West. Why should the majority have to ride with the minority?" "Yes, except in an emergency." "Yes, it is very hard to find things of mutual interest with a Negro." "Yes, our way of living and outlook on life are entirely different." "Yes, because it would hurt good police work." "Yes. One time I was assigned with a Negro. I immediately told my sergeant to take me off and put me on sick list." "Yes, in my estimation they are savages. They have an offensive odor that forty baths a day will not remove. I am also a firm believer in white supremacy." "Yes, it just isn't necessary." "Yes, I believe they should work with their own kind." "Yes—there is a certain odor that comes from these people that I don't want on my clothes. It costs plenty now to keep them clean and neat." "In the winter time No, but in the summer time Yes." "Yes—differences in upbringing and mental attitude creates friction, lower morale and consequently police work suffers."

So

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

"Yes and No; 98 per cent of the colored people are no damned good. T h e other 2 per cent are not employed in the police department." "Yes, I would look for another position." "Yes. Due to the fact that they have low mentality. Negroes have bad use of the languages." "Yes, because of their body odor and low morals." "Yes, because most colored are useless as police and are lady's men and S H O W off's, beside also frequently neglect their duty playing around the women, also can't be depended on when needed." "Well, it depends a lot on the Nigger." " I have nothing against a Negro patrolman, but I would feel embarrassed riding with him." "If they would use a deodorant I would not mind." "No matter how clean a Negro may be, there is always that objectionable body odor, and when riding in a car in the winter with closed windows!" "They have a very distincting odor." " T h e odor created by their pigmentation. . . ." Following are typical comments from respondents who had no objection to riding with a Negro patrolman: "No, he merits the same respect that I give to a white policeman." "It depends on the man, not his color." " I might object to my assigned partner but not for that reason. An intelligent Negro is to be preferred to a stupid boor of any color." "If a man is a good officer his color would make no difference to me." "No. During the last war I found out men were all one color under the skin." "No, if he is a clean, good policeman." "No, if he were fair, conscientious, and friendly." "Would object to some of them—also to some white." "No, if he was of good character."

The White

Patrolmen

81

"No, the color has nothing to do with the man." "No, as long as he was decent—likewise with a white." "No. I have worked with colored policemen." "I don't object to any man as long as he practices the Golden Rule." "No—they seem to have the same feeling of responsibility." "No, as long as he had no objection to me." In general, regardless of the specific question being asked, responses which are unfavorable to the Negro are more likely to be followed by a comment or explanation than are opinions which are favorable or neutral. Also the "anti-Negro" comments are usually much stronger than those that are favorable. T h e latter are likely to be in the nature of "No, if. . . ." (If he is clean, or respectful, or intelligent, or non-prejudiced, etc., etc.) How often have you worked there were Negro families? Quite often Often Sometimes . Hardly ever Never

in neighborhoods

where

59.7 18.9 15.8 4.1 1.5

In your daily experience, have you found it necessary to be more strict with Negro law violators than with White violators? Yes No No answer

51.8 43.8 4.4

Among the comments that were written in were the following (from the "Yes" answers): "Yes, they seem more belligerent and take the attitude they are being picked on because of their color."

8s

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

"Yes, because they have no respect for the law." "We have to be more strict with Negroes because of the crimes they commit, such as strong arm robberies and beating their victims." "Yes, they seem to be a lot more headstrong in the majority of cases." "You have to watch them closer." "Yes, you must keep your eye on them, otherwise they would steal your badge." "Yes, let the Negro think you are the least bit afraid, then you have to get tough." "Yes, Negroes having been involved with the law so often, they hold the policeman in contempt." "Yes, in most cases I have to use force on Negroes." "Yes, they tend to give you more trouble." "More strict with Negro violators. They are usually under alcoholic influence." "I have had rough times with both white and Negro violators and drunks, but I believe the roughest times were caused by Negroes." "You must be very strict or you cannot control them." "Yes, due to the fact they don't respond to orders." "Yes, they seem to think they are always being persecuted." "Yes, they seem to have more disregard for police officers than the general run of whites." "Yes, as they are more arrogant, depending on politics to ease their legal responsibility, and the natural tendency to give them the benefit of the color line." "Yes, they will not listen to suggestions nor take a command—nearly every arrest one has to use force." "Yes, the Negro cannot be trusted. Nearly all of them carry knives and like to use them." "Yes, they resist arrest more often and in a Negro section quite often the crowd attempts to free the prisoner. This happens to both white and Negro policemen."

The White Patrolmen

83

"Yes, if you try to talk to them in a nice way they think you fear them and become arrogant." Here are some of the comments written in by white patrolmen who do not find it necessary to be more strict with Negro law violators: "No, it all depends on the individual, not race." "No. Generally Negroes have more respect for officers than white people have." "No, I treat all violators the same." "Each case is different." "No, because the general feeling in this country today is to overlook some of the Negro's faults." "You must be more lenient or they will claim they are being persecuted because they are Negroes." "No—about even; some people are just quarrelsome, colored or white." "No, there are good and bad in every walk of life." "I don't think this is a fair question. I don't show any partiality." "Not necessarily; ignorant people regardless of race usually accept gentility and compassion as weakness." "No, because as a patrolman you must use good judgment at all times." "Negroes are no different from whites provided they receive the same opportunity and education." In general, do you believe a Negro patrolman should be assigned to a Negro neighborhood? Yes No No answer ..

.76.5 .20.4 . 3.1

Why? (Yes) "Because they always say we are picking on them because of their color, where they can't say it to a colored officer." "A Negro patrolman has access to information a white officer never has."

84

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

"He can get information from his own kind." "They understand them better." "They know the habits and modes of living of their own race." " I think they should police themselves." "Knows his own people." "Because then there wouldn't be any racial friction." "He can talk and understand their language." "So that discrimination would not be mentioned." "Because they would give him information they wouldn't give me." "They think a white patrolman is just looking for an excuse to lock them up." "A Negro violator frequently has race prejudice which causes him to react violently when arrested by a white, but the same man will go quietly with a Negro officer." "They should police their own kind." "He should be better able to handle them, knowing their mannerisms and faults." Why? (No) "Negro patrolmen are not liked by Negro people." "They respect a white man more." "Negroes respect white officers more. Negro officers have to use more force than a white officer to demand respect." "Because in some cases the Negro patrolman would feel that he is being segregated." "Negro private citizens do not seem to respect Negro policemen." "A white man can do just as good or better." "It depends on the officer . . . it just takes common sense to make people in a colored section understand you." "Because Negro violators expect a Negro policeman to be easy with them, making it much harder for Negro police to make arrests."

The White

Patrolmen

»5

"Segregation is bad. If good enough to be a policeman, then good enough anywhere." "In my experience and in working amongst the Negroes they seem to resent colored policemen more so than the white." In general, do you think it is a good thing to have some Negroes on the police force? Yes No No answer

93.7 3.9 2.4

How often have you worked with Negro Quite often Often Sometimes . . . . . . Hardly ever Never Which of the following with? (Check one.)

policemen?

19.4 11.9 34.1 16.4 18.2

statements

would you agree

a. Negro police are easier with Negro law violators than with white violators. b. Negro police are more strict with Negro violators than with white violators. c. Negro police treat both Negro and white violators about the same. d. No opinion on this. No answer.

(16.2) (26.3) (26.2) (27.8) ( 3.5)

Do you think a White community objects to having a Negro policeman assigned to that area? Yes Some No No answer

57.2 8.2 26.6 8.0

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Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

Comments (Yes) "Yes, there are sufficient white patrolmen as to make this unnecessary, but the powers that be are trying to force this down the public's throat." "Any decent white person would object to Negroes." "Yes—I checked this myself in four different communities." ". . . white people don't want to be bossed around by a Negro." "The Negro patrolman would not be accepted." "It might be all right if he knows his place." "There seems to be a certain amount of resentment." "Many white people would resent having a Negro policeman enter their home for any reason." "Yes, because they overexercise their authority." "Yes, they bother white women." Comments (No): "Not generally; I think it would depend on the class of white people, and also on the quality of the Negro policeman." "It's up to the individual and how he conducts himself." "No, if he behaves himself and leaves white women alone." "No, at times the Negro officer gets along better." "Some objection—very little on the whole." "No, but this doesn't pertain to the corner groups whom he tends to antagonize by his presence." "No, if he is a good policeman." At the present time, do you think (check one): a. b. c. d.

There are not enough Negroes on the force? (12.8) There are too many Negroes on the force? (10.5) The number is about right? (38.6) No opinion on this. (38.1)

The White Patrolmen

87

If you had your choice, would you like another type of duty (such as Traffic, Highway, Detectives, etc.)? Yes No No answer

54.4

32.7 12.9

From these figures it would appear that a large number of district patrolmen are dissatisfied with their present duty assignment. However, this may be illusory. Of all those asnwering "Yes" (prefer another type of duty) the vast majority have detective work in mind: If "yes" which type? (N: 588) Detective 89.6 Other (Traffic, Juvenile, etc.) . . . 6.1 Not specified 4.3 If you were given your choice of district would you (check one): a. b. c. d. e.

Like to work in a white neighborhood Like to work in a Negro neighborhood Like to work in a mixed neighborhood Have no special preference No answer

assignments, (35.5) ( 3.4) (20.8) (36.8) ( 3.5)

Would you, or do you, have any objections to taking orders from, a Negro sergeant or captain if he were well qualified? Yes 35.8 No 53.5 No answer 10.7 On a two-man assignment do you think a Negro patrolman would (check one): a. b. c. d.

Rather work with another Negro (42.7) Rather work with a white (18.1) Have no special preference either way (11.0) No opinion on this point (23.2)

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Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

Which of the following statements expresses your own feelings (check one): a. It doe»n't matter to me whether or not Negroes are assigned to my district. b. It doesn't matter to me whether or not Negroes are assigned to my district as long as I don't have to work with them. c. I would prefer not to have any Negroes assigned to my district. d. No opinion on this point.

(41.2)

(28.2) (15.5) (15.1)

At present, do you think the whole matter of NegroWhite relationships on the Philadelphia Police Force is (check one): a. b. c. d. e.

A rather important problem A problem A minor problem No problem at all No answer

(24.0) ( 7.9) (17.7) (46.3) (4.1)

NEGRO N U M B E R S

During preliminary interviews with white police personnel, the writer was struck by the variation in responses when questions were asked regarding "Negro numbers"— numbers on the police force or numbers of Negro offenders. As a consequence, in designing the questionnaire it was decided to include two questions relating to Negro numbers. The present section deals not only with these basic data, but also with the implications of the estimates of Negro numbers, or what might be termed Negro "visibility." The first question was: About what percentage of arrests in your district involve Negro law violators? The actual arrest rates by race for each district were obtained from Police Headquarters.* It was thus possible to compare the respondent's estimate for * Based on a two-month sample (January and July, 1952) totaling 11,134 arrests.

The White

Patrolmen

89

his district with the actual district figure,* with the following results: (N: 915) Overestimated the percentage of Negro arrests.. .75.0 Estimated correctly or underestimated 11.2 No opinion 13.8 If the "No opinion" category is removed, the figures are: Overestimated . . . . 86.9 Correct or under... 13.1 It is clear that most white district patrolmen tend to believe the Negro arrest rate is higher than it actually is; as a matter of fact, they overestimate to a considerable degree, as the following table indicates:

District

Actual Per Cent of Negro Arrests

A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R

66.4 65.1 39.9 31.1 23.8 26.6 57.9 22.2 70.1 11.9 9.2 51.9 26.8 61.9 65.3 27.9 14.8 31.7

Median Estimated Per Cent of Negro Arrests

90 90 85 75 60 52.5 85 50 95 10 10 85 52.5 85 85 60 20 30

• With the exception of five districts. In the collection of the questionnaires from the six police divisions, one divisional clerk failed to keep the district returns separate. This meant that the "estimated percentage of Negro arrests" could not be derived from the five districts comprising that division.

9°

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

While 86.9 per cent of the respondents overestimated the percentage of Negro arrests, and although this overestimation was manifest in all but two of the districts, the above table reveals that the overestimation varies a good deal from district to district. T h e question that raised itself was, "What accounts for the district variation?" Inspection of the individual district estimates led to the following hypothesis: The higher the actual Negro arrest rate for a district, the greater the "overestimation" of that rate. T o test this hypothesis, districts were first arranged in order of the actual Negro arrest rate (column "a" below): a "b" "d" "c" (Actual (Estimated (Per Cent of Negro Negro Overestimation: arrest rate) (100 minus a) arrest rate) c minus a) 70.1 29.9 24.9 95 66.4 33.6 23.6 90 65.3 34.7 85 19.7 65.1 34.9 90 24.9 61.9 38.1 85 23.1 57.9 42.1 85 27.1 51.9 48.1 85 33.1 39.9 60.1 85 45.1 • 31.7 68.3 30 31.1 68.9 75 43.9 27.9 60 72.1 32.1 26.8 73.2 52.5 25.7 26.6 73.4 52.5 25.9 23.8 60 76.2 36.2 77.8 22.2 50 27.8 14.8 20 85.2 5.2 • 11.9 88.1 10 90.8 10 9.2 .8

"e"

H U/ .833 .702 .568 .713 .606 .644 .688 .750 •

.637 .445 .351 .353 .475 .357 .061 •

.009

• Negative values

It must be realized that districts with a high Negro arrest rate have a potentially smaller margin for over-

The White

Patrolmen

91

estimation as compared to districts with a relatively low Negro arrest rate. Therefore, before comparing the actual Negro arrest rates with the estimated rates, a correction was made (columns "b," "c," "d," "e" above) for the "ceiling effect." The figures shown in column "e" are the corrections; i.e., they represent the ratios of overestimation to possible overestimation. The rank order correlation for the figures in column "e" is .78, thus supporting the above-mentioned hypothesis. The fact that this hypothesis is supported by the data may have implications beyond the bounds of the present study. While it is hazardous to generalize on the basis of specialized groups (white policemen and Negro offenders) it is possible that the same progressive or possibly geometric form of increase in visibility would apply to more general groups (Negro-white ratios in schools, factories, or even cities). It may be that as Negro numbers increase arithmetically, their visibility—perhaps up to a certain point—increases exponentially. From our own data, plotted by a variety of graphical methods, it is not possible to demonstrate what this point is or whether, in fact, visibility is exponential. Nevertheless, a general hypothesis of this type, empirically tested within broader social or ecological groupings, might provide a contributory link in a generic theory of inter-group tensions. In order to explore further the implications of Negro numbers, it was decided to test the relationship between the actual percentage of Negro arrests in a district and the opinions held by the white police of that district. For example, aTe the white policemen assigned to a district with a high percentage of Negro arrests more likely to resent riding with a Negro patrolman, to be relatively strict with Negro offenders, etc., than are policemen assigned to a district with a low percentage of Negro arrests? T o answer questions of this kind, the districts were arranged in rank order of their Negro arrest percentages.

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

T h e districts were also arranged in rank order based on their percentage of positive responses to relevant items on the questionnaire; i.e., the district with the largest percentage of respondents who signified that they objected to riding with a Negro patrolman was placed at the top, the district with the smallest percentage at the bottom, etc. Table Appendix "A" shows the rank order correlation between the actual percentage of Negro arrests in the various districts and the percentage of questionnaire-item affirmatives in those districts. Arbitrarily selecting correlations of .5 and higher as having some significance, the following profile emerges: T h e higher the Negro arrest percentage in a district the more the white patrolmen in that district "find it necessary to be more strict with Negro law violators than with white violators" (.52), the more they "believe a Negro patrolman should be assigned to a Negro neighborhood" (.71), the more they would "like another type of assignment, such as Traffic, Highway, Detectives, etc." (.60), the less they "would prefer not to have any Negroes assigned" to their district (--67), and the more they "believe the whole matter of Negro-White relationships on the Philadelphia Police Force" to be "a minor problem" (.60) rather than "an important problem" (-.34) or "no problem at all" (-.26). It can be seen that while the percentage of Negro arrests does influence some responses—especially those dealing with the matter of assignment—for the most part the correlations with questionnaire items are of a low order (twenty-one out of twenty-six below .5). As a matter of fact, most of the correlations are inflated because of the effect of the total (Negro and white) arrest rate on item responses. T h e rank order correlation between the Negro arrest rate and total arrest rate for the districts was .63. (See Figure 3, Table Appendix "A" for itemized correlations with total arrest rates.) In any case, opinions of white patrolmen on most of the itemized racial topics appear to be influenced only

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slightly by the actual percentage of Negro arrests in their district. However, in terms of the "visibility" factor, the crucial question is, "What is the relationship between expressed opinions about Negroes and the estimated Negro arrest percentage?" This association can be tested most satisfactorily from individual rather than district responses, hence these results will be presented in the following chapter, which deals with individual cross-tabulations. T h e second question dealing with Negro numbers was: About how many Negroes do you think there are on the police force? (According to personnel lists supplied by commanding officers, there were, at the time of the questionnaire distribution, 149 Negro personnel on the force, exclusive of policewomen and civilian employees.) T h e following table shows the frequency distribution of the estimated numbers: Estimated Number of Negroes on the Force 0-149 150-249 250-349 350-449 450& over No opinion

PerCent Responding 5.6 15.1 17.0 8.3 16.6 37.4

Excluding the "No opinion" category, the over-all percentages are as follows: Overestimated the number of Negroes on the force. .91.0 Estimated correctly or underestimated 9.0 T h e r e is a marked tendency, among Philadelphia white patrolmen, to overestimate the number of Negro policemen on the force. It will be recalled that this same tendency was shown in regard to Negro arrests. In both instances—estimates of Negro arrests and estimates of Negro patrolmen—the percentage of white patrolmen who overestimated was roughly the same: 90 per cent. It is clear

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that to the white patrolmen as a group, Negro "visibility" is high. It is higher among some respondents than others, and it was thought that, theoretically, this difference in visibility might relate to attitudes toward Negroes. As has been stated, data bearing on hypotheses of this type will be presented in the following chapter. SUMMARY

Based on the results of 1,081 questionnaires—representing a return of 51.5 per cent—it was possible to get some idea of the opinions of white patrolmen as they relate both to Negro patrolmen and to Negro offenders. The overwhelming majority of white patrolmen are in favor of having Negroes on the police force, and only 10 per cent believed there were "too many Negroes on the force." There is very little objection to being assigned to the same district with Negro patrolmen: in fact, the majority of white patrolmen stated that they would have no objection to taking orders from a well-qualified Negro commander. In general, a large proportion of the respondents believe that the whole matter of Negro-White relationships on the Philadelphia Police Force does not constitute a very important problem. Less than a quarter of the respondents feel that "a rather important problem" exists. At the same time, most white patrolmen would object to riding with a Negro patrolman in a vehicle assignment. A majority also believe that a white community objects to having a Negro policeman assigned to that area, the feeling being that Negro patrolmen should patrol Negro neighborhoods. Most white patrolmen grossly overestimate the number of Negro policemen currently on the force. There is also a gross overestimation of the percentage of Negro arrests; in fact, the higher the actual Negro arrest rate in a district,

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the higher will be the degree of overestimation of that rate by the white policemen of that district. Negroes undoubtedly have a high "visibility" to white policemen, although whether it is higher than in other occupational groups cannot be ascertained without utilizing control groups. Such comparisons were excluded from the present study. Criminologists have long maintained that white policemen handle Negro offenders more severely than white offenders, although it has been difficult to "prove it." T h e present study should go a long way toward answering the question, since the majority of white patrolmen say they are more strict with Negroes. T h e y also say, through written comments, that this strictness is necessary because of the belligerent attitude of the Negro offender. A large proportion of the white patrolmen are also of the belief that "Negro police are more strict with Negro violators than with white violators." Further information on this issue of differential treatment will appear in the following two chapters.

VI The White Patrolmen (continued) is of value to learn that the majority of white patrolmen object to riding in a patrol car with a Negro partner, and to show that more than half of the white patrolmen find it "necessary" to be more strict with Negro than with white violators, the social scientist is more concerned with other aspects of the phenomena. Why do some white patrolmen object and not others? Why are some white patrolmen more strict with Negro offenders while others are not? Although the "why" questions, strictly speaking, are seldom if ever answerable, it is often possible to isolate certain group characteristics. For example, the above-mentioned "objectors," in contrast to the "non-objectors," might evidence a lower educational level; or they might be shown to have had relatively little experience in working with Negro patrolmen, or in Negro communities. A number of such hypothetical relationships exist, and based on the items contained in the questionnaire, some of the more important possibilities will be explored in the present chapter. Where practicable, potential relationships will be stated in the form of hypotheses, although some of the associations are verbally too unwieldy to employ the hypothetical form. T o avoid getting bogged down in an academic discussion of the definition of such terms as "attitude," "prejudice," et cetera, the phrase "favorable" or "unfavorable opinion" will be used. For the purpose of this study, white 96

WHILE IT

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patrolmen who signified that they object to riding with Negro patrolmen, or who object to taking orders from a qualified Negro commander, or who believe there are too many Negroes on the force, et cetera, are assumed to have opinions unfavorable to Negro patrolmen. White patrolmen who do not object to riding with Negro patrolmen, who do not object to taking orders from a qualified Negro commander, or who believe there are not enough Negroes on the force, et cetera, are assumed to have opinions favorable to Negro policemen. It will be seen that an assumption of this kind is necessary for semantic reasons. After having read the manuscript, Dr. Arnold Rose commented as follows: " T h e word 'favorable' also has semantic difficulties. An unbiased person should no more be favorable than unfavorable. H e simply doesn't evaluate Negroes in racial terms." This criticism is a fair one, and strictly speaking, the terms that should be used are "unfavorable" and "not unfavorable." In the present context, however, use of a double negative makes for rather unwieldy sentence structure. T h e issue can be resolved if the word "favorable" is taken to denote "not unfavorable." Only a portion of the available statistical material will be analyzed in the present volume, for reasons given in chapter I. Data that are presented should be considered as illustrative rather than exhaustive. Since most readers do not concern themselves with tabular material, all of the tables which form the groundwork for the following sections have been placed in Table Appendix "B." LENGTH OF SERVICE

A number of item-associations were made to see whether the patrolman's length of service had any connection with his opinions about Negroes. No relationship was found, as is illustrated by Tables 1 and 2.

9«

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement EDUCATION

Education, similarly, was found to have no relationship to the patrolman's opinions about Negroes. (Tables 3, 4, and 5.) WORKING W I T H NEGRO

POLICEMEN

Some social scientists feel that prolonged association with members of a minority group tends to soften the antipathy toward that group. One school of thought holds that this "softening" effect can be expected only when the interacting individuals or groups concerned are of more or less equal status. Along these lines, it was possible in the present study to test this hypothesis: The more a white patrolman has worked with Negro policemen, the more likely it is that he will have opinions favorable to Negro policemen. Evidence from the questionnaires supports this hypothesis. More specifically, of those who had worked with Negro policemen "quite often," 50 per cent would object to riding with a Negro patrolman, as compared to 71.5 per cent of those who had "never" worked with a Negro patrolman. The corresponding figures were 27.7 and 42.9 per cent respectively for the item, "Would you, or do you, have any objections to taking orders from a Negro sergeant or captain if he were well qualified?" Similarly, more than twice as many of the "never" group would "prefer not to have any Negroes assigned" to their district as compared to the "quite often" group. For complete tabular breakdowns, see Tables 6, 7, and 8. Findings of this kind, of course, raise the question of selectivity; i.e., white patrolmen with favorable opinions about Negro policemen may have chosen to work extensively with Negro policemen, while those with unfavorable opinions may have shied from Negro contacts. While this

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explanation cannot be ruled out, one of the police administrators with whom the writer discussed the matter stated that in general, white district patrolmen would have little opportunity to choose or reject their working associates. Although work experience with Negro patrolmen appears to have a favorable effect in so far as the white patrolman's opinions about Negro policemen are concerned, there is no carry-over with regard to the Negro offender; i.e., prolonged association with Negro patrolmen has no noticeable effect on the white patrolmen's treatment of the Negro law violator. White patrolmen who had had a good deal of experience working with Negro partners were just as likely to be "stricter with Negro violators" than were those patrolmen who had never worked with a Negro partner. (For details see Table 9.) LIVING IN A N E I G H B O R H O O D W I T H NEGRO F A M I L I E S

From the data collected it was possible to test another hypothesis relating to contact with minority group members: White patrolmen who have lived in the same neighborhood with Negro families are more likely to have favorable opinions about Negro policemen than those who have not lived in a neighborhood containing Negro families. T h e findings support this hypothesis. Of those white patrolmen who had lived in the same neighborhood with Negro families 39.9 per cent would have no objection to riding with a Negro patrolman, while for those patrolmen who had never lived in the same neighborhood with Negro families the figure was 28.7 per cent. T h e corresponding figures were 57.4 and 51.3 per cent for the item regarding "objections to taking orders" from Negro commanders. Also, of the white patrolmen who had lived among Negroes, 10.9 per cent would "prefer not to have Negroes assigned" to their district, whereas of

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those who had not lived among Negroes the figure was 18.1 per cent. Tabular details are contained in Tables 10, 11, and 12. However, a relationship between the white patrolman's living in a neighborhood with Negro families and his treatment of the Negro offender failed to emerge; i.e., those who had had experience living among Negroes were about as likely to be "more strict with Negro offenders" as were those patrolmen who had never lived in a neighborhood with Negro families. (See Table 13.) The possibility of a selective factor operating in terms of residence is much stronger than the possibility of a policeman's choosing his working associates. It may well be that white patrolmen with unfavorable opinions about Negroes move their place of residence when Negro families move into the neighborhood. Thus on the questionnaire, the item, "Have you ever lived in the same neighborhood with Negro families?" would be answered by these patrolmen in the negative. If this explanation is correct, the findings as reported in Tables 10, 11, and 12 have questionable significance. On the other hand, the findings with regard to the "residence" relationship are similar to those found for the "working with Negro policemen" item. In both instances a statistically significant relationship is seen to exist between favorable opinions about Negro policemen and contact with Negroes. And, quite importantly, in both cases no relationship is found between the white patrolman's contact with Negroes and his treatment of the Negro offender. VISIBILITY OF NEGRO OFFENDERS

The question, "About what percentage of arrests in your district involve Negro law violators?" elicited a wide range of responses. While the large majority of white patrolmen overestimated the actual percentage of Negro

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arrests in their district, the overestimation itself showed great variation, some patrolmen overestimating slightly, others by a wide margin. The hypothesis to be tested was the following: The higher the estimated Negro arrest rate*, the less likely it is that the white patrolman making the estimate will have favorable opinions about Negro policemen, and the more likely it is that he will "find it necessary to be more strict with Negro than with white offenders." To make the test, estimated percentages of Negro arrests for each district (excluding the one division wherein district returns were not kept separate) were arranged in rank order. Median estimates for each district were computed, and responses were then placed into three groups: those falling above the median class, those falling at the median class, and those falling below the median class. Data derived in this manner support both parts of the above-stated hypothesis. As compared to the below-median class, the above-median class was much more likely to object to riding with a Negro patrolman or to object to taking orders from a qualified Negro commander. (See Tables 14 and 15.)

VISIBILITY OF NEGRO POLICEMEN

Since the question, "About how many Negroes do you think there are on the police force?" also yielded a wide variation in response, the possibility arose as to whether "visibility" was a more or less generalized trait. The hypothesis to be tested was as follows: A relationship exists between the white patrolman's estimate of the Negro arrest rate and his estimate of the number of Negro policemen on the force. • T h e term "Negro arrest rate" in this and the following section refers to the percentage of Negro arrests in the respondent's own district.

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Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

Comparative data are shown in Table 16, and the results lend no support to the hypothesis. Estimates of the Negro arrest rate showed no statistical relationship to the estimates of the number of Negro policemen on the force. A number of other statistical relationships were explored, using the estimated number of Negro policemen as a variable, but results were generally negative. T h e very fact of negative results, in this instance, is believed to be of importance, since the question that poses itself is "Why is the visibility of the Negro offender a 'significant* item (i.e., why does it relate to unfavorable opinions about Negroes) whereas visibility of the Negro policeman is a 'nonrelated' item?" The answer might hinge on the fact that in the estimates of Negro police the "no opinion" percentage was quite large (37.4 per cent as against a corresponding 13.6 per cent in the case of estimated Negro arrests). Or the answer might depend on the obvious differences between the two groups of Negroesfellow workers on the one hand and law violators on the other. T h e writer's explanation would take into account the fact that the percentage of Negro policemen has been low, while the percentage of Negro arrests is high. It has been suggested that as Negro numbers increase arithmetically their visibility increases exponentially. Since the number of Negro policemen in 1953 was not only small, but had been decreasing, it might follow that their "estimated numbers" by white patrolmen would not be expected to evidence any relationship to unfavorable opinions about Negroes. Such a relationship might be expected only if the ratio of Negro patrolmen were large or increasing. This interpretation, if true, would be applicable to groups other than policemen, and would lend itself, in terms of study-design, to further testing. Attitudes toward Negroes could be compared with their estimated numbers in schools, businesses, or factories where the Negro ratio

The White Patrolmen

(continued)

was small, as against the same comparison in similar organizations where the Negro proportion was large. If interracial tensions are in any way a function of number, and if the manifestation of this function is demonstrably exponential in nature, the element of visibility emerges as a conceptually useful implement. If visibility is not exponential it would nevertheless be of pragmatic value in the general area of attitude measurement, and perhaps in the specific areas of scaling and projective techniques. Thus far, however, the concept of visibility has received little sociological recognition, and in view of this fact both theoretical and research considerations might prove rewarding. At the operational level, if it could be demonstrated that intergroup tensions relate exponentially with minority group numbers or ratios, the educational task would become perceptibly clearer. PROJECTIVE ITEMS

One of the techniques employed by social scientists in the analysis of attitudes and other personality factors involves "projection"—the unconscious tendency of people to believe that others think as they, themselves, do. ("He is like me.") For example, in the present study one of the questionnaire items was, "Do you think a white community objects to having a Negro policeman assigned to that area?" Most of the respondents answered in the affirmative, although neither the administrators, the commanders, nor the Negro patrolmen interviewed could recall a single community complaint. A logical explanation would be that the white patrolmen are projecting their own feelings, hence the following hypothesis emerges: White patrolmen who have unfavorable opinions about Negro policemen tend to project this feeling to white communities. Tabular findings support this hypothesis. Of the white

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patrolmen who object to riding with Negro partners, 75.5 per cent felt that a white community would resent having a Negro policeman assigned to their neighborhood. Of the non-objectors, 26.8 per cent held this belief. For details, see Tables 17 and 18. Continuing in the projective vein, questionnaire tabulations indicated that about half of the white patrolmen believed that Negro-white relationships on the police force constituted some kind of problem, while the other half felt that there was "no problem at all." Tables 19 and 20 show that again a projection, of a sort, is in evidence: white patrolmen who have opinions unfavorable to Negro policemen tend to feel that a problem exists; the others tend to believe that there is no problem. The word "problem," in effect—consciously or unconsciously—is likely to be interpreted by the white patrolman as meaning "problem for me." In view of the large Chi Square values found for the above-mentioned projective items, the writer is of the opinion that a similar-type question-phrasing might prove fruitful in those areas where the investigator is attempting to measure attitudes toward minority groups. One of the difficulties in measuring these attitudes has been the fact that many respondents are reluctant to check items which are obviously unfavorable to the minority group or groups in question, even though the respondents may actually agree with those items. Projective-type items are used to help circumvent this problem. While the value of projection, in this sense, has been known for some time, most projective techniques involve the use of pictures, cartoons, or designs. The adaptability of verbally projective items has not been intensively explored. Data from the present study suggests that an exploration of this type might prove to be rewarding.

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OPINIONS REGARDING T H E ACTIONS O F NEGRO P O L I C E M E N

When the white patrolmen were asked for their opinions on the actions of Negro policemen, 16.2 per cent believed Negro policemen to be easier with Negro law violators than with white violators, 26.3 per cent that Negro policemen are more strict; 26.2 per cent that Negro police treat both Negro and white violators about the same, while 31.3 per cent had no opinion on the matter. The question that posed itself was this: Do white patrolmen who have favorable opinions about Negro policemen view the latter's actions toward colored offenders in a manner different from white patrolmen who have unfavorable opinions about Negro policemen? Table 21 indicates that such is the case: the latter group (unfavorable opinion toward Negro police) tend to believe that Negro policemen are easier with Negro offenders (and to a lesser extent, more strict with Negro offenders), while the favorable-opinion group are more likely to feel that "Negro police treat both Negro and white violators about the same." T R E A T M E N T O F T H E NEGRO O F F E N D E R

When the questionnaire was designed, the writer had a number of specific hypotheses in mind. One of the most important of these dealt with the treatment afforded the Negro offender by the white patrolman. In some of the previous chapters the writer quoted extensively from commanders who alleged that the Negro violator was more belligerent and harder to handle than the white violator. This opinion was corroborated by white patrolmen, the majority of whom felt it was necessary to be more strict with Negro offenders. At the same time, questionnaire tabulations showed that 43.8 per cent of the white patrolmen were no more strict

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with Negro offenders than with white offenders. Theoretically, this latter group of white patrolmen might have been those who rarely had contact with Negro civilians; actually, the "little contact" group accounted for only 5 per cent of the white patrolmen. Other variables—length of service, education, et cetera, were also ruled out on the basis of tested statistical relationships. One area remains to be examined: the relationship between the white patrolman's opinions about Negro policemen, and his treatment of the Negro law violator. The hypothesis to be tested was this: White patrolmen who have unfavorable opinions about Negro policemen tend to be "more strict" with the Negro offender (relative to the white offender), while those whose opinions about Negro policemen are favorable tend to treat both Negro and white violators about the same. Data from the questionnaires support this hypothesis; in fact, the results are among the most striking yet presented. (Tables 22 to 29.) SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

It is clear that the white patrolmen who "find it necessary to be more strict with Negro than with white violators" tend to be the kind of patrolmen who object to riding with Negro partners, who object to taking orders from a qualified Negro commander, who believe there are too many Negroes on the force, or who prefer not to have Negroes assigned to their district. The figures show that whereas 51.8 per cent of all white patrolmen are more strict with Negro than with white offenders, 65.4 per cent of the patrolmen who object to riding with Negro partners fall in the "more strict" category; for patrolmen who prefer not to have Negroes assigned to their district the figure is 67.2 per cent; for patrolmen who object to taking orders from a qualified Negro commander the figure is 71.5 per cent; for patrol-

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men who believe there are too many Negroes on the force the figure is 76.3 per cent. Generally speaking, the above figures can mean one (or a combination) of three things: (a) Adverse experience with Negro policemen has conditioned these patrolmen against Negroes, hence the strictness with Negro offenders, (b) Adverse experience with Negro offenders has conditioned these patrolmen against Negroes, hence the unfavorable opinions about Negro policemen, (c) These patrolmen have general anti-Negro feelings which are directed toward both Negro policemen and Negro offenders. T h e writer— and probably the reader—leans toward the latter view, since, among other things, length of service was found to have no relation to opinions about Negroes, and working with Negro policemen was shown to have a positive relationship toward favorable opinions about Negro policemen. If the writer's assumption is correct—white patrolmen who have unfavorable opinions about Negro policemen evidence generalized anti-Negro feelings which are also reflected in a relatively strict treatment of the Negro offender—then the differential treatment accorded the Negro offender is not altogether a product of the latter's contentiousness. T h e writer's interpretation of the interaction between white patrolmen and Negro law violators is this: In general, white patrolmen are inclined to be more strict in their dealings with Negro offenders than in their handling of white offenders. Negro offenders tend to resist arrest more often than do white offenders. These two tendencies nourish each other.

VII Negro Personnel with Negro district personnel, the first thing that struck the writer was the relative uniformity of responses. Whereas white commanders and patrolmen often evidenced extreme variations in their opinions and interpretations of racial matters, the responses of the Negro interviewees showed no such variation. Only on the question of appointments and promotions was there marked disagreement, and even here there was total agreement that a "problem" existed; the differences in opinion arose in connection with the reasons for the problem. T h e whole matter of Negro appointments and promotions, incidentally, constitutes a story in itself, and this account will be given in the following chapter. The present chapter will deal with the reported relationships between the Negro patrolman and (a) commanding officers, (b) white patrolmen, and (c) the Negro offender. IN THE INTERVIEWS

ASSIGNMENTS

"If you had your choice of assignments, would you prefer to work in a Negro, a white, or a mixed area?" Two of the interviewees stated that they preferred Negro areas: "You get more activity in a colored neighborhood. It's easier to get information. I can't get much in an Italian neighborhood." "It's easier working in a white neighborhood, but I feel morally that I can do more in a colored area." 108

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A l l the other interviewees stated either that they preferred a mixed area or that they had no special preference: "I like some variety. Mixed is O.K." "I don't care—wherever I'm needed." "Mixed, maybe. Doesn't make too much difference." "Where you're put isn't too important. I can command respect in any type of neighborhood." "It's better when it's mixed—you learn to get along with both kinds." " N o preference. I've worked in all three—it doesn't matter." " N o difference. You ought to be assigned on merit." "I prefer mixed. I like to feel I understand both races." "I've tried 'em all. I like mixed better." " N o special preference—that part of it's not important." "What is the policy of your captain on this matter of assignment?" It will be remembered that the commanders stated (chapter IV) that they did not consider skin color in their neighborhood assignments. Statements by the Negro patrolmen were corroborative: " N o policy at all." " H e puts you where he wants you, indiscriminate of race." " H e mixes us up." " H e has us all mixed around." "It used to be they put you in a colored neighborhood, but no more." "There's no policy of any kind, now." " Y o u go where you're needed—it's not race." " N o policy." "It's individual merit as far as I can tell." "He's impartial—doesn't matter about your color." " I don't know of any policy he has." " H e doesn't have policy on anything—that includes type and place of assignment." Questions pertaining to vehicle assignments were han-

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died as follows: First, the question was asked, "Are you a foot patrolman or do you usually ride in a patrol car?" The next question was, "Which would you prefer?" If there was a discrepancy, the interviewee was asked to explain what he thought the reason was. As was true for the white patrolmen, vehicle or foot-beat preference is an individual matter, although the majority of both races prefer vehicle duty. Among Negro personnel interviewed there were no cases where a patrolman preferred a footbeat but was assigned to a car. However, about a quarter of the Negroes interviewed reported that they were assigned to foot duty but preferred a vehicle. When asked to explain the discrepancy the following replies were given: "I don't know. Nobody ever talked to me about it." "In my district they won't put you on anything that moves." "I'm not sure why—it might be race prejudice. I'm not sure. T h e captain seems O.K. Treats me all right." "There's a few districts where no Negroes ever get a car. I just happen to be in one of those districts." "It's race prejudice." "They won't put me on a car, except in an emergency. The captain's all right—it's the sergeants." It should be kept in mind that in some of the above cases, the Negro patrolman may see "race bias" where in fact none exists. The reason for his being assigned a foot beat may be any one of a half-dozen, none of which is racial. On the other hand, where the Negro patrolmen in a district report that they are being kept off the cars, and where the commanding officer of that district states that "Negro policemen are inferior," the implication is obvious. T o the question, "If you had your choice, would you like another type of duty?" the majority of the Negroes interviewed stated that they would like to try detective

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work. This desire was also voiced by the majority of white patrolmen, and seems to be a natural aim for most policemen. With one or two exceptions, the Negroes did not believe their failure to become detectives had anything to do with race. It should be noted, also, that detective preference aside, none of the Negro interviewees expressed a desire for anything but district duty. "On a two-man assignment, such as patrol car work, would you rather work with another Negro or with a white patrolman?" One of the Negro interviewees stated he thought it would be "easier working with a Negro." All the others reported that they had no special preference: "Doesn't make any difference." " N o choice." "It depends on the man, not his color." "It's just a toss-up." "I never had any preference." "It depends on the kind of a man he is, that's all." "No—I get along with everybody. T h e important thing is the kind of man you're with, not his color." "Race or nationality is unimportant—it's the character of the man." "I don't care, so long as he's easy to work with." "Doesn't matter. T h e only thing that counts is whether he's a good policeman." "I have no choice. I can't stand riding with a bully, and there are some in both races."

RESENTMENT ON THE PART OF WHITES

"Have any of the arrests or contacts you have made with whites resented the fact that you are a Negro?" Interviewees stated that resentment of this kind seldom occurs: "It's only happened three or four times that I can remember." "No, I don't have any trouble."

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"Occasionally, not very often." "Nothing I can put my finger on." "It used to happen when I first came on the force, but no more." "Occasionally." "It happens, but it's rare." "Few cases of drunks, that's all." "Hardly ever. They give you respect." "It's hard to tell. Most of 'em are sore when you pick 'em up—they'd be sore at any cop. They never say anything openly about color." "It very seldom happens that anybody says anything." "Not much, any more. Of course, I wouldn't say it never happens. Never bothered me much." "Has there been any hostility or resentment by white policemen on the force because you are a Negro?" The following replies are stated in detail: "Mmm, well there is some. I mean there are individuals that you know are prejudiced. Just a few, though. I get along fine with the majority of them." "I haven't been on the force long enough to tell, really. There's very little that I've noticed." "Yes, you notice it when you first come on the force. But when they get to know you, everything turns out O.K." "There may be some, but I was never in it. I mean, personally, all the boys like me. I kid with 'em—they're always hanging around joking with me. Several of 'em wants me to ride in a car with 'em, but I tell 'em I'm too old for so much excitement—I want to work on foot." "There's nothing very much in the open about it. There is jealousy, though. Whenever a white cop rides with us they call him a nigger lover." "None whatever in my case. Once in a while some of the other fellows (Negro patrolmen) say they have trouble. It's the exception, though."

Negro Personnel

"Nothing comes out in the open, if there is." "Not in my case." "I know some of the boys are prejudiced. Nothing comes of it—never any trouble." "No hostility at all that I can see." "If the Negro's a good policeman, his color doesn't matter." "Never—at least they never show it. I'm happy-go-lucky with them—get along fine." "Not any that I've noticed." "Not much now. When I first came on the force it was different. Some of them would say things right in front of you—wouldn't have anything to do with you. It's largely changed, today." "Not any more. In the old days it was rough." "Minority only—it does crop up, though." "Nothing comes out in the open that I ever see." "Years ago—not now. In the old times some of them wouldn't even bother to hide their feelings. Today at least they hide it." "For the last ten years it's been no problem at all." "Not much. I remember once, in an emergency, the c a p tain told a white fellow and me to hop in the car and go to a certain place—there was some trouble or other. This fellow just stood there—we were all standing by the c a r he just looked at me. Made me mad. I said to him, 'You— the captain means you—get in the damn car.' It really got me sore." "Do you think the Police Trial Board is equally fair to Negro and white police?" Interviewees voiced no racial complaints against this Board: "They're very fair." "They're O.K. They're fair even though they're tough." "Pretty fair. I got a raw deal once when I was caught smoking on duty. I told 'em the cigar wasn't even lit. That was a raw deal."

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"They seem to be. But they should let you work on the honor system more. Nobody trusts you. I mean, like you're not supposed to go in a taproom for a drink. Then they always check up on you to make sure you don't." "No complaints against the Trial Board." "Yes—they judge every case on its merits." "Everybody knows they're fair." "I think every man gets a square hearing, whether he's white or colored." "Yes, you always get a fair hearing." "They're fair, though they get you sometimes for minor infractions." "Equally fair. They use a good system of impartiality." TREATMENT OF THE OFFENDER

"Do you think that white policemen, on the whole, are more strict with Negro law violators than with white violators?" Negroes interviewed were of the belief that most white policemen were impartial, although it was felt there was a prejudiced minority who were unduly strict and, in rare cases, brutal: "Some of them use undue violence—it's probably a small percentage." "A few are—as a whole, no." "Sometimes I've seen it. Most of the time they're fair." "I doubt if they're stricter." "No. If there's no resistance, there's no brutality." "No. Don't believe that stuff you read in the Negro Press." "It's hard to say. I don't think much of it goes on—it depends a lot on the attitude of the person being arrested." "I personally haven't seen much, but there is some. Occasionally I come across a white officer roughing a Negro—then he goes easy."

Negro Personnel

1

'5

"No. T h e Negro Press is wrong there. Instead of bringing the races closer together they try to inflame them." "Some white cops are. Not in my district, though." "They're no stricter. Some white police are easier than I'd be." "Only the few who are prejudiced. In general, they treat 'em all about the same. Police don't make any trouble if they don't get any." "If they are, I hardly ever see it." Paradoxically, most white patrolmen report that they are more strict with Negro than with white offenders, while Negro patrolmen state that the majority of white patrolmen treat both races about the same. T h e writer's interpretation is that the Negro patrolman, himself, is more strict with the Negro than with the white offender, and by his own standards does not consider the actions of the white patrolman to be discriminatory. Responses to the following two questions will make the writer's position clear: "Do you think the feelings of a Negro are different toward a Negro policeman than toward a white policeman? How would you describe this?" In general, interviewees felt that Negro violators—though not necessarily Negro community members—expected more sympathy from a Negro policeman. Several of those interviewed also reported that Negro offenders showed less respect for a Negro policeman: "Lots of times it seems like the colored violators don't want to respect a colored policeman." "Well, you get the same respect as a white officer as long as you're in a small Negro section." "They always seem to give me more arguments." "It's hard to say. Depends on how the officer conducts himself." "Yes, they usually expect more leniency from a colored policeman."

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"Among the educated there's no difference. Violators seem to have less respect for us." "They're always looking for a break from a colored officer." "Sure, all the time I get: 'What're you doing this to me for? We're both colored.' " "I think they have more respect for white cops than for their own." "Yes, they're looking for leniency." "I don't think there's much difference." "They want sympathy." "They don't like us—course, they don't like all cops." "They try to take advantage of you—give you more trouble." "When I was in the Special Squad we made 'em respect us." "They try to get sympathy from you." "Some of them seem to like white cops better." "They don't want to respect you as a Negro policeman. Some of them think you're a traitor." "They show you respect if you show them you mean business." "In your daily experience have you found it necessary to be more strict with Negro law violators than with white violators?" With few exceptions, interviewees stated—sometimes emphatically—that in general Negro offenders were harder to handle than white offenders: "More strict with Negroes, definitely." "You have to be more strict with the colored—they give you a harder time." "You have to be harder with Negro violators." "It depends on the officer and the violator." "In general, I'd say more strict with Negroes." "You have to be stricter with Negroes—absolutely. No joke about that."

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"You gotta be tough with them. They expect leniency." "I don't find any difference, myself." "You have to be as tough as you can. Coddle 'em and they laugh behind your back." "Like I said, you have to show 'em you mean business." "You have to be harder on colored violators—especially out-of-towners." "I haven't had too much experience with colored violators." "It depends—sometimes you have to crack down." "A colored violator is more likely to give you abuse." "You've got to be more strict with colored." "Well, you know how it is—the lower classes are the trouble makers." "You have to be more strict with Negroes. I see their little games—I break 'em up." After the first few interviews with Negro district patrolmen, the writer had the impression that these men were keenly aware of the high Negro arrest rate. No single word can characterize their feelings: one or all of the following might apply: shame, resentment, indignation, discouragement, disgrace. In an effort to bring these feelings into clearer focus, the following question was added to the interviewing schedule: "Do you ever get discouraged at the large amount of Negro crime? In your own words, how would you describe your feelings?" The following replies have been quoted in their entirety—and it will probably be a callous reader who is not struck by the sincerity of the responses: "Well, I think about it a lot. At times I do get discouraged. I think maybe we shouldn't be sending so much money to Europe, we have so many needy people right here. They need to be educated. Sometimes I get mad— I think maybe we ought to do like they do in Wilmington —be allowed to use the lash and whipping post."

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Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

"No, I wouldn't say I get discouraged. But many's the night I've gone to bed and prayed that I'd live to see a better day." "Yes, I do. At times I just feel downright ashamed." "Definitely, yes, I mean, when I was a little boy my daddy used to tell me the colored didn't commit the crimes. He said it was the whites—said they used to paint their faces black so it would look like they were colored— so's they could blame it on us. I believed that for a long time. After I got on the police force, I hadn't walked my beat for more than two weeks before I knew that what my daddy told me was wrong." "Sometimes I can't help feeling bad about it. I see ten cases come up before the magistrate—nine of them colored. It seems to go on day after day." "I tell you frankly, I get disgusted. Look here, I want to show you—look out the window—see that bunch cuttin' up on the corner over there. That's a bad bunch. Young fellows. Most of them have records already. I tell you, they have more opportunities today than I ever had. Man, they can get better jobs, better schooling. But they don't appreciate it. Talk to 'em about crime and what do they tell you? Race discrimination! They just don't want to go to w o r k just want to get rich fast." "There's so much Negro crime it's sickening. I try to figure out why it is. They'll tell you it's the white cops or the white magistrates, but it isn't. I think it starts in the home. Take my own mother—she always took me to church, told me about God, told me you always had to be good. And our family was good. Some colored families today—I don't know what goes onl" "Yeh, you get disgusted at times. When I was on the Special Squad, we used to mosey around bars and pool rooms. Boys come out and we give 'em a little pat. We didn't hurt 'em, didn't push 'em around like they claimed —just pat 'em to see what they're carrying. Sometimes out

Negro Personnel

i»9

of ten boys—seven, eight of them were carrying switch blades or guns." "Well, there's no percentage in getting discouraged. I used to think the Negroes were always being picked on. Now I know the crime figures they publish are the real figures." "I feel it personally. I was coming home in the streetcar the other day—I was in street clothes. Across the aisle a colored man and a white man were sitting together. The colored man was drunk—he was pushing all over the white man, knocking his packages off his lap—just wouldn't stop. Finally, I couldn't stand it any longer. Everybody was watching. I felt it was a reflection on me—know what I mean? I got up, told the drunk who I was, took him by the arm and put him off the car." "Yes, it gets sickening—you see it day after day. Sometimes I think it's getting worse instead of better. Especially the southern Negroes—they come up here, go on relief, cause all kinds of trouble. No respect for anybody or anything. They disgrace you." "The Negro crime rate is high, but as conditions get better you'll naturally find an improvement—like in everything else." "Yes, quite a few times it's gotten me down. But what can you do about it?" "It's the young ones that burn me up. They have things so much better than we ever had it. Let me ask you a question—you've been to college—what causes all this trouble in colored communities?" "No, I don't get discouraged. It's just being handled all wrong. The cops, the magistrates, the judges—everybody's afraid to crack down, especially with the Negro Press yelling discrimination all the time. Now before 's Special Squad was broken up, colored communities had more respect for law and order. They tried to keep out of his way. Now things are worse than ever. Right here in this com-

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Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

munity on a Saturday night it's hardly safe to walk the streets." "I used to get discouraged. Now they just get me mad, I guess. The teen-agers hangin' around on corners, using foul language—it's awful any more." "Yes, I do, and I'll tell you what the trouble is—The Negro people here in Philadelphia don't have any real leaders among their own kind. All they got to listen to is the Negro Press—and that's just a yellow sheet." "No, I don't get discouraged because I know what causes it all—it's economics. Negroes are still being used by the smart guys." "Yes, I've felt low many a time at the end of a day. Seems as though the colored are having a moral breakdown. Ones from the South are the worst." The final question concerning the Negro offender was: "Do you think the white magistrates and judges are as fair in their treatment of Negro violators as they are with white violators?" All the interviewees responded in the affirmative: "Oh, yes, they're certainly fair." "Yes, everybody gets a fair deal." "They treat all alike. But they're so soft it's a joke." "I've been to dozens of hearings—they always seem fair to me. The magistrates hear both sides—they're impartial." "Sure; you never hear complaints about those men." "Well, some of them are tougher than others—but they treat colored and white alike, I know that." "They're fair. I think some of the magistrates are inferior men; but they always seem fair." "The judges are fair to the colored criminal—and the white criminal too. The question is, are they fair to the taxpayer and fair to the cop. You take the case of a man carrying a gun. T o me that's a serious offense. A man who carries a gun is a potential killer. But some judges don't

Negro Personnel

1X1

see it that way—they're too lenient. The man is released and the cops have to start all over again." "They treat the colored and the white alike, but they pick on the little shots of both races." "The judges are more than fair." "The magistrates are fair—any I've ever seen. The judges seem to be too lenient. One judge even said we're supposed to give the thugs back their guns. Isn't that crazy?" "Most of the ones I've seen are impartial. I know a lot of rumors float around but I pay no attention to 'em." "Most of the magistrates and judges will give justice. They make mistakes, like everybody else, but when you think of the number of cases they have to handle they do a good job." "Well, I guess so. But it's like a baseball umpire—no use arguing about the decision. Lots of times they put a man in jail, though I hear the parole board lets him right out." "They have a difficult job to do, and they do it well when you consider all the pressures they're under. Some of the defense lawyers are sharp. I wonder the judges don't lose their temper sometimes. But they don't seem to play any favorites from what I've seen." "The colored get fair treatment in the courts today. I don't know how it is down South, but up here there's no prejudice. Some of our judges lean over backward to give the criminal a break." "It depends on the particular judge or magistrate, but generally they treat everybody the same." "I've seen the day the magistrates were run by the politicians, but you get fair treatment today." CONCLUSIONS

One of the important things to emerge from the interviews with the Negro patrolmen was the latter's feeling

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with regard to the Negro offender. At the beginning of the chapter it was shown that to the question, "If you had your choice of assignments, would you prefer to work in a Negro, white, or a mixed area?" most Negro interviewees stated that they preferred either a mixed area or else had no special preference. Nevertheless, it is quite clear from the interviews that the Negro patrolman harbors a moral indignation against the Negro offender—a feeling that is absent in his dealings with white offenders. On the matter of assignment, therefore, the writer believes that most Negro patrolmen actually feel more gratified when they are working in Negro neighborhoods. ("It's easier working in a white neighborhood, but I feel morally that I can do more in a colored area.") At the same time, the Negro patrolman is—understandably—reluctant to express a preference for such assignment inasmuch as an assignment policy of this kind would give the appearance of (and in the mind of the Negro policeman might conceivably lead to) police segregation, something the Negro abhors. From the view of the law enforcement, whether the Negro policeman is more effective in Negro areas than the white policeman is open to speculation. Assuming the Negro policeman, in this environment, to be relatively more conscientious, is "indignation" in a policeman a "good" trait or a "bad" trait? It can be argued both ways, and it should be pointed out that on the question of "place of assignment" the present survey provides no answer; in fact, in view of the many social, racial, and criminological factors involved, questions of this type are unanswerable in the absence of a more intensive analysis.

Vili Negro Personnel (continued) THE PROBLEM

the foregoing statements of the Negro interviewees, it has been shown thus far that colored districtpatrolmen are experiencing little difficulty in their associations with white community members or white offenders; the relationships between Negro patrolmen and white commanders, and between Negro and white patrolmen— with the possible exception of car assignments—appear to be similar to those found in most other areas of employment. It should not be inferred that the colored policeman is able to tackle his job uninhibited by the racial element. He is well aware of the existence and power of certain "anti-Negro" commanders; he is never certain as to whether or not a given action on the part of any commander may be influenced in part or in whole by racial considerations; and while racial "incidents" with his fellow white-policemen are infrequent, he can never be sure that today or tomorrow some embarrassment will not arise. Nevertheless, these situations confront the Negro in practically all areas of U. S. employment, and while he is not reconciled to them, they come as no surprise. Thus, when the writer characterizes the racial irritations within the police force as "minor," the term is being used in a relative sense, and has meaning only when viewed from the over-all Negro-white occupational perspective. 123 BASED ON

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There is one matter, however, that is not "minor," whether the term is used relatively or absolutely, and that is the problem of appointments and promotions of Negroes to police positions. On this subject the Negro patrolman is puzzled, hurt, resentful, and in some cases bitter. These reactions became apparent to the writer from the very beginning of the interviews. Negro patrolmen could discuss the subject of race bias on the part of white patrolmen or even on the part of certain commanders with varying degrees of objectivity. Discussion centered around specific individuals: the Negro patrolman knew who these individuals were, hence, in a sense, could "defend" against them; i.e., he could (a) "try to stay out of their way," (b) utilize the "Uncle Tom" technique, (c) instigate a whispering campaign against the opponent, or (d) voice a formal protest against the latter's discriminatory actions. The point is not that these mechanisms were effective, or even very prevalent; but at least the Negro knew whom he was up against and what he had to contend with. However, in the case (the lack of) appointments and promotions there seemed to be no agreed-upon "enemy." Unseen, unknown, and uncomprehended forces appeared to be holding back the Negro, but in the track-down the forces scattered and disappeared into the labyrinths of City Hall's personnel procedures, civil service requirements, and politics. T o the writer it appeared that this was one area where Negro integration into the police force had broken down. On the entire Philadelphia Police Force there were, at the time the present study was initiated in 1952-53, only about 150 Negroes on active duty. Exclusive of the acting ranks there was only one Negro policeman higher than the rank of patrolman and this man—a sergeant—died shortly after the survey was begun. During this phase of the study Negro police in Philadelphia held no permanent rank of any kind above the level of patrolman. In view of the obvious importance of the issue, there-

Negro Personnel

(continued)

»*5

fore, more time was spent on the problem of appointments and promotions than was spent on any other. In addition to questioning the administration, the commanders, and the Negro policemen themselves, the writer gathered material from the Philadelphia Civil Service Commission and Personnel Department, and also collected police employment statistics from other cities in the United States. T h e present chapter will aim at presenting and analyzing these data, and based on the findings thereof the writer will give his own interpretation. T H E N U M B E R O F NEGROES ON T H E F O R C E

The first question that was asked regarding Negro police appointments was: "About how many Negroes do you think there are on the police force today?" With only two exceptions, Negro interviewees overestimated the actual number, although the overestimation was slight when compared to that made by the white members of the force. Estimates ranged from 175 to 275, with the bulk of the interviewees replying "around 200." All of the Negroes interviewed believed that "at one time" Negro representation on the police force was much greater: "We're down to around two hundred now. When I first came on [1925] we had lots more—four or five hundred then." "About two hundred to two hundred and twenty-five today. Around the First World War and after, we had three times as many." "I'd guess around two hundred. In the twenties and thirties we had twice that many." "I'd say a little over two hundred. Through the years the number's become a lot smaller." The writer attempted to verify these "old-time" estimates, but was not successful. Accurate old-time records of "numerical strength of the force by race" are not cur-

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Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

rently available. One isolated record indicates that in 1944 the number was 203.* Authoritative sources in the administration informed the writer that it was doubtful whether the Negro numbers ever went much above 200. Although in 1952-53 Negroes comprised 3.6 per cent of the police force, their ratio prior to this time apparently had never exceeded 5 per cent. However, since in the 1920's and 1930's the total Negro percentage in the Philadelphia population was much smaller than it is today (7.4 per cent in 1920 and 11.3 per cent in 1930) it seems to be true that as of the date this phase of the study was undertaken— May, 1953—Negroes were underrepresented on the city police force to a greater degree than they ever had been in the past.

APPOINTMENTS

"Why do you think there are so few Negroes on the force7" T h e answers given by Negro interviewees were allinclusive, and are listed below in detail: "There aren't very many of us, that's for sure. I don't think I know why. Sometimes I think one thing, sometimes another. T o be honest, I just don't know—it makes you wonder." "It's obvious, isn't it? Politics. It's who you know, not what you know. Now take that last exam that was held, under the Administration. A lot of good colored boys took that exam; some of them were college boys. What happened? When the results were posted, the first three hundred names were all white—not a colored boy in the first three hundred. Out of the whole batch that were hired, I think there were only three colored." "It's politics, pure and simple. You know the committee• G. G. Brown, Law Administration and Negro-White delphia, Bureau of Municipal Research, 1947, p. 88.

Relations

in Phila-

Negro Personnel (continued)

man and you can get on the force. If you don't know somebody, you're out." "We need more Negroes on the force—for the good of the Negro people. But the young colored fellow of today isn't interested. He wants to get into some kind of racket. No, the opportunity is there—he can get on the force if he applies himself, but he can't be bothered to take the exams —that's where the trouble is." "We're not reaching the good young colored boys. Of course, they haven't held any exams recently, and I'm hoping things will change. It's a long wait, though." "They don't take the exams; they don't even know they're being given. When the exam is announced, Hell, the colored community doesn't know about it. No wonder there are so few Negroes on the force. News of the exam leaks out to the whites, that's all." "I'll tell you what it is. You get two scores on the e x a m physical and mental. T h e mental part is all right, but the docs knock you down on the physical. I don't know whether it's bias or something else, but that's your answer." " W e have a quota, that's all, and the quota is getting smaller. T h e lists are all fixed; they know beforehand who'll make it. W e used to get fifteen or twenty out of a hundred applicants, now we're lucky to get four or five. No, I don't know who does the fixing, but you can look at the lists yourself. You'll see what I mean." " T h e r e must be a quota of some kind—it's all fixed by the higher-ups—you know, politicians. Young Negroes want to get on the force. T h e y take the exams, I know they do. T a k e the last exam, under the Administration. T h e first five hundred names on the qualifying list were all white. Doesn't make sense." " T h e lists are juggled. T h e old Civil Service crowd was crooked. I know they were, and I can prove it. I know guys who have told me what their position on the list would be before the exams were even marked. It was cash on the

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Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

line. You can't beat it. There was nothing secret about it. Everybody knew what was going on." "It's all in who you know. How do you think I got on? I had to wait four years." "It's prejudice, that's all. Look back over past administrations. Some of them were fair and we were treated O.K. Others wouldn't take a Negro on the force. All depends who is in power." "They're trying to thin us out. I've seen 'em take an exam and mark 'colored' on it. No, I don't know who is responsible. A lot of people are involved." "The colored lose points on the physical. You know as well as I do that their health is poorer. Of course, there are other things, too, but the main thing is health." "We're prey for anybody that comes along. No, I don't know who it is." "I don't know. So few get on it must be drag." "Well, the majority of young Negroes have criminal records. It used to be they'd overlook it, but they're stricter now." "They apply for the jobs. I don't know what the trouble is. I think it's mainly low salaries." "They're up against a stone wall. The brass and the politicians run the whole show. We haven't got a chance." "Well, it's a combination of things. In the first place, the young colored boy doesn't know how to apply—doesn't know where to go, how to go about it. A lot of 'em are suspicious of the uniform anyway. The whole thing just scares 'em off." "They're kept off by the quota. The Civil Service Lists are all phony—everybody knows it. No, I don't know who does it. There haven't been any exams under the new administration." "Negroes don't want responsibility. The job looks too big for 'em. The Civil Service system is too complex for 'em to understand."

Negro Personnel

(continued)

i»9

" T h e papers aren't marked right. It's a combination of politics and race prejudice. Lots of young Negroes won't apply because of it." "Discrimination. They used to mark our papers 'colored.' You didn't get on unless you knew somebody." "They apply. They don't seem to make it. Qualified Negro boys seem to have criminal records." "It's politics—always has been and always will be—and there's nothing you can do about it." PROMOTIONS

Before commenting on the above responses, let us turn to the matter of promotions. Each Negro patrolman was asked whether he was satisfied with his present rank or whether he would like to hold a higher ranking job. T h e large majority of those interviewed stated either that they would prefer to hold a higher rank, or that they formerly preferred a higher ranking job but that in view of their age they were now satisfied. In either of the above cases, the interviewee was asked what he believed to be the reason for his lack of promotion. T h e following responses are representative answers to this latter question: "It's either politics or discrimination—or both. Like I said, you don't have a chance." "When I was younger naturally I wanted to get ahead. I kept taking the exams but never made it. I finally realized it was prejudice. I haven't taken any recently. I'm too old, now—satisfied where I am." "You get tired of being held down so long; you finally give up trying. A lot of my friends feel the same way. They don't want us in the brass." "I used to want to advance. But I just wouldn't pay the price for it. You had to put the money on the line for a promotion. I was a Democrat. T h e lists were alwavs rigged."

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Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

"It's got us beat—I don't know the answer. But it can't be an accident, can it?" "Well, I'll tell you why I never made it. I took the exam and was number three on the list. Then they just jumped over me and promoted those below me. I got disgusted— didn't take any more exams. What was the use?" "It makes you wonder. There's so much politics and funny business going on I gave up a long time ago. I don't give a damn. I'm retiring in a couple of years." "Well, I wanted to go higher, but I felt beat before I started—felt like I never had a chance, so I never took the exam." "It was politics—I don't know whether it still is or not." "I tried for the exam—never scored high enough. The ten points veterans' preference did it. I'm not a veteran." "When I took the exam I was passed over. It was race bias." "I never qualified on the exam. I don't know what it was. I don't believe it was prejudice." "Believe me, you can keep a good man down. When politics and race get mixed up in it, you may as well throw in the towel. I don't think it'll ever change. Same domination year after year." "I never made it—didn't have the education for it." ANALYSIS OF THE REASONS

Perhaps the best way to sift the various response categories—those involving both appointments and promotions —is to eliminate the ones which apparently have no basis in fact: (a) Low Salaries. This can hardly have any application to the issue at hand; in fact, in view of the general Negro-white salary differential, Philadelphia police salary scales—especially those prior to the recent increase—might

Negro Personnel (continued)

131

serve to attract relatively more Negro than white applicants. (b) The Negro doesn't want responsibility. Not true. Negroes do take the examinations for police appointments, and while there are some Negro patrolmen who have no desire for increased responsibility, this is also true of some white patrolmen. Based on the results of the questionnaires distributed to white patrolmen and the interviews with Negro patrolmen, it appears that about 75 per cent of the patrolmen desire promotions, irrespective of their race. (c) The physical examination penalizes the Negro. In a limited sense this is probably true, inasmuch as general health conditions are better among whites than among Negroes. But as nearly as could be determined gross racial differences on the physical test fail to emerge. It is on the mental test that striking differences have been found. Furthermore, the physical examination would have little or no bearing on the lack of Negro promotions, where physical factors are not used as criteria. (d) The Negro is more likely to have a criminal record. In individual cases this factor, too, does operate against the Negro. However, the large majority of both races do not have criminal records. T o the writer, differential criminality is an unconvincing argument. It has no relevance, again, to the lack of Negro promotions. (e) The Negro doesn't take the examination. The writer was unsuccessful in tracing this allegation inasmuch as past records of the racial background of police applicants are not available. The personnel Department at City Hall states that in recent times " . . . about 50 per cent of the applicants for a position in the Police Department . . . are of the Negro race." As has been stated, most of the Negro police interviewed said that they had taken the promotional examinations. (f) Politics and race bias. These are important areas

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and must be examined in detail. Discussion follows below. (g) The examination lists are rigged. This is a paraphrase of (f)—to be discussed below. (h) Lack of education among Negroes. Although this was mentioned by only one of the Negro interviewees, the writer believes it to be an important consideration. Educational and background differences will be discussed in detail in a following section. POLITICS AND RACE BIAS

In view of the rather weird political history of Philadelphia, and in view, also, of the close tie-up that existed between political bosses and city police, there can be no doubt that in times past police appointments and promotions often depended upon "who you knew." Many of the people the writer talked with in the course of the study stated that they knew of instances where an appointment or a promotion was based wholly on a political preference or was simply a matter of putting cash on the line. Persons on the present Civil Service Commission and in the Personnel Department informed the writer that they had seen old Civil Service examination papers that bore unmistakable signs of having been tampered with. There can be no question as to whether such things happened; the only question is how often they happened, and an inquiry along these lines lay outside the scope of the present survey. With regard to the present Civil Service Commission, Personnel Department Heads, and Police Administration, no one the writer talked with—policeman or civilian—has ever questioned their integrity. Some raised questions about policy, but not about honesty. While no examination system can be totally foolproof,* the present method * Midway in the present survey, police promotional examinations had to be canceled because of a clerical "leak" resulting in the attempted sale of answers.

Negro Personnel

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is about as safe as any yet devised. The examinations are sealed; the answer sheets contain only the applicant's number—not his name. The grading is done mechanically, by I. B. M. machines, and the applicant's name and number are not matched until the scores have been registered. Nowhere is the race of the applicant recorded—either before or after the papers have been scored. At the time of the writer's inquiry the Secretary of the Civil Service Commission was a Negro, and in the testing section of the Personnel Department the assistant section chief was a Negro. Under these conditions it is difficult to believe that race prejudice could operate to retard the Negro's efforts on the written examinations. Under the City Charter, Civil Service eligible lists must include more names than are needed for the job in question. Appointments are normally made from the eligible list, with the appointing officer—the Commissioner of Police in this instance—being permitted to use his own judgment in selecting from the two highest-ranking eligibles. (Veterans, however, may not be passed over by lower-ranking non-veterans.) In this last stage, the finalists are interviewed, and, of course, the race of the person becomes known, so that it would be possible to practice discrimination at this level. For reasons stated in chapter II, the writer does not believe this latter practice would be a likelihood today; in fact, in view of the expressed need for qualified Negro police, the interview would perhaps be to the Negro applicant's advantage. However, the question at hand is, "Would the past corruptive practices account for the present paucity of Negro policemen, both in terms of total numbers and in the ranks above patrolmen?" While it is impossible to adduce irrefutable evidence, the writer would be inclined to answer the question, "Not entirely." To begin with, apropos of "total numbers" it should be remembered that in the days when police appointments

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were supposedly based largely on political connections, Negroes had a higher representation on the police force than they did at the time the present survey was undertaken. Furthermore, it can be argued that so long as politics governed police selection, it was tactically inexpedient to discriminate against Negroes. For what it is worth, the writer was told by persons with some knowledge of local Civil Service procedures that in the last fifteen years the examinations have been "honest." In 1947, G. G. Brown, writing on law administration and race relations in Philadelphia, stated that ". . . it is likely that, after the trial and conviction of a civil service commissioner in the trials of 1940 to 1943, the practice of changing the ratings of favorite candidates after the examiners have made their report no longer obtains." # In an effort to gather more information on the relative scarcity of Negro police appointments, the writer sent letters with attached questionnaires to the police commissioners of the twenty-five largest cities in the United States. The questionnaires asked for: (1) The present numerical strength of the police force; (2) A numerical breakdown by rank and race; (3) A statement as to the current procedures governing (a) the recruitment of new police personnel, and (b) promotion policy within the police department. Of the twenty-five cities polled, all but two—Memphis and New Orleans—returned the questionnaires, although four others—Houston, Boston, Indianapolis, and Baltimore —failed to include the requested information on race. The large per cent return is an indication of the widespread interest in the problem; in fact, most of the police commissioners requested a copy of the results of this portion of the survey. T h e following table shows the extent of Negro representation on the police forces of twenty of •Op.cit.,p. u s .

Negro Personnel

(continued)

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the largest U. S. cities (including Philadelphia), compared with Negro population percentages of those cities. (Police figures are those reported to the writer as of 1952-53; population figures are drawn from 1950 United States Census data—Series PB.) City Buffalo, N. Y. Chicago, 111. Cincinnati, Ohio Cleveland, Ohio Dallas, Texas Denver, Colo. Detroit, Mich. Kansas City, Mo. Los Angeles, Cal. Milwaukee, Wis. Minneapolis, Minn. New York. N. Y. Newark, N. J. Philadelphia, Pa. Pittsburgh, Pa. St. Louis, Mo. San Antonio, Tex. San Francisco, Cal. Seattle, Wash. Washington, D. C.

Total Population

Size of the Police Force

580,132 3,620,962 503,998 914,408 434,462 415,786 1,849,568 456,622 1,970,358 637,392 521,718 7,891,957 438,776 2,071,605 676,806 856,796 408,442 775,357 467,591 802,178

1,216 7,023 818 1,812 496 529 4,232 554 4,207 1,480 645 19,478 1,219 4,224 1,311 1,912 328 1.579 672 2,044

Per Cent of Negroes in Population 6.3 13.6 15.5 16.2 13.1 3.6 16.2 12.2 8.7 3.4 1.3 9.5 17.1 18.2 12.2 17.9 7.0 5.6 3.4 35.0

Per Cent of Negroes Police Fc 0.5 3.9 7.5 4.3 0.8 0.8 2.4 4.0 2.9 0.6 0.6 3.1 2.0 3.6 4.7 5.0 3.4 0.3 0.7 10.8

It can readily be seen that Negro underrepresentation on the police force is not simply a local matter. To the question relating to the method of police recruitment, all of the police commissioners stated that civilservice-type examinations were being used. No one can say for certain, however, just what the figures in the preceding table signify. It may be that Civil Service eligible lists in many cities are being rigged and that Negroes, because they are Negroes, are thereby discriminated against. It is possible that in most cities the lists are fairly derived, but that in the final appointment the selecting authority has sufficient legal leeway to effect a convenient

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"passing over" of Negroes. Or it may be that the Negro fares poorly under any competitive system wherein the results are derived largely from written examinations. The writer believes that while the true story of the Negro's underrepresentation in police positions would encompass all three of the foregoing explanations, the relatively poor showing made by Negroes on competitivetype written examinations is something that cannot be changed overnight. In the case of Philadelphia, it is the writer's judgment that in the foreseeable future—so long as police recruitment is based on the present civil-servicetype examinations—Negroes will continue to be underrepresented on the police force. It should be pointed out that in recent years about half of all applicants for police jobs have been Negroes. In view of the need for Negro policemen, and in further view of the fact that the final selection of police recruits involves some choice as to specific individuals appointed, it is possible that during the present administration Negro representation on the Philadelphia police force will continue to increase. (The percentage of Negroes on the Philadelphia Police Force has increased from 3.6 per cent in 1952-53 to a current 13.6 per cent.) Nevertheless, to believe, simply because appointments have been taken out of the realm of political chicanery and placed solely under the aegis of Civil Service, that the Negro will achieve police parity, is to believe in what may be a philosophically desirable but currently unattainable turn of events. Before examining the various reasons underlying the writer's foregoing opinions, let us turn to the matter of promotions within the police force. In terms of permanent rank, Negro policemen in Philadelphia have seldom risen above the rank of sergeant, and the sergeants have been few and far between. As a matter of fact, prior to May, 1953, so far as the writer could ascertain, no Negro had advanced beyond the rank of sergeant. The reason for this promotional failure remains

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somewhat of a mystery so far as the writer is concerned. If, as has been claimed, promotions were largely governed by politics, why were not some Negroes favored? (The policy of sprinkling a few token promotions to keep the boys happy would have been in the best political tradition.) If, as the story goes, promotions were a matter of cash on the line, why were not a few Negroes able to buy them? Demonstrably, many Philadelphia policemen in former periods were making goodly sums of money through graft and kickbacks; it is hardly likely that this supplemental income was collected solely by white policemen. On the other hand, if political promotions were the exception rather than the rule, and if the bulk of all police advancement hinged largely on the results of equitable Civil Service examinations, why, in this earlier period, weren't some Negro patrolmen able to achieve promotion, especially in view of the fact that most of them did take the examinations? The scarcity of Negro police promotions, again, is not simply a local problem. It is widespread, and exists in all cities for which information was available, as the table on page 138 indicates. All of the above-listed cities utilize civil-service-type examinations as the basis for promotions, except for the ranks above inspector (deputy commissioners and commissioners) ; in a few cities the rank of inspector is also an appointed rank. As can be seen from the above table, few Negroes are to be found in the ranks above patrolmen. Out of 347 police sergeants in Detroit, for example, only three are Negroes. In New York City there are six Negro sergeants to 1,133 white sergeants. As of the 1952-53 date this material was collected there was apparently only one Negro police captain (permanent rank) in the United States. He is George Redding of New York City, who was promoted

ij8

Racial Factors a n d U r b a n Law E n f o r c e m e n t

Patrolmen W. City N. Buffalo 904 6 Chicago 5,927 260 Cincinnati 607 51 Cleveland 1,448 67 Dallas 4 289 Denver 566 4 3,565 96 Detroit Kansas City 359 18 Los Angeles 3,263 102 8 Milwaukee 1,130 4 Minneapolis 420 New York 16377 564 Newark 1,030 19 Pittsburgh 1,087 58 St. Louis 1,240 75 San Antonio 253 11 San Francisco 1,178 5 Seattle 537 5 Washington 1,378 205

Sergeants W. N. 35 0 474 7 43 2 125 5 46 0 39 0 344 3 1 57 540 10 90 0 32 0 1,133 6 71 1 45 0 196 5 39 0 194 0 82 0 68 0

Lieutenants W. N. 76 0 148 1 35 1 68 0 14 0 -

167 14 147 18 14 645 57 41 36 11 42 -

75

-

1 0 2 0 0 6 0 1 1 0 0 -

1

Captains W. N. 20 0 59 0 11 0 24 0 21 0 25 0 -

11 38 9 8 166 20 3 22 10 13 17 26

-

0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Inspectors W. N. 3 0 1 0 7 0 15 0 3 0 1 0 42 0 6 0 8 0 4 0 5 0 36 0 1 0 8 0 1 0 4 0 107 0 6 0 11 0

Notir: Totals in the above table will not necessarily correspond to the totals in the preceding table. Excluded from the above figures were such categories as policewomen, corporals, investigators, deputies, etc. T h e rank of "Inspector" listed above is classified by various cities as "Supervisor," "Chief," e t c

to the rank of captain on January 30, 1953. So far as the writer knows, Redding is the first Negro in American police history to attain captain's rank. His picture and an article describing his achievements appeared in the New York Herald Tribune on January 31, 1953. With regard to the Philadelphia Police Department table-of-organization, the current (1956) numerical breakdown by rank and race for uniformed personnel is as follows: Patrolmen Sergeants Lieutenants Captains Inspectors

White Negro 3,338 529 276 4 125 2 41 1 18 2

Negro Personnel (continued)

»39

In so far as the higher ranks are concerned, Negro police in Philadelphia are better off than ever before. But—as is true elsewhere—they are still greatly underrepresented in these higher ranking positions. THE EXISTENCE OF INNATE MENTAL

DIFFERENCES

The writer believes that one reason for the lack of Negro police representation in Philadelphia, over the years, has been the failure to qualify on the written examinations. The examinations referred to are those for the police applicant and those for the higher ranking positions. Failure to qualify on these examinations, in the writer's opinion, cannot be attributed entirely to race discrimination or to political rigging of the test scores, even though such malpractices might very well have loomed large under certain previous administrations. Negro underrepresentation on the police force might also be explainable on the following grounds: (a) either there is an innate difference in test intelligence between Negroes and whites, or (b) lifelong environmental differences between the Negro and the white tend to handicap the former from the examination standpoint. The possibility of differential test intelligence was not mentioned by any of the interviewees in the present survey, as, indeed, the matter is not regarded seriously by most social scientists. Racist doctrines—assumptions of innate racial superiority or inferiority—have never made much academic headway in the United States. Today the large majority of social scientists reject the assumption of innate Negro inferiority, and this rejection by social scientists has become a cornerstone in the thinking and policymaking of "social actionists"; i.e., individuals and groups who concern themselves with the improvement of race relations (college teachers, interracial conference groups, F. E. P. C., et cetera). Factually, the existence of inborn

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differences in intelligence among races has never been demonstrated. Nor, on the other hand, has it been proved that such differences do not exist. On intelligence tests standardized on U. S. whites (which tests comprise almost all of the intelligence tests now in use in this country), Negroes, as a group, make significantly lower scores than whites. It is also true that among the whites the educated classes score significantly higher than the uneducated groups. In both instances—class and race—differential test score results are usually interpreted as being largely a reflection of educational and cultural inequalities. In other words, while the term "intelligence test" is still widely used, all phychometrists affirm that such tests do not measure native intelligence per se. Even if it could be demonstrated that innate intellectual differences between Negroes and whites do exist, there would be a great deal of overlapping; i.e., some Negroes would score higher than some whites. Moreover, the existence of innate intelligence differentials, racial or otherwise, could never negate the democratic principle that men should be hired on the basis of their ability, and social action groups are on firm ground when they base their programs on this principle. It is not necessary for such groups to operate on the supposition that all races are equally endowed with all things. As a matter of fact, it is probably unwise to base a "race-betterment program" on the denial of the possibility of innate mental differences among races, since, among other things, the uncovering of such differences might then have the effect of a boomerang. The writer believes that until such time as inborn racial differences in mental potential have been proved or disproved, the possibility should be held in abeyance. Failure to acknowledge the possibility is hardly in keepng with the scientific viewpoint. So-called "culture-free" tests have been constructed over and over again with the same results: They are not

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141

"culture-free." And in the present context, any discussion as to whether Negro police representation relates to the existence of unproved inborn mental differences is simply unrewarding. T h e question not only can't be answered, but until the cultural level of the Negro approximates that of the white, there is little likelihood that the answer can be found. On the other hand, there is evidence that the written civil service police examinations now in use tend to penalize the Negro, in terms of the latter's experiential background.

EDUCATIONAL AND BACKGROUND

DIFFERENCES

Intelligence tests are assumed to be valid to the extent that the persons taking the test have had equal opportunity to learn the answers. However, the fact that persons taking the test may have had "unequal access to the answers" does not mean that the test is valueless. T h e value of any test depends on the use to which it is put. For example, intelligence test "batteries" (or "entrance examinations," which are a combination knowledge-and-intelligence test) are often administered to college aspirants for the purpose of predicting whether a given applicant can master collegelevel material. Here the tester is not directly concerned with the applicant's background; it is assumed that some applicants come from excellent high schools, and some from inferior schools; that some come with excellent home backgrounds, and some with weak backgrounds. It is also assumed that some applicants have an intellectual capacity so high that they have overcome discouraging home environment, and that some have an inherent mental potential so low that no amount of "background" could raise it to the level of college entrance. T h e college entrance selector simply wants an indication of the present mental level of the applicant, and in this sense the intelligence test has prediction value. Such tests have by no means

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been perfected; psychometrists are constantly working at improving them. Nevertheless, when compared to other criteria, such as high school records, written recommendations, or personal interviews, the intelligence test is clearly superior; therefore, its use by the college is justified. In the case at hand, the current civil service examination used in the selection of patrolmen from civilian applicants is similar in many ways to the intelligence test just described. T h e Philadelphia examination checked by the writer contained items relating to memory and observation, vocabulary, Philadelphia geography, and the comprehension of verbal material. Other things being equal, a college graduate will score higher than a high school graduate; a high school graduate will score higher than a person who has not gone beyond grammar or junior high school; a person with a superior home environment higher than a person raised in the slums, et cetera. Test procedure of this kind is equitable in view of the purpose of the examination. It is true that this test will not measure such traits as courage or tenacity or character—traits indispensable to good police work. Such traits cannot yet be measured by any known instrument, and in the absence of such instruments, the present examination is justifiable in terms of its prediction value. Over a large number of cases, men who score high will make better policemen than those who score low, on the reasonable assumption that the unmeasurable traits (courage, et cetera) are equally distributed along the mental continuum. Promotional exams, also, are verbal in nature; i.e., while they attempt to measure knowledge about the functions of the job that is being sought, the responses—in good part—are influenced by the candidate's ability to comprehend and organize symbolic and verbal material. Testing procedure of this kind, while justifiable, will differentiate between Negroes and whites. T o begin with, while the educational level of Negroes is rising, it is still

Negro Personnel

(continued)

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substantially below that of whites. According to the 1950 Census figures the average (median) school year completed for Philadelphia native white males (age twenty-five and over) was 9.5 years, while the corresponding figure for Negroes was 8.2 years.* In Philadelphia, racial identification of applicants for police jobs is not permitted, hence there is no way of comparing the educational backgrounds of Negro and white candidates. All that is known is that at present each applicant must have completed at least two years of high school, in accordance with local civil service ruling. However, it is probably safe to assume that there are relatively fewer high school graduates ("and above") among Negro applicants than among white applicants. For the patrolmen who took part in the present study, a racial difference in education was apparent, the percentage of high school graduates among the whites being almost twice as high as among the Negroes. The fact that in the last three or four years (1953-56) Negro police representation has risen substantially in Philadelphia may reflect, among other things, the improved educational level of Negroes in the younger age groups. Nevertheless, for those who would like to see Negro police representation commensurate with their city population ratio, optimism must be tempered by the reality of the situation. There is little doubt in the writer's mind that so long as the Negro educational level lags be• Census of Population (1950), Volume 11, Characteristics of the Population, Part 38 (Pennsylvania), Table 65, p. 283. The 1940 figures were 6.9 for Negroes and 8.7 for whites. (Census of Population, 1940, Volume II, Population, Table 39, p. 213.) Prior to 1940 the Census Bureau collected Literacy Statistics rather than median school year completed. In 1910 the percentage of illiterate native-white males in Philadelphia (age ten and over) was 5 per cent, while the corresponding Negro figure was 7.8 per cent. In 1920 the illiteracy figures were .3 and 4.6 per cent, and in 1930, .4 and 1.9 per cent respectively for whites and Negroes. (Sources: 1910, Volume III, Population, Table 11, p. 589; 1920, Volume III, Population, Table 10, p. 867; 1930, Volume III, Population, Part 2, Table 15, p. 689.)

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hind that of the white, the entrance of the former into civil-service-type jobs will be comparatively limited. Formal education, moreover, is not the only sphere wherein the Negro is under somewhat of a handicap. Remember that intelligence tests are valid (that is, they measure native intelligence) to the extent that the persons taking the test have had equal opportunity to learn the answers. A Negro who graduates from a non-segregated high school cannot be said to have had "equal opportunity" as compared to a white graduate of the same school. For example, most civil service tests are strongly weighted with items dealing with vocabulary and reading comprehension. By virtue of coming from a relatively low cultural and economic background the Negro would be expected to have been exposed to fewer books, to have acquired a smaller vocabulary, to have less familiarity with written material, et cetera, than the white, even assuming equality of formal education. It is believed, also, that many Negroes lack the incentive for the assimilation of verbal material; they see little connection between such things and the manual or menial jobs that have been traditionally open to them. There are still relatively large numbers of young Negroes who leave school because they believe their education will not pay dividends, only to discover that their early departure has made it more difficult than ever to raise their economic status. Test constructors are well aware of the above factors; these men are fully cognizant of the importance of background factors in the interpretation of intelligence test results. T h e writer was mildly surprised, however, to learn that the Negro interviewees, almost to a man, failed to grasp the significance of the points discussed above. T o the questions regarding the lack of Negro police appointments and promotions, only one Negro respondent answered "lack of education." None mentioned differences in eco-

Negro Personnel (continued)

»45

nomic or cultural levels, home background, unfamiliarity with verbal material, the incentive factor, et cetera. During the interviews the writer raised these questions, with the following typical reactions: "I still think it's political. If the exams are marked fairly the Negro will hold his own." "Put a Negro on the testing board and see what happens." "The Negro will rise to the right level if he's fairly judged. I don't want any breaks. I want the same test everybody else takes—as long as it's marked right." "I know some of the things you say are true. But look at what we have today—television, radio, go to the same movies—my kid goes to the same school as your kid. We're putting a lot of stress on education. Get the politics cleaned up, that's all." "Don't worry about the Negro making out on the examinations—he'll take care of himself—if the thing's on the up and up." In terms of morale on the police force, it would seem that some of the assumptions underlying the civil service examination might be made clear to the Negro policeman. It is hoped that a clarification of this kind would be accepted by the Negro at face value, inasmuch as Negro civilians now hold important positions in local civil service proceedings. As was mentioned in chapter II, the writer's suggestion as to how "channels of communication" can be improved will appear in the final chapter. Tabular material shown previously in the chapter suggests strongly that the appointment-promotion factor may constitute a morale problem for Negro policemen in all the larger U. S. cities. If this assumption is correct the issue probably will have to be faced sooner or later by these municipalities. The sooner the possibility of the problem is recognized the easier it will be to formulate definitive policy.

IX The Negro Press

REASONS FOR INCLUSION

was undertaken in an attempt to learn something about the integration of Negroes into the Philadelphia Police Force and, in addition, to investigate some of the factors involved in the treatment of the Negro offender—an area which has plagued both the police administration and the Negro community. During the investigation of this latter area it became apparent to the writer that the role of the Negro press loomed large in the minds of many interviewees. Questions relating to the Negro press were included neither in the questionnaire nor in any of the interview schedules. Nevertheless, the subject "come up." More often than not, discussions involving Negro crime and the treatment of the Negro offender elicited comments and opinions regarding the coverage afforded by the Negro press. The present chapter contains the gist of these opinions as well as the responses and reactions of some of the editors of Philadelphia's Negro newspapers. Despite the fact that the question did not appear on any of the interview schedules, approximately half of the Negro policemen and about three-quarters of the commanders who were interviewed volunteered opinions regarding the Negro press. (None of the administrators voluntarily brought the subject up.) Of those who volunteered statements, none had a kind word about the Negro

T H E PRESENT STUDY

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»47

press. Captain and patrolman, Negro and white, prejudiced and non-prejudiced—all closed ranks in their condemnation of the local Negro newspapers. COMMANDERS

The most outspoken group were the commanders. These men felt that the task of maintaining law and order among Negro elements—difficult in itself—is made more difficult through the slant used by the Negro press. In general, commanders stated that the Negro press followed a standard policy of taking the side of the Negro offender, irrespective of the merits of the case; i.e., instances of "brutality" are exaggerated, distorted, and even invented; the white policeman is depicted as "surly," "rude," and "prejudiced"; the Negro offender is assumed to be the innocent victim of the "white man's law"; known Negro racketeers are "glamourized" rather than condemned. It was also stated that lynchings, differential treatment of Negro offenders by southern courts, and racial "incidents" are played up, while brutal and wholesale commitment of crimes by Negroes go relatively unnoticed. The following statements are illustrative of the general feeling of the commanders: "The Negro press does its best to foul things up. Here's a good example: Around midnight we got a call to check a robbery near Seventeenth and Street. We were short of men, and the policeman assigned to that area was in a car by himself that night. Well, he cruised around and sees this Negro hiding behind a hedge . . . he has several hundred dollars on him and couldn't explain where he got it. So the cop puts him in the car and starts back to the station house. The Negro is in the back seat. Somehow he had a concealed gun that the officer hadn't found when he searched him. So he pulls out the gun and shoots the cop in the back. The car gets out of control, hits a pole,

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the cop's lying in the street bleeding, and the Negro takes off. Well, we sent out a general call and in less than an hour we pick the guy u p again—dumb bunny was hiding behind the same hedge—still had the gun and the money. T h e boys went to work on him—it was hard to hold 'em back. Only time I ever saw 'em gang up on a criminal. It may have happened more, but if it did I've never seen it. Anyway, this Negro's head is all bashed in and they take him to a hospital. Negro press plasters it all over the front page—Police Brutality. T h e y got pictures of this guy with his head all bandaged. Do you think they said anything about the cop he shot in the back? Never mentioned it. T h e Negro was out of the hospital in two weeks. He was an ex-con—this was his fourth offense. T h e police officer was in the hospital for six months—never was able to go back on duty." " T h e Negro press can take any story and make it look bad for the white cop. Not long ago we had a call about a street fight—couple of Negro kids were using switch blades on each other. A patrol car went out, stopped the fight and started to put the kids in the car. Fifteen or twenty of their friends started to mill around and form a crowd—started to push the cops. T h e y had to radio for help, and we sent four cars in and broke it up. Negro press ran a big story on how the white police beat up innocent Negro bystanders. They're always putting out stories like that. W h y don't they come in here and try to get the facts of the case? No, they only want to stir u p trouble." " A f t e r something happens the Negro press makes it worse. T h e y take the Negro's side, no matter whose fault it really is. T h e y figure they can sell more papers that way. It's nothing but an agitation sheet." " T h e Negro press is a thorn. T h e y do more to hurt good police administration than any group in the city. If they wanted to do a job, they'd print some of the thousands of cases where a Negro thug has beaten a white victim."

The Negro Press

»49

"Sometimes I think we ought to get together with the Negro press and explain the facts of life to them. Some of the editors seem like responsible men, I don't know. But where do they get some of the stories they print? They're all distorted. Remember, though, that some of the white papers print rubbish, too. T o the average newspaper, police activities make big news, and I can understand how sometimes the stories get all muddled. Maybe it's partly our fault. Maybe we need a press bureau or something." "A lot of Negroes have a fear of white cops, and the Negro press is responsible. They play up anything they can. Mind you, I know of cases where a white cop has been brutal. But I can tell you honestly I can count those cases on the fingers of one hand. Usually the colored person starts the trouble. The Negro press never reports that side of it. They never want the facts. Soon as something happens they just want the criminal's side of it. I've seen the reporters go right up to the man and get the story, take pictures. Why don't they get both sides?" "The Negro press has done a lot of damage. I know white police officers today who are reluctant to arrest a Negro. They figure there's nothing but trouble in it for them." "The Negro press are slick. They do all they can to create problems, otherwise they'd be out of a job." "The colored newspapers and the colored leaders in this city thrive on present conditions. The only real leaders are some colored ministers—they're sick of Negro crime and low morals. They're the only ones who don't try to blame it on the whites." "The Negro press and the N.A.A.C.P.—the National Association for the Prevention of Colored People I call i t do more harm than good. Sometimes they have a good case, but they're hurtin' their own cause by not doing anything about Negro crime. There's two sides to every story." "About seventy-five per cent of the major crimes in

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Philadelphia are done by Negroes. Why doesn't the Negro press print that, instead of harping on brutality." "The Negro press is a problem. They run some good things—I've read them. Then they turn right around and print a lopsided story of an arrest involving a Negro criminal. I think they're handicapped—they can't afford to hire good reporters, and consequently they sometimes print everything but the doorknob. I'll say this: They're not as bad as some people think. But they could be doing a lot more good." "Eighty per cent of the narcotics arrests were Negroes. It makes the Negro leaders squirm. Nothing gets in the Negro press, though." "There was a reporter from the Negro newspaper in here not long ago. I told him I had been looking at the cards in City Hall for holdups—includes carrying a gun or deadly weapon. The inspector and I counted the cards—the white cards were for whites and the blue cards for Negroes -seventy-three per cent of the cards were blue. Know what the reporter said? 'How come you got two different colored cards?' Imagine that. I told him it made filing and identification easier, but he said it looked like discrimination." NEGRO INTERVIEWEES

While relatively not so numerous or so vociferous as the commanders, Negro patrolmen interviewees who raised the issue were also of the opinion that the Negro press hurts rather than helps the cause of law enforcement. However, the tone of many of the Negro interviewees was more apologetic than disparaging. The feeling seemed to be that Negro journalism was one of the things that educated Negroes have to put up with. The press was said to aim at the lowest denominator; to appeal to the uneducated; to stress such things as beautifiers and hair straighteners, social affairs, cults, and mystic potions. It was felt that Negro

The Negro Press

>5»

crime was generally distorted, but knowing the financial structure and nature of the Negro press, such distortion was just one of those things. . . . "There never has been any real Negro leadership in Philadelphia. The 'leaders' are usually in it for their own interests. The Negro press is a joke. They don't give you any real news—it's only stuff the big papers printed earlier in the week. It's rewritten and given a Negro twist—sometimes it insults your intelligence." "The Negro press plays up all the angles. If it looks like brutality they print it—whether it's in Timbuctoo or Atlanta." "Some colored people don't like colored cops. As soon as I got on the force I lost some of my friends. They get it from the Negro press—in the poorer sections it's all they read. Course, you have to understand—the colored newspapers have to make a living. They have no money. They can't afford to hire real reporters. They have to be jack-ofall-trades." "I don't know what the answer is—colored crime is high, young hoodlums carrying switch blades. Negro press doesn't help. They were responsible for breaking up the Special Squad, the only thing we had that would keep 'em in line." "The Negro press puts in anything but the kitchen sink. They're funny. Once a colored racketeer was shot and killed by a policeman. The undertaker charged fifteen dollars admission to see the body, and the Negro press gave 'em a lot of publicity." "Things are gonna stay bad in colored sections until the Negro press starts to condemn the colored racketeers instead of praising 'em. Pick up a Negro newspaper like the and read where (alleged Negro racketeer) sat on the witness stand, well groomed, well dressed—outfoxin' the white lawyers. They're the things that hurt us."

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" T h e two races ought to be brought closer together. T h e colored press splits them farther apart. I know. I can tell when I'm in a colored area where the Negro press is read." " T h e Negro press gives us a rough time. I hear some of the editors are O.K., but the young reporters are inferior caliber. Even their grammar's bad. Some of the stories I've read are O.K., but some give the wrong idea. I'd like to see some improvement." " T h e r e are too many young hoodlums around—and the Negro press never prints a line about them. Of course, the press isn't much. My wife buys it, you know, just to read the social news—she likes to see whose names are mentioned." " A lot of the fellows complain about the Negro papers, but I personally never had any trouble with 'em. Some things they don't print they should print, but a lot of their news hits the spot." "I'll tell you one reason for all the trouble in the Negro community—it's the Negro press. T h e y seem to glorify the crook." "How are you going to reach the colored criminal? Boys' clubs, churches—they're talking to the wrong people. Criminals don't go there. Negro press could do some good, but you know what kind of an outfit that is." "It's a tough thing, this Negro crime problem. . . . I don't think the Negro newspapers hurt things, like some people say. T h e y just don't do anything to help. T o o busy writing about beautifiers and magic formulas."

EDITORS O F THE NEGRO PRESS

It should be borne in mind that the statements that have been quoted represent one side of the picture only. Regardless of the race or the rank of the interviewee, all of the foregoing statements were by policemen. It was felt

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that the Negro newspaper editors should have an opportunity to speak for themselves on the issues that were reported. T o this end the writer arranged a conference and invited representatives of the four Philadelphia Negro newspapers. Present at the conference were the editors of two of these papers and a former editor of a third. T h e meeting lasted the better part of an afternoon. At the outset of the meeting the editors were informed about the nature of the present survey, and the writer then proceeded to voice the allegations pertaining to the Negro press. The editors were told that the allegations, in general, were of two kinds: (a) Negro newspapers tended to "play up" instances of brutality, placing the blame on white policemen, without attempting to investigate provocation; i.e., resistant or rebellious behavior on the part of the Negro offender, (b) Negro newspapers tended to "play down" crimes committed by Negroes. T h e allegations were discussed separately, with each of the editors being asked for his own viewpoint based on specific instances. T h e writer believes the following statements to be representative of the position of the Philadelphia Negro press apropos of the two issues involved. (a) Playing up brutality without investigating provocation "That's ridiculous. You can't print charges in a newspaper unless you get the facts—otherwise you'd be inviting a legal suit." "We've run across numerous cases of brutality, but I've never printed one without first getting the facts." "All good reporters aim at getting the facts—you just don't build out of air." "Here's what you run up against. There was a case of a Negro boy who worked in a Giant Market. He carried home customers' packages for them. Seems this white woman gave the kid her packages and instead of taking

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them to her home he absconded with them. She told her husband—who happened to be a cop. The cop went down to the store looking for the boy. He picked up one of the colored boys—a kid, just thirteen years old—not the one who had the packages, just one who happened to be standing around. The cop accused the boy. The boy told him he didn't even know who the thief was. The cop then took this kid in the house and beat him up something a w f u l sent the kid to the hospital. Well, we inquired into the case—know what they told us? Said the boy got hurt because he fell down when he tried to run away!" "When anything like that happens we try to get both sides of the story. The commanders are the ones who don't want you to get both sides. They never let you talk to the person. As soon as something happens the whole police force wraps their arms around the person—won't let you talk to him. The police commanders just brush you off with a 'resisting-arrest' statement." "That's about the size of it. No matter what the brutality is, it's always 'resisting arrest.' And the police force and the whole district attorney's office backs up the cop. I don't think I've ever seen a case where the prosecution of a cop on charges of brutality was upheld." "It's hard to realize the brutality of some policemen. They're brutal with whites and twice as brutal with the colored. I've been in station houses for a good many years and I've seen it. They wait until they get them inside and then they start to work on them." "There was a case this last year. Colored man was waiting his turn in the dentist's office. He fell asleep. The dentist woke him up, and the Negro forget for a moment where he was. The dentist thought he was sick and called the cops. The cops took him out and for no reason started to beat him up. We have photographs of these people—we know what happens." "Yes, and there was another recent case of a Negro

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drunk. When the cops went to put him in the red car he kicked at them. They sent for another car, handcuffed him, and then proceeded to give him a merciless beating. He lay bleeding in the station house from 1 P.M. to 4 A.M. before they sent him to the hospital. One of my reporters handed me the account, and I decided to investigate myself. We found three witnesses—all white people—who had seen what happened and who said they'd testify against the cops. We got affidavits for them to sign. In the meantime there was a lot of publicity in the papers and two of the witnesses wouldn't sign the affidavits. We could produce only one witness, and nothing happened to the cops—it never does." "When you're getting a story, it's hard to get the district captains to co-operate. They treat the white press differently. They're afraid of the white press." (b) Playing down crimes committed by Negroes "I've always given space to crime-prevention news. The Negro press is well aware of the Negro crime situation. We know how high the crime rate is—why would we want to increase it?" "I'm playing it up, not down. I put in the headlines—I can't remember the exact numbers—120 murders last year, all but ten by Negroes." "I'm always ranting about Negro crime and indecent conduct. That's what I use for filler—you know, you get to the bottom of a column and have space left over—well, I use that space for little items on proper conduct. That's in addition to the regular coverage." "I'm doing more than just giving newspaper space to Negro crime. The (newspaper) went ahead and organized its Anti-crime Commission. This is a colored organization—contains many of the outstanding Negro leaders in Philadelphia." "Come down and look over our files—read our editorials

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—you'll see how much space we devote to Negro crime and crime prevention." "My paper is constantly calling attention to the high Negro crime rate. I even run a little comic strip called ' It's a take-off on some Negro public behavior—holds it up to ridicule—gets over the idea of how people should and shouldn't act. Look over our old issues —you can see these things." "We're calling these things to the attention of the colored communities. 's paper actually kept a box score on Negro crime." "You're up against a real problem in some Negro neighborhoods. Take the police district, almost entirely colored—highest crime rate of any district in the city. There are very few colored leaders in that district. Most of them moved out to better neighborhoods. Maybe 80,000 Negroes there—less than a hundred college graduates. So the communities that need leaders the most—the communities where most of the crime is—are the very ones that are lacking in leadership." "I think some police captains are passing the buck. Over in my neighborhood you can see colored men and boys shooting crap right out in the open. Red cars go by but no attempt is made to stop the games. The colored boys get the idea they can get away with things. Sometimes, all of a sudden, the police crack down—the Negro isn't prepared for it, and there's trouble." "We're doing what we can. But actually the district commander is a key figure. You need a high type of man assigned to run a colored district. He has to know the community. The captains we have today aren't doing it. For one thing, they're transferred around too much. It's supposed to keep 'em honest, but it doesn't give them a chance to get to know the community members. . . . It's not the Negro press—it's too often the fact that the district police captain is a prejudiced individual. And when his

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heart isn't in the right place, he won't do any good in a colored community." CONCLUSIONS

In view of the conflicting verbal evidence, the writer does not profess to know whether the allegations against the Negro press are largely true, partly true, or largely false. The Negro press is a protest instrument and undoubtedly has helped to right many wrongs. There have been numerous categories of race prejudice and discrimination that have been exposed by Negro newspapers—and also by the white press. Whether, in terms of over-all effect, the Negro press is guilty of unwarranted inflammation against the agents of law enforcement remains a matter of opinion. If such were the case, the situation would indeed be tragic. If such is not the case, it is most unfortunate that so many policemen are harboring the misconception, for unless the police and the press—and every other community agency—are united in the interests of law and morality, prospects for a decrease in the incidence and severity of crime will remain dim. Since the allegations reported herein are of a most serious order, the writer believes it unwise to let the matter drop. The relationship between the Negro press and the police is, from a civic viewpoint, unsatisfactory. The press has a fairly large circulation in Philadelphia Negro communities, and it would seem that some attempt should be made to improve the relationship betwen the press and the police. The writer's own suggestions will appear in the last chapter.

X Summary T H E ADMINISTRATION

that the administering of a large urban police department today is a highly complex job. In many ways, also, it is a thankless job. When things go right nobody says anything. When things go "wrong," it is the administration which is held to be responsible. It is only as one comes to understand the daily administrative problems, the endless decisions, the snipings of the press, the pressures exerted by legal, political, and community groups, et cetera, that the matter of race relations within the police force comes into proper perspective. In spite of the host of other problems, race relations within the Philadelphia Police Department are, in the writer's opinion, superior to those found in most other areas of employment. By all the signs, the present administration is manifestly fair in its treatment of Negro personnel. Under certain previous administrations, such, reportedly, was not the case: some of the dissatisfactions voiced by today's Negro policeman appear to stem from the traditional practices and policies which were implicit under these former administrations. For example, the Philadelphia Negro patrolman customarily has been restricted to the foot beat. Special assignments, patrol-car work, and House Sergeant's duties were, for years, difficult for the Negro to come by. Inequities of this kind were inherited by the present administration, and while the latter has made a number of rectifications, they have not been 158 IT MUST B E REALIZED

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made fast enough to suit some Negro police personnel and some Negro leaders. On the other hand, the present administration inherited a host of problems of far greater public importance than that of intra-departmental race relations, and it is only right that these latter problems (graft, corruption, political interference, and incompetence of personnel) should have received first attention. In spite of the operational handicap under which the current administration started, the writer found unmistakable evidence that Negro policemen today are being appointed in larger numbers, and are being assigned to positions of responsibility to a greater degree than ever before. That these positions of responsibility do not always carry with them commensurate rank is due to the fact that either (a) the civil servicve examinations of Negro policemen were fraudulently graded under certain prior administrations, or (b) the Negro policemen have made inferior scores on these examinations (see chapter VIII). Even so, the number of Negroes in the ranks above patrolmen has been increasing. T h e rate of increase will in all likelihood depend on the Negro policeman's test performance. At the time of the survey a few of the district commanders were still using skin color as a criterion for assignment, and while these assignments are not directly attributable to the administration, the latter, nevertheless, is responsible in the sense that conditions were allowed to exist. If channels of communication were made more practicable, this situation could have been remedied in short order. T h e writer's recommendations along these lines will appear in the following chapter. T H E COMMANDERS

Police commanders (Division Inspectors, District Captains and Sergeants, Specialized Unit Commanders) appeared to the writer to fall into one of three groups. At the

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one extreme, comprising about 10 per cent of those interviewed, are commanders who take an active interest in the welfare of Negro police personnel and who are proud of the latter's accomplishments. These men are also actively concerned with race relations in their own communities and have established harmonious relationships with local Negro leaders. At the other extreme, constituting approximately 15 per cent of those interviewed, are commanders who are convinced that, in general, Negroes make inferior policemen. These commanders, furthermore, take a dim view of the Negro community apropos of illegal and immoral behavior, although at the same time they are making no attempt to work with local Negro leaders in an attempt to ameliorate the crime problem. The majority—some 75 per cent of the commanders interviewed—are of the opinion that police efficiency or deficiency has nothing to do with skin color. Their only criterion for good police work is on-the-job performance. At the same time, these commanders have also become rather skeptical of the Negro community, as such. T o these men the term "race problem" is likely to mean "crime problem" rather than racial interaction within the police department. All of the police commanders are fully aware of the high crime rate in Negro areas, and most of them hold that it is the Negro's rather than the white man's problem. In any case, there is little effective rapport today between Philadelphia police commanders and Negro community leaders. With regard to the actual handling of Negro district personnel, commanders experience little difficulty, a fact which was corroborated by statements of Negro police interviewees. While some of the latter have complaints about the actions of a few biased commanders, for the most part Negro policemen stated that they were being fairly treated.

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One exception has been the area of vehicle assignments. As of 1953 Negro patrolmen were underrepresented on patrol cars, and very infrequently were a Negro and a white assigned to the same car as regular partners. One reason for this has been that a minority of commanders— the aforementioned 15 per cent—believe that Negro police are inferior to white police. Since there is a feeling that vehicle duty is a somewhat more responsible (and to most patrolmen a preferable) assignment, these commanders were simply not assigning Negroes to vehicles. However, the vehicle-assignment problem has confronted even the majority of commanders who are otherwise fair in their treatment of Negro personnel. Until recently the large majority of districts have had only a few Negro patrolmen assigned, and since these few are further divided on a three-shift basis, the commander has been faced with the problem of assigning a white and a Negro to the vehicle. Most white patrolmen object to riding with a Negro partner, hence the commander has often "solved" the problem by assigning the Negro to a foot beat. While the Negro patrolmen have been well aware of this practice, they have not made an issue of it. The pros and cons of the matter are discussed in chapter III. Informal interviews in 1955-56 suggest that in recent months Negroes have been assigned to patrol cars in increasing numbers, although it is a little too early, as yet, to determine the extent to which this is true. WHITE PATROLMEN

While there is little overt conflict between Negro and white members of the police force, questionnaire results indicate clearly that most white district patrolmen have certain reservations about working with Negro policemen. These reservations are much the same as those found in most other U. S. employment areas. For example, 59.5 per

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cent of the respondents objected to riding with a Negro patrolman in a red car. As nearly as could be told from the written-in statements, this objection seems to hinge on the alleged body odor of Negroes. On the other hand, 93.7 per cent believed that it is a good thing to have some Negroes on the police force, and only 10.5 per cent thought that there were "too many" Negroes on the force. Also, only 35.8 per cent would have any objections to taking orders from a well-qualified Negro sergeant or captain. One of the most interesting findings derived from the questionnaire tabulations was the fact that the majority (51.8 per cent) of the respondents "found it necessary to be more strict with Negro law violators than with white violators." Stated reasons were to the effect that the Negro law violator was a more fractious, harder-to-handle individual, with less respect for authority than in the case of the white offender (chapter V). It is apparent, however, upon further statistical analysis, that the reaction of the Negro offender upon being apprehended by the white policeman is at least partly a function of the attitude of the white arresting officer. For example, white policemen who "find it necessary to be more strict with Negro than with white violators" tend to be those who object to riding with Negro partners, who object to taking orders from a well-qualified Negro commander, who believe there are too many Negroes on the force, or who prefer not to have Negroes assigned to their district (chapter VI). Other findings: T h e more a white patrolman has worked with Negro policemen, the more likely it is that he will have opinions favorable to Negro policemen. White patrolmen who have lived in the same neighborhood with Negro families are more likely to have favorable opinions about Negro policemen than those who have not lived in such a neighborhood. T h e higher the estimated Negro arrest rate, the less likely it is that the white patrolman

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making the estimate will have favorable opinions about Negro policemen, and the more likely it is that he will "find it necessary to be more strict with Negro than with white offenders." White patrolmen who have unfavorable opinions about Negro policemen tend to project this feeling to white communities. NEGRO PERSONNEL

T h e relationship between the Negro policeman and the Philadelphia white community seems to be quite satisfactory. T h e Negro policeman is regarded much the same as a white policeman. White community members are no more concerned over being patrolled by a colored policeman than they are by being served by a colored mail carrier or by riding in a streetcar driven by a colored motorman. In their relationships with their fellow policemen, Negro police, again, are experiencing little difficulty, with the possible exception of car assignments. T h i s is not to say that race prejudice is largely lacking among white policemen; bias is present here much the same as it is in other fields of employment. But the prejudice or bias, for the most part, amounts to a "quiet" type; that is, very few incidents arise, very little is said about it, and there is virtually no open conflict. For the most part, Negro policemen are satisfied with the way they are being treated by their commanding officers. However, there have been a few commanders—reportedly decreasing in number—who are anti-Negro, and this fact is fairly well known by Negro policemen with any length of service on the force. Whereas the day-to-day activities of the Negro policeman are largely devoid of racial incidents, from a longrange view the Negro is bitterly disappointed that more promotions have not come his way. As of the date this study was undertaken there were practically no Negroes on

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the city police force with a permanent rank higher than that of patrolman, although in recent months the situation has improved somewhat, with Negroes having advanced as high as deputy inspector. Negro personnel, themselves, have been prone to attribute their promotional lack to a variety of factors, chief a m o n g which are "politics" and "race prejudice." W h i l e both of these factors may have operated under certain previous administrations, the writer could find no evidence that they exist today to any significant degree. It is likely that the low educational level of the Negro—relative to that of the white—plus his poorer general environment, have penalized the N e g r o on the civil service police examinations. T h e effect of these cultural factors on test performance is not realized by the b u l k of the Negro policemen. T u r n i n g to another area, the relationship between the N e g r o police and the N e g r o offender provided a f r u i t f u l source for sociological investigation. T h e Negro policeman, quite aware of the high N e g r o crime rate, is clearly indignant about the N e g r o offender. A l t h o u g h most white patrolmen admit they are more strict with Negro than with white offenders, N e g r o patrolmen maintain that white patrolmen are not unduly strict with colored violators. T h e logical interpretation is that the Negro policeman, himself, is stricter with N e g r o than with white offenders, and by his o w n standards the actions of white policemen against N e g r o offenders do not appear to be unduly severe.

XI Recommendations contains the writer's personal recommendations, based on a study which was many months in the making. During this time a variety of statistical data was collected and analyzed, and well over a hundred people were interviewed, the subject matter in both instances dealing with the racial factor in law enforcement. T h e writer believes that for the most part he achieved the confidence of the various patrolmen, police officials, and community leaders who took part in the study—in spite of existing differences of opinion both within and between these groups. T h e recommendations that follow are limited in number, and, with one exception, they will be kept practical. It should be realized, however, in the nature of the situation, that no set of recommendations can be pleasing to all groups involved; indeed, once he takes it upon himself to make recommendations, an impartial investigator in a study such as the present one must not let his judgment be influenced by personal considerations of the individuals or groups that were investigated. Therefore, whether the following recommendations are accepted or rejected, it is hoped that they will be evaluated in the same spirit with which they were written. THIS FINAL CHAPTER

THE ADMINISTRATION

It is the writer's belief that the Philadelphia Police Administration is impartial in its treatment of Negro per165

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sonnel. Nevertheless, many of the Negro interviewees had complaints. Some of the complaints were voiced against individual commanding officers, and had to do with race prejudice; e.g., not assigning Negroes to red cars. Other dissatisfactions were non-directive in nature; e.g., resentment due to the lack of Negro police promotions. Some of the complaints appear to the writer to be valid, others to be invalid. In both instances, however, there has been no practical mechanism operating in the Police Department whereby dissatisfactions can be voiced. There is no "pipe line." White patrolmen are similarly affected. When they have complaints or gripes there is no one in the administration to whom they feel they can go. As a consequence, patrolmen are prone to grumble among themselves, with a necessary lowering of morale. It is recommended that an office be set up within the police department the principal function of which would be the handling of individual police complaints. This office need not be a large one. The work could be taken care of by one or two men. The officer in charge should have the rank of inspector. He should be empowered to take whatever steps are necessary to rectify any complaints which are reported to him, and which, upon investigation, prove to be valid. In all likelihood, a minority of the complaints would be of a racial nature. Nevertheless, for both Negro and white police personnel the establishment of such an office would provide a much-needed safety valve. T h e army has utilized a system of this sort for some time with considerable success under the designation of "Inspector General." T h e latter is empowered to hear complaints, rectify situations, and also to investigate anybody or anything bearing on soldier morale or military efficiency. In practice, the Inspector General acts as a watchdog for the Pentagon, ascertaining whether the situation

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as reported by commanding officers actually reflects the real picture. In the Police Department such a rank might be called "Liaison Inspector." This officer would serve as an official listening-post-and-investigator for the administration. T h e success of the venture would depend largely on the personality and vigor of the man chosen for the job. H e should be friendly and sympathetic toward patrolmen; he should be able to gain their confidence; and he should act quickly in cases where a commanding officer is in the wrong. In the handling of an unjustified complaint he should, with full explanation, back the commander. But right or wrong, the patrolmen—and commanders—could state their problems without fear of recrimination. T h e role of Liaison Inspector would not be that of coddling police personnel. His function would be to increase police efficiency by improving police morale. It may be that a step in the direction of Liaison Inspector has been taken by the Administration. In the 1955 Annual Police Report, under the heading Deputy Inspectors, the following statement appears: " T h e group of eight Deputy Inspectors, as members of the personal staff of the Police Commissioner, conducted inspections of field units, completed many confidential investigations and participated in numerous surveys, analyses, programs, operations, and special assignments during the year 1955. In 1954, inspections of field units were conducted by groups of inspecting officers, but early in 1955 the procedure was changed, so that each Deputy Inspector had a Field Division assigned to him for constant inspectional purposes. Those assignments were rotated periodically so that each inspector will eventually have had inspectional experience in all the Police Department Field Divisions. T h e major inspectional categories included Status of Morale, Status of Discipline, Evaluation of Performance

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and Conformation with Departmental Policy on the part of individuals and units." (p. 11, Italics added.) OFFICER SELECTION AND COMMUNITY RELATIONS

After talking with most of the district captains and division inspectors the writer was left with the impression that these men were doing very little "community" work. As of 1953-54, at least, little or no effort was being made to interest local leaders and community organizations in the over-all problems of law enforcement and crime prevention. T h e commanders would probably argue that such activities are outside the realm of official police duties, and that even if they were not the demands of their job leave no time for community endeavors. These arguments may be sound, and the writer would be the first to admit that a recommendation along the lines of "Community Relations" is, in many ways impractical. On the other hand, the blunt fact remains that in the postwar period the fight against crime has not been successful, especially in Negro areas, and the community approach conceivably might justify added expenditure of initiative and time on the part of the police commander. At a time when the educational value of Public Relations is becoming increasingly stressed by both private and civic enterprise, it is somewhat anachronistic that the Police Department in general, and the district commanders in particular, have not seen fit to exploit this widely recognized service. At present it is doubtful whether one Philadelphian in a hundred knows the name of his district police commander. T h e functions of district police personnel, community police coverage, communications and call-boxes, the role and duties of the citizen in law enforcement—these and a host of related topics are of interest to the average city-dweller. T h e latter, specifically, might be receptive to a community program which aimed at ex-

Recommendations

plaining the tasks confronting the police in his neighborhood and the various ways in which he could be of help. A logical person to do the explaining would be the district police captain or his lieutenant, since these are the persons who should (a) be most familiar with the community's crime and delinquency problems, and (b) have sufficient enforcing authority and status to warrant the respect of the community. The main drawback to the "community relations" approach at the district level, at least in the writer's view, is not that such action lies outside the sphere of police work, nor that commanders could not find the time, but that the commanders themselves, over the years, have not been the type of men who could gain the confidence of the community. With some notable exceptions, most commanders impressed the writer, during the 1953 interviews, as having a weak grasp of the functions of a police commander. A few of the district captains, for example, were unsure of their own district boundaries. Some of the commanders interviewed had but a vague idea of the crime rate in their area, and some were unsure about the number of assigned personnel. Relatively few of these men appeared to have a knowledge broad enough and a delivery effective enough to be able to speak with community groups on such topics as crime, delinquency, deterrence, probation, the role of the community, the relationship between the police and community leaders, et cetera. It is not enough to say that the district commanders are "not supposed to know about such things." This is their business and they should know about them; at least, they should know enough to be able to discuss them intelligently with interested groups. In the last two years there have been wholesale personnel changes among district commanders. Many new faces are in evidence, partially as a result of the civil service promotional examinations. It is hoped that with the infusion of new blood into command positions the Admin-

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istration will see fit to encourage the Community Relastions approach. That at least a start has been made in this direction is suggested in two statements made in the 1955 Annual Report: "Public Relations On March 21, 1955, as a result of a survey made within the Detective Division, a group of officers was selected to represent the Division in matters concerned with public relations. A representative and an alternate from each Headquarters Unit and Subdivision were selected to serve on this committee." (p. 23) "Public and Community Relations Realizing that in the area of juvenile delinquency, the Police Department can do little or nothing without the active support of the citizen and citizen organizations, the Juvenile Aid Bureau has instituted a public relations policy to improve the nature of its public contacts. Every effort ?s being made to create favorable contacts with the citizenry, to enlist their support, to win their regard, to open up new avenues of communication, and together attack juvenile delinquency as a community problem instead of a police problem." (p. 30) Should these ventures prove worth while, it may be that a district Public Relations program will be incorporated as a permanent command function. Another question the writer wishes to raise is whether the present method of selecting commanders could be improved. Currently the ranks of captain and inspector are achieved through standard civil service procedures. This means that every captain and inspector was once a patrolman. Therefore, through the years, the caliber of police commanders can be no higher than that of the top level of patrolman. An analogous situation would obtain if all the Army and Navy commanders were recruited from the enlisted ranks. Actually, some excellent commanders in our armed forces are recruited in this manner. But the bulk of them (except during wartime) have attained their

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rank through specialized officer training-schools—West Point, the Air Force Academy, Annapolis, R. O. T . C. T h e writer holds that the present method of officer selection tends to limit the range of traits which may be desirable in command positions. It is suggested, therefore, that consideration be given to the idea of recruiting a certain number of police commanders directly from civilian ranks by means of an intensive officer-training program similar to those used by the armed forces and the F. B. I. Such a program would by no means eliminate promotions from the ranks. T h e adoption of a limited officer-training program would simply mean that commanders could be recruited from a wider and more highly select group of men than that of patrolmen. Few college graduates, to use one source-example, are interested in becoming a "cop." But many might be interested in the higher-paying, more responsible position of police commander. A top-level recruitment system of the type suggested has been used by the F. B. I. with excellent results. T h e latter is a highly selective organization, screening and selecting its personnel from among college graduates who meet the physical and mental requirements. Salaries of F. B. I. agents compare with those of district police commanders, at which point, unfortunately, the comparison too often ends. A recruiting program of the type mentioned could not be accomplished overnight. Among other things, the City Charter would have to be amended to provide for supplementary officer selection. This would require a change in the thinking patterns of city officials charged with formulating personnel policy. In the writer's opinion, such a change might be worth thinking about. T H E NEGRO PRESS

As reported in chapter IX, the relationship between the Negro press and the police is, from a civic viewpoint, un-

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satisfactory, and the writer feels that some attempt should be made to improve relations between these groups. In view of the existing altercation, two suggestions present themselves: (a) Conduct a survey of the content of the Negro newspapers in Philadelphia. T h e research could be carried on by any of the local university, community, or foundation-type organizations interested in the subject of race relations. T h e program would involve interviews with the newspaper editorial staffs and reporters, together with a content analysis of crime news in the Negro press. T h e editors who met with the writer have already stated that their files are open. If the allegations herein reported are found to be generally true, it would be the responsibility of the editors to effect a turnabout in the editorial policy of the Negro newspaper or newspapers involved, in so far as such policy relates to the coverage and handling of crime news. If the allegations referred to in chapter I X are largely false, it would be the responsibility of the Police Administration to take whatever steps are necessary to dispel the existing stereotype held by so many police commanders. Such steps might include a directive making for a closer liaison between district captains and the editors and reporters of Negro newspapers, the establishment of scheduled press conferences, the co-ordination of news releases, et cetera. (b) Assume that the present unsatisfactory relationship between the Negro press and district commanders has been caused by unilateral actions on both sides, and formulate a bilateral policy of co-operation. This would obviate the need for "further research" into the matter, with a resultant saving of time and money. Actual formulation of a co-operative program might be effected by a committee drawn from the Police Department, the Negro press, the Philadelphia Crime Commission, the N.A.A.C.P., the Greenfield Center for Human Relations (University

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of Pennsylvania), the Sociology Departments of nearby universities, and other interested groups. In view of the personal equation, whether a plan of this kind w o u l d prove practicable is open to question. It might be worth a try. O n e thing is certain: if the police and the N e g r o press were to work in harmony with one another, the biggest beneficiary would be the public. A t present, however, there is more antipathy than co-operation, and in view of the importance of the matter, the writer feels that the status should not remain quo.

THE POLICE ACADEMY

T h e writer also recommends that a short course in race relations be included in one of the phases of the Police Academy training program—on an experimental basis. In terms of subject matter, a n u m b e r of potentially f r u i t f u l approaches suggest themselves. T o begin with, the results of the questionnaire indicate q u i t e clearly that the majority of white patrolmen are, in varying degrees, prejudiced against the Negro patrolmen. W h i l e this comes as n o surprise, and while the writer is by n o means sold on the idea that "education," as it is commonly conceived, can change racial attitudes, it is possible that on certain factual matters the record might be set straight. For example, white patrolmen who object to riding in a red car with N e g r o patrolmen most often listed " B . O . " as the reason. A v a i l a b l e evidence indicates that body odor is not a racial matter b u t depends on individual cleanliness. T h e exposing of myths of this k i n d would appear to be one basis for c u r r i c u l u m subject matter. It must be recognized, also, that as time goes on more a n d more arrests, proportionately and absolutely, w i l l involve N e g r o violators. Since there is reason to believe that i n many instances the reaction of the N e g r o offender

174

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

toward a white policeman is different from that of a white offender, a description of the motivational factors affecting the Negro would also seem to be a valid basis of course content. The writer was impressed over and over again, in the present study, with the willingness and sincerity of the interviewees—both white and Negro—in discussing racial matters. For most of them the interview was the first opportunity they had ever had to discuss the matter with an objective observer. Even the most prejudiced individuals seemed glad to be able to state their grievances to an interested listener. In terms of course content, again, it is possible that out of the expression and discussion of such hostilities a better understanding of race problems could be developed. The writer suggests that a course in race relations be given a trial. Racial attitudes could be measured before and after the course. Trainees could be asked whether they thought the course had practical value. If the results were generally negative, the course would be dropped. In practice, a trial course could be set up very easily and at little expense to the Police Department. There are several experts in the field of race relations in Philadelphia —men who know the field and who know how to teach, who would certainly be willing to co-operate in the program. T H E NEGRO C O M M U N I T Y

The writer believes that the most important problem facing the Philadelphia Negro community is not fair employment or educational opportunity or any other index of equality—the big problem is the staggering amount of Negro crime. The writer feels that the high Negro crime rate, in general, is not attributable to differential treatment, either by the police or by the courts. Responsibility

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falls primarily on the Negro community itself—and thus far acceptance of the responsibility has lagged. In Philadelphia the educational level of the Negro has risen steadily; he has access to more and better jobs; his wages and purchasing power are higher than ever before. Yet there is no sign that immoral and illegal behavior in the Negro community are on the decline. T h e following table indicates the number of arrests in Philadelphia for each year 1942 to 1955 (earlier records no longer exist). T h e reader should bear in mind, in reading the following table, that the proportion of Negroes in the city has risen from 12 per cent in 1940 to about 25 per cent at the present time. Year

Number of White Arrests

Number of Negro Arrests

1942 1943 1944 1945 1946 1947 1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955

43,750 40,985 34,960 35,554 39,918 46,090 47,048 46,032 42,785 41,759 39,302 43,394 44,997 40,658

23,646 24,837 24,594 25,588 27,787 32,380 32,851 34,020 34,810 36,556 35,828 44,031 48,853 49,856

From the above figures it can be seen that beginning in 1953 the yearly number of Negro arrests has exceeded that of white arrests. Relative Negro increases have also been apparent in such categories as desertion and nonsupport, and divorce,* while in other categories reported • See Wm. M. Kephart and Thomas Monahan, "Desertion and Divorce in Philadelphia," American Sociological Rexriew, Dec., 1952, pp. 724-726.

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R a c i a l Factors a n d U r b a n L a w E n f o r c e m e n t

by the Statistical Department of the Philadelphia Municipal Court (Juvenile, Women's and Men's Misdemeanants' Divisions) Negro rates remain high.* It would appear that the time has come for the Negro community to initiate stronger internal controls. T h e situation is serious enough to warrant concerted action by a variety of Negro groups: the church, the press, civic groups, business and other organizations. Several local Negro leaders have already recognized the problem. One of them—a minister—made the following statement to the writer: " I tell my congregation, the Negro community is spotted with moral decay. It's time they did something about it, instead of blaming it on the whites." A Negro sergeant made the following comment: " T h e N.A.A.C.P., the Armstrong, the Negro press— they're the first ones to make a to-do about the discrimination and injustice. That's all right, understand—we need something like that. But if those people would make half as much fuss about all the Negro crime, they'd be doing a lot more good, right now." CONCLUSION

In view of the internal action needed on the part of the Negro community, the writer's previous suggestions regarding the "Community Relations" approach by police commanders becomes all the more important. From conversations held, the writer is hopeful that local Negro leadership is strong enough to take the necessary forward steps within their own community. Their task would be made easier if they were supported by leaders in the Police Department. Finally, if the white organizations in Philadelphia which are interested and active in the betterment of race relations * See the Annual Reports of the Municipal Court of Philadelphia.

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•77

—organizations which have done so much to aid the cause of equality-of-opportunity for Negroes—would turn some of their attention to Negro crime as a Negro community issue, this problem would then be under a triple attack. T h e writer would like to quote again one of the statements made by a Negro community leader: "You're up against a real problem in some Negro neighborhoods. Take the Police District—almost entirely colored—highest crime rate of any district in the city. There are very few colored leaders in that district. Most of them moved out to better neighborhoods. Maybe 80,000 Negroes there—less than a hundred college graduates. So the communities that need leaders the most—the communities where most of the crime is—are the very ones that are lacking in leadership." Clearly there is much educational work to be done in the Negro community, and a three-way effort—by the police, by the Negro community itself, and by interested white gToups—would seem to offer the best chance of success. T H E ROLE OF T H E RESEARCH SOCIOLOGIST

It seems to the present writer that in addition to the above actions, sociological attention might also focus on the problem of Negro crime as a fruitful research area. If and when a social actionist program of the type mentioned above is undertaken, contributions by the research sociologist would certainly be welcomed. And while the sociologist does not necessarily concern himself with the amelioration of social problems, problem-oriented research looms large in current sociological thinking. During the course of the present survey a number of potential research possibilities—all dealing with the racial factor in law enforcement—presented themselves. Three of the research areas are felt by the writer to be of sufficient

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Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

importance to warrant inclusion herein—as specific examples of the kinds of studies which would shed considerable light on a pressing social problem. 1. T h e Negro Press. This research proposal was covered in detail in the previous chapter, and will be mentioned here only in passing. Briefly, the idea would be to undertake a content analysis of the Negro newspapers in Philadelphia to see whether or not crime news involving Negro offenders was "slanted." Many policemen—both colored and white—believe that such is the case. Negro editors deny the allegation. T h e issue is an important one, and an objective empirical investigation might lead to a better understanding on the part of all concerned. 2. T h e Assignment of Negro Police. One of the things the writer discovered was that, contrary to the belief of some commanders, Negro policemen were by no means "easy" in their treatment of Negro offenders. Most of the Negro policemen interviewed were not only cognizant of the high arrest rate in colored neighborhoods, but felt that it was their responsibility to do something about it. Assuming that Negro policemen assigned to colored neighborhoods are stricter than white policemen would be, does this mean that Negroes should or should not be assigned to colored areas? In other words, is "strictness," in this sense, a desirable or a non-desirable trait? It was not possible, in the present study, to supply a satisfactory answer to this question. If the writer were to venture a guess, it is that the most effective method of policing Negro neighborhoods would be to utilize patrol cars carrying one white and one Negro policeman. However, this is only a guess, or hypothesis, and would have to be verified or refuted by a research study. More specifically, at least three kinds of information are needed:

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(a) Some indication of the attitudes of both Negro and white policemen assigned to district duty. T h e present study has probably answered this question. (b) A measure of the attitudes of the Negro community. It is reasonable to suppose that Negro community members, the majority of whom are law-abiding citizens, might have some worth-while opinions on the subject of the behavioral aspects of Negro vs white policemen. If, for example, it could be shown that the Negro community prefers Negro policemen, the Administration would have one more bit of information to go on, apropos of the ticklish question of Negro-white assignment policy. In terms of study design, the proposed research project would entail a cross-sectional analysis—by interviews and possibly by questionnaires—of the opinions held in designated Negro neighborhoods. T h e universe to be sampled might coincide with the boundaries of one or more police districts; e.g., a random sample could be selected from among the residents of X Police District, an all-Negro area. It might be advisable, also, to include among the interviewees a number of local Negro community leaders. (c) A comparison of the effectiveness of mixed carteams, as compared to all-white or all-Negro teams. Effectiveness could be measured by the incidence of crime, arrest rates, instances of resistance to arrest, and/or other criteria suggested by the Police Administration. T h e actual experiment would then involve testing the effectiveness of the three types of patrol-car teams, operating in comparable Negro neighborhoods within a given time period —or operating in the same Negro neighborhood over three different time periods, or within the same time period on a rotation basis. Each of these methods can be argued pro and con, and the test-of-effectiveness details would probably have to be worked out with the aid of the Police Department. With the above three items of information (attitudes of

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Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

the policemen, attitudes of the Negro community, and effectiveness of the varying-types of car teams), the Police Administration would be in a much better position to formulate over-all assignment policy relative to colored neighborhoods. 3. The Negro Migratory Crime Rate. A number of policemen, both Negro and white, informed the writer that the high Negro crime rate was attributable primarily to southern Negroes—those who had recently migrated to Philadelphia from the South. On the one hand, it may be that as arresting officers the interviewees were in a position to know something about the geographical origin of their "clientele." On the other hand, personal knowledge of this kind may be misleading; i.e., arrests involving southern Negroes may stand out in the mind of the arresting officer, while cases involving Philadelphia-born Negroes may be forgotten. T o determine whether Negro migrants have significantly higher arrest rates than those of Negro nonmigrants, it would be necessary to compute rates for migrants and nonmigrants which are specific for sex and age. Such rates can be derived if the following arrest information is made available: (1) (2) (S) (4) (5) (6)

Race Sex Place of birth Agé at time of arrest Duration of last residence in Philadelphia Place of last residence prior to moving to Philadelphia

If this information were gathered in 1959-60-61, the tabulations could be coupled with those of the 1960 Census for Philadelphia. It is expected that the 1960 Census tabulations will yield migration status for a one-year period, April 1, 1959, to April 1, 1960. The age-sex-race

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181

composition of persons moving to Philadelphia within that year could therefore be contrasted with that for persons living in the city for more than a year. Comparison of the two sets of tabulations (arrest figures and Census data) would supply the answer to the following questions: (1) Do Negroes who have moved to Philadelphia within the year have a higher arrest rate than those who have lived in the city for more than a year? (2) Do Negroes who have migrated to Philadelphia within the year have a higher arrest rate than those who have lived in Philadelphia for more than a year but who were born elsewhere? In this connection, it should also be possible to utilize state-of-birth statistics derived from the 1960 Census; i.e., the age-sex composition of Negroes born in Pennsylvania and those born out of state could be used as denominators of arrest rates for Pennsylvania and nonPenrisylvania-born Negroes. Dr. Everett Lee, whose work in the field of migration is well known, informed the writer, in this connection, that the use of state-of-birth census materials would probably involve a special tabulation for the City of Philadelphia—the cost of which would not be excessive if the planning could be accomplished before the census tabulations were made. The writer believes that the over-all study would be worth while, since if the Negro arrest rate were shown to be disproportionately "migrant" in nature, Negro community leaders and interested white groups might then focus attention on recent arrivals. This attention could take the form of facilitating job placement, assistance in seeking adequate housing, financial help, et cetera. If the migratory-arrest hypothesis were not substantiated, efforts could be directed elsewhere. The above study design, incidentally, would also yield the same kind of migration statistics relative to white offenders, and the findings could be utilized in much the same manner.

18a

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

So far as the writer is aware, neither a study of Negro police assignment nor a statistical study of the migratory arrest rate has ever been attempted in the United States. And while both projects would involve a large-scale effort on the part of the sociologist, the results in both instances could be transformed into a much-needed action program.

Appendixes T A B L E A P P E N D I X "A" in parentheses is the rank order correlation based on the percentage of (district) Negro arrests; the second figure is the correlation based on the Negro arrest rate, the rate being derived by dividing the n u m b e r of Negro arrests in a district by the n u m b e r of white patrolmen in that district. T h e third correlation is based on the total (Negro and white) arrest rate, derived by dividing the total n u m b e r of arrests in a district by the n u m b e r of white patrolmen in that district. THE FIRST FIGURE

1. Would you have any objection to riding with a Negro patrolman? (.13) (.15) (.15) 2. In your daily experience, have you found it necessary to be more strict with Negro law violators than with white violators? (.52) (.55) (.48) 3. In general, do you believe a Negro patrolman should be assigned to a Negro neighborhood? (.71) (.56) (.49) 4. Which of the following statements would you agree with: a. Negro police are easier with Negro law violators than with white violators. (.32) (.15) (.12) b. Negro police are more strict with Negro violators than with white violators. (—48) (—.23) (—12) c. Negro police treat both Negro and white violators about the same. (.25) (.28) (.35) 5. Do you think a white community objects to having a Negro policeman assigned to that area? (.04) (.20) (.35) 6. At the present time, do you think: a. There are not enough Negroes on the force? (—.41) (—.35) ( - . 1 8 ) 183

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

b. There are too many Negroes on the force? (.03) (.06) (.05) c. The number is about right? (.45) (.39) (.24) 7. If you had your choice, would you like another type of duty (such as Traffic, Highway, Detectives, etc.)? (.60) (.50) (.31) 8. If you were given your choice of district assignments, would you: a. Like to work in a white neighborhood? (—.22) (—.46) (-.21) b. Like to work in a Negro neighborhood? (.31) (.19) (.28)

9. 10.

11.

12.

c. Like to work in a mixed neighborhood? (.45) (.40) (.24) d. Have no special preference? (.10) (.17) (.14) Would you, or do you, have any objections to taking orders from a Negro sergeant or captain if he were well qualified? (.27) (.32) (.28) On a two-man assignment do you think a Negro patrolman would: a. Rather work with another Negro? (.10) (.10) (.08) b. Rather work with a white? (—20) (—21) (—17) c. Have no special preference either way? (—.12) (—.23) (-30) Which of the following statements expresses your own feelings: a. It doesn't matter to me whether or not Negroes are assigned to my district. (.00) (.06) (.12) b. It doesn't matter to me whether or not Negroes are assigned to my district as long as I don't have to work with them. (.43) (.40) (.24) c. I would prefer not to have any Negroes assigned to my district. (—67) (—63) (—40) At present, do you think the whole matter of Negro-white relationships on the Philadelphia Police Force is: a. A rather important problem? (—.34) (—.08) (.05) b. A problem? (.16) (.15) (.16) c. A minor problem? (.60) (.53) (.36) d. No problem at all? (—.26) (—26) (—20)

185

Appendixes

TABLE APPENDIX "B" For the reader who is inexperienced in examining tabular material, the Total, in the following tables, refers to the heading above the table, and serves as a base for comparison. Columns should be read downward, keeping in mind the variable expressed to the left of the table. The Chi Square value shown immediately below the table is simply a measure of the difference between the actual figures and those which would have occurred in the absence of the relationship under consideration. The "P" (probability) is a mathematical expression of the number of times in a hundred a (Chi Square) difference this size might be expected to occur because of chance factors. In general, where "P" is larger than .05 (more than five times out of a hundred), the results shown in the table and expressed by the Chi Square value are considered not to be statistically meaningful. TABLE 1 "Would you have any objection to riding with a Negro patrolman?" PerCent PerCent "Yes" "No" Number of years on police force

Total 59.5 0-4 62.7 5-9 62.0 10 & over 56.8 • No answer

32.8 30.7 28.7 35.4 •

Per Cent No No. of opinion cases 7.7 6.6 9.3 7.8 •

1,081 284 171 613 13

Chi Square = 3.54, P between .05 and .If (Combining the 0-4 and 5-9 categories). * Percentage distributions not shown where N is less than 30. •f-"No answer" or "No opinion" cells were disregarded in Chi Square calculations. Yates' correction for continuity was used for the 2 x 2 tables in this appendix, the difference between the observed and expected frequency for each of the four cells being decreased by J.

i86

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement TABLE 2 "In your daily experience, have you found it necessary to be more strict with Negro law violators than with white violators?" Per Cent Per Cent "Yes" "No"

Number of years on police force

Total 0—4 5-9 10 & over No answer

51.8 52.5 56.2 50.5

43.8 42.6 40.3 45.1

Per Cent No opinion 4.4 4.9 3.5 4.4

No. of cases 1,081 284 171 613 13

Chi Square = 125, P more than .2 (combining the 0-4 and 5-9 categories).

TABLE 3 "Would you have any objection to riding with a Negro patrolman?" PerCent "Yes" Total 0-8 Yean of school &-11 completed 12 «¿above No answer

59.5 55.3 60.5 61.6

PerCent "No" 32.8 35.5 31.6 32.1

Per Cent No opinion 7.7 9.2 7.9 6.3

No. of cases 1,081 293 354 408 26

Chi Square = 1.71, P more than .1 (combining the "9-11" and "12 & above" categories).

Appendixes

187

TABLE 4 "In your daily experience, have you found it necessary to be more strict with Negro law violators than with white violators?" Per Cent Per Cent "Yes" "No" Total 0-8 Years of school £-11 completed 12 & above No answer

51.8 50.2 52.9 53.0

43.8 44.4 42.1 44.4

Per Cent No opinion 4.4 5.4 5.0 2.6

No. of cases 1,081 293 354 408 26

Chi Square = .21, P more than .6 (combining the "9-11" and "12 & above" categories).

TABLE 5 "Would you, or do you, have any objections to taking orders from a Negro sergeant or captain if he were well qualified?" PerCent "Yes" Total 0-8 Years of school 9-11 completed 12 & above No answer

35.8 32.5 39.0 35.3

PerCent "No"

PerCent No opinion

53.5 54.6 52.9 54.7

10.7 12.9 8.1 10.0

No. of cases 1,081 293 354 408 26

Chi Square = .81. P more than .4 (combining the "9-11" and "12 & above" categories).

i88

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

TABLE 6 "Would you have any objections to riding with a Negro patrolman?" PerCent "No"

Per Cent No opinion

No. of cases

59.5

32.8

7.7

1,081

50.0 47.3

41.0 43.4

9.0 9.3

210 129

59.4

34.4

6.2

369

66.7 71.5

23.7 22.4

9.6 6.1

177 196

PerCent "Yes"

"How often have you worked with Negro policemen?"

Total "Quite often" "Often" "Sometimes" "Hardly ever" "Never"

Chi Square = 33.19, P less than .001

TABLE 7 "Would you, or do you, have any objections to taking orders from a Negro sergeant or captain if he were well qualified?" Per Cent Per Cent "Yes" "No"

"How often have you worked with Negro policemen?"

Total "Quite often" "Often" "Sometimes" "Hardly ever" "Never"

Per Cent No opinion

No. of cases

35.8

53.5

10.7

1,081

27.7 34.9

64.7 52.0

7.6 13.1

210 129

35.8

53.4

10.8

369

38.5 42.9

51.9 43.9

9.6 13.2

177 196

Chi Square = 14.93. P leas than .01

Appendixes

189

TABLE 8 "Which of the following statements expresses your own feelings: a. It doesn't matter to me whether or not Negroes are assigned to my district. b. It doesn't matter to me whether or not Negroes are assigned to my district as long as I don't have to work with them. c. I would prefer not to have any Negroes assigned to my district. d. No opinion on this point."

"How often have you worked with Negro policemen?"

Per Cent "a"

Per Cent "b"

Per Per Cent Cent No No. of "c" opinion cases

Total 41.2 "Quite often" 52.4 "Often" 50.4 "Sometimes" 43.1 "Hardly ever" 31.7 28.1 "Never"

28.2 20.5 26.4 29.6 34.5 29.6

15.5 11.0 9.3 14.1 20.3 23.0

Chi square = 44.35, P less than .001.

15.1 16.1 13.9 13.2 13.5 19.3

1,081 210 129 369 177 196

Racial Factors and U r b a n Law Enforcement

TABLE 9 "In your daily experience, have you found it necessary to be more strict with Negro law violators than with white violators?" Per Cent "Yes" "How often have you worked with Negro policemen?

Total "Quite often" "Often" "Sometimes" "Hardly ever" "Never"

Per Per Cent Cent No "No" opinion

51.8 51.5 57.4 49.9 47.5 56.2

43.8 43.3 41.9 45.3 47.5 39.3

No. of cases

4.4 5.2 0.7 4.8 5.0 4.5

1,081 210 129 369 177 196

Chi square = .32, P more than .5 (combining "Quite often" and "Often"; "Sometimes," "Hardly ever," and "Never").

TABLE 10 "Would you have any objections to riding with a Negro patrolman?" PerCent "Ye/' "Have you ever lived in the same neighborhood with Negro families?"

Total 59.5 "Yes" 53.3 63.4 "No" No answer

PerCent "No" 32.8 39.9 28.7

Chi square = 13.17, P less than .001.

Per Cent No opinion 7.7 6.8 7.9

No. of cases 1,081 394 683 4

Appendixes

TABLE 11 "Would you, or do you, have any objections to taking orders from a Negro sergeant or captain if he were well qualified?" Per Cent No opinion

Per Cent Per Cent "Yes" "No" "Have you ever lived in the same neighborhood with Negro families?"

Total 35.8 "Yes" 30.5 "No" 39.1 No answer

53.5 57.4 51.3

10.7 12.1 9.6

No. of cases 1,081 394 683 4

Chi square = 6.45, P less than .02.

TABLE 12 "Which of the following statements expresses your own feelings: a. It doesn't matter to me whether or not Negroes are assigned to my district. b. It doesn't matter to me whether or not Negroes are assigned to my district as long as I don't have to work with them. c. I would prefer not to have any Negroes assigned to my district. d. No opinion on this point."

"Have you ever lived in the same neighborhood with Negro families?"

Total "Yes" "No" No answer

Per Cent "a"

Per Cent "b"

41.2 46.8 38.1

28.2 25.3 29.9

Per Per Cent Cent No No. of "c" opinion cases 15.5 10.9 18.1

Chi square = 14.61, P less than .001.

15.1 1,081 17.0 394 13.9 683 4

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Racial Faeton and Urban Law Enforcement

TABLE IS "In your daily experience, have you found it necessary to be more strict with Negro law violators than with white violators?" Per Cent Per Cent "Yes" "No" "Have you ever lived in the same neighborhood with Negro families?"

Total 51.8 "Yes" 50.3 "No" 52.9 No answer

Per Cent No opinion 4.4 3.8 4.6

43.8 45.9 42.5

No. of cases 1,081 394 683 4

Chi square = .87, P more than .4.

TABLE 14 "Would you have any objections to riding with a Negro patrolman?" Per Cent "Yes" "About what Total percentage of Above median arrests in your Median district inBelow median volve Negro law violators" No opinion

58.7 71.3 66.7 46.7 51.7

Per Cent "No" 33.4 20.7 29.7 44.9 37.1

Chi square = 47.67, P less than .001.

Per Cent No answer

No. of cases

7.9 8.0 3.6 8.4 11.2

915 310 138 343 124

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»93

TABLE 15 "In your daily experience, have you found it necessary to be more strict with Negro law violators than with white violators?"

percentage of arrests in your district involve Negro law violators"

Total Above median Median Below median No opinion

Per Cent "Yes"

Per Cent "No"

51.5 65.2 53.7 45.5 31.4

44.0 31.0 39.8 57.1 61.3

Per Cent No answer

No. Of cases

4.5 3.8 6.5 3.4 7.2

915 310 138 343 124

Chi square - 26.97, P less than .001.

TABLE 16 "About what percentage of arrests in your district involve Negro law violators?" Above Below No No. of Median Median Median opinion cases

"About how many Negroes do you think there are on the police force?"

Total 0-149 150-249 250-349 3594

Racial Factors a n d U r b a n L a w E n f o r c e m e n t

TABLE 17 "Do you think a white community objects to having a Negro policeman assigned to that area?" Per Per Per Per Cent Cent Cent Cent No No. of "Yes" "Some" "No" opinion cases "Would you have any objection to riding with a Negro patrolman?"

Total "Yes" "No" No opinion

57.2 75.5 26.8 47.0

8.2

26.6

8.0

1,081

5.3 13.2 9.7

13.0 51.3 25.3

6.2 8.7 18.0

643 355 83

Chi square = 255.04, P less than .001.

TABLE 18 "Would you have any objections to riding with a Negro patrolman?" Per Cent Per Cent "Yes" "No" "Do you think a White community objects to having a Negro policeman assigned to that area?"

Total "Yes" "Some" "No" No opinion

59.5 78.3 38.2 29.2 46.5

Per Cent No opinion

No. of cases

7.7 6.4 8.9 7.4 17.4

1,081 619 89 287 86

32.8 15.3 52.9 63.4 36.1

Chi square =; 255.04, P less than .001.

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TABLE 19 "Would you have any objections to riding with a Negro patrolman?" PerCent "Yes" Total "Important "Do you think problem" the whole "Problem" problem of Negro-white "Minor relationships problem" on the Phila. , "No Police Force is:' problem" No opinion

PerCent "No"

PerCent No opinion

No. of cases

59.5

32.8

7.7

1,081

75.6 81.1

19.7 14.1

4.7 4.8

259 85

63.8

30.9

5.3

191

45.9 57.8

44.3 24.4

9.8 17.8

501 45

Chi square = 75.88, P less than .001.

TABLE 20 "Do you think the whole problem of Negrowhite relationships on the Philadelphia Police Force is:

"Would you have any objection to riding with a Negro patrolman?"

Per Per Cent Per Cent Cent "Minor "Important ' "Prob- probproblem" lem" lem" Total 23.9 "Yes" 30.5 "No" 14.4 No opinion 14.4

7.9 10.8 3.4 4.8

17.7 18.9 16.6 12.1

Chi square = 75.88, P less than .001.

Per Per Cent Cent "No probNo of lem" opinion cases 46.3 35.8 62.6 59.1

42 4.0 3.0

9.6

1,081 643 355

83

196

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

TABLE 21 "Would you have any objections to riding with a Negro patrolman?"

Total "As between Negro and white offenders, do you think that Negro police •re:"

Per Cent No opinion

No. of cases

32.8

7.7

1,081

12.6

5.2

175

38.7

5.7

284

48.8

7.1

283

25.0

4.3

339

PerCent "Yes"

PerCent "No"

59.5

"Easier with Negro" 82.2 "More strict with Negro" 55.6 "Treat both the same" 44.1 "No opinion" 63.7

Chi square = 67.01, P less than .001.

TABLE 22 "In your daily experience, have you found it necessary to be more strict with Negro law violators than with white violators?" PerCent "Yes" "Would you have any objection to riding with a Negro patrolman?"

Total

51.8

"Yes" 65.4 "No" 29.0 No opinion 43.3

PerCent "No"

Per Cent No opinion

No. Of cases

43.8 32.1 65.9 39.8

4.4 2.5 5.1 16.9

1,081 643 355 83

Chi square = 118.22, P less than .001.

Appendixes

>97

TABLE 23 "Would you have any objections to riding with a Negro patrolman?" "In your daily

experience. have you found it necessary to be more strict with Negro law violators than with white violators?"

Cent

Per Cent Per Cent "yes" "No" Total "Yes" "No" No opinion

59.5 75.2 43.6 33.3

32.8 18.4 49.5 37.6

No opinion

No. of cases

7.7 6.4 6.9 29.1

1,081 560 473 48

Chi square — 118.22, P less than .001.

TABLE 24 "In your daily experience, have you found it necessary to be more strict with Negro law violators than with white violators?" "At the present time, do you think: a. There are not enough Negroes on the force? b. There are too many Negroes on the force? c. The number is about right? d. No opinion on this point."

Per Cent Per Cent "Yes" "No" Total "Not enough" "About right" "Too many" No opinion

Per Cent No opinion

No. of cases

51.8

43.8

4.4

1,081

50.0

47.8

2.2

138

59.4

38.2

2.4

417

76.3 37.8

21.0 54.4

2.7 7.8

114 412

Chi square = 19.70, P less than .001.

>98

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

TABLE 25 "At the present time, do you think: a. There are not enough Negroes on the force? b. There are too many Negroes on the force? c. The number is about right? d. No opinion on this point." Per Cent "In your daily

experience, have you found it necessary to be more strict with Negro law violators than with white violators?"

"Not

Per Cent

Per Cent

"About

"Too

enough" right" Total 12.8 "Yes" 12.4 "No" 14.0 No opinion 6.3

Per Cent No

many" opinion

No. of

cases

38.6 44.3 33.6

10.5 15.5 5.1

38.1 27.8 47.3

1,081 560 473

20.8

6.3

66.6

48

Chi square = 19.70, P less than .001.

TABLE 26 "In your daily experience, have you found it necessary to be more strict with Negro law violators than with white violators?" "Would you, or do you have, any objections to taking orders from a Negro sergeant or captain if he were well qualified?"

Per Cent Per Cent

Total "Yes" "No" No opinion

Per Cent No

No. of

"Yes"

"No"

opinion

cases

51.8 71.5 40.4 42.2

43.8 24.8 55.4 49.1

4.4 3.7 4.2 8.7

1,081 387 578 116

Chi square = 92.41, P less than .001.

Appendixes

»99

TABLE 27 "Would you, or do you have, any objections to taking orders from a Negro sergeant or captain if he were well qualified?" "In your daily experience, have you found it necessary to be more strict with Negro law violators than with white violators?"

PerCent 4'Yes" Total "Yes" "No" No opinion

35.8 49.5 20.3 29.2

PerCent "No"

Per Cent No opinion

No. of cases

53.5 41.8 67.7 50.0

10.7 8.7 12.0 20.8

1.081 560 473 48

Chi square = 92.41, P less than .001. "Which of the following statements expresses your own feelings: a. It doesn't matter to me whether Negroes are assigned to my district. b. It doesn't matter to me whether Negroes are assigned to my district as long as I don't have to work with them. c. I would prefer not to have any Negroes assigned to my district. d. No opinion on this."

TABLE 28 "In your daily experience, have you found it necessary to be more strict with Negro law violators than with white violators?" Per Cent Per Cent "Yes" "No" Total "a" "b" "c" "d"

51.8 36.1 68.8 67.2 46.6

43.8 58.5 29.5 29.2 45.4

Chi square = 88.97, P less than .001.

Per Cent No No. of opinion cases 4.4 5.4 1.7 3.6 8.0

1,081 445 305 168 163

*oo

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement TABLE 29 "Which of the following statements expresses your own feelings? a. It doesn't matter to me whether Negroes are assigned to my district. b. It doesn't matter to me whether Negroes are assigned to my district as long as I don't have to work with them. c. I would prefer not to have any Negroes assigned to my district. d. No opinion on this."

"In your daily experience, have you found it necessary to Total be more strict "Yes" with Negro law . . N o „ violators than with white

violators?"

Per Cent "a"

41.2

28.8 5 5 ( )

opinion 50.1

Per Cent "b"

Per Cent "c"

Per Cent "d"

No. of cases

28.2 37.5 19.0

15.5 20.2 10.4

15.1 13.5 15.6

1,081 560 473

10.4

12.5

27.0

48

Chi square = 88.97, P less than .001.

Appendixes

*oi

APPENDIX ONE Interview Schedule for Commanding Officers (1) Schedule 1« District boundaries 2« Racial copposition of d i s t r i c t 3« T/O plus cars« lu

N va W arrests

$• Offender sex diffs« 6« Types of criao and raeo« 7* Ho« house sgts, desk sgts by race* 8« Preferred d i s t r i c t coqwsiticn a* C«0* b« Patrolnen (vbite) 9* N Juveniles 10* N's assigned to Red Cars« 11«• N send for police? 12« Attitude of N toward MftV police (fear, scam, lndlffersnc«* respect, hat«)

13« Ref« 10« Explanation (a)*hy

.U*

(b)MLnd or not

Preferred racial area by V patrolo&n«

ficplanation«

15« Attitude of V patrolnen tcaard worklaf «1th M'a (b) vice versa 16« Ref« 7« Why lack of jrorwtions« 17« % pttrolaan ncnv^uckers, by raco« 16* Preferrod beat va redcar by race

so*

Racial Faeton and Urban Law Enforcement

APPENDIX ONE (continued) Interview Schedule for Commanding Officers (2) 19» »«TOT **r n c o

20» * agta nor trontta with I patrolaan. Tie* vera*. Q * C calamity oocfJjLiiita afalsat I patrolaan u aoch. 22. I p a t r o j m Indent or rtrtjiftmt with I oftandar. 23. * patrolneaT than IT

2Ju l a e m n t of I patrolirm t s W patrolmn (good O'e) 25. Bar boat* (foot) handled la mlxad neighborhood». 26. IHanlpllnary action bf raaa. 27. Aqr aael^nmnta H'a not suited for. 28. Tow opinion, food tfcli« to bava «'» en fema. 29.

Aaarai

dovatlc tronblaj raoldlTistaj aaz crime. Cowwiti

Appendixes

APPENDIX TWO Questionnaire Form for White Patrolmen (1) UNIVERSITY

of

PENNSYLVANIA

RESEARCH

CENTER

W i t h the cooperation of the F r a t e n u l Order of Police, the Univemty of Pennsylvania it conducting a stud? of police morale. We are asking your cooperation in filling out this questionnaire. There arc no right and wrong answers. There are only opinions, and every n a n is entitled to hi* own. T h e purpose of the study it to find out how you feel about the Questions that are caked below. When you ait finished filling out the questionnaire, put it in the attached envelope and U*1 il. Do a«/ «>• joar mmm€. No »me ttrill tvrr kntw what «^inu fm, ptrumtllf, htm #ftva. O u r only request a that you give us your opinions as honestly and as accurately as you can. I. H o w long have you been oa the police force?

,„..•.,....,.

J, W h a t was your last grade of school completed ? usually ride in a patrol car or Other vehicle? 5. Which do you prefer? (foot beat or vehicle)

«..»

2. W h a t b your age?

, ,,...

4. A i t you a Coot patrolman, m do j m , —

—

—.

—.

ranking job (sgt., capt.) or are you satisfied where you are?

6. Would you like to hold a higher

_ — _ —

7. Have you ever lived in the same neighborhood with Negro families? -

__ —

•

,-,,

8. tf you ate presently assigned to a patrol car or other vehicle, do you (when riding 2 in a car) usually ride with another white patrolman ? — 9. Would you have any objection to riding with a Negro patrolman ?

-

-

10. About what percentage of arrests in your district involve Negro law violators? ||.

..

-

How often have you worked (n neighborhoods where there were Negro families? (check one) a. Quite often

b. O f t e n

—

c. Sometime»™....-.,

d. Hardly ever

e. Never

-

12. In your daily experience, have you found it necessary to be more strict with Negro law violator* than with White violators?

-

—

-

-

___

13, (n general, do you believe a Negro patrolman should be aligned to a Negro neighborhood? M. W h y ?

-

15. In general, do you think it is a good thing to have some Negroes on the police force?

16. How often have you worked with Neyro policemen? (check one) a. Quite often b. Often c S o m e t i m e s d .

Hardly ever

e. Never —

17. Which of the following statements would you agree with? (cheek one) a. Negro police are easier with Negro Uw violators than with White violators b. Negro police are more strict with Negro violators than with White violators c. Negro police treat both Negro and White violators about the same d. N o opinion on this

.. ....

Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement

APPENDIX TWO (continued) Questionnaire Form for White Patrolmen (2) I I . Do you think a Whit* community object» fie having a Negro policrman saignrJ to that area?

19. About hem a a a f Negroe* do yea d u k there are on the police fem? — 20. At the p i u u i time, do yoa think (check one): a. There air not enough Negroes on the force? b. There are too many Negroes on the force? •e. The number b about right? _ 4. No opinion on this potat —

,.

—

— -

.,

..

21. If you had your choice, would joa like another type of duty (such m Traffic, Highway, Detocrivea, etc.) ? ,,, 22. If which type? - — . _ 23. If JOB were given your choice of district assignments, would you (check one): a. Like to work in a White neighborhood h. Like to work in a Negro neighborhood — e. Like to work in a mixed neighborhood d. Have no special preference 24. Wovld you, or do jrou, have any objections to taking orders from a Negro sergeant or captain if be were well qualified? 25. On a 2 man assignment do you think a Negro patrolman would (check one); v Rather work with another Negro b. Rather work with • White .... c- Have no special preference either way d. No opinion on this point 26. Which of the following statements expresses your own feelings (check one): a. It doesn't matter to me whether or not Negroes are assigned to my district b. It doesn't matter to me whether or not Negroes are assigned to my district as long as I don't have to work with c. I would prefer not to have any Negroes assigned to my district d. No opinion on this point — — -

-

— —

27. At preKBt^do yon think the whole matter of Negro-White relatiomhips on the Phils. Police Force is (check one): a. A rather important problem b. A problem c. A minor problem —. d. No problem at mil 28. When you are off duty, how do you feel about: a. Sitting next to a Negro in a trolley .............. b. Sitting at the same table with a Negro in a restaurant?

.. -

29. How do you feel about having a Negro as a personal friend?

30. Do you think promotions in the Police Dept. should be based on written rvaininattom?

— —

Appendixes

APPENDIX THREE Interview Schedule for Negro Police Personnel (1) University of Pennsylvania Research Center With the cooperation of the Fraternal Order of Police, the University of Pennsylvania I s conducting a stuffy of p o l i c e morale. We are asking your cooperation In f i l l i n g out t h i s questionnaire, even though you nay already have been Interviewed« There are no r i g h t and vrcng answers« There are only opinions, and every nan i s e n t i t l e d t o hla own. The purpose of t h e study i s to find out how you f e e l about the questions t h a t are asked below. When you have f i n i s h e d , put the questionnaire i n the enclosed envelope and n a i l i t . Do not sign your name. No cue w i l l ever know what opinion you, personally, have given. CAir only request i s t h a t you give us your opinions as honesuy and 'as accurately as you can, without being influenced by the opinions of others. 1. How long have you keen on the polioe force? your l a s t grade of school completed? '

a

.

li. On a . b. c. d.

. .

2. Wiat Has

3. Wiat 1« yewr age

two-nan assignment, would you (check one): Rather work with another Negro _ _ _ _ _ Rather work with a White Rave no s p e c i a l preference e i t h e r way _ _ _ _ _ Have no opinion on t h i s point _ _ _ _ _

5. How often have you worked with U i l t e policemen? a.Quite often b.Often c.Scnetlaes

(cheek one) d. Hardly ever

e.Never

6. About how many Negroes do you think there are on the Police Force?

.

7 . At the present t i n e do you think there should be more Negares on the force? 8 . If the answer t o #7 i s "yes", why do you think there a r e so few Negroes on the force? 9 . Are you a f o o t patrolman or do you usually r i d e in a vehicle?