Race Consciousness: Reinterpretations for the New Century 9780814728109

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RACE CONSCIOUSNES S

RACE C O N S C I O U S N E S S AFRICAN-AMERICAN STUDIE S FO R TH E NE W CENTUR Y

Edited b y JUDITH JACKSO N FOSSET T and JEFFRE Y A . TUCKE R With a Forewor d b y NELL IRVI N PAINTE R and ARNOL D RAMPERSA D

and a n Introductio n b y ROBIN D . G . KELLE Y

NEW YOR K U N I V E R S I T Y P R E S S NEW YOR K AN D LONDO N

N E W YOR K U N I V E R S I T Y PRES S New York an d Londo n Copyright © 199 7 b y New York Universit y All right s reserve d Library o f Congress Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Race consciousnes s : African America n studie s fo r th e ne w centur y / edited b y Judith Jackso n Fosset t an d Jeffrey A . Tucker ; with a foreword b y Nell Irvi n Painte r an d Arnold Rampersa d ; and a n introduction b y Robin D.G . Kelley . p. cm . Includes index . ISBN 0-8147-4227- 0 (clot h : alk. paper) . — ISB N 0-8147-4228- 9 (pbk. : alk. paper ) I. Afro-Americans . 2 . Afro-Americans—History . 3 . Afro Americans—Study an d teaching . I . Fossett , Judith Jackson , 1 9 6 5 - . II. Tucker , Jeffre y A. , 1966 - . E185.R23 199 6 305.896'073—dc20 96-4299 9 CIP New York Universit y Pres s book s ar e printed o n acid-fre e paper , and thei r bindin g material s ar e chosen fo r strengt h an d durability . Manufactured i n th e Unite d State s o f America 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

for Ruth J. Simmons, mentor and friend

CONTENTS FOREWORD:i

x

AFRICAN-AMERICAN STUDIE S ENTERS TH E NE W CENTUR Y N E L L IRVI N PAINTE R a n d A R N O L D R A M P E R S A D P R E F A C E : I N M E D I A S R A C E xii

i

J U D I T H J A C K S O N FOSSET T a n d JEFFRE Y A . T U C K E R A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S xi

x

C O N T R I B U T O R S xx

i

1. I N T R O D U C T I O N

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LOOKING B(L)ACKWARD : AFRICAN-AMERICAN STUDIE S IN T H E AG E O F IDENTIT Y P O L I T I C S ROBIN D . G . KELLE Y 1. S P E C T E R

S O F RACE :1

7

THE CULTUR E O F AMERIC A ASA CULTURE O F RAC E 2. "WHOS

E LIN E I S I T ANYWAY?" 1

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W. E . B . D U B O I S A N D T H E LANGUAGE O F THE COLOR-LIN E GAVIN JONE S 3. (K)NIGH

T RIDER S I N (K)NIGH T GOWNS : 3

5

THE K U KLU X KLAN , RACE , AN D CONSTRUCTIONS O F MASCULINIT Y JUDITH J A C K S O N FOSSET T 4. BLACKNES

S 'SCUZED : 5

0

JIMI HENDRIX' S (IN)VISIBL E LEGACY I N HEAV Y META L JEREMY WELL S II. H I S T O R I C A

L (RE)VISIONS : 6

5

LEGACIES O F SLAVER Y AN D COLONIALIS M 5. UNDE

R ON E ROOF : 6

7

THE SIN S AN D SANCTIT Y O F TH E NEW ORLEAN S QUADROO N BALL S MONIQUE GUILLOR Y 6. TRAUMATI

C REPETITION : 9

G A Y L J O N E S ' S CORREGIDORA BRUCE SIMO N

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I I I . R A C E ( D ) M E N A N D R A C E ( D ) W O M E N : 11 AFRICAN-AMERICAN CULTURA L STUDIE S

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7 . E X O D U S A N D T H E P O L I T I C S O F N A T I O N 11 EDDIES. GLAUDE, JR.

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8 . " C A N S C I E N C E S U C C E E D 13 W H E R E T H E C I V I L WA R F A I L E D ? " GEORGE S . SCHUYLE R A N D RAC E JEFFREY A. TUCKER

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9 . H A N G I N G O N T H E I R W A L L S : 15 AIM ART COMMENTARY ON LYNCHING, THE FORGOTTE N 1 9 3 5 AR T EXHIBITIO N MARGARET ROS E VENDRYES

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1 0 . T H E S O L E S O F B L A C K F O L K : 17 T H E S E R E E B O K S W E R E M A D E FO R R U N N I N ' (FROM TH E WHITE MAN ) JOHN L . JACKSON, JR.

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IV. C R A C K I N G T H E C O D E : 19 E X P O S I N G TH E NATION' S RACIA L N E U R O S E S

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1 1 . W H Y G I N G R I C H ? 19 WELFARE RIGHT S A N D RACIA L P O L I T I C S , 1965-1995 FELICIA A. KORNBLU H

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1 2 . C R I M I N A L I T Y A N D C I T I Z E N S H I P : 20 IMPLICATING TH E WHITE NATIO N KAREN H O and WENDE ELIZABET H MARSHAL L

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1 3 . J I M C R O W S C I E N C E A N D T H E 22 "NEGRO PROBLEM " I N TH E OCCUPIED PHILIPPINES , 1898-191 4 PAUL KRAME R

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1 4 . B L A C K P O W E R , W H I T E FEAR : 24 THE "NEGR O PROBLEM " I N LAWRENCE, KANSAS , 1 9 6 0 - 1 9 7 0 RUSTY L . MONHOLLO N

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I N D E X 26

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NELL IRVI N PAINTE R and ARNOL D RAMPERSA D FOREWORD AFRICAN-AMERICAN STUDIE S ENTERS TH E NE W CENTUR Y

Who know s wha t wil l happe n t o African-America n Studie s i n th e ne w century? Th e twentiet h centur y witnessed th e extraordinar y flourishing o f a field of stud y tha t bega n small . I n th e nineteent h centur y i t aros e mainl y t o den y racist dogma tha t was contemptuous o f people of African descen t an d envisione d us a s fit primaril y fo r forced , uncompensate d labor . Sa d t o say , afte r al l thes e years, books , an d scholars , suc h idea s persis t amon g a larg e sectio n o f th e population. African-America n Studies , stil l bearin g th e burde n o f vindicatin g the race—t o us e a nineteenth-century formulation—i s stil l very muc h engage d scholarship, a t leas t fo r mos t o f us who ar e black . When w e entered th e field i n th e earl y 1970s—wha t no w seem s t o hav e bee n almost a n eo n ago—i t bor e littl e resemblanc e t o what w e cal l African-America n ix

FOREWORD

Studies today. Indeed , i t barel y had a name. The stud y of the history and cultur e of African American s wa s th e provinc e o f a small numbe r o f blac k scholar s an d an eve n smalle r numbe r o f whites . Certai n difference s existe d betwee n th e tw o major subfield s withi n African-America n Studies , histor y an d literature . Th e dean o f African-America n histor y was Joh n Hop e Franklin , whos e best-sellin g text, From Slavery to Freedom, ha d first appeare d i n 194 7 an d maintaine d it s eminence throug h multipl e editions . However , whit e scholar s als o playe d a n important rol e i n history . Slavery , amon g th e mos t fertil e an d prestigiou s topic s in America n history , ha d attracte d majo r whit e talents , suc h a s Herber t Ap theker, Doroth y Sterling , Gerd a Lerner , an d Herber t Gutman . Althoug h non e in an y sens e followe d a traditiona l career , the y were abl e t o influenc e a numbe r of younger academics , blac k an d white , an d generall y helpe d stimulat e th e field of African-America n Studie s withou t alway s intendin g t o d o so . I n addition , many o f thes e white s wer e o f th e Lef t politicall y an d brough t a n unusua l zea l for socia l justice t o thei r profession . The situatio n wa s somewha t differen t i n literature . I n th e lat e 1960s , J . Saunders Reddin g o f Hampto n Institut e an d the n Cornel l Universit y wa s perhaps th e mos t respecte d literar y authority , an d th e whit e schola r Rober t Bone, wit h hi s provocativ e histor y o f blac k American fiction, probabl y th e mos t frequently cited . Fewe r whit e literar y academic s maintaine d a seriou s profes sional commitmen t t o th e stud y o f blac k writin g tha n whit e historian s t o th e study o f blac k history . I n bot h cases , w e younge r student s o f histor y an d literature i n th e lat e 1960 s an d earl y 1970 s foun d ourselve s largel y o n ou r own . We struggle d wit h man y factors , no t leas t o f all with th e resistanc e t o "political " questions tha t ha d becom e ingraine d i n literar y stud y wit h th e triump h o f th e values o f th e Ne w Criticis m startin g i n th e 1940 s an d th e resistanc e t o Marxis t scholarship amon g Col d Wa r historians . I n a period o f difficult transition , blac k scholars suc h a s Charle s Davi s a t Yale , Donal d Gibso n a t Rutgers , an d Holli s Lynch a t Columbi a helpe d smoot h th e wa y fo r th e younge r generation , wh o eventually woul d mak e a t leas t a passin g knowledg e o f blac k literatur e an d history almos t fashionabl e i n th e American academy . With th e ris e o f the Blac k Powe r movemen t i n th e lat e 1960s , alon g with th e Black Aestheti c an d Blac k Arts movements , th e tas k facing younge r scholar s i n African-American Studie s seeme d straightforward . Usin g source s tha t main stream scholar s ha d overlooke d o r distorted , w e woul d revea l th e trut h abou t our people. Who exactl y were "ou r people" and what constitute d "truth " becam e questions onl y muc h later . I n th e earl y 1970s , rac e mean t blackness , an d w e al l knew what w e mean t b y that term . We coul d tal k abou t "th e blac k community " and "th e blac k church " withou t bein g challenged , thoug h th e tim e ha d passe d for eas y usag e o f "th e Negro, " a commo n formulatio n i n th e wor k o f blac k a s x

FOREWORD

well a s whit e writer s i n th e 1960s . I n th e ne w Afro-America n (a s w e calle d i t then) scholarshi p o f th e earl y 1970s , blac k oppose d white , withou t inordinat e delving into th e proces s o f acquiring racia l identitie s o r int o intraracia l divisions . With th e recessio n o f th e mid-1970 s an d wit h increasin g controvers y abou t the standard s an d value s o f th e field, th e enrollmen t o f graduat e student s doin g African-American Studie s declined . W e bega n t o worr y tha t w e migh t hav e n o successors, a s yea r afte r yea r passe d wit h ver y fe w student s followin g i n ou r footsteps. Fo r variou s reasons , som e brigh t youn g me n an d wome n neve r completed thei r dissertations ; other s faile d t o receiv e tenur e an d eve n turne d away from th e academy. Eve n mor e frightenin g wer e the early deaths an d seriou s illnesses o f colleague s w e ha d though t to o youn g t o fac e mortality . B y th e tim e we ourselve s o f tha t "first " generatio n ha d reache d th e rank s o f senio r scholars , we sometimes fel t lik e dinosaurs . Reports o f th e demis e o f African-American Studie s turne d ou t t o b e prema ture. B y the mid-1980 s younge r peopl e intereste d i n th e field starte d turnin g u p in graduat e schools , sometime s encourage d b y ourselve s an d ou r colleagues , bu t mostly arrivin g o n thei r ow n initiativ e an d wit h a far mor e matur e sens e o f th e demands o f university life. Energetic , bright , serious , the y built o n ou r wor k an d the ne w fields tha t ha d grow n u p i n tande m wit h African-America n Studies : Women's Studies , Cultura l Studies , Postcolonia l Studies , Ga y an d Lesbia n Studies. B y the mid-1990s , the y ha d remad e African-American Studies . Scholarship o f th e lat e 1980 s an d early-to-mid-1990 s ha s revolutionize d th e epistemology o f th e field. Wherea s w e i n th e earl y 1970 s too k rac e fo r granted , much o f the ne w work investigate s th e makin g o f races, including th e rac e calle d white. "Gender " i s n o longe r a euphemis m fo r women , an d th e proces s o f gendering blac k me n engage s man y youn g thinkers . N o on e ca n sa y "th e blac k man" t o mea n al l blac k Americans, a s was possibl e onl y a generation ago . Blac k Women's Studie s ha s emerge d a s a vibran t field i n it s ow n right , reshapin g African-American Studie s an d Women' s Studie s a s well. N o longe r d o w e writ e as though al l peopl e o f African descen t wer e heterosexual , fo r som e o f th e mos t exciting wor k ha s com e fro m blac k gay s an d lesbian s happ y i n thei r gayness . Gay an d Lesbia n Studie s encourage s a concentratio n o n th e stud y o f th e bod y that suit s Blac k Studie s perfectl y i n man y respects , sinc e s o muc h o f America n culture i s preoccupied wit h th e blac k body , literall y an d figuratively. A decade ago post-structuralism, o r what detractor s terme d "theory, " appeare d antithetical t o African-America n Studies . However , th e detractor s hav e los t thi s round, i f no t th e entir e battle . Followin g th e lea d o f literar y critics , historian s and, t o a lesser degree , sociologist s an d politica l scientist s hav e sa t a t th e fee t o f anthropologists, Frenc h post-structuralists , and , increasingly , th e lega l scholar s of wha t i s no w calle d critica l rac e theory . Theor y i s n o longe r controversial , xi

FOREWORD

because askin g how we know what w e know an d investigatin g difference s withi n the "Negr o race " enrich ou r field immeasurably . I n addition , a growing bod y o f splendid biographica l writin g i s on e o f th e mos t visibl e sign s o f th e sophistica tion o f today's African-American Studies . Now, a s opposed t o a generation ago , th e lense s o f African-American Studie s turn o n individual s an d phenomen a o f an y rac e o r group . African-America n Studies stil l connote s a study centere d o n race ; however, "race " n o longe r mean s simply blackness , no r d o w e tak e wha t rac e mean s fo r granted . I n th e earl y 1970s fe w coul d hav e foresee n suc h a n expansio n o f ou r then-ne w field. I n th e mid-1990s w e ar e absolutel y delighte d b y th e excellenc e o f th e ne w scholarship . Bravo!

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JUDITH JACKSO N FOSSET T and JEFFRE Y A . TUCKE R PREFACE: I N MEDIA S RAC E

THE C O L O R / C U L T U R E O F S P E C T A C L E

Marion Barry . Mik e Tyson . Arthu r Ashe . Magic Johnson. Clarenc e Thomas . Anita Hill . Rodne y King . Lan i Guinier . Michae l Jordan . Michae l Jackson . Joycelyn Elders . Henry Foster . Coli n Ferguson . O . J. Simpson . Loui s Farrakhan . Colin Powell .

Consider th e widesprea d medi a attention , interna l an d externa l dialogues , per sonal psychi c time , an d privat e conversatio n devote d t o thes e African-America n individuals i n th e las t decad e o f th e twentiet h century . Thes e well-know n blac k figures hav e serve d a s gris t for th e mil l o f cultura l spectacle , fodde r fo r th e

PREFACE

programmers o f televisio n an d tal k radio , an d subject s fo r seemingl y limitles s column inche s i n prin t medi a an d o n magazin e covers . Why doe s ther e see m t o be a growth industr y i n African-American celebrity ? I n th e sam e tim e frame , w e observe th e explosio n i n anothe r kin d o f cultura l production— a stran d o f conservative politica l rhetori c tha t implore s societ y t o mov e beyon d rac e a s a salient categor y i n America n culture . Thi s argumen t assert s tha t sinc e rac e matters les s an d les s a s w e mov e int o th e twenty-firs t century , w e ca n instea d permanently consig n chatte l slavery , race-base d segregation , an d discrimination , as well a s th e struggle s agains t them , t o America' s distan t past . However , whe n we se e events suc h a s the widespread coverag e o f the 199 1 Rodne y Kin g beatin g at th e hand s o f white polic e officer s i n Lo s Angeles, th e subsequen t acquitta l o f those officer s an d th e resultin g civi l unres t i n th e summe r o f 199 2 i n whic h issues o f race , gender , an d sexuality , especiall y blac k masculinity , flourished, how d o w e reconcil e thes e event s wit h th e politica l vie w tha t th e difficul t wor k of healin g racia l division s wa s alread y accomplishe d throug h th e gain s o f th e civil right s movemen t an d ha s therefor e rendere d furthe r ministration s t o soci ety's racia l wound s unnecessary ? Mos t simply , w e cannot . Despit e extravagan t posturing t o th e contrary , bot h th e swee p o f America n histor y an d th e smal l window afforde d b y a focus o n th e decad e o f th e 1990 s illustrat e tha t America n society finds itsel f alway s i n th e mids t o f race—in medias race—battling a kin d of cultura l schizophrenia , fascinate d an d obsesse d wit h racia l differenc e o n th e one han d an d i n denia l o f its existenc e o n th e other . Although no t th e onl y grou p o f peopl e wh o functio n a s object s o f intens e media scrutiny , Africa n American s wh o find themselve s displaye d s o spectacu larly i n publi c serv e a s prisms throug h whic h th e natio n view s issue s o f rac e an d gender. I n othe r words , America, a s a culture i n th e gri p o f racia l schizophrenia , seizes th e spectacl e a s an opportunit y t o wor k throug h th e troubling , destabiliz ing realit y o f racia l difference . Bu t th e proces s o f effectivel y workin g throug h racial differenc e require s a vocabular y an d cognitiv e apparatu s wit h whic h t o effect a kin d o f racia l "talkin g cure. " Interestingl y enough , th e problemati c o f talking abou t rac e doe s no t necessaril y ste m fro m a lac k o f a precis e racia l vocabulary. Indeed , America n societ y ha s develope d a kin d o f racia l glossary , but tha t glossar y make s cultura l sens e onl y whe n rac e i s characterize d a s th e "problem" o r "problems " tha t blac k peopl e an d cultur e presen t t o large r Ameri can society . The abilit y to spea k o f race in term s o f constructions o f "blackness, " "whiteness," o r othe r kind s o f racialized subjectivit y ha s not proliferate d throug h the wide r culture . Instead , w e hea r an d rea d somethin g lik e th e following : "What ar e w e goin g t o d o abou t welfar e mothers? " "Black s ar e no t hel d t o th e same standar d fo r promotio n i n m y office. " "Ho w d o w e tackl e th e crim e problem?" "Blac k people ar e a problem fo r society. " Bu t lurkin g behin d thi s las t xiv

PREFACE

statement i s a n intriguin g bi t o f rhetorica l wordplay . "Society " i n thi s contex t stands i n direc t oppositio n t o "blac k people," begging th e questio n a s to whethe r or no t African American s i n fac t belon g t o it . Furthermore , i n thi s construction , "society" ha s a revers e synecdochi c relationshi p t o whit e America . I n essence , society a s th e whol e stand s i n fo r th e par t o f thi s societ y tha t whit e American s represent; th e constructio n o f "problem " addresse s solel y th e stat e o f black s i n society. THE "NEGR O PROBLEM " Between m e an d th e othe r worl d ther e i s eve r a n unaske d question : unaske d b y som e throug h feelings o f delicacy ; b y other s throug h th e difficult y o f rightl y framin g it . All , nevertheless , flutte r round it. They approach me in a half-hesitant sor t of way, eye me curiously or compassionately, an d then, instea d o f sayin g directly , Ho w doe s i t fee l t o b e a problem ? the y say , I kno w a n excellen t colored ma n i n m y town; or , I fought a t Mechanicsville ; or , D o no t thes e Souther n outrage s mak e your blood boil? At these I smile, or am interested, or reduce the boiling to a simmer, as the occasion may require. To the real question, How does it feel to be a problem? I answer seldom a word. —W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk

The analysi s o f th e wa y blac k peopl e ar e see n a s a "proble m people " a s oppose d to peopl e wit h problem s ha s bee n presente d b y a hos t o f African-America n intellectuals, mos t notabl y b y W . E . B . D u Bois . I n 1903 , h e articulate d th e problem o f th e newl y arrive d twentiet h centur y a s the proble m o f th e colo r lin e or, a s he furthe r detailed , th e "relatio n o f th e darke r t o th e lighte r race s o f me n in Asi a an d Africa , i n Americ a an d th e island s o f th e sea. " D u Bois' s us e o f th e term "problem " allude d t o th e "Negr o Problem, " contemporaneou s shorthan d for identifyin g an d collapsin g a myria d o f issue s concernin g th e plac e o f blac k people, a newly emancipate d group , who, afte r centurie s o f slavery, were histori cally understoo d a s les s tha n huma n member s o f American society . Th e synta x of th e phras e "Negr o Problem " demonstrate d a denia l o f th e subjectivit y o f black Americans , "Negro " merel y qualifyin g th e subjec t "problem. " Makin g a syntactic parallel, D u Boi s grafted th e "problem, " o r th e "Negr o Problem, " ont o issues associate d wit h th e colo r line , whic h ha d receive d significan t social , political, an d juridica l attention , mos t notabl y wit h th e 189 6 Plessy v. Ferguson decision. Hi s joint invocatio n o f the colo r lin e an d th e "Negro " o r rac e proble m suffused wha t ha d previousl y bee n a glib ciphe r wit h th e mor e comple x conten t of the colo r line . In essence , in D u Bois' s construction, th e "problem " o r "Negr o Problem" function s a s a foi l t o th e colo r line , which , despit e it s currency , als o generalized an d oversimplifie d matter s o f race. Today, w e fin d ourselve s a t th e tur n o f anothe r century , stil l facin g issue s o f race. However , w e ar e beref t o f th e facil e terminology—suc h a s "Negr o Prob xv

PREFACE

lem" an d "colo r line"—tha t onc e fixed racia l issue s t o a discret e location . Th e "color line, " eve n wit h al l it s limitations , a t leas t a t th e tim e provide d a crud e lingua franc a fo r th e discussio n o f racia l issue s durin g th e er a o f racia l segrega tion. On e o f the hope s o f the civi l rights movemen t wa s th e erasur e o f this colo r line. However , give n th e curren t proliferatio n o f soun d bite s suc h a s "welfar e reform," "schoo l choice, " an d "th e crim e problem, " i t woul d see m tha t civi l rights victorie s wer e incomplet e one s a t best . Th e colo r lin e was no t erase d a s much a s i t wa s rendere d invisible . Muc h ha s bee n writte n o n ho w i n recen t years racis m ha s bee n institutionalize d an d manifest s itsel f mor e subtl y tha n before. Althoug h th e "colo r line " i s no w a n antiquate d phrase—referre d t o fo r historical purposes—tha t ha s cease d t o functio n a s a commo n descripto r fo r issues o f rac e relations , th e custo m t o whic h i t refer s remains . Th e chang e i n custom aroun d issue s o f rac e continue s t o la g behin d th e chang e i n la w ushere d in with legislatio n suc h a s the Voting Right s Act o f 1965 . The invisibilit y o f th e color lin e toda y afford s rac e th e opportunit y t o operat e i n a les s conspicuou s manner tha n a centur y ago . No w peopl e ma y pa y les s attentio n t o it s precis e functioning and , a s a consequence , ma y assum e tha t i t doe s no t operat e a t all . This assumptio n abou t th e obsolescenc e o f rac e a s a socia l categor y yield s tw o related consequences . First , i t sanction s th e proliferatio n o f a kin d o f politica l "racially transcendent-speak" : "W e ar e first an d foremos t Americans. " "I t doe s not matte r i f yo u ar e blac k o r white. " "Judg e m e no t b y th e colo r o f m y skin , but b y th e conten t o f m y character. " Second , i t render s bot h charge s o f racis m moot an d victim s o f racism mut e an d increase s th e degre e t o which issue s abou t race relation s ar e inevitabl y characterize d a s socia l "problems. " Th e disconnec t between th e curren t spectacl e o f rac e an d th e rhetori c aroun d racia l transcen dence i s predicated o n th e very invisibility o f the colo r line . As w e approac h th e ne w century , argument s tha t rac e doe s no t matte r anymore ar e becomin g mor e common , forcin g intellectual s wh o ar e concerne d with issue s o f race to develo p an d refin e thei r theoretica l apparatu s abou t rac e as well a s gende r an d sexuality . Ou r introduction' s title , "I n Media s Race, " i s a step towar d theorizin g th e assumptio n fro m whic h th e essay s i n Race Consciousness start—tha t America n history , politics , an d cultur e ar e an d hav e bee n profoundly "i n th e mids t o f race. " Mor e significantly , however , thes e essay s demonstrate ne w ways t o presen t an d discus s America's racia l self. START MAKIN G S E N S E

Race Consciousness begin s wit h "Lookin g B(l)ackward, " Robi n D . G . Kelley' s compelling dystopia n visio n o f blac k lif e i n th e academ y a t th e en d o f th e twenty-first century . Thoug h lace d with humor , Kelley' s narrativ e make s seriou s observations abou t th e interdependenc e o f th e academi c worl d wit h th e "rea l xvi

PREFACE

world." Kelle y simultaneousl y celebrate s an d critique s contemporar y approache s to African-America n Studie s an d caution s curren t an d emergin g scholar s i n th e field not t o forge t th e work o f their intellectua l forebears . The essay s i n par t 1 , "Specter s o f Race : The Cultur e o f America a s a Cultur e of Race, " see k t o demonstrat e th e constitutiv e rol e playe d b y rac e i n America n culture. Although "America n culture " ha s ofte n portraye d itsel f a s raciall y tran scendent, o r worse, exclusively white, African-American cultur e i s a fundamenta l component o f "America n culture, " a s Ralp h Ellison' s literar y an d jaz z criticis m and W . E . B . D u Bois' s writin g o n blac k spiritual s hav e shown . Th e essay s b y Gavin Jone s an d Jerem y Well s identif y thi s sor t o f cross-cultura l exchang e i n two ver y differen t cultura l sites : th e dialec t o f th e America n Sout h an d th e proto-heavy meta l musi c o f rock musicia n Jim i Hendrix , respectively . Blacknes s informs America n socia l an d politica l identitie s differentl y fro m cultura l identi ties, however . African-America n intellectual s suc h a s Jame s Baldwi n an d Ton i Morrison hav e cogentl y identifie d ho w ideologie s o f whitenes s ar e constructe d upon an d agains t blackness . Judit h Jackso n Fosset t locate s th e constructe d nature o f whiteness an d masculinit y i n th e materialit y o f costume s wor n b y th e Ku Klu x Kla n a s portrayed i n th e wor k o f turn-of-the-centur y novelis t Thoma s Dixon. Despite th e officia l en d o f chatte l slaver y an d legall y codifie d segregation , America's histor y o f slaver y an d colonialis m continue s t o influenc e th e socia l and materia l cultur e a s wel l a s th e live d experience s o f bot h blac k an d whit e contemporary Americans. I n what ways do th e trace s of race and histor y remain ? Part 2 , "Historica l (Re)Visions : Legacie s o f Slaver y an d Colonialism, " seek s t o answer thi s questio n wit h tw o innovativ e essays . Moniqu e Guillor y present s insightful wor k o n a Ne w Orlean s luxur y hotel , haunte d b y it s histor y a s th e primary sit e fo r a racialize d syste m o f concubinag e know n a s plagage. Th e legacies o f slaver y ar e als o theorize d psychoanalyticall y a s experience s o f traum a in Bruc e Simon' s readin g o f Gayl Jones's nove l Corregidora. The social , political , an d cultura l dimension s o f th e live s o f people o f Africa n descent i n Americ a remai n a fundamenta l featur e o f African-American Studies . Such bein g th e case , par t 3 , "Race(d ) Me n an d Race(d ) Women : African American Cultura l Studies, " feature s Margare t Ros e Vendryes's consideratio n o f the intersection s o f race , lynching , an d ar t a t a n extraordinar y 193 5 ar t exhibi tion. Thi s sectio n als o investigate s som e o f th e way s rac e ha s mattere d fo r blac k people. Jeffre y A . Tucker' s critiqu e o f journalis t Georg e S . Schuyler' s dismissa l of rac e i s base d i n par t o n a n understandin g tha t Africa n American s us e rac e t o identify an d empowe r themselve s despit e th e injustice s don e t o the m i n race' s name. Th e expressio n "rac e man, " fo r example , suggest s tha t blac k politica l solidarity depends o n a pragmatic understandin g an d limite d acceptanc e o f racial xvii

PREFACE

difference. Thi s kin d o f politicize d rac e consciousnes s i s addresse d i n Eddi e S . Glaude, Jr.' s extensiv e stud y o f th e nationalis t impuls e concomitan t wit h th e spiritual us e t o whic h Africa n American s hav e pu t th e biblica l stor y o f Exodus . John L . Jackson, Jr.' s contribution , o n th e othe r hand , illustrate s ho w fo r blac k youth i n contemporar y Brooklyn , racia l differenc e manifest s itsel f a s fea r an d distrust wit h respec t t o th e surroundin g force s o f (white ) la w enforcemen t an d popular media . Whereas "Race(d ) Me n an d Race(d ) Women " focuse s o n blac k America' s conceptions o f racia l meaning , th e volume' s final part , "Crackin g th e Code : Exposing th e Nation' s Racia l Neuroses, " consider s whit e America' s reaction s t o black America i n severa l political contexts . Bot h Felici a A. Kornbluh' s refutatio n of explanations o f th e recen t ascen t o f th e politica l Righ t mad e b y white liberal s and whit e conservative s an d Kare n H o an d Wend e Elizabet h Marshall' s critiqu e of politicize d construction s o f blac k patholog y identif y an d denounc e recen t developments i n th e troublin g tren d o f racia l scapegoatin g i n America n politics . Paul Kramer' s accoun t o f th e America n occupatio n o f th e Philippine s a t th e turn o f th e centur y identifie s th e transplantatio n an d iteratio n o f America n racisms b y the U.S . military within a foreign context . Rust y L . Monhollon close s Race Consciousness with a detaile d portrai t o f white reactio n t o th e Blac k Powe r movement o f th e 1960 s i n Lawrence , Kansas . Thes e essays , eac h i n thei r ow n way, attemp t t o mak e sens e o f race a t th e en d o f the twentiet h century .

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I Ou r job s a s editor s wer e mad e easie r throug h th e effort s o f man y individual s and organizations . Firs t an d foremost , w e than k ou r contributor s fo r providin g scholarship o f excellent qualit y tha t literall y take s African-American Studie s int o the ne w century . Th e essay s i n thi s volum e bega n a s presentation s a t "Th e 'Negro Problem, ' 1895-1995, " a graduate studen t conferenc e i n African-Ameri can Studie s held a t Princeto n Universit y i n Marc h 1995 . We than k th e panelists , faculty respondents , moderators , participants , an d sponsors , wh o playe d vita l roles in th e conference' s success . Astute an d generou s counse l helpe d u s competentl y navigat e ou r inaugura l journey throug h th e ofte n comple x terrai n o f th e publishin g world . W e than k Arnold Rampersad , i n hi s rol e a s directo r o f th e Progra m i n African-America n

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Studies a t Princeto n an d a s ou r advisor , fo r havin g confidenc e i n ou r abilitie s and encouragin g u s without hesitatio n a s we planned ou r conferenc e an d edite d this volume. Hi s exper t advic e has bee n invaluable . W e than k Nel l Irvi n Painte r for he r collaboratio n wit h Professo r Rampersa d o n th e foreword , fo r he r gener ous support , an d fo r makin g u s contemplat e th e logistic s a s wel l a s th e labo r necessary t o complet e thi s project . W e than k Wahneem a Lubian o fo r he r graciousness an d patienc e a s she alway s mad e tim e fo r u s an d ou r ideas , an d fo r being suc h a n inspirin g mode l a s organizer o f the Race Matters: Black Americansy U.S. Terrain conferenc e a t Princeto n University , Apri l 1994 . W e than k Dian a Fuss fo r he r kee n interes t i n thi s projec t an d he r feedbac k a t ever y stag e o f th e process. We than k Robi n D . G . Kelle y fo r writin g a n excellen t introductio n an d fo r his continuin g enthusias m fo r thi s project an d generosit y t o us . We than k Kevi n Gaines an d Penn y Vo n Esche n fo r helpin g u s envisio n th e scop e o f thi s boo k during it s initia l stage s an d fo r offerin g usefu l feedbac k o n th e preface . W e als o thank Jea n Washington , Ren e Shepperd , an d Hatti e Blac k a t th e Progra m i n African-American Studie s fo r thei r unstintin g patienc e an d fo r unfailingl y pro viding acces s t o th e program' s resources . W e als o acknowledg e th e suppor t o f members o f th e Princeto n Universit y communit y includin g Presiden t Harol d Shapiro an d th e Offic e o f th e President , Dea n Joh n Wilso n an d th e Graduat e School, an d th e staf f o f Forbes College , especiall y John Gager , Maste r a t Forbes , for encouragin g Judith a s she complete d thi s project . The final assembl y o f th e manuscrip t was accomplishe d wit h th e suppor t an d assistance o f To m Keenan , Wend y Chun , Doree n Cooper , Gavi n Jones , Hele n Pallas-Viola, Bruc e Simon , Marily n Walden , an d Glori a Jackso n Bacon . W e thank the m fo r thei r invaluabl e help . Finally, w e than k Belind a Redde n an d Clayto n Fosset t fo r believin g i n us , supporting us , an d puttin g u p wit h u s throug h i t all , fro m th e inceptio n o f th e conference throug h th e publicatio n o f this volume . This boo k gre w fro m th e nurturin g environmen t o f th e Progra m i n African American Studie s a t Princeto n University . Rut h J . Simmons , no w presiden t o f Smith College , mobilized a formidable grou p o f talented intellectual s t o advanc e scholarship i n th e field whe n sh e serve d a s vic e provos t here . W e offe r thi s volume a s affirmatio n o f Presiden t Simmons' s large r visio n fo r th e program . With ou r utmos t appreciation , thi s boo k i s dedicated t o her .

xx

CONTRIBUTORS

J U D I T H J A C K S O N F O S S E T T i s assistan t professo r o f Englis h a n d

American Studie s an d Ethnicity a t the University o f Souther n California. H e r current projec t trace s th e role o f the figure o f the shadow i n American culture . E D D I E S . G L A U D E , J R . , i s assistant professo r o f Religion an d Africana Studie s a t Bowdoi n College . H e is working o n a manuscrip t about th e relation betwee n religio n an d black nationalism . M O N I Q U E G U I L L O R Y i s a graduat e studen t i n the D e p a r t m e nt o f Comparative Literatur e a t N ew York University . Sh e is co-editing a n anthology entitle d Soul: Black Power, Politics, and Pleasure, forthcoming fro m N e w York Universit y Press . K A R E N H O i s a graduate studen t i n th e D e p a r t m e nt o f Anthropolog y at Princeto n University . J O H N L . J A C K S O N , J R . , i s a graduat e studen t i n the Department o f Anthropology a t Columbi a University . Hi s contribution i s an excerp t from a forthcoming large r piec e abou t ethnograph y i n urba n Americ a tentatively calle d Niggersville. G A V I N J O N E S i s a member o f the Societ y o f Fellows a t Harvar d University. R O B I N D . G . K E L L E Y i s professor o f history a t N ew York University . His work s includ e Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists

during the

Great Depression a n d Race Rebels: Culture, Politics, and the Black Working Class. F E L I C I A A . K O R N B L U H i s a graduat e studen t i n the D e p a r t m e nt o f History a t Princeto n University . Sh e is an associat e fello w o f the Institute fo r Polic y Studie s i n Washington, D . C .

P A U L K R A M E R i s a graduate studen t i n the Department o f History a t Princeton University . H e is completing a dissertatio n o n th e role o f anthropology an d racial knowledg e i n th e U.S. colonia l administratio n of th e Philippines . W E N D E E L I Z A B E T H M A R S H A L L i s a graduat e studen t i n th e

Department o f Anthropology a t Princeto n University . R U S T Y L . M O N H O L L ON i s a graduate studen t i n th e D e p a r t m e nt o f History a t the University o f Kansas. H e is currently writin g a history o f Lawrence, Kansas , i n the 1960s . N E L L I R V I N P A I N T E R i s Edward s Professo r o f Histor y a t Princeto n

University. H e r works includ e Exodusters: Black Migration to Kansas after Reconstruction; Standing at Armageddon: United

States\ 1877—1919; a n d

forthcoming, Sojourner Truth: A Life, a Symbol. A R N O L D R A M P E R S A D i s W o o d r ow Wilso n Professo r o f English a t Princeton University . Hi s works includ e The Art and Imagination o/W. E. B. Du Bois; The Life ofLangston Hughes,

vols . 1 and 2; Days of Grace

with Arthu r Ashe ; an d forthcoming, a biograph y o f Jackie Robinson . B R U C E S I M O N i s a Charlott e W . Newcomb e Fello w i n the D e p a r t m e n t of Englis h a t Princeto n University . H e is completing a dissertatio n entitled " T h e Race fo r Hawthorne. " J E F F R E Y A . T U C K E R i s a n instructo r i n the Department o f English a t the Universit y o f N ew Hampshire . H e is currently writin g o n th e work s of Samue l R . Delany . M A R G A R E T R O S E V E N D R Y E S i s a graduat e studen t i n th e D e p a r t m e n t

of Art an d Archaeology a t Princeto n University . Sh e is writing a n analysis o f the artisti c wor k o f the America n sculpto r R i c h m o n d Barthe . J E R E M Y W E L L S i s a graduat e studen t i n the Department o f English a t the Universit y o f Michigan .

RACE C O N S C I O U S N E S S

1 ROBIN D . G . KELLE Y INTRODUCTION: LOOKIN G B(L)ACKWAR D AFRICAN-AMERICAN STUDIE S I N THE AGE O F IDENTIT Y POLITIC S

(The tale you are about to read was inspired by Edward Bellamy' s Utopia n socialis t novel Looking Backward, publishe d in 1887. My apologies to the late Mr. Bellamy for my shameless appropriation of the structure of his fascinating book . The ideas contained in this essay , however , ar e my own, and I take complet e responsibilit y fo r all of them— including the most retrograde. Finally, many of the characters herei n are fictitious an d are not intended to resemble real persons living or dead. If they do, it is purely coincidental. )

"Don't tr y t o speak . I f yo u ca n hea r me , blin k you r eyes." Th e voic e was fain t but distinctive . Obviousl y a mature, learne d man , thoug h i n th e flood o f brigh t lights h e was littl e mor e tha n a brown silhouette .

ROBIN P . G . KELLE Y

"Where a m I ? Who ar e you?" I asked, tryin g desperately to gather m y bearing s and soun d intelligible . "You're a t Universit y Hospital . Ho w ar e you feeling? " "I fee l fine. Wha t a m I doin g i n a hospital? I' m perfectl y healthy. " I t was true ; I fel t ver y good , indeed , a s i f I' d bee n vacationin g i n th e Caribbea n fo r thre e solid months . Give n m y usua l pace , i t ha d bee n a long tim e sinc e I fel t s o reste d and relaxed . "The matte r i s quit e complicated, " th e ma n replied . A s m y eye s adjuste d t o the light , th e silhouett e leanin g ove r m e becam e visible . H e wa s a n elegantl y dressed blac k man , perhap s sixt y year s o f age , wit h salt-and-peppe r hai r closel y cropped aroun d hi s ears . H e ha d a kind face , thoug h hi s expressio n wa s on e o f obvious concer n lace d wit h heav y dose s o f curiosity . "You'v e jus t bee n rouse d from a dee p sleep , or , mor e properly , a coma . S o muc h I ca n tel l you . D o yo u recall when yo u fel l asleep? " "When?" I stammered , confuse d b y th e question . "When ? Why , jus t las t evening, o f course . I wa s attendin g a conferenc e o n Postracialit y a t th e Cross roads o f Signification—I think . I was o n m y way t o a roundtable discussio n o n The Bell Curve but go t turne d aroun d an d couldn' t find th e room . I don' t quit e remember. I n an y case , ther e wer e tw o othe r session s tha t caugh t m y eye : on e called What' s th e "Meta " For? : Narrative , Metanarrative , an d Constructin g th e Sign i n Pos t Moder n America , th e othe r title d Deconstruc t t o Reconstruct , That's Al l W e Do . I chos e th e latter , foun d a nic e comfortabl e sea t i n th e bac k of the room , an d proceede d t o doz e off. " "I understand , Dr . Kelley . Bu t i f that's you r story , i t wasn' t las t night. " As h e uttered thes e eeril y familia r words , I wa s suddenl y overcom e wit h anxiety ; I fel t an asthm a attac k comin g on . "How d o yo u kno w m y name , uh , Mr . . . . " "Legend. Ralp h Legend . I' m a part-tim e instructo r a t th e universit y an d a part-time medica l attendant—wha t the y calle d i n you r da y a n 'orderly. ' I kno w a grea t dea l abou t you r da y because , lik e you , I' m a historian . M y specialt y i s the mid - t o lat e twentiet h century , whic h isn' t ver y popula r thes e day s sinc e everyone wants t o wor k o n th e twenty-first— " "Wait, hol d o n jus t a goddamn minute . I' m sur e your lif e stor y i s all that, bu t I nee d t o kno w ho w lon g I'v e bee n sleeping . What da y i s it?" "Thursday," h e said . "Mayb e you' d lik e t o res t just a bit befor e w e — " "The conferenc e was o n a Saturday , s o doe s tha t mea n I'v e bee n sleepin g fo r five days?" "A bit longe r tha n that , I' m afraid. " "More tha n a month? " "Longer. Please , Dr . Kelley ; yo u nee d t o preserv e you r strength . I f yo u cal m 2

I N T R O D U C T I O N : LOOKIN G B ( L ) A C K W A R D

down I'l l tel l you . Toda y i s Marc h 3r d . . . 2095. " Thoug h hi s word s fel l somewhere betwee n a whispe r an d a mumble , th e final sentenc e fel t lik e a gunshot i n a dark, soundproo f room . Silenc e stoo d betwee n u s fo r wha t fel t lik e fifteen minute s bu t wa s probably mor e lik e thirt y seconds . "I kno w thi s i s shocking an d awkward , bu t I don' t kno w ho w els e to tel l you . Perhaps you migh t wan t t o res t a bit before— " "Hell no, " I shouted , surprise d a t th e ton e o f m y ow n voic e an d m y us e o f profanity—something I'v e neve r bee n ver y goo d at , b y th e way . "Tel l m e everything—and I mea n everything—righ t her e an d now. " "Well, I'v e bee n followin g you r cas e fo r th e pas t thirt y years . Fo r severa l months bac k i n 199 5 yo u wer e i n th e news . Th e headline s read , 'Promisin g Young Professo r Fall s int o a Com a durin g Academi c Conference. ' Jus t whe n you wer e abou t t o fal l ou t o f th e media , Charle s Murray—yo u remembe r him , right?—used yo u a s th e basi s fo r hi s boo k The Negro Mind: A Case of National Distraction, i n which h e argued tha t member s o f racial groups with lowe r averag e I Q score s wh o mak e i t int o th e rank s o f th e cognitiv e elit e ar e incapabl e o f processing s o muc h knowledge . Eithe r the y fak e thei r wa y throug h thei r careers , suffer emotiona l breakdown s o r sever e nervou s disorders , o r fal l int o a coma . Granted, you r cas e was hi s onl y evidence , bu t th e ma n wo n a Pulitzer nonethe less. "Anyway, yo u wer e eventuall y brough t t o th e universit y an d place d unde r observation. I discovered you becaus e I wrote m y thesis here at Cit y Communit y University o n rac e an d th e ris e o f th e Righ t a t th e tur n o f th e century—th e twenty-first century . Sinc e nobod y wante d t o publis h th e thin g an d I couldn' t get a job, I ende d u p teachin g on e cours e a semeste r her e a t CC U an d takin g odd job s t o mak e end s meet . Whe n I foun d ou t yo u ha d bee n relocate d here , I too k a positio n a t th e hospita l s o tha t I migh t b e aroun d i f an d whe n yo u woke up. " I couldn' t believ e m y ears . A t first I though t i t was som e kin d o f a joke — asleep fo r a hundred years ? B e real ! But a s I carefull y studie d th e hospita l roo m and too k notic e o f al l th e ne w technology , i t quickl y becam e clea r tha t thing s were different . Onc e I realize d i t was no t a joke, I becam e angr y an d resentful . I missed seein g m y daughte r gro w u p o r m y wife' s artisti c caree r tak e off . I neve r had a chance t o sa y goodbye t o anyon e i n m y family , no t eve n m y mother . An d I neve r ha d th e pleasur e o f seein g a boo k o f min e reviewe d i n th e New York Times o r th e New York Review of Books, o r th e Village Voice, for tha t matter . Nevertheless, m y melanchol y moo d wa s quickl y overtake n b y curiosity : afte r all , I am , i n essence , a 132-year-ol d tim e travele r wit h a rar e opportunit y t o se e th e future. The doctor s checke d m e ou t an d release d m e tha t afternoo n unde r Dr . 3

ROBIN P . G . KELLE Y

Legend's supervision . Legen d kindl y offere d t o sho w m e aroun d campus . " I rea d many of your article s an d bot h o f your books, " he tol d me , "despit e th e fact tha t neither th e Times nor th e New York Review of Books reviewed them. " "Don't forge t th e Village Voice," I added , perversel y gratefu l tha t I' d outlive d all thos e boo k revie w editors .

At first I walke d slowl y an d tentativel y acros s th e sprawlin g urba n campus ; although moder n technolog y preserve d m y thirty-two-year-ol d frame , m y leg s were stil l weak. Onc e I got m y stride , Dr . Legen d starte d t o fill me in . "A lot ha s change d sinc e your day, " h e warned. "Blac k colleg e student s mak e up abou t on e tent h o f one percen t o f th e undergraduat e student s nationall y an d an eve n smalle r proportio n o f th e graduat e population . Wit h th e exceptio n o f English, th e numbe r o f blac k facult y ha s droppe d t o abou t a fifteenth o f what i t was a hundre d year s ago . T o mak e matter s worse , th e Afro-America n Studie s program her e a t Cit y Community , an d elsewhere , i s now balkanize d int o severa l different programs. " Dr. Legen d gav e m e muc h mor e tha n I coul d absorb . Afte r a fe w minute s I began t o fad e out , hearin g bit s an d piece s o f hi s narrative—non e o f whic h sounded upliftin g o r positive . Fiftee n minute s later , w e entere d a tin y gra y building i n ba d nee d o f repair. "Thi s i s Asante Hall , th e hom e o f th e Cente r fo r Africological Though t an d Practice . Th e director , Dr . Muhamma d Khali d Mansa Musa , usuall y ha s offic e hour s abou t thi s time . H e i s prett y wel l know n around thes e parts , doe s a lot o f medi a spots , an d hold s th e Distinguishe d Ma n of Keme t Chai r i n Africology . I shoul d add , however , tha t al l blac k facult y nowadays hav e chair s excep t fo r thos e o f u s who teac h part-time. " Dr. Mus a seeme d genuinel y please d t o se e us . Th e plac e was dar k an d deserted and , beside s himself , th e onl y othe r liv e bod y i n th e buildin g was hi s part-time secretary . Ther e wer e n o student s t o b e foun d anywhere . "I hear d o n th e radi o tha t yo u ha d finally bee n jolted ou t o f your dee p sleep, " he sai d a s he extende d hi s han d t o gree t me . "Th e ancestor s wor k i n mysteriou s ways." Without skippin g a beat, h e proceede d t o tel l m e abou t th e strengt h an d vision o f Africology generall y an d hi s progra m i n particular . "We are out here in th e communit y working with folk s who bu y our literatur e religiously. It' s thes e outsid e fund s tha t kee p u s going, no t th e universit y bu t th e street vendors . Unlik e thos e othe r Negroes , alway s talkin g abou t differenc e an d diversity within blackness , we know tha t th e ma n see s only one type—Nigger — and we'v e bee n fighting fo r hi m t o se e u s a s Africans , nobl e an d proud . An y scholars no t dow n fo r th e struggle , no t writing abou t th e histor y o r liberatio n o f black peopl e ar e worthless t o us. " 4

I N T R O D U C T I O N : LOOKIN G B (L) A C K W A R D

"With al l du e respect , Dr . Musa, " I interrupted , "that' s a ver y ol d debate . The pioneerin g blac k scholar s practicall y had n o choic e bu t t o devot e thei r wor k to upliftin g th e race . Bu t i s tha t alway s th e bes t plac e fo r the m t o be ? Aren' t there som e negativ e consequence s t o allowin g ski n colo r an d ethni c allegiance s to driv e one' s scholarship? " I spok e wit h hesitation , surprise d tha t peopl e wer e still talkin g abou t suc h issue s bu t cognizan t o f th e fac t tha t I hadn' t a clue a s t o what transpire d ove r th e cours e o f the pas t century . "I be g t o differ , m y brother . You'r e eithe r wit h u s o r agains t us . I f you don' t work o n som e aspec t o f black lif e the n you'r e sellin g out. " "I'm no t to o sure, " I interjected . " I recal l seein g somethin g Joh n Hop e Franklin wrot e a long time ago . An articl e title d 'Th e Dilemm a o f the America n Negro Scholar. ' I rea d i t i n a collectio n o f hi s essay s publishe d a coupl e year s after I finished gra d school , bu t it' s older—indeed , i t predate s Harol d Cruse' s Crisis of the Negro Intellectual. " "Now you'r e diggin g int o som e ol d schoo l shit! " blurte d Dr . Legend , whos e loss o f composur e surprise d al l o f us . "I' m sorr y gentlemen . I don' t kno w wha t came . . . , uh. Anyway, pleas e continue. " "Thank you . Frankli n was pointing ou t ho w difficul t i t was fo r blac k scholar s to carr y th e burde n o f th e entir e rac e o n thei r shoulder s an d ho w tha t kep t many fro m pursuin g importan t wor k i n th e fields i n whic h the y wer e trained . Do yo u hav e a copy o f that boo k aroun d here? " "Sure, w e hav e everythin g onlin e o r o n th e EC D system . EC D stand s fo r Extremely Compac t Disc . Le t m e pul l i t u p rea l quick. " Th e ne w technolog y was fascinating . On e subwa y token-size d dis c had th e capacit y t o hol d a n entir e university library . I n additio n t o th e printe d words , w e ha d th e benefi t o f hearing th e tex t rea d alou d i n th e author' s voice , whic h ha d bee n digitall y reconstructed throug h technolog y develope d b y a compan y calle d D a Lenc h Mob Electronics . Dr . Mus a highlighte d th e tex t i n questio n an d presse d th e return key . Magically , I was bac k i n m y ow n da y listening t o th e eloquen t voic e of the dea n o f black history : Imagine, i f yo u can , wha t i t mean t t o a competen t Negr o studen t o f Greek literature, W. H . Crogman , t o desert his chosen field an d write a book entitle d The Progress of a Race. Think o f th e frustratio n o f th e distinguished Negr o physician C . V. Roman, who abandoned hi s medical researc h an d practice , temporaril y a t least , t o writ e The Negro in American Civilization. Wha t mus t hav e bee n th e feelin g o f th e Negr o student o f Englis h literature , Benjami n Brawley , wh o forsoo k hi s field to writ e The Negro Genius an d othe r work s tha t underscore d th e intellectual power s o f th e Negro ? Ho w muc h poore r i s the field of th e 5

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biological science s becaus e a n extremel y abl e an d well-traine d Negr o scientist, Julia n Lewis , fel t compelle d t o spen d year s o f hi s productiv e life writing a book entitled The Biology of the Negro.1 "I se e you r point , Dr . Kelley , bu t yo u completel y misunderstan d wh y thes e scholars mad e th e decision s the y did. Nobod y hel d a gun t o Benjami n Brawley' s head an d tol d hi m t o abando n Englis h lit . H e was committe d t o blac k freedo m and mad e th e prope r sacrifice . Besides , wher e coul d h e hav e studie d Blac k Studies? Harvard ? Howard ? Com e on , man ! He ha d t o inven t i t first." "Yes," I retorted , "bu t don' t yo u thin k w e ough t t o work i n al l fields? Perhaps our collectiv e experienc e give s u s a differen t perspectiv e o n science , technology , European literatur e an d art , an d s o forth? O r mayb e ou r experienc e does not give us an y uniqu e perspectiv e o n issue s relate d t o blac k peopl e i n th e Unite d States . After all , you'r e no t suggestin g tha t Africologica l insight s ar e somethin g w e ar e born wit h o r lear n i n ou r familie s an d communities , right ? I f that wer e th e case , why offe r colleg e classe s and degrees? " Dr. Musa , wh o looke d visibly agitated, starte d t o tu g on hi s kente watchband . "You obviousl y misse d a lo t whil e yo u wer e sleeping . We'r e no t th e naiv e essentialists we'v e bee n mad e ou t t o be . We insis t tha t cultur e i s learned, i t isn' t biological. I f i t were , we' d b e ou t o f business . W e believ e tha t th e bes t culture , the mos t liberatin g culture , existe d befor e th e Europea n invasion . We'r e tryin g to recove r tha t an d reconstruc t i t fo r th e presen t generation . Tha t ha s bee n ou r project ove r th e pas t centur y plus . An d yo u shoul d kno w bette r tha n anyon e that th e wor k w e d o grow s ou t o f real , dee p historica l scholarship , no t guessin g games o r abstrac t theorizing . G o bac k an d rea d th e work s o f Willia m Le o Hansberry o r Cheik h Ant a Dio p o r Fran k Snowden. " I shoul d hav e lef t i t alone , bu t I couldn't . On e hundre d year s i s a lon g tim e without a n argument . "Bu t Dr . Musa, " I interjected , "wh y doe s ever y usefu l thing hav e t o alway s com e ou t o f Africa? Wha t abou t th e importan t contribu tions b y blac k nationalis t scholar s wh o looke d t o th e blac k experienc e i n th e United States , o r th e America s mor e generally , fo r resistiv e an d community sustaining cultura l values ? I' m thinkin g abou t V . P . Franklin' s boo k Black SelfDetermination o r Joh n Langsto n Gwaltney' s Drylongso? Wher e d o the y fit i n the paradig m you'r e constructing? " Dr. Mus a simpl y shrugge d hi s shoulder s an d said , "I' m no t familia r wit h those texts. " "Yea," Dr . Legen d added , "the y ough t t o b e foundatio n text s bu t you r predecessors couldn' t se e th e san d fo r th e pyramids . Th e leftie s wer e n o better , though. A s soo n a s blac k fol k star t talkin g abou t 'us, ' 'ou r people, ' 'blac k aesthetic,' an y of that, the y star t cryin g essentialism. " 6

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"Don't ge t m e wrong, " I added , tryin g t o mov e ou r discussio n t o mor e institutional concerns , "I' m no t arguin g tha t th e wor k Africologist s d o isn' t important, politicall y o r otherwise . Ther e ar e obvious benefit s t o you r approach ; in th e pas t blac k leader s hav e bee n abl e t o mobiliz e folk s b y invokin g a sense o f community, a sense o f nationhood, an d i n s o doing the y have mad e tremendou s strides toward improvin g thei r conditio n an d transformin g America . Bu t judgin g from th e curren t situation , yo u al l obviousl y didn' t win . Wh y d o yo u hav e suc h a small office , smal l staff , an d fro m wha t I gather , a n abysma l enrollment? " "I admit , we'v e mad e mistake s i n th e past . A centur y ag o w e wer e awar e o f declining enrollment s an d th e assaul t o n affirmativ e action , bu t w e didn' t hav e a ver y goo d strateg y t o dea l wit h it . W e though t buildin g independen t school s and independen t institution s withi n establishe d universitie s woul d creat e a bas e of support. Bu t no t man y o f our peopl e responded ; see , they're brainwashe d an d we nee d t o se t the m straight . The y nee d a trip t o th e Eas t t o se e our heritage , t o understand tha t w e hav e a long traditio n o f learning datin g bac k fro m Egyptia n scientists t o th e Musli m cleric s o f West Africa . Moder n Negroe s ar e just— " "Now hol d o n jus t a second , brothe r Musa, " chime d Dr . Legend . "Don' t forget tha t blac k enrollmen t decline d becaus e the y coul d n o longe r ge t int o college; the y dismantle d al l effort s t o recrui t peopl e o f color ; use d tes t score s against us ; and cu t ou t al l financial aid . No w colleg e i s the preserv e o f the whit e minority." "What happene d t o th e blac k colleges? " I inquired , "lik e Morehous e an d Spelman an d Morga n State? " "You reall y wan t t o know ? Som e becam e raciall y integrate d colleges, th e res t are behavio r adjustmen t centers. " "Behavior adjustment? " Th e word s struc k m e a s bot h familia r an d absurd . "Yes," Dr . Legen d responded , "we'l l tal k abou t tha t later . A t an y rate , fo r th e past thre e decade s ther e have bee n fewe r an d fewe r option s fo r blac k high schoo l grads. Eve n trad e an d technica l school s hav e al l bu t bee n abolishe d sinc e ther e are n o mor e trade s t o learn . Dr . Mus a i s righ t t o sa y tha t th e Africologist s trie d to establis h independen t school s fo r blac k folks , an d i t was a good strateg y give n the circumstances , bu t fe w coul d affor d th e tuition , an d thos e who coul d usuall y got thei r childre n int o mainstrea m colleges. " "Running a schoo l costs , yo u know, " adde d Dr . Musa . "S o doe s runnin g a program—and tim e i s money . I mus t bi d yo u goo d day , sirs . Thank s fo r stopping by. " Dr . Mus a turne d fro m u s and stare d coldl y out th e window. "Yo u are quit e fascinating, " h e murmured , "eve n i f yo u ar e possesse d wit h a limite d late twentieth-centur y understandin g o f th e world . I wis h yo u th e bes t o f luc k readjusting t o ou r society . Tut a o nana. " Dr. Legen d gathere d m e u p an d togethe r w e walked nex t doo r t o Stuar t Hall , 7

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where th e Progra m i n Antiessentialis t Blac k Worl d Studie s was housed . Th e program was ru n b y committe e instea d o f a singl e chair—eac h membe r repre senting a different voice , thoug h th e facult y wa s so small tha t certai n individual s had t o spea k fo r multipl e constituencies . Ye t everyon e i n th e famil y o f blacknes s was represented : Africans , Wes t Indians , blac k Europeans , Afro-Canadians , black Pacifi c Islanders , women, men , gays , lesbians, ethni c an d cultura l hybrids , mulattoes, intellectuals , poo r people , middle-clas s Negroes—yo u nam e it . Un fortunately, thei r vast an d inclusiv e definitio n o f blackness was not accompanie d by vast offic e space . Th e progra m ha d on e mai n office , fou r tin y facult y offices , and a copying machine tha t the y shared with Africology. Th e walls were adorne d with beautifu l artwor k an d strikingl y origina l posters . M y favorit e was fro m a conference title d " 'She's a Bricolag e House' : Art , Desire , an d Blac k Femal e Sexuality." "Dr. Kelley , allo w m e t o introduc e yo u t o Dr . Patrici a Post ; she' s o n facult y here i n th e progra m an d hold s th e RuPau l Chai r i n Blac k Culture/Gende r Studies." Dr . Pos t was pleasant , thoug h sh e looke d tire d an d disheveled . A s sh e explained t o us , becaus e o f budge t cuts , sh e an d he r colleague s ha d t o teac h overloads i n orde r t o cove r th e rang e o f identitie s represente d b y th e program . When I aske d he r whethe r Dr . Musa' s progra m offere d som e o f thes e courses , she scoffed . "Th e Africologist s hav e writte n of f th e majorit y o f blac k folk , an d they certainly have no interes t i n th e less flattering an d mor e complicate d aspect s of blac k life . D o yo u kno w thei r story ? Le t m e tel l you. " Sh e leane d towar d m e and bega n speakin g i n a low, conspiratoria l tone . "Those guy s migh t b e brok e now , bu t durin g th e tur n o f th e centur y wit h the ris e o f th e Gingric h regime , thei r predecessors , th e Afrocentrists , bega n getting hug e governmen t grants . Apparently , thei r militan t defens e o f two parent families , thei r judgment s o n homosexuality , thei r attack s o n feminism , and thei r emphasi s o n traditio n earne d the m suppor t fro m th e 'famil y values ' conservatives. T o b e fair , no t everyon e unde r th e banne r o f Afrocentrism advo cated thes e conservativ e ideas , an d th e progra m director s fel t rathe r uncomfort able takin g mone y fro m a n administratio n mos t Africa n American s opposed . Nevertheless, fo r a whil e ther e the y were—a s the y use d t o sa y i n th e 1980s , 'living large.' " "Let's b e honest, " Dr . Legen d interrupted . "Onl y a handfu l o f Afrocentrist s benefited bac k then , an d mos t folk s committe d t o a n Afrocentri c perspective — and ther e were many who di d no t alway s agree—bolted fro m thos e government funded program s i n a hurry . Indeed , th e institution s becam e a shel l o f thei r former selves , and onc e thei r facult y an d studen t bod y lef t o r starte d protesting , the mone y drie d up . The stat e droppe d the m lik e a teenage welfare mother. " As Dr . Legen d continue d t o speak , I recalle d m y ow n era , whe n th e kin d o f 8

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scholarship Dr . Pos t promote d was ho t an d I , i n m y ow n way , was a part o f it . "Things weren' t s o ba d fo r th e antiessentialist s i n th e nineties, " I pointe d out . "We ha d a rea l renaissanc e i n Blac k Worl d Studies : i t was th e ag e o f diversit y within blac k politics , representations , sexualities ; th e ag e when NB A referre d t o basketball an d th e Ne w Blac k Aesthetic ; th e ag e o f blac k sna p queen s an d Clarence Thomas; th e age when th e Whitney Museu m coul d organiz e an exhibi t on blac k male s an d displa y Mapplethorpe' s wor k an d no t invit e hard-cor e blac k nationalist artist s lik e th e AfroCobr a collective ; th e ag e o f th e blac k Britis h invasion; th e ag e when Pau l Gilro y appeare d i n th e Chronicle of Higher Education, Isaac Julien appeare d o n BET' s Our Voices with Bev , and The Black Atlantic found a plac e o n ever y hi p person' s bookshelf . I t was a n ag e whe n intellectual s and artist s reall y exploded th e cultura l straitjacke t tha t blacknes s ha d bee n i n th e past. Those wer e excitin g times. " For a momen t there , I was gidd y wit h nostalgia ; tha t is , unti l Dr . Pos t burs t my bubble . "Yo u ar e right ; thos e were relativel y goo d time s i f you neve r lef t th e auditorium, conferenc e room , o r movi e theater s wher e thos e issue s wer e bein g discussed. An d don' t forge t that , whil e blac k feminist s wer e th e wedg e tha t opened u p discussion s o f diversit y withi n blac k communities , the y wer e ease d on ou t rea l quick . Blac k male s becam e th e mai n subjec t an d blac k mal e scholar s became th e primar y voices . Th e issu e o f sexuality , fo r instance , whic h blac k women—lesbian an d straight—pu t ou t o n th e table , becam e largel y a blac k male issue . Eve n th e blac k Britis h invaders—the y wer e me n fo r th e mos t part . OK, excep t fo r Haze l Carb y . . . but sh e i s but one. " "I see . So what happene d afte r that? " I asked . "Like ever y other generation , blac k folk s wen t ou t o f style . The memoir s an d films ha d becom e formulaic , an d th e reall y creativ e artist s los t thei r foundatio n support wit h th e ne w regime . Moreover , th e reall y cuttin g edg e scholarshi p became les s an d les s comprehensibl e t o reader s beyon d a smal l circl e o f aca demics." "That's true, " adde d Dr . Legend , "bu t the y als o messe d u p b y no t drawin g on an d acknowledgin g earlie r intellectua l traditions . Sure , the y were al l int o D u Bois an d Hursto n an d th e like—th e usua l suspects—bu t hardl y anyon e talke d about Alber t Murray . I n th e mids t o f th e Blac k Powe r movemen t o f th e lat e 1960s, Murray raise d th e issu e of authenticit y befor e som e o f the young lion s o f the 1980 s an d 1990 s ha d se x fo r th e first time . Dr . Post , ca n yo u brin g u p The Omni-Americans o n th e monitor ? Yes , page 97. " Suddenly , a simulated voic e o f Albert Murra y bega n t o read : Being Blac k i s no t enoug h t o mak e anybod y a n authorit y o n U.S . Negroes, an y mor e tha n bein g whit e ha s eve r qualifie d anybod y a s a n 9

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expert o n th e ways of U.S. white people. It simpl y does not follo w tha t being white enables a Southern sheriff , fo r instance , even a fairly literat e one, to explain U.S. foreign policy , air power, automation, th e atonalit y of Charles Ives, the imagery of Wallace Stevens, abstract expressionism , or even the love life of Marilyn Monroe . If it did, the n i t would als o follow tha t the oldest and blackest Negr o around woul d b e th e mos t reliabl e sourc e o f information abou t Africa , slavery, Reconstructio n politics , th e pathologica l effect s o f oppression , the tactics and strategie s of civil rights organizations, the blues, championship sport s competition , an d th e symbolic function o f the stud hors e principle (an d th e ques t fo r th e eart h dar k womb!) i n interracia l sexua l relationships.3 "See what I' m saying! " shouted Dr . Legend . "Yo u coul d g o bac k furthe r tha n that. Ho w ca n anyon e pic k u p a novel b y Wallace Thurma n o r Counte e Culle n or Zor a an d thin k blac k peopl e ha d t o wai t til l th e 1980 s t o discove r ther e wa s more tha n on e wa y t o b e 'black' ? Besides , i f student s ha d bee n steadil y readin g Benjamin Brawley , W . E . B . D u Bois , Am y Jacque s Garvey , C . L . R . James , Eric Williams , Olive r Cox , o r eve n Cedri c Robinson , the y woul d no t hav e ha d to b e tol d b y Gilro y an d other s tha t blac k people—a s laborers , a s thinkers , a s bondsmen, a s rebels—wer e centra l t o th e ris e o f th e moder n West . Th e differ ence betwee n th e work o f your generation , Dr . Kelley , an d tha t of , say , Du Boi s and James i s that th e former prett y much ignore d politica l econom y and reduce d class t o jus t anothe r identity . I t was a s i f scholar s o f you r ag e wante d t o stud y the constructio n o f identitie s withou t explorin g wha t thes e identitie s mea n i n terms o f powe r an d materia l access . As i f identitie s hav e som e kin d o f intrinsi c meaning irrespectiv e o f specific structure s o f domination. " Dr. Legend' s interventio n struc k a chor d i n me , evokin g mor e memorie s o f my ow n ag e an d m y ow n students . Th e growin g interes t i n th e politic s o f identity ha d contribute d immensel y t o debate s i n Blac k Studies . I t ha s success fully extende d ou r analytica l scop e t o overlooke d o r trivialize d cultura l sphere s and expande d ou r understandin g o f intellectua l history . A t th e sam e time , th e focus o n identit y sometime s tende d t o leav e discussion s o f powe r a t th e discur sive level . Factor s suc h a s political economy , labor , an d th e stat e were to o ofte n missing fro m treatment s o f th e Africa n diaspora . Mor e significantly , ver y fe w scholars o f my era—exception s bein g Cedri c Robinson , John Higginson , Penn y Von Eschen , Vincent Harding , Pete r Linebaugh , perhap s others—situated blac k people i n th e larger world o f revolutionary upheava l o r paid attentio n t o th e rol e of blac k labo r i n bot h reproducin g capitalis m an d destabilizin g economie s an d regimes. 10

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"You're quit e right, " I sai d t o Dr . Legend . "I n som e respect s it' s libera l pluralism repackaged . Whil e celebratin g differenc e an d hybridity , man y o f thos e same scholar s chastise d blac k peopl e fo r believin g i n a cor e blac k cultur e o r fo r insisting tha t ther e i s suc h a thin g a s a singl e blac k community . Rathe r tha n examine why th e notio n o f a black communit y continue s t o carr y weight amon g lots o f ordinar y people , wh y appeal s t o racia l solidarit y continu e t o work , mos t 'antiessentialists' criticiz e blac k nationalist s fo r bein g wron g an d fo r tradin g i n fictions. No t tha t I' m agains t criticism , bu t w e nee d t o begi n wher e peopl e ar e rather tha n wher e we'd lik e them t o be. " "I don't disagre e with eithe r o f you gentlemen, " sai d Dr . Post . "We'v e learne d a lot ove r th e pas t centur y an d we'v e mad e effort s t o rectif y th e problem s you'v e outlined. You , especially , kno w this , Dr . Legend , sinc e you'v e taugh t i n ou r program before . Bu t it' s bee n a har d row . Mos t o f ou r gra d student s ar e stil l driven b y identit y politics , an d eac h on e seem s t o alway s wan t t o spea k fro m his/her standpoin t rathe r tha n se e large r structure s an d transformations . Se e fo r yourself; dro p i n o n Dr . Cannon' s graduat e semina r o n th e blac k bod y i n servitude. I n th e meantime , I reall y mus t run . I hav e a meetin g wit h th e dea n about gettin g ou r ow n copyin g machine. " We al l walke d ou t together ; Dr . Pos t scurrie d dow n th e hal l an d w e heade d upstairs t o th e seminar . Dr . Legen d informe d m e tha t Dr . Cannon' s cours e was once calle d "Slaver y i n th e Antebellu m South " bu t student s proteste d t o hav e the nam e changed . Dr . Cannon , a crust y ol d historia n wh o fough t har d a s a young schola r t o brea k dow n disciplinar y boundarie s an d t o "invigorate " hi s discipline b y promotin g cultura l studies , decide d t o thro w hi s student s of f a bi t by assignin g a n ancien t tex t title d Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made. (The student s recognize d th e autho r a s th e neoconservativ e theoris t wh o serve d as to p adviso r fo r th e Gingric h administration. ) Bu t Dr . Canno n didn' t car e about th e author' s politics ; h e stil l considere d i t a masterpiece o f scholarl y wor k on slavery— I mean , servitude . "First o f all," announced on e o f the first-year grads , "th e boo k i s too long . H e could hav e sai d thi s i n 15 0 pages . Mor e important , th e autho r say s almos t nothing abou t sexuality , an d whe n h e doe s he reveal s his heterosexist biases . Th e master's obviou s homoeroti c desir e fo r th e blac k mal e body , fo r example , goe s completely unexplored . Afte r all , isn' t thi s wh y the y use d chain s an d whip s instead o f othe r form s o f punishment ? The y ha d othe r kind s o f punitiv e technologies availabl e t o them—wh y chain s an d whips? " "I don' t know, " adde d anothe r youn g voice , " I thin k he' s sayin g somethin g about th e interdependenc e o f th e slav e an d master—th e constructio n o f th e master's identit y i s dependent o n th e slav e and vic e versa. I' m no t to o sur e abou t that; the y eac h hav e autonomou s cultures , an d withi n thos e culture s i s a vas t 11

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array o f differences . I f w e jus t too k th e so-calle d slav e communit y itself , ho w can w e cal l i t a community , give n distinction s b y age , sex , sexua l orientation , division o f labor , ski n color , etc. ? And whe n w e tak e thes e factor s int o account , we can' t tal k abou t a unifor m 'desire. ' Desir e i s no t onl y sociall y constructe d but ca n onl y be understoo d throug h th e individua l psyche , fo r i t manifest s itsel f in a variety o f different way s i n differen t people. " "Hold on, " interjecte d th e agin g professor . " I kno w thi s migh t soun d absurd , but bea r wit h me . Mayb e th e primar y reaso n the y enslave d thes e peopl e wa s t o work o n th e plantation . Mayb e they'r e interdependen t becaus e th e master' s lifestyle depend s o n slave s pickin g cotto n whic h i s the n sol d o n th e market ? Maybe th e whips an d chain s were use d t o disciplin e th e labo r force? " "What's wit h th e cras s economism, Dr . Cannon! ? B y emphasizing productio n over reproduction , yo u ar e privilegin g male s an d thu s silencin g blac k women' s voices. . . . " I ha d hear d i t al l before ; i t reminde d m e s o muc h o f m y ow n seminar s pas t that I bega n t o fee l a bi t homesic k fo r 1995 . Besides , fo r al l th e absurdit y embodied i n tha t exchange , fro m th e ridiculousl y limite d psychosexua l readin g of slaver y t o Dr . Cannon' s unrestraine d sarcasm , m y student s taugh t m e tha t identity mattered . Scholarl y discussion s lik e thes e no t onl y allowe d the m t o grapple wit h thei r ow n multipl e identities , i n som e respect s the y succeede d i n humanizing th e peopl e the y studied . B y making slave s sexual beings , th e discus sions mad e the m ceas e t o b e jus t labor-producin g profit s fo r th e bi g house . Their interventions , then , wer e quit e useful , s o lon g a s the y avoide d creatin g hierarchies amon g differen t identitie s an d remaine d tru e t o th e historica l mo ment o f which the y spoke . Thinking abou t m y student s an d colleague s mad e m e a littl e queasy . Dr . Legend escorte d m e outsid e int o th e sunli t courtyar d behin d Stuar t Hall , wher e I too k a minute o r tw o t o rest . As i t wa s alread y lat e afternoo n an d w e ha d on e last progra m t o visit , w e decide d t o ge t goin g a s soo n a s possible . Unlik e th e Programs i n Africolog y an d Antiessentialis t Blac k Worl d Studies , th e Urba n Underclass Institut e ha d it s ow n buildin g an d wa s locate d o n th e othe r sid e o f campus. Indeed , W . J . Wilso n Hal l wa s spectacular—fiftee n stories , re d brick , huge pictur e window s i n eac h office , lavis h furniture . Afte r th e securit y guard s frisked us , we proceede d t o th e mai n offic e o n th e twelft h floor, wher e w e wer e greeted b y an arm y o f secretaries an d assistants . "Dr. Thomas , ther e ar e tw o gentleme n her e t o se e you. He'l l b e ou t i n jus t a moment." A momen t passe d an d ou t walke d a clean-shaven , bespectacle d ma n in hi s lat e forties , attire d i n a n elegan t tailor-mad e sharkski n gra y suit . Dr . Legend steppe d forwar d t o mak e th e forma l introductions . "Dr . Kelley , thi s i s the institute' s director , Dr . Soules s Thomas; Dr . Thomas , mee t Dr . Kelley. " 12

I N T R O D U C T I O N : LOOKIN G B ( L) ACKWARD

"My pleasure , indeed . I rea d abou t yo u i n Charle s Murray' s book . I don' t agree with al l of his assumptions , bu t h e was a heck o f a smart guy. " Suddenly I fel t ver y uncomfortable ; I ha d a n overwhelmin g desir e t o jum p through th e larg e bulletproo f pictur e windo w behin d hi s des k t o se e whether i t would lea d m e bac k t o 1995 . Dr. Legen d probabl y sense d m y discomfor t bu t h e did no t mak e an y gesture s t o leave . Instea d h e flashed a wid e grin , lettin g m e know tha t h e foun d m y suffering amusing . "I hav e a millio n question s fo r you, " announce d Dr . Thomas . "Wha t was i t like i n thos e days ? Were yo u a n affirmativ e actio n baby ? Gla d w e go t ri d o f tha t atrocious policy ; to o man y o f ou r peopl e sli d b y i n thos e days . Di d Bil l Clinto n ever revea l hi s membershi p i n th e Republica n Party ? Di d yo u eve r ru n int o th e great thinker s o f tha t era—Steele , Loury , Clarenc e Pendleton , Ala n Keyes , Ke n Hamblin? What was Clarence Thomas reall y like? You know I hold th e Clarenc e Thomas Chai r i n Economics , right? " I though t I was goin g t o thro w u p al l ove r Dr . Thomas' s $50 0 win g tips . H e not onl y brough t ou t th e wors t i n me , bu t h e kep t insistin g o n puttin g hi s ar m around m y shoulde r a s if we were ol d friends . I trie d har d t o b e polite . "I rea d abou t thos e people, " I responded , "bu t neve r me t an y o f them . Besides, that's al l in th e past. I' m ver y curious a s to what yo u al l do a t th e Urba n Underclass Institute . When was i t founded ? I s it mainl y a think tank , a researc h institution? D o yo u teac h classe s here?" "We trai n som e graduat e students , bu t w e mainl y conduc t researc h o n th e underclass an d develo p governmen t polic y fo r dealin g wit h thi s devian t popula tion. We starte d ou t a s a group o f neoconservative blac k economist s with simila r research interests ; th e grou p the n expande d int o a full-fledge d institut e afte r we merge d wit h th e Departmen t o f Criminolog y an d th e Schoo l o f Geneti c Engineering. That , m y friend , turne d ou t t o b e a grea t move ; w e shifte d fro m econometrics an d regression s t o applie d technology. " "Applied technology ? Yo u mea n i n term s o f actually creating jobs? Improvin g security? Providin g bette r system s o f transportatio n fo r urba n residents ? Wha t do you mean? " I asked . "Oh no! " H e chuckle d a bit , take n abac k b y th e questions . "Nothin g o f th e sort. B y applied technolog y I' m speakin g o f behavior modification. " The wa y th e word s rolle d ou t o f hi s mout h . . . i t was chilling , pur e evil . When Dr . Legen d first mentione d "behavio r modification " centers , I though t he was half-joking , a n insid e referenc e t o th e way s historicall y blac k college s emphasized deportmen t an d manners . O r perhap s I ha d misunderstoo d him . Now i t was al l coming t o light . "You see, " Dr . Thoma s continued , "a s we'v e bee n sayin g al l along , wha t distinguishes th e underclas s fro m th e res t o f societ y i s thei r behavior . B y 'they, ' 13

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however, I don' t mea n blac k peopl e exclusively , thoug h the y ar e stil l i n th e majority; th e underclas s consist s o f Hispanic s a s wel l a s whites , especiall y th e growing numbe r o f refugee s fro m th e Europea n ethni c wars . Thes e peopl e ar e dysfunctional i n ever y respect—they'r e violent , nihilistic , gro w u p i n deficien t families, an d have no desir e to d o an honest day' s work. And befor e th e abolitio n of welfare, the y were addicte d t o th e governmen t dole . Soo n afte r the y were cu t off, th e crim e rat e skyrocketed . W e turne d t o th e mos t logica l solution : sinc e behavior wa s th e proble m w e neede d t o figure ou t a wa y t o chang e thei r behavior. "At first, w e trie d compulsor y nationa l service . W e sen t youn g me n an d women fro m th e inne r citie s (clearl y th e mos t crimina l element ) t o wor k camp s where speciall y traine d staf f trie d t o teac h the m th e ways of civilization. I t didn' t work; the y constantl y complaine d an d whine d abou t th e wa y the y were treated , their pay , th e food , th e uniforms , th e lon g hours , th e discipline , th e arme d guards, th e barbe d wire . W e the n realize d tha t tru e behavio r modificatio n requires som e kin d o f physiologica l alteration . Th e answe r was righ t i n fron t o f our eyes , locke d awa y i n th e primitiv e simplicit y o f th e fronta l lobotomy . So , with th e hel p o f engineers an d biochemists , w e declare d chemica l warfar e o n th e worst neighborhood s i n th e country . Throug h a combinatio n o f chemical s an d high-frequency radi o wave s tha t th e huma n ea r canno t detect—yo u kno w ho w those peopl e are ; they hav e a thing fo r th e lo w frequencies—we'v e discovere d a method o f alterin g th e behavio r o f th e poor . Fo r th e tim e being , th e syste m i s called Behavio r Adjustmen t Technolog y o r BAT . Within minute s o f experienc ing BAT , the y becom e kind , patient , forgiving , an d passive . An d thei r mora l index ha s rise n a t leas t fort y points . Thi s metho d ha s turne d th e coldes t homeboy int o a mode l citizen— a bette r gentlema n tha n myself , I migh t add . Ha, ha , ha ! That's a goo d one . A bette r gentlema n tha n myself . I mus t tel l m y wife tha t on e . . ." I couldn' t believ e m y ears . M y ange r turne d t o utte r confusion ; I becam e numb. "So , you've eliminate d poverty? " I asked , searchin g desperatel y fo r som e silver linin g i n thi s dar k clou d o f human manipulation . "Eliminated poverty ? What ? Oh , no , Dr . Kelley . Tha t was neve r ou r intent . If w e solve d th e proble m o f poverty , wha t woul d w e d o fo r a living ? Bu t let' s look o n th e brigh t side , m y friend : the y ma y b e poo r bu t the y hav e wonderfu l dispositions. Righ t now , BA T i s stil l experimenta l an d ha s onl y bee n use d i n California. We'r e poise d t o implemen t BA T throughou t th e res t o f th e country , but ou r attorney s advise d u s t o hol d of f fo r fea r o f bein g sue d b y th e privat e security industr y fo r takin g awa y their livelihood. " Was thi s th e worl d w e helpe d create , eithe r b y ou r activ e participation o r ou r silence? Were we so ill-equipped politicall y an d intellectuall y a s to relinquis h ou r 14

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basic righ t t o humanity ? Wha t goo d i s Blac k Studies , Ethni c Studies , Cultura l Studies, an y sor t o f humanisti c studie s i n a worl d wher e ou r action s ca n b e altered wit h th e pres s o f a butto n o r a flip o f a switch ? I f thi s wa s th e fat e o f humanity, wher e were ou r scholar s when i t was tim e t o respond ? My hea d bega n t o tighte n up , th e twelft h floor o f Wilso n Hal l spu n madl y out o f control. A cacophony o f ringing cas h registers an d blood-curdlin g scream s grew loude r an d louder , becomin g s o unbearabl e i t brough t m e t o m y knees , pulling m e beneat h th e floorboards. Down , down , dow n I fell , int o a vast , enveloping darkness , a pitch-black abyss .

"Robin, tim e t o go . Wake up , it' s sho w time . Yo u don' t wan t t o disappoin t th e students." I kne w tha t voice ; i t belonge d t o Wahneem a Lubiano . Slowl y I opened m y eyes , afrai d tha t I' d se e nothin g bu t darkness , o r worse . T o th e contrary, I wok e fro m m y slumbe r t o find tha t onl y a fe w minute s ha d passed , not th e centur y o f m y nightmare . Befor e m e stoo d th e mos t beautifu l sigh t I' d seen sinc e th e birt h o f m y daughter . I t was lik e th e final scen e i n Brother from Another Planet. Dozen s an d dozen s o f me n an d women , intellectual s wit h th e brilliance, vision , an d a politica l commitmen t t o creat e a differen t futur e fo r Black Studies . Alongsid e Wahneem a stoo d Patrici a Williams , Kendal l Thomas , Elizabeth Alexander , Nahu m Chandler , Ter a Hunter , Trici a Rose , Els a Barkle y Brown, Fara h Griffin , Crai g Watkins—ove r there , Evely n Hammond s an d Evelyn Brook s Higginbotham , Ear l Lewis , Kimberl e Crenshaw , Saidiy a Hart mann, Michae l Eri c Dyson , behin d the m stoo d Pete r Linebaugh , Penn y Vo n Eschen, Jerma Jackson, Gu y Ramsey , Georg e Lipsitz , Michael Awkward, Charle s Payne, Jo e Trotter , Gran t Farred ; there' s Gin a Dent , an d Brend a Stevenson , Tiffany Patterson , V . P . Franklin , Michae l Hanchard , Jerr y Watts , bel l hooks , Julius Scott , Kevi n Gaines , Haze l Carby , Pau l Gilroy , Dwigh t Andrews , Chan a Kai Lee , Lind a Reed , Davi d Roediger , Koben a Mercer ; outsid e th e iv y wall s stood Lis a Jones, James Spady , Gre g Tate, Crysta l Zook , Arthur Jafa, Joe Wood ; poised i n th e backgroun d wer e th e dozen s upo n dozen s o f folks wh o gathere d i n Princeton t o tal k abou t "Th e Negr o Problem"—yea , th e gra d student s bol d enough t o stan d o n th e shoulder s o f ancestors an d ou r mentors—D u Bois , Cox , Frazier, Herskovits , Cayton , Drake , Allison Davis , Alain Locke , Charle s Wesley , Dorothy Porter , Louis e Kennedy , Ann a Juli a Cooper , Joh n Hop e Franklin , Carter Woodson , Baraka , Hurston , Leo n Forrest , Gwendoly n Brooks , West , Morrison, Baker , Gates , Arnol d Rampersad , To m Holt , Mannin g Marable , Mary Berry , Nel l Painter , Nelli e McKay , Rober t Farri s Thompson , Natha n Huggins, Davi d Leverin g Lewis , Anthony Appiah , Jun e Jordan , Hortens e Spil lers, Stuar t Hall , Walte r Rodney , a d infinitum . Befor e m e stoo d a n endles s se a 15

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of face s whos e contribution s t o ou r wor k hav e bee n invaluable , face s graciou s enough t o forgiv e m e fo r no t mentionin g thei r name s an d thoughtfu l enoug h t o know tha t I' m runnin g ou t o f space. As I stan d here , o n th e cus p o f yesterday an d tomorrow , lookin g ou t int o th e beautiful face s o f m y colleague s an d futur e colleagues , I fee l confiden t tha t th e future o f Blac k Studies/Afro-America n Studies/African a Studies , whateve r w e decide t o cal l it , i s secur e an d tha t ther e ar e enoug h sane , committed , brillian t intellectuals amon g u s t o pu t u p a goo d fight agains t th e right-wing , racis t onslaught w e no w face . The y wil l remai n suspiciou s o f libera l pluralis m dresse d up i n postmoder n garb , o f analyse s tha t completel y ignor e histor y o r question s of power , o f narro w identit y politic s tha t presume s peopl e ar e th e su m tota l o f our academi c categories , of the tendenc y to limit ou r critique s o f people's action s to mora l chastisement . An d I kno w fo r a fac t tha t thes e folk s wil l continu e t o look b(l)ackwar d fo r source s o f inspiratio n an d insight , fo r i t i s only b y lookin g back tha t w e ca n mak e sens e o f wher e w e ar e an d ho w w e go t here . Befor e w e dismiss variou s school s o f though t withi n thi s large r matri x w e cal l Blac k Studies, w e nee d t o pa y attentio n t o th e ancestor s an d kno w wha t the y wer e talking about . NOTES

This essa y was originally presented a s the keynote addres s a t "Th e 'Negr o Problem, ' 1895-1995," a graduate student conferenc e sponsore d b y the Afro-American Studie s Program, Princeto n University , Marc h 3 , 1995 . Thi s lecture i s dedicate d t o Joh n Hope Franklin , wh o no t onl y pioneered blac k studie s bu t wrot e on e o f the semina l essays on Edwar d Bellam y and th e Nationalist movement . 1. Joh n Hop e Franklin , Race and History: Selected Essays, 1938-1988 (Bato n Rouge: Louisian a Stat e Universit y Press , 1989) , 299 . Th e essa y originall y appeared a s "Th e Dilemm a o f th e America n Negr o Scholar, " i n Soon One Morning: New Writing by American Negroes, 1940—1962, ed . Herber t Hil l (New York: Knopf, 1963) . 2. V . P. Franklin, Black Self-Determination: A Cultural History of African-American Resistance, 2 d ed . (Brooklyn : Lawrenc e Hil l Books , 1992) ; Joh n Langsto n Gwaltney, Drylongso: A Self Portrait of Black America (Ne w York : Vintag e Books, 1981) . 3. Alber t Murray , The Omni-Americans: Black Experience and American Culture (1970; New York: Vintage Books, 1983) , 97-98.

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2 GAVIN JONE S "WHOSE LIN E I S I T ANYWAY? " W. E . B . D U BOI S AN D TH E LANGUAG E OF TH E COLOR-LIN E

Between th e en d o f th e America n Civi l Wa r an d th e beginnin g o f th e twentieth century , th e understandin g o f blac k languag e becam e a fundamenta l part o f debate s concernin g bot h th e subjectivit y o f African American s an d thei r cultural influenc e o n th e America n Sout h an d th e America n natio n i n general . As w e hea d int o a ne w centur y thes e sam e concerns , i n a transfigure d form , remain centra l t o th e fields o f American an d African-America n Studies . Recen t works b y Eri c Sundquist , Shelle y Fishkin , Eri c Lott , an d Michae l Nort h hav e focused o n th e languag e o f America n cultur e whil e pursuin g th e Ellisonia n project o f demonstratin g th e interrelatednes s o f blacknes s an d whitenes s i n th e United States. 1 B y showin g ho w attempt s t o suppres s Africa n Americ a wer e undercut b y a cross-racia l exchang e o f energie s tha t provided—i n th e word s o f

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Eric Lott—" a channe l fo r th e blac k cultura l 'contamination ' o f th e dominan t culture" (6-7), eac h o f thes e work s describe s Americ a a s a "creolized " natio n formed b y th e amalgamatio n o f blac k an d whit e ethni c traditions . I t i s i n th e context o f suc h inquirie s int o cross-cultura l exchang e an d th e rol e o f languag e within i t tha t I conside r W . E . B . D u Bois' s The Souls of Black Folk (1903) . I n order t o she d ne w ligh t o n a much-discusse d work , I relat e Souls to post-Civi l War debate s ove r languag e an d th e color-line , debate s tha t frequentl y use d idea s about speec h a s key s t o understandin g blac k culture , an d tha t use d thes e idea s to strengthe n o r attac k th e cas e fo r racia l differenc e an d socia l segregation . B y focusing o n th e argument s ove r blac k languag e an d cultur e t o whic h Souls was to som e exten t a response , w e ar e abl e t o reevaluat e D u Bois' s rhetorica l strategies an d understan d ho w th e notio n o f "double-consciousness"—s o ofte n cited a s th e archetypa l threa t t o blac k selfhood—wa s equall y problemati c fo r the white communit y whos e color-line s wer e supposedl y it s cause . SPEECH A S A MODE L O F CULTURA L INTERACTION : BLAC K LANGUAGE A S TH E WHIT E MAN' S PROBLE M

The "funny " languag e o f th e Gullah-speakin g Se a Islander s o f th e Carolinas , referred t o b y Du Boi s i n hi s chapte r "Th e Sorro w Songs," 2 was a t th e cente r o f white interpretation s o f Souther n blac k speec h immediatel y afte r th e Civi l War . William Franci s Allen's introductio n t o Slave Songs of the United States (1867), 3 a landmar k even t i n th e forma l recognitio n o f th e musica l "creativ e power " o f African-American communities , establishe d th e fundamenta l tension s tha t would ech o throughou t subsequen t account s o f th e blac k vernacular . Th e mai n problem fo r whit e observers , especiall y thos e fro m th e Nort h lik e Allen, was th e essential differenc e o f thi s particula r variet y o f blac k speech , th e fac t tha t it s "strange word s an d pronunciations, " "frequen t abbreviations, " an d "rhythmica l modulations" gav e i t "a n utterl y un-Englis h sound " (xxiv) . This strangenes s was heightened b y th e fac t tha t Gulla h wa s abl e t o transfor m th e meanin g o f common word s s o a s t o mak e th e Englis h languag e appea r foreig n t o itself : Allen give s a lon g lis t o f word s whos e meaning s ar e "peculiarly " differen t fro m "standard" America n English , fo r exampl e stan ' (whic h mean s "look" ) an d talk (which mean s "spea k o r mean" ) (xxvii) . Rathe r tha n seekin g a n explanatio n fo r this unnervin g othernes s i n th e retentio n o f African tongue s o r rhetorica l prac tices, however , Alle n turne d t o th e paradoxica l belie f tha t Gullah—despit e it s tremendous abilit y t o signif y i n a differen t an d origina l way—wa s merel y th e product o f "corruptio n i n pronunciation, " "extrem e simplificatio n i n etymolog y and syntax, " an d "phoneti c decay " (xxv , xxxiii) . Rathe r tha n bein g see n a s a n integral African-America n languag e variety , Gulla h was considere d (a s D u Boi s recognized i n hi s us e o f th e ambiguou s adjectiv e "funny" ) a t wors t comica l an d 20

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at bes t strange . Th e paradoxica l belie f tha t Gulla h wa s bot h origina l and deriva tive, tha t i t behave d lik e a foreig n languag e bu t was no t actuall y foreign— a paradox tha t produce d th e opinio n tha t Gulla h speaker s frequentl y kne w no t the meanin g o f thei r ow n words 5 —led t o th e belie f tha t i t was a n inherentl y debased "dialect." 6 I t wa s different , i n othe r words , no t throug h foreignnes s bu t through inferiority . Allen's paradoxica l positio n was th e resul t o f a n inabilit y t o accoun t full y fo r the difference o f blac k speech . Although , a s w e shal l see , Allen' s recognition s would becom e par t o f a predominan t movemen t towar d socia l an d linguisti c segregation, ther e wa s a counterreactio n i n th e Sout h tha t complicate d th e ide a of a simpl e divisio n betwee n blac k an d whit e speech , a t th e sam e tim e a s i t questioned th e ide a tha t blac k linguisti c differenc e was merely one o f corruptio n or deficiency . Account s o f th e Souther n dialec t o f American Englis h befor e th e Civil War , ofte n fro m visitin g Briton s lik e Charle s Dicken s an d th e actres s Frances Kemble , note d tha t Souther n white s fro m al l clas s background s learne d the gramma r an d pronunciatio n o f blac k Englis h an d retaine d th e habi t throughout thei r lives , becomin g i n effec t "bidialectal." 7 Afte r th e Civi l War , these account s le d t o th e contentiou s belie f that , i n th e word s o f Jame s A . Harrison's 188 4 essay , "Negr o English, " "i f on e happene d t o b e talkin g t o a native wit h one' s eye s shut , i t woul d b e impossibl e t o sa y whether a Negro o r a white perso n wer e responding." 8 Suc h observation s tha t th e speec h o f the Sout h was, i n th e word s o f anothe r observer , "mor e largel y colore d b y th e languag e o f the negroe s tha n b y an y othe r singl e influence," 9 wer e clearl y controversia l a t a time whe n th e whit e gatekeeper s o f cultura l propriet y wer e drawin g th e color line s o severel y i n Souther n society . Eve n mor e remarkable , however , i s the fac t that thi s particula r vie w of language supplemente d th e recognitio n o f cross-racia l dialectal samenes s wit h a n acknowledgmen t o f wha t on e observe r calle d " a rea l negro lingo , havin g it s peculiar an d distinguishin g characteristics . . . . They exis t in th e ton e o f his voice, his manne r o f speech, hi s inarticulat e interpolation s an d interjections . . . hi s frequen t us e o f word s i n utterl y unexpecte d senses." 10 Accordingly, Harrison' s belie f in th e inabilit y of the unsighte d ma n t o tel l black s and white s apar t i s supplemente d b y a recognitio n o f a n African-America n us e of slang , "a n ingraine d par t o f hi s bein g a s deep-dye d a s hi s skin " (144) , tha t depends o n "th e ingeniou s distortio n o f word s b y whic h ne w an d startlin g significance i s give n t o commo n Englis h word s (e.g . a hant i n Negr o mean s ghost)" (145). Instead o f merely indicating "corruptions " o r "mistakes, " Harriso n lists twent y page s o f "Negroisms, " togethe r wit h a thoroug h explicatio n o f th e different syste m o f grammar o n whic h blac k speec h depends . The contentiou s recognitio n tha t th e whit e dialec t an d th e blac k dialec t o f the Sout h wer e virtuall y identica l was thu s accompanie d b y a realizatio n tha t 21

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black languag e stil l existe d a s somethin g beyond whit e language . Th e whit e Southerner, i t was implied , was usin g a language tha t was no t completel y hi s o r her own , a language tha t wa s th e produc t o f the blac k community . I n th e word s of th e linguis t J . L . Dillard , blac k Englis h was recognize d a s "innovativ e rathe r than archaic " in tha t i t was more likel y to have produced th e difference s betwee n Northern an d Souther n whit e dialec t tha n t o hav e bee n originall y identica l wit h the latte r {Black English, 191) . Ther e wa s a definit e sense , then , i n whic h th e linguistic worl d o f th e Sout h containe d a color-lin e tha t di d no t simpl y divid e "correct" whit e fro m "incorrect " blac k speech , bu t tha t marke d of f a real m o f the blac k vernacula r tha t operate d o n a leve l o f significanc e beyon d th e whit e community. Movemen t acros s thi s color-lin e was unidirectional , preventin g white acces s t o th e ful l rang e o f blac k meaning . Becaus e i t signifie d i n tw o separate areas , blac k languag e was accordingl y perceive d a s containin g a n ambi guity, a powe r o f doubl e meanin g tha t ofte n remaine d strangel y untranslatabl e (as Harriso n recognized , th e "Englis h equivalent s ar e fa r fro m conveyin g th e pungent meanin g o f the Negr o expressions " [175]) . This ambiguit y correspond s to wha t moder n scholar s hav e terme d th e "counterlanguage " o r "antilanguage " that develope d withi n slav e communities: a system o f communication, inherite d from Africa , tha t represente d an d create d a n alternativ e leve l o f realit y throug h the us e of satirical doubl e meaning. 11 This doubl e vie w o f blac k languag e ("double " i n th e sens e tha t i t was bot h identical wit h ye t additiona l t o white Souther n English ) wa s doubl y problemati c for th e whit e community . B y failin g t o divid e blac k fro m whit e speec h com pletely, i t allowe d fo r th e subversiv e notio n o f cultura l interminglin g betwee n people o f supposedly separat e racia l groups, while it also allowed fo r th e possibil ity o f a privat e leve l o f communicatio n amon g peopl e o f Africa n descent , a realm o f meanin g tha t dre w th e color-lin e against the whit e community . Man y white intellectual s i n th e Sout h responde d t o thi s threatenin g notio n b y drawin g their ow n linguisti c color-line s tha t echoe d Allen' s accoun t o f blac k speec h a s entirely "foreign " t o white speech—i n tha t i t neve r intermingle d wit h th e whit e variety—without concedin g tha t th e blac k variety migh t i n fac t be foreign i n it s grammar an d vocabulary , tha t i t migh t actuall y represen t a n Africa n substrata l presence. Allen' s belie f tha t Gulla h wa s "foreign " owin g t o processe s o f corrup tion, decay , an d simplificatio n entere d th e assumption s an d terminolog y o f much post-Civi l Wa r philology . I n Maximilia n Schei e d e Vere' s 187 2 study , Americanisms: The English of the New World, fo r example , blac k speec h i s described a s "subordinate " t o an d entirel y withou t influenc e o n th e whit e variety, forme d b y "ignorance " an d "carelessness, " an d determine d b y "som e difficulty bot h i n thei r hearin g an d i n thei r organ s o f speech." 12 Physica l determinism combine d wit h menta l denigratio n t o produc e th e linguisti c equiv 22

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alent o f a polic y o f blac k inferiorit y an d subjugation . Africa n retention s wer e not recognized ; i n fact , th e emphasi s fel l o n th e ide a o f a n Anglo-Saxo n abilit y to assimilat e othe r culture s an d races , a n abilit y tha t le d t o Joe l Chandle r Harris's clai m tha t th e dialec t o f Uncl e Remu s was simpl y whit e Englis h thre e hundred year s ou t o f dat e an d le d t o th e popula r "scientific " theor y o f blac k linguistic archais m expounde d i n th e 1920 s an d 1930 s by , amon g others , George Phili p Krap p an d Cleant h Brooks. 13 African-America n languag e was forced int o th e Anglophon e traditio n a t th e expens e o f it s modernit y an d integrity: blac k speec h wa s both out-of-dat e an d imitative , th e produc t o f eithe r a backwar d an d innatel y deficien t min d o r a t bes t a produc t o f wha t D u Boi s called a "geographica l color-line " (153 ) tha t sa w th e isolate d natur e o f man y black communitie s a s facilitatin g th e retentio n o f archai c dialecta l form s fro m particular part s o f the Britis h Isles. Owing t o th e prevailin g belie f i n a direc t correlatio n betwee n languag e an d mental "ability, " th e understandin g o f speec h playe d a n integra l par t i n th e debate ove r th e socia l an d civi l distinction s involve d i n th e foundin g o f th e color-line i n th e post-Reconstructio n South . Th e comparativ e toleranc e o f blac k English b y wealth y white s befor e th e Civi l War , whic h le d t o th e observatio n that th e color-lin e ha d broke n dow n i n Souther n speech , was destroye d b y th e new situation , i n whic h poo r white s an d black s wer e throw n int o competition , and i n whic h th e tracin g o f white languag e t o blac k influenc e was fel t a s a dee p insult. This , combine d wit h th e fel t nee d o f Souther n white s t o defen d thei r dialect agains t Norther n assumption s o f it s inferiority , le d t o a concerte d effor t to exorcis e evidenc e o f blac k Englis h an d t o restor e Souther n "pride, " a n effor t that resulte d i n th e denia l o f wha t Ernes t Dun n ha s calle d a "genuin e Blac k dialectal experience." 14 Thi s attemp t t o spli t Souther n speec h apar t ca n als o b e seen a t wor k i n th e typ e o f dialec t literatur e mad e popula r b y Thoma s Nelso n Page an d Joe l Chandle r Harri s afte r th e Civi l War . Dialec t writin g wa s par t o f the wide r languag e o f th e color-line : i t wa s a n attemp t t o encod e a n essentia l blackness i n th e writte n representatio n o f speech , a n attemp t t o mak e th e line s of writin g int o color-line s designe d t o divid e an d discriminat e o n th e printe d page. A s Willia m Ceci l Ela m expresse d i t i n hi s essa y "Ling o i n Literature " (1895), whil e i n actua l lif e blac k speec h an d whit e speec h wer e virtuall y identi cal, whe n the y wer e depicte d i n literatur e blac k speec h was exaggerate d i n it s "lingual barbarisms " while white speec h was "revised according t o Noah Webste r and Lindle y Murray, " a n ac t o f discriminatio n tha t "i s no t onl y agains t th e Reconstruction act s an d th e Civi l Right s bill , bu t i s forbidde n b y th e Federa l Constitution, a s no w amended " (286) . Dialec t writin g was anothe r exampl e o f what D u Boi s calle d th e "powe r o f th e cabalisti c letter s o f th e whit e man " (8 ) against th e ide a of linguistic an d cultura l equality , a power tha t establishe d blac k 23

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speech a s an incorrect an d alie n elemen t within contemporar y American English . The attemp t t o establis h a color-line i n th e languag e situatio n o f the South , a color-line tha t migh t divid e th e "complexity " an d "correctness " o f whit e lan guage fro m th e Africa n American' s "corrupt " meanin g an d phoneti c "decay, " was a n attemp t t o counterac t th e realizatio n tha t blac k speec h ha d produce d white Souther n speec h whil e maintainin g th e powe r t o resis t it . Hence , thi s imposition o f a color-lin e acte d t o separat e blac k an d whit e usag e no t a t th e point wher e blac k languag e existe d i n additio n t o white language , bu t a t a poin t that marke d th e difference s betwee n thes e languag e varietie s a t ever y level . I t was a color-line tha t depende d o n th e paradox tha t blac k language was essentiall y different fro m ye t entirel y familia r t o whit e language ; tha t i t was separat e fro m white languag e withou t bein g unnervingl y "other. " Thi s debat e ove r languag e was centra l t o a wider debat e ove r th e cultura l interactio n o f race s i n th e South , a debate tha t revolve d aroun d th e white fea r tha t th e cultura l fabri c o f the Sout h may hav e bee n produce d b y th e weavin g togethe r o f tw o cultura l strand s (broadly speaking , th e Anglo-America n an d th e African-American ) int o a new , hybrid mode . I t wa s a fear tha t th e cultur e o f th e South , lik e it s language , wa s a "creolized" amalgamatio n o f two racia l traditions . Rathe r lik e the problemati c o f representation identifie d b y Hom i Bhabh a i n th e colonia l situation—whereb y the contact betwee n culture s produces a hybridity that undermine s th e dominan t culture's "univoca l gri p o n meaning " an d claim s t o "authenticity " b y leaving th e language o f colonia l authorit y "ope n t o th e trac e o f th e languag e o f th e other" 1 5 —the debat e ove r th e racia l origin s o f Souther n cultur e was haunte d by th e ide a tha t blac k languag e ha d generate d th e whit e languag e o f th e Sout h while maintainin g th e powe r t o undermin e it . A M E R I C A N I S M S I N THE SOULS

OF

BLACK FOLK

The Souls of Black Folk engage s thes e debate s ove r blac k speec h i n severa l fundamental ways , no t leas t i n D u Bois' s discussio n o f th e Sorro w Song s i n th e final chapter . Here , D u Boi s remotivate s th e discours e o f whit e ethnography , appropriating th e positiv e element s withi n i t whil e avoidin g it s derisiv e para doxes. Du Boi s exploits th e notio n tha t blac k language i s a signifying alternative , that "thing s evidentl y borrowe d fro m th e surroundin g worl d underg o character istic chang e whe n the y ente r th e mout h o f th e slave " (212) , without suggestin g that thi s "characteristi c change " migh t b e th e produc t o f linguistic corruptio n o r might lea d i n th e directio n o f nonsense. D u Boi s rescues th e recognitio n o f "rea l poetry an d meaning " (210 ) i n blac k vernacula r expressio n an d consider s th e breakdown i n intelligibilit y betwee n black s an d white s th e resul t o f a displace ment o f Africa n tongues 16 o r a white misunderstandin g o f a "naturall y veiled " (209) wa y o f talking . A t variou s points , D u Boi s appropriate s th e commo n 24

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observation tha t blac k speec h was someho w "inarticulate " an d lackin g i n gram matical coherence . Hi s descriptio n o f the smal l blac k communit y i n th e Tennes see Hills , whos e thought s "whe n rip e fo r speech , wer e spoke n i n variou s lan guages" (57) , i s a n implici t recognitio n o f a ke y aspec t i n whit e account s o f black language: namely , th e significan t variet y observe d betwee n differen t classe s of speaker and—durin g Reconstructio n an d after—withi n th e singl e speake r a s his o r he r languag e cam e unde r ne w force s o f transformation. 17 Throughou t Souls Du Boi s parodie s (o r signifie s on ) th e whit e interpretatio n o f a lisped (66) and inarticulat e (75 ) blac k speec h i n orde r t o provid e socia l cause s an d cultura l solutions fo r observation s o f languag e behavio r tha t wer e to o ofte n cite d a s in themselves sufficient caus e fo r racia l segregation , jus t a s they were suppose d t o b e sufficient proo f o f black menta l ineptitude . The debat e ove r th e African-American voic e thu s form s a theme i n The Souls of Black Folk that emphasize s th e dange r o f a lack o f individua l articulation , th e danger o f linguisti c divisio n withi n th e blac k community , an d th e dange r o f a breakdown i n intelligibilit y betwee n black s an d whites , al l thre e o f whic h ar e powerfully illustrate d i n th e stor y "O f th e Comin g o f John. " Th e Souther n village in which thi s story takes place is described a s half-conscious an d "inarticu late" becaus e o f the cultura l divisio n betwee n black s an d white s (189) ; th e blac k community become s unintelligibl e t o itsel f whe n th e educate d blac k Joh n returns t o spea k i n "a n unknow n tongue " (196) ; an d Jennie' s powerlessnes s when moleste d b y th e whit e Joh n i s directl y relate d t o he r "inarticulate " voic e (201). Just a s John teache s th e blac k childre n i n th e village no t t o "chop " thei r words (200) , D u Bois' s stor y offer s a lesson i n th e nee d fo r a coherent languag e of interracial and intraracia l identity . Transcending thi s themati c rol e i n th e work , th e debat e ove r blac k speec h i s profoundly significan t t o th e structure s o f African-American experienc e aroun d which D u Boi s build s The Souls of Black Folk. Th e notio n o f th e "Veil, " fo r example, seem s directl y relate d t o a color-lin e tha t wa s jus t a s importan t t o discussions o f linguisti c divisio n a s it was t o socia l segregation . A s we hav e see n in account s o f Souther n speech , i n th e tim e o f slaver y thi s Vei l ( a color-lin e permeable i n on e directio n only ) was a sourc e o f blac k strength , a preservatio n of a private cultura l worl d inaccessibl e t o whites, a spiritual refuge , a channel fo r rebellious talk . Accordingly, philologist s afte r th e Civi l War recognize d tha t thi s realm o f strange meaning and ambiguit y was potentially threatening t o th e whit e community. D u Boi s transfigure s thi s whit e perceptio n o f blac k languag e b y showing how , i n th e post-Emancipatio n world , thi s Veil become s a threat t o th e black communit y a s well . Th e opacit y o f th e Veil , it s tendenc y t o mas k th e black self , become s dangerou s i n a worl d wher e white s contro l th e mean s o f recording an d projectin g America n culture , becaus e i t facilitate s th e exclusio n o f 25

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a tru e imag e o f blacknes s fro m mainstrea m America , thereb y condemnin g th e African America n t o a condition o f incomplete self-consciousness . This conditio n i s developed furthe r b y D u Boi s i n hi s no w famou s notio n o f "double-consciousness": this sens e o f alway s lookin g a t one' s sel f through th e eye s of others , o f measuring one' s sou l b y th e tap e o f a world tha t look s o n i n amuse d contempt an d pity . On e eve r feel s hi s two-ness,—a n American , a Negro; tw o souls , tw o thoughts , tw o unreconcile d strivings ; tw o war ring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alon e keeps it fro m being torn asunder . The histor y o f the American Negr o i s the history o f this strife—thi s longing t o attai n self-consciou s manhood , t o merg e his double sel f into a bette r an d true r self . I n thi s mergin g h e wishe s neithe r o f th e olde r selves to be lost. He would no t Africanize America , fo r America has too much t o teac h th e worl d an d Africa . H e woul d no t bleac h hi s Negr o soul i n a flood o f white Americanism, fo r h e know s tha t Negr o bloo d has a message for th e world. H e simpl y wishes to mak e it possible for a man t o b e bot h a Negro an d a n American , withou t bein g curse d an d spit upo n b y hi s fellows , withou t havin g th e door s o f Opportunit y closed roughly in his face. (5 ) An unusua l elemen t i n thi s passag e i s D u Bois' s us e o f th e ter m Americanism — traditionally a linguisti c concep t fo r a word , sense , o r phras e peculia r t o o r originating fro m th e Unite d States—whic h implicitl y connect s thi s descriptio n of double-consciousnes s t o th e debate s abou t languag e s o prominen t i n late nineteenth-century America . I n thi s respect , D u Boisia n double-consciousnes s can b e rea d a s a critiqu e o f th e mean s b y whic h th e iron y an d ambiguit y o f black counterlanguag e functio n i n a world o f suppose d freedom . I n th e tim e o f slavery, the "doubl e words" that D u Boi s identifies a s stemming fro m th e Africa n American's doubl e life (165 ) would hav e been manifeste d i n th e "naturall y veiled and half-articulate " messag e o f th e Sorro w Song s (209) . I n a tim e o f suppose d emancipation, thes e doubl e word s manifes t themselve s i n wha t D u Boi s de scribes (i n th e chapte r "O f th e Fait h o f th e Fathers" ) a s the "two-edge d weapo n of deception an d flattery, o f cajoling an d lying, " destructive t o the black commu nity throug h th e creatio n o f pretens e an d hypocrisy , an d destructiv e t o th e white communit y throug h th e creatio n o f revol t an d radicalis m (165-66) . Th e language o f ambiguit y essentia l t o th e slav e become s a language o f parado x i n a world rive n b y the color-line . Yet D u Bois' s ide a o f double-consciousnes s i s not jus t a critique o f blackness . 26

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It i s als o a critiqu e o f whitenes s and , mor e important , a deconstructio n o f "Americanness." B y payin g clos e attentio n t o th e terminolog y o f thi s passage , we arriv e a t a logical mode l strikingl y simila r t o th e unsettlin g understandin g o f the linguisti c conditio n o f th e Sout h describe d earlier . Th e sens e o f "alway s looking a t one' s sel f throug h th e eye s o f others " was als o tru e fo r a situatio n where th e whit e communit y was usin g a languag e partl y beyon d it s control , a language tha t was abl e t o encod e insurrectionar y sentimen t an d exis t a s a rhetoric o f resistanc e beyon d it s interpretation . Th e threatenin g ide a o f ethni c intermixture implie d b y such a view i s integral t o D u Boisia n double-conscious ness. Instea d o f opposin g th e categorie s o f "Negro " an d "American, " D u Boi s qualifies th e linguistic concept o f "Americanism" b y terming i t "whit e American ism" an d opposin g i t t o th e conditio n o f bein g "American " itself , whic h h e locates a s on e hal f o f th e binar y strif e within th e sou l o f th e Africa n American : when D u Boi s mention s "Africa " an d "America " i n thi s passag e h e i s clearl y discussing th e tw o olde r selve s o f th e "America n Negro. " Jus t a s th e Souther n dialect o f America n Englis h was perceive d t o diffe r fro m th e vagu e notio n o f a "correct," implicitl y whit e speec h becaus e o f th e generativ e rol e withi n i t o f black language , likewis e i n D u Bois' s descriptio n o f double-consciousnes s th e category o f "American " differ s fro m th e lesse r categor y o f "whit e Americanism " because o f the rol e o f the "Negr o soul " i n th e former. 18 Not onl y doe s Souls declare th e nee d fo r th e blac k communit y "t o kno w . . . the powe r o f th e cabalisti c letter s o f th e whit e man, " bu t i t als o suggest s th e need t o "test " this power b y questioning th e myth s an d assumption s upo n whic h white cultur e depend s (8) . B y opposing "American " t o "whit e Americanism " i n his descriptio n o f double-consciousness , D u Boi s implie s tha t th e trul y "Ameri can" mus t b y definitio n contai n a n elemen t o f blackness . Thi s undermine s th e idea o f a color-lin e i n Souther n speec h tha t dismisse d Americanism s derive d from th e slave s as , i n th e word s o f Schei e d e Vere , "nothin g mor e tha n unsuccessful effort s t o spea k correc t English " (150) . As common description s o f the blacknes s o f th e Souther n dialec t contradic t myth s o f racia l independence , Du Bois' s ide a o f double-consciousnes s similarl y work s agains t th e attemp t t o apply th e notio n o f th e color-lin e t o America n cultur e a s a whole . D u Bois' s description o f double-consciousnes s i s thu s a remarkabl e rhetorica l mov e tha t appears t o placat e whit e fear s tha t "th e America n Negr o . . . woul d no t Afri canize America " whil e i t als o suggest s tha t a n authenti c an d origina l America n culture mus t necessaril y contai n a n Africa n element . An y gestur e towar d th e calming o f whit e fear s i s inherentl y ironic : th e "Negro " woul d no t Africaniz e America, suggest s D u Bois , becaus e h e alread y had . I n thi s way , D u Bois' s apparent criticis m o f black selfhood reflect s bac k o n th e white world fro m whic h the very notion o f double-consciousness ma y have originall y bee n gleaned. 19 27

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To redres s a situatio n i n whic h blac k "counter-cries " wer e frequentl y lackin g in "forma l logic " (88) , D u Boi s manipulate s th e logica l structure s o f Souls t o force upo n th e reade r a recognition o f th e "intellectua l communion " (149 ) tha t existed betwee n black s an d white s i n th e pre-Civi l Wa r South . I t wa s a commu nion tha t wa s necessar y onc e more , though t D u Bois , i f the greate r ideal s o f th e American Republi c were t o b e realize d i n a cross-cultural exchang e whereby tw o "world-races ma y giv e t o eac h othe r thos e characteristic s bot h s o sadl y lack " (11). Thi s Ellisonia n logi c o f cultura l interminglin g i s repeate d a t ke y point s throughout Souls 20—for example , in D u Bois' s description o f the religion o f th e poor whit e a s " a plai n cop y o f Negr o though t an d methods, " thereb y makin g "the stud y o f Negro religio n . . . not onl y a vital par t o f the histor y o f the Negr o in America, bu t n o uninterestin g par t o f American history " (157)—ye t nowher e is i t mor e obviou s tha n i n D u Bois' s chapte r o n th e Sorro w Songs . As w e hav e seen, D u Bois' s discussio n o f thes e song s clearl y remotivate s th e languag e o f white ethnography , th e paradoxica l languag e tha t considere d th e "originality " and "genuineness " o f blac k musi c t o be—i n th e word s o f Allen—"partl y composed unde r th e influenc e o f associatio n wit h th e whites , partl y actuall y imitated fro m thei r music " (vi) . Th e remotivatio n o f thi s sentimen t appear s i n Du Bois' s descriptio n o f th e fou r step s involve d i n th e developmen t o f th e Sorrow Songs : The first is African music , the second Afro-American, whil e the third i s a blending of Negro musi c with th e music heard i n the foster land . Th e result i s still distinctl y Negr o an d th e method o f blending original , bu t the elements ar e both Negr o an d Caucasian . On e migh t g o further an d find a fourt h ste p i n thi s development , wher e th e song s o f whit e America hav e bee n distinctivel y influence d b y slav e song s o r hav e incorporated whol e phrases of Negro melody . (209 ) Once more , D u Boi s refuse s t o oppos e th e categorie s "Negro " an d "American. " Instead, h e use s th e term s "Caucasian " an d "whit e America, " whic h functio n like "whit e Americanism " i n th e earlie r descriptio n o f double-consciousness . Again an d again , D u Bois' s choic e o f languag e refuse s t o allo w th e possibilit y that a genuin e Americannes s ca n exis t withou t a n elemen t o f blackness . Th e unsettling cultura l proces s tha t was recognize d a t wor k i n th e Souther n dialec t after th e Civi l Wa r i s extende d b y D u Boi s t o appl y t o th e wide r aspect s o f American culture , creatin g th e possibilit y tha t processe s o f "Afro-Americaniza tion" wer e a t work withi n th e American natio n a s a whole. Allen's paradox , tha t black vernacula r product s ar e someho w origina l and derivative , i s destroyed . According t o D u Bois' s ide a o f th e stage s o f th e Sorro w Songs , th e trul y 28

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"original" music , th e authenticall y America n blendin g o f wha t D u Boi s call s "Negro" an d "Caucasian " elements , i s "distinctly Negro," an d th e elemen t o f "imitation" an d "debasement " i s discovere d i n th e whit e community . A s D u Bois phrase s i t i n hi s conclusio n t o Souls, th e African-America n gift s o f story , song, sweat , an d Spiri t hav e bee n activel y wove n wit h "th e ver y war p an d woo f of thi s nation " (215) . Th e logica l conclusio n o f D u Bois' s wor k i s tha t anyon e seeking th e idea l segregatio n o f th e color-lin e mus t find Souther n speech , American music , an d th e cultura l originalit y o f th e America n natio n t o b e distinct problems . THE L A N G U A G E O F TH E COLOR-LIN E

Du Bois' s descriptio n o f double-consciousnes s an d hi s accoun t o f th e Sorro w Songs wor k agains t th e drawin g o f th e color-lin e i n America n cultur e becaus e they expose how this culture i s itself marked b y cross-racial exchange . The powe r of th e color-lin e t o divid e th e Sout h int o "tw o grea t streams " (148 ) i s perhap s the mai n targe t o f The Souls of Black Folk Accordin g t o D u Bois , thi s color-lin e was "tha t centra l parado x o f th e South " (80 ) because , rathe r tha n solvin g th e "Negro Problem, " i t preclude d absolutel y th e very typ e o f race contac t necessar y for th e "effectua l progress " o f th e Africa n America n (80) ; becaus e it s singula r focus o n colo r thwarte d th e drawin g o f line s o f crime , incompetency , an d vic e (152); becaus e i t flatly contradicte d th e belief s an d profession s o f a supposedl y Christian an d democrati c natio n (151) ; an d abov e all , becaus e i t le d t o th e unidirectional Veil , whic h create d th e "strang e meaning " (1 ) o f bein g blac k i n America, whereb y a nativ e son—t o us e Richar d Wright' s phrase—i s mad e t o feel a stranger i n hi s ow n lan d (5) . These paradoxe s wer e centra l t o th e languag e and th e logi c o f politica l pamphlet s writte n i n defens e o f th e color-lin e b y conservative white s i n th e Reconstructio n an d post-Reconstructio n South , pam phlets tha t depende d o n th e convenien t appearanc e o f a mysteriou s "rac e instinct" designe d t o glos s ove r a faltering an d ofte n self-contradictor y mod e o f reasoning (a s Georg e Washingto n Cabl e was quic k t o realize , argument s base d on "rac e instinct " wer e inherentl y paradoxica l because , i f thi s instinc t wer e t o exist, the n i t woul d rende r superfluou s th e legall y codifie d color-line s tha t suc h arguments demanded). 21 A n "ethica l paradox " {Souls, 165 ) was a t th e hear t o f the color-line , jus t a s i t was centra l t o attempt s t o accoun t fo r th e differenc e o f black culture . It i s a s a counterforc e t o suc h parado x tha t w e shoul d understan d th e importance o f articulation (i n th e sens e o f "joinin g together " i n additio n t o "expressing onesel f coherently") 22 i n The Souls of Black Folk. I f whit e solution s to th e "Negr o Problem " move d i n th e directio n o f paradox , the n D u Bois' s solution move s i n th e directio n o f ambiguity . D u Bois' s desir e t o b e bot h a 29

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"Negro" and an "American " i s an example o f this, as is his move t o establis h th e originality o f black son g i n orde r t o revea l ho w American cultur e join s togethe r the doubl e meanin g o f blackness an d whiteness. Accordingly, th e rhetorical tas k of Souls can be viewed a s an attempt t o conver t th e language o f paradox, typica l of th e whit e politic s o f th e color-line , int o a n ambiguou s languag e o f cultura l tolerance—an ambiguou s languag e tha t was itself par t o f a n African-America n oral tradition , roote d i n Africa an d flourishing i n what wa s widely recognize d a s the "sol e American music " (205). 23 As Eri c Sundquis t ha s shown , thi s articulatio n ca n b e see n i n th e joining o f "music" and "text" i n The Souls of Black Folk, making D u Bois' s work a n "ac t of cultural transfiguratio n tha t welde d Africa n an d white America n tradition s int o a distinctl y African-America n cultura l form , a s ha d th e spiritual s themselves " (481). A s a stylistic technique , moreover , thi s ac t o f articulation ca n b e see n a t work i n th e larg e degre e o f hyphenatio n throughou t Souls: th e formatio n o f compound word s ou t o f th e hackneye d phrase s o f th e much-debate d "Negr o Problem." Example s o f thi s hyphenatio n includ e th e ter m "color-line " itself , "double-consciousness," "soul-beauty, " "soul-life, " togethe r wit h a host o f com pounds involvin g th e wor d "race" : "race-dislike, " "race-sensitiveness, " "race childhood," "race-brotherhood, " "race-feeling, " "race-prejudice, " "world-races, " and s o forth. 24 Thi s unusua l techniqu e ha d a precedent i n what James Harriso n described a s the "hybridization " characterizin g blac k English , i n which differen t words o r wor d element s ar e combine d t o produc e a new , composit e meanin g (145). I t ca n als o b e see n a s an attemp t t o forg e a new language wit h whic h t o talk abou t race , a new language o f cultural differenc e tha t remotivate s i n subtl e ways th e existin g word s an d phrase s o f th e whit e pamphle t literatur e the n dominating Souther n politics . (I n thi s sense , D u Bois' s famou s aphorism , "th e problem o f the Twentieth Centur y i s the problem o f the color-line" (1) , can be read a s a remotivation o f the phrase "th e Negro Problem " itself , a remotivatio n that identifie s th e "problem " a s th e paradoxica l politic s o f segregatio n rathe r than simpl y tha t o f racial presence. ) Thi s hyphenatin g techniqu e i s the syntacti c equivalent o f D u Bois' s recognitio n tha t colo r an d rac e canno t exis t separatel y from othe r factors , tha t the y ar e not i n themselve s "crimes " (88) . The creatio n of thes e ne w words o f doubl e meanin g ha s a n analog y i n D u Bois' s cal l fo r a new American worl d o f dual significance , a call for America t o recogniz e itsel f as a hyphenate d cultur e wit h a twin racia l heritage . It i s here tha t D u Bois' s notio n o f double-consciousness i s particularly signifi cant. A s a logica l structure , i t enact s cultura l "hyphenation. " B y locatin g th e true elemen t o f parado x no t withi n America n cultur e bu t withi n th e Africa n American; 25 b y locating th e true color-lin e no t between blac k and white society , but a t the interface o f blackness an d a Southern cultur e tha t ha d assimilated tha t 30

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blackness, D u Boi s was abl e t o forc e upo n hi s reade r a recognitio n o f a raciall y hyphenated America n nation . D u Bois' s rhetorica l tas k was t o transfor m th e paradoxical America o f the color-line—i n whic h th e blac k communit y i s pulle d apart b y "th e contradictio n o f doubl e aims " (6)—int o a radicall y ambivalen t nation wher e blacknes s an d whitenes s ar e equall y voiced : a natio n wher e tw o "world-races"—subtly an d silentl y separat e "i n man y matter s o f deepe r huma n intimacy" (87)—ma y combin e thei r race-difference s i n a singl e cultura l situa tion wher e unit y an d differenc e exis t simultaneously . Suc h ambivalenc e i s no t that o f th e slav e who mus t perpetuall y juggl e tw o opposin g realitie s an d whos e language signifie s i n tw o separat e realm s divide d b y a Veil , no r i s i t tha t o f a culture i n whic h "American " an d "Negro " ar e opposit e terms . Rather , i t i s th e product o f a color-line tha t function s no t a s a division bu t a s what D u Boi s calls a "poin t o f transferenc e wher e th e thought s an d feeling s o f on e rac e ca n com e into direc t contac t an d sympath y with thought s an d feeling s o f the other " (149) . It i s a cultural transferenc e tha t depend s o n line s o f linguistic "communication, " on th e "les s tangibl e bu t highl y importan t form s o f intellectua l contac t an d commerce, th e interchang e o f idea s throug h conversatio n an d conference , through periodical s an d libraries " (134) . Th e alternativ e t o thi s multicultura l America, say s D u Bois , i s a natio n tha t contain s th e "strang e meaning " o f blackness (1) , a natio n whos e ver y languag e become s a "writhing, " no t jus t "translated int o black " (165) , bu t essentiall y untranslatabl e int o white . NOTES

refe r t o Eri c J . Sundquist , To Wake the Nations: Race in the Making of American Literature (Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press , 1993) ; Shelle y Fisher Fishkin , Was Huck Black? Mark Twain and African-American Voices (New York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1993) ; Eri c Lott , Love and Theft: Blackface Minstrelsy and the American Working Class (Ne w York: Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1993) ; an d Michae l North , The Dialect of Modernism: Race, Language and Twentieth-Century Literature (New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1994) . 2. W . E . B . D u Bois , The Souls of Black Folk (Harmondsworth : Pengui n Books , 1989), 205. Further reference s t o this edition appea r i n the text . 3. W . F . Alle n e t al. , eds. , Slave Songs of the United States (1867; Salem : Aye r Company, 1971) . Th e writte n record s o f whit e interes t i n Souther n blac k speech wer e ofte n th e resul t o f militar y situation s provoke d b y th e Civi l War . The Por t Roya l experimen t i n Sout h Carolin a t o whic h D u Boi s refers, wher e Union arm y official s place d cotto n plantation s i n th e hand s o f forme r slaves , resulted i n th e recordin g o f blac k son g tha t becam e th e basi s fo r Slave Songs, the written foundatio n o f white interes t i n blac k music , an d on e of the earlies t attempts t o accoun t fo r th e grammatica l peculiaritie s o f Gullah . Similarly , Thomas Wentwort h Higginson' s dua l accoun t o f th e spiritual s an d o f blac k 1. I

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dialect (als o referre d t o b y D u Boi s i n "Th e Sorro w Songs" ) aros e fro m hi s experience a s commande r o f a blac k regimen t durin g th e Civi l War . Se e Higginson, Army Life in a Black Regiment (Boston: Fields, Osgood, 1870) . 4. Th e fac t tha t Allen recognize s onl y a handful o f Africanisms—which, lik e D u Bois, h e call s "strang e words " — (for example , buckra, churray [spill] an d oona [you, both singula r an d plural]) wa s perhaps inevitable: not enoug h was known about Africa n language s unti l th e wor k o f Melvill e Herskovit s an d Lorenz o Turner i n the 1930 s and 1940s . See Michael Montgomery, "Africanism s i n th e American South, " i n Africanisms in Afro-American Language Varieties, ed . Sali koko S. Mufwene (Athens : University of Georgia Press, 1993) , 444. Montgom ery speculates , however , tha t subsequen t observer s o f Gulla h probabl y sup pressed thei r knowledg e o f Africanisms withi n Souther n U.S . Englis h becaus e such a recognition wa s "to o explosive " politically (442—43) . For a n accoun t o f Gullah a s a creol e language , an d a revaluatio n o f Africanism s withi n it , se e Salikoko Mufwen e an d Charle s Gilman , "Ho w Africa n I s Gullah , an d Why? " American Speech 62 (1987) : 120-39 . 5. Se e Allen, Slave Songs, xix . Alle n als o consider s tha t Africa n American s enjo y the humor o f "clearly nonsensical" phrases (ix). 6. J . L . Dillar d ha s detecte d thi s logi c i n account s o f blac k speec h tha t de emphasize African survivals . See "Creoles, Cajuns, an d Cabl e with Some Hear n and a Few Assorted Babies, " Caribbean Studies?) (1963) : 89. 7. I n Black English: Its History and Usage in the United States (New York: Vintage, 1972), J. L . Dillar d consider s thi s t o b e beyon d an y rea l doub t (186) . Shelle y Fishkin use s many of Dillard's observations i n her recen t speculation tha t Mar k Twain ma y have pu t a form o f black speec h int o th e supposedl y white mout h of Huck Finn . Fishkin , Was Huck Black? 8. I n J. L . Dillard, Perspectives on Black English (Hague: Mouton, 1975) , 143. 9. L . W. Payne , "A Word-List fro m Eas t Alabama" (1901) , in Dillard, Perspectives, 169. 10. Willia m Ceci l Elam , "Ling o i n Literature, " Lippincotts Magazine 5 5 (1895) : 287. Payn e als o ha s " a mor e o r les s distinc t consciousnes s o f th e pur e ne groisms" (196) i n black English. 11. Se e Marcylien a Morgan , "Th e Africannes s o f Counterlanguag e amon g Afro Americans," i n Africanisms, ed . Mufwene, 423—33 . This i s obviously relate d t o the blac k rhetorica l practic e o f "signifyin' " discussed, mor e recently , b y Henr y Louis Gates , Jr. The fulles t explication s o f the ambiguity o f black expression a t this tim e wer e Georg e Washingto n Cable' s tw o essay s "Th e Danc e i n Plac e Congo," Century 3 1 (Februar y 1886) : 517-32 , an d "Creol e Slav e Songs, " Century 31 (Apri l 1886) : 807—28, which explor e black language and musi c as a satirical form o f resistance to the dominant culture . 12. M . Schei e d e Vere , Americanisms: The English of the New World (New York : Charles Scribner, 1872) , 148-50 . 13. Se e Michae l North , The Dialect of Modernism, 21 , fo r Harris' s accoun t o f 32

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Uncle Remus' s English . Fo r discussion s of , an d reaction s to , th e notio n tha t black Englis h i s a n archai c for m o f English , se e R . I . McDavi d an d V . G . McDavid, "Th e Relationshi p o f the Speech o f American Negroe s to th e Speec h of Whites, " American Speech 2 6 (1951) : 3-17 ; i n additio n t o Dillard , Black English; and Fishkin , Was Huck Black? 14. Se e Dillard, Black English, 211-12; an d Ernes t F . Dunn, "Th e Black-Souther n White Dialec t Controversy : Wh o Di d Wha t t o Whom? " i n Black English: A Seminar, ed . D . S . Harriso n an d T . Trabass o (Hillsdale : Lawrenc e Erlbau m Associates, 1976) . 15. Se e Robert J. C . Young' s discussio n o f hybridity, language , an d creolizatio n i n the contex t o f moder n cultura l thinker s lik e Bakhti n an d Bhabha , i n Colonial Desire: Hybridity in Theory, Culture and Race (London: Routledge , 1995) , 20— 26. 16. Followin g Thoma s Wentwort h Higginson' s accoun t o f blac k musi c i n Army Life in a Black Regiment, D u Boi s gives the example of the "Might y Myo" as "a strange wor d o f a n unknow n tongue " (209) . Se e Sundquist' s chapte r o n Souls for a n accoun t o f D u Bois' s creatio n o f a mildly Afrocentric argument . Sund quist, To Wake the Nations. 17. Again , Allen' s introductio n t o Slave Songs is a n exampl e o f this : h e maintain s that blac k dialect s var y a grea t dea l betwee n plantation s (xxiv) ; tha t eac h plantation i s divide d int o man y "grades " o f speake r (xxiii) ; an d tha t th e lan guage of the individual—just lik e black song itself—contains endles s variation (iv). 18. Followin g th e observation s o f Rober t Stept o o n D u Bois' s revision s o f thi s passage, Eri c Sundquis t ha s als o suggeste d tha t th e doublin g o f "Negro " an d "American" i s les s importan t tha n th e "secon d doubling " o f "African " an d "American." Sundquist , To Wake the Nations, 487 . I woul d argue , however , that ther e i s a third , equall y importan t doubling—betwee n "American " an d "white Americanism"—tha t allow s u s t o se e mor e clearl y th e implicatio n o f cultural intermixtur e within th e notion o f double-consciousness . 19. Fo r a detaile d analysi s o f th e Romanti c an d psychologica l idea s o f double consciousness o f which D u Boi s may have been awar e (mos t probably from th e thought o f Ralph Wald o Emerso n an d William James), see Dickson D . Bruce , "W. E. B. Du Boi s and the Idea of Double Consciousness," American Literature 64 (1992) : 299—309 . Fo r a late r an d mor e skeptica l vie w o f this , se e Davi d Levering Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois: Biography of a Race, 1868-1919 (Ne w York: Henry Holt , 1993) , 96, 282, and 603. 20. I n hi s essa y "What America Would B e Like without Blacks " ( a title tha t seem s a direc t repl y t o D u Bois' s questio n "Woul d Americ a hav e bee n Americ a without he r Negr o people? " [Souls, 215]) , Elliso n describe s ho w "mos t Ameri can whites ar e culturally part Negr o American without eve n realizin g it." Going to the Territory (New York: Vintage, 1987) , 108 . Ellison's notion that , i n man y ways, th e America n "mainstream " is black—a notio n centra l t o man y recen t 33

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works of American studie s (Sundquist' s To Wake the Nations and Fishkin' s Was Huck Black? are obvious examples)—relates directl y to my reading of The Souls of Black Folk. 21. Fo r a n exampl e o f such pamphle t literature , se e Henry W . Grady' s 188 5 essa y "In Plai n Blac k and White," reprinted i n Critical Essays on George W. Cable, ed . Arlin Turne r (Boston : G . K . Hall , 1980) , 76-87 . Fo r Cable' s respons e t o th e self-contradictory natur e o f th e color-line , se e th e variou s essay s collecte d i n The Negro Question: A Selection of Writings on Civil Rights in the South, ed . Arlin Turner (Ne w York: Norton, 1958) . 22. Bruc e Simo n ha s pointe d ou t t o m e th e importanc e o f thi s ter m throughou t Souls. 23. Eve n th e most demeanin g an d dismissiv e discussion s o f black cultural product s would ofte n recogniz e tha t African-America n song s wer e America' s onl y na tional music. See Scheie de Vere, Americanisms, 153 . 24. I t is difficult t o say with an y certainty whether th e extensive use of hyphenation in The Souls of Black Folk was the consciou s intention o f the author. I t may , o f course, hav e bee n a n editoria l decisio n mad e b y A. C . McClurg , th e origina l publisher o f the work. Indeed , D u Bois' s essay "The Relatio n o f the Negroes t o the Whites in the South," a s it originally appeared i n the Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science (18 [1901] : 121-40)—i t eventuall y became th e chapte r "O f th e Son s o f Maste r an d Man"—doe s no t hyphenat e the term s "colo r line, " "rac e prejudice, " an d s o forth . D u Bois' s Atlantic Monthly essay , "Strivings of the Negro People " (which becam e the first chapter, "Of Ou r Spiritua l Strivings") , however , does emplo y th e unusua l hyphenatio n of "double-consciousness" (8 0 [1897] : 194) , suggesting tha t thi s technique was idiosyncratic t o D u Boi s an d therefor e th e basi s o f futur e hyphenatio n i n th e final tex t o f Souls. The ver y unusualnes s o f hyphenatin g term s suc h a s "colo r line," togethe r wit h th e apparen t car e Du Boi s took with hi s proofs (accordin g to Lewis , the origina l essay s were "cut , polished , an d mounte d wit h a jeweler's precision fo r th e McClur g collection " [W. F. B. Du Bois, 278] ) make s i t difficult t o think tha t D u Boi s was not i n control o f this element o f his style. 25. A s th e Jewish-America n novelis t an d journalis t Abraha m Caha n realize d a t around th e sam e tim e a s D u Bois , a view into th e ambivalenc e o f th e ethni c group wa s essentia l i n makin g American s realiz e tha t i t wa s no t Americ a itsel f that wa s divided s o much a s the ethni c selve s who wer e forced t o liv e betwee n two culture s divide d b y what Caha n calle d th e "chas m o f race. " The commo n theme throughou t Cahan' s fiction—of th e immigran t speakin g a n ambivalen t language tha t i s neithe r reall y "American " no r "foreign"—i s als o tru e fo r D u Bois's visio n o f th e cultura l no-man's-lan d inhabite d b y th e blac k savant : "confronted b y the paradox tha t th e knowledge his people neede d was a twicetold tal e t o hi s whit e neighbors , whil e th e knowledg e whic h woul d teac h th e white world was Greek to his own flesh and blood " (6) .

34

3 JUDITH JACKSO N FOSSET T (K)NIGHT RIDER S I N (K)NIGH T GOWN S THE K U KLUX KLAN , RACE, AND CONSTRUCTION S OF MASCULINIT Y

The Klan was the only way to save our civilisation. —Thomas Dixon , The Traitor

Decked ou t i n hi s white rob e an d mask , spewin g white supremacis t platitude s during a gues t appearanc e o n Gerald o Rivera' s tal k show , th e figure o f th e hypothetical 1990 s membe r o f th e K u Klu x Kla n ma y stil l shoc k a n otherwis e rational, eve n libera l America n sensibility . Bu t th e Kla n membe r wh o helpe d orchestrate racial , ethnic , an d religiou s terroris m agains t thousand s o f victim s during muc h o f th e twentiet h centur y (an d stil l continue s t o d o so ) no w spar s rhetorically wit h a studi o audience , flexing hi s muscle s o f hat e fo r shoc k value , for show , an d fo r hi s limousin e rid e throug h Ne w Yor k City . I t woul d see m that th e Kla n i n ou r modern-da y experienc e ha s bee n transforme d fro m aggres sive agen t o f terro r int o lou d purveyo r o f hat e speec h fro m th e "fringe " o r "margin" o f America n society . Accordin g t o thi s lin e o f thinking , th e moder n

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Klan i s inconsequential , a refug e fo r misbegotte n (poor ) white s wh o displa y a kind o f atavis m o f racism , revertin g t o outmode d belief s that , i t woul d seem , flourished decade s ag o bu t n o longe r hol d sway . Becaus e th e crucia l couplin g o f violence an d ritua l ha s been severed , th e Kla n n o longe r operate s a s the organiza tion capabl e o f th e lynching , tarring-and-feathering , burning , an d rapin g tha t composed it s centra l activitie s a s detaile d b y folkloris t Gladys-Mari e Fr y an d others. 1 I n othe r words , th e materia l basi s o f Kla n violence—th e lynche d an d castrated blac k victim—an d it s racis t rhetoric—hat e speec h whos e brutalit y i s effected throug h rhetoric—becom e conflate d i n contemporar y debates . A s th e material sens e o f violenc e embodie d i n th e Kla n imag e i s replace d o r displace d by it s rhetorica l cousin , th e moder n guis e o f th e Kla n i s emptie d o f it s violen t component and , consequently , bot h rendere d nonthreatenin g an d mad e avail able fo r mas s medi a consumptio n throug h Gerald o River a an d hi s othe r tal k show peers . (I t seem s profoundl y ironi c tha t th e materia l violenc e effecte d b y the Klan , originall y conceive d a s necessar y fo r th e executio n o f it s extralega l function withi n society , woul d b e containe d a t th e cus p o f th e twenty-firs t century. Instead , th e lega l action s o f th e polic e an d othe r agent s o f th e stat e regularly an d consistentl y d o violenc e t o blac k [male ] bodie s withou t cove r o f sheet o r night. ) But eve n th e performance/articulatio n o f whit e supremacis t though t hint s a t the pervasivenes s an d powe r o f th e ideologica l foundatio n o f whitenes s an d exposes it s constructedness . Th e racis t rhetori c o f thi s hypothetica l tal k sho w guest i s mediate d an d mad e powerfu l throug h hi s accompanyin g Kla n regalia . The rob e and pointed hat/mask , usuall y sewn from whit e fabric , provid e tangibl e continuity betwee n th e materia l an d rhetorica l wor k o f th e organization . Th e garb, i n a sense , stand s i n a s a proxy , albei t incomplete , fo r th e group' s actua l execution o f racis t violence . And i t i s precisely thi s twinne d effec t o f th e robe — both it s centralit y t o th e effectivenes s o f Klan rhetori c an d it s less-than-complet e figuration o f tha t rhetoric—tha t make s visibl e th e seam s i n th e otherwis e unadulterated fabri c o f whit e America n identity . Thoug h th e practic e o f ra cialized rhetorica l violenc e b y th e Kla n differ s fro m bu t stil l faintl y echoe s it s original practice s o f racialized materia l terror , th e garb—particularl y th e robe — remains constant . Th e rob e the n function s a s a covering o r disguis e tha t aid s i n the communicatio n o f a certain white supremacis t rhetoric . Consideratio n o f th e Klan, it s violence, an d it s ritua l a s manifest i n it s costumes provide s a n opportu nity t o dismantl e th e scaffoldin g o f the constructednes s o f race a s we remov e th e robe o f th e K u Klu x Klan . Wha t hide s o r lurk s underneat h th e durabl e mono tones o f thos e robe s an d masks ? If , a s Davi d Roedige r suggests , whitenes s i s " a particularly brittl e an d fragil e for m o f socia l identity, " the n thos e robe s ma y cover delicat e veneers. 2 36

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Viewed fro m a late twentieth-centur y vantage , th e visual an d literar y logic s o f whiteness postulate d b y th e autho r Thoma s Dixo n i n hi s narrativ e trilog y o f Reconstruction, writte n a t th e cus p o f th e twentiet h century , offe r a potentia l ideological sourc e fo r representation s o f whitenes s generall y an d th e K u Klu x Klan specifically . I n The Leopard's Spots (1902), The Clansman (1905) , an d The Traitor (1907) , th e operatio n o f whitenes s relie s o n dua l factors : th e nonvarie gated monoton e o f white an d it s blindin g visua l appeal , whic h rende r observer s awed b y th e sight. 3 Dixo n describe s th e instigator s o f th e Kla n i n The Leopards Spots as "dazed " whe n the y marve l a t th e powe r o f whitenes s undergirdin g th e success o f th e organizatio n (7X5 , 153) . "I t was utterl y impossibl e t o recognis e a man o r a horse , s o complet e was th e simpl e disguis e o f whit e shee t whic h blanketed th e horse , fitting closel y ove r hi s hea d an d ear s an d fallin g gracefull y over hi s for m towar d th e ground " (7X5 , 153) . B y reducin g th e operativ e term s of his narrative s t o thos e o f strictly white an d black , Dixo n construct s a n almos t seamless Manichea n racial , gender , an d regiona l econom y fo r th e postbellu m period. White s ar e courageous , civilized , an d rational ; black s ar e depraved , atavistic, an d licentious . Southerners , thoug h defeate d b y war , retai n thei r dignity. Northerners , ferven t i n thei r abolitionis t views , behav e wit h apoplecti c passion whe n crushin g th e South . Ye t despit e Dixon' s narrationa l attempt s t o the contrary , th e stric t binarie s ar e no t entirel y sustainable . Indeed , a s Hom i Bhabha suggests , th e "ambivalence " constitutiv e o f a multiracial , multicultura l society, whic h Dixo n seek s t o eradicate , unwittingl y return s t o hi s text s throug h the objec t o f th e Kla n robe . Indeed , a s a (literal ) materia l repositor y o f cultura l (racial, gender , sexual ) ambiguit y tha t Dixo n woul d otherwis e deny , th e seem ingly stabl e objec t o f th e whit e rob e ironicall y provide s a cove r fo r whit e ski n and a vehicl e fo r th e expressio n o f whiteness . Ho w an d wh y doe s th e robe' s overdetermined statu s withi n th e racia l logi c o f Dixon' s text s pu t th e fashio n (both it s materia l an d it s design ) o f whiteness o n ful l display ? The Souther n racia l econom y provide s th e materia l an d backdro p fo r Dixon' s trilogy. Consume d a s popular novel s an d exchange d a s Christmas gifts , Dixon' s first thre e novel s rod e a tida l wav e o f commercia l success , sellin g mor e tha n a million copie s combined. 5 Writin g i n ferven t an d hostil e respons e t o a stag e version o f Harrie t Beeche r Stowe' s Uncle Tom s Cabin tha t h e ha d attende d i n 1901, Dixo n inaugurate d a best-sellin g literar y traditio n buil t o n th e appea l o f earlier plantatio n literatur e o f Joe l Chandle r Harri s an d Thoma s Nelso n Pag e and predicate d o n bot h a vehement an d over t phobi a o f blac k Americans an d a profound mistrus t o f wome n generall y an d lower-clas s whit e wome n particu larly.6 The first wor k o f th e trilogy , The Leopards Spots, i s se t i n th e lat e 1860s . Throughout th e nove l (white ) Southerner s o f Hambrigh t wor k incessantl y i n a n 37

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attempt t o reassimilat e a s docil e th e newl y free d an d no w uppit y blac k popula tion. Th e nee d an d desir e t o contro l black s eve n resonate s i n th e symbolis m o f the town' s name . "Hambright " echoe s th e predicamen t face d b y Dixon' s whit e population—Ham, tha t is , black s a s th e lew d son s o f Ham , yoke d t o th e "bright"-ness o f the white citizenry . Th e organize d Kla n i n thi s tex t function s a s an extensio n o f th e white lync h mob , "th e damne d thousand-legge d beast, " an d provides a natura l an d unifyin g progressio n tha t lead s smoothl y t o hi s secon d novel, The Clansman, i n whic h th e K u Klu x Kla n play s a more prominen t role . In The Clansman, th e organize d Kla n doe s indee d restor e orde r an d whit e rul e through th e lynchin g an d castratio n o f th e blac k rapis t Gu s Caesa r an d th e comeuppance o f th e mulatt o a s figured i n th e siniste r twin s o f Sila s Lync h an d Lydia Brown . Dixo n eve n obliterate s an y lingering reminder s o f blackness i n th e narrative. Althoug h introduce d i n th e tex t a s white, upper-clas s ladies , Mario n and he r mothe r carr y th e raciall y suggestiv e surnam e "Lenoir " an d ar e subse quently violate d twice . Rape d i n thei r ow n hom e b y th e newl y free d slav e Gus , the Lenoi r wome n a s "th e blacks " ar e summaril y expunge d fro m th e tex t afte r their assault . Eve n thei r nomina l trac e o f black , despit e it s lingua l disguis e i n French, i s eradicate d wit h thei r fata l jum p fro m Lover' s Leap . " c No on e mus t ever know, ' " Mario n opines . " 'We wil l hid e quickl y ever y trac e o f th e crime . They wil l thin k w e strolle d . . . an d fel l ove r th e cliff , an d my name will always be sweet and clean " (TC, 305 , emphasi s added) . A s on e o f Dixon' s character s remarks i n The Leopards Spots, "there ar e thing s wors e tha n death , man! " i n a n allusion t o white female sexua l desecration a t the hands o f a black man. Marion' s and he r mother' s voluntar y death s guarante e tha t an y o f th e corruptio n o f blackness implie d b y thei r nam e wil l no t corrup t thei r blood , bloo d tha t coul d have tainte d futur e whit e generations . I n th e shado w o f Dixon' s pla n fo r whit e control lur k twinne d desire s fo r complet e dominio n ove r th e blac k rac e an d total obliteratio n o f th e mulatto—whethe r th e weird-bloode d mulatta , Lydia , or the potentially tainted Marion . "Ar e you a White Ma n o r a Negro?" function s as Dixon' s Manichea n litmu s test . Finally , notwithstandin g Dixon' s seemingl y diligent effort s t o recuperat e th e figure o f Abraha m Lincol n a s a Souther n sympathizer, th e president' s assassinatio n i n (an d subsequen t remova l from ) thi s text provide s proo f o f Lincoln's ow n limina l regiona l an d politica l statu s a s both Southerner (bor n i n Kentucky , parent s fro m Virginia ) an d Northerne r (reare d in Illinois , guardia n o f th e Union) , a logistica l impossibilit y give n th e interna l logic of Dixon's narrative . In shar p contras t t o th e first tw o installment s o f th e trilogy , The Traitor tell s the stor y o f Joh n Graham , Civi l Wa r veteran , wh o i n additio n t o bein g a dispossessed membe r o f th e plante r aristocracy , jus t happen s t o b e th e Gran d Dragon o f th e KK K i n Nort h Carolina . A s th e nove l opens , th e impositio n o f 38

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the "rul e o f Africa n barbarism, " ushere d i n wit h th e en d o f chatte l slavery , ha s already been thwarte d b y the successful effort s o f the Klan . Give n thi s ideologica l freight, issue s of race , gender, an d sexualit y do , i n fact , pervad e Dixon' s texts , i n a fashio n aki n t o ghosts . Dixo n allow s a war-ravaged whit e mal e populatio n t o channel th e might y mal e ghost s o f th e antebellu m period , whe n planter s wer e planters an d slave s wer e slaves , an d t o restor e (white ) orde r throug h th e ver y portability an d removabilit y o f th e whit e robe . I n essence , th e Kla n rob e functions emblematicall y wit h Dixon' s large r literar y project . Jus t a s orde r ca n be restored b y the wearing of a white robe , so too ca n a sense of shared whitenes s be established throug h th e mas s consumptio n o f his fiction. In The Traitor, th e K u Klu x Kla n provide s "th e onl y wa y t o sav e [white ] civilisation." Bu t wha t source s o f upheava l an d chao s occasione d suc h a collaps e in th e socia l fabri c o f th e societ y Dixo n imagines ? Ho w an d wh y d o hi s characters find themselve s unde r siege , unabl e t o shor e u p th e saggin g founda tions o f thei r cultur e excep t throug h th e birt h o f thi s fascist , racist , whit e supremacist organization ? Perhap s answer s la y i n th e missio n an d cultur e o f th e Klan sketche d b y Dixon—a n all-white , all-mal e leagu e o f hono r dedicate d t o the overturnin g o f "African rule, " a kind o f crude shorthan d fo r th e ris e of blac k political autonom y afte r th e Civi l War. Bu t th e expressio n an d displa y of "whit e male honor " b y th e Kla n i n th e fac e o f "blac k barbarism " o f newl y free d slave s take curiou s form , a form tha t offer s clue s abou t th e tru e sourc e o f thi s collaps e of civilization. Dixon' s cla n o f proud Confederat e veteran s fro m Nort h Carolin a exercises it s powe r wit h th e significan t ai d o f a hos t o f object s tha t hav e sinc e become synonymou s wit h th e actio n an d reputatio n o f the Klan : They wer e dresse d i n th e regulatio n raider' s costum e o f th e Klan . Th e white flowing ulster-like robe came withi n thre e inche s o f th e floor. A scarlet belt circle d th e waist , fro m eithe r sid e o f whic h hun g heavy revolvers i n leathe r holsters. A dagger was attache d t o th e centr e o f th e belt, an d th e scarlet4ined white cape thrown bac k o n th e shoulders . . . . On eac h breas t wa s wrough t th e emble m o f th e Invisibl e Empire , th e scarlet circle, an d i n it s centre a white cross . Spiked helmets of white cloth with flowing masks reached t o th e cap e o n eac h shoulder , completel y covering th e hea d an d face . Wit h red gauntlets to complet e thei r cos tume, the disguise was absolute. (TT, 124-25 , emphasis added ) It i s onl y wit h th e "absolutenes s o f disguise"—her e th e "whit e flowing ulster like robe " a s primar y cover—tha t th e missio n o f th e Kla n ca n b e effected . I n other words , th e risin g tid e o f unbroke n barbaris m displaye d b y black s ca n b e dissipated onl y with a concomitant donnin g o f white disguises . 39

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Walter Ben n Michael s ha s argue d tha t th e whit e Kla n disguis e forme d fro m the white shee t correspond s t o "a n essentiall y invisibl e racia l identity , a n identit y that can' t b e see n i n people' s skins , bu t ca n b e see n i n th e Klan' s sheets. " Michaels continue s b y noting tha t the purpos e o f th e sheets , then , i s no t t o concea l th e identitie s o f individual Clansme n for , fa r fro m makin g thei r visible identitie s invisi ble, th e sheet s mak e thei r invisibl e identitie s visible . Th e Kla n wea r sheets becaus e thei r bodie s aren' t a s whit e a s thei r souls , becaus e n o body can be as white as the soul embodied i n th e white sheet. 7 Yet th e proces s b y whic h th e whit e shee t come s t o represen t Kla n gar b or , a s Michaels describe s it , th e "whit e soul " reveal s how th e rob e come s t o signif y th e "mess" o f a certai n cultura l ambivalenc e abou t whiteness—her e circulatin g around issue s o f gende r ambiguity—tha t woul d see m absen t fro m Dixon' s otherwise pristin e text . When Dixo n describe s on e o f his heroines i n The Traitor as a "sylp h figure robe d i n white, " th e powe r o f whitenes s unite s bot h a figuration o f white womanhoo d an d th e embodimen t o f white mal e courag e a s revealed throug h th e Kla n robe . Bu t althoug h Dixon' s "sylp h figure" i s actuall y a woman, he r gar b i s merely a cop y o f th e male fashion standard . "My , bu t yo u look on e o f u s to-night! " exhort s th e Gran d Drago n o f th e Kla n t o hi s femal e companion Susie , "wit h tha t sylp h figure robe d i n whit e standin g ther e ghost like i n th e moonli t shadows! " (TT, 8) . Fo r Dixon' s Klansmen , th e "sylph " feminine idea l aid s i n th e performanc e o f a certai n kin d o f whit e masculinity , masculinity mediate d b y th e switc h i n gendere d expectation s abou t clothing . I n this light , Joh n Graha m a s Gran d Drago n migh t mor e fittingly b e name d th e "Grand Dra g Queen, " jugglin g th e demand s o f an d desire s fo r bot h whit e masculinity an d whit e femininity. 8 This cultura l dilemm a a s expresse d throug h th e choic e o f costum e bring s to min d th e wor k o f psychoanalys t an d criti c Frant z Fanon . Donnin g hi s anthropological hat , Fano n state s tha t "th e wa y peopl e cloth e themselve s to gether wit h th e tradition s o f dres s an d finery tha t custo m implies , constitute s the mos t distinctiv e for m o f a society's uniqueness , tha t i s to sa y the on e tha t i s the mos t immediatel y perceptible. " Continuing, Fano n opine s tha t "i t i s by thei r apparel tha t type s o f societ y first becom e known , whethe r throug h writte n accounts an d photographi c record s o r motio n pictures." 9 Wha t ar e th e implica tions o f expression s o f whit e mal e powe r bein g mediate d throug h th e dress , a cultural vehicl e markin g femininity ? Wha t kin d o f societ y woul d stak e it s survival o n me n wh o dres s a s women, particularl y virginal , "well-bred " ones ? As Dixon flattens ou t th e complexitie s o f black politica l agenc y durin g Reconstruc 40

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tion int o simplisti c "barbarism, " barbarism , figured a s blackness , ca n b e coun tered onl y b y whiteness . Bu t whitenes s her e finds expressio n no t i n th e actua l bodily presenc e o f empowere d whit e mal e bodie s issuin g challeng e t o a postbel lum politica l an d cultura l orde r ru n b y blacks, bu t i n th e unifyin g monotone s o f white robes , robe s mad e o f "chea p domestic " cotton , th e financial stapl e o f th e antebellum South , an d whos e literar y representation s resonat e wit h th e gar b o f the mos t revere d Souther n women . I n th e end , ho w doe s th e donnin g o f whit e cloth an d re d gauntlet s a s a mean s o f remainin g raciall y "white " an d culturall y "masculine" impac t o n ou r sometime s unquestionin g notion s o f th e stabilit y o f constructions o f whiteness an d gender ? Dixon's thematic s provid e a vantage fro m whic h t o observ e construction s o f race—in thi s case , whiteness—a t th e tur n o f th e centur y a s the y encounte r destabilizing issue s of sexuality, mobility , an d clas s position. I tak e th e parapher nalia o f th e Klan , it s gauntlets , capes , helmets , an d especiall y it s robes , a s a constellation o f iconographi c object s i n whic h ca n b e rea d othe r meaning s o f the organization . A n encounte r wit h th e Kla n o f Dixon' s fiction a t on e leve l becomes a n encounte r wit h thi s litan y o f objects . An d i t i s through a reading o f these object s tha t a host o f queries generate d b y Dixon' s text s ma y b e answered : Is whitenes s portable ? I s i t removable ? I s i t fabricatable ? I s i t performable ? I s masculinity portable ? I s i t removable ? I s i t fabricatable ? I s i t performable ? Ca n whiteness an d masculinit y b e constructe d jus t a s a garmen t i s sewn ? Ca n whiteness an d masculinit y b e donne d jus t a s a gow n i s pulle d ove r one' s head ? If whitenes s an d masculinit y ca n b e pu t o n an d take n of f jus t lik e an y othe r garment, wha t ha s happene d t o th e seemin g impenetrabl e qualit y o f whitenes s in a culture tha t privilege s it ? What ca n b e sai d o f this bran d o f masculinity tha t must b e mediate d throug h a costum e tha t seem s strikingl y reminiscen t o f th e garb o f Dixon's revere d white heroines ? I n th e end , wit h actua l parades o f powe r exercised b y white-robe d whit e men , Dixon' s narrative s unwittingl y cal l int o question th e authenticit y o f whit e mal e privilege . I f authenti c whitenes s ca n b e derived onl y fro m th e wearin g o f whit e cloth , doe s tha t clot h i n fac t cove r o r rather hid e a real, bu t ultimatel y inferio r an d flawed whit e skin ? My focu s o n Kla n iconography , particularl y a s embodied i n th e objec t o f th e Klan robe , come s ou t o f a measure d consideratio n o f Thoma s Dixon' s nove l The Traitor. I t remain s crucia l t o remembe r tha t Dixo n literall y write s th e Ku Klu x Kla n int o textua l existence . H e offer s th e first sustaine d literar y con sideration (ove r th e cours e o f all thre e novels ) o f the cultur e o f the first K u Klu x Klan, a vigilant e leagu e arisin g ou t o f whit e mal e frustratio n wit h an d anx iety abou t th e propagatio n o f blac k politica l an d economi c autonom y i n th e immediate postbellu m era . Moreover , th e mean s b y whic h th e powe r o f the Kla n i s displaye d i s alway s th e visua l aesthetic s an d powe r o f thei r garb . I n 41

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this light , conside r Dixon' s inaugura l descriptio n o f th e Kla n outfi t i n The Clansman: The disguise s fo r ma n an d hors e wer e mad e o f cheap , unbleache d domestic. I t cam e straigh t fro m th e cotto n gi n an d weighe d les s tha n three pounds. They were easily folded withi n a blanket, an d kept unde r the saddl e i n a crow d withou t discovery . I t require d les s tha n tw o minutes t o remov e th e saddles , plac e th e disguises , an d remount . (TC, 315-16) That sam e "cheap , unbleache d domestic " i s the processe d resul t o f cotton picke d by blac k hands . Bu t followin g Dixon' s ow n motivate d racia l logic , th e us e o f cotton a s th e materia l ou t o f whic h whitenes s i s constructe d result s i n twinne d ironies. First , hi s us e o f commercia l imager y reveal s th e underbell y o f th e Southern racia l econom y i n whic h cotto n i s picke d an d processe d fo r it s late r use a s a n instrumen t o f terro r agains t thos e sam e individual s wh o harveste d it . Second, cotton , a s th e materiel o f a mor e pristin e whit e ski n o r (k ) night gown , is always already a corrupted fabric , havin g bee n sown , reaped , an d processe d b y the blac k hand s o n whic h Dixo n i s otherwis e completel y fixated. I n essence , despite it s brighter-than-whit e appearanc e i n th e fields, cotto n grow n accordin g to America n agricultural , racial , an d labo r practice s ca n never be white. Thi s observation bring s t o min d a simila r constructio n i n Ralp h Ellison' s Invisible Man i n whic h th e mos t blindingl y whit e paint , appropriatel y dubbe d "Opti c White," i s i n fac t a miscegenate d produc t mad e white r onl y a s i t i s mixe d b y black hands, hand s tha t ad d th e requisit e drop s o f black pain t t o ensur e it s clai m as the "Righ t White." 1 0 As Harryett e Mulle n s o cogently argues , American myt h ma y rel y fo r it s potenc y o n th e interdependen t myth s of whit e purit y an d whit e superiority , bu t th e invisibl e one s whos e cultural an d geneti c contribution s t o th e formatio n o f American iden tity ar e covere d u p b y Libert y Whit e [paint] , thos e wh o functio n a s machines insid e th e machine , kno w tha t n o pur e produc t o f America, including th e linguistic , cultura l an d geneti c heritag e o f it s people, ha s emerged withou t bein g influence d b y ove r thre e hundre d year s o f multiracial collaboratio n an d conflict. 11 Dixon's insistenc e o n th e unsullie d natur e o f th e fabri c an d simultaneou s denia l of its lingering racialized qualit y reveals most distinctl y th e ways the constructio n of whitenes s i s thoroughl y mediate d b y an d dependen t o n image s o f blacknes s and blac k identity . 42

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By the thir d nove l o f Dixon' s trilogy , The Traitor, ther e i s n o blac k presenc e or threat ; th e nove l instea d become s a meditatio n o n whiteness , a contes t between th e "good " Kla n an d th e "bad " Klan . John Graham , a s Gran d Dragon , receives th e orde r fro m th e Gran d Wizar d t o disban d th e Kla n afte r on e final parade throug h town . I n wha t i s t o b e thei r final appearance , th e nigh t rider s cut dashin g figures. A s thes e me n begi n t o process , "th e whit e ghostlik e figures could no w b e seen , th e drape d hors e an d ride r appearin g o f giganti c siz e i n th e shimmering moonlight . . . . Th e leade r o f th e Kla n was no w te n fee t away , towering tall , whit e an d terrible , wit h a n apparentl y interminabl e processio n o f mounted ghost s behin d him " (TT, 47-48) . Dixo n furthe r write s tha t "th e onl y visible par t o f th e bod y was th e eye . . .. al l eyes looke d alik e i n th e shadow s o f these trapping s a t night . The y were simpl y flashing point s o f living light with al l traces o f colou r los t i n th e shadows " (TT, 52) . Afte r th e parade , Graha m declares, "Ou r wor k i s done . W e hav e rescue d ou r stat e fro m Negr o rule . W e dissolve thi s powerfu l secre t orde r i n tim e t o sav e yo u fro m persecution , exile , imprisonment an d death . Th e Nationa l Governmen t i s gettin g read y t o strike . When th e blo w falls, i t will be on th e vanished shado w o f a ghost" (TT, 53-54) . But wha t i s s o intriguin g abou t Dixon' s visio n o f th e en d o f thi s empir e o f the "good " Kla n i s tha t it s demis e i s thoroughl y mediate d b y disposa l o f th e costume, reminiscen t o f th e organization' s ris e from th e powe r o f robe s mad e o f "cheap, unbleache d domestic. " T o pu t i t differently , disbandin g th e Kla n re quires absolut e disposa l o f th e robes . Bu t i t i s th e for m o f disposa l tha t make s visible th e constructe d natur e o f whiteness tha t i s o f mos t interes t here . Instea d of foldin g u p th e robe s i n tissu e pape r a s souvenirs—aki n t o th e treatmen t o f military costume—an d placin g the m i n th e atti c fo r th e grandchildre n t o pla y in fifty years later ("Grandpa , wer e you i n th e Klan?") , Dixon' s Kla n burn s the m in a grave that Dixo n describe s a s "newly opened " (TT, 50) . An illustratio n (se e figure 1 ) by C. D . Williams fro m th e 190 7 first edition o f The Traitor, captione d "some o f th e me n wer e sobbing, " depict s thi s "newl y opened " grave . Ther e i s a kind o f violence don e t o th e robe s a s they ar e burned . When al l had bee n placed in the grave, John Graha m remove d his own, reverently place d i t wit h th e others , tie d tw o piece s o f pin e int o th e form o f the fiery cross, lighted its ends, drew the ritual of the Klan fro m his pocket, set it on fire and held it over the grave while the ashes slowly fell o n th e fold s o f th e whit e an d scarle t regali a whic h h e als o ignited . Some of the men were sobbing. (TT, 53 , emphasis added ) The pronou n "all " function s t o represen t th e actua l helmet s an d robes , bu t th e lack o f a n anteceden t suggest s tha t "all " figures th e wa y th e bodie s o f actua l 43

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Figure 1 . "Some o f th e me n wer e sobbing. " Fro m Thoma s Dixon , Jr., The Traitor, illustration s b y C. D. Williams (New York: Doubleday, Page, 1907), p. 52a.

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white me n ar e als o bein g burned , i f onl y i n a symboli c sense . Thi s become s a scene o f mournin g becaus e somethin g living—th e Kla n organizatio n a s itsel f organic—is dying . Additionally , thi s ceremon y repeat s th e materia l violenc e done b y th e Kla n t o black s an d othe r undesirable s throug h th e ritualize d us e o f those sam e prop s use d a t a genuin e cross-burnin g an d burning-at-the-stake . John Graha m attempt s t o verbaliz e hi s feeling s a s h e watche s th e robe s burn : "Boys, I than k you . Yo u hav e helpe d m e d o a painful thing . Bu t i t i s best" ( TT, 53). Bu t th e "pain " o f th e "painfu l thing " underscore s th e fac t tha t thi s i s not a real funera l pyre . Th e ritua l ove r th e newl y du g grav e displace s th e actua l pai n experienced b y a real victim o f Klan violence an d instea d enact s th e performanc e of corporeal suffering fel t b y thes e "sobbin g men. " I t instea d recall s Edga r Alla n Poe, on e o f Dixon' s Virgini a brethren . Th e robes , lik e som e o f Poe' s femal e characters, hav e bee n burie d alive , and lik e s o man y o f th e Klan' s blac k victims , have bee n dismembere d whil e breathing . Moreover , th e robe s a s representation s of whiteness maintai n a combustible quality . As purveyor s an d reminder s o f th e authority onc e associate d wit h whit e mal e powe r a s displayed i n th e antebellu m era, th e robe s ar e explosive an d ar e no t containable , no t storable . But althoug h Graha m an d compan y hav e burie d th e robes , th e forc e an d th e allure o f th e rob e offe r to o poten t a n attractio n t o poo r an d renegad e element s within th e whit e community . Becaus e o f th e authorit y attache d t o them , i n a figurative sense , th e robe s i n fac t resurrec t themselve s fro m thei r grave . Indeed , the remova l o f th e robe s recall s th e proces s b y whic h serpent s she d thei r skins , only th e Klansmen' s "ne w skins " ar e lovingl y sew n b y whit e femal e hands . Because thi s moltin g effec t allow s th e Klansme n t o inhabi t ne w whit e ski n whenever th e ol d seem s insufficient , muc h o f Dixon' s plo t i s encumbere d wit h requests fo r th e constructio n o f a ne w rob e a s prox y fo r th e creatio n o f a ne w skin. Stev e Hoyle , youn g upstar t an d riva l t o Joh n Graham , an d hi s rogu e followers foi l Graham' s attempt s t o dissolv e th e Invisibl e Empir e an d instea d cling to th e powe r the y once wielded a s Night Riders . "Withi n tw o weeks, Stev e Hoyle's ne w Kla n was organize d an d i n absolut e contro l o f th e Piedmon t Congressional District . . . . I n spit e o f th e utmos t vigilanc e o n th e par t o f [Graham's] committees , th e ne w Kla n ha d inaugurate d a reig n o f foll y an d terror unprecedente d i n th e histor y o f th e whol e Reconstructio n saturnalia " (T T, 95-96) . Th e action s o f "saturnalia " loo k suspiciousl y lik e th e activitie s commonly though t t o b e execute d b y the Kla n o f historical record . They whippe d scalawa g politician s nigh t afte r nigh t an d drov e the m from th e county . The y whippe d Negroes , youn g an d old , fo r al l sort s of wrongdoing, rea l or fancied, an d finally began to regulate the general morals o f th e community . The y whipped a rowdy fo r abusin g hi s wif e 45

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and o n th e sam e nigh t tarre d an d feathere d a white gir l o f lo w origi n who live d o n th e outskirt s o f town an d ra n he r fro m th e county . (TT, 96) Dixon effectivel y cordon s of f th e activitie s o f th e ne w Kla n a s illicit , illegal , immoral, distinc t fro m th e action s o f th e ol d Klan , whic h wer e righteous , sanctioned, necessary . This nove l i n effec t grapple s wit h th e exces s o f whitenes s generate d b y th e Klan i n it s successfu l attemp t t o eradicat e blac k politica l an d cultura l threats . The conflic t withi n The Traitor betwee n faction s o f whitenes s recall s Michae l Rogin's argumen t tha t th e film The Birth of a Nation (whic h i s base d o n The Clansman) portray s a conflic t betwee n whit e actor s i n whit e robe s an d whit e actors i n blackface , effectivel y dislocatin g actua l blacks . Rogi n remind s u s tha t "masks transfor m som e whit e bodie s int o a whit e hos t an d othe r whit e bodie s into a black mob . White s i n whit e sheet s defea t white s i n blackface . Th e clima x of Birth doe s no t pi t white s agains t blacks , bu t som e whit e actor s agains t others." 12 Thi s dislocatio n i s exposed furthe r i n th e mise-en-scene of The Traitor itself. I n anothe r illustratio n (se e figure 2 ) fro m th e first edition , captione d "Stella stare d a t th e lifeles s form, " th e "lifeles s form " i s Stella' s father , wh o ha s been murdere d b y renegad e force s o f th e Klan . Unfortunately , becaus e o f th e uniformity i n garb , th e kille r canno t b e located . Bu t althoug h th e rob e com pletely mask s individua l identities—eve n tha t o f th e murderer—i t i s actuall y the Klansme n tha t occup y characters ' interest . Stella' s attention , despit e th e intent o f th e illustration' s caption , i s rivete d no t o n he r dea d father , bu t o n th e Klansmen an d particularl y thei r outfits . Th e white rob e with it s scarlet an d cros s on a whit e backgroun d mirror s bot h th e whit e man' s blood-staine d shir t an d the woman' s dress : th e rob e become s a n externalizatio n o f th e categor y o f whiteness. Interestingl y enough , thi s mirrorin g effec t take s plac e acros s th e fac e of Aunt Julie, th e blac k mamm y figure i n th e tex t an d illustration . Mia Ba y an d Gladys-Mari e Fr y argu e separatel y tha t th e Klan' s robe s ar e no t an externalizatio n o f whiteness , becaus e black s recognize d th e intricat e differ ences betwee n "good " white s an d "bad " whites , whic h mean t tha t i n th e end , whiteness was no t ips o fact o a sign o f evil. 13 I n othe r words , whit e robe s fai l t o signify completel y a s a racia l category . However , insofa r a s Dixo n attempt s t o construct a n iconograph y o f whit e supremac y tha t i s embodie d b y th e Klan , white robe s becam e a signifier o f white identity . Rearticulatin g Michae l Rogin' s earlier argumen t abou t th e film The Birth of a Nation, I maintai n tha t Dixon' s work i s no t abou t wha t blac k peopl e think , bu t abou t wha t whit e peopl e thin k black peopl e thin k abou t whit e people . T o thes e whit e people , especiall y t o these white men , whit e robe s figure whiteness . And a s a consequence, th e whit e 46

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Figure 2 . "Stell a stare d a t th e lifeles s form. " Fro m Thoma s Dixon , Jr. , The Traitor, illustration s b y C. D. Williams (New York: Doubleday, Page, 1907), p. 134a.

men i n Dixon' s narrativ e see m inordinatel y attache d t o thei r Kla n iconography , reluctant t o par t wit h it . The Klan' s robe s functio n bot h metonymicall y an d synecdochically . The y ar e metonymic i n tha t the y are an externalize d for m o f whiteness throug h contiguit y to whit e skin , bu t the y ar e synecdochi c i n tha t th e rob e stand s i n fo r whit e power i n it s entirety . Moreover , th e ver y portabilit y an d removabilit y tha t initially characterize d th e rob e i n The Traitor also mark th e garmen t a s a kind o f prosthetic device , enablin g th e completio n o f Souther n whit e mal e identity , bu t also alway s coverin g th e lac k o r deficienc y tha t necessitate s it s use . Despit e th e historical realit y o f th e instabilit y an d discontinuit y o f Kla n costumes , Dixo n creates a consisten t cultura l definitio n o f th e Klan . Althoug h th e KK K wor e black, red , an d othe r colo r combinations , som e men , unabl e t o affor d th e cos t of fabric , resorte d t o wearin g thei r wives ' dresses . Dependin g o n th e proximit y to o r distanc e fro m home , other s wor e n o disguis e a t all . B y th e tim e th e second Kla n forme d i n th e 1920s , Dixon' s historicall y specifi c descriptio n o f a consistent Kla n outfit , writte n mor e tha n a decad e earlier , ha d becom e i n fac t the templat e fo r a standardize d Kla n costume . Th e rob e itsel f bot h cover s a n inferior for m o f postbellu m whitenes s ( a whitenes s no w diminishe d b y th e increasing autonom y o f blacks ) an d permit s th e (k ) night ride r t o embod y 47

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physically th e mystiqu e o f whit e powe r tha t was though t t o hav e flourished before th e Civi l War . Thi s kin d o f embodimen t i s critica l t o Dixon' s projec t because i t enable s th e whit e childre n o f th e Civi l War , denie d th e chanc e t o fight becaus e o f ill-timed birth , t o reenac t th e "los t cause " of Confederat e versu s Yankee. A biographica l not e abou t Dixon , wh o wa s bor n i n 1864 , ma y prov e illustrative here . While Dixon' s mothe r was pregnant with him , sh e walked fro m Virginia t o Nort h Carolina . I n retrospect , Dixo n ofte n fancie d himsel f makin g the tre k wit h her , albei t fro m a n embryoni c stat e i n he r womb . I n additio n t o providing Dixo n wit h th e mean s t o reenac t th e definin g cultura l momen t o f the South , th e whit e rob e o f th e Klansma n als o afford s white s generally , bu t white me n specifically , th e opportunit y t o fortif y thei r degrade d sens e o f racia l identity wit h th e en d o f th e Civi l War . T o rephras e Dixon' s ow n epigrap h to The Leopard's Spots, "The Ethiopia n canno t chang e hi s skin , bu t th e Klans man can. " NOTES

e Gladys-Mari e Fry , Night Riders in Black Folk History (1975; Athens: Uni versity o f Georgi a Press , 1991) , esp . pp . 123-35 . Se e als o Nanc y MacLean , Behind the Mask of Chivalry: The Making of the Second Ku Klux Klan (Ne w York: Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1994) ; Kathlee n Blee , Women of the Klan: Racism and Gender in the 1920s (Berkeley : Universit y o f Californi a Press , 1991); Wyn Crai g Wade, The Fiery Cross: The Ku Klux Klan in America (New York: Simo n an d Schuster , 1987) ; Davi d M . Chalmers , Hooded Americanism: The First Century of the Ku Klux Klan, 1865-1965 (Garde n City : Doubleday , 1965). 2. Davi d Roediger , Towards the Abolition of Whiteness (London : Verso , 1994) , p. 12. Se e als o idem , The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (London: Verso, 1991) . 3. Thoma s Dixon , Jr. , The Leopards Spots: A Romance of the White Man's Burden—1865-1900 (1902 ; Ne w York : A Wessel s Company , 1906) , p . 9 5 (hereafter cite d i n th e tex t a s 7X5) . Simila r rhetori c ca n b e foun d throughou t The Leopards Spots and th e secon d wor k o f th e Reconstructio n trilogy , The Clansman: An Historical Romance of the Ku Klux Klan (1905 ; Lexington : University of Kentucky Press , 1970 ) (hereafte r cite d in the text as TQ. Se e also idem, The Traitor: A Story of the Fall of the Invisible Empire (Ne w York : Doubleday, Pag e an d Co. , 1907) , p . 5 2 (hereafte r cite d i n tex t a s 77) . M y epigraph come s from The Traitor as well, p. 58. 4. Se e Hom i Bhabha , "Th e Othe r Question, " i n The Location of Culture (New York: Routledge, 1994) , pp. 66-84 . 5. Se e Dixo n biography , Raymon d Alle n Cook , Fire from Flint: The Amazing Careers of Thomas Dixon (Winston-Salem , Va. : John F . Blair , 1968) , fo r mor e detailed publicatio n information . The Leopards Spots sold abou t a hundre d 1. Se

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thousand copie s in its first month o f release; The Clansman sold nearly a million copies in the same period. 6. Se e especiall y Joe l Chandle r Harris , Uncle Remus: His Songs and His Sayings (1880; New York: Penguin , 1982) ; and Thomas Nelso n Page , In Ole Virginia; Or, Marse Chan and Other Stories (1887; Nashville : J. S . Sanders , 1991) . Fo r secondary wor k o n th e plantatio n literar y tradition , se e Louis Rubin , ed. , The History of Southern Literature (Baton Rouge : Louisian a Stat e Universit y Press , 1988). 7. Se e Walte r Ben n Michaels , "Th e Soul s o f Whit e Folk, " i n Literature and the Body: Essays on Populations and Persons, ed . Elain e Scarr y (Baltimore : John s Hopkins Universit y Press , 1988) , esp . pp . 185-90 . Als o se e idem , "Rac e int o Culture: A Critical Genealogy of Cultural Identity, " Critical Inquiry 1 8 (1992): 655-85. 8. I a m indebte d t o Robi n D . G . Kelle y fo r thi s ver y appropriat e wordpla y o n Grand Dragon . I als o envisio n psychoanalysi s a s a sit e o f inquiry , specificall y work abou t masquerad e an d transvestism . Bot h Dixon' s tex t an d hi s large r intellectual projec t alon g wit h th e critica l wor k o f psychoanalys t Joa n Rivier e from th e 1920 s provid e ampl e opportunit y t o interrogat e construction s o f masculinity—white an d black—a t a site wher e psychoanalyti c an d racia l dis courses meet . Remembe r tha t th e whitenes s o f th e rob e recall s th e gar b o f th e white woman fo r whom whiteness signifies bot h racia l purity and sexual purity. How ar e white me n implicate d i n th e gendere d statu s o f white women; o f no t having th e phallus ? Ther e i s a strand o f Riviere' s psychoanalyti c discours e tha t is thoroughly mediated b y the interaction betwee n gender and race. Specifically , a case account b y Riviere, "Womanlines s a s Masquerade," migh t provid e som e insight abou t ho w t o addres s thi s issu e o f th e Kla n robe . Se e Joa n Riviere , "Womanliness a s Masquerade" (1929) , in Formations of Fantasy, ed . V. Burgin , J. Donald , an d C . Kapla n (Ne w York: Methuen, 1986) , esp. pp. 35-39. 9. Frant z Fanon , "Algeri a Unveiled, " i n A Dying Colonialism (Ne w York : Grov e Press, 1965) , p. 35. 10. Ralp h Ellison , Invisible Man (1952 ; Ne w York : Vintage, 1972) . Fo r a n earlie r treatment o f the construction o f whiteness a s expressed throug h th e covering of paint, se e William Dea n Howells , The Rise of Silas Lapham (1885 ; New York : Vintage/Library o f America, 1991) . 11. Harryett e Mullen , "Opti c White: Blackness and th e Production o f Whiteness," diacritics 24, no. 2-3, (Summer-Fal l 1994) , pp. 74-75. 12. Michae l Rogin , " 'The Swor d Becam e a Flashing Vision': D . W. Griffith' s The Birth of a Nation," Representations 9 (Winter 1985) , pp. 150-95 , esp. 180-81 . 13. Se e Fry , Night Riders. See als o Mi a Bay , The White Image in the Black Mind: 1830-1925 (forthcoming , Ne w York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1997) . 14. Se e account s o f KK K costume s i n Fry , Night Riders; Wade , The Fiery Cross, esp. pp. 31-53; an d Chalmers , Hooded Americanism.

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4 JEREMY WELL S BLACKNESS 'SCUZE D J I M I H E N D R I X ' S ( I N ) V I S I B L E LEGAC Y I N HEAV Y META L

Musicologist Arnol d Shaw' s Dictionary of American Pop/Rock define s Chuc k Berry a s "the poet laureat e o f Teenage Rock." 1 I t denote s John Lenno n a s "the most outspoke n [Beatle] , evincing a sardonic wit that marke d man y of the song s he . . . wrote i n the sixties."2 It even finds word s t o define Bo b Dylan: a "gifted , influential, an d highly publicized " figure whos e "lyric s too k o n the trappings of poetry." 3 Bu t whe n i t come s t o Jim i Hendrix , th e dictionar y doe s no t eve n attempt a definition—though wha t i t offer s instea d i s more revealin g tha n an y definition coul d hop e t o be. The entry for Hendrix read s as follows: Jimi Hendrix: See "the black Elvis"; Heavy Metal Rock. '

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This two-pronge d cross-referenc e i s interestin g fo r a number o f reasons , no t th e least o f whic h i s th e implicatio n tha t Jim i Hendri x resist s definition , tha t hi s career an d hi s influenc e ar e to o comple x t o len d themselve s t o th e sor t o f lexicography th e dictionar y feel s comfortabl e employin g wit h th e like s o f Berry , Lennon, an d Dylan—o r Jame s Brown , Bruc e Springsteen , Mudd y Waters , an d any number o f important figures i n American popula r music . Of equa l importanc e ar e th e variou s lineage s th e dictionar y suggest s b y positioning Hendri x betwee n Elvi s Presle y an d heav y metal . I t see s hi m a s a n Elvis revivalist , o r th e inherito r o f th e mos t importan t earl y roc k 'n ' roll , a s well as a meta l progenitor , o r th e benefacto r t o on e o f rock' s mor e significan t later developments . H e als o represent s a sor t o f midpoin t o n th e phallocentri c continuum tha t constitute s s o muc h o f roc k history , fro m Elvis' s pelvi s t o heav y metal's sometim e pseudonym—coc k rock . Les s easil y schematize d i s Hendrix' s relationship t o th e othe r tw o i n term s o f race . There i s a clear iron y involve d i n terming Hendri x "th e blac k Elvis " or designatin g hi m a black version o f a white man who , sinc e th e inceptio n o f hi s ow n career , ha d bee n labele d a whit e version o f a blac k man . Ther e i s als o som e iron y i n locatin g Hendri x a s a potential sourc e fo r heav y metal, which i s itself an overwhelmingl y "white " for m of popular discourse , a t leas t i n term s o f the racia l makeu p o f its performer s an d its audience . There is , however , a logi c behin d th e wa y Shaw' s dictionar y handle s Jim i Hendrix. B y cross-referencing hi m t o tw o othe r entries , th e dictionary , i n effect , creates tw o Hendrixes : th e on e audible , th e othe r visible . Th e entr y fo r "Heav y Metal Rock " concentrate s o n Hendrix' s guita r playin g an d th e soni c foundatio n it establishe d fo r late r meta l musicians . Afte r proclaimin g Hendri x "th e Heav y Metallurgist pa r excellence, " Sha w cite s a soun d enginee r abou t ho w Hendri x "destroys a t leas t tw o speaker s wheneve r h e plays, " "burn s u p a lo t o f tube s because o f th e grea t volume, " an d "ruin s a lot o f tremolo bars , too." 5 Th e entr y for "th e blac k Elvis, " conversely , focuse s o n th e visua l aspect s o f Hendrix' s persona.

"the blac k Elvis" : Perhap s i t wa s th e theatricalit y o f hi s performance s and th e eroti c way he handled hi s guitar tha t le d critic s t o refe r t o Jimi Hendrix (1942-1970 ) a s "th e blac k Elvis. " Hi s hyperamplifie d guita r playing was shaped b y an earl y idolization o f Muddy Waters (b . 1915 ) and b y formative stint s with James Brown (b . 1928 ) an d Littl e Richar d (b. 1935) . Th e Montere y Po p Festiva l o f 1967 , wher e h e burne d hi s guitar onstag e t o upstag e th e Who' s destructio n o f thei r instruments ,

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made a celebrity o f him. I n th e thre e shor t year s before hi s deat h fro m a drug overdose , he racked u p fou r Gol d albums : Are You Experienced?, Electric Ladyland, Axis: Bold as Love, an d Smash Hits. Violenc e an d eroticism marke d hi s SRO appearance s an d his music. 6 One confront s thes e tw o version s o f Jimi Hendri x i n numerou s account s o f th e artist's life , an d th e term s ar e almos t alway s th e same . Th e audibl e Hendrix , o r the Hendri x wh o anticipate s heav y metal , i s almos t neve r discusse d i n term s o f race. Th e visibl e Hendrix , o r th e Hendri x fo r who m rac e i s a consideration , i s rarely discusse d i n term s o f hi s influenc e o n othe r artists . The Dictionary of American Pop/Rock i s a n extrem e bu t b y n o mean s isolate d example . I t situate s Hendrix i n a n African-America n musica l contex t b y citin g suc h forebear s a s Muddy Water s an d James Brown , bu t i t doe s s o onl y i n a paragraph abou t "th e theatricality o f [Hendrix's ] performances. " I n orde r t o explai n Hendrix' s impac t on hi s ow n successors , th e dictionar y resort s t o a separat e definition—on e tha t privileges soun d ove r sigh t an d thereb y avoid s th e questio n o f race altogether . On som e level , then , th e audibl e an d visibl e Hendrixe s appea r incommensu rate. Th e race-transcendin g guitaris t wh o helpe d defin e heav y meta l seem s somehow nonidentica l wit h th e blac k ma n wh o onc e playe d backu p fo r Littl e Richard. Thi s pape r attempt s t o mov e towar d collapsin g thes e distinctions — between th e audibl e an d th e visibl e Hendrix , th e metalli c an d th e nonmetallic , the raceles s an d th e raced . T o d o s o require s tha t I addres s tw o importan t an d related questions . First , jus t wha t i s Hendrix' s legac y i n heav y metal ? I t begin s with th e electri c guitar , o f course , bu t i t goe s fa r beyon d that . Hendrix' s stag e presence—or bette r yet , hi s self-renderin g a s spectacle—account s fo r muc h o f his popularity , an d i t ha s tremendou s influenc e o n th e wa y heav y meta l con structs itsel f i n th e twent y year s afte r Hendrix' s death . Bu t thi s personage—th e "spectacular," o r wha t I hav e jus t terme d th e "visible " Hendrix—i s usuall y th e one invoke d i n discussion s o f Hendrix' s race . How , then , doe s on e accoun t fo r the invisibilit y o f rac e i n discussion s o f heav y metal' s heredity ? Th e secon d question I addres s concern s Hendrix' s ow n ambition s towar d racia l transcen dence durin g th e lat e 1960s , and ho w th e spectacula r become s implicate d i n thi s transcendental desire . Heav y meta l migh t b e see n a s th e aren a i n whic h hi s desire succeed s al l to o well , fo r th e Hendri x who m meta l claim s a s its forefathe r transcends rac e so completel y tha t h e cease s to b e a raced subject . Before I engag e eithe r o f thes e questions , I ough t t o first establis h som e sens e of wha t I mea n b y "heav y metal. " Th e ter m ha s acquire d a variety o f connota tions ove r th e pas t twenty-fiv e years—fro m a fast-pace d an d technicall y de manding styl e o f musi c t o a for m o f orchestrate d yout h rebellio n t o "nothin g more tha n a bunch o f noise, " thi s las t definitio n comin g fro m th e music' s man y 52

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detractors a s wel l a s it s first grea t fan , roc k criti c Leste r Bangs. 7 I emplo y th e term simpl y t o indicat e a styl e o f popula r musi c tha t ha s flourished i n variou s guises since about 197 0 (th e year o f Hendrix's death ) an d tha t generall y involve s loud guitars , heav y drumbeats , a n etho s tha t stresse s freedo m o f spirit , an d a n insistence o n th e spectacular . Thes e I tak e t o b e heav y metal' s mos t basi c elements. Bang s endorse s a similarl y broa d definition , a s doe s musicologis t Robert Walser , wh o i s one o f very few academi c writers t o giv e serious attentio n to metal. 8 Thos e wh o ten d towar d narrowe r definition s typicall y focu s o n heav y metal's reputatio n fo r unseemliness : fo r example , roc k historia n Rober t Pielke , who write s i n 1986 , "Mos t eviden t i n heav y meta l ha s bee n th e attitud e o f negation, wit h it s emphasi s o n th e image s o f death , Satanism , sexua l aberration , dismemberment an d th e grotesque." 9 The argumen t ove r wha t constitute s heav y meta l ha s bee n playe d ou t repeat edly ove r th e las t tw o decades , usuall y wit h respec t t o suc h acts a s Bo n Jov i o r Aerosmith, whos e musi c conform s t o th e broa d definitio n o f heav y meta l I endorse, bu t no t t o th e narrowe r on e Pielk e advocates . I d o no t wis h t o repla y the debat e wit h respec t t o Hendrix , thoug h i t i s importan t t o not e tha t almos t every histor y o f th e genr e mention s hi m a s a fathe r figure, an d mos t meta l guitarists cit e hi m a s a principa l influence . Hendri x was neve r dubbe d a meta l guitarist durin g hi s lifetime , fo r th e ter m "heav y metal " wa s no t widel y use d t o describe a styl e o f musi c unti l afte r hi s death. 10 H e did , however , becom e marketed t o a meta l audienc e onc e meta l becam e codifie d a s a genre , muc h t o the chagri n o f some o f hi s devotees . Biographe r Charle s Shaa r Murra y bemoan s the fac t whe n h e say s h e foun d Hendri x "binne d unde r 'heav y metal ' " i n a record stor e i n th e 1980 s ("righ t u p ther e wit h great s lik e Iro n Maide n an d Guns 'N ' Roses, " he sneers). 11 The debat e ove r whethe r a n ac t qualifie s a s heavy meta l revolve s aroun d ho w "hard" it s music is—how amplifie d it s guitars, how thic k it s sonic texture. Wha t occasions th e debate , however , i s th e fac t tha t suc h "soft " act s a s Bo n Jov i ca n look lik e suc h "hard " acts a s Iro n Maide n b y adoptin g th e sam e leather-and spandex garb , th e sam e long , string y hair , th e sam e histrionic s i n concert . I n other words , th e preliminar y qualificatio n fo r a n ac t t o clai m th e meta l monike r is th e meta l "look" ; henc e m y desir e t o emphasiz e th e spectacula r a s a semina l category i n th e constructio n o f heav y metal . Eve n Pielke' s formulation , whic h argues th e preeminenc e o f "image s o f death , . . . dismembermen t an d th e gro tesque," i s remarkabl e i n it s attentio n t o th e visual aspect s o f a n ostensibl y musical culture. Hi s definitio n woul d exclud e Hendri x i f on e wer e t o appl y hi s categories onl y t o Hendrix' s lyrics ; however, i f one consider s violenc e an d exces s as performe d categories—a s emblem s o f heav y metal' s penchan t towar d th e spectacular—then th e connectio n t o Hendri x become s clear . 53

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Consider th e followin g reminiscenc e fro m Aerosmit h lea d guitaris t Joe Perry , which appear s i n Rolling Stone magazine's 199 0 tribut e t o Hendrix : The guita r sounde d lik e a monster comin g out o f the speakers. . . . Jimi took i t fro m blac k an d whit e t o multicolor . I alway s thin k o f thi s ol d picture o f him— I thin k h e wa s playin g backu p fo r Kin g Curtis . H e was wearing a suit, and , I don't know , h e kind o f looked lik e a geek. A few years later, he was at Monterey, lightin g his guitar o n fire. 12 From blac k an d whit e t o multicolor : n o Hendri x discipl e coul d hav e expresse d Hendrix's desir e t o transcen d i n mor e appropriat e terms . Th e chromati c meta phor serve s Perr y wel l i n hi s desir e t o pu t int o word s th e aura l dimension s o f Hendrix's guita r work . Th e sound s Hendri x produce d wit h a n electri c guita r were availabl e t o musician s o f an y rac e becaus e Hendri x ha d elevate d th e instrument beyon d a quotidian an d high-contras t worl d o f blac k an d whit e t o a seamless an d psychedeli c soun d spectrum . Moreover , th e fac t tha t Perr y call s Hendrix's guita r " a monster " help s explai n ho w Hendri x coul d b e binne d alongside Iro n Maide n an d Gun s 'N ' Rose s onc e heav y meta l ha d acquire d connotations o f violence, power, an d th e occult . Nun o Bettencourt , guitaris t fo r Extreme, make s a similar observatio n i n th e sam e Rolling Stone article: "H e mus t have looke d lik e Sata n t o people , yo u know ? Like , wher e di d h e plu g in , an d who tol d hi m t o d o it?" 13 Before electri c Satan , however , cam e th e gee k i n th e sui t an d ti e wh o toile d away th e earl y 1960 s a s a sideman playin g tigh t rhythm-and-blue s arrangement s for Kin g Curti s an d othe r blac k artists . Thi s imag e o f Hendrix—th e unlikel y one tha t Jo e Perr y onc e glimpse d i n a n "ol d picture " (n o doub t a blac k an d white)—deserves som e attention . Befor e w e go further i n examinin g th e perfor mer wh o burne d hi s guita r a t Montere y an d se t th e stage , literally , fo r heav y metal, w e shoul d glanc e a t th e "geek " who foun d himsel f a victim o f what Mal u Halasa term s "musica l apartheid " becaus e h e coul d onl y find wor k playin g "black" musi c t o "black " audiences. 14 Doin g s o will provid e a better perspectiv e on Hendrix' s rebellio n agains t "blac k an d white " an d towar d "multicolor"— a paradigm shif t tha t woul d foreve r conflic t wit h Hendrix' s desir e t o retai n hi s own "blackness " i n th e fac e o f allegation s tha t h e was a hippie-era Uncl e Tom . No discussio n o f heav y meta l i n th e contex t o f rac e shoul d procee d withou t a n analysis o f thi s sequenc e o f events , fo r i t provide s a representativ e scenari o i n which heav y meta l discover s i n "black " musica l form s th e inspiratio n i t seek s t o simultaneously celebrat e an d efface. 15 Hendrix bega n hi s performanc e caree r playin g i n a high schoo l ban d aroun d his nativ e Seattle. 16 Shortl y thereafte r h e playe d t o smal l crowd s a t various club s 54

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around For t Campbell , Kentucky , wher e h e was statione d durin g th e earl y 1960s a s par t o f th e U.S . Army' s 101s t Airborn e Division . Eve n durin g thes e early performances , Hendri x acquire d a reputatio n a s a n outrageou s performe r who routinel y dre w mor e attentio n t o himsel f tha n t o th e lea d vocalist . Fo r on e thing, h e displaye d mor e talen t tha n mos t o f thos e wit h who m h e performed . For another , h e ha d alread y begu n t o pla y th e guita r wit h hi s teeth , t o gyrat e provocatively, t o wa g hi s tongu e a t th e audience—i n othe r words , t o execut e the maneuver s tha t woul d prov e shockin g enoug h t o mas s audience s i n 1967 , much les s t o small-scal e crowd s i n I960 . Th e reputatio n followe d hi m int o th e mid-1960s, whe n h e bega n tourin g wha t wa s know n a s the "chitli n circuit"— a series o f club s an d theater s a t whic h blac k musician s woul d perfor m fo r blac k audiences segregate d fro m othe r venues. Among th e well-known act s with who m he performe d and/o r recorde d wer e Littl e Richard , Sa m Cooke , Jacki e Wilson , the Supremes , an d th e Isle y Brothers . But wit h succes s cam e increasin g artisti c pressures . Hendri x ha d becom e known a s on e o f th e mos t adep t rhythm-and-blue s musician s i n th e country . Those wh o kne w hi m mor e closel y realize d h e wa s on e o f th e bette r blue s musicians a s well , thoug h ther e wa s les s financial incentiv e t o pursu e a caree r playing straight-u p blues . As a result, Hendri x face d a twofold constraint . First , his irrepressibl e flamboyance annoye d thos e fello w ban d member s wh o expecte d him t o remai n i n th e backgroun d an d ban g ou t a guita r rhyth m accordin g t o the simpl e chor d progression s o f early rock 'n ' roll . H e wa s expecte d t o showcas e his expertise durin g th e occasiona l brie f solo, bu t neve r t o detrac t attentio n awa y from th e ban d a s a whole . Littl e Richard , no t surprisingly , i s repute d t o hav e been particularl y incense d a t his guitarist's tendenc y t o upstag e him , wherea s th e Isley Brother s wer e th e happies t t o hav e s o dynamic a presence joi n thei r act . I n all cases , however , Hendrix' s sidema n dutie s severel y limite d hi s ow n musica l expression. Second, an d eve n mor e sinister , Hendri x was abl e t o mak e a livin g onl y b y playing withi n conventionall y "black " musica l form s becaus e o f hi s ski n color . Interracial po p group s wer e uncommo n i n th e earl y t o mid-1960s ; interracia l audiences, eve n rarer . Roc k 'n ' rol l was les s tha n a decad e ol d whe n Hendri x began performing , an d thoug h i t ha d permitte d muc h blac k music—i f fewe r black artists—t o "cros s over " th e barrie r betwee n "rac e records " an d to p 40 , i t did no t ye t facilitat e th e sor t o f transgressio n tha t woul d becom e routin e a decade later . H e wa s committe d t o playin g withi n thi s musica l idiom , bu t h e also foun d himsel f draw n towar d jazz , i n par t becaus e i t relie d mor e heavil y o n freedom o f expression , les s o n th e model s o f exclusio n encourage d b y radi o stations an d Billboard magazine . Hendrix woul d profes s throughou t hi s later caree r tha t h e yearned t o liv e in a 55

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race-blind worl d wher e jazz paradigms—improvisational leeway , creativ e collab oration, an d s o forth—provide d a basi s o f existenc e an d interaction . "It' s a universalist thought, " h e would sa y in a n intervie w i n 1969 , proclaiming himsel f to b e amon g th e prophet s o f a new ag e o f global harmony . "[I]t' s no t a black o r white thing , o r a gree n an d gol d thing . . . . There ar e a fe w chose n peopl e tha t are her e t o hel p ge t thes e peopl e ou t o f thi s certai n sleepines s the y ar e in." 1 7 Murray rightl y calls Hendrix's "entir e caree r . . . a ceaseless struggle agains t racia l and cultura l stereotyping." 18 An d thoug h Hendri x i s quote d a s saying , "Rac e isn't a proble m i n m y world " ami d th e palpabl e racia l turmoi l o f 1968— a sentiment fo r whic h h e wa s roundl y criticize d b y blac k nationalists—i t woul d be a mistak e t o rea d hi m a s bein g obliviou s t o racialize d conflicts. 19 Idealistic , perhaps, but neve r ignorant : Hendri x understoo d al l too intimatel y th e problem s that coul d aris e b y thinkin g o f race s a s prohibitive categories . I t was thi s typ e o f thinking tha t presente d Hendri x th e boundarie s tha t h e ha d t o cros s t o achiev e commercial an d artisti c success . His earl y encounte r wit h soni c essentialis m provide d hi m a grea t dea l o f th e impetus t o mov e t o Ne w Yor k i n 1964 , where h e eventuall y becam e a regular a t Greenwich Villag e blue s clubs . Ther e h e was abl e t o attrac t th e mixed-ba g audiences tha t befitte d hi s ow n musica l tastes . Mor e important , hi s choic e o f song an d hi s performanc e styl e wer e no t dictate d t o hi m b y a jealou s ban d leader. H e coul d b e a s unrestraine d a s h e wishe d becaus e h e wa s th e feature d attraction, ofte n th e onl y attraction . Davi d Henderso n comment s o n thi s stag e of Hendrix's caree r b y describing th e perfectio n o f what h e term s "Th e Show" : While youn g whit e roc k 'n ' roller s ha d ofte n manage d t o cop y an d cajole th e correc t change s o f blac k music , the y nevertheles s faile d t o present i n thei r stag e presentatio n "Th e Show. " . . . "Th e Show " wa s when th e artist s o r ban d woul d d o som e wild , way-ou t stuff . "Th e Show" was the height o f the performance, . . . this displa y [that ] woul d often pu t bot h th e audience and th e performer i n a transcendental stat e where improvisatio n cam e t o th e for e an d th e unexpecte d too k every body out . . . . [F]o r th e tru e follower s o f blac k music , i t wa s thi s transcendental momen t everyon e waited for . . . . When Hendri x put o n a show, he blew minds and terrifie d th e audience. 20 Hendrix's reputatio n fo r "puttin g o n a show" attracte d audience s t o th e Villag e dives a s powerfull y a s di d hi s renow n fo r super b musicianship . Amon g th e curious wa s Cha s Chandler , forme r bas s playe r fo r th e Britis h roc k ban d th e Animals, wh o recognize d i n Hendri x a revolutio n waitin g t o happen . Chandle r convinced Hendri x t o mov e t o Englan d i n 1966 , persuadin g hi m tha t th e 56

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openness h e ha d discovere d i n Greenwic h Villag e would characteriz e th e Britis h pop scen e a s a whole. Ther e woul d Hendri x dof f onc e an d fo r al l th e geek y sui t and do n th e outlandis h garb , hoo k u p wit h drumme r Mitc h Mitchel l an d bas s player Noe l Redding , an d foreve r chang e Anglo-America n popula r musi c b y forming th e Experience . Racial boundarie s conditione d thi s mov e towar d a mor e spectacula r stag e presence. The early , low-key Hendri x ha d troubl e achievin g interracia l exposure , and hi s performanc e practic e was limite d b y his backu p duties . Th e sol o gig s i n Greenwich Village' s blue s club s attracte d a wide r audienc e an d encourage d a more dynami c stag e presence . H e di d no t full y realiz e hi s transcendenta l ambi tions, however , unti l th e tri p t o England , th e releas e o f th e instantl y successfu l album Are You Experienced? and mos t important , hi s retur n t o th e Unite d State s for th e 196 7 Montere y Po p Festival . Th e multiple-ac t outdoo r concer t tha t se t the standar d fo r lat e 1960 s musi c festivals , Montere y woul d prov e t o b e on e o f the era' s definin g moments . An d Hendri x woul d prov e t o b e Monterey' s mos t memorable performer . American audience s ha d ye t t o se e th e Jimi Hendri x Experienc e live , thoug h stories o f thei r succes s i n Englan d abounded , an d thei r first single , "He y Joe, " was climbin g u p th e po p charts . Nothing , however , coul d hav e prepare d the m for wha t the y saw . Hi s se t was electrifying . I t ha d t o be , fo r h e cam e o n stag e immediately afte r th e Wh o ha d destroye d thei r instrument s i n fron t o f th e crowd. 21 Rendition s o f "Fox y Lady," "Th e Win d Crie s Mary, " an d Bo b Dylan' s "Like a Rollin g Stone " captivate d th e crow d fro m th e outset , bu t wha t mad e Monterey Hendrix' s mos t importan t hou r o n th e stag e was th e finale. " I coul d sit u p her e al l nigh t an d say , 'Than k you , than k you , than k you, ' " h e tell s th e audience tha t ha d welcome d hi m bac k t o th e Unite d State s s o enthusiastically . "But, dig , I jus t can' t d o that . S o wha t I' m goin g t o do , I' m goin g t o sacrific e something tha t I reall y love. " Then h e turn s th e guita r upsid e down , producin g the fuz z an d feedbac k tha t serv e a s a n introductio n t o "Wil d Thing, " a son g made famou s i n 196 6 b y th e Troggs . H e perform s a backward s somersaul t during on e solo , an d h e inaugurate s th e final, extende d sol o b y pressin g th e guitar agains t a n amplifie r wit h hi s bod y befor e placin g i t o n th e groun d befor e him. After kneelin g o n to p o f it, h e play s i t b y grabbing th e string s an d "riding " it i n a blatantly sexua l manner . H e the n disappear s behin d a n amp , return s wit h a squeez e bottl e o f lighte r fluid, hold s th e bottl e betwee n hi s leg s an d simulate s an ejaculatio n o n th e guitar , the n set s fire to i t an d summon s th e flames a s if h e were invokin g evi l spirits . H e finishes th e se t b y bashin g hi s beloved , no w charbroiled Stratocaster , grabbin g a ne w one , an d performin g wha t woul d become hi s signature anthem , "Purpl e Haze. " The Montere y performanc e serve s a s a metony m fo r Hendrix' s entir e caree r 57

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in man y accounts , thi s on e no t excepted . Extraordinar y guitaris t set s musi c world o n fire, onl y t o peris h i n flames o f ow n succes s a t heigh t o f hi s popular ity. 22 Historically , mythically , an d imagistically , th e performanc e doe s represen t Hendrix's emergenc e a s a dominan t cultura l force . Heav y metal , onl y a fe w years awa y fro m forgin g a n identit y fo r itself , woul d soo n deriv e a s muc h fro m the sensationa l an d remotel y arcan e spectacl e o f Hendri x burnin g hi s guita r a s from an y othe r singl e source . The languag e writers us e to describ e th e Montere y performanc e i s particularl y revealing. Davi d Frick e begin s hi s 199 2 Rolling Stone tribut e t o Hendri x b y recounting th e Stratocaste r sacrifice . H e call s Hendri x " a consummat e psyche delic showman " wh o was "literall y burnin g hi s signatur e int o th e page s o f roc k 'n' rol l history " b y expressin g "affectio n an d gratitude " towar d th e crowd. 23 Murray focuse s mor e o n Hendrix' s histrionics : Montere y "wa s Hendri x playing in th e mos t litera l sens e o f th e word . I t was playful , mischievous , exuberant , euphoric, extrovert ; a n ex-underdog' s high-spirite d slapstic k displa y o f hey-look what-I-can-do." 24 Th e mos t revealin g accoun t come s fro m Joh n Morthland , who trie s t o captur e wha t i t fel t lik e t o experienc e th e Experienc e a t tha t pivota l moment i n Hendrix' s career : [H]e playe d guita r wit h hi s teeth , h e playe d i t behin d hi s back . H e humped i t an d caresse d it , an d finally, t o finish of f th e set , h e burne d it. He ha d playe d exhilaratin g music throughout, bu t when i t was over, everyone buzze d abou t nothin g bu t tha t show; it wa s dramatic , i t wa s galvanizing.25 Morthland sum s it u p perfectly: th e "show" was primary, th e music an "exhilarat ing" afterthought . "I t was dramatic," h e said, emphasizin g th e importanc e o f th e theatrics. "I t was galvanizing, " h e concludes , confirmin g ever y transcendenta l ambition Hendri x migh t hav e brough t t o th e concert . Hendrix's performanc e i n particula r an d Montere y i n genera l thu s figure prominently i n th e mytholog y o f "Th e Sixties, " a n er a fo r whic h massiv e outdoor concert s hav e com e t o symboliz e a larger spiri t o f uninhibite d commu nion. Th e dynamic s o f a post-1960 s heav y meta l concert , thoug h no t exactl y identical, ar e no t altogethe r dissimilar . Fo r on e thing , heav y meta l ha s ha d a great dea l t o d o wit h th e surviva l o f th e concer t a s a cultura l institution . Billboard magazin e reporte d i n 198 5 tha t heav y metal "attract s a greater propor tion o f liv e audience s tha n an y othe r contemporar y musi c forms, " an d heav y metal tour s annuall y crow d th e to p o f th e top-grossin g concer t lists. 26 Bu t th e significance o f th e concer t i n heav y meta l goe s further . Deen a Weinstei n note s "the ubiquit y o f concer t footage " i n heav y meta l videos , fo r instance. 27 Fo r 58

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Walser, however , th e concer t i s fundamental t o th e musi c itself : "[E]ve n whe n a listener encounter s onl y th e album , muc h o f th e sam e framin g i s presented , as th e packagin g o f th e albu m i s designe d t o evok e th e excitemen t o f liv e performances." 28 Th e musi c o f a meta l album , i n othe r words , doe s no t la y claim t o an y semioti c autonomy . I t instea d function s i n a n evocativ e spac e i n which th e visua l perpetuall y insinuate s itsel f alongsid e th e audible—vi a lyric s about th e concer t experience ; soun d effect s tha t imitat e th e reverberatio n o f a n arena; th e abundanc e o f liv e albums , liv e track s o n studi o albums , crow d nois e integrated int o studi o tracks ; and s o forth . It i s n o acciden t tha t heav y metal' s 1970 s heyda y cam e wit h th e elaborat e histrionics o f such performer s a s KISS an d Alic e Cooper , an d tha t it s resurgenc e in th e mid-1980 s woul d coincid e wit h th e ris e o f MTV . On e coul d als o g o s o far a s t o cit e a recen t televisio n advertisin g campaig n fo r Cano n cameras , i n which th e sloga n "Imag e i s everything " i s toute d b y tenni s sta r Andr e Agassi , who, unti l quit e recently , ha d style d himsel f afte r heav y meta l singers . I n short , the visua l canno t b e overemphasize d wit h respec t t o heav y metal . "Th e Show, " which Henderso n claim s Hendri x embodied , coul d n o longe r b e sai d t o elud e white performer s onc e heav y meta l ha d mad e Montere y par t o f it s ow n heritag e of th e spectacle . An d thoug h Hendri x i s no t heav y metal' s onl y sourc e o f th e spectacular, h e doe s provid e th e musi c wit h it s mos t immediat e an d mos t profound inspiration . Henderson' s emphasi s o n th e "transcendental " capacit y o f "The Show " thu s prove s eve n mor e accurat e tha n h e migh t hav e originall y intended. But whil e Hendrix' s dramati c reintroductio n o f himsel f t o America n audi ences a t Montere y enable d hi m t o transgres s racia l boundarie s an d "galvanize " those gathere d fo r th e event , i t nevertheles s bor e th e imprin t o f rac e precisel y because i t involve d thi s desir e fo r transcendence . Hendri x neve r quit e escape d the "rac e question " durin g hi s career—neithe r befor e Monterey , whe n h e struggled agains t musica l apartheid , no r afte r it , whe n h e foun d himsel f th e target o f bot h blue s musician s an d exponent s o f blac k nationalis m wh o wante d him t o pla y a "blacker " styl e o f music . Thei r entreatie s provide d som e o f th e impetus t o for m th e Ban d o f Gypsy s lat e i n hi s career—a n all-blac k ensembl e oriented mor e towar d rhythm-and-blues . Critic s hav e usuall y see n th e Ban d o f Gypsys' on e albu m a s th e leas t significan t o f th e recording s Hendri x release d during hi s lifetime , thoug h al l wonder wha t h e would hav e bee n abl e t o achiev e had h e live d t o recor d additiona l musi c with them . Bu t th e nee d t o compromis e also motivate d som e o f hi s bes t work . Hendri x offer s "Voodo o Chile, " a son g that appear s twic e o n Electric Ladyland, first i n a styl e tha t bespeak s traditiona l electric blues, an d secon d i n a "Sligh t Reprise " tha t signal s a sonic revolution . Hendrix's dilemm a was ho w t o retai n a sens e o f traditio n whil e simultane 59

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ously transgressin g it . H e ha d t o ensur e tha t "blackness " remaine d presen t i n hi s music, bu t h e als o ha d t o comba t it s becomin g a totalizin g presence . I n th e sonic mediu m o f th e album , Hendri x coul d realiz e thi s goa l b y explodin g a conventional blue s riff int o a wild guitar phrase . Transcendence wa s not s o easily accomplished i n th e combine d soni c an d visua l mediu m o f th e concert , fo r th e visible Hendri x wa s undeniabl y black . Bu t jus t a s soni c exces s enable d hi m t o shuttle betwee n blue s an d psychedelia , visual exces s was vital t o hi s self-presenta tion a s a transcendentally availabl e musica l artist . On e coul d rephras e Joe Perry' s formulation t o accoun t fo r thi s phenomenon . Hendri x di d no t tak e i t fro m black an d whit e t o multicolor ; h e too k i t fro m blac k to blac k an d whit e via multicolor. It i s especiall y importan t t o understan d thi s aspec t o f Hendrix' s legac y now , for Hendrix , thoug h h e has neve r reall y "lef t us " since his deat h i n 1970 , i s even more "wit h us " a t th e moment . H e ha s receive d a n extraordinar y amoun t o f attention ove r th e pas t fe w year s fo r a n artis t whos e recordin g caree r ende d twenty-five year s ag o an d whos e stor y ha s bee n retol d man y time s sinc e then . A traveling museu m o f Hendri x memorabili a toure d th e countr y i n 1994 , an d a permanent museu m opene d i n Seattl e i n 1995 . The recen t explosio n o f Seattle based "grunge " roc k (i n som e way s th e successo r t o lat e 1980 s Lo s Angeles based heav y metal ) prompte d man y t o recal l tha t "grunge " was onl y th e secon d pop/rock revolutio n t o hai l fro m th e area . Mor e concretely , th e upsurg e o f interest i n Hendri x ha s culminate d i n th e recen t releas e o f a majo r "new " compilation o f Hendri x studi o tracks , Voodoo Soup (MCA , 1995) , a s wel l a s a tribute albu m recorde d b y othe r artists , Stone Free (Reprise, 1993) . Finally , ye t another Hendri x biograph y ha s bee n publishe d withi n th e las t fou r years , not t o mention a collection o f th e artist' s "los t writings." 29 At leas t par t o f this increase d attentio n ma y b e attributabl e t o medi a coverag e of a n ongoin g lawsui t involvin g Hendrix' s nam e an d legacy . Th e sui t center s around whethe r th e right s t o Hendrix' s unrelease d recording s belon g t o Hen drix's father , A l Hendrix , o r t o hi s forme r producer , Ala n Douglas . A recen t issue o f Guitar World magazin e devote d itsel f t o th e controversy. 30 O n it s cove r is a blac k an d whit e photograp h o f Hendrix , circ a 1968 , paste d i n fron t o f a psychedelic background . Emblazone d acros s hi s bod y i s the titl e "Th e Battl e fo r Jimi's Soul : Wh o Own s Hendrix' s Music? " Guitar World chronicle s th e lega l dispute well , ye t i t doe s no t mentio n anothe r "battl e fo r Jimi' s soul " tha t ha s waged sinc e hi s death , on e tha t has , i n effect , pitte d hi m agains t himself—th e audible agains t th e visible , th e raceles s agains t th e raced—b y refusin g t o permi t him th e hybridit y tha t s o influenced hi s artisti c vision . Given heav y metal' s deb t t o th e visibl e Hendrix— a deb t s o profoun d i t ca n be detecte d i n th e wa y meta l music ha s bee n writte n an d produced—th e 60

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Hendrix tha t survive s i n heav y meta l a s a principall y audible , principall y de raced figure prove s unacceptable . True , heav y meta l ha s remaine d a largel y "white" phenomeno n fo r muc h o f it s history . Thoug h i t ha s neve r exactl y legislated th e exclusio n o f Africa n Americans , it s "musica l apartheid " i s stil l powerful enoug h t o rende r i t remarkabl e tha t someon e suc h a s Livin g Colour' s Vernon Rei d shoul d hav e trie d t o pla y withi n th e genr e i n th e lat e 1980s—o r remarkable tha t someon e suc h a s Jimi Hendri x coul d hav e helped spaw n it . On e cannot, however , cit e Jimi Hendri x a s a (an d sometime s a s the) fathe r o f heav y metal withou t considerin g th e rac e politic s tha t informe d hi s ow n work . T o ignore rac e politic s i s t o ech o Alvi n Lee , a fello w Woodstoc k performe r wh o once said , "Hendri x wasn' t blac k o r white . Hendri x was Hendrix." 31 Th e argument appear s t o gran t Hendri x a complet e an d selfsam e identit y when , i n fact, i t filche s fro m hi m th e raciall y ambivalen t spli t subjectivit y tha t shape d hi s career. Rac e was , i n fact , a seriou s enoug h proble m i n Hendrix' s worl d t o occasion hi s desir e fo r transcendence . Likewise , rac e remain s a problemati c component o f heav y metal , i n par t becaus e th e genr e exalt s a blac k ma n a s it s source o f inspiration , bu t mor e important , becaus e i t s o ofte n overlook s th e fac t that it s source o f inspiration wa s black .

NOTES

1. Arnol d Shaw , The Dictionary of American Pop/Rock (Ne w York : Schirmer , 1982, 35). 2. Shaw , Dictionary, 214. 3. Shaw , Dictionary, 114. 4. Shaw , Dictionary, 172. The New York Times dubbed Hendri x "th e black Elvis" in a February 25, 1968 , story about Hendrix' s astonishin g ris e to th e top o f the rock world . Th e nicknam e wa s muc h les s audaciou s tha n th e variou s appella tions concocted i n London newspaper s after th e Jimi Hendri x Experience' s first shows i n lat e 1966 , amon g the m "Mau-Mau, " "Th e Wil d Ma n o f Pop, " an d "The Wil d Ma n fro m Borneo. " Fo r a broade r accoun t o f Hendrix' s initia l popular reception , se e Davi d Henderson , 'Scuse Me While I Kiss the Sky: The Life offimi Hendrix (Ne w York: Bantam, 1981) , 90-93 . 5. Shaw , Dictionary, 169. 6. Shaw , Dictionary, 39. Smash Hits, a s its nam e indicates , wa s no t a new studi o album bu t rathe r a collection o f songs fro m previou s albums . Sha w fails t o lis t a fifth Hendrix albu m release d befor e hi s death, Band ofGypsys. Numerous liv e recordings, practic e sessions , an d unrelease d studi o cut s hav e bee n release d since then , thoug h controvers y ha s surrounde d eac h one , sinc e non e bor e th e input o f Hendri x himself . Fo r a thoroug h an d well-annotate d discograph y o f Hendrix recordings , se e Charles Shaa r Murray , Crosstown Traffic: Jimi Hendrix and the Rock n Roll Revolution (New York: St. Martin's, 1989) , 218-21 . 61

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7. Leste r Bangs, "Heavy Metal," i n The Rolling Stone Illustrated History of Rock V Roll, ed . Anthon y DeCurti s an d Jame s Henk e (Ne w York : Rando m House , 1992), 459. 8. Rober t Walser , Running with the Devil: Power, Gender, and Madness in Heavy Metal Music (Hanover , MA : Universit y Pres s o f Ne w England , 1993 ) i s no t only the best study of heavy metal bu t als o among the better cultura l studie s of any popula r musi c form . T o date , th e onl y othe r book-lengt h academi c tex t devoted t o meta l i s Deena Weinstein , Heavy Metal: A Cultural Sociology (Ne w York: Lexington, 1991) . 9. Rober t Pielke , You Say You Want a Revolution: Rock Music in American Culture (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1986) , 204. 10. Bang s and Dav e Marsh popularized th e label in the early 1970 s while they were writers fo r Creem magazine. Amon g th e prototypica l meta l band s the y cele brated wer e th e Yardbirds , Cream , th e Who , an d th e Jef f Bec k Group . Late r acts would fi t mor e squarel y withi n th e meta l idiom : fo r example , Le d Zeppe lin, Blac k Sabbath , Blu e Oyste r Cult , an d Gran d Fun k Railroad . Fo r a n indispensable discussio n o f metal' s "origins, " se e Walser , Running with the Devil, 1-11 . 11. Murray , Crosstown Traffic, 207 . Henderson intimate s a similar disdai n o f heavy metal i n th e openin g paragraph s o f hi s biography , i n whic h h e describe s a particularly disappointin g Hendri x performanc e a s soundin g "lik e som e craz y manic metalli c shit, bleeding , eatin g throug h th e amps. " Henderson , 'Scuse Me While I Kiss the Sky, 2. 12. "Hendrix : Twenty Years After," Rolling Stone 594 (1 3 December 1990) : 109 . 13. "Hendrix : Twenty Years After," 109 . 14. Mal u Halasa , "B e Blac k an d Rock, " New Statesman Society 24 (Novembe r 1989): 52. 15. Thoug h thes e issue s deserv e muc h broade r consideratio n tha n I ca n giv e here, some o f th e othe r way s tha t rac e i s implicate d i n th e constructio n o f heav y metal ar e a s follows : metal' s blue s ancestry , especiall y i n ligh t o f th e fac t tha t both hav e been depicte d a s "the devil's music"; metal's laying claim t o differen t forms o f "darkness " an d "power " durin g it s formativ e years—a n er a i n whic h "Black Power " wa s a well-publicize d ideologica l forc e whos e advocate s wer e fond o f depicting "whiteness " a s "sterile" and "vacuous" ; the scarcity of mixed race or all-black metal bands—a fac t tha t led Living Colour's Vernon Rei d an d Village Voice musi c criti c Gre g Tat e t o for m th e Blac k Roc k Coalitio n i n th e mid-1980s; an d finally, th e affinitie s betwee n meta l an d ra p durin g th e lat e 1980s, whe n bot h becam e favorit e target s o f censorshi p groups , an d bot h increasingly asserted themselve s as the "music of the streets." 16. I deriv e al l biographica l materia l fro m Henderson , 'Scuse Me While I Kiss the Sky; an d Murray , Crosstown Traffic. I n additio n t o narratin g th e stor y o f Hendrix's life , both ar e quite good at situating Hendrix in an African-America n musical contex t an d a lat e 1960 s politica l one . Henderson' s biograph y prog 62

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resses along a fairly linear narrativ e line, while Murray's approaches Hendri x o n a mor e themati c basis , wit h individua l chapter s focusin g o n Hendri x an d th e blues, Hendrix an d jazz, and s o forth . 17. Quote d i n Michae l Fairchild , Albu m note s t o Stages, 1969 (soun d recording) , Reprise, 1991. 18. Murray , Crosstown Traffic, 2 . 19. Quote d i n Georg e Goodman , cc Jim.i Hendri x Experience : Blac k an d Whit e Fusion i n the Now Music," Look 7 (Januar y 1969) : 38. 20. Henderson , 'Sense Me While I Kiss the Sky, 77. 21. Legen d ha s i t tha t neithe r Hendri x no r Wh o guitarist Pet e Townsen d wante d to hav e t o follo w th e other , an d tha t Hendri x los t th e coi n tos s tha t woul d decide who had t o go second. 22. Th e mos t widel y availabl e vide o versio n o f Hendrix' s performanc e a t Monte rey—Jimi Plays Monterey, distribute d unde r th e nam e Jimi Hendrix: Live at Monterey—even act s a s a sor t o f biographica l film, briefl y tracin g hi s caree r from th e rhythm-and-blue s stint s throug h Montere y t o hi s death . Jimi Plays Monterey, dir. Chri s Hegedus , Pennebake r Associates, 1986 . 23. Davi d Fricke , "Jimi : The Ma n an d th e Music, " Rolling Stone 623 ( 6 Februar y 1992): 42. 24. Murray , Crosstown Traffic, 194. 25. Joh n Morthland , "Jim i Hendrix, " i n Rolling Stone Illustrated History of Rock V Roll, ed. DeCurti s an d Henke , 413. 26. Quote d i n Walser, Running with the Devil, 17 . 27. Weinstein , Heavy Metal, 167. 28. Walser , Running with the Devil, 51. 29. Joh n McDermot t an d Eddi e Kramer , Setting the Record Straight, ed . Mar k Lewisohn (Ne w York : Warne r Books , 1992) ; Bil l Nitopi , ed. , Jimi Hendrix: Cherokee Mist (The Lost Writings) (New York: HarperPerennial, 1993) . 30. Se e especially Alan D i Perna , "Axe s to Grind, " Guitar World 15.7 (Jul y 1995) : 50-56 + . 31. Quote d i n Halasa, "B e Black and Rock, " 53.

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5 MONIQUE GUILLOR Y UNDER ON E ROO F THE SIN S AN D SANCTIT Y O F TH E NE W ORLEAN S QUADROON BALL S

Somewhere i n th e oldes t par t o f Ne w Orleans , ther e i s a woman i n a frayin g ball gown . Wit h th e postur e o f a ciga r stor e Indian , sh e beckon s fro m th e doorway o f a nightclu b an d smile s demurel y a t passersby . Acros s th e street , i n one o f man y souveni r shops , a menageri e o f kerchiefe d mamm y doll s gri n dumbly throug h th e pane . And farthe r dow n th e street , i t doe s no t tak e lon g t o find a Confederat e flag tacke d t o th e bac k o f a picku p truc k o r hangin g ominously fro m a French Quarte r terrace . The cit y o f Ne w Orlean s i s saturate d wit h thes e histori c markers . Th e antebellum gown , th e mamm y doll , an d th e flag eac h bea r som e historica l reference, bu t th e valu e o f thei r significatio n range s fro m benig n t o racist , depending o n wh o i s reading an d interpretin g th e signs . Fo r million s o f tourist s

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who flock t o th e cit y eac h year , suc h symbol s appea r harmles s an d merel y ad d to th e histori c "flavor " o f th e town . Bu t fo r others , thes e icon s ar e painfu l reminders o f a shameful pas t th e cit y no w flaunts a s a tourist attraction . Few places revel in thei r colonia l pas t quit e like New Orleans . Befor e officiall y joining th e American Unio n i n 1803 , the lan d know n a s the Louisian a Territor y was colonize d withi n tw o centurie s b y bot h th e Frenc h an d th e Spanis h an d then th e Frenc h again . Today , thi s smal l bu t cosmopolita n tow n o f n o mor e than five hundred thousand , i s called th e mos t Europea n o f all American cities — a subtropica l never-neve r lan d know n fo r it s Caribbea n flavor, Thir d Worl d mysticism, an d hedonisti c allure . It s tw o mos t renowne d annua l events , Mard i Gras an d th e Ne w Orlean s Jaz z an d Heritag e Festival , dra w horde s o f tourist s from aroun d th e world ; bu t million s mor e flock t o th e cit y fo r it s promise s o f Southern hospitalit y an d ol d world charm : Is Ne w Orlean s eve r t o b e redeeme d fro m it s imprisonmen t i n th e exotic mode ? No t o f cours e i f th e nationa l touris m industry—eagerl y abetted b y the cit y an d stat e touris m bureaus—o r th e nationa l literar y industry can help it. Whether o r not the economic, political and literary colonization o f th e Sout h a s a whol e ha s ende d i s arguable , bu t i t i s obvious tha t th e literar y colonizatio n o f Louisiana , an d certainl y Ne w Orleans, continues. 1 Nestled a t th e hear t o f th e Frenc h Quarter , o r Vieu x Carre , wha t i s no w known a s th e Bourbo n Orlean s Hote l represent s a fascinatin g convergenc e o f memory, history , an d place . Th e histori c valu e o f th e buildin g a t 71 7 Orlean s Street revolve s aroun d th e variou s way s th e propert y ha s serve d th e cit y a s well as the volatil e debate s tha t surface d ove r thes e uses . Once revere d a s the Orlean s Ballroom, a great spac e with th e bes t danc e floor i n th e Sout h durin g th e ante and post-bellu m periods , th e buildin g becam e infamou s a s a place where wealth y white Creol e an d Europea n me n me t thei r colore d concubines . Politician s an d dignitaries grace d it s halls . Later , a n orde r o f colore d nun s live d there , trans forming i t int o a convent, fo r nearl y a centur y beginnin g i n th e lat e 1880 s (se e figure 1) . Calle d th e Bourbo n Orlean s Hote l sinc e 196 6 (se e figure 2) , th e building ha s had s o man y incarnation s tha t i t stand s onl y a s a reminder o f wha t it onc e was . Guest s pa y anywher e fro m $15 0 t o $40 0 pe r nigh t t o roo m there , but fo r al l intents an d purposes , th e Bourbo n Orleans' s luste r i s gone. This essa y explore s th e uniqu e interdependenc e o f histor y an d th e Bourbo n Orleans Hote l rea d throug h a critica l reconstructio n o f th e quadroo n balls . Dating bac k t o th e lat e eighteent h century , th e ball s provide d a n opportunit y for mixed-rac e wome n t o for m liaison s wit h wealth y whit e me n throug h a 68

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system o f concubinag e know n a s plagage. Althoug h th e ball s wer e hel d a t numerous location s throughou t th e cit y an d i n othe r part s o f th e South , amon g the most legendar y sites is the Bourbo n Orlean s Hotel . Bu t th e Bourbo n Orlean s is als o on e o f th e mos t controversia l sites , fo r i t i s largel y myt h an d lore , rathe r than histori c evidence , whic h locat e th e ball s a t thi s particula r locale . M y intention her e i s to unrave l a dense palimpsest o f history imbue d i n th e Bourbo n Orleans Hote l throug h th e histor y o f th e quadroo n ball s b y considerin g no t only th e particula r circumstance s o f th e ball s a s socia l event s bu t als o ho w history itsel f evolve d aroun d thi s buildin g an d th e colore d wome n identifie d with i t fo r mor e tha n tw o an d a half centuries . Although touris m prompt s th e hote l t o privileg e th e histor y o f th e balls , another crucia l aspec t o f the Bourbo n Orleans' s pas t i s the eight y years i t house d the Sister s o f th e Hol y Family—a n orde r o f colore d nun s tha t establishe d itsel f in thi s sam e buildin g wher e th e ball s had bee n held . Th e nun s ha d a n "organic " connection t o th e quadroo n ball s throug h thei r foundress , Henriett e Delille . Delille (se e figure 3 ) hersel f was a quadroo n wh o woul d hav e bee n placee ha d she no t becom e a nun . Th e Sister s o f th e Hol y Famil y occupie d th e spac e fro m the lat e 1880 s unti l 1966 . B y then, th e Frenc h Quarte r ha d becom e th e thrivin g center o f New Orleans , an d th e sisters ' property, althoug h structurall y wor n an d damaged ove r th e years , was situate d i n a prim e commercia l locale . Whe n th e sisters faile d t o rais e th e mone y t o mak e th e necessar y repair s t o th e crumblin g landmark, a four-year battl e ensue d ove r what shoul d b e don e wit h th e buildin g laden wit h s o muc h histor y an d covete d fo r it s rea l estat e value. The juxtapositio n o f thes e tw o extremes—th e quadroo n concubin e an d th e quadroon nun—se t th e parameters o f proscribed sexualit y in which thi s analysi s evolves. My critica l readin g o f that sexualit y emerge s largel y out o f two theoreti cal concepts : Josep h Roach' s notio n o f surrogatio n an d a n extensio n o f thi s trope o f commodificatio n tha t I cal l th e commercial . Roach' s surrogation , "the symboli c substitutio n o f on e commodit y fo r another," 2 demonstrate s th e interrelations betwee n th e Bourbo n Orlean s Hotel , it s history , an d th e qua droons—both a s concubines an d a s nuns. Through surrogation , th e problemati c nature o f th e quadroo n wome n (wh o wer e accepte d a s neithe r blac k no r whit e and, mor e importantly , wh o pose d a sexua l threa t t o th e cohesio n o f whit e family structures ) an d thei r concomitan t associatio n wit h th e Orlean s Ballroo m imbued thi s spac e tha t woul d b e know n late r a s a conven t an d the n a luxur y hotel wit h cultura l significatio n tha t extende d throug h th e centurie s unti l th e building itsel f becam e a s conteste d a s th e bodie s onc e trade d there . Certainl y during th e tim e o f th e balls , local s regarde d th e danc e hal l a s a de n o f iniquity . But lon g afte r th e ball s fade d fro m loca l memor y int o legend s an d myths , th e building's reputatio n haunte d i t int o th e twentiet h century , whe n peopl e stil l 69

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Figure 1. Sisters of the Holy Family Convent in 1964, before the zoning controversy. Photo appeared in the New Orleans Clarion Herald, April 21, 1966 .

fretted ove r it s scandalou s past . Roach' s notio n o f surrogatio n help s illustrat e this symboli c transfe r o f fea r an d loathin g fro m th e bodie s o f th e quadroo n women t o a building the y onc e inhabited . A curiou s iron y illuminate s th e disquietin g histor y o f th e quadroo n balls . These fete s flourish i n litera l an d figurative proximit y t o th e slav e auctio n block . The Bourbo n Orlean s i s situate d les s tha n on e cit y bloc k awa y fro m Jackso n Square. Onl y th e sacre d spire s o f St. Loui s Cathedra l separat e th e terrace s o f th e Bourbon Orlean s fro m th e spo t o n th e Mississipp i Rive r ban k onc e shadowe d by th e auctio n block . Here , wome n muc h lik e thos e adorne d an d toaste d a t th e balls als o parade d i n thei r finest fo r th e favo r o f a prospectiv e master . Bu t freedom lai d th e distinctiv e lin e betwee n th e belle s o f th e ball s an d th e bargain s at th e slav e auction . Fo r althoug h slaveowner s ha d unquestionabl e sexua l acces s to thei r femal e slaves , a quadroo n mistress , acquire d a t a ball i n muc h th e sam e way tha t a slave was bought , embodie d mor e tha n guarantee d sexua l fulfillment . These wome n wer e a s cultured , refined , an d traine d i n al l th e socia l finery a s their Europea n (eve n mor e s o than American ) counterparts . Thus , th e fine ceda r parquet o f th e quadroo n ball s amounte d t o littl e mor e tha n th e roug h plank s o f the auctio n block—eac h supportin g a financial trad e i n race d bodies . Bu t eve n 70

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Figure 2 . Bourbo n Orlean s Hote l a t it s openin g i n 1966 . Phot o appeare d i n the New Orleans Clarion Herald, April 21,1966.

more importan t perhap s i s th e rol e th e bodie s themselve s playe d i n thes e exchanges. Whil e th e slave s wer e sol d o n th e auctio n block , an d wer e strippe d of al l agenc y an d contro l ove r thei r lives , thei r futures , an d thei r bodies , a t th e quadroon balls , th e marke t dynamic s wer e decidedl y different . Fo r i t was no t simply tha t th e danc e hal l symbolicall y functione d a s a n auctio n bloc k fo r th e quadroon mistresses ; rather , throug h thei r freedo m fro m slavery , thei r ow n bodies assume d th e charg e o f th e transactio n a s the wome n literall y enacte d th e performance o f sexual commerce . This paralle l conflatio n o f th e danc e hal l wit h th e auctio n bloc k an d o f th e quadroon bod y an d th e blac k slav e segue s int o th e domai n o f th e commercial, 3 an extensio n o f Roach' s commodification . Whil e a discussio n o f commodifie d bodies (th e slaves, the quadroo n mistresses ) an d histor y (touris m an d th e promo tion o f th e Bourbo n Orlean s Hotel ) i s quit e plausibl e i n thi s context , I emplo y the commercia l t o conside r th e quadroo n bodies , th e building , an d it s history i n a socioeconomi c domai n beyon d th e commodificatio n o f eac h element . Al though th e commercia l i s applicabl e t o al l aspect s o f th e history , bodies , an d space tha t ar e discusse d here , i t i s mos t clearl y illustrate d i n a phot o essa y compiled b y Ne w Orlean s photographe r Fran k Menthe . "Th e En d o f a n Era " 71

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Figure 3. Prayer card to Sister Henriett e Delille, which can be found in the lobby of the Bourbon Orleans. Efforts to canonize Delille began in 1984 and are still under way.

features tw o set s o f photo s take n tw o year s apar t (se e figures 4 t o 7) . Th e first set (figs. 5 an d 6) , sho t i n 1964 , documente d th e final day s o f th e Sister s o f th e Holy Famil y a t th e Orlean s Stree t convent . Menth e sho t th e secon d se t o f photos i n 196 6 t o celebrat e th e gran d openin g o f th e Bourbo n Orlean s Hotel . In th e second set , crystal chandeliers replac e natural sunlight , plus h carpet s cove r wood floors, an d othe r ornat e fixtures pointedl y illustrat e the building's dramati c conversion fro m sobe r conven t t o luxur y hotel . Bu t mor e strikin g tha n thes e 72

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Figure 4. Dinin g hal l at the Bourbo n Orlean s Hotel . Photo b y Fran k Menthe . Appeared i n the New Orleans Clarion Herald, April 21,1966.

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Figure 5. Young women of color studying at the Holy Family School, St. Mary's Academy. This room became the gran d dinin g hal l i n the Bourbo n Orlean s Hotel . Phot o b y Fran k Menthe . Appeared i n the New Orleans Clarion Herald, April 21, 1966 .

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physical transformation s ar e th e peopl e i n th e photos—whit e wome n costume d in antebellu m gown s ar e posed i n exactl y the sam e manne r a s the nun s wer e tw o years before . Settin g napkin s an d dinne r plates , the y displac e youn g blac k women wh o onc e studied i n what becam e th e gran d dinin g hall. While th e nun s have a direct, organi c connectio n t o th e histor y o f the sit e (throug h th e persona l history o f thei r foundress) , th e white women , use d a s props t o evok e th e aur a o f the ball s an d th e antebellu m period , ca n b e n o mor e tha n superficia l stand-in s for thi s past . Pau l Gilro y iterate s suc h use s o f histor y a s "histor y conscripte d i n the servic e o f th e present." 4 Gilroy' s notio n o f histor y i n th e servic e o f th e present exact s a n aspec t o f th e commercia l wher e histor y i s no t directl y recalle d but rathe r subtl y invoked . Ne w Orleans' s basi c appeal t o tourist s emanate s fro m nuanced historica l allusions—wome n i n antebellu m gowns , blac k waiters i n ki d gloves dotin g ove r whit e patrons , carriag e rides , an d Dixielan d jaz z ar e al l commercial mold s o f a past tha t cater s t o a specific touristi c nostalgia . A HOTE L O F HISTORY , MEMORY , AN D MYT H

"Even thoug h histor y has give n hig h prais e t o th e Orlean s Ballroom , [it ] i s mos t commonly referre d t o a s th e Quadroo n Ballroom, " state s a pamphle t fro m th e concierge des k a t th e Bourbo n Orleans . Despit e thi s definitiv e claim , som e historians doub t tha t th e quadroo n ball s wer e eve r hel d a t th e sit e tha t i s no w the Bourbo n Orlean s Hotel . Bu t i n a zonin g controvers y tha t aros e shortl y before th e hote l opened , th e histor y o f th e buildin g change d accordin g t o th e interests o f differen t groups . I will elaborat e o n thi s debat e later , bu t I mentio n this no w t o demonstrat e ho w th e "history " o f th e building—wha t actuall y happened o r di d no t happe n ther e durin g th e nineteent h century—i s secondar y to th e myt h o f th e ball s tha t ha s firmly take n root . Thi s haz e o f historica l ambiguity hoverin g aroun d th e Bourbo n Orlean s cast s i t int o tha t social/histori c limbo tha t Miche l deCertea u call s " a crac k i n th e syste m tha t saturate s a plac e with significatio n an d indee d s o reduce s the m t o thi s significatio n tha t i t i s impossible t o breath e i n them." 5 Th e sit e o f th e Bourbo n Orlean s embodie s that "crac k i n th e system " becaus e wit h regar d t o th e nineteent h centur y an d it s "systems," th e Bourbo n Orlean s house s a histor y tha t th e syste m coul d no t sustain, a sociall y ordaine d an d sociall y celebrate d mixin g o f th e races . Th e quadroon wome n themselve s embodie d a n egregiou s collaps e o f social an d racia l binaries (black/white , slave/free , etc.) . Thi s histor y o f transgressio n woul d b e denied, contorted , an d commodifie d throug h myth s s o naturalize d i n Ne w Orleans cultur e tha t i f you stan d i n th e Bourbo n Orlean s today , th e significatio n of the space , rathe r tha n th e spac e itself , envelop s you . Certainly th e histor y o f th e Orlean s Ballroo m i s layere d s o thic k tha t i t i s stifling. A mammot h paste l pin k buildin g spannin g a cit y bloc k fro m th e 75

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Figures 6 an d 7 . Nearl y tw o year s separat e thes e photographs . Menth e pose d th e woma n i n the Bourbon Orlean s (fig . 7 ) "t o sho w th e contras t betwee n th e ol d an d th e new. " Photo s b y Fran k Menthe. Appeared in the New Orleans Clarion Herald, April 21,1966. 76

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Figure 7.

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debauchery o f Bourbo n Stree t t o th e sanctit y o f St . Loui s Cathedral , th e Bourbon Orlean s Hote l i s a cornerstone o f French Quarte r monuments . Whe n it opene d i n 1966 , mor e tha n five millio n dollar s wen t int o restorin g th e structure t o its original nineteenth-centur y grandeur . A brochure promotin g th e new hote l boasted , "I n th e presen t restoration , th e buildin g ha s bee n returne d to a faithfu l likenes s o f it s forme r self . Description s take n fro m earl y writing s have bee n use d extensivel y t o documen t th e use of rich velve t draperies , ornat e crystal chandelier s an d other elegan t appointments." 6 In thi s attemp t t o restor e th e structure t o a "likenes s o f its former self, " tw o interesting aspect s o f th e commercial , wit h regar d t o th e buildin g an d it s his tory, emerge . First , ther e i s a n obviou s selectio n o f wha t histor y wil l b e re created. Th e decisio n t o retur n th e buildin g t o it s nineteenth-centur y essenc e ignores almos t a centur y o f (th e mor e recent ) histor y lef t b y th e nuns . Thi s semiotic lea p fro m conven t t o luxury , postmoder n ye t antebellu m hote l i s a commercial mov e designe d no t to preserve the rich histor y o f the site , but rathe r to exploi t on e aspec t o f tha t histor y tha t appeal s t o a specifi c nostalgia . Dur ing th e 1960 s controversy , a n effor t was mad e t o sav e th e dilapidate d struc ture; on e proposal suggeste d tha t a wax museum shoul d b e opened a t the site to commemorate th e work s an d service s o f th e nun s t o th e community . Thi s attempt t o hono r th e building' s mor e recen t an d possibl y mor e "valuable " history wa s obviously trumpe d b y the more nostalgi c structur e an d commercia l strategy o f the Bourbo n Orlean s Hotel . I n thi s homag e t o a selecte d history , a second aspec t o f th e commercia l surface s wit h regar d t o Fredri c Jameson' s articulation o f th e simulacrum—" a transformatio n o f olde r realitie s int o television images." 7 Thi s applicatio n o f th e simulacru m t o th e sit e o f th e quadroon ball s i s uniqu e i n tha t th e hotel i s the actua l plac e wher e th e histor y occurred. Th e quadroo n ball s ar e not bein g re-create d i n a n amusemen t park , restaurant, o r night spot ; rather , thi s histor y is recalled an d re-created a t the very site wher e i t apparentl y occurred . Th e buildin g ha s becom e a simulacru m o f itself. The plac e o f the Bourbon Orlean s Hote l withi n th e context o f New Orleans history underscore s th e way the city's entir e touris t industr y revolve s aroun d a n abstract, intangibl e sens e o f "the historic." Wit h relativel y fe w exceptions, tour ists fil e throug h Ne w Orleans no t t o visi t Civi l Wa r battlegrounds, no r to tou r the plethor a o f celebrate d histori c sites . Rather , th e cit y beckon s the m wit h reveries o f a past cradle d b y the Mississippi an d tendered b y congenial Souther n hospitality. Bu t whil e on e ca n easil y designat e a n EPCO T attractio n lik e tha t housed a t Disneyworl d a s a simulacrum , peopl e readil y believ e th e illusio n o f seamless histor y carefull y crafte d i n Ne w Orleans . Umbert o Ec o note d durin g his travel s throug h th e Crescent City , 78

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On th e wa y betwee n Sa n Simeo n an d Sarasot a I stoppe d i n Ne w Orleans. I was coming from th e recreate d Ne w Orlean s i n Disneyland , and I wante d t o chec k m y reaction s agains t th e rea l cit y whic h repre sents a still intact past, becaus e th e Vieux Carr e is one o f the few places that America n civilizatio n hasn' t remade , flattened, replaced . . . . I n New Orleans , histor y stil l exist s an d i s tangible , an d [it ] i s no t i n th e grip o f a neurosi s o f a denie d past ; i t passe s ou t memorie s generousl y like a great lord; i t doesn't hav e to pursue "th e real thing." 8 Although h e doe s recogniz e th e uniqu e relationshi p Ne w Orlean s share s wit h its past , Ec o fail s t o se e through th e illusio n o f a continuous pas t tha t permeate s the characte r o f th e town . Thi s "grea t lord " generousl y passin g ou t memorie s i s no mor e tha n th e touris t commissio n servin g u p slice s o f selecte d histor y greedily consume d b y tourists. A candi d exampl e o f how New Orlean s building s commercialize thei r histor y i s Cafe Maspero' s Slav e Exchange , als o foun d i n th e French Quarter . Th e sandwic h sho p bear s thi s peculia r an d disturbin g nam e fo r a trapdoor , prominentl y displaye d abov e patrons ' heads , tha t wa s onc e use d t o lower slave s t o th e auctio n block . Whil e tourist s find thi s restauran t satisfyin g with it s far e o f overstuffed po-boy s an d it s offerin g o f quaint relic s fro m slavery , locals ten d t o hav e a mor e critica l attitud e towar d mixin g suc h histor y wit h pleasure an d ten d t o tak e thei r meal s elsewhere . So history, eve n mor e s o tha n th e popularit y o f food, drinks , music , an d fun , is Ne w Orleans' s hottest-sellin g commodity . Bu t ther e i s a differenc e betwee n the histor y commodifie d b y th e city' s plac e i n th e nationa l imaginatio n an d th e nostalgia-driven commercializatio n tha t I sugges t i s embodie d i n place s lik e th e Bourbon Orlean s an d Maspero' s Slav e Exchange . Th e city' s ai r o f histori c authenticity appear s s o rea l primaril y becaus e o f th e actua l prevalenc e o f antiq uity an d rui n i n Ne w Orleans' s architecture . However , suc h place s i n Ne w Orleans ar e no t likel y t o b e foun d wher e tourist s loo k fo r them . A s Stewar t Brand observe d i n hi s recen t book , How Buildings Learn, whe n i t come s t o ag e and buildings , "I t seem s ther e i s a n idea l degre e o f agin g whic h i s admired . Things shoul d no t b e new, bu t neithe r shoul d the y be rotten wit h ag e (excep t i n New Orleans , whic h foster s a cul t o f decay)." 9 Lafitte' s Blacksmit h Sho p o n Bourbon an d St . Phili p Street s enshrine s suc h a "cult o f decay." The foundatio n is warbled , th e lightin g dim , an d th e ston e wall s dam p wit h th e humidity . Lafitte's i s the oldes t standin g structur e i n Ne w Orlean s an d look s it , bu t onl y a fading plaqu e nea r th e doo r mark s thi s distinction . Toda y i t i s a popula r watering hol e fo r locals , an d tourist s ar e luck y t o happe n upo n i t throug h a good ti p o r guide . Lafitte' s Blacksmit h Shop , a s a histori c site , i s a s muc h a commodity i n th e large r schem e o f Ne w Orlean s touris m a s th e Bourbo n 79

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Orleans. However , unlik e th e Bourbo n Orleans , i t i s no t a s self-consciou s an d self-promoting o f it s ow n history . Whil e som e effort s hav e bee n mad e t o prevent th e buildin g fro m fallin g completel y int o ruin , i t ha s no t attempte d t o reconstruct an d valorize its own history t o save and sell itself . LES BELLE S D A M E S

Once a pleasure dom e o f nineteenth-century Ne w Orleans, whe n i t was know n as th e Orlean s Ballroom , th e Bourbo n Orlean s toda y stil l garner s symboli c import fro m th e control an d regulation o f mixed-race, female bodie s throughou t and afte r slaver y tha t occurre d o n th e property . Throug h surrogation , no t onl y were th e quadroon wome n i n an d of themselves symboli c representation s o f the horrors o f slavery , bu t the y cam e t o represen t an d b e represente d b y a hos t o f other symbols—fro m th e Sister s o f th e Hol y Famil y i n th e lat e nineteent h century, t o th e white wome n dresse d i n antebellu m gown s i n Menthe' s photos , and finally, t o th e Orlean s Ballroo m itself , whic h change d accordin g t o th e social construct s o f th e quadroo n wome n associate d wit h it . Lik e a n agin g beauty, i t ha s undergon e numerou s lifts , nips , an d tuck s t o accommodat e it s guests while dousin g the m i n historic fantasy . As we consider th e performance o f commerce an d self-promotion, i t i s ironi c to not e tha t th e existenc e o f "tricolor, " o r mixed-race , ball s i n Ne w Orlean s finds it s origin s i n effort s t o sav e th e Ne w Orlean s theater . I n th e 1780s , th e New Orlean s theate r go t off to a feeble start , an d althoug h man y local s enjoye d its production s an d operas , its demise seeme d imminen t o n countles s occasions . Bernado Coque t an d hi s partner , Jos e Boniquet , tw o importan t figures i n th e New Orlean s musi c scene , ran a dance hal l patronize d b y New Orleanians o f all classes, castes , an d colors . The y ha d bee n warne d b y th e attorne y genera l tha t their establishmen t was coming t o be known a s "the place where th e majority o f the slave s o f th e cit y gather." 10 Coque t offere d t o underwrit e th e theate r i n exchange fo r th e exclusiv e right s t o hol d dance s fo r fre e person s o f color . Th e balls wer e t o b e hel d ever y Sunda y nigh t an d woul d b e increase d t o tw o pe r week durin g carniva l season. 11 In 1805 , Coquet rente d hi s hall t o Albert Tessier , wh o created th e concept o f "quadroon balls, " wher e tw o night s pe r week , dance s woul d b e give n fo r fre e quadroon wome n an d whit e me n only. 12 Tessie r ha s t o hi s credi t th e first advertisements fo r th e quadroo n balls , whic h h e conducte d wit h a n ai r of firstclass privilege . Carriage s wer e provide d a t th e door , an d room s coul d b e rente d on th e premises. Tessier's enterpris e prove d s o successful tha t severa l othe r hall s began featurin g quadroo n dance s o n selecte d nights , includin g th e Globe , th e Davis Danc e Hall , th e Salle de Conde, an d the Salle de Lafayette. 13 Characterized b y flagrant rac e mixin g (prohibite d b y New Orleans civi l law), 80

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the ball s ar e mos t ofte n recollecte d i n travelers ' log s rathe r tha n report s fro m native Ne w Orleanians . T o thes e eage r visitors , th e balls , an d particularl y th e quadroon women , wer e quit e th e rave . Gentleme n wer e almos t alway s gushingl y attentive t o th e quadroo n maidens . On e describe d the m a s "prett y an d ofte n handsome, I have rarely , i f ever, me t mor e beautifu l women , tha n on e o r tw o o f them, tha t I sa w b y chance , i n th e streets . The y ar e muc h bette r formed , an d have a muc h mor e gracefu l an d elegan t carriag e tha n American s i n general." 14 Although th e quadroo n ball s cos t u p t o tw o time s mor e tha n th e prope r Frenc h balls wit h whit e wome n i n attendance, 15 man y gentleme n woul d ofte n stea l away fro m th e whit e ball s t o socializ e wit h th e wome n o f color , "wh o the y prefer t o whit e wome n becaus e thes e wome n deman d fewe r o f thos e annoyin g attentions whic h contradic t thei r taste s fo r independence." 16 The principa l desir e o f quadroon wome n attendin g thes e ball s was t o becom e placee as the mistres s o f a wealthy gentlemen , usuall y a young whit e Creol e o r a visiting European. Suc h arrangement s becam e necessar y because thes e quadroo n women, b y al l account s "white " excep t legally , foun d themselve s "to o muc h superior t o th e Negroes , i n genera l t o associat e wit h them , an d [were ] no t allowed b y law, o r th e popula r prejudic e t o marr y white people." 17 Man y o f th e pairs wer e a s exclusiv e an d lastin g a s legitimat e marriages , an d th e union s wer e often celebrate d wit h a s much ceremon y an d rite : When th e quadroon' s admire r becam e desirou s o f formin g a liaiso n with her , sh e usuall y referre d th e applican t t o he r mother . Th e paren t inquired int o th e circumstanc e o f th e sui t befor e regulatin g th e term s of the bargain. I n man y cases she received fifty dollars a month, durin g which tim e th e love r ha d exclusiv e righ t t o th e house . . . . Sometime s the suitor agreed to pay a stated amount, perhap s two thousand dollars , or a su m proportionat e t o th e girl' s merits . . . . After th e bargai n wa s made, th e gir l wa s feted , afte r whic h sh e wa s probabl y move d t o he r newly furnished establishment. 18 Certainly, ther e wer e numerou s instance s o f plagage that occurre d indepen dently o f th e quadroo n balls , bu t regardles s o f ho w o r wher e th e liaiso n wa s made, a quadroo n woma n usuall y foun d hersel f wel l care d fo r i f sh e secure d a kind an d generou s lover . Beside s th e financial and , t o som e degree , emotiona l comfort a suito r provide d hi s quadroo n mistress , anothe r interestin g aspec t o f the unio n wa s ofte n th e questio n o f paternity . Whil e i t wa s uncommo n fo r white America n me n t o clai m th e offsprin g slave s bor e fo r them , i n man y instances o f plagage y children , particularl y males , wer e ofte n recognize d an d named fo r thei r Europea n fathers . Consequently , numerou s case s were hear d i n 81

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the Ne w Orlean s court s i n whic h white s conteste d an d black s demande d inheri tance rights . Although fe w fre e peopl e o f colo r wo n an y o f thes e cases , the mer e fact tha t thes e childre n wer e care d for , educated , an d acknowledge d b y thei r white father s i s notable. 19 An ol d Creol e sayin g note d tha t ever y youn g Creol e "gallant, " whe n h e reached th e ag e o f twenty-one , was give n a horse an d a quadroon girl . Thi s wa s a widely practice d rit e o f passage an d althoug h man y viewe d i t a s a young boy' s first dabblin g wit h manhood , man y o f thes e relationship s laste d unti l th e ma n married, an d som e endure d eve n beyon d that . Suc h a lifestyl e understandabl y disrupted th e usuall y gentee l familie s o f whit e Creol e lineag e t o suc h a n exten t that on e editoria l i n th e 183 7 Argus urge d loca l Creole s no t t o frequen t th e balls. Th e autho r indignantl y argue d tha t i t was a sham e fo r eligibl e Creol e gentlemen t o "neglec t th e white privet s t o gathe r blac k grapes." 20 In th e stronges t an d mos t earnes t unions , th e quadroo n mistres s ha d th e power t o destabiliz e a Creol e famil y an d Creol e societ y i n general . On e visito r to th e cit y observe d tha t "travelers , Creol e (white ) residents , everyon e form s alliances wit h thes e colore d wome n an d man y hav e childre n o f them . Thi s license extend s als o t o th e rura l regions , wher e th e Creole s prefe r t o liv e wit h these wome n rathe r tha n t o giv e a whit e woma n th e titl e o f spouse." 21 Th e writer an d historia n Grac e Kin g calle d th e quadroon s "th e mos t insidiou s an d the deadlies t foe s a community eve r possessed." 22 No t onl y was this b y virtue o f the Creol e men' s penchan t fo r thes e women , bu t als o becaus e i t wa s no t uncommon fo r suc h straine d an d volatil e relation s t o erup t i n violence . Stephe n Longstreet note d ho w many young Creol e men fel l i n duel s protecting th e virtu e of thei r mistresses . And the n ther e ar e mor e extrem e case s o f lov e an d war , lik e the quadroo n Pauline , wh o chained , beat , an d starve d th e legitimat e wif e an d children o f he r lover . A slav e wh o ha d pleade d wit h he r t o sho w merc y o n th e man's famil y eventuall y reporte d he r crime s t o th e authorities . O n Marc h 28 , 1846, Paulin e was hanged befor e a crowd o f five thousand people. 23 FANCY GIRL S

The comple x connection s betwee n th e practic e o f plaqage, "fancy girl " auctions , and th e sexua l politic s o f plantatio n communitie s canno t b e overstated . Th e plaqage of blac k wome n wit h whit e lover s coul d tak e plac e onl y becaus e o f th e socially determined valu e of their light skin , th e same light skin tha t commande d a highe r pric e o n th e slav e block , wher e "light-skinne d girl s wer e bi d fo r a t prices muc h highe r tha n thos e offere d fo r prim e field hands . Som e adolescen t females o f mixe d rac e wer e sol d a s Virgins, ' obviousl y discountin g th e notio n that slav e women wer e invariabl y sough t a s proven breeders." 24 Th e movemen t of suc h transaction s fro m th e slav e bloc k t o th e danc e hal l mad e thes e practice s 82

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far les s public . Whil e anyone , includin g fre e blacks , coul d purchas e slaves , onl y wealthy whit e me n wer e allowe d t o atten d th e balls . Furthermore , despit e thei r popularity amon g th e uppe r echelo n o f Ne w Orlean s socialites , th e ball s wer e covert, undergroun d treasures , an d man y patron s donne d mask s i n orde r t o protect thei r identities. 25 Miscegenation i n Ne w Orlean s date s a s fa r bac k a s th e settlin g o f th e Louisiana Territor y i n 1699 . Histor y book s indicat e tha t th e Frenc h Mississipp i Company, whic h was responsibl e fo r settlin g th e land , faile d t o impor t wome n to th e are a fo r nearl y twenty-tw o years . Th e scarcit y o f Frenc h wome n ensure d relations wit h th e native s livin g o n th e lan d a s wel l a s th e slave s wh o travele d with th e company . I n 1721 , eighty-eigh t truan t girl s arrive d i n Ne w Orlean s from L a Salpetriere , a hous e o f detentio n i n Paris . I n 1728 , a grou p o f mor e respectable women , filles a la cassette, or "caske t girls," 26 wer e importe d fro m France, an d som e o f the m becam e matriarch s o f wealthy Creol e families . How ever, fo r a vast majorit y o f th e settlers , th e practic e o f interracia l relation s wit h slaves an d nativ e wome n prove d t o b e th e preference , an d th e arriva l o f ne w French wome n mad e littl e difference. 27 Tracing pattern s o f miscegenatio n fro m th e settlemen t o f Ne w Orlean s through slaver y an d th e antebellu m period , wit h regar d t o th e quadroo n balls , I have wrestle d wit h question s o f empowermen t an d agenc y fo r th e quadroo n women. T o wha t exten t were thes e women abl e to seiz e control o f their sexualit y and thei r bodies ? Although placage placed quadroons ' mother s i n th e precariou s position o f sexuall y exploitin g thei r ow n daughters , thi s abominatio n naturall y extended fro m plantatio n society , wher e "i f femininit y lose s it s sacrednes s i n slavery the n s o doe s motherhoo d a s a femal e bloo d rite/right." 28 Indoctrinate d by slaver y wit h thi s understandin g o f femal e sexuality , th e mos t a mulatt o mother an d quadroo n daughte r coul d hop e t o attai n i n th e rigi d confine s o f th e black/white worl d was som e semblanc e o f economi c independenc e an d socia l distinction fro m slave s an d othe r blacks . Stephe n Longstree t explicitl y describe s how suc h sexua l practice s wer e inherite d fro m generatio n t o generation : "Th e half-white mothe r tol d he r near-whit e daughte r t o latc h ont o th e whit e mass a and mak e hi m a slave t o he r body ; t o as k fo r earrin g [sic] an d doodads , t o hol d back a bit an d the n enflame . I t was deadly serious warfare, an d th e Negr o fough t it. H e slowl y sa w himself diluted ; re d hair , blu e eyes , different feature s bega n t o appear i n th e slav e quarter." 29 Through thi s strategi c commodificatio n o f th e quadroo n body , whic h I hav e called th e commercial , wome n o f colo r seize d a n opportunit y beyon d th e confines o f slaver y t o se t th e pric e fo r thei r ow n bodies . Amon g th e bes t an d most note d attribute s o f th e quadroon s wa s no t simpl y thei r beauty , bu t als o their refinemen t an d master y o f whiteness . I n 1832 , Francoi s Guillemi n de 83

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fended th e quadroon s befor e th e Frenc h consu l i n Ne w Orlean s b y arguing tha t "these women , an d man y other s too , wh o ar e no t a s whit e a s they , hav e nonetheless b y no w almos t th e colo r an d grace s o f Europe , an d hav e ofte n received impeccabl e education." 30 Similarly , man y othe r account s o f th e qua droon wome n commen t no t onl y o n thei r beaut y bu t als o o n thei r carriage , their gaiety , th e perfectio n o f thei r French , an d s o forth . Thes e qualitie s charac terize th e variou s aspect s o f th e commercia l tha t quadroo n wome n employe d t o "sell" themselves t o prospectiv e suitors . Such practice s were directly attacked an d undermined b y governmen t officials . I n 1786 , Governo r Gustav e Mir o passe d an ordinanc e tha t dictate d tha t fre e wome n o f colo r mus t attir e an d conduc t themselves i n a manne r suite d t o thei r inferio r socia l status , whic h woul d mor e easily distinguish the m fro m whit e women : The Negr o wome n mus t no t ap e th e dres s o f th e whit e ladies , an d b y Negro wa s mean t no t onl y thos e whos e colo r wa s pronounce d bu t those wit h onl y th e leas t tain t o f Africa n blood , howeve r whit e an d Caucasian thei r ski n migh t be . The y mus t dres s i n suc h a wa y t o b e easily distinguishe d fro m thei r pure-whit e sisters , els e the y migh t b e mistaken fo r fine ladies to th e discomfiture o f those of the opposite sex, who i n th e latter' s ignoranc e migh t b e undul y draw n t o thes e near white designing ones. 31 Such prohibition s wer e mean t t o "disenfranchise " th e commercia l bod y o f th e quadroon, th e bod y tha t no t onl y advertise d an d sol d itsel f but di d s o through a performance o f whiteness . Furthermore , whe n Miro' s edic t require d quadroo n women t o ti e thei r hai r u p i n a kerchie f know n a s a tignon, th e prou d colore d women fough t bac k b y decoratin g th e plai n cloth s wit h ornat e bead s an d plumes. Ironically , man y o f thes e women prospere d i n actua l busines s afte r the y could n o longe r rel y o n plaqage to suppor t them. 32 Coul d on e dar e t o sugges t that thes e wome n learne d a sens e o f busines s an d commerc e throug h th e deliberate an d contrive d promotio n o f their ow n bodies? 33 Quite possibly , th e quadroo n occupie s tha t limina l spac e tha t Judit h Butle r recognizes a s a potentially transgressiv e sit e betwee n hegemoni c binaries . I n he r delineation o n thi s ide a applie d t o th e sexualizatio n o f bodies , sh e writes , "a s a visual fiction, th e eg o i s inevitabl y a sit e o f meconnaissance ; th e sexin g o f th e ego b y th e symboli c seek s t o subdu e thi s instabilit y o f th e ego , understood a s an imaginary formation." 34 Similarly , th e quadroon bod y emphasizes th e imaginar y construction o f racial binaries . This ide a will als o b e illustrated i n m y discussio n of th e uncanny , bu t i t i s eviden t tha t th e quadroo n coul d fit nowher e i n th e black/white dichotomy . Ir a Berli n explore s thi s phenomeno n i n Virginia , wher e 84

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there wa s a simila r crisi s wit h miscegenation . " 'There wer e onl y tw o castes , white an d black ' storme d on e Richmon d journal . I f th e legislatur e wante d t o make a third , i t shoul d prescrib e thei r status ; otherwise , mixed-blood s woul d soon becom e governors , judges , jurors , soldier s o r lawyers." 35 I n Ne w Orleans , "mixed bloods " ha d alread y entere d th e professiona l world ; man y fre e peopl e o f color owne d businesse s an d slaves . Bu t quadroo n wome n wer e invadin g th e pristine domai n o f th e whites ' privat e world, an d i n thei r struggl e t o hol d o n t o their socia l statu s an d racia l superiority , th e whit e Creole s feare d tha t nothin g was sacred . LIFE B E Y O N D T H E B A L L S

The quadroo n ball s thrived unti l shortl y befor e th e Civi l War, an d with emanci pation i n 1863 , the interna l rift s betwee n Louisian a black s an d Creole s bega n t o widen. I n th e twent y year s roughl y coinciden t wit h th e Reconstructio n era , th e black populatio n o f Ne w Orlean s doubled , increasin g fro m 25,42 3 i n 186 0 t o 57,617 i n 1880 . Th e whit e population , whil e stil l th e majority , ros e onl y b y about 14,000. 36 Wit h th e emancipatio n o f th e slave s an d th e imminen t threa t the growin g number s o f free d black s pose d t o th e whit e establishment , white s sought racia l solidarity : By the time of the Civil War, sexual relations between whites and blacks were becoming less common i n th e South , an d th e socia l upheava l an d the economic devastation brough t o n b y the war did nothin g t o revers e the trend . Eve n afte r th e war, when ther e was a shortage o f white men , few white women turne d t o black me n a s lovers or husbands. Vigilant e groups like the Ku Klux Klan had rise n up determined t o keep the races apart.37 Under suc h a climate , th e quadroo n ball s steadil y dwindled . Th e Orlean s Ballroom continue d t o b e use d fo r socia l an d politica l gathering s unti l 1881 , when i t wa s donate d t o th e Sister s o f th e Hol y Family . Henriett e Delille , th e youngest o f on e o f th e mos t establishe d free-colore d familie s i n Ne w Orleans , had founde d th e orde r i n 1842 . Durin g th e antebellu m period , th e wome n o f her famil y share d a lon g histor y o f plagage, indicate d b y th e fac t tha t she , he r sister Cecile , an d he r brothe r Jea n al l ha d differen t las t names. 38 Whe n Delill e was fourteen , he r siste r wa s alread y placee wit h a n Austria n man . Delill e was soon t o hav e he r nigh t a t th e ball s whe n sh e surprisingl y announce d t o he r family tha t th e quadroons ' wa y o f life was a sin an d he r life' s callin g was t o serv e God an d teac h th e poor. 39 Nearly fort y year s later , Delill e foun d hersel f prayin g an d teachin g i n th e 85

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same corridor s sh e ha d denounce d a s a young woman . Ironically , th e orde r an d the schoo l i t founded , St . Mary' s Academy, historicall y catere d t o women o f th e same racia l mixtur e tha t typicall y would hav e bee n foun d a t th e quadroo n balls . A visitor t o th e schoo l i n 193 8 note d tha t "althoug h th e conven t i s for negroes , there ar e fe w pur e African s i n attendance , i f any ; fo r it s pupil s posses s ever y conceivable mixtur e o f Spanish , French , Englis h an d Africa n blood." 40 Th e order remaine d o n tha t sit e unti l 1964 , when th e conven t becam e th e focu s o f a citywide debate . Man y preservationist s argue d tha t th e buildin g ough t t o b e returned t o it s origina l eleganc e s o that i t coul d b e use d a s a landmark an d boos t the touris t industry . Bu t mos t resident s i n th e are a sympathize d wit h th e nun s and proteste d th e zonin g chang e tha t woul d permi t th e buildin g t o becom e a hotel. Th e lawye r representin g th e nun s explaine d tha t whil e th e sister s wer e willing t o mak e th e necessar y structura l repair s t o th e building , "i t mus t b e stressed tha t th e presen t owner s wil l neve r restor e thi s building . Thei r positio n is that i t represent s a part o f our histor y fo r whic h w e canno t b e justly proud." 41 On th e othe r side , th e preservationist s als o emphasize d tha t whil e the y di d hop e to restor e th e building , "i t i s th e intentio n o f th e designer s t o retur n th e Quadroon Bal l Roo m t o it s forme r eleganc e an d beauty , no t t o 'reproduce ' it." 42 Th e controvers y ultimatel y winde d dow n t o a contes t betwee n th e Ne w Orleans Plannin g Commissio n an d a private contractor , Wilso n Abraham . Afte r the debate s persiste d fo r severa l months , delayin g buildin g date s an d contrac t deadlines, a n angr y Abraha m lashe d ou t a t th e commissio n an d hi s opponents : "I insis t o n buyin g th e Hol y Famil y propert y an d I' m goin g t o tea r th e whol e thing down . Yo u ca n sa y tha t glorifie d hous e o f prostitutio n won' t b e ther e anymore." 43 The iron y o f Abraham' s referrin g t o th e conven t a s a "glorifie d hous e o f prostitution" mor e tha n a century afte r th e quadroo n ball s were held o n tha t sit e reveals a conflatio n o f memor y an d histor y tha t allow s a ma n t o spea k o f a convent an d a brothe l (o f sorts ) tha t use d t o b e ther e i n th e sam e breath . No t only di d th e histor y o f th e sit e influenc e ho w peopl e remembere d th e space , i t also altere d thei r immediat e thought s o f tha t spac e i n th e present , a function o f memory reminiscen t o f deCerteau : "I t i s strikin g tha t th e place s peopl e liv e i n are lik e th e presence s o f divers e absences . Wha t ca n b e see n designate s wha t i s no longe r there : 'yo u see , here ther e use d t o b e . . .' bu t i t ca n n o longe r b e seen . Demonstratives indicat e th e invisibl e identitie s o f th e visible : i t i s th e ver y 44 definition o f a place." DOUBLE EXPOSUR E

In 1788 , lon g befor e th e quadroo n ball s wer e firmly roote d i n Ne w Orlean s culture, 1,50 0 quadroo n wome n live d i n home s supporte d b y whit e men . 5 86

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With th e continue d proliferatio n o f placage i n th e nineteent h century , th e quadroons pose d a ver y rea l threa t t o whit e Creol e families ; Anthon y Vidler' s notion o f th e uncann y become s usefu l whe n w e conside r ho w thi s force , th e aggressive presenc e o f th e quadroo n women , impacte d th e privat e live s o f white Ne w Orleanians . Associatin g th e uncann y wit h haunte d house s an d th e nineteenth-century work s o f Edga r Alla n Poe , Vidle r define s th e uncann y a s "the contras t betwee n a secur e homel y interio r an d th e fearfu l invasio n o f a n alien presence ; o n a psychological level , it s pla y was on e o f doubling , wher e th e other is , strangel y enough , experience d a s a replic a o f th e self , al l th e mor e fearsome becaus e apparentl y th e same." 46 Nearly everyon e wh o encountere d quadroon s an d othe r colore d Creol e women commente d o n thei r beaut y a s well a s their strikin g whiteness. Thus, th e fear, th e threat , an d th e uneas e th e quadroo n instille d int o whit e familie s resonate wit h Vidler' s notio n o f haunting . Man y whit e wome n wer e s o drive n and possessed b y thi s fea r tha t the y starte d attendin g th e ball s themselve s t o check u p o n thei r husband s o r eve n possibl y t o find husbands . Thi s becam e such a popular practic e tha t i n th e 1830s , Mayo r Gerrar d Culbertso n remarke d that "a t th e las t bal l o f tha t description , ther e wer e i n th e room s mor e whit e ladies tha n colore d ones." 47 This ide a o f doubling , o f place s bein g inhabite d b y alie n ye t familia r bodies , is furthe r illustrate d i n th e phot o essa y mentione d earlier , b y Fran k Menth e o f the Clarion Herald, taken whe n th e Sister s o f the Hol y Famil y were vacating th e French Quarte r site . Menth e photographe d th e nun s an d returne d t o th e sit e two year s later , jus t aroun d th e tim e o f th e hotel' s long-awaite d gran d opening . In a n attemp t t o captur e th e char m o f th e nineteenth-centur y Vieu x Carre , waitresses an d hostesse s dresse d i n antebellu m gown s evokin g th e period . I n th e two set s o f photos , thes e wome n ar e situate d precisel y i n th e sam e spot s a s th e nuns. Menth e sai d h e pose d the m thi s wa y "t o sho w th e contras t betwee n th e old an d th e new . I sho t th e sam e area s t o sho w ho w the y ha d bee n renovate d and ho w the y ha d change d a s wel l a s ho w the y didn' t change . The y trie d t o maintain th e architectur e an d ambianc e o f th e building . Th e ide a o f hirin g th e women dresse d i n th e ante-bellu m gown s wa s t o dat e i t bac k t o th e tim e whe n the buildin g was i n it s heyday." 48 The photo s exhibi t a sens e o f histori c continuity , bu t ther e ar e drasti c differences, i n tha t th e tw o set s o f picture s appea r t o b e negativ e image s o f on e another. Nearl y everythin g tha t i s black i n on e phot o i s white i n th e other—th e nuns' blac k habit s ar e replace d wit h whit e gowns , th e dar k mahogan y stairwel l has been painte d white , an d eve n th e blac k nun s ar e replaced with whit e wome n who ar e meant t o embod y th e romanticis m an d exoticis m o f an ag e and practic e associated wit h "colored " women . A t thi s tim e (th e mid-1960s) , peopl e o f colo r 87

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would no t b e allowe d t o sta y i n th e Bourbo n Orlean s Hote l bu t certainl y worked ther e a s domestic s an d cooks . Th e onl y othe r legitimat e wa y colore d women inhabite d thi s spac e was a s nuns—desexe d an d disenfranchised—thei r commercial bodie s n o longe r posin g a threa t t o th e gentee l whit e home . Thi s again exemplifie s Roach' s notio n o f surrogation—th e substitutio n o f whit e bodies fo r colore d one s and , i n a sense, on e commodit y fo r another . Finally , i n the Bourbo n Orlean s Hote l a s i t exist s today , th e commercia l bod y o f th e quadroon i s substituted b y the commodifie d myt h o f the quadroo n balls . Only a cit y bloc k separate d th e quadroo n ball s fro m th e auctio n block , bu t whether agains t th e backdro p o f a n auctioneer' s cr y o r a French quadrille , ther e was, nonetheless , th e trad e o f blac k bodies , al l th e mor e valuabl e whe n cloake d in whit e flesh. Beyon d th e commodificatio n o f thi s bod y o n th e auctio n block , it enter s th e real m o f the commercial . Th e quadroon s wer e marke d b y a master y of whitenes s s o perfec t tha t whe n whit e me n ha d th e choice , th e quadroo n women ofte n bea t ou t th e "real " thing . Bu t suc h dichotomie s ar e precisel y wha t the quadroo n bod y challenge d b y th e fac t tha t i t was bot h whit e an d black . Hence thes e distinction s betwee n blac k an d whit e coul d no t b e a s exclusiv e a s Southern racist s wante d the m t o be . I conclud e thi s analysi s wit h a heav y understanding o f it s complexit y an d onl y hop e tha t I hav e describe d th e issue s with som e clarity . Tryin g t o evaluat e th e histor y o f th e Bourbo n Orlean s wit h its relatio n t o quadroo n wome n an d tha t connectio n t o th e cit y an d it s large r history spiral s int o a multitud e o f question s abou t identity , bodies , boundaries , memory, an d myth . Possibly, thi s projec t coul d hav e bee n mor e succinc t an d facil e i f i t focuse d on on e o f the man y factor s examine d i n thi s analysis . Bu t whil e tha t migh t hav e been mor e clear , i t als o woul d hav e bee n incomplete . Fo r ho w ca n w e conside r the histor y o f th e Bourbo n Orlean s withou t lookin g a t bot h th e quadroo n concubines an d th e quadroo n nuns ? Similarly , ho w d o w e examin e thes e incar nations o f th e "same " wome n withou t a loo k a t Menthe' s fascinatin g photo graphs? Ho w ca n w e tal k abou t rac e i n Ne w Orlean s withou t attackin g i t head on fro m th e auctio n bloc k an d the n refractin g i t throug h th e pris m o f th e quadroon body ? A s dens e an d laboriou s a s i t ma y seem , th e Bourbo n Orlean s Hotel garner s it s histori c valu e fro m th e wa y i t ha s absorbe d an d embodie d s o many othe r histories—the histor y o f slavery and sexuality , nun s an d concubines , a histor y o f infidelit y an d love , th e histor y o f Henriett e Delille' s devotio n t o God an d th e histor y o f Pauline's fata l devotio n t o a man . And still , eve n wit h s o muc h alread y i n th e pot , th e delicat e strand s o f thi s historic we b exten d beyon d th e wall s o f th e Bourbo n Orlean s an d th e rampart s of th e Frenc h Quarter . I n France , Louis a Lamott e enjoye d a prosperou s lif e without submittin g t o th e sexua l servitud e o f othe r quadroon s lik e herself. Bor n 88

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in Ne w Orleans , educate d i n Paris , she became th e directres s o f a girls' schoo l i n Abbeyville an d was awarde d a distinguishe d teachin g hono r b y th e Frenc h government. Fro m Sa n Domingue , Ferdinan d Sejou r Marco u arrive d i n Ne w Orleans an d too k Josephine Ferran d a s hi s mistress . Thei r son , Victo r Sejour , a colored Creole , would becom e on e o f the mos t celebrate d Frenc h playwright s o f the nineteent h century , a frien d an d colleagu e o f Alexandre Dumas . Countles s lives, rea l an d imagined , mak e u p th e ric h myth s o f th e quadroo n balls . Callin g to u s fro m thei r trouble d history , thes e ghost s dar e u s t o discove r wh o the y really are. In s o doing, w e ru n th e ris k o f challenging ou r ow n fragil e identities . NOTES

1. Lewi s P . Simpson , "Ne w Orlean s a s a Literar y Center, " i n Literary New Orleans: Essays and Meditations, ed. Richard Kennedy (Bato n Rouge , 1992) , 83. 2. Josep h Roach , "Slav e Spectacle s an d Tragi c Octoroons : A Cultura l Genealog y of Ante-bellum Performance, " Theater Survey, Novembe r 1992 , 33. 3. Thoug h relate d i n som e ways, the commercial i s not a rearticulation o f Marx's commodity fetish , i n tha t th e commodit y fetis h emphasize s th e inflate d socia l value an d impor t o f various commodities . Th e commercial , however , seek s t o further exten d th e ver y notio n o f th e commodit y wit h relatio n t o a specifi c history and profits turne d fro m th e manipulation, exploitation , an d reconstruc tion o f that history . 4. Pau l Gilroy articulates a similar use of history with regard to R. Kelly's sampling of th e 196 9 Fiv e Stairsteps ' hit , "Oo h Child. " Gilro y notes , "Hi s [R . Kelly's ] citation o f th e earlie r tun e i s no t motivate d b y th e desir e t o engag e i n th e archaeology o f livin g intertextua l tradition . I t work s lik e a stole n sampl e o r a borrowed instrumenta l rif f t o inde x th e interperformativ e relationship s tha t constitute a counter-cultural subculture . H e make s th e past audibl e i n th e her e and now , bu t subserviently ; histor y i s conscripte d int o th e servic e o f th e present." " 'After th e Lov e Ha s Gone' : Bio-Politic s an d Etho-Poetic s i n th e Black Public Sphere," Public Culture 7 (1994) : 53. 5. Miche l deCerteau , The Practice of Everyday Life (Berkeley, 1984) , 106 . 6. "Bourbo n Orleans : Fact s Fact s Facts. " This wa s a promotional brochur e pub lished b y the King s Hotel Corporatio n a t th e height o f the zonin g controvers y in 1966 . Th e brochur e wa s mean t t o convinc e resident s i n th e are a tha t th e opening o f th e hotel—an d th e subsequen t zonin g change s i t entailed—wa s a worthwhile project . 7. Fredri c Jameson , Postmodernism, or, the Logic of Late Capitalism (Durham , 1992), 46. 8. Umbert o Eco , Travels in Hyperreality (San Diego , 1986) , 29-31 . 9. Stewar t Brand , How Buildings Learn (New York, 1994) , 10 . 10. Henr y Kmen , History of Music in New Orleans: The Formative Years, 17911841 (Bato n Rouge , 1966) , 44. 89

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11. Kmen , History of Music, 45. 12. Kmen , History of Music, 47 ; Roge r A . Fischer , The Segregation Struggle in Louisiana, 1862-1877 {Chicago, 1974) 17 . 13. Kmen , History of Music, 47. 14. Frederic k Law Olmsted, A Journey in the Seaboard Slave States, 1853-1854, vol . 2 (Ne w York , 1904) , 594 ; James Stuart , Three Years in North America, vol. 2 (New York, 1833) , 203-9; James Silk Buckingham, The Slave States of America, vol. 1 (Boston, 1842) , 35-38. 15. Lyl e Saxon , Fabulous New Orleans (New York , 1928) , 185 . "T o tak e awa y al l semblance o f vulgarity , th e pric e o f admissio n i s fixed a t tw o dollar s s o tha t only persons o f the better clas s can appea r there. " 16. Jame s Hug o Johnston , Race Relations in Virginia and Miscegenation in the South, 1776—1860 (Amherst, 1970) , 310 . Suc h system s o f concubinag e wer e certainly not uniqu e t o Louisian a bu t rathe r characterize d colonia l situation s i n general. I n he r essa y "Makin g Empir e Respectable : Th e Politic s o f Rac e an d Sexual Morality i n Twentieth Centur y Colonia l Cultures, " Ann Stole r explain s a similar reaction t o these "annoying attentions" in other colonial communities : "Native wome n wer e t o kee p me n physicall y an d psychologicall y fit fo r work , marginally content, no t distracting or urging them ou t of line, imposing neithe r the tim e consumin g no r financial responsibilitie s tha t Europea n famil y lif e was thought t o demand." American Ethnologist 16, no. 4 (Novembe r 1989) : 637. 17. Olmstead , Journey, 594. 18. Anni e Le e West-Stahl, "Th e Fre e Negro i n Ante-bellum Louisiana, " Louisiana Historical Quarterly 25 (Jul y 1942) : 311. 19. Calvi n Dil l Wilson , "Blac k Masters : Sid e Ligh t o n Slavery, " North American Review 181 (1905) : 692 . "W e ar e to remember , i n connectio n wit h th e condi tions i n Louisiana , tha t a genera l trai t o f Frenc h an d Spanis h colonist s i n al l countries ha s bee n tha t the y hav e commonl y recognize d an d provide d fo r th e wives taken from amon g native women, negro , Indian, or any other nationality , and tha t the y hav e acknowledge d an d provide d fo r thei r children ; whil e th e Anglo-Saxon, a s a rule , leave s thes e wome n an d childre n t o shif t fo r them selves." 20. Argus, October 27 , 1837 . 21. Herber t Asbury , The French Quarter: An Lnformal History of the New Orleans Underworld {St. Simons Island, GA , 1936) , 96. 22. Grac e King, New Orleans (New York, 1968) , 350. 23. Stephe n Longstreet , Sportin' House: New Orleans and the Jazz Story (Lo s Angeles, 1965) , 111 ; David Rankin , The Forgotten People: Free People of Color in New Orleans, 1850-1870 (Baltimore , 1976) , 140 . 24. Eugen e Genovese , Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made (Ne w York , 1972), 416. 25. Fischer , Segregation Struggle, 17 . "Th e cit y counci l adopte d a measur e o n January 4, 1828 , forbidding whit e men, with or without masks , from attendin g 90

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dressed or masked balls composed o f men an d women o f color. This ordinance , however, di d litd e t o dampe n mal e enthusias m fo r th e balls . Onl y sporadi c efforts wer e mad e t o enforc e i t an d th e counci l abandone d it s attempt s t o legislate against mixed amusement s fo r nearl y 30 years." 26. Thes e women were so called because the trunks supplied t o them b y the Frenc h government fo r thei r journey resemble d smal l caskets. 27. C . C . Robin , Voyage to Louisiana, 1803-1805, trans . Stuar t Landry , Jr . (Ne w Orleans, 1966) , 249. 28. Hortens e Spillers , "Mama' s Baby , Papa's Maybe : A n America n Gramma r Book," Diacritics 17, no. 2 (summe r 1987) : 65—81. Spillers pulls thi s fro m th e research o f Claud e Meillassou x foun d i n Clair e C . Robertso n an d Marti n A . Klein, Women and Slavery in Africa (Madison , 1983) . 29. Longstreet , Sportin'House, 109 . 30. Alexi s d e Tocqueville , "Alexi s d e Tocquevill e i n Ne w Orleans : Januar y 1-3 , 1832," ed. G . W. Pierson , Franco-American Review, June 1936 , 25-42 . 31. Henr y Chambers , History of Louisiana, vol. 1 (Ne w York , 1925) , 342 . W . McFadden Duffy , "Ladie s of Color," Roosevelt Review, September 1938 , 48. 32. Asbury , French Quarter, 97: "An d whe n th e connectio n wa s broken , b y mar riage o f th e whit e ma n o r fo r som e othe r reason , sh e usuall y receive d a competence sufficien t t o maintai n he r fo r th e res t o f he r lif e o r se t he r u p i n business. The y becam e modiste s o r hairdressers , owne d slave s whos e labor s brought the m i n a comfortabl e revenue , an d i n late r year s ha d a practica l monopoly o f th e busines s o f operatin g hig h clas s boardin g house s fo r whit e bachelors." 33. Walte r L . Johnson offer s a n interestin g basi s for thi s argument i n "Master s an d Slaves in th e Market: Slaver y and th e New Orlean s Trade, 1804-1864, " Ph.D . diss., Princeton University , 1994 . Johnson examine s the dynamics of the slaving business an d demonstrate s tha t withou t th e participatio n an d activ e involve ment o f the slaves themselves, the slave trade could no t hav e flourished. 34. Judit h Butler , Bodies That Matter (Ne w York, 1993) , 138 . 35. Ir a Berlin, Slaves without Masters: The Free Negro in the Ante-bellum South (New York, 1974) , 365. 36. Joh n Blassingame , Black New Orleans (Chicago, 1973) , 25. 37. Blassingame , Black New Orleans, 26 . 38. Harrie t Martineau , Society in America, vol. 2 (London , 1837) , 349. 39. Duffy , "Ladie s o f Color, " 52-53 . Marjori e Roehl , " A Young Quadroo n For sakes Societ y t o Serv e th e Poor, " New Orleans Times-Picayune, Novembe r 9 , 1986. 40. Duffy , "Ladie s of Color," 54 . 41. New Orleans Times-Picayune, Marc h 14 , 1963. 42. New Orleans Times-Picayune, Marc h 11 , 1963. 43. New Orleans Times-Picayune, Marc h 16 , 1963. 44. DeCerteau , Practice of Everyday Life, 108 . 91

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45. Charle s Rousseve , The Negro in Louisiana: Aspects of His Culture and His Literature (New Orleans, 1937) , 102 . 46. Anthon y Vidler, Architectural Uncanny (Cambridge, 1992) , 21. 47. Jo e Treagle, Early New Orleans Society (New Orleans, 1971) , 35. 48. Fran k Menthe, intervie w by author, August 1 , 1994 .

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6 BRUCE SIMO N TRAUMATIC REPETITIO N GAYL JONES' S CORREGIDORA

Why th e compulsio n t o repea t th e massiv e stor y o f slaver y i n th e contemporar y Afro-America n novel , especially so long after the empirical event itself? . . . Contemporar y Afro-American writers who tell the story of slaver y ar e increasingl y aimin g fo r th e sam e thing : t o repositio n th e stres s point s o f tha t stor y wit h a heavy accent on particular acts of agency within an oppressive and degrading system. — Deborah E. McDowell, "Negotiating between Tenses"

[S]lavery haunt s the literar y imaginatio n becaus e it s materia l condition s an d social relation s ar e frequently reproduced i n fiction as historically dynamic ; they continue to influence society lon g after emancipation... . In a formal sense slavery can thus be a most powerful "absent" presence . —Hazel Carby, "Ideologies of Black Folk "

Is th e contemporar y compulsio n t o repea t th e hauntin g stor y o f slavery , a s Hazel Carb y woul d hav e it , testimon y t o th e past' s continuin g possessio n o f African-American writers , critics , an d theorists , i n th e for m o f a n "ideolog y o f the folk"? 1 O r i s i t a n attemp t t o maste r th e past , a s Debora h McDowel l suggests, t o recove r th e trace s o f agenc y erase d fro m o r misrepresente d b y th e dominant historica l record? 2 I s repetitio n compulsio n anothe r for m o f enslave ment o r a mean s o f liberation ? O r i s i t completel y other ? Nowher e ar e thes e questions mor e urgentl y pose d tha n i n Gay l Jones' s Corregidora, a chillin g an d powerful historica l nove l o f slaver y tha t i s onl y beginnin g t o b e engage d wit h the necessar y critica l attentiveness. 3 I t i s m y contentio n i n thi s essa y tha t Corregidora i s as much abou t th e structur e o f traumatic experienc e a s it i s abou t

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the afterlif e o f Brazilia n slaver y an d America n segregation . Bot h narrato r an d novel bea r witness t o Ne w World histor y a s a history o f trauma . To pu t forwar d thes e claim s i s t o rais e th e followin g questions : Wha t doe s i t mean fo r Ne w Worl d histor y t o b e a histor y o f trauma? 4 An d wha t i s a t stak e when w e identif y catastrophi c events , rangin g fro m th e force d departur e fro m Africa t o th e beatin g o f Rodney King , a s traumatic? 5 I t i s to thes e question s tha t I no w turn . TRAUMA A N D TH E LITERAR Y IMAGINATIO N

To begi n wit h th e basics : Jones' s nove l seem s t o spa n twenty-tw o year s o f th e life o f it s protagonis t an d narrator , Urs a Corregidora—startin g i n 194 7 whe n she i s twenty-five , shortl y befor e sh e leave s he r husband , Mutt , an d endin g i n 1969 whe n sh e decide s t o retur n t o him . Ye t Corregidora actually span s nin e decades an d tw o continents—fro m pre-Emancipatio n Brazi l t o post-segregatio n Kentucky. Th e nove l open s wit h a persona l catastroph e fo r Ursa : sh e lose s he r unborn chil d an d th e capacit y t o bea r childre n afte r a fal l cause d b y he r possessive husban d an d a hysterectomy b y possibl y racis t doctors . Thi s persona l catastrophe, however , i s intimately linke d wit h a familial an d historica l catastro phe, fo r i n th e lat e nineteent h centur y th e Brazilia n slaveowne r know n a s ol d man Corregidor a ha d first prostituted , the n rape d an d impregnate d Ursa' s great-grandmother unde r slavery , an d late r impregnate d thei r daughter , Ursa' s grandmother, som e eightee n year s afte r Emancipation . Ursa , havin g grow n u p hearing storie s o f thes e event s fro m thre e generation s o f femal e forebears , alon g with injunction s t o pas s o n th e memor y o f th e horror s an d crime s o f slaver y t o her ow n descendants , i s thu s face d wit h a quit e litera l identit y crisis—th e working through o f which drive s the novel' s plot—when sh e becomes physicall y unable t o "bea r witness. " To continu e wit h a question: Wh y hav e mos t reader s o f Corregidora compul sively returned , a s it were , t o image s o f hauntin g an d possession ? Fro m Claudi a Tate's 197 9 commen t tha t "Corregidor a . . . haunt s [Ursa ] a s i f h e wer e stil l alive," t o Melvi n Dixon' s 198 7 vie w tha t "Urs a Corregidor a learn s t o asser t he r will an d outrageou s voic e ove r th e residua l histor y hauntin g he r songs, " fro m Ann duCille' s 199 3 observatio n tha t Urs a i s "th e las t i n a lon g lin e o f blac k women haunte d an d emotionall y burdene d b y history, " t o Madh u Dubey' s 1995 clai m tha t Urs a "continue s t o b e haunte d b y th e comple x relationship s o f three generation s o f he r materna l ancestor s wit h thei r Portugues e slav e owner , Corregidora," almos t ever y criti c wh o ha s writte n o n th e nove l highlight s th e haunting powe r o f slaver y an d history. 6 Despit e thei r divergen t an d ofte n conflicting reading s o f th e novel , thes e critic s agre e tha t Urs a i s haunted , tha t she is at time s possesse d b y the past . Compar e thi s critica l consensu s with Cath y 94

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Caruth's exactin g definitio n o f trauma : "T o b e traumatize d i s precisel y t o b e possessed b y a n imag e o r event . . . . [Traum a is ] a peculia r kin d o f historica l phenomenon . . . i n whic h th e overwhelmin g event s o f th e pas t repeatedl y possess, i n intrusiv e image s an d thoughts , th e on e wh o ha s live d throug h them." 7 Has Ursa , then , bee n traumatized ? I f so, we would expec t he r t o suffe r a response , sometime s delayed , t o a n overwhelmin g even t o r events , which take s th e for m o f repeated , intrusiv e hallucinations , dreams , thoughts o r behavior s stemmin g fro m th e event , alon g wit h numbin g that ma y hav e begu n durin g o r afte r th e experience , an d possibl y als o increased arousa l to (an d avoidanc e of ) stimulant s recallin g the event. 8 Is i t no t precisel y thi s delaye d respons e tha t Urs a complain s o f a s sh e recover s from he r hysterectom y earl y i n th e novel ? Ursa' s exasperate d complaint—"Th e shit yo u ca n dream . The y sa y it' s wha t yo u reall y feel , bu t i t ain' t wha t yo u really feel" 9 —should b e rea d a s a commentar y o n th e narrativ e structur e o f Corregidora, which foreground s th e wa y he r memorie s an d dream s "repeatedl y erupt int o he r narrative, " a s Madhu Dube y ha s recentl y argued. 10 Dube y recog nizes tha t th e italicize d portion s o f th e nove l interrup t Ursa' s narration , tha t they force themselve s upo n her , agains t o r irrespectiv e o f her wishes . That is , th e past literall y return s t o Urs a i n he r dreams , i n he r memories , and , a s I will soo n argue, i n he r actions . T o Freud , thi s litera l retur n o f th e pas t i s a n identifyin g mark o f trauma ; i n Beyond the Pleasure Principle, h e suggest s tha t th e traumati c dreams o f World Wa r I veteran s pos e a n enigmati c challeng e t o hi s theorie s o f dream-work: dreams occurrin g i n traumati c neurose s hav e th e characteristi c o f re peatedly bringin g th e patien t bac k int o th e situatio n o f hi s accident , a situation fro m whic h h e wake s u p i n anothe r fright . Thi s astonishe s people far to o little. . . . Anyone who accept s it as self-evident tha t thei r dreams shoul d pu t the m bac k a t nigh t int o th e situatio n tha t cause d them t o fall il l has misunderstood th e nature o f dreams. 11 According t o Cath y Caruth , Freu d finds th e traumati c drea m startlin g becaus e it canno t b e explaine d i n term s o f a wish o r unconsciou s meanin g bu t i s instea d the litera l retur n o f th e event. 12 Th e sam e hold s tru e fo r Ursa' s dreams , a s Urs a herself recognizes ; th e significanc e o f he r dream s an d hallucination s lie s les s i n their manifes t o r laten t meaning—o r eve n i n th e workings o f condensation an d displacement—than i n th e way the y intrude o n he r tellin g o f her ow n story . 95

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That is , eve n a s traum a demand s testimony , i t interrupt s th e proces s o f testimony; i t introduces a n imperative t o tell and make s that tellin g impossible. 13 Ursa's singin g o f th e blue s testifie s t o thi s imperativ e an d thi s impossibility . Many critic s hav e emphasize d ho w th e blue s make s lif e bearabl e fo r Urs a b y enabling he r t o contai n an d contro l th e impac t o f he r catastrophi c experience s in a stat e o f creativ e suspensio n an d productiv e tension. 14 Ye t wha t Urs a emphasizes abou t he r ow n blue s testimon y i s her nee d t o sin g an d he r inabilit y to explai n thi s need . Th e openin g sentence s o f th e nove l establis h th e dept h o f Ursa's nee d t o sing : It wa s 194 7 when Mut t an d I were married . I was singin g i n Happy' s Cafe aroun d o n Delawar e Street . H e didn' t lik e for m e t o sin g after w e were marrie d becaus e h e sai d that' s wh y h e marrie d m e s o h e coul d support me . I sai d I didn' t jus t sin g t o b e supported . I sai d I san g because i t was somethin g I ha d t o do , bu t h e neve r woul d understan d that. (3 ) Ursa know s tha t singin g i s somethin g sh e "ha[s ] t o do"—eve n i n th e fac e o f both Mama' s an d Mutt' s censure—bu t doe s no t understand , o r a t leas t canno t articulate, wh y sh e feel s compelle d t o sing . Eac h tim e sh e i s confronte d b y disapproval o f he r singing , sh e stresse s thi s inexplicabl e need . T o Mutt' s ques tion, " What do blues do for you?' Urs a replies , "I t help s m e t o explai n wha t I can't explain " (56) . T o Mama' s accusatio n tha t sh e sing s "devil' s music, " Urs a responds, " [L]et me give witness the only way I can. . . . Yes, if you understood me, Mama, you yd see I was trying to explain it, in blues, without words, the explanation somewhere behind the words. To explain what will always be there' (54 , 66). T o herself, sh e thinks , " I wante d a son g tha t woul d touc h me , touc h m y lif e an d theirs. A Portuguese song , bu t no t a Portuguese song . A new world song . A son g branded wit h th e ne w world " (59) . Ursa' s blue s testimon y i s a wa y o f bearin g witness t o Ne w World histor y a s a history o f trauma. Bu t thi s bearin g witness i s not a matte r o f explainin g o r eve n understandin g wha t ha s traumatize d her ; rather, he r singin g testifie s t o th e "essentia l incomprehensibility " o f a traumati c event, "th e forc e o f it s affron t t o understanding, " illustratin g tha t "on e doe s no t have t o possess, o r own th e truth , i n orde r t o effectivel y bear witness to it." 15 If Ursa's dream s an d blue s testimon y sugges t tha t sh e is one o f those survivor s of traum a wh o "becom e themselve s th e sympto m o f a histor y tha t the y canno t entirely possess," 16 then he r individua l dilemm a migh t disclos e previously unno ticed dimension s o f collectiv e an d historica l crisis . That is , by examining furthe r the impac t o f traum a o n Ursa' s life , w e ca n sugges t som e answer s t o th e centra l question o f thi s essay : what doe s i t mea n fo r Ne w Worl d histor y t o b e a histor y 96

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of trauma ? T o d o this , w e mus t first reconstruc t th e event s tha t befel l Ursa' s great-grandmother i n lat e nineteenth-centur y Brazil . Onl y whe n w e understan d the repercussion s o f Grea t Gram' s respons e t o th e crime s o f th e ma n wh o onc e possessed he r ca n w e understan d ho w Ursa' s traum a i s a t onc e individual , collective, an d historical . What i s Grea t Gram' s project ? I n a word , testimony . He r goa l i s t o mak e plain th e se x crime s o f th e Brazilia n elite , a s exemplifie d b y he r forme r master , old ma n Corregidora . A s hi s nam e suggests, 17 Corregidor a was i n charg e o f discipline o n hi s coffe e plantation—selectin g femal e slave s t o purchas e (173) , prostituting the m t o othe r whit e me n fo r persona l profi t (124) , preventing the m from choosin g thei r ow n companions , sometime s throug h tortur e o r murde r (125), an d finally, throug h hi s ow n sexua l practices , "correcting " a rac e b y "marking" i t wit h hi s "blood " (12) . Sinc e thi s doubl y genocida l projec t was disavowed bot h afte r Emancipatio n i n 188 8 an d i n 189 1 whe n th e ministe r o f the provisiona l governmen t o f Brazi l ordere d th e archive s o f slaver y burned, 18 Great Gra m repeatedl y command s he r descendant s t o "pas s i t down " (9) , t o "leave evidence " (14) , t o "mak e generations " (22) , an d t o "bea r witness " (72) . As she explains : [T]hey didn't want to leave no evidence of what they done—so it couldn't be held against them. And I'm leaving evidence. And you got to leave evidence too. And your children got to leave evidence. And when it come time to hold up the evidence, we got to have evidence to hold up. That's why they burned all the papers, so there wouldn 't be no evidence to hold against them. (14 ) They can burn the paper but they can't burn conscious, Ursa. And that's what makes the evidence. And that's what makes the verdict. (22 ) We got to burn out what they put in our minds, like you burn out a wound. Except we got to keep what we need to bear witness. The scar that's left to bear witness. We got to keep it as visible as our blood. (72 ) By setting hersel f i n oppositio n t o officia l Brazilia n historie s tha t fai l t o mentio n slavery, Grea t Gra m attempt s t o recor d th e crime s o f slaver y throug h th e ora l transmission o f family narratives . Through thi s passin g down o f family histories , she hope s t o bot h expos e an d contes t th e impositio n o f ideologie s o f whit e supremacy o n th e Corregidor a women . Yet b y th e tim e Urs a begin s t o hea r he r famil y histories , Grea t Gram' s oppositional strateg y o f passin g dow n suc h storie s ha s turne d int o a repetitio n 97

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of slogan s eithe r emptie d o f conten t o r misunderstood . Rathe r tha n supple menting Grea t Gram' s cas e agains t no t jus t slaver y bu t racis m mor e generally , neither Grandmam a no r Mam a passe s dow n an y narrative s o f lif e i n th e segre gated Unite d States . Furthermore , th e transmissio n o f Grea t Gram' s narrativ e i s faulty, a s i n Grandmama' s accoun t o f Emancipation , whic h reduce s t o a state ment aki n t o " I was there, " devoi d o f an y sens e o f outrag e o r injustic e ove r th e official disavowa l o f slaver y (78-79) . Eve n wors e i s Mama' s misus e o f lega l discourse: But you got to make generations, you go on making them anyway. And when the ground and the sky open up to ask them that question that going to be ask. They think it ain 't going to be ask, but it's going to be ask. They have the evidence and give the verdict too. They think they hid everything. But they have the evidence and give the verdict too. You said that , Mama . / know I said it, and I'm going to keep saying it. (41) Rather tha n concludin g wit h th e expecte d clai m t o posses s evidenc e o f th e slaveowners' crimina l activities , Mam a simpl y reiterate s th e fac t tha t they control the courts . Instea d o f accepting Ursa' s tentativ e attemp t t o correc t thi s error , sh e fails t o realiz e she has mad e on e i n th e first place. 19 My attentio n t o problem s o f transmissio n implicitl y present s a narrativ e o f decline—from Grea t Gram' s pur e oppositionalit y t o Mama' s compromise d misunderstanding o f th e testimonia l strategy . Ye t i t i s just a s plausibl e t o argu e that Grea t Gra m hersel f sowe d th e seed s o f thi s misunderstanding . Whil e i t i s certainly accurat e t o observ e tha t Grea t Gram' s attemp t t o constitut e a trul y decolonized blac k femal e subjectivit y ha s bee n reduce d t o a commitmen t t o making generations—her projec t o f bearing witness has become a project merel y of bearin g witnesses 20 —this observation , correc t a s i t is , misse s th e crucia l fac t that Grea t Gra m was neve r a figure o f pur e oppositionality . Afte r all , sh e staye d at Corregidora' s plantatio n fo r a t leas t tw o years , and possibl y te n o r more , afte r Emancipation. Furthermore , sh e seem s t o follo w Corregidor a i n elevatin g th e capacity t o procreat e int o a standar d o f mora l judgment , a s i n he r dismissa l o f Corregidora's wife : "Naw, she couldn't do a damn thing. Naw, she didn't give him nothing but a sick little rabbit that didn 't live to be a day old. So then he just stopped doing it. Naw, she couldn't do a damn thing (23) . Man y critic s hav e seconded Tadpole' s suggestio n tha t "Procreatio n . . . coul d als o b e a slave breeder's wa y o f thinking " (22) , bu t Stel a Mari s Coser , Madh u Dubey , an d Sally Robinso n hav e show n ho w i n th e contex t o f nineteenth-centur y Brazil , where prostitutio n o f femal e slave s was mor e prevalen t tha n breeding , Grea t Gram's strateg y remaine d oppositional , eve n a s i t wa s contaminate d b y whit e 98

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supremacist ideologie s o f blac k femal e sexuality. 21 Still , on e migh t g o s o fa r a s to argu e tha t th e histor y o f he r descendants ' misunderstanding s was overdeter mined b y Grea t Gram' s crucia l conflatio n o f th e performativit y o f testimon y with reproduction ; b y emphasizin g th e conten t o f he r speec h ove r it s act , Grea t Gram make s i t possibl e fo r he r descendant s t o se e he r a s engagin g i n a projec t of memorization, rathe r tha n testimony. 22 What thes e approaches—exposure o f transmission errors , narrative o f decline, originary conflation—d o no t accoun t for , however , i s the ambivalenc e o f Grea t Gram's strategy , th e ways hatred an d love , aversion an d desir e are simultaneousl y at wor k i n he r testimony . Dube y an d Robinso n hav e carefull y analyze d th e status o f this ambivalence , showin g no t onl y tha t Grea t Gram' s strateg y remain s oppositional, bu t als o that "th e production o f ambivalence [i] s a textual strategy " aimed a t posin g "seriousl y disquietin g question s abou t th e ver y proces s o f tradition building." 23 Tha t is , th e bes t reading s o f Corregidora are i n genera l agreement tha t Jones' s ai m i s t o stres s th e necessit y o f adaptin g ethico-politica l strategies t o changin g place s an d times , b y showin g ho w Grea t Gram' s project , which was oppositiona l i n th e 1890 s i n Brazil , has becom e counterproductiv e i n the Unite d State s o f the 1940 s an d 1950s. 24 Yet fe w critic s hav e aske d th e nex t logica l question : wh y i s i t tha t Grea t Gram's consciousl y oppositiona l strateg y o f giving testimony repeat s som e o f th e very elements o f tha t whic h sh e se t ou t t o oppose ? The bes t attempt s t o accoun t for thi s proble m hav e argue d tha t repetitio n i s th e unavoidabl e ris k tha t Grea t Gram's strateg y o f ;rappropriation , ^motivation , rrcontextualization , ^inscrip tion, ^signification , an d r^articulatio n o f maste r narrative s mus t run. 25 Ye t w e can pus h thi s analysi s further , for , i n a word , traum a i s th e reaso n fo r Grea t Gram's repetitio n compulsio n o r automatism . Grea t Gram' s repetitious , ritualis tic testimon y i s no t onl y a n ethico-politica l strategy , i t i s als o a mean s fo r survival. I t i s a wa y o f workin g throug h he r experiences , i n orde r t o com e t o terms wit h th e trauma , no t onl y o f enslavement , bu t als o o f survival . As Carut h puts it , "fo r thos e wh o underg o trauma , i t i s not onl y th e momen t o f th e event , but o f th e passin g ou t o f i t tha t i s traumatic ; . . . survival itself, i n othe r words , can be a crisis." 26 Grea t Gram' s insisten t repetitio n o f the sam e storie s shoul d b e read a s a n attemp t t o pursu e th e accident , t o repeatedl y leav e th e sit e o f he r captivity. Bu t thi s is precisely the double bin d o f trauma: sinc e the ac t o f leaving, of departure , i s th e centra l an d enigmati c cor e o f trauma , th e ver y narratio n o f that departur e ca n itsel f be retraumatizing. 27 We ca n eve n locat e th e precis e momen t i n Corregidora whe n Urs a begin s t o realize this . Whil e listenin g t o Grea t Gram , sh e thinks , "I t was a s i f th e word s were helpin g her , a s if th e word s repeate d agai n an d agai n coul d b e a substitut e for memory , wer e someho w mor e tha n th e memory " (11) . Sall y Robinson' s 99

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reading o f thi s momen t i s exemplary : "Urs a perceive s Grea t Gram' s storie s a s a kind o f automati c recitatio n ove r whic h sh e ha s n o control ; he r narrativ e functions independentl y o f her agency . As Ursa graduall y comes t o realize , Grea t Gram an d Gra m have n o contro l ove r thei r past s an d thei r discourse." 28 Wha t Robinson doe s no t engag e wit h i s th e traumati c natur e o f thi s automati c repetition. I t i s no acciden t tha t Nadin e Fresco' s recognitio n o f a pattern t o he r interviews wit h Holocaus t survivor s precisel y parallel s Jones' s presentatio n o f Great Gram' s narratives : "Th e silenc e was al l th e mor e implacabl e i n tha t i t was often conceale d behin d a scree n o f words , again , alway s th e sam e words , a n unchanging story , a tale repeate d ove r an d ove r again." 29 If critic s hav e no t emphasize d tha t Grea t Gra m ha s bee n traumatized , the y also hav e no t notice d tha t a differen t kin d o f traumati c repetitio n provide s a n alternative t o Grea t Gram' s ritualisti c injunctions . Recal l tha t th e mos t explici t and detaile d accoun t o f Grea t Gram' s relation s wit h ol d ma n Corregidor a i s a five-page monologu e towar d th e en d o f th e novel . Ye t thi s monologu e i s delivered no t b y Grea t Gram , bu t b y Mama—an d i t derail s Mama' s tellin g o f her "ow n privat e memory " t o Ursa. 30 Urs a describe s thi s intrusiv e interruptio n precisely i n term s o f possession: "Mam a kep t talkin g unti l i t wasn't he r tha t was talking, bu t Grea t Gram . I stare d a t he r becaus e sh e wasn't Mam a now , sh e was Great Gra m talking " (124) . When Mam a return s t o herself, sh e offers th e excus e that she' s hear d th e stor y s o man y time s she' s learne d i t b y heart, bu t Urs a doe s not believ e her : "I t was a s i f sh e ha d more than learne d i t b y heart , though . I t was a s i f thei r memory , th e memor y o f al l th e Corregidor a women , was he r memory too , a s strong with he r a s her ow n privat e memory , o r almos t a s strong. But no w sh e was Mam a again " (129) . Urs a think s tha t wha t i s "mor e tha n learned . . . b y heart " i s a kin d o f memory , bu t th e wa y tha t Mam a ha s bee n possessed b y Grea t Gram' s testimon y i n thi s scen e shoul d indicat e t o u s tha t what ha s jus t happene d i s a traumati c repetition . I n Shoshan a Felman' s terms , Mama ha s literall y becom e a mediu m o f bot h Grea t Gram' s testimon y an d he r traumatic experience. 31 Understanding tha t Mam a ha s bee n traumatize d b y Grea t Gram' s testimon y is crucia l t o readin g th e controversia l endin g o f th e novel , wher e Urs a return s to—and goe s dow n o n — M u t t som e twenty-tw o year s afte r sh e divorce d him . It i s precisel y thi s earlie r scen e o f Mama' s traumati c repetitio n t o whic h Urs a refers i n th e mids t o f he r retur n t o Mutt . I n narratin g th e scen e o f he r retur n retrospectively, Urs a struggle s t o describ e wha t was happenin g a s she performe d fellatio o n Mutt : "I t was lik e I didn' t kno w ho w muc h was m e an d Mut t an d how muc h was Grea t Gra m an d Corregidora—lik e Mam a whe n sh e had starte d talking lik e Grea t Gram " (184) . Thi s "lik e Mama " her e indicate s tha t Urs a a s narrator i s connecting he r ow n action s i n 196 9 t o th e traumati c repetitio n tha t 100

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she witnesse d Mam a underg o a fe w year s earlier . Ye t Ursa' s "lik e Mama " ha s been passe d ove r i n ever y readin g o f th e novel ; eve n thos e critic s wh o rea d thi s very passage closel y focus o n th e paralle l betwee n Urs a an d Grea t Gram . Melvin Dixon' s argument s typif y redemptiv e reading s o f th e novel , reading s that interpre t it s ending bot h a s a gain o f agency fo r Urs a an d a s a reconciliatio n between he r an d Mutt . Accordin g t o Dixon , fellati o "place s he r i n contro l o f herself an d Mutt. " Dixo n misread s Ursa' s traumati c repetitio n a s a kin d o f choice, a kin d o f connectio n intentionall y drawn—o r eve n invented—b y he r conscious mind , a "metaphorica l return " tha t "allow s Urs a t o g o forward " t o reconciliation wit h he r forme r husband . Althoug h Madh u Dube y implicitl y contests Dixon' s readin g o f the endin g a s redemptive, cathartic , an d healing , he r reading doe s no t brea k wit h hi s assumptio n tha t th e retur n Urs a experience s i s strictly metaphorical . Whil e Dube y recognize s tha t Urs a i s no t full y i n contro l of hersel f whe n sh e suggest s tha t "materna l discours e s o full y permeate s th e daughter's languag e o f heterosexua l lov e tha t th e daughte r ultimatel y merge s into he r materna l ancestor, " sh e ha s n o wa y o f explainin g wh y th e mergin g o f discourses migh t lea d t o a merging o f identities. 32 What thes e reading s mis s is the way Ursa's retur n t o Mut t i s itself a traumati c repetition—Ursa experience s Grea t Gram' s litera l retur n an d possessio n o f her . Where Mama' s earlie r traumati c reenactmen t involve d a repetitio n o f Grea t Gram's testimony, Ursa' s repeat s Grea t Gram' s actions.^ I t i s thu s crucia l t o separate Urs a a s characte r fro m Urs a a s narrato r whe n on e read s th e final scen e of Corregidora. W e ca n begi n t o understan d th e difficult y o f bearin g witnes s t o a traumati c histor y whe n w e focu s o n Ursa' s action s a s a narrator—he r uncer tainty whe n confronte d b y her ow n traumati c repetition , he r inabilit y t o simpl y report o n o r recor d th e experienc e o f returnin g t o Mutt , he r nee d t o tak e recourse i n a simile , a n analogy , i n orde r t o transmi t th e impac t o f th e experi ence, an d then , onl y belatedly . Not onl y doe s Gay l Jones sho w ho w Ursa , a s character an d a s narrator, bear s witness t o Ne w Worl d histor y a s a histor y o f trauma , sh e als o make s th e interrelation o f desire and traumati c repetitio n a structuring principl e o f Corregidora. Early i n th e novel , afte r Urs a ha s lef t Mut t an d begu n seein g Tadpole, th e owner o f th e nigh t clu b a t whic h sh e sings , Tadpol e ask s her , "Wha t d o yo u want, Ursa? " (22) . Urs a evade s hi s questio n i n tha t scene , but , a s Dube y point s out, th e res t o f th e nove l i s made u p o f he r attempt s t o answe r it , attempt s tha t are interrupted b y eruption s o f the past . Nowher e i s this cleare r tha n th e endin g of Corregidora, the scen e o f Ursa' s traumati c repetition , whic h itsel f i s marke d by multipl e repetitions . No t onl y doe s Urs a retur n t o Mut t i n thi s scene , sh e does s o i n th e ver y sam e hote l the y ha d live d i n whil e the y wer e married . No t only doe s Urs a believ e tha t he r performin g fellati o o n Mut t reiterate s Grea t 101

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Gram's final ac t before departin g fro m Corregidora' s plantation , sh e also literall y cites a question Grandmam a ha d aske d severa l decades (an d a mere eleve n pages ) earlier: "Wha t i s it a woman ca n d o t o a man tha t mak e hi m hat e he r s o ba d h e wont t o kil l he r on e minut e an d kee p thinkin g abou t he r an d can' t ge t he r ou t of hi s min d th e next? " (173 , 184) . No t onl y doe s Mut t repea t a story abou t hi s grandparents h e ha d tol d Urs a twenty-tw o year s before , h e als o joins i n a classi c call-and-response blue s dialogu e wit h Urs a a t th e novel' s end . These multipl e repetition s mar k a certai n kin d o f closure , on e tha t mus t b e carefully differentiate d fro m othe r possibl e ending s o f the novel . Fo r Jones coul d have ende d Corregidora in a t leas t thre e othe r ways , al l o f whic h woul d involv e the affirmatio n o f som e sor t o f femal e community : first, wit h Ursa' s retur n t o her hometow n i n 1961 , in orde r t o discove r he r mother' s privat e memor y (104 32); second , wit h Ursa' s secon d retur n t o he r hometow n i n th e lat e 1960s , thi s time t o shar e he r ow n privat e memor y wit h he r mothe r (182) ; third , wit h a reconciliation betwee n Urs a an d eithe r Ca t o r Jeffy , bot h o f who m Urs a ha d rejected soo n afte r leavin g Mutt. 34 Instead , surprisingly , Jone s end s th e nove l with a scen e o f traumati c repetition , Ursa' s retur n t o Mut t afte r wha t Freu d might hav e calle d a twenty-two yea r latenc y period . Jones's decisio n t o en d Corregidora with Ursa' s retur n t o Mut t become s eve n more surprisin g whe n w e conside r th e explici t parallel s betwee n Mut t an d Corregidora. Afte r all , Mut t wa s no t onl y responsibl e fo r Ursa' s fall , hi s posses sive attitude s towar d Urs a ar e als o presente d a s a farcica l repetitio n o f slavery' s tragic socia l relations . Ho w els e to accoun t fo r th e imag e o f Mutt, consume d b y jealousy, dresse d i n a "Dic k Tracy " trenc h coat , "casin g ou t th e joint " fo r rival s (158)? Bu t thi s repetitio n i s no joking matter , fo r ther e i s also a more seriou s se t of parallels . Just a s old ma n Corregidor a calle d Grea t Gra m "Dorita, " hi s "littl e gold piece " (10 , 124) , an d prostitute d her , a shift take s place i n Urs a an d Mutt' s relationship betwee n 194 7 an d 1948 , from Mutt' s describin g Urs a a s a "piece o f gold" earl y i n thei r relationshi p (60) , t o a "piec e o f ass " t o b e auctione d of f o r even prostitute d whe n sh e repeatedl y refuse s t o le t hi m suppor t he r (159) , an d finally t o Ursa' s critiqu e o f me n wh o trea t wome n "lik e a piec e o f shit " bot h before an d afte r Mut t pushe s he r dow n th e stair s (167). 35 Thus , no t onl y doe s Jones avoi d a n affirmatio n o f femal e communit y a t th e en d o f Corregidora, sh e also suggest s tha t Ursa' s retur n t o Mut t i s a litera l retur n o f th e histor y o f slavery. That is , a return t o an d o f trauma , a traumatic repetition , a n endin g marke d by trauma an d a n endin g tha t traumatizes . As character, Ursa' s attemp t t o spea k and ac t o n he r desir e i s interrupte d b y a scene o f he r possessio n b y th e past . A s narrator, Ursa' s attemp t t o addres s a listener, t o giv e testimony , t o bea r witness , is literally interrupted b y the end o f the novel , an endin g that—in it s abruptnes s 102

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and compulsiv e repetitiveness , a s wel l a s i n it s content—suggest s tha t th e trauma o f slaver y i s stil l wit h us . Corregidora, a traumatize d an d traumati c text , calls o n u s t o testif y t o a proble m o f testifying , bea r witnes s t o a crisi s o f witnessing. SLAVERY A N D T H E P O S S I B I L I T Y O F H I S T O R Y

At first glance , it migh t appea r tha t m y argumen t set s out t o contes t an d provid e an alternativ e t o McDowell' s an d Carby's . Contrar y t o McDowell' s argumen t that th e contemporar y African-America n historica l nove l o f slaver y aim s t o "accent. . . particular act s of agency within a n oppressiv e and degradin g system, " my readin g o f Corregidora emphasizes th e way s traum a suspends , supercedes , bypasses, o r cancel s th e agenc y o f Grea t Gram , Grandmama , Mama , an d Ursa . Contrary t o Carby' s argumen t tha t th e metapho r o f slaver y ha s suc h a hol d o n African-American writers , critics , an d theorist s tha t i t cause s a conflatio n o f different mode s o f productio n an d domination , m y argument s abou t traum a suggest tha t slaver y i s " a mos t powerfu l 'absent ' presence " i n muc h mor e tha n a merely "forma l sense. " And yet , I would argu e tha t m y readin g i s also an d a t th e same tim e a n extensio n an d redirectio n o f thei r centra l concerns . M y focu s o n Ursa's action s a s narrator highlight s th e very question o f agency tha t a traumati c repetition seem s t o foreclose ; m y focu s o n Ursa' s an d Mama' s share d traumati c experiences implie s tha t th e material , social , an d politica l condition s unde r which th e traumati c repetitio n return s ar e o f crucial importance . Still, these comparison s sugges t tha t exclusiv e attentio n t o what traum a migh t mean i s necessar y bu t insufficient . Le t me , then , pos e certai n supplementar y questions t o thi s essay' s guidin g thread : "Wha t doe s i t mea n fo r Ne w Worl d history t o b e a histor y o f trauma? " "Wha t doe s i t mean"—t o whom , i n wha t conditions, circumstances , contexts ? Ca n i t mea n differently ? "Ne w Worl d history a s a histor y o f trauma"—traumati c fo r whom ? Wha t abou t multipl e traumas? Wha t make s on e kin d o f traum a (say , on e stemmin g fro m slavery ) more pressin g i n a give n tim e an d plac e (say , th e contemporar y Unite d States ) than others ? Wha t make s thi s on e mor e difficul t t o wor k through ? "Trauma " — what doe s i t mea n t o transfe r t o th e stud y o f slavery and colonialis m a paradig m that i s achievin g it s fulles t elaboratio n onl y throug h extensiv e interview s wit h Holocaust survivors ? Isn' t thi s kin d o f psychoanalyti c readin g o f th e histor y o f slavery politicall y an d intellectuall y regressive , no t t o mentio n idealist ? Doe s i t not conflat e th e analyti c scen e wit h th e scen e o f reading ? Thes e question s ask , in short , wha t i s at stak e i n readin g th e histor y o f slavery a s traumatic? 36 To sugges t th e directio n m y answer s t o thes e question s migh t follow , I wil l consider th e final question . Fo r on e thing , sayin g "trauma " help s u s respon d t o conservative attack s o n "th e languag e o f victimization " o r "th e claimin g o f 103

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victimhood status, " b y emphasizin g tha t on e doe s no t choos e t o experienc e a trauma, bu t instea d i s chose n b y it . T o th e kin d o f nonrespons e t o claim s fo r justice, lik e "fin d m e a n evi l individua l perpetrato r wit h maliciou s inten t and a completely innocen t victim ; then , an d onl y then , I'l l accep t tha t a n injustic e ha s taken place, " w e coul d respon d tha t on e i s no t a victi m o f trauma , on e i s a survivor o f trauma. 37 Furthermore, sayin g "trauma " allow s u s t o challeng e anothe r clich e t o whic h those wh o acknowledg e th e "pas t injustice " o f slaver y an d segregatio n ofte n retreat: "al l that' s past ; it' s ove r an d don e with ; pu t i t behin d you ; forge t abou t it." 38 I n return , w e shoul d emphasiz e tha t traum a i s abou t th e litera l return — the recurrenc e an d th e survival—o f a painful, catastrophi c even t o r experience . As Carut h put s it , "th e impac t o f th e traumati c even t lie s precisel y i n it s belatedness, i n it s refusal t o b e simply located, i n it s insisten t appearanc e outsid e the boundarie s o f an y singl e plac e o r time." 39 I n addition , ho w an d ho w wel l survivors liv e with th e painfu l reenactment s o f trauma ha s everythin g t o d o wit h the respons e o f those who were no t traumatized . Withou t som e form o f recogni tion an d respons e fro m others , " a doubl e trauma " take s place . As To m Keena n explains, "O n th e on e han d there' s a cataclysmi c event , whic h produce s symp toms an d call s fo r testimony . An d the n i t happen s again , whe n th e valu e o f th e witness i n th e testimon y i s denied , an d there' s n o on e t o atten d o r respond — not simpl y t o th e event , bu t t o it s witness a s well." 40 Keena n suggest s her e tha t calls t o forge t a traumati c even t o r t o "pu t i t behin d us " ca n b e retraumatizin g for th e survivors . Suc h call s als o mis s th e point : rathe r tha n bein g a problem o f a too-present , too-pressin g memory , traum a i s a proble m o f unclaime d experi ence an d a ga p i n memory . A s Dor i Lau b put s it , "th e traum a survivo r wh o i s bearing witnes s ha s n o prio r knowledge , n o comprehension , an d n o memor y o f what happened. " O r a s Mauric e Blancho t rigorousl y define s a traumati c event : "infinite inflictio n whic h doe s no t reac h u s i n th e present , bu t befall s b y linkin g us t o a pas t withou t memory. " So , i f a traumati c even t i s neve r presen t t o it s survivor, i f a traumati c histor y i s no t a matte r o f memory , ho w ca n we—o r anyone—gain acces s t o it? 41 Migh t attentio n t o traum a jeopardiz e th e genera tive tur n o f suc h fields a s blac k history , women' s history , an d labo r histor y t o discover, interpret , preserve , an d disseminat e th e trace s o f wha t ha s bee n ig nored, misrepresented , disavowed , repressed , silenced , an d obliterate d b y an d i n official histories ? As we have seen , Jones's protagonist , narrator , an d nove l bea r witness t o Ne w World histor y a s a histor y o f trauma . Tha t is , bot h narrato r an d nove l bea r witness t o a traumati c even t belatedly , a s a wa y o f comin g t o term s wit h th e fundamental "inaccessibilit y o f it s occurrence. " Carut h explain s th e parado x o f trauma a s follows: "sinc e th e traumati c even t i s not experience d a s it occurs , i t i s 104

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fully eviden t onl y i n connectio n wit h anothe r place , an d i n anothe r time . . . . [T]he histor y o f a trauma , i n it s inheren t belatedness , ca n onl y tak e plac e through th e listenin g o f another." A s she concludes , "Th e attemp t t o gai n acces s to a traumatic history , then , i s also th e projec t o f listening beyond th e patholog y of individua l suffering , t o th e realit y o f a histor y tha t i n it s crise s ca n onl y b e perceived i n unassimilabl e forms. " 42 Eve n i f th e projec t o f gainin g acces s t o a traumatic experienc e i s impossible , i t mus t stil l b e attempted , wit h others : "trauma open s u p an d challenge s u s t o a ne w kin d o f listening , th e witnessing , precisely, of impossibility." 43 But thi s i s a lesson tha t Gay l Jones ha s alread y taugh t us . At on e poin t i n th e novel, Mut t tell s Urs a abou t hi s grandfather , wh o ha d save d mone y a s a blacksmith an d bough t lan d fo r hi s family . But , a s Mut t continues , "Whe n Mama wen t int o th e courthous e t o clai m th e land , somebod y ha d tor e on e o f the page s ou t th e book . . . . Anyway, the y ain' t nothin g yo u ca n d o whe n the y tear th e page s ou t o f th e boo k an d the y ain' t n o recor d o f it . The y probabl y burned th e pages " (78) . Like the burnin g o f the slaver y archives i n Brazil , Mutt' s tale o f page s tor n ou t o f th e boo k i s th e centra l allegor y i n Corregidora fo r trauma, whic h destroy s bot h th e historica l recor d a s traditionall y understoo d and th e possibilit y fo r it s reconstruction . Thes e scene s allegoriz e no t onl y th e destruction o f the possibilit y o f referential history , bu t als o th e very disavowa l o f trauma b y other s tha t retraumatize s th e survivors . I n th e fac e o f thi s doubl e trauma, Mut t responds , "the y ain' t nothin g yo u ca n do, " bu t Jones' s project , like Ursa' s blue s testimony , reject s fatalis m i n th e fac e o f impossibility. A s Jones explains i n a n intervie w wit h Michae l Harper , " I don' t star t wit h th e answers , I start wit h th e telling , an d sometime s th e answer s com e ou t o f th e telling . . . . That's wha t we'r e al l lookin g for—th e word s an d th e form s t o accoun t fo r certain thing s tha t w e fee l nee d t o b e accounte d for." 44 Th e tellin g tha t Jone s refers t o her e mus t b e somethin g othe r tha n a simpl e record , o r recordin g o f experience; tha t tellin g mus t tak e plac e wit h a listener , wh o ha s a n equa l shar e in reclaimin g the unclaimable traumati c experience , s o that i t no longe r possesse s the on e wh o underwen t it . Felman' s descriptio n o f Mallarme' s poetr y applie s equally to th e way Jones's nove l attempt s t o "spea k beyond its means, to testify — precociously—to th e ill-understoo d effect s an d t o th e impac t o f a n acciden t whose origi n canno t precisel y b e locate d bu t whos e repercussions , i n thei r ver y unpredictable an d unanticipate d nature , stil l continu e t o evolv e eve n i n th e ver y process o f th e testimony." 45 Perhaps , then , wha t Corregidora finally doe s i s demonstrate th e necessit y o f readin g i f we ar e t o gai n acces s t o certai n kind s o f history. 46 Corregidora call s o n u s t o lear n t o liste n fo r an d rea d th e addres s tha t trauma survivor s struggl e to—an d canno t hel p but—establis h wit h us , wit h others. 105

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I close , then, wit h som e questions . What i f we were t o tak e seriousl y Debora h McDowell's invocatio n o f a "compulsio n t o repeat " a t wor k i n an d throug h th e contemporary historica l nove l o f slavery ? What i f we were t o tak e Haze l Carby' s wording—that th e absen t presenc e o f slaver y haunt s th e literar y imagination — at it s word ? Wha t i f ou r reading s o f th e wid e rang e o f African-America n responses t o slavery—antebellu m an d postbellu m slav e narratives , sermons , WPA interviews , autobiographies, politica l writings, poems , short stories , novels, drama, an d essay s (no t t o mentio n music)—wer e t o explicitl y engag e wit h an d transform recen t rethinking s o f trauma, testimony , an d witnessing? What if , tha t is, we were t o explor e th e traumati c dimension s o f slavery? NOTES

An earlie r versio n o f thi s pape r wa s presente d a t " 'The Negr o Problem' : 1895 — 1995," a graduat e studen t conferenc e a t Princeto n University , 3 Marc h 1995 . Thanks t o th e conferenc e participant s an d it s organizers, Judith Jackso n Fosset t an d Jeffrey Tucker ; t o Arnol d Rampersa d an d Wahneem a Lubian o fo r encouragin g m e to pursu e thi s project ; t o Dian a Fus s for puttin g m e on th e trac k o f trauma; t o Ann duCille fo r pointin g m e towar d importan t issue s an d articles ; t o Myche l Namph y for pushin g m e t o rethin k m y original tak e on th e blues; to Lawri e Balfour , Wend y Chun, Mik e Davis , Dian a Fuss , Ada m Gussow , Gavi n Jones , Thoma s Keenan , Tamara Ketabgian , Wahneem a Lubiano , Lis a Lynch , Kennet h Mostern , Claudi a Tate, an d Slavo j Zize k fo r thei r carefu l reading s an d constructiv e criticism s o f various drafts o f this paper; and t o Wendy Chu n fo r everything . 1. Haze l Carby , "Ideologie s o f Blac k Folk : Th e Historica l Nove l o f Slavery, " i n Slavery and the Literary Imagination, ed . Debora h E . McDowel l an d Arnol d Rampersad (Baltimore : Johns Hopkin s Universit y Press , 1989) , 125-26 . 2. Debora h E . McDowell, "Negotiatin g betwee n Tenses : Witnessing Slaver y afte r Freedom—Dessa Rose" i n Slavery and the Literary Imagination, ed . McDowel l and Rampersad, 144 , 160 . See also idem, "The Changing Same": Black Women's Literature, Criticism, and Theory (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1995), 141-55 . 3. Despit e the firestorm o f public controversy following the publication o f Corregidora and Eva s Man, an d a n initia l flurry of critical attention , mos t critic s have avoided a clos e engagemen t wit h Jones' s works ; o n thi s point , se e Madh u Dubey, "Gay l Jones an d th e Matrilineal Metapho r o f Tradition," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 20. 2 (winte r 1995) : 245-50 . Notabl e excep tions, whos e reading s hav e particularl y influence d m y own , includ e Madh u Dubey, Black Women Novelists and the Nationalist Aesthetic (Bloomington : Indiana Universit y Press , 1994) , 72-88; idem, "Gay l Jones an d th e Matrilinea l Metaphor"; Sall y Robinson, Engendering the Subject: Gender and Self-Representation in Contemporary Women s Fiction (Albany: Stat e University o f New York Press, 1991) , 134-87 ; Stel a Mari s Coser , Bridging the Americas: The Literature 106

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ofPaule Marshall, Toni Morrison, and Gayl Jones (Philadelphia: Temple Univer sity Press , 1994) , 120-63 . Fo r analyse s o f th e controversie s surroundin g blac k women's novel s o f th e 1970 s (an d beyond) , se e Ann duCille , "Phallus(ies ) o f Interpretation: Towar d Engenderin g th e Blac k Critica l % ' " Callaloo 16. 3 (summer 1993) : 559-73; McDowell, "The Changing Same," 118-37 . 4. I n formulatin g m y thesi s an d m y questio n i n thi s manner , I acknowledg e m y indebtedness t o Cath y Caruth' s absolutel y critica l work o n traum a an d history ; see Cath y Caruth , "Unclaime d Experience : Traum a an d th e Possibilit y o f History," Yale French Studies 79 (1991) : 182 , 185-9 2 (specia l issue , Literature and the Ethical Question, ed. Clair e Nouvet) ; Cath y Caruth , "Introduction, " American Imago 48.1 an d 48. 4 (sprin g an d winte r 1991) : 4-7, 9-1 1 (specia l issue, Psychoanalysis, Culture and Trauma, ed. Cathy Caruth) . 5. O n traum a an d Rodne y King , se e Avita l Ronell , "Video/Television/Rodne y King: Twelv e Step s beyon d th e Pleasur e Principle, " i n Cultures on the Brink: Ideologies of Technology, ed . Gretche n Bende r an d Timoth y Druckre y (Seattle : Bay Press, 1994) , 287 , 290-91 , 297-303 . Se e als o Rober t Gooding-Williams , ed., Reading Rodney King I Reading Urban Uprising (New York : Routledge , 1993). 6. Claudi a Tate , " Corregidora: Ursa' s Blue s Medley, " Black American Literature Forum 13 A (1979) : 141 ; Melvi n Dixon , Ride Out the Wilderness: Geography and Identity in Afro-American Literature (Urbana : Universit y o f Illinoi s Press , 1987), 108 , 110 , 111 ; duCille, "Phallus(ies ) o f Interpretation, " 567 ; Dubey , "Gayl Jone s an d th e Matrilinea l Metaphor, " 251 ; se e als o Melvi n Dixon , "Singing a Deep Song : Language a s Evidence i n th e Novel s o f Gay l Jones," i n Black Women Writers (1950-1980): A Critical Evaluation, ed. Mari Evans (Ne w York: Ancho r Press , 1984) , 239 ; Dubey , Black Women Novelists, 74. O n haunting and American literature more generally, see Kathleen Brogan , "American Storie s o f Cultura l Haunting : Tale s o f Heir s an d Ethnographers, " College English 57.2 (Februar y 1995) : 149-65 . 7. Caruth , "Introduction, " 3 , 417. Se e also Dor i Laub , "Bearin g Witness, O r th e Vicissitudes o f Listening, " i n Testimony: Crises of Witnessing in Literature, Psychoanalysis, and History (Ne w York : Routledge , 1992) , 67; Ka i Erikson , "Notes o n Traum a an d Community, " American Imago 48. 4 (winte r 1991) : 458. 8. Caruth , "Introduction, " 2-3 ; see also Bessel A. van der Kolk and Onn o va n der Hart, "Th e Intrusiv e Past : Th e Flexibilit y o f Memor y an d th e Engraving o f Trauma," American Imago 48.4 (winte r 1991) : 428-31, 437-38 . 9. Gay l Jones , Corregidora (1975 ; Boston : Beaco n Press , 1986) , 47. Hereafte r cited i n th e text parenthetically . 10. Dubey , "Gay l Jone s an d th e Matrilinea l Metaphor, " 252-53 . I n a n earlie r argument, Dube y make s thi s poin t explicitly : "Th e cyclic , repetitiv e structur e of th e matriarcha l narrativ e seem s t o imped e th e linea r forwar d movemen t o f the plot . A s Urs a trie s t o recove r fro m he r hysterectom y an d t o creat e a ne w 107

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story o f he r sexua l desire , th e ol d stor y o f th e Corregidor a wome n inexorabl y carries he r bac k int o th e past[, ] . . . giv[ing] ris e t o a n acut e sens e o f tempora l impasse." Dubey, Black Women Novelists, 82 . 11. Sigmun d Freud , Beyond the Pleasure Principle (1920), i n The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud (hereafter cite d a s SE), ed. and trans . James Strachey , i n collaboratio n wit h Ann a Freud , assiste d b y Alix Strachey an d Ala n Tyso n (London : Hogart h Press , 1953-74) , 18:13 . Othe r relevant passages in Freud's works include Beyond the Pleasure Principle, 12-17, 28-33; "Introductio n t o Psychoanalysis and the War Neuroses' (1919) , SE, 17:206-15; Moses and Monotheism (1939), SE, 23:66-68, 72-80 , 90-102 . Fo r brief overview s o f Freud' s vacillation s o n trauma , se e Caruth , "Introduction, " 7-8; van der Kolk and van der Hart, "Th e Intrusiv e Past, " 433-38. 12. Caruth , "Introduction, " 3 . 13. O n thi s point , se e Dor i Laub , "Trut h an d Testimony : Th e Proces s an d th e Struggle," American Imago 48.1 (sprin g 1991) : 77-80, 86 , 90 ; idem , "Bearin g Witness," 58, 65, 67-70. 14. Tate , "Corregidora: Ursa' s Blue s Medley, " 141 ; Robinson , Engendering the Subject, 160 ; Dubey , "Gay l Jone s an d th e Matrilinea l Metaphor, " 263 , 264 . See also Dixon, Ride Out the Wilderness, 113 ; duCille, "Phallus(ies ) o f Interpretation," 569 ; Dubey, Black Women Novelists, 84-86 . 15. Caruth , "Introduction, " 420 ; Shoshan a Felman , "Educatio n an d Crisis , Or th e Vicissitudes o f Teaching, " American Imago 48. 1 (sprin g 1991) : 27 . Se e als o Claude Lanzmann , "Th e Obscenit y o f Understanding : A n Evenin g wit h Claude Lanzmann, " American Imago 48.4 (winte r 1991) : 473-95. 16. Caruth , "Introduction, " 4 . 17. Fo r a discussion o f ol d ma n Corregidora' s name , se e Dixon , "Singin g a Dee p Song," 239 . I would ad d t o Dixon' s discussio n o f Portuguese tha t attentio n t o the meanin g an d connotatio n o f th e Spanis h ver b corregir (t o mark , grade , correct—in a wider, perhap s Foucauldia n sense , to discipline ) help s illuminat e Corregidora's textua l function . I n addition , "corregidor " come s u p i n a t leas t two othe r contexts : Der Corregidor (1896) , a n oper a b y Germa n compose r Hugo Wolf ; an d th e Philippin e islan d of f th e Bataa n Peninsula , sit e o f a traumatic defea t fo r th e U.S. military in earl y 1942 . 18. Gilbert o Freyre , The Masters and the Slaves: A Study in the Development of Brazilian Civilization, trans . Samue l Putna m (1933 ; Berkeley : Universit y o f California Press , 1986) , 301 . Critics generall y agre e tha t ol d ma n Corregidor a is fairl y representativ e o f Brazilia n slaveowners ; a t th e ver y least , hi s practice s with regar d t o female slave s were common (se e n. 21, below). For evidence tha t Jones wa s readin g historie s o f nineteenth-centur y Brazi l befor e an d durin g th e writing o f Corregidora, se e Rosean n P . Bell , "Gay l Jone s Take s a Loo k a t Corregidora—An Interview," in Sturdy Black Bridges: Visions of Black Women in literature, ed . Rosean n P . Bell , Betty e J . Parker , an d Beverl y Guy-Sheftal l (New York: Anchor Press , 1979) , 283-84. Coser argues that Corregidora should 108

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be read a s an interventio n i n th e historiograph y o f slavery {Bridging the Americas, 127-28). 19. Fo r an excellen t readin g of Jones's rearticulatio n o f legal discourses, see Dubey, "Gayl Jones and the Matrilineal Metaphor, " 253. 20. See , fo r example , Jerr y W . Ward , Jr. , "Escap e fro m Trublem : Th e Fictio n o f Gayl Jones, " i n Black Women Writers (1950-1980), ed . Evans , 255 ; Dubey , "Gayl Jone s an d th e Matrilinea l Metaphor, " 259-60 ; Coser , Bridging the Americas, 130-32. 21. Coser , Bridging the Americas, 132-36; Dubey , "Gay l Jones an d th e Matrilinea l Metaphor," 251 , 259—60; Robinson, Engendering the Subject, 152-54; se e also Freyre, The Masters and the Slaves, 454-56 . Still , the fact tha t Grea t Gra m ha d no othe r childre n afte r gainin g he r freedo m i n 188 8 suggest s tha t sh e was no t able to follow throug h o n her own strategy . 22. O n th e performativit y o f testimony , se e Felman , "Educatio n an d Crisis, " 17— 18, 27-28 , 34 , 54 , 64 ; Caruth , "Introduction, " 1-2 ; Shoshan a Felma n an d Dori Laub , forewor d t o Testimony, by Lau b an d Felman , xii-xvi , xx ; va n de r Kolk and van der Hart, "Th e Intrusiv e Past, " 446-51 . 23. Robinson , Engendering the Subject, 135; Dubey, "Gay l Jones an d th e Matrilin eal Metaphor," 249 , 255-58. For more on ambivalence , see Tate, " Corregidora: Ursa's Blue s Medley," 140 , 141 ; Dixon, "Singin g a Deep Song, " 241, 243-44; Keith Byerman , Fingering the Jagged Grain: Tradition and Form in Recent Black Fiction (Athens: Universit y o f Georgi a Press , 1985) , 178 ; Dixon, Ride Out the Wilderness, 113, 116-17 ; Coser , Bridging the Americas, 141-42 . Fo r place s where ambivalenc e i s explicitly thematize d i n th e novel , se e Jones, Corregidora, 102, 131 , 184. 24. Or , t o borro w fro m Gayatr i Spivak : "wha t wa s goo d i n strateg y ha s no w become a slogan, an d w e don' t loo k a t th e year s passing , th e situatio n chang ing." Gayatri Chakravort y Spivak , Outside in the Teaching Machine (Ne w York: Routledge, 1993) , 9. 25. Thi s i s no t t o sa y tha t suc h reading s downpla y th e pitfall s o f th e strategy ; se e Robinson, Engendering the Subject, 152 , 160 ; Dubey , "Gay l Jone s an d th e Matrilineal Metaphor, " 252-53 . Fo r implici t responses , se e Felman , "Educa tion an d Crisis, " 64 ; Caruth , "Introduction, " 10 ; Laub , "Trut h an d Testi mony," 85-86 , 90 . 26. Caruth , "Introduction, " 9 . See also Sigmund Freud, "Remembering , Repeating , and Working-Through " (1914) , SE, 12:150-56 ; Jacque s Lacan , The Four Fundamental Concepts of Psycho-Analysis, ed . Jacques-Alai n Miller , trans . Ala n Sheridan (Ne w York: Norton, 1981) , 53-64 . 27. Se e Caruth , "Introduction, " 10 ; idem , "Unclaime d Experience, " 183 , 187 , 189-92; Felman, "Educatio n an d Crisis, " 20-22, 35-37 , 56-58 . 28. Robinson , Engendering the Subject, 152. 29. Cite d i n Laub, "Bearing Witness," 64. 30. I n fact , i t i s onl y Ursa' s empathi c listenin g t o Mam a (111 , 122—23)—a s 109

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opposed t o Mutt' s silencin g o f Ursa' s testimon y an d Tadpole' s receptio n o f i t in silence—tha t allow s spac e fo r thi s kin d o f traumati c repetitio n t o emerge . See n. 40 , below, fo r variou s account s o f the responsibilitie s o f the listener, th e addressee, during the testimony . 31. Felman , "Educatio n an d Crisis, " 36. 32. Dixon , Ride Out the Wilderness, 112 ; Dubey , "Gay l Jones an d th e Matrilinea l Metaphor," 257-258 . A s Dube y recognizes , "Th e blue s voic e i n Corregidora does not express the full, self-present , unifie d subjec t affirme d i n black nationalist discourse." Dubey, Black Women Novelists, 85 . 33. Fo r contrastin g reading s o f thi s scene , se e Tate , "Corregidora: Ursa' s Blue s Medley," 141 ; Dixon, "Singin g a Dee p Song, " 240-41 , 244 ; idem , Ride Out the Wilderness, 112 , 117 ; Robinson, Engendering the Subject, 156-57, 164-65 , 187; duCille , "Phallus(ies ) o f Interpretation, " 568-69 ; Dubey , Black Women Novelists, 80-81 ; idem , "Gay l Jones an d th e Matrilineal Metaphor, " 250 , 258 59, 262-65 . Fo r Jones's ow n comment s o n th e novel' s ending , se e Bell, "Gay l Jones Take s a Loo k a t Corregidora," 285 ; se e als o Jones' s analysi s o f blues , repetition, an d closur e i n Liberating Voices: Oral Tradition in African American Literature (Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press , 1991) , 38-43 , 70-78 , 90 98, 151-60 . 34. Ther e stil l has been n o detaile d readin g of sexuality in Corregidora that engage s with Ga y and Lesbia n Studie s and quee r theory . Such a reading might begi n b y taking u p Michae l Warner' s critiqu e o f "repronarratives " ("Fea r o f a Quee r Planet," Social Text 29 [1991] : 3-17) an d b y analyzing Jones's historizatio n o f Ursa's homophobia . Urs a first hear s o f homosexualit y fro m Grea t Gram , wh o represents i t a s somethin g force d o n blac k women , associate d wit h whiteness , marital problems , infertility , insanity , disease , an d deat h (13 , 172) . Sinc e Urs a feels tainte d b y whiteness , ha s experience d marita l problem s centerin g o n se x and violence, has had t o deal with her own infertility , an d fears tha t her dream s might driv e he r insane , sh e ha s a particularl y phobi c respons e t o Jeff y an d Cat. Fo r som e perceptiv e commentar y o n sexualit y an d th e impossibilit y o f heterosexual desir e in Jones's works, see Dubey, Black Women Novelists, 76—78, 80-81, 87 ; idem, "Gay l Jones and the Matrilineal Metaphor," 257-59 . See also Gloria Wade-Gayles, No Crystal Stair: Visions of Race and Sex in Black Women's Fiction (Ne w York : Pilgrim , 1984) , 175 ; Robinson , Engendering the Subject, 165, 183-84 ; Coser, Bridging the Americas, 136-39. 35. O n Mut t an d Corregidora , se e Tate, "Corregidora: Ursa' s Blue s Medley," 141 ; Robinson, Engendering the Subject, 154—56, 160 ; Dubey , Black Women Novelists, 82-83 ; Coser , Bridging the Americas, 126-27. 36. Fo r mor e eloquen t an d compellin g formulation s o f thes e an d othe r questions , see, for example , Theodore Allen, The Invention of the White Race, vol. 1 , Racial Oppression and Social Control (New York : Verso , 1994) , 1-24 ; Judit h Butler , Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of "Sex" (New York : Routledge , 1993), 187-222 . Fo r obliqu e responses , se e Theodor e Adorno , "Wha t Doe s 110

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Coming t o Term s wit h th e Pas t Mean? " (1959) , trans . Timoth y Baht i an d Geoffrey H . Hartman , i n Bitburg in Moral and Political Perspective, ed . Geof frey H. Hartma n (Bloomington : Indiana University Press, 1986); Margot Gayl e Backus, " 'Looking fo r Tha t Dea d Girl' : Incest , Pornography , an d th e Capital ist Famil y Romanc e i n Nightwood, The Years, an d Tar Baby," American Imago 51.4 (winte r 1994) : 421-45 ; Jame s Snead , "Repetitio n a s a Figur e o f Blac k Culture," i n Black Literature and Literary Theory, ed. Henr y Loui s Gates , Jr . (New York: Methuen, 1984) , 38-57. 37. O n thes e points , se e Laub , "Trut h an d Testimony, " 78 ; Felman , "Educatio n and Crisis, " 34-37, 55-56 ; Caruth , "Introduction, " 9-11 . 38. Often , thi s kind o f move is combined wit h a stunning reversal , the assumptio n that an y attention t o issues of race or racism i s itself the worst form o f racism— a betraya l o f ideal s o f "color-blindness. " Beside s th e alread y classi c analyse s o f this phenomeno n b y Om i an d Winant , Balibar , an d Zizek , se e Avery Gordo n and Christophe r Newfield , "Whit e Philosophy, " Critical Inquiry 20. 4 (summe r 1994): 737-57 . Bu t thi s mov e ca n als o g o unaccompanie d b y racism ; see , fo r instance, Mutt' s variou s call s to "forge t th e past " (99 ) an d "Ge t thei r devil s of f your back . Theirs , no t yours " (61) . To th e immediat e lin k o f past an d presen t that traum a imposes , Mut t call s fo r a clea r separatio n o f identities : "w e ain' t them" (153) . Yet when suc h a move proves impossible for Ursa , Mutt responds with a reproach: "You Corregidoras, ain't you?" (61); "you on e of them" (154) . 39. Caruth , "Introduction, " 8 . O n th e temporalit y o f th e traumati c event , se e Felman an d Laub , foreword , xiv-xv ; Laub , "Bearin g Witness, " 57-59 , 65 ; idem, "Trut h an d Testimony, " 84 ; Caruth , "Introduction, " 4-8 , 10 ; Mauric e Blanchot, The Writing of the Disaster, trans . Ann Smoc k (Lincoln : University of Nebraska Press , 1986) , 6, 7, 14 , 17 , 28, 89. 40. Cath y Carut h an d Thoma s Keenan , " 'The AID S Crisi s I s No t Over' : A Conversation wit h Greg g Bordowitz , Dougla s Crimp , an d Laur a Pinsky, " American Imago 48.4 (winte r 1991) : 541. On th e responsibilitie s o f the listene r (the witness t o th e witness), th e establishmen t o f a n address , an d th e necessit y of working through th e trauma , se e in particula r Laub , "Bearing Witness," 57 63, 67-73 ; idem , "Trut h an d Testimony, " 78-82 , 84-86 , 89-90 ; Felman , "Education an d Crisis, " 53 , 67-71; Caruth , "Introduction, " 10-11 , 423 ; Eric Santner, Stranded Objects: Mourning, Memory, and Film in Postwar Germany (Ithaca: Cornel l Universit y Press , 1990) , 24-26 , 28-29 ; Erikson , "Note s o n Trauma an d Community, " 462—71 ; va n de r Kol k an d va n de r Hart , "Th e Intrusive Past, " 446-51 . 41. Laub , "Bearin g Witness," 58 ; Blanchot, The Writing of the Disaster, 25 . Again, I a m indebte d t o Cath y Caruth' s posin g o f thi s questio n an d th e answer s sh e offers (se e Caruth, "Introduction, " 417-23) . 42. Caruth , "Introduction, " 7 , 10 , 423. 43. Caruth , "Introduction, " 9 . Se e also Thomas Keenan , "Deconstructio n an d th e Impossibility o f Justice," i n Critical Encounters: Reference and Responsibility in 111

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Deconstructive Writing, ed. Cath y Carut h an d Debora h Esc h (Ne w Brunswick : Rutgers University Press, 1995) , 262-74 . 44. Michae l Harper , "Gay l Jones : An Interview, " i n Chant of Saints, ed. Michae l Harper an d Rober t Stept o (Urbana : Universit y o f Illinoi s Press , 1979) , 353 , 366. 45. Felman , "Educatio n an d Crisis, " 34. 46. O n thi s point, se e Ronell, "Video/Television/Rodne y King, " 299.

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Our languag e can b e seen as an ancient city : a maz e of littl e streets an d squares, of ol d an d ne w house s with addition s fro m variou s periods ; an d thi s surrounde d b y a multitud e o f ne w borough s wit h straigh t regular streets and uniform houses. —Ludwig Wittgenstei n

INTRODUCTION

No othe r stor y in the Bibl e has captured th e imaginatio n o f African-America n Christians th e wa y Exodu s has . The story' s accoun t o f bondage, th e trial s o f th e Wilderness, an d th e final entranc e int o th e Promise d Lan d resonate d withi n th e hearts an d mind s o f thos e wh o ha d experience d th e hardship s o f chatte l slaver y and racia l discrimination . Moreover , th e stor y demonstrate d th e deed s o f a Go d active i n history , a "Go d wh o lifte d u p an d cas t dow n nation s an d peoples , a God whos e sovereig n wil l was directin g al l thing s towar d a n ultimat e end , drawing goo d ou t o f evil." 1 Th e Exodu s story , i n som e wa y o r another , helpe d African-American Christian s mak e sens e o f thei r situatio n an d maintai n th e hope tha t on e da y the y would b e free .

EDDIE S . GLAUDE , JR .

But m y interes t i n Exodu s i s no t s o muc h t o provid e a n accoun t o f concep tions o f deliveranc e o r liberatio n i n religiou s terms—eve n thoug h th e stor y i s an exampl e o f a n ac t o f God . M y intentio n i s t o explor e th e politica l histor y o f Exodus, t o describ e th e way s th e story' s metaphor s becam e a source fo r politica l acts, an d th e manne r i n whic h i t wa s use d t o explicat e th e middl e passage , enslavement, an d quest s fo r emancipation . Fo r Exodu s canno t b e limite d t o a sacred tex t tha t ca n b e understoo d onl y i n religiou s language . Th e histor y o f th e story an d it s broa d applicatio n acros s a disparat e field o f politica l engagement s suggest tha t i t i s also a secular tale , a this-worldly, historica l accoun t o f resistanc e and, perhaps , revolution . SACVAN BERCOVITC H AN D TH E LANGUAG E O F NATIO N

Particular attentio n mus t b e give n t o th e alternativ e way s a concept o f natio n i s constructed withi n th e ritualize d activit y o f reading , interpreting , an d per forming th e Exodu s narrative . Withi n earl y African-America n politic s th e ide a of nation was used a s a means o f grounding commo n interest s i n a n understand ing o f America' s racia l hegemoni c order . Th e concep t a s constructe d throug h analogical reading s o f th e stor y o f Exodu s empowere d Africa n American s (al though i n limite d an d highl y negotiate d ways ) a s the y struggle d agains t slaver y and racism . An d i t i s a t thi s junctur e tha t broade r conception s o f natio n i n th e early Republi c provided , t o som e degree , th e vocabularie s o f African-America n constructions o f nation : fo r th e stor y o f Exodu s i s centra l t o th e imaginin g o f the American nation . Th e American Revolution , fo r example , was viewed b y th e colonists a s a politica l Exodus . Thi s rhetori c was inherited , i n larg e measure , from colonia l Ne w England , fro m Puritan s wh o imagine d thei r migratio n fro m the Ol d Worl d a s an erran d t o a New Canaan . According t o Sacva n Bercovitch , th e ide a o f erran d amon g th e Puritan s o f New Englan d encompasse d th e notion s o f migration, pilgrimage, an d progress. Each o f thes e wa s a n elemen t i n a n ideologica l mod e o f consensu s use d t o fill the need s o f a certai n socia l order . Migratio n suggeste d no t simpl y th e move ment fro m on e plac e t o another , bu t th e journey fro m a n Ol d Worl d t o a Ne w Canaan. Migratio n was prophetic. I t signale d th e coming o f the ne w millenniu m in th e bount y tha t was America, fo r th e Puritans ' clai m o f th e Ne w Worl d ha d been sanctione d i n th e promise s o f the Bible . The erran d a s pilgrimag e wa s broadl y conceive d a s a n inwar d journey , a march throug h th e Wildernes s o f one' s sou l t o God , o r a s Bercovitc h put s it , "the believer' s pilgrimag e throug h th e world' s wildernes s t o redemption." 2 Thi s aspect of the errand linke d individua l actio n t o a broader communit y o f concern . Thus, th e concep t o f pilgrimage promote d individualis m withou t th e possibilit y of anarch y b y groundin g th e communit y i n th e privat e acts o f th e wil l an d 116

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rooting persona l identitie s i n socia l enterprise. 3 Finally , erran d a s progress refer enced th e teleolog y inheren t i n th e biblica l stor y o f Exodus . Colonia l Ne w England "wa s movemen t fro m sacre d pas t t o sacre d future , a shiftin g poin t between migratio n an d millennium." 4 By th e tim e o f th e America n Revolution , th e ide a o f erran d a s migration , pilgrimage, an d progres s was n o longe r isolate d t o th e strang e musing s o f a religious communit y i n Ne w England . Thi s biblica l typolog y ha d melde d wit h republican idea s o f governmen t an d libert y an d aide d i n th e consolidatio n o f a national community . I n 1776 , Benjami n Frankli n an d Thoma s Jefferso n coul d not imagin e the natio n apar t fro m th e symbols of Exodus. Franklin, fo r example , suggested tha t th e sea l o f th e Unite d State s depic t Mose s standin g wit h hi s ro d in han d an d Pharaoh' s arm y drownin g i n th e Re d Sea . Jefferson offere d instea d the Israelite s marchin g throug h th e Wilderness . Two majo r events , accordin g t o Bercovitch , expande d thi s rhetori c beyon d the narro w confine s o f Purita n Ne w England . First , th e Grea t Awakenin g opened th e analog y o f Americ a a s th e Ne w Canaa n t o an y evangelical , Nort h and South , suc h tha t betwee n 174 0 an d 176 0 th e rhetori c o f erran d a s migra tion, pilgrimage , an d progres s was extende d t o ever y Protestan t American. 5 Second, th e Frenc h an d India n Wa r expande d thi s rhetori c eve n furthe r t o mobilize th e colonist , evangelica l o r not , t o fight agains t a n outsid e threa t an d to fortif y civi c institutions . Both o f these event s involve d what Bercovitc h see s as a general redefinitio n o f the self . O n th e on e hand , th e revival s o f th e Grea t Awakenin g loosene d an d enlarged th e Purita n concep t o f representativ e selfhoo d (a s expresse d i n th e concept o f errand a s pilgrimage) b y joining privat e enterpris e wit h incentive s fo r self-assertion, self-interest , an d self-love . O n th e othe r hand , th e Frenc h an d Indian Wa r "appeale d t o conscienc e an d self-interest , onl y to mak e thes e synon ymous wit h Protestan t patriotism , an d th e Protestan t caus e inseparabl e fro m th e rising glor y o f America." 6 I n bot h cases , a s i n th e Purita n us e o f th e rhetori c o f errand i n Ne w England , revivalis m an d wa r wer e a mean s t o creat e a socia l order; the y ushere d i n th e first ritual s o f intercolonia l unit y b y bindin g "th e rights o f personal ascen t t o th e rite s o f social assent." 7 In th e mid-nineteent h century , thes e symbol s o f erran d wer e reworke d a s America's Manifes t Destiny . America , th e Redeeme r Nation , was "popularl y conceived a s spreadin g th e blessing s o f democracy , fre e enterprise , an d Protes tantism acros s th e continent." 8 Th e rhetori c o f erran d lai d th e foundatio n fo r such imperialisti c acts : for th e stor y o f exodus , it s promis e o f land , an d th e ide a of chosenness justified, t o som e degree , th e conques t an d subordinatio n o f othe r people. In emphasizin g th e historica l development s an d transformation s i n th e rheto 117

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ric of errand, Bercovitc h detail s what h e consider s t o b e a developing ideologica l mode, th e "America n ideology. " Th e Grea t Awakening , fo r example , no t onl y marked a n expansio n o f a biblical vocabular y t o al l Anglo-American settlers , bu t also helpe d direc t th e energie s o f economi c growth. 9 Th e Frenc h an d India n War create d a kin d o f Protestan t patriotis m a s i t solidifie d th e newl y create d civic institution s o f th e colonists . Al l o f thi s contribute d t o th e rhetori c o f th e American Revolution . In thei r effort s t o contro l th e egalitaria n impulse s unleashe d b y th e Revolu tion, patrioti c Whig s use d th e ideolog y o f erran d a s a vehicle fo r socia l control . They characterize d othe r revolution s a s dangerous, anarchic , o r threat s t o societ y while describin g th e America n Revolutio n a s th e fulfillmen t o f prophecy , th e unfolding o f a divin e plan . Accordin g t o Bercovitch , th e ide a o f independenc e within thi s contex t gav e full sanctio n t o a n ideolog y o f consensus. Independenc e in an y othe r contex t threatene d th e stabilit y o f society . I n th e Unite d States , however, th e ide a o f independenc e "gav e a distinctive nationa l shap e t o th e ide a of progress." 10 The Purita n rhetori c of errand was transformed, fo r th e American Revolution marke d th e complet e separatio n o f the Ol d Canaa n fro m th e New.* * And th e mechanism s o f contro l tha t th e leader s o f th e Ne w Englan d faithfu l created wer e translate d int o " a rhetori c o f continuin g revolution"—wha t Ber covitch see s as an endurin g ideolog y fo r a liberal middle-clas s society. 12 By ideology Bercovitc h mean s "th e groun d an d textur e o f consensus—in thi s case [th e United States] , the system o f ideas inwoven int o th e cultural symbolog y through whic h 'America ' continue s t o provide th e terms of identity and cohesio n in th e Unite d States." 13 Thi s vie w i s extende d b y wha t Bercovitc h rightl y considers self-eviden t truths : that ther e i s n o escap e fro m ideology ; tha t s o lon g a s huma n being s remain politica l animals they will always be bounded i n some degree by consensus; an d tha t s o lon g a s the y ar e symbol-makin g animal s the y will alway s see k t o persuad e themselve s an d other s tha t i n som e sense , by relativ e measur e i f no t absolutely , th e term s o f their symbology ar e objective an d true14. 14 Here ideolog y i s understoo d a s necessaril y conservative . W e ar e caugh t withi n its network s and , i n som e significan t sense , w e continuousl y reproduc e it s intended meanings . But Bercovitc h suggest s tha t ideolog y i s no t merel y repressive . Fo r him , ideology work s bes t throug h voluntar y consent , "whe n th e networ k o f idea s through whic h th e cultur e justifies itsel f is internalized rathe r tha n imposed , an d embraced b y societ y a t larg e a s a system o f belief." 15 Th e reproductio n o f way s 118

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of livin g a s wel l a s th e productio n o f vocabularie s fo r imaginativ e acts occu r within it s frame. A s Bercovitch notes , ideolog y serve s "t o incit e th e imagination , to unleas h th e energie s o f reform , t o encourag e diversit y an d accommodat e change." 16 Ideology i s no t viewe d a s monolithic . Th e "America n ideology " is , rather , a rhetorical battleground, 17 a contex t fo r a variet y o f conflict s an d battle s ove r what i t means t o be American. Bu t Bercovitc h immediatel y qualifie s thi s view. I n the contex t o f th e Unite d States , ideolog y "ha s achieve d a hegemony unequale d elsewhere i n th e moder n world"; 18 suc h tha t i n spit e o f th e contradictor y outlooks, upheavals , an d discontinuity , th e "America n ideology " i s th e bes t example o f ideology's abilit y t o restric t differenc e an d releas e conflict . The transformatio n o f th e Purita n rhetori c o f erran d int o a rhetori c o f continuing revolutio n i s the sourc e o f thi s ideology . Th e symbolog y o f Americ a contained th e ac t o f migration , th e progres s fro m theocrac y t o republic , an d th e evidence o f prophec y i n th e pilgrimag e o f th e representativ e American. 19 I t represented th e complet e brea k fro m Ol d Israe l an d th e fulfillmen t o f prophec y with th e creatio n o f the Ne w Israel . With th e Revolution , Go d ha s show n tha t "TH E UNITE D STATE S OF AMERIC A ar e t o b e Hi s vineyard " — "the principa l Sea t o f [His ] glorious kingdom"—wherei n th e promise s o f th e pas t "ar e t o b e brought t o harvest," for "th e benefit o f the whole world." 20 One o f th e mai n point s her e i s als o th e mos t obvious , tha t Exodu s i s a n important stor y to th e cultural an d politica l beginnings—ideology , i f you will — of th e natio n o f th e Unite d States , s o muc h s o tha t mos t politica l event s ar e captured an d understoo d withi n it s narrative frame . W e al l know th e story . And , in som e significan t sense , i t i s our story . We ar e th e Ne w Israelites . That is , unles s yo u ar e black . Th e imag e o f Americ a a s th e Ne w Canaa n i s reversed within African-America n reenactment s o f the Exodu s story . We ar e stil l the New Israelites , but th e Unite d State s i s Egypt an d th e sea t of Pharaoh reside s in Washington , D.C . A s Vincent Hardin g notes , "on e o f th e abidin g an d tragi c ironies o f ou r histor y [i s that ] th e nation' s clai m t o b e th e Ne w Israe l wa s contradicted b y th e Ol d Israe l stil l enslave d i n he r midst." 21 Thi s contradiction , however, doe s no t diminis h th e fac t tha t th e stor y o f Exodu s is , i n som e respects, a national history . Exodu s remain s th e stor y an d histor y o f a people. It s analogical applicatio n withi n th e contex t o f African-America n politic s i n th e early nineteent h centur y (a s i n it s us e amon g whit e me n i n th e earl y republic ) amounts t o natio n building, 22 th e constructio n o f a corporat e identit y distinc t from ye t implicate d i n broade r conception s o f American identity . 119

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For Bercovitch , however , mor e genera l use s o f th e narrativ e i n th e Unite d States sidesteppe d th e proble m o f race . Th e Enlightenmen t rhetori c o f th e "people," althoug h centra l i n othe r nation-buildin g efforts , was recast within th e rhetoric o f th e continuin g revolution . Th e "people " wer e distinc t fro m th e "chosen people. " Thi s distinctio n allowe d fo r a n embrac e o f th e universa l impulses implici t i n th e levelin g concep t o f th e people 23 an d simultaneousl y enabled a n erasur e o f th e contradictio n o f tha t impuls e wit h th e presenc e o f slavery an d servitude . Th e contradictio n wa s ameliorate d "[t]hroug h th e ritual s of continuin g revolutio n [i n which ] th e middle-clas s leader s o f th e republi c recast th e Declaratio n t o read , 'al l propertied , white , Anglo-Saxo n male s ar e created equal. ' " 2 4 Thes e me n wer e th e chose n peopl e an d the y were representa tive Americans—not member s o f the people . Although implici t i n th e stor y o f Exodu s i s a national ambitio n i n whic h th e Israelites ar e i n searc h o f a definit e lan d base , a plac e wher e the y ca n exercis e self-determination, th e use s o f th e symbol s o f Exodu s withi n th e America n context, accordin g t o Bercovitch , ar e deploye d fo r othe r ends , mos t importan t of which i s the constructio n o f cultura l continuit y o r a mode o f consensus . Th e ritualization o f Exodu s i n th e Unite d State s sough t t o consolidat e a highl y stratified society : It serve d . . . a s always , t o blu r . . . discrepancies . . .. I t locate s th e sources o f social revitalization an d integration . I t help s explain ho w th e majority o f peopl e kep t th e fait h despit e thei r day-by-da y experiences . It remind s u s tha t althoug h th e concep t o f hegemon y involve s th e dialectics o f change , th e direction s o f chang e ar e i n tur n cruciall y affected b y th e term s o f hegemoni c constraint . An d i n thi s cas e th e effect wa s demonstrabl e i n th e wa y th e rhetori c o f consensu s molde d what wa s t o al l appearance s th e mos t heterogeneou s "people " i n th e world int o th e most monolithi c o f modern cultures. 25 As seen outside thi s consensus , however , mid-nineteenth-centur y Americ a was fraught wit h difference s an d conflicts . Racia l an d ethni c strif e an d economi c disparities wer e glarin g division s tha t pose d seriou s threat s t o U.S . society . Hence th e importanc e o f th e rhetori c o f consensus . I t was a wa y t o constrai n these difference s an d conflicts , a means t o shackl e dissent throug h thi s dominan t pattern o f belief . Bu t unlik e hi s earlie r qualification s o f wha t appeare d t o b e a monolithic vie w o f ideology , Bercovitc h suggest s her e tha t th e hegemon y o f "America" convert s dissen t int o restrain t an d collapse s all politica l expressio n into a n articulatio n o f consensu s o r simpl y a debat e a s t o th e meanin g o f America. 120

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Several problem s presen t themselve s whe n w e pus h Bercovitch' s arguments . First, althoug h h e claim s t o vie w ideolog y a s a rhetorica l battlegroun d i n whic h sometimes contradictor y position s coexist , Bercovitc h tend s t o conclude , mor e often tha n not , tha t ideolog y compresse s dissen t an d differenc e int o cultura l continuity, tha t it s mai n functio n i n th e Unite d State s i s th e productio n o f consensus. O n thi s view , th e hegemon y o f ideolog y i s to o stron g fo r cultura l dissent t o see p beyon d it s bounds . Thus , i n mos t o f hi s example s cultura l an d political dissen t merel y reinscribe s ont o th e socia l landscap e th e value s agains t which i t supposedl y speaks . Second , Bercovitch' s vie w tha t th e leader s o f th e American natio n sidesteppe d th e problem s o f th e Enlightenmen t rhetori c o f th e "people" wit h thei r abilit y t o defin e themselve s ideologicall y limit s th e scop e o f his analysis . H e argue s tha t th e "America n was no t (lik e th e Frenchma n o r th e Latin American ) a membe r o f 'th e people / H e stoo d fo r a missio n tha t wa s limitless i n effect , becaus e i t was limite d i n fac t t o a 'peculiar ' nation." 26 Th e view tha t th e experience s o f African American s ar e centra l t o wha t i t mean s t o be American , then , i s neve r take n seriously . Thes e peopl e ar e par t o f th e "people," maybe , bu t no t member s o f th e chosen people. Finally , Bercovitc h understands ritua l onl y i n term s o f form s o r strategie s o f cultura l continuity . The ultimat e goals of ritual i n th e context o f the Unite d State s are the resolutio n of conflict an d th e instillin g o f a dominant ideology . Wha t get s los t i n thi s vie w is any sense of ritual activit y as an aren a fo r th e negotiatio n o f power, tha t is , th e negotiation o f particula r relationship s o f domination , consent , and resistance . Bercovitch contends , fo r example , tha t th e way s th e symbolog y o f Exodu s functioned withi n mid-nineteenth-centur y Americ a sugges t tha t th e U.S . rheto ric of erran d i s more cultura l tha n national . Unlik e biblica l Hebrews , genealogy , geographic boundaries, an d a certain for m o f religious faith wer e not constitutiv e elements o f the American nationa l community . America was simply an extensio n of th e ide a o f mission , an d it s frontier s wer e ope n t o unlimite d expansion . I n this case , th e primar y us e of the stor y was to constrai n differenc e an d streamlin e social conflict . Each o f th e problem s mentione d earlie r ca n b e readil y see n i n thi s historica l formulation. Bercovitc h understand s ideolog y a s the mean s b y which a mode o f consensus i s produced , tha t is , a syste m o f idea s tha t provide s th e term s fo r identification an d nationa l cohesion . Th e primar y functio n o f ideology , then , i s the disciplinin g o f dissen t an d th e productio n o f cultura l continuity . I n mid nineteenth-century America , fo r example , th e mai n sourc e o f dissen t amon g U.S. renaissanc e writer s was th e guidin g ideolog y o f the earl y republic : It [th e ideolog y o f th e earl y republic ] ha d provide d a n impetu s t o revolution, a serie s o f ritual s o f cohesion , an d a rational e fo r th e 121

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political and social structures of nationhood. As the economy expanded , those structure s shifte d t o accommodat e ne w commercial interests . Bu t the cultura l continuitie s wer e to o strong , to o basic , fo r th e ideal s themselves to be discarded. They were the foundational truths , after all , of libera l democracy . S o th e earlie r rhetori c persisted , supporte d b y preindustrial tradition s an d regiona l agraria n communitie s tha t increas ingly contraste d wit h th e way s o f th e Jacksonian marketplace . And o n the groun d o f tha t opposition , America' s classi c writer s develope d a sweeping critique of the dominant culture. 27 The hegemon y o f th e "America n ideology " i s s o stron g tha t an y attemp t t o engage i n socia l criticis m reassert s th e hegemon y o f th e ideology . Bercovitc h discounts th e counterideological , fo r al l socia l an d cultura l critiqu e necessaril y emanates fro m a broader syste m o f idea s tha t provide s th e term s o f dissent ; an d more important , thes e critique s canno t "engag e i n processe s o f reflectio n o n th e values tha t generat e the m withou t a t th e sam e tim e bein g subsume d b y thos e values." 28 Seriou s socia l an d cultura l criticis m i s effectivel y trivialized . Sinc e w e cannot escap e th e "America n ideology, " wha t the n become s th e poin t o f socia l criticism? Also, Bercovitch' s suggestio n tha t th e U.S . rhetori c o f erran d i s more cultura l than nationa l doe s no t see m t o m e th e bes t wa y o f talkin g abou t th e use s o f Exodus: fa r bette r t o se e Exodu s a s bot h nationa l and cultural , a s a stor y tha t provides vocabularie s fo r ou r belief s a s wel l a s tool s fo r th e imaginin g o f ou r nation. Th e distinctio n require s Bercovitc h t o effectivel y bracke t th e proble m o f slavery an d th e ideologie s tha t surroun d th e peculia r institution , fo r nationa l and cultura l issue s intersec t i n th e earl y republic' s attemp t t o respon d t o th e pariahs o f slavery in a n officially egalitarian society . Bercovitch make s thi s distinctio n b y arguin g tha t th e leader s o f th e America n nation sidesteppe d th e Enlightenmen t rhetori c o f th e "people. " B y definin g themselves an d consolidatin g powe r ideologically—throug h th e mobilizatio n and deploymen t o f th e rhetori c o f continuin g revolution—middle-clas s whit e males were abl e t o marginaliz e group s o f people an d generate , i n th e process , " a conformist spiri t tha t foreig n observer s terme d a 'tyrann y o f th e majority, ' " 2 9 or what h e term s a tyranny o f culture . In Bercovitch' s view , th e rhetorica l deploymen t o f thi s ideolog y avoid s th e pitfalls o f th e Exodu s stor y an d moder n nationalism . Again , unlik e th e biblica l Hebrews, genealog y an d geograph y were not constitutiv e element s o f the American nationa l community . Instead , th e sacrednes s o f the "continuin g errand " was the centra l vehicl e fo r th e nationa l consolidatio n o f th e communit y o f th e faithful. Bu t surel y th e presenc e o f enslave d blac k bodie s make s genealog y a 122

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central elemen t i n th e constructio n o f consensus , fo r th e wor d "white " acquire s significance onl y withi n th e contex t o f America' s racia l order . Th e ide a o f chosenness i s racialized , suc h tha t member s o f th e chose n peopl e ar e delineate d or distinguishe d fro m thos e wh o ar e no t chosen . Thus , a sor t o f genealogica l effort usuall y associate d wit h nationalis m i s present , eve n i n it s conspicuou s absence, within th e broade r ideologica l mov e t o se e the Unite d State s a s the ide a of mission brough t u p t o date. 30 Moreover, th e ide a o f individua l dignit y an d equalit y i n th e Unite d States , s o central t o th e politica l structur e o f th e nation , canno t b e understoo d apar t fro m an extrem e for m o f servitude. I n othe r words , th e meanin g o f individua l dignit y and equalit y i n th e Unite d State s ca n b e graspe d onl y i n ligh t o f it s denial . I n Judith Shklar' s account , slaver y ha s bee n th e centra l trop e i n America' s politi cal—and, I woul d add , cultural—imagination . I t constituted , i n on e sense , a collectivity—propertied, white, Anglo-Saxo n Protestan t males—tha t under stood itsel f ove r an d agains t a subjugate d other . Thi s vocabular y o f exclusio n based o n notion s o f "us " and "them, " group s o f persons a s opposed t o individu als, is present fro m th e beginnin g o f America's birth . Shkla r states , What ha s been continuou s i s a series of conflicts arisin g from endurin g anti-liberal disposition s tha t hav e regularl y asserte d themselves , ofte n very successfully, agains t th e promise o f equal political right s containe d in th e Declaratio n o f Independenc e an d it s successors , th e thre e Civi l War amendments . I t i s becaus e slavery , racism , nativism , an d sexism , often institutionalize d i n exclusionar y an d discriminator y law s an d practices, hav e bee n an d stil l ar e arraye d agains t th e officiall y accepte d claims of equal citizenshi p tha t ther e is a real pattern t o b e discerned i n the tortuou s developmen t o f American idea s o f citizenship . I f ther e i s permanence here , it is one of lasting conflicting claims. 31 The questio n Shkla r raise s so skillfully i s this: is racial inequality bes t understoo d as a violation o f American commitmen t t o politica l equalit y o r i s it a fundamen tal aspect o f it? She suggests th e latter. Fro m th e beginning , th e ide a of the racial group, notwithstandin g th e peculia r use s o f Exodus , ha s bee n presen t (an d hegemonic) i n th e "American " nation . One o f th e ironie s o f Bercovitch' s clai m o f th e absenc e o f genealog y an d geography i s hi s seemingl y naiv e complicit y i n th e rhetori c o f consensus . Al though h e desire s t o unmas k th e operation s o f th e America n ideology , Berco vitch, a s h e woul d readil y admit , i s subsume d b y it s terms , blindnesses , an d prejudices. I n particular , hi s analysis o f th e difference s betwee n America n na tionalism an d th e nationalism s i n th e res t o f Europe border s o n a n argumen t fo r 123

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American exceptionalis m or , a t least , repeat s th e ol d clai m tha t ou r nationalis m is goo d (eve n unde r critique ) an d mos t other s ar e bad . I n short , hi s effort s t o distinguish th e rhetori c o f consensu s tur n o n him . Th e analyse s o f French , German, an d Russia n nationalism , fo r example , describ e th e usua l ba d trait s o f European nationalism , al l of which ar e absent in America's rhetori c of consensus: [U]nder th e peculia r circumstance s o f th e ne w republic—circum stances tha t include d extraordinar y resource s o f territory , economi c abundance, an d politica l leadership , a s wel l a s a burgeonin g cultura l symbology—the syste m tha t emerge d expresse d an increasin g harmon y between th e ideologica l an d experientia l dimension s o f moder n libera l society (mora l standards , principle s o f government , form s o f desire , incentives o f constraint) . Her e only , accordingly , o f al l ne w nation s i n 1800, th e invocatio n o f th e pas t actuall y enhance d th e value s o f prog ress. Her e only , o f al l th e hopefu l Ne w Worl d republic s i n 1820 , th e concept o f independenc e fostere d indigenou s communa l bonds . An d here only , o f al l modernizin g Wester n nation s i n 1840 , th e value s o f newness and o f tradition wer e made to correspond. 32 On th e heel s o f thi s sermoni c repetition , Bercovitc h return s t o wha t make s al l of this possible and t o tha t which distinguishe s th e American natio n fro m others : the fac t tha t thi s was a culture boun d b y an extraordinar y ideologica l hegemony , a liberal-symbolic syste m o f thought. 33 This hegemony , o f course , i s maintaine d b y a ritual o f consensus . Bercovitc h understands ritua l i n it s broades t sens e a s th e "form s an d strategie s o f cultura l continuity." O n thi s view , ritua l function s solel y a s a matte r o f transmittin g shared belief s o r instillin g a dominant ideology . Catherin e Bell' s reconceptualiza tion o f ritual , however , offer s a view o f ritua l a s a n aren a fo r th e negotiatio n o f power. Ritua l activity , accordin g t o Bell , canno t b e limite d t o th e maintenanc e of America n hegemony , fo r "ritua l symbol s ar e to o indeterminat e an d . . . flexible t o len d themselve s t o an y simpl e proces s o f instillin g fixed ideas." 34 A s such, ritua l activit y entail s numerou s qualification s o f th e complexit y o f American micr o relations o f power . But fo r Bercovitc h th e ritualizatio n o f ideolog y i n th e Unite d State s seem s t o function onl y a s a mod e o f consensus . Thus , hi s analysi s track s thos e instance s where ideolog y work s an d maintain s th e statu s quo . Hi s vie w o f ritua l i n effec t limits th e scop e o f hi s analyti c tools . Everythin g become s ritualize d instance s o f this broade r American ideologica l complex . As Giles Gun n notes , What get s los t i n thi s blanke t applicatio n o f ideologica l categorie s t o social practice s i s an y sens e eithe r tha t ideologie s functio n i n differen t 124

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ways i n differen t circumstances—th e gospe l o f ante-bellu m souther n evangelicalism t o "preac h libert y t o th e captives " mean t on e thin g t o white Christian s an d anothe r t o black—o r tha t the y ar e sometime s divided within an d agains t themselves. 35 For Bercovitch , i n hi s les s carefu l moments , al l rhetorica l act s o f criticis m conform t o a ritua l o f consensu s i n tha t th e issue s o f debat e ar e restricted , symbolically an d substantially , t o th e meanin g o f America. 36 Hi s positio n allow s little roo m fo r understandin g ritua l activit y a s a n aren a i n whic h resistanc e actually occur s (althoug h i n highl y limite d an d mediate d ways) . A s ritualize d agents we ar e merely caugh t withi n th e coerciv e webs o f our ideologica l beliefs . R A C E A N D T H E L A N G U A G E O F NATIO N

An exampl e o f th e differen t way s ideolog y function s i n th e Unite d State s i s bes t illustrated, I believe, in African-American use s of Exodus. I n th e early nineteent h century, fo r example , a concep t o f a blac k nation , constructe d throug h th e us e of Exodu s symbology , was use d i n th e politica l rhetori c o f man y African American leaders . Th e existenc e o f thi s nationa l communit y was imagine d i n the imag e o f character s an d event s foun d i n th e Exodu s story , suc h tha t th e national ques t o f Israel becam e a n analo g fo r th e aspiration s an d aim s o f Africa n Americans. Thi s imagine d communit y stoo d a s a for m o f critiqu e o f America n society fo r betrayin g it s ideal s a s wel l a s a mean s fo r positiv e self-identificatio n among blacks . In man y ways, it was on e o f the majo r form s o f resistance t o earl y nineteenth-century claim s o f African-American inferiority . B y analogy, black s i n the Unite d State s wer e th e childre n o f God , th e chose n people , an d a peculia r (perhaps holy ) nation ; thus , th e freedo m o f th e Israelite s was linke d wit h th e eventual liberatio n o f blacks i n th e Unite d States . Although th e term s o f thi s dissen t dre w o n a broade r rhetori c o f chosennes s and, even , continuin g revolution , the y functione d differentl y i n th e contex t o f the struggl e agains t slaver y an d racia l discrimination . Unlik e th e biblica l He brews an d th e "white " leader s o f th e earl y republic , Africa n American s i n th e early nineteent h centur y wer e no t primaril y concerne d wit h usin g Exodu s t o mark ou t th e famil y (blood ) tie s o f fellow s o r th e acquisitio n o f land . Th e construction o f a community o f persons with certai n mora l an d civi c obligation s or dutie s t o tha t communit y was mor e important , fo r th e realit y o f slaver y an d the precariou s natur e o f freedo m i n th e Unite d State s demande d a mora l alertness an d vigilanc e amon g African American s o f the period . I d o no t wan t t o sugges t tha t rac e was unimportan t fo r Africa n American s i n the earl y nineteenth century . I n som e respects , a n ide a o f social solidarity amon g individuals wh o happene d t o b e blac k wa s impossibl e withou t th e experience s and relationship s o f rac e tha t thes e individual s hel d i n common . Eve n so , 125

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African-American use s of race i n th e earl y nineteenth centur y were no t base d o n any essentialis t understandin g o f th e concept . Rac e languag e was a too l fo r grounding a se t o f commo n experience s i n th e struggl e agains t slaver y an d American racism . Likewise , natio n languag e withi n thi s contex t wa s a wa y o f grounding thes e commo n experience s i n a n understandin g o f America' s racia l hegemonic order . A s such , bot h term s wer e sign s tha t capture d a rang e o f possibilities fo r Africa n Americans . From abou t 180 0 t o th e earl y 1840 s African American s generall y understoo d nation languag e i n thes e terms : the sens e o f peoplehood tha t emerge d a s persons drew o n biblica l typology . Thi s constructio n o f a communa l identit y di d no t rely o n an y biologica l conceptio n o f th e racia l sel f (genealogy) . Mos t Africa n Americans o f this perio d di d no t inves t rac e with an y intrinsi c value. 37 Rac e was solely th e resul t o f environmenta l factor s an d provide d n o indicatio n o f th e capacities o f individuals o r group s o f people. Eve n thos e who sough t t o leav e th e country di d s o no t s o muc h ou t o f a desir e t o acquir e lan d (geography ) fo r a distinctive people , bu t rathe r a s a n effor t t o escap e th e hardship s o f America n life. Th e earl y emigrationists, fo r example , avoide d racia l an d stat e language. 38 By th e mid-1840 s th e metaphor s o f Exodu s ha d sedimente d a s th e predomi nant politica l languag e o f Africa n Americans . Ove r a perio d o f years , th e analogy had diffuse d int o th e popular consciousnes s o f black America. The ritua l employment o f bondage , liberation , an d nationhoo d ha d bee n elaborated : th e middle passage , slavery , an d effort s t o achiev e freedo m wer e no w understoo d within th e narrativ e fram e o f bondage , th e Wilderness , an d th e Promise d Land . Exodus, i n effect , was n o longe r th e stor y o f Israe l bu t a n accoun t o f African American slaver y an d eventua l deliverance . Th e narrativ e wa s th e taken-forgranted context fo r an y discussio n o f slavery and freedom . Several events led to this broad diffusio n o f the symbology of Exodus through out earl y nineteenth-centur y blac k America . Her e I wan t t o not e briefl y th e historical event s an d transformations , specificall y th e Secon d Grea t Awakening , the developmen t o f independen t blac k churches , an d th e formin g o f th e first "race" newspaper , tha t deepened , i n m y view , th e vocabularie s o f Exodu s i n black politica l rhetori c i n th e beginnin g o f the nineteent h century . The Grea t Awakenin g betwee n 174 0 an d 176 0 extende d th e metaphor s o f Exodus t o an y evangelica l i n th e Nort h an d South . Thi s include d Africa n Americans wh o embrace d Christia n doctrine , fo r th e evangelica l revival s o f thi s period wer e attende d b y whit e an d blac k alike . Mor e important , however , th e revivals betwee n 177 0 an d 1820—th e Secon d Grea t Awakening—yielde d a more extensiv e embrac e o f Christia n doctrin e withi n blac k populations , Nort h and South , an d thu s a broade r expansio n o f th e symbolog y o f Exodu s amon g African Americans : 126

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The emotionalis m o f the revivals encouraged th e outward expressio n o f religious feeling. . . . The analogy between African an d evangelical styles of worship enable d th e slave s [an d free ] t o reinterpre t th e ne w religio n by reference t o the old, and so made this brand o f Christianity seem less foreign tha n tha t o f th e mor e liturgicall y sedat e Churc h o f England. 39 The familiarit y o f worship i n thes e revivals coupled with a n initia l condemnatio n of slaver y amon g Baptist s an d Methodist s le d t o a n unprecedente d numbe r o f conversions t o Christianit y amon g blacks . The frequen t us e o f th e Exodu s stor y in thes e revival s onl y furthere d it s entrenchmen t withi n a developin g blac k political culture . Within thes e evangelica l movements , churche s wer e conceptualize d a s socie ties of people who wer e capabl e o f changing thei r ow n lives . As such, revivalism , to som e degree , provide d it s participant s wit h th e mean s t o asser t contro l ove r 40 their lives , an d fo r thos e wh o wer e lost , t o regai n som e sens e o f direction . Within th e contex t o f America n slaver y an d racia l discrimination , thi s vie w i n the hands o f blacks proved significan t i n th e developmen t o f a corporate identit y and a politica l culture . Particularly , th e "willingnes s o f evangelica l churche s t o license blac k me n t o exhor t an d preach " resulte d i n blac k preacher s pastorin g t o their ow n an d lai d th e foundation s fo r independen t blac k churches , institution s that wer e th e hear t o f free blac k communities : In al l denominations , th e blac k churche s forme d th e institutiona l cor e for th e developmen t o f fre e blac k communities . Moreover , the y gav e black Christian s th e opportunit y t o articulat e publicl y thei r ow n visio n of Christianity , whic h stoo d i n eloquen t testimon y t o th e existenc e o f two Christian Americas. 41 These institution s provide d Africa n American s wit h a forma l basi s t o asser t a cultural an d communa l identity , an d on e o f th e mai n vocabularie s fo r it s expression was foun d i n th e symbolog y o f Exodus . Th e metaphor s o f Exodu s were combine d wit h th e rhetori c o f the American Revolution , suc h tha t idea s o f freedom an d libert y constitute d powerfu l rhetorica l tool s i n th e struggl e t o en d slavery and racia l discrimination . Although independen t blac k churche s emerge d i n th e Sout h befor e 180 0 an d influenced th e socia l an d cultura l live s o f blac k slaves , m y focu s i s primaril y o n the developmen t o f independent blac k churche s i n th e North . Fo r example , th e African Methodis t Episcopa l (A.M.E. ) Church , founde d i n 181 6 afte r a series o f conflicts wit h whit e Methodist s i n Philadelphia , playe d a crucia l rol e i n th e process o f politica l an d socia l self-definitio n amon g Africa n Americans . Th e 127

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achievement o f institutiona l independenc e an d th e effor t towar d ecclesiastica l self-definition amon g blac k Methodists carrie d ove r int o th e politica l spher e an d marked th e "firs t effectiv e strid e towar d freedo m amon g African Americans." 42 The effort s o f blac k Methodist s wer e understoo d no t a s evidence o f doctrina l differences amon g Methodist s bu t a s a commentary o n th e ubiquit y o f racism i n American society : Unlike most sectarian movements, the initial impetus for blac k spiritual and ecclesiastica l independenc e wa s not grounde d i n religiou s doctrin e or polity , bu t i n th e offensivenes s o f racia l segregatio n i n th e churche s and th e alarmin g inconsistencie s betwee n th e teaching s an d th e expression o f th e faith . I t wa s readil y apparen t tha t th e whit e churc h ha d become a principal instrumen t o f the political and social policies under girding slaver y an d th e attendan t degradatio n o f th e huma n spirit . Against this the black Christians quietly rebelled, and th e Black Churc h emerged a s the symbol an d th e substance of their rebellion. 43 In man y ways , independen t blac k churche s wer e th e mai n site s fo r debat e ove r the problems facin g blac k communitie s an d th e crucia l vehicles fo r th e construc tion o f a national sens e o f identity . Th e fac t tha t thei r struggle s fo r institutiona l independence emerge d ou t o f struggles agains t racis m i n genera l connecte d thei r specific achievement s wit h broade r quest s fo r freedo m an d liberty . Between 177 0 an d 182 0 Africa n American s i n th e North , a s evidence d i n their participatio n i n th e Secon d Grea t Awakenin g an d th e formatio n o f inde pendent blac k churches , imbibe d th e symbolog y o f Exodu s primaril y throug h religious experiences . I t i s durin g thi s perio d tha t a distinctiv e sens e o f grou p consciousness evolve d o r too k shap e amon g Norther n blacks , situatin g indepen dent blac k churche s a t th e cente r o f a developing blac k politica l culture . Fo r th e establishment o f blac k churche s an d benevolen t societie s gav e th e rac e it s first 44 organized voice . In th e lat e 1820s , however , th e formatio n o f th e first blac k newspape r gav e added impetu s t o th e nationa l formatio n o f Africa n Americans . Samue l E . Cornish, a Presbyterian clergyman , an d John Russwurm , a graduate o f Bowdoi n College, founde d th e Freedom's Journal. Th e newspape r intende d t o addres s th e problems face d b y black s i n th e Nort h a s wel l a s tackl e misrepresentation s o f their communit y b y whites. Their goa l was to mak e ou r Journal a medium o f intercourse betwee n ou r brethre n i n the differen t state s o f thi s grea t confederacy ; tha t throug h th e column s an expressio n o f ou r sentiments , o n man y interestin g subject s whic h 128

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concern us , may be offered t o th e publick; tha t plan s which apparentl y are beneficia l ma y b e candidl y discusse d an d properl y weighed ; i f worthy, receive d ou r cordia l approbation ; i f not, ou r marke d disappro bation.45 This effor t als o include d seriou s attentio n t o thos e wh o wer e i n bondage . Cornish an d Russwur m viewe d black s i n th e Sout h a s kindred soul s an d offere d the column s i n th e Freedom's Journal to promot e sympath y an d actio n fo r thos e held i n slavery . What i s interesting abou t Cornis h an d Russwurm' s effor t i s not th e succes s o f the Freedom s Journal (th e newspape r wa s short-lived) , bu t rathe r th e possibilit y of a n imagine d communit y th e conventio n o f th e newspape r enables . Th e editors intende d th e newspape r t o b e a vehicl e fo r debat e an d conversatio n among fellow s abou t th e problem s o f th e race . The y include d i n th e pape r various event s fro m differen t part s o f th e countr y an d th e world . Wha t con nected thes e event s t o eac h other ? What allowe d thei r juxtaposition ? Following Benedic t Anderson , I argu e tha t th e inclusio n o f a variety of event s in th e newspape r doe s no t merel y demonstrat e th e shee r capriciousnes s o f th e editors, bu t instea d show s tha t th e linkag e betwee n thes e event s i s imagined. 46 This imagine d linkag e derive s fro m tw o relate d sources : calendrica l coincidenc e and th e relationshi p betwee n th e newspape r an d th e market . Th e ide a o f calendrical tim e allow s th e event s t o b e discusse d simultaneously . Th e dat e a t the to p o f th e newspape r suggest s a commonalit y betwee n th e event s an d th e steady progressio n o f moder n time. 47 Event s ar e continuousl y happenin g i n th e world. Eve n a s th e newspape r print s account s o f th e problem s o f racis m an d slavery in th e Unite d State s o n a set dat e i n th e year , thes e occurrence s continu e even whe n th e pape r n o longe r report s abou t them . "Th e novelisti c forma t o f the newspape r assure s [us ] tha t somewher e ou t ther e th e 'character ' . . . move s along quietly, awaitin g it s next appearanc e i n th e plot." 48 The newspapers ' relationshi p t o th e marke t call s our attentio n t o th e fac t tha t newspapers are , i n Anderson' s words , extrem e form s o f th e book . The y ar e books sol d o n a colossa l scale. Th e mas s productio n o f th e newspape r the n enables th e mas s consumptio n o f th e event s organize d withi n th e newspaper : The significanc e o f this mass ceremony—Hegel observe d tha t newspa pers serv e moder n ma n a s a substitut e fo r mornin g prayers—i s para doxical. I t i s performe d i n silen t privacy , i n th e lai r o f th e skull . Ye t each communicant i s well aware that the ceremony he performs i s being replicated simultaneousl y b y thousands (o r millions) o f others o f whose existence h e i s confident, ye t o f whose identit y h e ha s no t th e slightes t 129

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notion. Furthermore , thi s ceremon y i s incessantl y repeate d a t dail y o r half-daily interval s throughout th e calendar. What mor e vivid figure for the secular , historicall y clocked , imagine d communit y ca n b e envi sioned?49 The dail y consumptio n o f th e newspape r produce s a genuin e sens e o f commu nity amon g fellow s wh o woul d otherwis e kno w littl e abou t on e another . The "race " newspape r aide d i n th e broa d diffusio n o f th e symbolog y o f Exodus amon g African Americans . The pape r printed sermons , political treatises , debates ove r emigration , an d eve n festival s tha t use d th e story' s metaphor s a s rhetorical device s t o struggl e agains t racia l discriminatio n i n th e Nort h an d th e institution o f slavery in th e South . Fo r example , reprinte d sermon s tha t dre w o n the symbolog y o f Exodus—emphasizing th e narrativ e structur e o f th e stor y an d its movemen t fro m beginnin g t o end—spok e o f freedo m promise d i n Canaa n and deploye d th e imag e o f Egypt t o cautio n agains t mora l an d civi c backsliding . The mas s consumptio n o f thes e column s b y literat e Africa n American s allowe d for a fellowshi p i n anonymit y an d a participation , psychica l o r physical , i n th e ritualization o f th e Exodu s story . Thi s effec t o f th e newspape r alon g wit h th e events o f th e Secon d Grea t Awakenin g an d th e formatio n o f independen t blac k churches lai d th e foundatio n fo r th e us e o f natio n languag e i n earl y nineteenth century blac k politica l culture .

But th e 1840 s marke d th e beginning s o f a decisive shif t i n th e politica l languag e of African Americans . Th e discordan t wave s o f Jacksonian democrac y tha t ha d already mad e thei r wa y int o blac k enclave s i n th e Nort h joine d wit h th e ne w science o f race. 50 Environmenta l an d biblica l account s o f racia l difference s wer e now unde r constan t attack . A s a resul t o f th e seemingl y concret e findings o f phrenology an d ethnology , African American s wer e see n a s intrinsically differen t and, fo r some , inherentl y lackin g i n certai n mora l an d menta l capacities . Al though African American s responde d t o thes e findings wit h thei r own ethnologi cal an d biblica l accounts, 51 man y assume d th e validit y o f a portion o f th e claim : race has intrinsi c value. The differen t way s th e languag e o f rac e wa s embrace d affecte d th e us e o f th e word "nation. " Th e ide a o f natio n amon g Africa n American s i n th e earl y nineteenth centur y wa s mainl y rhetorical. 52 Th e wor d wa s no t use d t o indicat e something tha t actuall y existe d i n th e world , a sor t o f nonmoral , descriptiv e statement abou t a thin g tha t coul d eithe r b e tru e o r false . Instead , natio n language was a mean s o f groundin g a se t o f commo n experience s an d relation ships i n a n effor t t o comba t America n racism . An d th e broade r cultura l patter n 130

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of Exodu s symbolog y i n th e Unite d State s provide d th e vocabular y fo r under standing an d negotiatin g America' s racia l hegemoni c order . Th e ide a o f a blac k nation, then , wa s achieve d b y dramati c reenactmen t o f th e deliveranc e o f th e nation o f Israe l and , subsequently , a kin d o f inversio n o f America' s imagine d community—the Ne w Israe l containe d th e Old . African Americans ' rhetorica l us e o f natio n i n th e earl y nineteent h centur y was ambiguou s o r "fuzzy. " "I t di d no t clai m t o represen t o r exhaus t al l the layer s of selfhood o f it s member s . . . [nor ] . . . did [it ] requir e it s members t o as k ho w many o f the m wer e i n th e world. " 53 Th e concep t was use d onl y fo r "practica l purposes o f socia l interaction." 54 Remembe r tha t race , durin g thi s period , ha s no intrinsi c value ; i t i s onl y a nam e fo r environmenta l effect s an d a mean s fo r mobilizing person s (wit h a variet y o f allegiances ) t o struggl e agains t America n racism. However, th e concep t o f natio n i n mid-nineteenth-centur y blac k Americ a was rhetorica l an d nonrhetorical . Earl y conception s o f th e nationa l commu nity—ideas generate d throug h th e readin g an d ritualizatio n o f th e stor y o f Exodus—stood alongsid e nonrhetorica l account s o f nationalit y an d th e ne w racial science . Indeed , natio n was defined i n term s o f genealog y an d geography . No longe r wa s th e ter m simpl y use d t o groun d a se t o f commo n experience s and relationship s i n a n understandin g o f America' s racia l order . Instead , rac e and natio n joine d t o signa l a n objectiv e entity , tha t which , i f i t di d no t already exist, should exist i n th e world . But th e us e o f th e Exodu s stor y amon g Africa n American s survive d th e pul l of racial science , perhaps becaus e th e metaphor s o f the stor y len t themselve s t o a wide rang e o f analyse s an d uses . Politica l argument s tha t use d rhetorica l form s such a s th e Jeremia d an d Ethiopianis m wer e possibl e t o carr y o n insid e th e structures o f Exodus : Within th e fram e o f th e Exodu s stor y on e ca n plausibl y emphasiz e th e mighty ar m o f Go d o r th e slo w marc h o f th e people , th e lan d o f mil k and honey or the holy nation, th e purging of the counterrevolutionarie s or th e schoolin g o f th e ne w generation . On e ca n describ e Egyptia n bondage i n term s o f corruptio n o r tyrann y o r exploitation . On e ca n defend th e authority of the Levites or of the tribal elders or of the ruler s of ten s an d fifties. I woul d onl y sugges t tha t thes e alternative s ar e themselves paradigmatic; they are our alternatives.55 The decisiv e shif t i n natio n languag e i n th e mid-nineteent h century , then , was not so decisive. We stil l have at work thi s overarchin g narrative , a n interpretativ e horizon tha t assume d a concept o f natio n o r peoplehood . An d an y understand 131

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ing o f African-America n use s o f natio n i n th e nineteent h centur y mus t begi n here: with th e African-American versio n o f the Exodu s story . NOTES

1. Alber t Raboteau , "Exodu s and th e American Israel, " in African-American Christianity: Essays in History, ed . Paul E. Johnson (Berkeley : University of Californi a Press), p. 1 . 2. Sacva n Bercovitch , The Rites of Assent: Transformation in the Symbolic Construction of America (New York: Routledge, 1993) , p. 33. 3. Ibid. , pp . 33-34 . 4. Ibid. , p. 34. 5. Ibid. , p. 35. 6. Ibid. , p. 36. 7. Ibid . I t was also during this period, accordin g to Bercovitch , tha t a transforma tion i n th e rol e o f th e foundin g father s (th e Puritans , no t Washington , Jeffer son, etc. ) occurred . The y were no w th e stuf f o f legend, character s i n a story o f cultural beginnings . Th e backdro p o f thi s chang e wa s th e revisio n o f th e Puritan errand : exodus was now the property of all Anglo-American settler s and heralded "on e cit y on a hill." The foundatio n wa s then lai d fo r America's civi l religion. 8. Davi d Howard-Pitney , The Afro-American Jeremiad: Appeals for justice in America (Philadelphia: Temple Universit y Press, 1990) , p. 11. 9. Bercovitch , p. 37. 10. Ibid. , p. 38. 11. Bercovitc h state s tha t "[w]it h th e revolution , th e Purita n visio n flowered int o the myt h o f America. Fo r erran d itsel f wa s roote d i n biblica l myth . Howeve r eccentric thei r interpretations , th e Puritan s ha d relie d o n th e authorit y o f scripture. . . . The Revolutionar y Whig s too k th e justification , rathe r tha n th e tradition behin d it , a s thei r authority . N o matte r ho w piousl y the y invoke d scripture the y wer e appealin g no t t o a Christian tradition , bu t t o th e serie s o f recent events through whic h the y defined th e American experience " (p . 39). 12. Ibid. , p . 40. 13. Ibid. , p. 355. 14. Ibid. , p. 356. 15. Ibid. , p. 355. 16. Ibid . 17. Ibid . 18. Ibid . 19. Ibid. , p. 39. 20. Ibid . 21. Vincen t Harding , "Th e Use s o f th e Afro-America n Past, " i n The Religious Situation, 1969, ed . Donal d R . Cutte r (Boston : Beacon , 1969) , pp . 829-40 . Also quoted i n Raboteau , p . 9. 22. I a m usin g "natio n building " ironically . Whe n mos t commentator s us e th e 132

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phrase, they are actually referring t o the building of viable states. My usage here avoids such terminologica l confusion . Nation s an d states are simply not identical. Se e Walke r Connor , " A Natio n I s a Nation , I s a State , I s a n Ethni c Group, Is a . .. , " in Nationalism, ed . John Hutchinso n an d Anthony D. Smith (Oxford: Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1994) , pp. 36-46. 23. On e o f th e distinguishin g aspect s o f thi s concep t o f th e "people " i s tha t th e source o f individua l identit y i s locate d withi n it . Th e peopl e i s see n a s th e bearer o f sovereignty , th e centra l objec t o f loyalty , an d th e basi s o f collectiv e solidarity. And, for some, this process marks the beginning of modern national ism, i n whic h it s distinctiv e moder n meanin g emerge s i n Englan d i n th e sixteenth century , whe n th e word "nation " "wa s applied t o th e populatio n o f the countr y an d mad e synonymou s wit h th e wor d 'people. ' " Se e Lia h Greenfeld, Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity (Cambridge : Harvar d Univer sity Press , 1991) , p . 6 . Se e als o Guid o Zernatto , "Nation : Th e Histor y o f a Word," Review of Politics 6 (1944), pp. 352-66. 24. Bercovitch , p. 44. 25. Ibid. , pp. 46-47. 26. Ibid. , p. 43 . 27. Ibid. , p. 364. 28. Gile s Gunn , Thinking across the American Grain (Chicago: Universit y o f Chi cago Press, 1992) , p. 30. 29. Bercovitch , p. 44. 30. Also , th e fac t tha t th e frontie r wa s occupie d b y Nativ e Americans , an d tha t borders were establishe d tha t separate d o r divided distinc t peoples , situate s the so-called absence o f geographica l concern s a s a presence i n th e constructio n o f American nationhood . Bercovitc h states , "ante-bellu m American s recognize d such differences—thei r frontie r separate d the m fro m th e Indians— . . .they could hardl y accep t th e restriction a s permanent. Thi s was God's country , was it not ? S o they effecte d a decisive shift i n the meaning o f frontier, fro m barrie r to threshold . Eve n a s they spok e of their frontie r a s a meeting groun d betwee n two civilizations, Christian an d pagan, the y redefined it , in an inversion charac teristic of myth-making imagination , t o mean a figural outpost, th e outskirts of the advancin g kingdo m o f God " (51) . Bercovitch's poin t turn s o n itself . Th e fact tha t th e meaning of frontier wa s revised suggests the importance o f geography i n th e constructio n o f th e nation , eve n withi n th e contex t o f th e myt h itself. 31. Judit h Shklar , American Citizenship: The Quest for Inclusion (Cambridge: Har vard Universit y Press, 1991) , pp. 13-14. Shklar convincingly demonstrates tha t the concept o f freedom i s understood i n relation t o slavery. 32. Bercovitch , p. 45 . 33. Ibid. , p. 46. 34. Catherin e Bell , Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice (New York: Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1992) , p. 221 . 35. Gunn , p . 31 . 133

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36. Bercovitch , p. 49. 37. Se e Gary B . Nash, Race and Revolution (Madison: Madiso n House , 1990) , pp. 57-91. 38. Se e Wilso n Moses , The Golden Age of Black Nationalism, 1850-1925 (Ne w York: Oxford Universit y Press , 1978) . 39. Raboteau , p . 4. 40. Sylvi a R . Frey , Water from the Rock: Black Resistance in a Revolutionary Age (Princeton: Princeto n Universit y Press, 1991) , p. 250. 41. Raboteau , p . 8. 42. C . Eri c Lincol n an d Lawrenc e Mamiya , The Black Church in the AfricanAmerican Experience (Durham: Duk e Universit y Press, 1990) , p. 47. 43. Ibid . 44. Jan e H . Peas e an d Willia m H . Pease , They Who Would Be Free: Blacks' Search for Freedom, 1830-1861 (Ne w York: Atheneum, 1974) , p. 17 . 45. Freedom s Journal, 1827, in Black Nationalism in America, ed. John H . Bracey , Jr., Augus t Meier , an d Ellio t Rudwic k (Ne w York : Bobbs-Merrill , 1970) , p . 26. AG. Benedic t Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1993) , p. 33. 47. I am well aware of the criticism o f Anderson's conceptio n o f modern time . I do not hav e th e spac e t o accoun t fo r m y peculia r readin g o f African-America n conceptions o f modern time , which relie s heavily on a rereading o f Anderson's formulation. 48. Anderson , p . 33. 49. Ibid. , p. 35. 50. I a m thinkin g abou t th e work s o f Charle s Caldwell , Thoughts on the Original Unity of the Human Race (1830), an d Georg e Calvert' s work o n phrenolog y i n 1832. Samue l Georg e Morton , Crania Americana (1839 ) an d hi s followe r Josiah Not t als o come to mind . The importan t poin t i s that b y the "lat e 1840 s the racial question wa s at the heart o f scholarly discussion i n th e United States . . . . The concep t o f racia l inequalit y ha d clearl y carrie d th e da y . . . [and ] th e most genera l disagreemen t wit h Not t an d Morto n wa s no t tha t the y divide d the worl d int o superio r an d inferio r races , bu t tha t i n adoptin g polygenesi s a s the origina l reaso n fo r racia l differences , the y ha d challenge d th e Mosai c account o f creation. " Reginal d Horsman , Race and Manifest Destiny: The Origins of AmericanRacial Anglo-Saxonism (Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press , 1981), p. 133. 51. Jame s McCun e Smith , The Destiny of the People of Color, A Lecture Delivered before the Philomathean Society and Hamilton Lyceum in January 1841 (Ne w York: n.p. , 1843) , p . 9 ; idem , A Dissertation on the Influence of Climate on Longevity (New York : Offic e o f th e Merchant' s Magazine , 1846) ; Frederic k Douglass, "Th e Claim s o f the Negro Ethnologicall y Considered, " speec h deliv ered t o th e Philozetia n an d Ph i Delt a Societie s o f Western Reserv e Colleg e i n 134

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Hudson, Ohio , Jul y 12 , 1854 , i n The Frederick Douglass Papers, series 1 , Speeches, Debates, and Interviews, vol. 2 (1847—54) , ed . Joh n W . Blassingam e (New Haven: Yale University Press , 1982) , p. 505. 52. Thi s distinction i s similar to Kenneth Burke' s discussion of semantic and poeti c meaning i n The Philosophy of Literary Form, 3 d ed . (Berkeley : Universit y o f California Press , 197 3 [1941,1967]) , pp . 138-67 . 53. Parth a Chatterjee , The Nation and Its Fragments (Princeton: Princeto n Univer sity Press, 1993) , p. 223. 54. Ibid . 55. Michae l Walzer, Exodus and Revolution (New York: Basic, 1985) , p. 135 .

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8 JEFFREY A . TUCKE R "CAN SCIENC E SUCCEE D W H E R E T H E C I V I L WA R F A I L E D ? " GEORGE S . SCHUYLE R AN D RAC E

The las t tw o decade s hav e see n muc h attentio n pai d t o a peculia r phe nomenon i n African-America n cultur e an d politic s tha t ha s frequentl y bee n referred t o a s th e "ne w blac k conservatism. " Th e critica l attentio n pai d t o th e publication o f works suc h a s economis t Thoma s Sowell' s Economics and Politics of Race (1983) , cultura l criti c Shelb y Steele' s Content of Our Character (1990) , law professo r Stephe n Carter' s Reflections of an Affirmative Action Baby (1991) , as wel l a s othe r work s b y la w professo r Randal l Kenned y an d cultura l criti c Stanley Crouch , hav e pu t blac k conservatis m o n th e intellectua l map . An d th e 1991 appointmen t o f Clarenc e Thoma s t o th e U.S . Suprem e Cour t ha s eve n given blac k conservatis m a juridica l sit e o f politica l influence. 1 Ronal d Sures h Roberts aptl y label s thi s grou p o f blac k conservative s th e "Toug h Lov e Crowd "

"CAN SCIENC E SUCCEE D WHER E TH E CIVI L WA R FAILED? "

because o f thei r tendenc y t o defen d thei r attack s o n traditiona l libera l blac k leadership an d program s suc h a s affirmative actio n b y claimin g t o hav e onl y th e best interest s o f blac k Americ a i n mind. 2 Althoug h thei r viabilit y a s representa tives o f th e interest s an d value s o f mos t Africa n American s ha s bee n dismisse d by most, 3 th e racia l logi c the y demonstrat e ha s becom e popula r wit h conserva tives o f al l color s a s well a s with liberal s wh o ar e desperat e fo r a way aroun d th e difficult racia l issue s facin g th e country . Thi s logi c promote s th e fault y notio n that awarenes s o f an d attentio n pai d t o racia l differenc e caus e racia l strif e an d division; an d i t justifie s itsel f b y makin g claim s t o a rational , scientific , an d supposedly nonpartisa n objectivity . Robert s cite s Stephe n Carter' s self-describe d endeavors "t o describ e histor y wit h a sor t o f certaint y tha t natura l scientist s bring t o th e tas k o f describin g th e physica l world, " thereb y gainin g acces s t o what Carte r call s th e "essentia l truth." 4 Robert s note s Shelb y Steele' s simila r tactic o f employin g th e jargo n o f clinica l psycholog y t o achiev e wha t th e bac k cover o f The Content of Our Character calls "th e perfec t voic e o f reaso n i n a se a of hate." 5 Robert s correctl y conclude s tha t th e "Toug h Lov e Crowd " i s attracte d to claim s o f objectivit y an d "truth " becaus e the y lac k a rea l constituency — among eithe r black s o r whites—an d nee d som e sor t o f too l t o hel p the m gai n credibility an d "sta y aboar d th e progressiv e project." 6 But i s th e "new blac k conservatism " reall y new ? Althoug h Corne l West' s insightful critiqu e "Assessin g Blac k Neoconservatism " cite s 1975—th e publica tion dat e o f Sowell' s Race and Economics —as th e beginnin g o f blac k conserva tism's emergenc e ont o th e nationa l politica l stage , Wes t i s quic k t o poin t ou t that conservativ e politica l though t amon g Africa n American s predate d Sowell' s book b y decades. 7 The claim s o f Sowell , Kennedy , Thomas , Steele , an d other s merely ech o thos e o f on e o f th e mos t important , i f leas t recognized , figures i n the histor y o f African-America n letters , Georg e S . Schuyler . A n analysis o f Schuyler's caree r reveal s ho w Schuyler' s racia l theorie s anticipate d thos e o f th e black neocons, an d illustrate s th e logical limits an d politica l inadequacie s o f suc h theories. It wa s abou t a centur y ago , o n Februar y 25 , 1895 , tha t Georg e Samue l Schuyler, th e mos t widel y rea d blac k journalis t o f th e 1930s , was bor n i n Providence, Rhod e Island . Schuyle r gre w u p comfortabl y i n Syracuse , Ne w York, i n a solidly middle-clas s family . "M y folk s boaste d o f havin g bee n fre e a s far a s an y o f the m coul d o r wante d t o remember, " Schuyle r remember s i n hi s autobiography, "an d looke d dow n upo n thos e who ha d bee n i n servitude." 8 Hi s father, th e hea d che f a t a loca l hotel , die d whe n Schuyle r was ver y young . Hi s mother remarrie d a deliver y drive r wh o move d th e famil y t o a mor e rura l area . Schuyler's mothe r ha d onl y a n eight h grad e education , bu t was a remarkabl y intellectual woma n wh o passe d o n a lov e o f writin g an d readin g t o he r son. 9 137

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Schuyler's journalisti c caree r bega n i n Ne w Yor k Cit y i n 1923 , when h e bega n working a s a jack-of-all-trades fo r th e Messenger (1917-28), th e monthl y blac k periodical edite d b y A. Phili p Randolp h an d Chandle r Owen . H e soo n becam e the Messengers offic e manage r an d a contributin g edito r shortl y thereafter . Schuyler disdaine d th e seriou s ton e characteristi c o f mos t blac k journal s o f th e time an d too k i t upo n himsel f t o injec t a sense o f humor int o th e scene. 10 I n hi s column "Shaft s an d Darts, " Schuyle r demonstrate d a talent fo r th e sharpes t sor t of satire . Langsto n Hughe s onc e calle d Schuyler' s colum n th e bes t thin g i n th e Messenger,11 an d i n 192 6 dram a criti c Theophilu s Lewi s wen t s o fa r a s t o (over)state tha t asid e fro m Jea n Toomer , Schuyle r was th e onl y Africa n Ameri can producin g "genuin e literature " i n pros e form. 12 A year late r Schuyle r bega n writing "View s an d Reviews, " a regula r colum n fo r th e Pittsburgh Courier, a t that tim e th e secon d larges t blac k weekl y newspape r i n th e country , an d bega n what woul d b e a forty-year-lon g associatio n wit h th e journal , durin g whic h h e would als o writ e numerou s editorial s an d shor t stories . Schuyler' s bran d o f humor wa s hugel y popular , earnin g hi m bot h comparison s t o an d th e admira tion o f H . L . Mencken , wit h who m Schuyle r becam e a frien d an d correspon dent. 13 Schuyle r publishe d article s i n Mencken' s American Mercury, a s wel l a s many othe r journals , suc h a s th e Nation, Negro Digest, and th e Crisis, at whic h he als o worked a s business manage r fro m 193 7 t o 1944 . Although Schuyle r sai d of hi s career , " I was al l th e tim e a newspaperma n an d was no t a n artiste, " 14 h e managed t o writ e numerou s work s o f fiction, includin g th e 193 1 nove l Black No More an d a se t o f serialize d fiction h e originall y publishe d i n th e Courier — under th e pseudony m Samue l I . Brooks—tha t ar e availabl e t o u s toda y i n th e collection entitle d Black Empire (1936-38) , a fantas y abou t th e exploit s o f a secret blac k organizatio n tha t invade s Liberi a i n orde r t o conque r an d unit e Africa, turnin g th e continen t int o a formidabl e worl d power . Schuyle r als o published ove r fou r hundre d other , ofte n weekl y writte n piece s o f shor t o r serialized fiction i n th e Courier, 15 a n outpu t tha t dwarf s eve n tha t o f Charle s Dickens. 16 Toppin g of f Schuyler' s caree r ar e a n autobiography , Black and Conservative (1966) , an d severa l othe r nonfictio n books . Considerin g thi s tremen dous bod y o f work an d hi s popularit y durin g th e 1930s , i t i s not surprisin g tha t Schuyler ha s bee n calle d "America' s finest an d mos t prominen t blac k journalis t of the earl y twentiet h century." 17 But Schuyle r ha s als o been identifie d a s perhaps th e mos t politicall y conserva tive blac k ma n i n American history . Despit e th e fac t tha t h e bega n hi s journalistic caree r wit h th e Messenger, "the first Socialis t magazin e edite d b y an d fo r blacks i n America," 18 an d bega n hi s intellectua l caree r a s a "card-carrying " member o f th e Socialis t Party, 19 i t i s saf e t o sa y tha t throughou t th e res t o f hi s life, Schuyle r was obsesse d wit h battlin g communism. 20 Specifically , h e believe d 138

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that th e Communis t Part y was conspiring t o pi t blac k Americans agains t whites , supposedly s o that th e Cominter n coul d succee d a t som e sor t o f secret, nefariou s scheme. 21 According t o Schuyler , th e Internationa l Labo r Defense' s involvemen t in th e 193 1 "Scottsbor o Boys " cas e displayed "al l th e earmark s o f a Communis t plot." 22 Wit h regar d t o th e civi l right s movement , Schuyle r criticize d th e marches o n Washingto n a s "mob demonstration s . . . part o f the Re d technique s of agitation , infiltration , an d subversion." 23 H e inflicte d th e sharpes t critiqu e on blac k leader s an d intellectual s wit h tie s t o th e Communis t Party , suc h a s W. E . B . D u Bois 24 an d Georg e Padmore , who m h e labele d " a Re d Uncl e Tom." 2 5 I n 196 4 h e contende d tha t th e Reveren d Dr . Marti n Luthe r King , Jr . was unworth y o f hi s Nobe l Peac e Priz e becaus e th e protes t method s Kin g use d were, accordin g t o Schuyler , anythin g bu t "nonviolent." 26 Tha t yea r Schuyle r started writin g fo r th e Joh n Birc h Society' s American Opinions, an d thre e year s later i n 1967 , h e ra n unsuccessfull y agains t Ada m Clayto n Powel l fo r Ne w York's Eighteent h Congressiona l Distric t seat. 27 Schuyle r eve n supporte d th e 1964 presidentia l campaig n o f Barr y Goldwate r despite , o r perhap s becaus e of , the latter' s oppositio n t o th e Civi l Right s Act. Schuyle r als o calle d Malcol m X a "pixilated criminal, " comparin g th e slai n blac k leade r t o Benedic t Arnold. 28 Given these facts, i t i s not surprisin g tha t i n hi s autobiograph y Schuyle r ca n cal l Joseph R . McCarth y " a well-intentioned politician " an d " a great American." 29 Over th e cours e o f hi s career , Schuyler' s increasingl y conservativ e view s narrowed hi s audienc e an d force d th e Courier to graduall y distanc e itsel f fro m him. Althoug h Schuyle r continue d t o receiv e accolade s fro m organization s lik e the Joh n Birc h Societ y an d th e Ne w Yor k Conservativ e Party , fewe r an d fewe r black Americans agree d wit h o r were intereste d i n wha t h e ha d t o say , especiall y during an d afte r th e civi l right s movement . Schuyle r die d i n 1977 , isolate d fro m the res t o f black America an d al l but forgotte n i n hi s profession . George Schuyler' s stor y i s tha t o f a black American intellectua l figure deserv ing o f scholarl y attention , i f no t admiration. 30 Th e littl e existin g academi c criticism o n Schuyle r generall y come s t o eithe r o r bot h o f two conclusion s abou t his lif e an d work . Th e mos t commo n o f thes e i s that h e i s consistently inconsis tent. I n Black Writers of the Thirties (1973) , Jame s O . Youn g cite s on e o f Schuyler's "View s an d Reviews " column s i n whic h h e criticize s Amos V Andy for it s disparagin g representation s o f African Americans , an d a late r colum n i n which Schuyle r claime d tha t "suc h type s a s the y portraye d wer e a s commo n a s gonococcus." 31 Historia n Joh n Henri k Clark e said , " I use d t o tel l peopl e tha t George go t u p i n th e morning , waite d t o se e which wa y th e worl d wa s turning , then struc k ou t i n th e opposit e direction." 32 Literar y critic s suc h a s Ann Rayso n have conclude d tha t Schuyler' s tendenc y t o contradic t himsel f suggest s tha t h e was les s intereste d i n maintainin g a n ideologica l stanc e tha n i n maintainin g hi s 139

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marketable reputatio n a s the mos t controversial , an d therefor e mos t widel y read , black journalist around. 33 The othe r mos t frequen t portraya l o f Schuyler , on e no t incompatibl e wit h the first, i s that o f a black man a t war with himself . Noting th e broa d ideologica l range o f th e journal s Schuyle r wrot e fo r (th e Messenger, the Courier, th e Crisis, the Nation, Readers Digest, th e Joh n Birc h Review of the News, etc.) , Henr y Louis Gates , Jr. , sees Schuyle r a s a n exampl e o f th e deleteriou s effect s o n th e black psych e o f th e "doubl e consciousness " W . E . B . D u Boi s identifie d i n The Souls of Black Folk (1903). 34 Accordin g t o Gates , Schuyle r was unabl e t o reconcile th e politica l conservatis m tha t woul d dominat e hi s wor k durin g th e 1960s an d 1970 s wit h th e 1930s-styl e radica l blac k nationalis t person a o f hi s sometimes no m d e plume , Samue l I . Brooks . "I n th e end, " Gate s says , "wha t defeated Schuyler' s gran d promis e a s a n intellectua l was hi s failur e t o negotiat e between thes e tw o antipoda l personas , betwee n th e sanguinar y nationalis m o f Brooks an d th e reactionar y veno m o f hi s ow n late r writings." 35 Fo r Gates , Schuyler serve s a s a tragi c reminde r o f Ton i Morrison' s accurat e observatio n i n Playing in the Dark tha t "th e traum a o f racis m i s . . . fo r th e victim , th e sever e fragmentation o f th e self." 36 These portrait s o f Schuyle r ar e arguabl y vali d an d instructive ; however , b y portraying Schuyle r onl y a s a victi m o f 'race,' 37 Gates' s portrai t deactivate s Schuyler's agency. 38 A s "victim, " Schuyle r seem s les s accountabl e fo r hi s alway s provocative bu t frequentl y fallacious , insupportable , an d ultimatel y dangerou s claims.39 Ronal d Sures h Robert s i s skeptica l o f critique s tha t simpl y chal k u p black conservatis m t o "som e kin d o f dee p psychi c bitterness, " becaus e the y draw attentio n awa y fro m th e claim s o f blac k conservatives , claim s tha t whit e conservatives hav e mad e withou t bein g subjecte d t o "armchai r psychoanaly sis." Althoug h Schuyler' s consisten t inconsistenc y ma y sugges t tha t discernin g any coheren t argumen t o n hi s par t i s a n impossibility , literar y criti c Jame s O . Young i s correct i n statin g tha t a view o f Schuyler's caree r i n tota l reveal s certai n patterns o f his thought. 41 The mos t significan t o f thes e pattern s i s Schuyler' s fault y theorie s abou t th e way 'race ' work s i n moder n America n society . Schuyle r i s perhap s th e onl y African-American write r wh o coul d conclud e a n autobiograph y wit h th e state ment "A t best , 'race ' i s a superstition." 42 I n Schuyler' s case , such a claim di d no t indicate a lack o f awareness o f white racia l hatre d towar d blac k America. Rather , for Schuyler , th e wa y t o comba t whit e supremac y was t o thro w ou t th e concep t of 'race ' altogether . Thi s strateg y finds it s cleares t articulatio n i n a 194 4 essa y that Schuyle r provocativel y title d "Th e Caucasia n Problem, " whic h argue s tha t there neve r ha s bee n a "Negr o Problem, " becaus e i t was no t "Negroes " wh o brought African s acros s th e Atlantic t o b e slaves i n America, o r who create d Ji m 140

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Crow law s o r champione d whit e supremacy . Instead , th e countr y suffer s fro m a "Caucasian problem." 43 Thi s argumen t i s typical o f Schuyler's wit , bu t muc h o f the essa y dwell s o n a slightl y differen t topic : th e scientifi c bankruptc y o f 'race, ' its meaninglessness a s a category i n th e contex t o f the natura l sciences . The essa y correctly state s tha t 'race ' "bega n a s an anthropologica l fiction an d ha s becom e a sociological fact, " bu t i t demonstrate s n o awarenes s o f 'race ' beyon d thi s scien tific bankruptcy . Schuyler' s overemphasi s o n a narrowly define d scientifi c idea l stemmed fro m hi s fait h i n scientifi c rationality' s abilit y t o overcom e racia l antagonisms, a fait h tha t informe d hi s creatio n i n th e earl y 1940 s o f th e Association fo r Toleranc e i n America, a n organizatio n whos e missio n was "t o re condition th e whit e masse s b y scientifi c propaganda." 45 Throug h radi o an nouncements, billboar d advertisements , an d printe d pamphlets , Schuyler' s orga nization highlighte d blac k participatio n i n th e wa r effort , militate d agains t associations o f blacknes s wit h "publi c discourtesy , boorishness , uncleanliness , obscene language , garis h displa y an d drunkenness," 46 an d trie d t o convinc e white Americ a "tha t nationa l unit y i s dependen t upo n nationa l brotherhood ; that rea l democrac y i s impossibl e withou t fraternity ; tha t libert y canno t b e realized withou t equa l opportunit y an d freedo m o f choice." 47 Th e organizatio n had limite d bu t significan t success ; however , afte r eleve n month s th e AT A folded. Still , th e powe r o f scientifi c reaso n t o comba t racis m was on e o f th e fe w subjects o n whic h Schuyle r wrot e seriously . Fo r example , "Th e Caucasia n Prob lem" conclude s with th e followin g admonition : If there is sincerity and determinatio n i n the hearts of the mighty, ther e is stil l tim e t o mak e a ne w worl d wher e tolerance , understanding , mutual respec t an d justic e wil l prevai l t o a greate r degre e tha n me n have eve r dare d dream . True , thi s mean s a complete abou t fac e o n th e part o f the white world, bu t thi s i s only righ t sinc e the rac e problem i s of it s ow n making . Th e alternativ e her e an d abroa d i s conflic t an d chaos. We shal l have to make a choice very soon. 48 This genuinel y movin g conclusion , however , doe s no t sufficientl y compensat e for seriou s problem s wit h th e use s t o whic h Schuyle r pu t hi s racia l theory . Schuyler use d th e clai m tha t 'race ' i s merel y a sociall y constructe d illusio n t o critique blac k rac e leader s a s frequentl y a s whit e supremacists . I n hi s forewor d to Black No More, Jame s A . Mille r state s tha t i n Schuyler' s mind , anyon e wh o asserted difference s betwee n black s an d white s "wa s yielding t o th e argument s o f racists." 49 Fo r example , Schuyle r labele d W . E . B . D u Bois' s call s fo r blac k cultural, political , an d economi c solidarit y in th e mid-1950 s " a complete surren der t o segregatio n an d therefor e acceptabl e t o ever y Klansman , Fascist , an d 141

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Nazi." 50 "Th e Caucasia n Problem " identifie s "th e stud y o f African histor y an d civilization, th e fosterin g o f Negr o business , th e suppor t an d growt h o f th e Negro press , th e powe r o f th e Negr o church , an d th e genera l developmen t o f anti-white thinking " a s manifestations o f "a racial chauvinis m counterin g tha t o f the white s whic h ha s dangerousl y deepene d th e gul f betwee n th e tw o people s who ar e actuall y on e people." 51 Th e cultura l logi c o f thi s theor y was expresse d in th e essa y Schuyle r i s perhap s mos t famou s for , "Th e Negro-Ar t Hokum, " which appeare d i n th e Jun e 192 6 issu e o f th e Nation wit h Langsto n Hughes' s essay "The Negr o Artist an d th e Racia l Mountain," whic h identifie s an d encour ages a unique , specificall y blac k America n literar y aesthetic . Schuyler , o n th e other hand , argue s tha t white s contribute d t o jaz z a s much a s blacks, tha t blac k visual ar t i s indebte d solel y t o it s fundamenta l Europea n influences , tha t "th e Aframerican i s merel y a lampblacke d Anglo-Saxon, " an d tha t "asid e fro m hi s color . . . your American Negr o i s just plai n American." 52 Schuyler's racia l theorie s ar e als o demonstrate d i n tw o engagin g work s o f fiction, Black No More an d Black Empire, bot h o f whic h propos e creativ e solutions t o th e "Negr o Problem. " Schuyle r describe d Black No More a s "a satir e on th e America n rac e questio n . . . th e first, I believe , t o trea t th e subjec t wit h levity." 53 Th e Schuyle r authorit y Michae l Peplo w call s i t a "savag e attac k o n both white s an d black s obsesse d wit h color, " includin g bot h whit e supremacist s and black s wh o us e cosmetic s t o lighte n thei r ski n tone. 54 Schuyler' s nove l tell s the stor y o f Ma x Disher , a blac k Harlemit e wh o fall s i n lov e a t first sigh t o f a beautiful whit e woman. Unfortunatel y fo r Max , she promptly an d sharpl y reject s his advances . Thi s inciden t help s Ma x decid e t o voluntee r t o b e th e first customer o f Dr . Juniu s Crookman' s "Blac k N o More , Inc. " Dr . Crookman , who ha s conclude d tha t th e onl y way s t o solv e th e "Negr o Problem " ar e fo r blacks t o "ge t out , ge t white , o r ge t along," 55 ha s decide d t o solv e America' s race proble m b y developin g a n electricall y stimulated , biochemica l proces s tha t turns blac k peopl e white . Th e treatmen t i s a success; Ma x emerge s fro m th e office lookin g Caucasian , an d i n "th e greates t migratio n o f Negroe s i n th e history o f th e country," 56 blac k American s leav e thei r hair-straightener s an d skin-whiteners behin d fo r th e Blac k N o Mor e agencie s tha t star t t o po p u p across th e country . Soon , black s everywher e are turning white. However , instea d of solvin g th e nation' s racia l problems , Blac k N o More , Inc. , create s chaos . The compan y trouble s blac k rac e leader s Santo p Licoric e an d Dr . Shakespear e Agamemnon Beard—caricature s o f Marcu s Garve y an d W . E . B . D u Bois , respectively—who worr y tha t wit h s o man y blac k peopl e turnin g white , the y will soo n los e a valuabl e sourc e o f income . Whites , fro m th e U.S . attorne y general t o th e whit e supremacis t Knight s o f Nordica— a spoo f o f th e K u Klu x Klan—are throw n int o confusio n an d worr y ove r thi s tur n o f events , especiall y 142

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after a "white " woman, wh o i s reveale d t o b e a Blac k N o Mor e customer , give s birth t o a blac k child . A s a result , th e obsessio n wit h protectin g whit e woman hood fro m th e imagine d sexua l threa t o f blac k me n increases . Manua l labo r i n the Sout h shrink s a s th e blac k labo r poo l ther e head s northwar d fo r Blac k N o More agencies , leavin g working-clas s whites , wh o (quit e reasonably ) deman d better wage s an d wor k conditions , t o tak e thei r places . Bot h Beard' s "Nationa l Social Equalit y League " (th e NAACP ) an d th e whit e supremacis t Knight s o f Nordica d o al l the y ca n t o pu t Blac k N o More , Inc. , ou t o f business , bu t th e company jus t keep s rakin g i n th e green . Ultimately , Ma x Dishe r use s hi s ne w complexion t o g o t o th e South , wher e h e trick s th e leade r o f th e Knight s o f Nordica an d marrie s hi s daughter , th e whit e woma n wh o refuse d hi s advance s back i n Harlem . The novel' s subtitle , An Account of the Strange and Wonderful Workings of Science in the Land of the Free, A.D. 1933—1940, suggest s th e importan t rol e Schuyler's particula r understandin g o f th e scientifi c play s i n th e nove l an d th e role scientifi c rationalit y play s i n Schuyler' s thinking . Th e nove l i s designe d t o emphasize th e scientifi c meaninglessnes s o f 'race ' an d th e arbitrarines s o f colo r consciousness. Whe n i t i s discovere d tha t th e Blac k N o Mor e proces s produce s a ski n colo r tha t i s a fe w shade s lighte r tha n tha t o f th e average "authentic " white person , blac k i s suddenl y beautiful , an d American s o f al l complexion s rush t o spen d thei r mone y o n tannin g service s an d formula s i n a n effor t t o loo k darker. Whe n whit e researcher s tr y t o determin e th e "bloodlines " o f ever y American citize n i n orde r t o determin e wh o i s "really " white , the y discove r t o their astonishmen t tha t mor e tha n hal f o f th e whit e populatio n ha s som e trac e of "blac k blood. " Thes e fact s influenc e th e novel' s significantl y violen t an d darkly ironi c penultimat e scene , i n whic h a mo b i n Mississipp i lynche s th e Democratic vic e presidentia l candidate , a whit e ma n whos e "tainted " racia l heritage ha s bee n mad e public , an d hi s assistant . Black No More ma y appea r t o b e wha t criti c Joh n M . Reill y call s a n "anti utopia," a novel tha t feature s scientifi c deconstruction s o f 'race ' bu t place s littl e faith i n humanity' s abilit y t o us e tha t knowledg e t o creat e a bette r society , thereby challengin g th e feasibilit y o f Utopia n thought. 57 However , i t i s im portant t o realiz e tha t th e satiri c an d Utopia n impulse s ar e no t mutuall y exclu sive. A satir e i s b y definitio n a humorou s critiqu e intende d t o chang e behavio r or thinking. 58 Mor e significantly , Schuyler' s satir e i s no t aime d a t th e trans formative potentia l o f scienc e itself , bu t i s instea d tightl y focuse d o n specifi c white supremacis t an d blac k 'race ' organizations . Th e novel' s parodie s o f D u Bois an d Garve y ar e perfec t examples . Th e NAAC P i s ridiculed a s a not-so-not for-profit organizatio n o f cigar - an d pipe-smokin g blac k Europhile s an d "whit e (men) o f remot e Negr o ancestry" 59 wh o ar e bot h ou t o f touc h wit h an d eye d 143

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suspiciously b y th e peopl e whos e interest s the y ar e suppose d t o asser t an d defend. Th e NSEL' s president , Dr . Beard , i s a portraya l o f D u Boi s a s th e haughty, hyperforma l edito r o f th e Dilemma. 60 Mos t damningly , Schuyle r por trays thi s "champio n o f the darke r races" 61 a s a hypocrite, especiall y with regar d to colo r consciousnes s an d hi s ethni c heritage : Like mos t Negr o leaders , h e deifie d th e blac k woma n bu t abstaine d from employin g augh t sav e octoroons . H e talke d a t whit e banquet s about "w e o f th e blac k race " an d admitte d i n book s tha t h e wa s part French, part-Russian , part-India n an d part-Negro . H e bitterl y de nounced th e Nordic s fo r debauchin g Negr o wome n whil e takin g car e to hire comely yellow stenographers with weak resistance. In a real way, he loved hi s people. I n tim e o f peace he was a Pink Socialis t bu t whe n the clouds of war gathered h e bivouacked a t the feet o f Mars. 62 Black No Mores caricatur e o f Marcu s Garve y i s n o gentler . Throug h th e character Santo p Licorice , Garve y i s portraye d a s a moneygrubbin g polygamis t obsessed with hi s ow n importanc e an d whose Back-to-Afric a societ y is having a n increasingly difficul t tim e gettin g black s t o inves t i n it s Roya l Blac k Steamshi p Company, thank s t o Blac k N o More , Inc . "Wh y shoul d anybod y i n th e Negr o race wan t t o g o bac k t o Afric a a t a cos t o f five hundre d dollar s fo r passage, " Schuyler's narrato r asks , "whe n the y coul d sta y i n Americ a an d ge t whit e fo r fifty dollars?" 63 Th e "racia l chauvinism " tha t thes e figures represen t t o Schuyler , not science , i s hi s principa l target . Perhap s scienc e canno t "succee d wher e th e Civil War ha d failed," 64 bu t accordin g t o Schuyler , tha t i s only becaus e o f wha t he see s a s th e reprehensibl e insistenc e o n 'race ' b y th e rac e leaders , suc h a s D u Bois and Garvey , tha t hi s nove l sharpl y satirizes . Whereas Black No More wa s a sla p i n th e fac e o f America' s rac e an d colo r consciousness, th e collectio n availabl e a s Black Empire present s a crafty , cover t derision o f Pan-Africanist sentiments . Written wit h th e military conflict betwee n Italy an d Ethiopi a i n mind , Black Empire originall y appeare d a s tw o title s o f weekly serialize d fiction i n th e Pittsburgh Courier. "Th e Blac k Internationale : A Story o f Blac k Geniu s agains t th e World" was published i n thirty-thre e chapter s from Jul y t o Septembe r 1937 . "Blac k Empire : An Imaginativ e Stor y o f a Grea t New Civilizatio n i n Moder n Africa " was publishe d i n twenty-nin e chapter s between Octobe r 193 7 an d Apri l 1938 . Black Empire introduce s reader s t o a secret blac k internationa l organizatio n le d b y the ruthles s Dr . Henr y Belsidus , a Manhattan physicia n who m Gate s aptl y describe s a s "D u Bois , Booke r T . Washington, Georg e Washingto n Carver , an d Marcu s Garve y rolle d int o on e fascist superman." 65 Throug h mean s a s remarkabl e fo r thei r ruthlessnes s a s fo r 144

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their technologica l advancement , th e Blac k International e invade s Liberia . Onc e the International e establishe s it s headquarter s there , i t set s ou t t o unit e al l African nation s an d turn s th e continen t int o a military powerhouse. Thes e serie s were enormousl y popula r i n th e lat e 1930s , s o muc h s o tha t a reade r wrot e th e Courier askin g fo r specific s a s t o wher e i n Afric a an d whe n th e fictional Dr . Belsidus was engage d i n hi s struggle , a s if he were a n actua l person. 66 Black Empire display s th e feature s o f th e pul p scienc e fiction tha t was bein g published a t th e time , suc h a s cliffhange r endings , improbabl e rescues , an d numerous element s o f th e macabr e an d fantastic . Fo r example , th e Blac k Inter nationale dispose s o f enem y spie s b y dumpin g the m int o pit s o f acid . Th e Empire fights of f attack s b y Europea n force s wit h plane s tha t ar e hidde n i n futuristic undergroun d hangars . Thes e plane s ar e use d t o dro p cage s ful l o f disease-infested rat s o n Europe . Member s o f th e Blac k International e communi cate amon g themselve s vi a what w e woul d recogniz e toda y a s fa x machine s an d eat foo d grow n throug h advance d hydroponics . An d th e final Europea n assaul t on Afric a i s thwarte d b y th e Blac k Internationale' s combinatio n particl e beam / death ray . Othe r element s reflec t th e influenc e o f scientifi c rationalis t thought , such a s th e advance d meatles s die t prepare d withou t cooking , wit h whic h th e Black International e nourishe s itself . Accordin g t o Joh n A . Williams , Schuyle r was probabl y readin g scienc e fiction a s wel l a s man y o f th e popula r scienc e magazines tha t wer e availabl e durin g hi s story' s creation. 67 As a blac k nationalis t fantas y tha t extend s th e "Back-to-Africa " sentimen t attributed t o Marcu s Garve y an d hi s Universa l Negr o Improvemen t Associatio n (UNIA) t o a n imaginar y conclusion , Black Empire initiall y make s Schuyle r loo k like th e typ e o f "rac e man " tha t h e satirize d i n Black No More. I n th e afterwor d to Black Empire, Rober t A . Hil l an d R . Ken t Rasmusse n clai m tha t althoug h Schuyler hel d ultraconservativ e view s durin g th e 1940s , "durin g th e thirtie s h e was definitel y a radical, . . . a n activis t an d a militant advocat e o f civi l rights." 68 Hill an d Rasmusse n als o not e Schuyler' s numerou s attack s o n Europea n imperi alism i n Africa , wit h whic h Black Empire i s completel y i n step. 69 However , having establishe d satir e a s Schuyler' s favorit e rhetorica l mode , w e ca n rea d Black Empire i n a differen t way . Schuyle r despise d Garvey , goin g s o fa r a s t o compare hi m t o Hitler. 70 I t i s als o importan t t o remembe r tha t Schuyle r wrot e these storie s a s Samue l I . Brooks , a name h e use d o n a numbe r o f occasion s fo r short o r serialize d fiction. I n a letter t o Courier colleague P . L . Prattis , Schuyle r expressed hi s opinio n o f his alte r ego' s work an d o f Garveyite nationalism : I hav e bee n greatl y amuse d b y th e publi c enthusias m fo r "Th e Blac k Internationale" whic h i s hoku m an d hac k wor k o f th e pures t vein . I deliberately se t ou t t o crow d a s muc h rac e chauvinis m an d shee r 145

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improbability int o it as my fertile imaginatio n coul d conjure. Th e resul t vindicates my low opinion o f the human race. 71 This communiqu e suggest s tha t Schuyle r wrot e Black Empire t o critiqu e an d exploit Pan-Africanis t sentiment s amon g man y o f th e Couriers readership . I n a 1936 lette r t o Ir a F . Lewis , th e Couriers genera l manager , Schuyle r propose d a series o f stories se t i n th e Wes t Indie s t o boos t circulation : The Ethiopia n wa r is over. The new s value of Joe Louis is certainly no t going to be what i t was, at least not fo r a long time. So, what have you? Is there anything in prospect o r on th e horizon tha t will bring in fifteen or twenty-five thousan d circulation ? I f there is I don't se e it. Do you? 72 The proposa l was unsuccessful , bu t i t show s tha t Schuyle r and , mos t likely , th e Couriers managemen t a s wel l wer e chiefl y intereste d i n sellin g mor e papers . Therefore, wha t Hil l an d Rasmusse n sugges t tentativel y deserve s confiden t assertion, tha t "th e Black Empire ma y hav e bee n a cynica l jok e tha t Schuyle r played o n hi s readers." 73 Schuyler' s writin g a s Samue l I . Brook s i s no t s o muc h the Jekyll/Hyd e transformatio n o f a sou l divide d agains t itsel f a s i t i s th e carefully crafte d maneuve r o f a n intellectua l ben t o n debunkin g 'race ' i n al l it s manifestations. Schuyler, lik e th e aforementione d blac k neocons , was attracte d t o a narrowl y defined scientifi c ideal . Lik e hi s blac k neoco n descendants , Schuyle r overinvest s in th e notio n o f scientifi c objectivity , tha t scienc e i s a transparen t mediu m providing clea r acces s t o truth . However , Donn a Haraway , perhap s th e singl e most importan t contemporar y write r o n scienc e a s culture , state s tha t "officia l ideologies abou t objectivit y an d scientifi c metho d ar e particularl y ba d guide s t o how scientifi c knowledg e i s actuall y made." 74 Al l form s o f knowledg e claims , most certainl y an d especiall y scientifi c ones , ar e socia l constructions , accordin g to Haraway. 75 "Science is rhetoric'; 76 it s statement s abou t th e worl d n o les s shaped b y historica l force s an d persona l an d politica l interest s tha n an y othe r discourse. Perhap s eve n mor e important , statement s abou t reality , eve n i f pro jected fro m som e impossibl y positionles s space , hav e politica l impact . Harawa y is quic k t o remin d reader s o f th e importan t rol e responsibl e scientifi c inquir y plays i n providin g necessar y informatio n abou t th e world , an d warn s agains t a n over-the-top constructionis m tha t yield s nothin g bu t unproductiv e cynicism. 77 But he r wor k primaril y serve s t o forc e revision s o f ou r conception s o f th e scientific fro m a detached, objectiv e field tha t operate s abov e th e fra y o f politica l struggles, to a contested discursiv e terrai n wher e th e use s put t o claim s abou t th e world hav e very rea l effect s o n people' s lives . 146

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The writing s o f blac k neoconservative s ar e no t th e onl y proo f tha t Schuyler' s racial theorie s hav e survive d t o manifes t themselve s i n th e contemporar y era . The Februar y 13 , 1995 , issue of Newsweek feature s a cover stor y entitle d "Wha t Color I s Black ? Science , Politic s an d Racia l Identity, " whic h claim s tha t "th e familiar di n o f black-whit e antagonis m seem s increasingl y ou t o f date, " du e t o increases i n interracia l marriage, 78 immigration , an d "partl y becaus e diversit y i s suddenly hip." 7 9 Th e article' s trum p car d i s a repor t o n th e "surprisin g ne w lessons" revealin g tha t th e concep t o f 'race ' ha s n o scientifi c value. 80 Thi s sam e issue of Newsweek feature s a n articl e entitled "Th e En d o f Affirmative Action." 81 The scientifi c bankruptc y o f 'race ' als o inform s contemporar y philosophe r Kwame Anthon y Appiah' s well-intentione d bu t problemati c critiqu e o f appeal s to blac k racia l consciousnes s i n W . E . B . D u Bois' s "Conservatio n o f Races " (1897) an d discussio n o f Pan-Africanis m i n D u Bois' s Dusk of Dawn (1940) . Appiah i s aware tha t fo r D u Bois , 'race ' i s less "biological " tha n "sociohistorical " and tha t D u Boi s i s attemptin g " a revaluatio n o f th e Negr o rac e i n th e fac e o f the science s o f racia l inferiority, " a conceptio n o f 'race ' tha t understand s "tha t the whit e an d Negr o race s ar e relate d no t a s superior t o inferio r bu t a s comple mentaries." 82 However , Appia h see s D u Bois' s simultaneou s "relianc e o n an d repudiation o f race " a s "curious, " an d label s "impossible " D u Bois' s attemp t t o revise th e hierarchica l structur e o f racia l differenc e s o a s "t o giv e 'race ' a 'horizontal' reading." 83 Appiah's critiqu e doe s no t stoo p t o th e level s o f Schuyl er's tactic s o f name-callin g an d caricature , no r i s i t motivate d b y th e sam e political interests . However , bot h Appia h an d Schuyle r bas e thei r argument s o n the emptines s o f 'race' a s a scientific signifier , fro m whic h Appiah conclude s tha t 'race' i s an unnecessar y evil : The trut h i s that ther e ar e n o races : there i s nothing i n th e world tha t can do all we ask race to do for us . As we have seen, even the biologist' s notion ha s onl y limite d uses , an d th e notio n tha t D u Boi s required , and tha t underlie s the mor e hateful racism s of the modern era , refers t o nothing in the world a t all. The evil that i s done is done by the concep t and b y easy—yet impossible—assumption s a s to its application. 84 These arguments , lik e Schuyler's , ignor e th e rol e 'race ' play s a s a buildin g block aroun d whic h politica l an d cultura l identitie s ar e created. I t i s in thi s sens e that Luciu s Outla w describe s rac e consciousnes s a s a "blac k cultura l commo n sense." 85 Outla w remind s hi s reader s o f "th e live d experience s o f real persons whose experience s ar e forge d i n lif e world s i n par t constitute d b y self-under standings tha t ar e i n larg e measur e 'racial, ' n o matte r ho w 'scientifically ' inade quate." 86 'Race ' inflect s African-America n identitie s i n crucia l ways : politically , 147

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socially, culturally . Becaus e i t i s suc h a n importan t par t o f man y blac k Ameri cans' identities , 'race ' refuse s t o vanis h i n a puf f o f logi c whe n face d wit h it s own constructedness . I t i s als o a mistak e t o assig n equa l valu e t o differen t articulations o f 'race. ' Michae l Om i an d Howar d Winant' s Racial Formation in the United States (1986 ) argue s tha t "racia l meanings " ar e "politicall y con tested." 87 Differen t articulation s of'race ' hav e differen t meanings . Th e typ e o f work tha t a n articulatio n o f 'race ' doe s depend s muc h o n it s source . Fo r example, th e end s t o whic h th e NAAC P ha s historicall y pu t 'race'—a s a too l that organize s an d mobilize s blac k American s politically—ar e no t th e sam e a s those o f the KKK . 'Race' i s indee d a mirag e scientificall y speaking , an d a construc t socially , culturally, politically , an d ideologically ; bu t makin g thi s clai m doe s no t elid e it s power t o shap e huma n live s i n a ver y rea l way . Schuyler' s lif e an d caree r ar e instructive no t onl y o f th e psychi c tol l o f 'race, ' bu t als o o f th e way s argument s like Schuyler's , whic h assum e tha t 'race ' jus t doe s no t matte r anymore , dovetai l all to o easil y int o harmfu l conservativ e politica l agendas . Racis m i s mor e tha n just th e impositio n o f unfai r differences—difference s o f acces s t o materia l an d political resources , opportunit y t o us e thos e resources , an d qualit y o f life—i t i s also th e unfai r disregar d o f constitutiv e differences—cultura l specificity , grou p history, politica l position . Th e recognitio n o f constitutiv e differences , no t thei r denial, serve s a s a too l fo r blac k empowerment , an d i s i n tur n a ke y ste p toward America' s realizatio n o f wha t D u Boi s calle d th e "idea l o f huma n brotherhood." 88 NOTES

1. Ronal d Sures h Roberts , Clarence Thomas and the Tough Love Crowd (Ne w York: New York University Press , 1995) , xi. 2. Roberts , xi, 3. 3. Se e Corne l West , "Assessin g Blac k Neoconservatism, " i n Prophetic Fragments (Trenton: Afric a Worl d Press , 1988) , 55-63 . Wes t correctl y state s tha t al though "blac k liberalism i s in a deep crisis" (55), black neoconservatives d o no t offer a satisfactory politica l alternative . "Blac k liberalism indee d i s inadequate," West says , "but blac k conservatism i s unacceptable" (59) . 4. Quote d i n Roberts, 5. 5. Quote d i n Roberts , 6 . 6. Roberts , 17-18 . 7. West , 55. 8. Georg e S . Schuyler , Black and Conservative (New Rochelle , NY : Arlingto n House, 1966) , 3-4 . 9. Schuyler, Black and Conservative, 13 . 10. Nickiean n Fleener , "Georg e S . Schuyler," Dictionary of Literary Biography, vol . 148

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29, American Newspaper Journalists, 1926-1950, ed . Perr y J. Ashle y (Detroit : Bruccoli Clark/Gal e Researc h Co. , 1984) , 316. 11. Theodor e Kornweibel , Jr. , No Crystal Stair: Black Life and the "Messenger," 1917-1928 (Westport , CT : Greenwood , 1975) , 122 . 12. Kornweibel , 117-18 . 13. Fleener , 316 . 14. Richar d A . Long , "A n Intervie w wit h Georg e S . Schuyler, " Black World 25.4 (1976): 69. 15. Rober t A. Hil l an d R . Ken t Rasmussen , afterwor d t o Black Empire, by Georg e S. Schuyler (Boston : Northeastern Universit y Press, 1991) , 259-60. 16. Joh n A. Williams, foreword t o Black Empire, by Schuyler, xi. 17. Hil l an d Rasmussen , 262 . 18. Kornweibel , 222 . 19. Schuyle r ma y have joined th e Socialist Party because it was the only intellectua l game i n town . However , h e spend s muc h o f hi s autobiograph y criticizin g socialists fo r thei r lac k o f humor . Se e Schuyler , Black and Conservative, 113 — 16. 20. Fleener , 316 . 21. Schuyler, Black and Conservative, 187 . 22. Schuyler , Black and Conservative, 187. Th e "Scottsbor o Boys " cas e wa s per haps the biggest lega l case of the 1930s . It involve d nin e young black men wh o were indicte d unfairl y o n charge s o f rapin g tw o whit e women . On e o f the wome n late r reverse d he r testimony . Se e Da n T . Carter , Scottsboro: A Tragedy of the American South (Bato n Rouge : Louisian a Stat e Universit y Press , 1969). 23. Schuyler , Black and Conservative, 341 . 24. Fleener , 318 . 25. Schuyler , Black and Conservative, 147. Schuyle r ha d als o praise d Padmore' s "How Britain Rule s Africa " a s a masterpiece . Se e Henr y Loui s Gates , Jr. , " A Fragmented Man : Georg e Schuyle r an d th e Claim s o f Race, " revie w o f Black Empire, b y Georg e S . Schuyler , New York Times Book Review, September 20 , 1992, 31, 42-43. 26. Fleener , 321. 27. Fleener , 321. 28. Quote d i n Gates , 31. 29. Schuyler , Black and Conservative, 330 . 30. Wit h th e recent growt h o f academic interes t i n science fiction, particularl y tha t by black writer s suc h a s Octavia Butle r an d Samue l Delany , i t i s important t o recognize Schuyler' s Black No More an d Black Empire a s th e first publishe d examples of speculative fiction by an African American . 31. Quote d i n Jame s O . Young , Black Writers of the Thirties (Bato n Rouge : Louisiana Stat e University Press , 1973) , 84. 32. Quote d i n Fleener , 322 . 149

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33. An n Rayson , "Georg e Schuyler : Parado x amon g 'Assimilationist ' Writers, " Black American Literature Forum 12.3 (1978) : 105. 34. Gates , 31. 35. Gates , 43. 36. Gates , 43. 37. I have used single quotation mark s to refer t o 'race ' as a concept. 38. Schuyle r would hav e hated a description o f him a s a "victim" o f anything. Like many blac k intellectual s o f the 1920 s an d 1930s , Schuyle r wa s concerned wit h representations o f blacknes s bot h amon g Africa n American s an d t o whit e America. Throughou t hi s career Schuyle r militate d agains t representation s tha t he believe d pathologize d blackness . Fo r example , hi s autobiograph y describe s black Ne w Yorker s i n th e 1930 s a s "prou d t o b e wha t the y were , wit h n o evidence o f th e inferiorit y comple x an d racia l self-hat e tha t th e curren t cro p o f psychologists thin k the y ough t t o have " {Black and Conservative, 139) . H e spoke o f his daughte r Philippa , a child prodig y who wrote pian o composition s at age four, a s representative of Harlem youth {Black and Conservative, 235) . In 1934 Schuyle r wrot e a stud y o f Harle m school s tha t attempte d t o emphasiz e the hig h qualit y o f th e school s an d th e scholarl y achievement s o f thei r blac k students (Fleener , 317) . 39. Gates' s assessmen t o f Schuyler appear s in a New York Times Book Review article that seek s primarily to introduc e Schuyle r t o a public unfamilia r t o him an d t o situate th e autho r withi n th e field o f Afro-America n Studies . However , th e article doe s no t hol d Schuyle r accountabl e fo r hi s theorie s o n 'race, ' an d abstains from a critique of those theories. 40. Roberts , 4. 41. Young , 84. 42. Schuyler , Black and Conservative, 352 . 43. Georg e S . Schuyler , "Th e Caucasia n Problem, " i n What the Negro Wants, ed. Rayford W. Logan (Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press, 1944), 281. 44. Schuyler , "Th e Caucasia n Problem, " 297. 45. Schuyler , Black and Conservative, 259 . 46. Schuyler , Black and Conservative, 263 . 47. Schuyler , Black and Conservative, 259 . 48. Schuyler , "Th e Caucasia n Problem, " 298 . I n typicall y self-contradictor y fash ion, Schuyle r states the following i n Black and Conservative: Once we accept th e fact tha t ther e is, and alway s will be, a color caste system i n th e United States , and sto p cryin g about it , we can concen trate o n ho w bes t t o surviv e an d prospe r withi n tha t system . Thi s i s not defeatis m bu t realism . I t i s tragi c an d pointles s t o wag e wa r against th e mor e numerou s an d mor e powerfu l whit e majority , an d so jeopardize what advantage s we possess. (121—22)

150

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Schuyler's conclusio n i n th e sam e autobiography , "A t best , 'race ' i s a super stition," demonstrates how easily a political project tha t seeks to erase 'race' fall s prey t o a n agend a tha t maintains , o r a t bes t resign s itsel f to , 'race'-base d socia l and political inequalities . 49. Jame s A . Miller , forewor d t o Black No More, b y Georg e Schuyle r (1931 ; Boston: Northeastern Universit y Press , 1989) , 4. 50. Schuyler , Black and Conservative, 227. 51. Schuyler , "Th e Caucasia n Problem, " 296-97 . Jame s O . Youn g note s tha t Schuyler's critique s o f blac k racia l consciousnes s woul d no t kee p hi m fro m criticizing Africa n American s fo r wha t h e fel t wa s insufficien t suppor t o f Ethiopia durin g the 193 5 crisis with Italy . See Young, 90. 52. Georg e Schuyler , "Th e Negro-Ar t Hokum " (1926) , i n Voices from the HarlemRenaissance, ed . Natha n Irvi n Huggin s (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1976), 310. 53. Schuyler , Black and Conservative, 170 . 54. Michae l Peplow , "Th e Blac k Picar o i n Schuyler' s Black No More," Crisis 83.1 (January 1978) : 7-8. 55. Schuyler , Black No More, 27. 56. Schuyler , Black No More, 87. 57. Joh n M . Reilly , "Th e Blac k Anti-Utopia, " Black American Literature Forum 12.3 (1978) : 107 . 58. M . H . Abrams observes, "Satire has usually been justified b y those who practic e it a s a correctiv e o f huma n vic e an d folly" . Se e M . H . Abrams , A Glossary of Literary Terms, 5t h ed . (For t Worth: Hol t Rinehar t Winston, 1988) , 166 . 59. Schuyler , Black No More, 95. 60. Schuyler , Black No More, 90. 61. Schuyler , Black No More, 91 . 62. Schuyler , Black No More, 90. 63. Schuyler , Black No More, 102-3 . 64. Schuyler , Black No More, 25. 65. Gates , 42. 66. Hil l and Rasmussen , 268. 67. Williams , xiii. 68. Hil l an d Rasmussen , 261 . Black and Conservative offers a very different pictur e of Schuyle r i n th e thirties . Schuyle r casuall y dismisse s th e opinion s tha t "th e Garveyites an d 'blac k nationalists' " hav e o f hi s work o n Liberi a (186) . And a s noted before , h e criticize d th e Internationa l Labo r Defense' s involvemen t wit h the "Scottsbor o Boys " case (187-214) . 69. Hil l an d Rasmussen , 261. 70. Schuyler , Black and Conservative, 120 . 71. Quote d i n Hil l an d Rasmussen , 260 . 72. Quote d i n Hill an d Rasmussen , 266 .

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73. Hil l and Rasmussen , 260 . 74. Donn a J . Haraway , "Situate d Knowledges, " i n Simians, Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature (Ne w York: Routledge, 1991) , 184 . 75. Haraway , "Situate d Knowledges, " 184 . Se e als o Pau l Feyerabend , Against Method (Ne w York : New Lef t Books , 1975 , 1993) ; Thomas Kuhn , The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (Chicago: Internationa l Encyclopedi a o f Unifie d Science, 1962) ; Andrew Ross , Strange Weather: Culture, Science and Technology in the Age of Limits (London : Verso, 1991) . 76. Haraway , "Situate d Knowledges, " 184. 77. Haraway , "Situated Knowledges," 184 ; idem, "Cyborgs at Large," in Technoculture, ed . Constanc e Penle y an d Andre w Ros s (Minneapolis : Universit y o f Minnesota Press , 1991) , 4. 78. T o it s credit, th e Newsweek article does present interracia l unio n a s a fact o f life and of American history instead of an unnatural phenomenon. Schuyle r himsel f married Josephin e E . Lewis , th e daughte r o f a whit e Texa s family . Thei r daughter, Philipp a Duk e Schuyler , was a child prodigy as a classical pianist an d was als o know n a s a journalist. Schuyle r documente d th e histor y o f interracia l union i n th e Unite d State s an d advocate d i t a s an inevitabl e solutio n t o racia l antagonisms. Se e "The Caucasia n Problem, " 290, 295. 79. To m Morganthau , "Wha t Colo r I s Black?" Newsweek, February 13 , 1995, 63. 80. Sharo n Begley , "Three I s Not Enough, " Newsweek, February 13 , 1995, 67. 81. I n July 1995 , the Board of Regents of the University of California syste m voted to en d affirmativ e actio n hirin g an d admission s policies . On e o f th e regents , black businessma n War d Connerly , defende d th e vot e wit h familiarl y blac k neoconservative claim s abou t wha t h e sa w a s th e nee d t o avoi d racia l issues : "Race i s the ra w nerve o f the nation . Tha t nerv e i s always exposed . Whe n yo u touch it , ther e i s going t o b e a reaction" (A27) . Connerly want s th e universit y to (somehow ) "creat e a n inclusiv e universit y communit y withou t takin g rac e into account " (A28) . Se e Ki t Lively , "Preference s Abolished, " Chronicle of Higher Education, July 28, 1995,A26-28 . 82. Kwam e Anthon y Appiah , "Illusion s o f Race, " i n In My Fathers House: Africa and the Philosophy of Culture (New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1992) , 30. 83. Appiah , 45 , 46. 84. Appiah , 45. Du Bois' s statements an d Appiah's readings of them clearl y deserve a more thorough analysi s than I am able to provide in thi s essay. 85. Luciu s Outlaw , "Towar d a Critica l Theor y o f 'Race, ' " i n Anatomy of Racism, ed. Davi d Theo Goldber g (Minneapolis : University of Minnesota Press , 1990) , 74. 86. Outlaw , 74 . 87. Michae l Om i an d Howar d Winant, Racial Formation in the United States (New York: Routledge, 1986) , 69. 88. W . E . B . D u Bois , "Th e Conservatio n o f Races " (1897) , i n Writings, ed . Nathan Huggin s (Ne w York: Library of America, 1986) , 825. 152

9 MARGARET ROS E VENDRYE S HANGING O N THEI R WALL S AN ART COMMENTARY ON LYNCHING, THE FORGOTTE N 1 9 3 5 AR T EXHIBITIO N

Countless ar t exhibition s hav e bee n hel d i n Ne w York Cit y i n an y give n yea r since th e secon d decad e o f th e twentiet h century , whe n th e metropoli s bega n t o claim it s place as art capita l o f the world. Bu t befor e 1935 , no galler y had hoste d an exhibitio n specifi c t o issue s concernin g African-America n men . Wit h th e opening o f An Art Commentary on Lynching tha t year , ar t became , fo r th e firs t time, a n experimenta l vehicl e fo r counterin g negativ e attitude s towar d blac k men. An orchestrate d effor t o f this calibe r would no t b e seen agai n i n Ne w Yor k City unti l 1994 , whe n th e Whitne y Museu m o f America n Ar t hoste d Black Male: Representations of Masculinity in Contemporary Art. Wel l ove r hal f a century afte r An Art Commentary, severa l work s i n th e Whitne y exhibitio n reflected th e persistenc e an d pertinenc e o f lynchin g a s a theme relevan t t o blac k

MARGARET ROS E VENDRYE S

men eve n thoug h litera l lynchin g ha d bee n obliterated . Lynching' s manifesta tions i n America n visua l ar t bega n wit h on e man' s brainstor m i n 1934 . Wha t was intende d a s a n over t ye t measure d metho d o f popularizin g th e protes t o f lynching (over t becaus e th e purpos e wa s deliberat e an d political ; measure d because unde r th e protectio n o f th e "fin e art " label , th e volatil e topi c becam e tempered fo r publi c consumption ) inspire d th e creatio n o f object s reflectin g a n unequaled variet y o f attitude s towar d African-America n me n an d th e rac e con flicts in whic h the y figured. An Art Commentary on Lynching took place at the Arthur U . Newto n Gallerie s on Eas t 57t h Stree t i n Ne w York City ; i t opene d o n Februar y 15 , 1935 , and ra n for tw o week s (se e catalo g cover , figure 1) . The numbe r o f visitors fa r exceede d expectations. Thi s wa s due , i n part , t o th e last-minut e cancellatio n o f th e exhibition b y it s origina l host , Jacque s Seligman n Galleries . Th e cancellatio n served t o sti r u p publi c interes t i n thes e ar t object s tha t ha d cause d th e owne r concern abou t "keep[ing ] th e gallerie s fre e o f political o r racia l manifestations." 1 One hundre d eighty-thre e patron s allowe d thei r name s t o b e liste d i n th e exhibition's catalo g a s evidenc e o f tangibl e support . Thi s displa y o f visua l ar t was assemble d specificall y t o dra w attentio n t o th e nee d fo r a nationwid e antilynching la w unde r th e sponsorshi p o f th e Nationa l Associatio n fo r th e Advancement o f Colore d Peopl e an d th e Colleg e Art Association. 2 Although effort s wer e mad e t o intellectualiz e th e caus e and effect s o f lynchin g in orde r t o inspir e suppor t fo r An Art Commentary, African-America n fear s o f white retributio n an d th e whit e "tendenc y t o translat e [white ] barbarism s an d deceptions int o virtues " cam e throug h lou d an d clea r i n th e art. 3 Th e 1930 s ha d witnessed a n increas e i n incident s o f mo b violenc e agains t Africa n American s i n the Sout h afte r a significan t decreas e sinc e th e tur n o f th e century . Increase d visibility o f black s i n th e workplac e mad e possibl e b y Ne w Dea l legislatio n seemed t o inspir e a resurgence o f violence, historicall y th e mos t virulen t for m o f racial oppression . Lynchings and What They Mean: General Findings of the Southern Commission on the Study of Lynching, publishe d i n 1931 , offere d a contemporary loo k a t th e stat e o f thi s issue . I n sobe r an d fran k language , thi s thin publicatio n presente d dat a rangin g fro m historica l statistic s t o candi d descriptions o f lyncher type s an d techniques . The commissio n conclude d tha t "W e expec t lynching s ultimatel y t o b e eradicated b y th e growt h o f a healthy publi c opinio n tha t wil l n o longe r tolerat e them." 4 Walte r White , the n directo r o f th e NAACP , tirelessl y an d wit h steadil y increasing militanc y investigate d method s o f promoting th e protes t o f lynching . The operation s o f th e NAAC P gaine d urgenc y i n 1934 , whe n th e Costigan Wagner bil l was unde r consideratio n b y th e ne w Congress. 5 Usin g variou s procedures aime d a t th e typica l urba n ar t galler y visitor , Whit e le d a city 154

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Figure 1 . Catalo g cove r fo r An Art Commentary on Lynching. Hal e Woodruf f Papers , Amista d Research Center, Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana.

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centered campaig n t o uncove r th e lync h mobs ' cover t practices. 6 Th e effective ness o f visua l materia l slowl y bega n t o tak e hold . Th e earlies t metho d wa s advertising i n nationa l magazines , usin g text s emphasizin g th e hypocris y o f th e American Constitutio n a s it relate d t o African American s accompanie d b y rathe r explicit photograph s o f actua l lynchings . Another was t o han g a black flag fro m the NAAC P Ne w Yor k offic e windo w announcin g eac h incident , whic h read , A MAN WA S LYNCHE D YESTERDAY . I n 193 5 alone , th e flag appeare d twent y times . Several majo r magazine s publishe d eve n mor e gruesom e photographs , plantin g a visual imag e o f the practic e i n th e American mind . In 1935 , thos e concerne d abou t lynchin g considere d th e practic e t o b e primarily a result o f ignorance an d economi c oppression. 7 At th e time, lynching s were no t critique d a s cultural phenomen a i n ligh t o f th e urgenc y o f th e nee d t o condemn thei r continue d occurrence . However , Walte r Whit e candidl y identi fied lynchin g a s on e i n a line o f American "folk-ways." 8 Today , th e distanc e o f sixty year s allow s fo r a n involve d analysi s o f th e exhibi t tha t probe s beneat h lynching's surfac e manifestations . Although th e depictio n o f violenc e an d tortur e i n wester n ar t date s bac k t o antiquity, it s blatan t us e a s a theme i n American ar t ha d bee n almos t exclusivel y propagandistic o r pornographic . Thes e tw o contradictor y aim s collide d i n th e artistic expressio n o f lynching. Th e ar t object s discusse d her e ar e tellin g display s of th e importan t role s perspectiv e an d th e artist' s positio n pla y i n visualizin g a social theme . Thirty-eight artist s submitte d thei r wor k t o An Art Commentary? O f thi s number, on e woman, Pegg y Bacon, an d te n African American s were represented . Given th e premis e o f th e exhibition , thos e wh o participate d wer e undoubtedl y considered radicals . Althoug h thi s was a blatan t cal l fo r artist s t o appl y thei r talents t o realiz e White' s ai m t o "delicatel y . . . effec t a unio n o f ar t an d propaganda," th e resultin g object s revea l a n unanticipate d diversit y o f approac h to th e subjec t o f lynching. 10 Wit h th e exceptio n o f Pegg y Bacon' s caricature s o f two notoriou s hangin g judges , An Art Commentary was a displa y o f wha t men thought abou t men's deeds . Th e exhibition , therefore , represent s wha t Roby n Wiegman refer s t o a s a "culturall y comple x relatio n betwee n blac k me n an d white me n an d thei r claim s t o th e patriarcha l provinc e o f masculin e power." 11 The race , class , religion , gender , an d sexua l orientatio n o f th e artis t ofte n pla y a pivotal rol e i n th e handlin g o f subjec t matte r i n general . Bu t a them e a s loade d with socia l an d politica l significanc e a s lynching tende d t o exaggerat e th e artist' s expression o f self-involvement. Analysi s o f the ar t mus t rightl y tak e int o accoun t the backgroun d o f th e artis t t o enabl e th e mos t thoroug h extractio n o f meanin g possible. Hence , a n African American' s opinio n abou t lynchin g will understand ably contai n a n autobiographica l tone , becaus e a s Pearl Buc k mad e clea r i n he r 156

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opening addres s fo r th e exhibition , ever y blac k ma n was a potentia l victi m o f the lync h mob. 1 2 Durin g th e year s o f it s use , lynching withou t a doubt inspire d fear i n al l African Americans , bu t especiall y th e men . Further , thi s collectio n o f art serve s a s a n exampl e o f lynching' s late r perpetuatio n b y artists ' critiquin g broader notion s o f African-American masculinit y an d sexuality , issue s tha t wer e always present i n American art . Several o f th e work s displaye d i n An Art Commentary di d no t survive . Man y have gon e th e wa y o f cultura l ephemera , failin g th e tes t o f tim e give n t o object s of fine art . America n ar t containin g sociopolitica l commentar y durin g th e earl y twentieth centur y was closel y tie d t o th e graphi c medi a favore d b y newspaper s and magazines. 13 Therefore , man y o f th e Art Commentary entrie s wer e i n black an d whit e media : lithographs , drawings , an d cartoons . Th e painting s an d sculptures submitte d t o th e exhibitio n were , fo r th e mos t part , large r an d mor e elaborate piece s create d prio r t o th e announcemen t o f White's exhibition . Thes e independently conceive d object s i n particula r revea l a n interes t i n th e depictio n of thi s macabr e practic e b y celebrate d artist s a s differen t i n temperamen t a s Isamu Noguch i an d Thoma s Har t Benton . Noguchi, needin g a model , use d a photograp h publishe d i n 193 0 fo r hi s metal sculpture , Death (Lynched Figure) (figur e 2) . Th e violenc e o f thi s subjec t was considered s o uncharacteristic o f Noguchi tha t hi s biographers hav e assume d it wa s create d exclusivel y fo r An Art Commentary} A Althoug h th e sculpto r di d approach Whit e fo r hel p i n finding a n appropriat e photograph , th e ide a t o depict a lynching was Noguchi's alone . Noguchi, bor n i n Lo s Angeles an d raise d in Japan, occasionall y face d over t racis m fro m hi s white American critics . Henr y McBride calle d Death "jus t a little Japanese mistake" ; h e foun d Noguchi' s adep t use o f abstractio n an d figuration t o commen t o n America n barbaris m irritatin g at best. 15 Withou t specifi c referenc e t o Noguchi , Art News pointe d ou t th e "strong atmospher e o f sensationalism " an d " a sor t o f aestheti c opportunis m i n capitalization o n th e dramati c values o f the subject " a t han d i n An Art Commentary an d finall y judge d Death i n tha t contex t a s "closel y approachin g th e bi »16

zarre. Noguchi's participatio n i n th e NAAC P exhibitio n was a feather i n th e organi zation's cap . B y 1935 , h e ha d alread y enjoye d twelv e one-ma n exhibitions . Noguchi's professe d interes t i n communis t issue s figured int o th e criticis m o f his art . A s a humanitarian , h e was perhap s expecte d t o b e les s abstrac t i n hi s handling o f lynching . Accordin g t o Matthe w Baigell , "Noguch i ha s wante d hi s materials t o expres s themselve s throug h thei r texture s an d physica l propertie s a s well a s t o impl y meaning s suggeste d b y th e configuration s o f thei r forms." 17 Slightly smalle r tha n lif e size , th e seamless , faceles s meta l figure, suspende d b y actual rope , was froze n i n a n impossibl e positio n tha t implie d struggl e whe n 157

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Figure 2. Isamu Noguchi , Death (Lynched Figure), 1934, Monel metal , rope, 39 x 29 1A x 21 inches, (base not included). Photograph by Bernice Abbott/Commerce Graphic s Ltd., Inc.

struggle woul d hav e bee n futile . Th e ide a o f violen t deat h was aliv e an d glistening (a s a blac k bod y woul d b e ove r flames o r unde r th e lash) , attractin g even th e unwillin g viewer , wh o becam e a witnes s t o th e crim e i n it s presence . Embracing wha t th e ey e encountered , thi s powerfu l wor k o f ar t effortlessl y 158

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dominated th e Newto n Galleries . Withi n fou r day s o f An Art Commentary s opening, Noguchi , perhap s angr y a t th e omissio n o f hi s nam e i n th e catalo g o r fed u p wit h th e ton e o f th e recen t criticis m o f hi s work , remove d Death fro m Newton Gallerie s without explanation. 18 Although Thoma s Har t Benton' s painting , A Lynching (se e figure 3) , cam e out o f the Midwes t Regionalis t traditio n characterize d b y a somewhat litera l an d documentary style ; it nevertheles s ha d a n uncann y similarit y t o Noguchi' s work . Benton becam e celebrate d a s a n artis t wh o foun d optimis m i n th e lif e o f thos e Americans wh o continue d workin g th e soil . H e approache d th e subjec t o f lynching wit h simila r zeal , picturin g abl e America n me n a t work . Althoug h wielding a log agains t a jailhouse door , Benton' s figures coul d jus t a s easily hav e been collaboratin g t o buil d it . Bot h artist s chos e a n awkwardl y animate d pos e for th e lynche d figure, highlightin g th e morbidit y o f th e victim' s final breath — a plasti c suspensio n o f lif e tha t exaggerate d th e inevitabilit y o f death . Noguch i and Bento n als o foun d th e appea l o f placin g th e even t i n a n urban-inspire d environment mor e effectiv e tha n th e allusio n t o th e backwood s commo n t o other works . Th e telephon e pol e i n Benton' s picture , fro m whic h th e hangin g body i s suspended , bring s hom e th e iron y o f civilizatio n stil l accommodatin g savagery. Bento n carefull y compose d hi s paintin g wit h exper t us e o f light s an d darks, addin g a frenzie d rhyth m t o th e scene . Ar t execute d wit h skil l an d attention t o detail—aspect s celebrate d i n mos t contexts—ha d a shor t publi c life whe n i t addresse d disquietin g subjects . Th e creator s o f sociall y oriente d painting an d sculptur e i n th e 1930 s wer e har d presse d t o find privat e patronag e in America . Althoug h bot h Noguchi' s an d Benton' s lynchin g work s remaine d unsold i n th e artists ' collections , thes e me n wer e willin g t o mak e human e statements i n a n aren a where fe w were willing t o becom e publicl y involved. 19 Another picture , painte d i n 193 4 unde r th e auspice s o f th e Publi c Work s o f Art Project , was Samue l J . Brown , Jr.' s The Lynching (figur e 4) . Usin g a styl e bordering o n caricature , Brown , a n African America n bor n an d raise d i n Nort h Carolina, lef t n o doub t abou t hi s perspectiv e o n th e subject . Brow n ha d studie d to becom e a n ar t educato r a t th e Pennsylvani a Museu m o f Art . Hi s cleve r adoption o f a folk-like styl e t o presen t a serious subjec t becam e th e mar k o f hi s artistic work . Separate d fro m th e spectator s o n th e ground , th e hange d ma n i n The Lynching an d hi s viewin g audienc e i n th e ar t galler y becom e one . Th e bracketing tree trun k an d branche s ar e patterned an d positione d lik e a menacin g reptile. Th e blac k man' s incisors , bare d a s i f abou t t o bit e down , ar e pointed , adding a n animalisti c qualit y t o wha t w e assum e was a n innocen t man . Rathe r than a reflectio n o f internalize d self-hatred , th e implie d bestialit y o f th e blac k figure provides commentar y o n prevailin g white judgment o f African Americans ' subhuman status . Ironi c detail s aboun d i n thi s picture , bu t fe w sa w beyon d th e 159

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Figure 3 . Illustrate d catalo g pag e fro m An Art Commentary on Lynching. Hal e Woodruf f Papers , Amistad Research Center, Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana.

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Figure 4. Samuel J. Brown, Jr., The Lynching, 1934, watercolor and pencil on paper, 21 x 29 inches. Public Works of Art Project, on deposit at the Philadelphia Museum of Art.

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strangled, blue-gra y fac e dominatin g th e cente r o f th e frame . Th e dee p pin k droplets o f bloo d escapin g fro m th e hangin g bod y ar e suggestiv e o f th e smiling , upturned, pin k face s o f th e dens e crow d dottin g th e uppe r quarte r o f th e picture, a s i f thos e droplet s create d them . A man' s bloo d wa s she d s o tha t the y could liv e withou t fear ? Countles s crucifixio n picture s includ e a ladde r leanin g against th e cross . Althoug h mor e subtl e tha n other s i n hi s us e o f Christia n references, Brow n wa s no t abl e t o avoi d the m altogether . Eve n th e do g tuggin g playfully a t th e en d o f th e rop e woul d far e bette r i n lif e tha n a blac k man . Because o f Brown' s employmen t b y th e PWAP , h e was fre e t o purposel y address a politicall y loaded , contemporar y topi c withou t solel y considerin g it s marketability. Subsequently , The Lynching ca n b e counte d amon g th e larg e inventory o f PWA P artwork s that , a s on e museu m officia l recentl y expresse d it , "nobody wanted." 20 I t was clea r that , regardles s o f technica l quality , som e subjects (lynchin g probabl y rankin g hig h o n th e list ) remaine d unsuitabl e fo r expression throug h fine art . Thi s pictur e was th e boldes t commentar y t o b e made b y a n Africa n America n i n An Art Commentary, bu t th e intricac y o f it s message wa s los t i n it s somewha t heav y us e o f sarcasm . Winsto n Burdet t described The Lynching i n th e Brooklyn Daily Eagle: "It i s a decorative grotesqu e but no t ver y violent , an d preciousit y [sic] i s a littl e ou t o f plac e i n s o urgen t a subject." 21 Burdet t was no t alon e i n hi s opinion . Ye t n o criti c appeare d t o b e interested i n commentin g o n Alla n Freelon' s Barbecue —American Style. Thi s young blac k artis t chos e t o depic t "tha t momen t whe n th e victi m first feel s th e flames begi n t o lic k a t hi s body." 22 Th e revers e o f Brown' s heavenl y view , Freelon's victi m i s buckle d u p a t th e fee t o f hi s murderers . No t a s artisticall y astute an d lackin g th e calmin g effect s o f color , Freelon' s drawing , ignore d b y the critics , was anythin g bu t precious . An Art Commentary receive d modest new s coverage, which tende d t o highligh t the wor k o f th e mor e well-know n whit e contributors : Benton , Joh n Steuar t Curry, Georg e Bellows , an d Reginal d Marsh . Marsh' s drawing , This Ls Her First Lynching (se e figure 3) , was single d ou t fo r it s mor e subtl e handlin g o f th e subject, wher e hi s allusio n t o th e sicknes s o f a mob was enoug h t o distur b mos t viewers. Remembere d fo r hi s documentar y styl e an d bitin g clarity , Mars h painted Ne w York in al l its urban chaos . He favore d th e seedier side of life wher e the overlap of bodies crowded int o smal l spaces made a powerful commentar y o n modern existence . This Ls Her First Lynching (ther e are two fairly similar versions ) was n o exception . Althoug h th e crow d was decidedl y mad e u p o f countr y folk , they appea r t o b e dresse d fo r a sho w an d lik e th e "grea t hive s o f people, " a s Marilyn Cohe n describe d Marsh' s characters , the y continue d t o b e "caugh t u p in a period o f nationa l economi c disaster , ye t stil l pursuin g thei r leisur e or , lik e the Bower y bums , passin g th e time , endlessl y waiting." 23 A well-educate d an d 162

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financially secur e illustrator , Mars h wa s beholde n t o none . I n 1925 , h e becam e one o f th e origina l cartoonist s fo r th e New Yorker}^ Lik e a skille d journalist , Marsh offer s jus t enoug h detai l t o fue l th e imagination . Hi s detachmen t fro m the scenes he most enjoyed documentin g wa s obvious. Marsh, livin g comfortabl y throughout hi s life , considere d thos e les s fortunat e mor e inventiv e i n thei r leisure. Lynchin g was entertainmen t fro m th e standpoin t o f th e enthusiasti c mother holdin g he r chil d overhea d fo r a bette r vie w o f th e event . Marsh' s matter-of-fact handlin g accentuate s th e macabr e withou t over t condemnation . Viewer expectation s ar e no t me t i n thi s picture , an d i t i s fo r tha t ver y reaso n that i t wa s single d ou t b y th e critic s a s effective . Lackin g litera l interpretation , such object s invite d sustaine d contemplation . One standou t exampl e o f this invitatio n t o contemplat e was William Mosby' s Dixie Holiday (se e figure 3) . Th e intuitiv e styl e o f thi s fol k carve r offere d a n unencumbered meditatio n o n th e helplessness o f African American s livin g in th e South. Mosby , th e onl y tru e blac k fol k artis t represente d i n th e exhibition , was a sociolog y studen t a t Virgini a Unio n Universit y whe n h e carve d Dixie Holiday out o f a solid bloc k o f walnut. Th e sculptur e was onl y abou t on e foo t i n height , yet i t receive d enthusiasti c prais e an d was eventuall y purchase d b y th e NAAC P for it s offices . Th e popularit y o f thi s carvin g wa s a reflectio n o f th e interes t i n Negro fol k expression s takin g hol d durin g th e 1930s . The contemporar y career s of Horac e Pippi n an d Willia m Edmondso n ar e well-know n examples . I t was believed tha t th e untainte d (rea d untrained ) countr y artis t coul d bes t acces s th e true expressio n o f th e race . Mosb y ha d neve r carve d before , an d i t i s unknow n whether h e continue d wit h hi s art . Withou t forma l training , h e skillfull y simu lated a sense of powerlessness lef t i n th e wake of mob violence. I n Dixie Holiday, the victim' s famil y assembl e unde r th e tre e lik e pawn s i n a ches s game , wearin g expressionless masks . Th e religiou s narrative , equall y a s subtl e a s Brown' s mor e sophisticated technique , canno t b e overlooked . Th e Madonna-with-chil d figure began th e chai n connectin g thi s narrativ e t o th e lif e o f Chris t fro m birt h t o death. Thi s was th e genera l manne r o f th e African-America n artist s represente d in An Art Commentary. Th e stead y qualit y o f Mosby' s vertica l forma t an d th e static, self-containe d form s create d a quie t complacency— a kin d o f visua l resignation—not conduciv e t o emotiona l response . Picture s submitte d b y Hal e Woodruff, Malvi n Gra y Johnson , E . Simm s Campbell , an d Wilme r Jennings , all Africa n Americans , carrie d a n identica l tone . Eac h include d allusion s t o Christianity colorin g thei r composition s wit h wha t woul d b e considere d mis placed sentimentality . Stephe n Alexander , writin g fo r th e New Masses, a radica l leftist magazine , dismisse d An Art Commentary a s "s o permeate d b y religiou s spirit a s t o b e littl e mor e tha n praye r i n graphi c an d plasti c form." 25 Th e willingness t o mak e a statement o f powerlessnes s wa s presen t bu t no t accompa 163

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nied b y th e abilit y t o confron t a white-dominate d audienc e wit h blac k anger . This o f course di d no t mea n ange r wa s altogethe r absen t fro m th e equation . Alexander's opinio n was a reflectio n o f wha t wa s expecte d fro m ar t a s socia l commentary. Th e exhibitio n was arrange d t o incit e alar m and , wit h it , actio n t o end lynchin g throug h lega l channels . No t al l visitor s t o th e Newto n Gallerie s went awa y unmoved . On e reporte r foun d a brav e femal e visito r feelin g fain t while walkin g throug h th e galleries . Another warne d tha t "Yo u ma y ge t a littl e ill, bu t i t ma y d o yo u good." 26 Eve n so , thes e object s wer e judge d overal l a s watered down , mer e artisti c transcription s o f a horrid act , an d therefor e ineffec tual a s propaganda . I t was apparentl y no t considere d possibl e o r necessar y fo r objects o f artisti c meri t t o b e create d unde r th e rubri c o f lynching . Rober t L . Zangrando allotte d onl y a shor t paragrap h t o thi s exhibitio n i n hi s usefu l an d thorough text , The NAACP Crusade against Lynching, 1909-19501 27 If , then , An Art Commentary faile d a t th e level s o f fine ar t an d politica l propaganda , it s works nevertheles s vividl y rendere d th e violen t convergenc e o f race , gender , an d sexuality aroun d th e phenomeno n o f lynching . The lif e o f the min d playe d a n importan t rol e in th e creation , an d i n tur n th e reception, o f these works. An artis t unabl e t o dra w o n persona l visua l experienc e to creat e a pictur e resort s t o imagination . Pau l Cadmus , a n avowe d atheis t a s well a s a n apolitica l homosexual , reveale d hi s opinio n b y picturin g huma n interaction an d intens e facia l expression . Cadmu s create d To the Lynching! (figure 5 ) specificall y fo r An Art Commentary, usin g a swirl o f fine lines t o creat e a pileu p o f well-develope d mal e anatomy . Th e resultin g sensatio n was chaotic . According t o Gu y Davenport , t o understan d Cadmu s w e mus t recogniz e tha t "moral chao s i s alway s show n i n crowds " an d "onc e sexualit y o f an y kin d becomes a her d activity , Cadmu s see s i t a s vice , chaos , a failur e o f orde r an d self-control." 28 Man y o f Cadmus' s picture s ar e overtl y sexual . To the Lynching! was n o exception . Unlik e th e majorit y o f work s i n An Art Commentary, Cad mus's figures physicall y interac t wit h th e victim' s body , clawin g hi s fac e an d arms an d touchin g hi s abdomen . B y makin g th e lync h mo b resembl e a pack o f wolves abou t t o devou r thei r kill , Cadmu s covertl y implicated th e odiou s natur e of th e assumptio n tha t "Negroe s ar e pron e t o crime s agains t wome n an d tha t unless a Negr o i s lynche d no w an d the n th e wome n i n th e solitar y farmstead s are in danger." 29 I n othe r words , lynchin g was abou t correctin g suppose d sexua l deviance, something Cadmu s ha d a talent fo r picturing . To the Lynching! situates the viewe r o n to p o f th e scene . W e ar e draw n int o th e confusion , wher e th e figures ar e disturbingl y identica l i n color . Cadmus' s willingnes s t o pul l th e viewer i n s o clos e migh t b e a sig n o f hi s awarenes s tha t th e majorit y o f thos e who woul d visi t th e exhibitio n woul d b e white . Th e triangl e o f whit e men , i n their freedom , ar e th e one s t o b e feared . Thi s pictur e frankl y accuse s it s viewer s 164

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Figure 5 . Pau l Cadmus , To the Lynching! 1935 , graphit e an d watercolo r o n paper , 20 1/2 x 15 3A inches. Collectio n o f Whitne y Museu m o f America n Art , Ne w York , photograp h © 1995 , Whitne y Museum of American Art.

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as participant s rathe r tha n puttin g the m i n sympath y wit h th e victi m or , a s Benton an d other s ha d done , offerin g a saf e distanc e fro m whic h t o ac t a s voyeurs. It wa s commo n knowledg e tha t th e majorit y o f lynching s o f blac k me n wer e justified b y a cal l t o preserv e th e safet y an d sanctit y o f whit e womanhood . Knowing this , w e ca n recogniz e th e influenc e o f th e sexua l componen t behin d the actua l mutilatio n o f African-American me n a s well a s it s depictio n i n som e of th e object s create d b y whit e artists. 30 Example s rang e fro m Jewis h sculpto r Aaron Goodleman' s simpl e albei t subversiv e statemen t tha t th e blac k ma n di d not hav e a le g t o stan d o n t o th e mor e involve d narrativ e i n Georg e Bellows' s lithograph, The Law Is Too Slow (figur e 6). 31 The Law Is Too Slow was th e artisti c see d tha t gre w int o An Art Commentary. Walter Whit e use d th e lithograp h fo r th e jacke t cove r o f hi s 192 9 boo k Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch. However , thi s pictur e was originall y made i n 192 3 t o illustrat e "Nemesis, " a short stor y b y Mary Johnston. Th e titl e of the piece was inflammatory enough , bu t th e stor y coul d hav e fe d th e statistic s on lynching : "The y sai d tha t th e man , a blac k man , ha d don e th e crim e [attacking an d murderin g a white woman] . Perhap s h e had , perhap s h e ha d not . . . . On e o f th e fou r me n lighte d th e pile , th e can e blaze d up , an d th e nigh t turned re d an d horribl y loud—lik e hell." 32 Whil e th e blac k artis t situate s th e victim o n a journey t o retur n t o hi s God , th e white artis t condemn s hi m t o hel l on earth . A s a n artis t wh o embrace d nineteenth-centur y academi c tradition , Bellows calle d t o min d work s fro m tha t centur y tha t invoke d image s o f violence and sexua l aggression . Th e subjugate d pal e woman i n ar t painte d b y artist s fro m the Frenc h Schoo l o f Romanticist s suc h a s Gerom e an d Delacroi x was replace d with a blac k ma n chaine d her e a s h e wa s i n slaver y an d glowin g fro m th e wais t down a s i f li t fro m th e inside . Rathe r tha n assumin g th e usua l masculin e position a s viewe r o r activ e participant , th e blac k ma n become s th e passiv e object viewed , th e positio n generall y hel d i n ar t b y a female . Bellows' s artisti c effort, tinge d wit h eroti c undertones , attempte d t o addres s th e gruesom e real ity o f castratio n o f lynchin g victim s bu t fel l amazingl y shor t o f tha t reality . The African-America n ma n i n tha t pictur e was no t presente d a s a ma n bu t a beas t who m a nationa l leade r suc h a s Woodro w Wilso n openl y designate d as on e i n a "hos t o f dusk y childre n . . . insolen t an d aggressive , sic k o f work , [and] covetou s o f pleasure, " saf e i n hi s belie f tha t commo n consensu s wa s behind him. 33 The positionin g o f th e blac k ma n a s no t onl y a victim bu t a restraine d viril e beast was not unlik e portrayals o f the devi l i n Western art . The seductiv e qualit y of "dar k evi l vanquished " underlyin g th e mor e sensationalisti c handlin g o f th e theme b y Bellow s an d other s wa s contrar y t o th e caus e o f ar t mean t t o reflec t 166

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Figure 6. Georg e Wesley Bellows , The Law Is Too Slow, 1923, lithograph . Gift o f Georg e F . Porter, 1925.1567, photograph © 1994 , The Art Institute of Chicago. All rights reserved.

the spiri t o f antilynchin g propaganda . Howeve r distasteful , lynchin g ha s inter woven i n it s meanin g issue s o f sexua l moralit y tha t mos t America n me n coul d relate t o o n som e leve l durin g tha t time . Thes e sentiments—boun d b y fear s o f inadequacy—superimposed o n lynchin g produce d a n antithetica l bran d o f sa 167

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dism. Hence , w e wil l find th e us e o f blac k mal e bodie s boun d b y rop e reap pearing late r a s erotica . Th e ide a o f manhood/personhoo d fade s awa y a s th e black mal e bod y claim s a space as object o f desire. The manhoo d o f black s was no t a n issu e durin g slavery . Fo r al l intent s an d purposes, th e slav e remaine d a "boy " throughou t hi s entir e life . Afte r th e Civi l War an d emancipation , th e African-American ma n was able to assume a position of masculinity , i f onl y withi n hi s ow n ethni c community . Th e threa t tha t h e might hav e acces s t o th e act s an d deed s o f "men " wa s t o becom e th e catalys t fo r the emergenc e o f new an d viciou s method s o f keeping him i n hi s "place. " Man y of thes e limitation s hav e bee n confirme d i n American visua l arts . Th e dres s an d body languag e o f th e man y anonymou s blac k figures foun d acros s th e entir e historical spectru m o f American ar t prio r t o th e civi l right s movemen t withou t a doubt reflecte d th e inferio r statu s o f the African American. 34 African-American artist s creatin g work s i n th e 1930 s fo r polit e societ y foun d it difficul t t o b e a s forthrigh t a s Cadmus , Bellows , o r eve n Brown . I n contrast , most African-America n artists , unaccustome d t o lashin g ou t a t th e oppressor , preferred t o focu s o n victimhoo d an d thos e potentia l victim s lef t behind . A s mentioned earlier , thei r ar t possessed th e ton e o f a n appea l t o th e moralit y o f the viewer , ofte n throug h religiou s references . Richmon d Barthe , a devou t Roman Catholi c o f Louisian a Creol e stock , ha d begu n The Mother (figur e 7 ) before An Art Commentary was conceived. 35 Th e sculpto r emphasize d th e vic tim's mothe r an d rendere d th e blac k man' s bod y completel y nude . Nudit y heightened th e figure's vulnerabilit y an d effecte d a n allusio n t o familia r image s of th e crucifie d Chris t whil e silentl y highlightin g th e barrennes s o f th e blac k man's experienc e i n America. Bu t what i s particularly unusua l abou t The Mother was tha t Barth e lef t th e lynche d bod y intact . Thi s was a n unlikel y state , because whe n a lync h victi m was strippe d h e was customaril y castrate d a s well. Castration, th e litera l feminizin g o f th e so-calle d hypersexua l blac k male , ha s been pointe d ou t b y Wiegma n a s a "violentl y homoeroti c exchange " bringin g out a subconsciou s whit e obsessio n wit h sexua l parit y a s oppose d t o gende r equality.36 Further , i t ha s bee n documente d tha t th e peni s o f th e lync h victi m became a valuabl e souvenir . Wiegma n convincingl y analyze d thi s practice : "I n the imag e o f whit e me n embracing—wit h hate , fear , an d a chillin g for m o f empowered delight—th e ver y peni s the y wer e s o overdeterminedl y drive n t o destroy, on e encounter s a sadistic enactmen t o f the homoerotic , indee d it s mos t extreme disavowal." 37 A s a blac k ma n wh o openl y preferre d a homosocia l lif e but neve r publicl y reveale d homosexua l preferences , Barth e create d a sculptur e that serve d a s a saf e condui t fo r thes e closete d sentiments . I t i s obviou s tha t Barthe meant t o cloa k a violent crim e with th e compositiona l grac e and anatom ical beaut y o f th e famou s Italia n Renaissanc e model , Michelangelo' s Pietd. Bu t 168

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Figure 7. Richmond Barthe , The Mother, 1934, painted plaster , approximatel y life-sized , destroyed 1940. Photograph from the National Archives, Washington, D.C.

failure t o se e beneat h tha t cloa k render s impoten t th e socia l an d persona l discourse a t work i n thi s object . The religiou s configuratio n o f ar t lik e Bardie' s lamentatio n scen e als o point s to a bold notio n takin g hol d durin g th e perio d tha t th e so n o f Go d wa s a blac k man. Thi s ide a entere d th e ar t aren a with work s suc h a s the subtl e reference s t o lynching i n th e illustration s b y Charle s Culle n fo r Counte e Cullen' s Colors in 1927, an d agai n i n 192 9 whe n h e publishe d The Black Christ. I n 1927 , a smal l figure hangin g limpl y fro m a tre e i n th e backgroun d wa s enoug h t o giv e a n angry edg e t o a n otherwis e upliftin g picture . B y 1929 , Culle n boldl y create d a checkerboard o f repeate d figures—black-lynched, white-crucified—unti l th e figures begi n t o merg e i n th e mind' s eye . As bol d a s thi s wor k was fo r it s time , The Black Christ cover, whic h introduce d a fictional accoun t o f a lynching , di d not compar e t o th e audacit y o f Langsto n Hughes' s languag e i n hi s 193 0 poe m "Christ i n Alabama. " Hughe s openl y calle d Chris t a "nigger " an d parallele d hi s execution wit h tha t o f a lync h victim . I t was apparentl y easie r fo r som e blac k 169

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writers t o b e forthright i n expressin g thei r sentiment s o n th e subject . Mos t visua l artists wer e usin g a talen t stil l boun d t o notion s o f creatin g object s o f beaut y based o n Euro-America n standards . I n 1935 , blac k ha d no t ye t becom e beau tiful. Historically, th e impressiv e strengt h an d beaut y o f th e blac k mal e bod y ha d not escape d th e whit e artist' s brus h an d chisel . A s Michae l Hat t ha s appropri ately state d i n hi s essa y concernin g masculinit y an d th e representatio n o f th e black bod y i n America n art , "Th e savag e i s mor e anima l tha n huma n an d s o clearly canno t b e a man , no t leas t becaus e o f hi s excessiv e sexua l nature , lustfu l and unregulate d b y socialization." 38 Recognitio n an d appreciatio n o f th e blac k body wer e give n o n a leve l o f pur e aesthetic s excite d b y th e "excessiv e sexua l nature" o f th e "savage " havin g nothin g t o d o wit h endowin g black s wit h an y inherent huma n qualities . Harry Sternberg' s lithograph , sarcasticall y title d Southern Holiday (figur e 8) , accentuated th e blac k bod y whil e commentin g o n th e rui n o f democrac y b y capitalism. Column s an d smokestacks , obviou s symbol s o f civilizatio n an d in dustrialization (offse t b y th e smal l countr y churc h whos e steepl e th e victi m touches wit h hi s middl e finger), als o serve d a s phalli c symbol s emphasizin g th e missing genital s severe d fro m betwee n th e figure's sprea d legs . The artis t recalle d being "fille d wit h ange r an d sham e . . . an d eventuall y transmitte d thes e emo tions throug h th e finished print." 39 Althoug h w e recogniz e th e expressio n o f pain an d anguis h o n th e fac e o f th e boun d figure, hi s expressio n doe s no t carr y the overal l teno r o f th e picture . Sternber g returne d t o th e lynchin g them e i n 1937, removin g th e church , enlargin g th e figure, an d obscurin g th e castration . The sexua l languag e o f th e writhing , boun d bod y project s a familiar, stereotypi cal, an d henc e mor e powerfu l messag e regardles s o f th e symbol s surroundin g it. 40 In general , th e whit e artist s wer e mor e willin g t o addres s th e spectacl e o f th e lynching act . Fro m thei r perspectiv e a s white men , th e artist s coul d conceivabl y have empathize d wit h th e mob . Som e o f the m use d a cleve r compositiona l too l to avoi d suc h a reading . Whethe r th e us e o f thi s too l was a consciou s ac t i s unknown. Joh n Steuar t Curry' s treatmen t o f lynchin g i s a clea r example . A Midwesterner know n fo r hi s sympatheti c treatmen t o f th e African-America n figure, Curr y execute d severa l version s o f The Fugitive (se e figure 1 ) with mino r variances betwee n them . Notic e ho w th e viewer an d b y implication th e artis t ar e placed outsid e th e manhunt . Safel y a t a distance , w e hav e a bird's-ey e vie w beyond Curry' s blac k figure grippin g th e tre e branc h wit h hi s toe s lik e a monkey. Viewer s wer e exemp t fro m th e even t whil e bein g allowe d t o witnes s i t vicariously. Thi s was als o th e cas e wit h th e example s b y Benton , Bellows , an d Sternberg discusse d earlier . I n eac h example , th e victi m was stil l alive , a s i f 170

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Figure 8 . Harr y Sternberg , Southern Holiday, 1935 , lithograph , 21 3A x 15 3A inches . Courtes y o f Susan Teller Gallery.

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rescue migh t stil l b e possible . I n contrast , th e blac k artist s mor e realisticall y depicted th e dee d a s done . Advocacy o f antilynchin g legislatio n wa s inheren t i n th e invitatio n t o exhibi t in An Art Commentary. Subtl e o r hidde n symbolis m factore d int o fe w o f th e works b y whit e artists , whil e i t wa s endemi c fo r blac k artists . Whit e artist s fearlessly addresse d th e absurditie s o f lynchin g wit h th e sam e open-face d audac ity tha t thei r Souther n brother s use d t o commi t th e crime . Th e lync h mob , a gathering usuall y s o larg e tha t n o singl e participan t was punished , was i n mos t cases addresse d a s existing ou t ther e somewher e beyon d th e civilize d confine s o f the ar t gallery . Wit h th e exceptio n o f Pegg y Baco n an d Edmun d Duffy , whit e artists willin g t o poin t a finger a t specifi c individuals , detail s wer e lef t asid e i n favor o f addressing th e large r concern—th e ac t itself . What lynchin g mean t an d why i t continue d t o b e practice d wer e thrashe d aroun d b y a divers e grou p o f artists i n An Art Commentary. Th e particular s o f lynchin g include d a n embar rassing arra y o f perversities . Th e remnant s o f An Art Commentary ar e historica l documents o f a battl e o f wit s betwee n thos e wh o sa w ar t a s a mediu m o f pleasure an d thos e who wante d i t t o b e an instrumen t o f education . The persistenc e o f th e lynchin g them e i n visua l ar t take s o n a ne w characte r with th e changin g attitude s o f ar t maker s emergin g afte r An Art Commentary. Within les s than a decade, writer/photographer Car l Van Vechten, heralded as the enthusiast o f th e Harle m Renaissance , persona l frien d an d champio n o f severa l black artists , an d note d patro n o f An Art Commentary, coul d pos e youn g Alle n Meadows i n th e woods tie d t o a tree sporting the characteristi c arrow s o f the Ro man martyr Saint Sebastian between his legs (figure 9) . Admittedly, reporte d inci dents of lynching had al l but disappeared b y 1940 , but did this make such blatan t referral t o i t admissible fo r purel y artisti c reasons? 41 Onc e rendere d passive , bot h in pose and b y being a photograph, th e black man was no longer an objec t o f fear but on e o f desire , recallin g wha t Koben a Merce r referre d t o a s "classica l racis m [which] involve d a logic of dehumanization[,] . . . bodies but not minds." 42 Late r in th e decade , Geoffre y Holde r create d hi s untitle d photograp h o f a muscular , dark-skinned tors o wit h heavy-gaug e rop e cuttin g int o it s flesh. Althoug h th e model was envelope d i n darknes s tha t rendere d hi m anonymous , th e minglin g tones of sex and violence were unmistakable. The symbolism o f lynching, eve n i n the hands o f a black artist, ha d bee n transforme d ou t o f the political realm . Doe s this mean tha t tim e heals all wounds? Although th e litera l practic e o f lynchin g was eventuall y stampe d out , i t continues metaphoricall y wit h considerabl e power . Lynching , a festering sor e i n American history , ha s bee n allude d t o b y Africa n American s i n referenc e t o al l levels o f racia l injustice . Th e languag e use d t o discus s th e recen t Thomas/Hil l hearings i s bu t on e significan t example . Lynching' s politica l powe r a s a visua l 172

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Figure 9. Carl Van Vechten, Untitled, 1942, black an d white photograph . Carl Van Vechten Papers , Beinecke Rar e Boo k an d Manuscrip t Library , Yal e University . Courtes y o f th e Estat e o f Car l Va n Vechten, Joseph Solomon, executor. 173

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tool ha s disintegrate d steadil y sinc e An Art Commentary wa s dismantle d i n December 1935 , whe n it s nationa l tou r faile d t o materialize . Th e visio n o f a limp figure danglin g fro m a branc h ha d bee n brande d o n th e America n mind . The shoc k valu e wa s waste d o n contemporar y ar t audiences . Walte r Whit e ha d no ide a ho w correc t h e wa s when h e wrot e i n 193 5 tha t "eve n a morbid subjec t can b e mad e popular." 44 Bot h drawin g u s i n an d repulsin g u s wit h image s evoking disturbin g emotiona l responses , thes e work s ( a fractio n o f th e numbe r reflecting America n interes t i n distressin g themes ) undeniabl y admi t tha t ar t maintains a special plac e fo r huma n vice . NOTES

1. Jacque s Seligmann , quote d i n "Protest s Ba r Sho w o f Art o n Lynching, " New York Times, Februar y 12 , 1935. 2. Fo r a detaile d accoun t o f th e politica l underpinning s o f thi s exhibition , se e Marlene Park , "Lynchin g an d Antilynching: Art an d Politic s i n th e 1930s, " in Prospects (Cente r fo r America n Cultura l Studies , Cambridg e Universit y Press ) 18 (1993): 311-65. 3. Souther n Commissio n o n th e Stud y o f Lynching, Lynchings and What They Mean (Atlanta : Commission, 1931) , 61. 4. Souther n Commissio n o n th e Study of Lynching, 63. 5. Rober t L . Zangrando, The NAACP Crusade against Lynching, 1909-1950 (Phil adelphia: Temple Universit y Press, 1980) , 122-38 . 6. Lette r t o Mrs . Georg e Bellows , Decembe r 13 , 1934 , fro m Walte r Whit e soliciting the use of her late husband's work. White mentions using the example of crusade s fo r anti-prohibition , whic h swaye d th e opinio n o f "snoot y societ y girls and others. " NAACP Papers , Library of Congress. 7. A clearheade d approac h t o investigatin g th e root s o f violenc e agains t Africa n Americans ca n b e found i n Herber t Shapiro , White Violence and Black Response (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press , 1988) . 8. Park , 338. 9. Marlen e Par k number s th e exhibitor s a t forty-four , followin g th e tall y o f th e newspapers, but neglected to name them. The catalog listed thirty-seven names . It i s quit e possibl e tha t Isam u Noguch i wa s no t th e onl y nam e missin g fro m the catalog, given the hasty manner i n which th e exhibition was put together . 10. Lette r to Mrs. Harry Payne Whitney, Decembe r 13 , 1934, NAACP Papers. 11. Roby n Wiegman , "Th e Anatom y o f Lynching, " i n American Sexual Politics: Sex, Gender, and Race since the Civil War, ed. John C . Fou t an d Maur a Sha w Tantillo (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993) , 240. 12. Severa l quotes from th e opening address can be found i n "Art Goes Educationa l on Decorou s Eas t Fifty-seventh , Nea r Fifth, " New York Post, February 18 , 1935. 13. Photograph s o f lynching were taken a s early as 190 8 and bega n t o be published 174

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in majo r America n magazine s b y th e 1930s . An Art Commentary di d no t include photographs , althoug h initiall y a te n dolla r priz e wa s slate d fo r tha t medium. Photograph s o f lynching were seen a s gruesomely explici t document s rather tha n ar t objects , an d mor e ofte n tha n no t th e photographe r remaine d anonymous. Th e Whitne y Museu m o f American Art' s exhibitio n Black Male included Accused/Blowtorch/Padlock (1986) b y Pat Ward Williams , which ques tions photograph s o f tortur e an d wh y a photographer migh t no t wan t t o ow n up to bein g present a t a lynching. 14. Bruc e Altshuler, Isamu Noguchi (New York: Abbeville Press, 1994) , 102 . 15. Altshuler , 29 . 16. Park , 32. 17. Matthe w Baigell , A Concise History of American Painting and Sculpture (New York: Harper an d Row , 1984) , 321. 18. NAAC P Papers . 19. Apparently , thi s paintin g wa s no t favore d b y Benton . Th e canva s wa s lef t neglected i n hi s leak y summe r cottag e an d subsequentl y becam e damage d beyond repair . N o colo r reproduction s ar e know n t o exist . Lette r t o R . L . Zangrando fro m T . H . Benton , Marc h 1963 , in Zangrando, 254 . 20. Anit a Duquette , manage r o f rights and reproduction s o f the Whitney Museu m of American Art, telephon e conversatio n wit h author , Februar y 9 , 1995 . 21. Winsto n Burdett , "Artist s Cal l Attentio n t o th e Gentl e Ar t o f Lynching, " Brooklyn Daily Eagle, Februar y 15 , 1935 , NAACP Papers . 22. Lette r t o Walter White fro m Alla n Freelon , undated, NAAC P Papers . 23. Marily n Cohen , Reginald Marsh's New York (New York : Whitne y Museu m o f American Art, 1983) , 1 . 24. Cohen , 3 . 25. Quote d i n Park , 343. 26. Miche l Mok , "Ar t Sho w Depict s Horror s o f Mo b Lynchin g Hysteria, " New York Post, Februar y 15 , 1935 , NAACP Papers . 27. Zangrando , 125-26 . 28. Gu y Davenport, The Drawings of Paul Cadmus (New York: Rizzoli, 1989) , 9. 29. Souther n Commissio n o n th e Study of Lynching, 42. 30. Th e tw o African Americans , Mosby and Richmon d Barthe , who use d complet e nudity in their works depicted th e male body intact . 31. Goodleman' s truncate d tors o o f polished, wood-staine d ebon y was made mor e powerful b y his adaptation o f carved, African representation s o f the body . 32. Mar y Johnston, "Nemesis, " Century Magazine, May 1923 . 33. Thi s statement was made in 190 1 and i s quoted i n Earl Ofari Hutchinson , The Assassination of the Black Male Image (Los Angeles: Middle Passage Press, 1994) , 11-12. 34. Fo r a visually stimulatin g excursio n o f thi s kind , se e Gu y C . McElroy , Facing History: The Black Image in American Art, 1710-1940 (Washington , D.C. : Corcoran Galler y of Art, 1990) . 175

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35. Althoug h White courted Barth e heavily to have him exhibit in An Art Commentary, Barthe withhel d th e sculpture , preferrin g no t t o implicat e himsel f i n th e political web of the NAACP program. The Mother was a centerpiece in his oneman sho w held i n New York a few weeks after White' s sho w closed. 36. Wiegman , 243. 37. Wiegman , 243. 38. Michae l Hatt , " 'Making a Man o f Him' : Masculinit y an d th e Blac k Bod y i n Mid-Nineteenth-Century America n Sculpture, " Oxford Art Journal 15 , no . 1 (1992): 21-35. 39. Sternberg , quoted i n Park , 347 . 40. Th e 193 7 version , title d The Lynching, was reproduce d i n Alai n Locke , The Negro in Art: A Pictorial Record of the Negro Artist and of the Negro Theme in Art (1940 ; New York: Hacker Art Books , 1968) , 197 . 41. Jessi e D. Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching: Review of Lynching, 19311941 (Atlanta : Commission o n Interracia l Cooperation , 1942) . 42. Koben a Mercer, Welcome to the Jungle (New York: Routledge, 1994) , 138 . 43. Thi s 194 2 photograp h wa s publishe d i n Geoffre y Holder , Adam (Ne w York : Viking, 1986) . 44. Lette r to Mrs. Harry Payne Whitney.

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10 JOHN L . JACKSON , JR . THE SOLE S O F BLAC K FOL K THESE REEBOK S WER E MAD E FO R RUNNIN ' (FROM TH E WHIT E MAN )

(for brother s fred hampto n & mark dark , murdere d 12/4/6 9 b y Chicago polic e at 4:3 0 a.m. while they slept ) . . . wer e the street light s out? / di d they [th e police] darke n their face s i n combat? / di d they remov e their shoes to creep softer? / coul d you not see the white of their eyes, / th e whi-te of their deathfaces? / o r di d they just turn into ghost dust and join the night fog? —Don L. Lee (Haki Madhabuti), "One Sided Shootout"

There wa s n o deceivin g hi m [th e slavemaster] . Hi s wor k wen t o n i n hi s absenc e almos t a s wel l a s i n hi s presence; an d h e ha d th e facult y o f makin g u s fee l a s i f h e wa s eve r presen t wit h us . Thi s h e di d b y surprising us . H e seldom approache d th e spo t wher e w e worke d openly , i f h e could d o s o secretly . Suc h was hi s cunning tha t w e use d to cal l him , amongst ourselves , "th e snake. " Whe n w e wer e at wor k i n the cornfield, he would sometimes crawl on his hands and knees to avoid detection, and all at once would ris e nearly i n ou r midst , an d screa m out , "Ha , ha ! Come , come ! Das h on , dash on! " This bein g hi s mod e o f attack, i t was never safe to stop a single minute. His comings were like a thief i n the night. He appeared to us as being ever at hand . He was unde r ever y tree, behind every stump, in every bus h and window o n the plantation.... He seemed to think himself equal to deceiving the Almighty. —Frederick Douglass , Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, An American Slave

Overseer, overseah, oviseah, ofiseah, offiseah, officer. They both ride horses. —KRS-One, "The Sound of the Police"

POLICING THEOR Y

I Thi s essa y i s a n attemp t beyon d myself , outsid e myself : a tryin g ou t o f ne w techniques ("new " fo r me , a t least) , ne w "voices. " I t i s a n excerp t fro m a n ethnography (o f sorts ) o n Crow n Heights , wher e I live , an d o n th e folk s wh o live ther e wit h me . Bu t i t i s no t a writing abou t al l o f Crow n Height s an d ma y not eve n be , in th e final analysis , about an y o f it. I t i s more abou t "th e State " i n (and of ) Crow n Heights , abou t th e way s tha t "State " i s though t abou t an d talked abou t b y a few o f the peopl e who cal l this sectio n o f Brookly n home . Bu t this piec e i s als o abou t theory , abou t theorization , abou t th e way s w e ofte n theorize ou r lives , ou r worlds , ou t o f existence , ou t o f thi s worl d an d int o

JOHN L . J A C K S O N , JR .

an "other " worl d man y conceptua l dimension s remove d fro m ou r own—th e difference betwee n a "model" an d th e thin g "modeled " after . Theories ofte n serv e t o displac e an d subsum e th e subject s abou t whic h the y comment an d contend . Th e wonderfull y complicate d worl d i n whic h w e liv e i s relegated t o th e calm , cool , an d calculate d line s o f sociologica l manuscript s tha t tie u p al l th e loos e end s o f analysis suc h tha t "th e theory " ignore s th e way s i n which live d live s exis t beyon d th e hypothesis , outstretc h it , outliv e it . Indeed , Nietzsche seem s righ t o n th e mar k whe n th e dud e says , "Al l philosopher s hav e handled fo r millenni a ha s bee n conceptua l mummies . Nothin g actua l ha s es caped thei r hand s alive." 1 I t is , indeed , no t ou r hand s tha t w e hav e t o worr y about i n thi s case , bu t ou r minds : mind s capabl e o f creatin g a worl d an d destroying i t i n th e ver y sam e instant . Surely , t o theoriz e i s ofte n a homicida l act, a killing o f th e heterogeneit y o f the world, a knife thrus t int o th e very hear t of life . Wit h som e o f thi s i n mind , I wil l b e writin g a s muc h abou t writin g a s about som e o f th e peopl e i n a smal l sectio n o f Crow n Height s wher e I'v e conducted fieldwork. Ralp h Ellison , discussin g th e way s scholar s hav e theorize d about th e inne r city , onc e said , I don' t den y tha t thes e sociological formula s ar e drawn fro m life , bu t I do den y tha t the y define th e complexity o f Harlem. They onl y abstrac t it an d reduc e i t t o proportion s whic h th e sociologist s ca n manage . I simply don't recogniz e Harlem i n them. And I certainly don't recogniz e the peopl e i n Harle m who m I know . Whic h i s b y n o mean s t o den y the ruggednes s o f lif e there , no r th e hardship , th e poverty , th e sor didness, th e filth. Bu t ther e i s somethin g els e i n Harlem , somethin g subjective, willful , an d complexl y an d compellingl y human . I t i s tha t "something else " that challenge s th e sociologists who ignor e it. . . . It is that somethin g else which make s for ou r strength , which make s for ou r endurance an d ou r promise . Thi s i s th e prope r subjec t fo r th e Negr o American writer . Hell , h e doesn' t hav e t o spen d al l tha t tediou s tim e required t o writ e novel s [o r ethnographies ] simpl y t o repea t wha t th e sociologists an d certai n whit e intellectual s ar e broadcastin g lik e a zo o full o f parrots. 2 What was tru e abou t th e sociologica l depictio n o f Harlem the n i s probably eve n truer now . An d Harlem , i n m y mind' s pinea l eye , ain' t bu t a theoretica l hop , skip, an d jum p fro m it s cousi n Crow n Heights . A s differen t a s th e tw o place s are, the y hav e a n inne r samenes s tha t I ofte n recogniz e ( a recognition, le t m e b e quick t o add , tha t shouldn' t b e misconstrue d a s a no d t o ethni c absolutism) . Furthermore, muc h o f Ellison' s critiqu e ring s tru e fo r attempt s a t talkin g abou t both place s i n th e her e an d no w o f the lat e twentiet h century . 178

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But ho w d o yo u tal k abou t an d "represent " tha t "somethin g else " t o whic h Ellison refers , a "somethin g else " tha t ha s escape d treatmen t i n traditiona l academic discours e o n th e inne r city ? I us e "represent " i n th e sens e o f no t onl y "to depict, " bu t "representin ' " i n th e sens e evoke d i n "street " vernacula r (ban died abou t b y b-boy s an d b-girl s alike) , whic h mean s tha t on e i s speakin g fo r (and a s on e of ) thos e commonl y lef t unrepresente d i n publi c forums : repre sentin' fo r th e peoples ! Th e complexit y an d richnes s o f Crow n Height s circ a 1990, o f th e "somethin g else " i n Crow n Height s ( a somethin g els e tha t escape s traditional socia l scienc e discours e a s a chameleon doe s it s attacker ) ar e no t eas y to represen t i n eithe r sens e o f th e word . I can' t begi n t o gras p way s o f doin g i t accurately. B y retheorizing theory , maybe ? B y tactilizing theory ? Praxisorizin g it ? Exorcising i t o f its nineteenth-centur y demons ? Thes e ar e som e o f th e rhetorica l feats tha t thi s essa y (i n th e tru e sens e o f an attempt ) i s pretending t o do : To sli p its words i n an d ou t o f knots, throug h an d aroun d th e impossible , s o as to arriv e at a renderin g o f Crow n Height s a s alive , complex , an d ungraspabl e a s th e wonderfully somethingelsica l plac e itself . Nineteenth-centur y writin g modes , God bles s thei r tire d soul , don' t cu t it . Feigne d authorit y an d objectivit y jus t won't d o either . No t fo r th e somethin g else . We hav e t o mak e writin g right , o r at leas t mor e right , befor e w e ar e lef t wit h nothin g o f importance . I mus t tak e Cixous's approac h t o writin g seriously . I t resonate s wit h me : When I write, I becom e like a thing, a wild beast . A wild beas t doesn' t look bac k whe n i t leaps , doesn' t chec k tha t peopl e ar e watchin g an d admiring. Those who d o no t becom e wild beast s when the y write, who write t o please , writ e nothin g tha t ha s no t alread y bee n written , an d forge extr a bars for ou r cage. 3 We nee d ne w (dar e I say , bestial! ) way s o f writin g t o captur e ou r new , eve r changing way s o f bein g i n th e world . Tha t i s m y belief , an d thi s offerin g i s a n attempt, a try ( a necessary failure ) i n jus t tha t ver y endeavor : m y representin ' o f my peoples , a n attemp t t o capture , howeve r inexhaustively , th e multilayere d lives live d b y rea l peopl e wh o (i t ca n b e argued ) ofte n hav e t o mak e u p thei r worlds an d thei r live s a s the y g o along . An d a n ethnography/essay/theor y tha t keeps u p wit h peopl e i n suc h a protea n worl d mus t b e jus t a s fluid, a s eve r shifting, a s chameleon-like a s they are . Or a t leas t will tr y t o be . THE LAW-MAINTAININ G SILENC E AN D TH E LAW-FOUNDIN G SILENC E

It begin s wit h a scene. O f cop s an d criminals . O f siren s an d sounds . Th e polic e always see m t o b e playin g hide-and-see k wit h th e public . On e momen t i t i s a silent night , dark , almos t dank ; th e polic e ar e eve r cloake d an d camouflaged , waiting t o pounc e o n an y wrongdoer. Th e nex t minute , presto , lik e th e prover 179

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bial rabbi t ou t th e hat , ther e ar e roarin g siren s accompanie d b y flashing blue s t o reds t o blue s t o reds . It wa s a hot summe r nigh t i n Crow n Heights ; i n th e res t o f the cit y a s well, I suspect. Som e o f th e fol k livin g i n m y mom' s housin g projec t comple x (m y "informants") ar e outsid e thei r buildings : severa l standin g o n porches , a fe w dangling fro m fire escapes , an d eve n mor e alignin g fron t walkways , al l i n a n attempt t o escap e th e swelterin g apartment s inside . (Poin t o f clarification : i t i s "my mom' s housin g projec t complex " becaus e sh e pay s ren t there , no t becaus e she owns it.) Anyway, I too am ou t o n a walkway, shufflin g card s and fellowship ping with neighbors . M y mom' s apartmen t ha s t o b e well ove r 13 0 degrees , an d I'll b e damned , I tel l myself , i f I'll b e coope d u p i n tha t kin d o f uncomfortabl e heat al l night . A ca r speed s throug h th e 12:0 0 A.M . stree t i n fron t o f m y mom' s buildin g and stop s o n th e corner . Eye s craw l u p fro m "spades " and "bullshit " car d game s (played wit h re d an d whit e checkere d card s o n foldou t tables ) t o se e "wha h d e fuck i s goin ' o n ou t dere!? " Stoke s i s sixty-on e an d ha s live d i n Crow n Height s for som e fifteen years . He i s the first person t o vocalize everyone's preoccupatio n with tha t car' s sudden screeching . Befor e Stoke s cam e to Crow n Heights , h e was in Harle m fo r anothe r twent y years , bu t h e i s originall y fro m Jamaica . Mos t o f the blac k folk s i n thi s area , mysel f included , ar e n o mor e tha n on e o r tw o generations remove d fro m th e Caribbean . (I n fact , I ain' t bee n t o Antigua — where m y mo m was born—but once , and stil l ther e ar e moments whe n I feel a s Caribbean a s I d o American. ) Stoke s continue s speakin g a s th e no w silen t automobile rest s momentaril y motionles s acros s th e street . "What d e hell i s goin' o n i n di s muddahfuckah? " h e asks. "You ain' t reall y asking, caus e you kno w we na h know! " The quic k retor t i s fro m Kyrle , m y spade s partne r o n thi s night . Th e tw o men the n begi n t o theoriz e abou t th e drive r o f th e car . H e i s at first sai d t o b e a drug dealer , bu t the n i t i s decide d tha t h e coul d no t be , becaus e th e ca r i s onl y a Hond a an d everyon e know s tha t dealer s mak e enoug h mone y fo r Benze s an d BMWs. H e i s nex t deeme d a n undercove r cop , bu t onc e agai n the y remin d themselves tha t i t is a Honda, an d police—undercove r o r not, th e men decide — drive American cars . What happene d nex t was hig h drama , eve n fo r Brooklyn . A ma n an d a woman wer e i n th e car , an d the n spille d ou t ont o th e sidewal k screamin g an d yelling a t on e another . Th e ma n bega n t o hi t th e woma n an d wouldn' t stop . The polic e must hav e been calle d as soon a s the suspiciously screechin g car mad e its entranc e o n th e block , becaus e within a few minutes , the y arrive d fro m ever y direction. Th e silen t bloc k ran g ou t wit h siren s an d flashing blue s t o red s t o blues. Bu t tha t i s no t eve n whe n th e rea l crimina l apprehendin g began . Th e 180

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cops surrounde d th e vehicle . Pu t th e ma n wh o was drivin g th e Hond a (no w handcuffed) int o th e backsea t o f one squa d ca r and th e woman int o th e backsea t of another . The y too k statement s fro m som e passersb y an d arrange d fo r th e ca r to b e towed . Th e cop s wer e jus t abou t don e whe n a soun d ran g ou t i n th e streets. It was a rap song: "Fuck th e Police," by the group Nigga s With Attitudes . The shocke d polic e bega n t o scurr y t o an d fr o attemptin g t o identif y th e sourc e of th e musica l disturbance . Th e officer s bega n t o mov e i n ou r genera l direction , in th e directio n o f th e projects . A doze n o r s o cop s dashe d u p th e step s o f th e building fro m whic h th e musi c was emanating , a blue flood flowing togethe r i n an almos t poeti c unison . Tryin g t o catc h th e soun d bandit , the y sho t righ t b y us and int o th e bowel s o f another building , th e on e adjacen t t o ours . "Wha h d e hurry?" Stoke s asked, laughin g an d shufflin g cards . I thought, "Yeah , what i s th e hurry? I t isn' t t o ge t ther e befor e th e musi c stops , i s it? I mean , d o the y fee l tha t this blastin g o f anti-co p rhetori c damage s the m i n an y way ? Mayb e thi s i s th e police publi c relation s departmen t tryin g t o squas h ba d press. " I n an y case , w e simply continue d t o pla y card s tha t night . Lon g afte r th e polic e cam e dow n th e steps with thei r handcuffe d culpri t (Tyrone , on e o f my homie s fro m junio r hig h school). Lon g afte r th e blu e an d whit e polic e cars , th e hide-and-see k cars , too k off thei r flashing light s an d disappeare d bac k int o th e night . Lon g afte r th e su n came up . W e wer e stil l playin g car d game s an d tryin g t o bea t th e heat . I t was summertime, an d th e livin g was easy. BLACK O R WHIT E

Desmond Robinso n i s a blac k cop . Bu t h e was sho t becaus e h e was almos t to o good a cop, someon e abl e t o g o s o dee p undercove r tha t h e looke d to o unlik e a cop fo r hi s ow n good . Hi s fello w officer s calle d hi m "th e Phantom. " Hi s bald headed, bearded , earringe d fac e was deeme d s o unlik e th e loo k o f the proverbia l police office r tha t h e was said t o simpl y blen d int o th e "flui d mass " of commut ers tha t i s Ne w Yor k City' s subwa y system , th e sit e wher e h e di d muc h o f hi s undercover polic e work . Fo r som e o f th e resident s i n m y mom' s apartmen t building, t o tal k abou t blac k cop s a t al l i s to tal k about th e ways Uncl e Sa m an d Uncle To m ar e blood brothers . "They sai d h e didn' t loo k lik e a cop, " Clarence , Stokes' s thirty-something year-old son , say s t o m e a s we wal k int o m y mom' s building . "Didn' t loo k lik e a cop?! ! He sur e didn't , bu t tha t was befor e h e too k of f th e uniform . H e didn' t look lik e a co p whe n h e was born . H e cam e ou t hi s momma' s wom b an d th e doctor was lik e 'damn , yo u don' t loo k nothin ' lik e a cop. ' Go t n o busines s i n that shit . Lik e fightin g a war fo r thes e fuckers . Hel l no!! " "What d o cop s loo k like? " I as k him , pressin g th e buzze r dow n i n th e lobb y for m y mo m t o le t m e up . 181

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"Shit, no t like us!" But lik e what ? Mayb e thos e tw o me n wh o cam e t o th e ca r doo r weren' t impostors, impersonatin g police , bu t polic e impersonatin g police . The y ha d badges danglin g fro m whit e string s aroun d thei r necks . I wa s all o f eleve n (o r twelve) a t the time an d was sitting i n my mom's ca r in th e parking lo t of a Key Food Supermarke t no t to o far fro m Crow n Heights . I use d t o hat e goin g int o those store s becaus e whe n the y wer e packe d (a s the y usuall y wer e whe n m y mom shopped) , she made m e hold a place for her on one of the lines . So on thi s evening, I pleade d m y cas e an d won: I staye d i n th e car , readin g comi c book s and listenin g t o th e car's tap e deck . I hadn' t bee n alon e te n minute s whe n tw o plainly dresse d white me n (in jeans, T-shirts, an d denim jackets ) cam e u p to the car, on e on eac h side , an d trie d th e locks. The y wer e locked ; I wasn' t n o fool . The me n the n knocke d o n th e car' s window , displayin g thei r badge s (hung , remember, neatl y aroun d thei r necks) , an d motione d fo r m e t o unloc k th e doors. I froze. All of a sudden I was scared shitless . It was a preteen terro r tha t I , in retrospect , ofte n dismis s a s ridiculous. Bu t was it? I neve r di d unloc k th e car doors, an d whe n the y sa w tha t I woul d not , the y simpl y left , vanished , wen t back int o th e world, int o th e night, fro m whic h the y s o mysteriously came . T o this da y I imagin e tha t the y wer e criminal s wit h fak e badge s tryin g t o tak e advantage o f som e unsuspectin g soul—m y own . Bu t mayb e the y wer e worse : cops tryin g t o tak e advantag e o f som e unsuspectin g soul . I n th e movie s (an d from tha t fac t alone , I'l l assume , i n "rea l life, " too ) what a cop most dread s t o hear ar e th e word s "han d i n you r badg e an d you r gun! " Bu t whic h i s mor e deadly and/o r important ? Aren' t th e badge an d the gun connected? Doesn' t th e one onl y have its full powe r wit h th e other t o back it up? If a gun had come out of on e of the pocket s o f thos e badge-necklace d men , then surel y thei r gesture s to unloc k th e door woul d hav e carrie d mor e weigh t wit h m y eleven- o r twelve year-old self , no ? But instead, I froze—didn't respond . Th e two men eventuall y left, an d I merel y waite d nervousl y fo r m y mother t o return—neve r tellin g her what ha d happened, min d you , because tha t woul d hav e bee n a surefire wa y of precluding an y possibilit y o f m y eve r escapin g thos e supermarke t line s again . And i n some strang e way, thos e lines seemed a bit more menacin g tha n anythin g else I could hav e possibly bee n throw n fro m acros s the thin blu e one. CASES O F CROOKE D COP S

Were thos e tw o badge-donning me n cops, thieves, or some weird mixtur e o f the two? Som e o f th e case s tha t mak e thei r wa y from perso n t o perso n i n Crow n Heights o n cop s ar e incredibly interestin g stuff . Scar y example s o f "cop s gon e bad," bureaucrati c corruption , th e "all going t o hell i n a handbasket" argument . The storie s ar e tol d durin g car d games , o n ho t summe r nights , i n fron t o f 182

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buildings an d fire escapes . The y ar e passe d aroun d a t th e dinne r table , almos t a Malinowskian-described kul a ring , wher e I pas s mo m th e tal e o f th e co p wh o beat u p Charle s ("Yeah , mom , Charles , tha t on e you ar e always calling the prett y Indian-looking one!" ) fo r n o reaso n a t al l an d sh e reciprocate s wit h a n anecdot e about he r stepfathe r bein g frame d b y polic e i n Manhatta n abou t twent y year s ago fo r som e crim e h e coul d neve r hav e committe d becaus e h e ha d onl y bee n i n the Unite d State s al l o f six minutes a t th e time . And th e tale s tha t ar e passe d o n get bigge r an d bigger . Grosse r an d grosser . Mor e an d mor e horrifying . I t becomes a kin d o f storytellin g potlatc h alway s resupplie d wit h newe r an d fresher tales . Like th e thre e cop s i n Brooklyn' s Seventy-thir d Precinct , abou t te n minutes fro m m y mom' s windo w (withi n a siren' s earshot) , wh o wer e charge d with (an d convicte d for ) conductin g som e on e hundre d illega l shakedown s o f drug dealers ; on e co p eve n threatene d t o fee d a dru g deale r t o a pi t bul l unles s the deale r turne d ove r hidde n crac k an d cas h (tha t incredibl y dynami c duo) . But nefariou s polic e exploit s didn' t nee d th e Molle n commissio n t o ge t polic e corruption unt o th e lip s o f Crow n Height s residents . Th e Rodne y Kin g fiasco was als o icing , thoug h no t th e cak e itself . Polic e Commissione r Kell y evokin g Durkheimian notion s o f anomi e a t a pres s conferenc e t o tal k abou t section s o f the polic e forc e wasn' t necessar y either . No r was th e media' s oversaturate d coverage o f othe r shakedow n ring s i n th e city , th e mos t notoriou s bein g th e Seventy-fifth Precinc t bunc h spearheade d b y Polic e Office r Dowd , b y no w a legend i n hi s ow n time . Indeed, th e polic e ar e assume d b y man y peopl e i n th e are a where I liv e t o b e corrupt; tha t i s considere d th e norm . An d thi s wa s befor e al l th e hoopl a an d media attention . I t ma y no t hav e alway s bee n th e perception , bu t i t tend s t o b e now. Eve n th e goo d co p i s a crooke d officer , becaus e ther e i s n o fundamenta l disconnectedness betwee n th e goo d an d th e ba d one . The y ar e th e sam e animal , one an d th e same : both ba d becaus e th e syste m allow s eve n on e ba d co p t o exis t at all . "A goo d co p ain' t bu t a littl e les s ba d tha n d a bad, " Stoke s say s t o m e ove r another car d gam e o n anothe r ho t nigh t i n Crow n Heights . "Don' t b e fooled . A good co p d e roc k an d a ba d co p i s d e fuckin ' har d place , a s Go d m y witness. " He say s this an d I thin k (strang e a s it ma y sound ) o f Walter Benjamin : th e law maintaining violenc e o f th e polic e forc e i s s o congenitall y connecte d wit h it s law-founding violenc e tha t th e tw o becom e inextricabl y one . Indee d th e polic e do becom e lik e Madhabuti' s "ghos t dust, " periodicall y mergin g wit h fo g an d then condensin g t o perfor m heinou s act s (lik e th e killin g o f a sleepin g Fre d Hampton an d Mar k Clark ) onl y t o dispers e onc e agai n int o th e fo g (especiall y in a fogles s summer ) fro m whenc e the y came . Eve n th e shiny , silver-colore d badge i s hidden i n th e fog , merge s with th e white opaquenes s o f the fogg y night , 183

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only t o los e som e o f it s acces s t o th e ligh t o f truth , justice , an d th e America n way. I s th e badg e n o longe r sacre d t o th e co p o r t o th e non-co p i n Crow n Heights? Th e sacrednes s o f the badg e i s constantly bein g contested , bu t tha t i s a qualified contestation—becaus e th e badg e i s stil l important , stil l special . I s i t the mar k o f th e beast ? Th e badg e o f corruption ? Th e polic e badg e canno t b e allowed t o b e soiled , whic h i s wh y i t i s give n i n whe n a co p i s discharge d o r suspended: thos e dreade d words , "han d i n you r badg e an d you r gun. " No t on e or th e other , bu t th e tw o together . Shoul d th e badg e b e sacred ? Mus t i t b e s o for th e "goo d cops " t o d o thei r jobs ? T o profan e th e badge , t o hav e i t though t of a s less-than-sacred , t o b e de-badged , i s tha t reminiscen t o f Elia s Cannetti' s unmasking? I s th e polic e office r alway s alread y a phony , a fake , a charlatan ? "You wer e pu t her e t o protec t us, " rap s KR S One , a t a crowde d hip-ho p clu b on th e mysteriou s Crow n Heights/Flatbus h border , "bu t wh o protect s u s fro m your COINTELPRO FOCU S GROU P

I organiz e a meetin g (on e col d Sunda y afternoo n i n November ) wit h severa l o f the youn g fol k i n th e community . I a m reall y bein g th e anthropologis t now , o r at leas t a sociologist , I thin k t o myself—collectin g dat a o n people' s subjectiv e realities. I t wil l b e taped , an d I hav e a fe w page s o f question s I a m itchin g t o ask. Damon, on e o f my mos t talkativ e informants , wasn' t there . H e was suppose d to be , bu t h e didn' t sho w up . Thoma s an d Car l di d show , alon g wit h tw o o f their friends , Ra y an d Tick , guy s I ha d neve r me t before . Th e focu s grou p was in m y mom' s apartment , an d w e talke d a littl e bi t abou t a bunc h o f topics . Some her e and som e there . At time s th e entir e affai r seeme d ou t o f control. Th e television, tune d t o a basketbal l game , mad e th e entir e endeavo r dam n nea r impossible. Th e Knick s wer e playing , an d folk s wer e mor e intereste d i n th e game tha n i n me . "Bu t I a m gatherin g data, " I tol d myself . "S o thi s i s gonna b e invaluable." (Cut to the end of the focus group.) "Yo, hav e yo u eve r hear d o f COINTELPRO? " Thoma s aske d m e a s h e opene d the fron t doo r t o leave . "Yo u nee d t o chec k tha t shi t out . Yo u intereste d i n th e police an d th e governmen t an d shit , yo u gott a b e checkin ' tha t bad-bo y out. " "I d o hav e th e book, " I replied . "A t leas t I thin k I do. " I wen t t o m y junk y bookcase. " I ain' t rea d thi s shit, yet . Giv e m e a n overview! " "It i s like, blowin g shi t u p lik e th e World Trad e Cente r o n shi t lik e th e way s that th e Blac k Panther s an d shi t wer e fuckin ' totall y infiltrate d an d shit . Lik e how folk s was lik e bein ' frame d b y th e governmen t an d th e governmen t b e knowin' tha t shi t bu t won' t d o shi t abou t it . Dee p shit!! " "Make a motherfucke r g o crazy. " Chuc k go t u p t o stretc h a s h e spoke . " A 184

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niggah read that shi t and star t tweakin' out . Wanna Coli n Ferguso n motherfuck ers and shit. " "What ya'l l thin k abou t tha t shit? " I ask , eve r th e question-hurlin g Anthro Man ( I shoul d hav e carve d a n "A " ont o m y chest) . " I mea n 'bou t tha t whol e Colin Ferguso n shit? " "Damn, tha t was a whil e back , huh, " Charle s sai d an d steppe d a littl e way s back int o th e apartment . "Shit , tim e b e flyin. Tha t was like a year ago. " "More tha n a year, I think , bu t wha t d o yo u thin k abou t it?"—Anthro-Ma n again. "What d o you think? " Charle s asks , doing th e ol d informan t switcheroo . "I don' t know . Bloo d must'v e ha d som e seriou s problems. " "Nah, tha t nigga h was just handlin ' hi s business . Fuc k aroun d an d la y me off , and I'l l b e a subway-shootin' motherfucker , too. " Charles laughs . I a m eve r th e graduat e student , an d m y ow n laughte r i s muffled b y thought s o f Kafka' s Josep h K . O f th e difference s an d similaritie s between hi m an d Coli n F. : tha t Coli n ma y hav e know n somethin g tha t Josep h did not . O r vic e versa?: That t o escap e the power o f the law, i f only for a second , is to transgres s it . I n th e en d yo u stil l lose , bu t yo u g o ou t wit h a bang an d no t a whimper . I thin k o f Jean Genet , tha t superthie f wh o chos e t o b e a criminal . To remov e hi s mask . Th e fellah s leave , an d I finish watchin g th e basketbal l postgame show . UNMASKING

If de-badging ca n b e sai d t o b e aki n t o unmaskin g i n man y ways, what doe s th e Colin Ferguso n LIR R massacr e an d th e Desmon d Robinso n shootin g (no t t o mention th e Rodne y Kin g extended-play ) unmas k abou t th e polic e an d thos e people bein g policed? Ho w d o mask s foo l thei r wearers a s well a s onlookers ? We wea r th e mas k tha t grin s and lies , / I t hide s ou r cheek s an d shade s our eyes , / Thi s deb t we pay to huma n guile ; / Wit h tor n an d bleedin g hearts we smile, / And mout h wit h myria d subtletie s / Why shoul d th e world be overwise, / I n countin g all our tear s and sighs? / Nay , let them only see us, while / We wear the mask. / We smile, but, O grea t Christ , our cries / To the e from torture d soul s arise. / We sing, but oh , the clay is vile / Beneat h ou r feet , an d lon g th e mile ; / Bu t le t th e world drea m otherwise, / We wear the mask. This famou s poe m distill s an d articulate s poeticall y th e ofte n mentione d notion o f the maskin g o f blac k identity . Pau l Laurenc e Dunba r i s attempting t o articulate th e ways African American s ca n b e sai d t o shiel d thei r (our ) tru e selve s 185

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from th e res t o f America. W e smil e an d shuc k an d jiv e an d laug h aroun d whit e people when , h e argues , a s a function o f ou r blacknes s i n a white world , w e ar e never trul y happ y huma n beings . Th e mas k fool s th e res t o f th e country , i n Dunbar's opinion , bu t ca n i t als o b e sai d t o foo l thos e wh o wea r it ? Bu t wha t would happe n i f w e too k of f tha t mask ? I f w e n o longe r le t i t foo l anyone ? Attorney Willia m Kunstle r use s th e ter m "blac k rage " t o describ e Coli n Fergu son's horrifi c act . I f it i s a black rage , i s every black person , a s a function o f thei r blackness ( a slavery-exploite d blackness ) pron e t o suc h pur e rag e i n th e dar k recesses o f their (our ) "torture d souls" ? D o w e stil l se e the slav e overseer/master , Massa Covey , behin d ever y tree ? Ho w muc h o f maskin g ourselve s i s abou t fooling ourselves ? I s t o kno w th e trut h t o gu n dow n peopl e o n th e LIRR ? D o the rumor s unmask ? Lik e th e on e Damo n tol d m e ( a fact, h e says , not a rumor ) about Snappl e beverage s bein g owne d b y th e K u Klu x Klan ? O r th e othe r on e I heard fro m m y cousi n abou t representative s fro m Procte r an d Gambl e appearin g on Donahu e t o tel l th e worl d tha t proceed s fro m thei r product s g o t o Satani c cults—and tha t i t doesn' t matte r wha t peopl e thin k abou t tha t fac t becaus e their product s ar e everywhere ? O r anothe r on e abou t Reebo k sneaker s bein g made b y a Sout h Africa n compan y t o suppor t th e Aparthei d effor t wit h blac k U.S. dollar s ( a rumo r s o pervasiv e tha t Reebo k ha d t o tak e ou t a full-pag e advertisement i n a nationa l magazin e t o dispe l it) ? Ar e rumor s mor e powerfu l than facts ? Ar e the y mor e tru e tha n "th e truth" ? "I wouldn' t fuc k wit h Tropica l Fantasy, " Richard , wh o live s acros s th e hal l from me , say s a s I g o wit h hi m t o th e corne r stor e an d pic k ou t on e o f th e bright, tropicall y colore d bottle s fro m th e freezer . "Why not? " "I hear d tha t the y b e puttin g shi t i n ther e t o steriliz e us . Steriliz e blac k men." "Where di d yo u hea r tha t shit? " "Fucking al l around . Yo u kno w i t i s probably true . They onl y sel l tha t shi t i n black neighborhoods . Lik e mal t liquo r an d shit . I f motherfucker s wante d t o wipe u s th e fuc k out , whic h yo u kno w the y do , the y kno w t o hi t u s wit h th e fried chicke n an d th e fuckin ' alcohol. " "White fol k drin k alcoho l an d shit, " I reply , stil l holdin g th e bottl e o f Tropical Fantas y i n m y han d bu t keepin g th e freeze r doo r ajar . "Yeah, bu t I be t the y ain' t drinkin ' shi t lik e this. " H e point s t o bottle s o f Olde Englis h Mal t Liquo r an d Re d Bull , served i n forty-ounc e containers . "An d you dam n wel l kno w the y ain' t go t n o Tropica l Fantas y i n the y shit , either . Pepsi. Coke . Tha t i s th e shi t tha t the y drink . An d I ain' t gonn a b e th e nigga h caught ou t ther e when th e eleve n o'cloc k new s start s talkin g abou t som e scanda l at Tropica l Fantas y an d shit . B y the n i t woul d b e to o lat e fo r yo u muggs . Shit , 186

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and i f tha t stuf f ain' t fucke d wit h b y whitey , Sprite , Cok e an d th e regula r shi t tastes bette r tha n al l them chea p shit s anyways. " I pu t th e sod a bac k an d ge t Polan d Sprin g bottle d water . "I a m gla d you ain' t pic k u p tha t Evian, " Richar d chuckle s an d grab s a box o f Philly Ciga r blunts . "Yo u kno w wha t KRS-On e sai d 'bou t tha t shit , 'i t i s naiv e spelled backwards. ' You bett a recognize. " Evian is naive spelled backwards, I think to myself. And oddly enough, the Boston te a party iconography on Snappl e bottle s doe s look a little like the landing o f a slave ship o n U.S . shores (an d what's t o say that th e "K" b y the picture doesn't , in fact, stan d for, as the theory goes, Ku, Klux, Klan?). Rumors speak the unspeak able. They talk about the world in ways that are unsettling. Unmasking? And the y have a wonderfully proficien t wa y of co-opting mor e official truth s t o their cause . For surely , a s many informant s hav e tol d me , th e Tuskege e experiment s (wher e black men with syphili s were allowed, by W.H.O. doctors , to die untreated i n th e name of science—so tha t scienc e could have its data) were, in fact, real . And isn' t there documente d proof , som e informant s aske d me , tha t th e first settler s gav e peace offering s t o th e Nativ e Americans tha t wer e blanket s lace d wit h smallpox ? So wh y woul d th e rumo r o f AID S a s manmade , U.S . government-engineered , black-people-killing diseas e see m strange—especiall y whe n AID S rate s i n Afric a are said t o b e astronomicall y high ? Rumor s us e all of that, sif t throug h th e facts , and com e out clearer , truer, stronger . "When w e steal , w e tak e tangibl e shit, " Damo n say s t o me . " A TV, a stere o and shit . Object s an d shit . When whit e folk s stea l the y stea l soul s an d shit , the y steal cultures . We kil l people, the y kill peoples. That's th e difference . Loo k a t al l that shi t the y don e di d t o u s an d tel l m e the y ain' t evil. " SOULTHEFT

"But peopl e don' t reall y believ e tha t stuff , d o they? " On e o f m y colleague s a t Columbia ask s m e thi s questio n ove r som e Ethiopia n foo d a t Massawa' s i n Manhattan. "The y don' t believ e tha t tha t i s true , d o they? " Abou t a s muc h a s they believ e th e smallpo x blankets , I reply . O r th e Tuskege e experiments . O r the Atlanti c slav e trade , fo r tha t matter . Ar e th e so-calle d paranoi d feare d because the y hav e a n ultra-finalize d vie w o n th e world , on e tha t i s no t ope n t o discussion o r change ? Ther e i s obviousl y som e Soulstealin g goin g o n i n thi s world o f sirens and red/blue/red/blu e flashing lights , but where d o we reasonabl y draw ou r lin e i n th e sand ? Al l substanc e ca n dissolv e int o nonsubstance , int o mere idea . Ther e i s powe r i n conspiratoria l finality. I t i s wha t th e scientis t i s looking for . Th e chemistrial-conspirac y tha t make s al l chemica l reaction s an d equations clear . I t i s wha t anthropologist s lon g for : tha t metanarrative , mega narrative, whic h explain s al l mankin d i n a fe w spars e lines . The y al l wan t 187

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conspiracy. The y wan t th e powe r o f paranoia. Aren' t conspirac y theorie s simpl y Structural Functionalis m o n acid ? Structura l Functionalist s wan t thei r analyse s to rea d lik e "wh o sho t JFK? " wher e everythin g fits snugl y i n it s plac e an d n o rock i s lef t unturned , n o han d remain s unsoiled . Whe n forty-ounc e bottle s o f Olde Englis h Mal t Liquo r ar e swallowed , passed , an d poure d fo r th e fol k no t present (becaus e snuffe d ou t b y th e ver y rea l unrealit y o f violent inner-cit y life) , conspiracy i s mor e tha n a belief , mor e tha n a mer e idea . I t become s incontest able, doxa , habitus. I t become s a given. All else can b e added t o i t o r take n away , but i t is beyond modification . Th e particularitie s an d justifications (th e evidence ) are immaterial , unimportant , unnecessary . Tha t Snappl e coul d b e owned b y th e KKK i s a s rea l a s th e deat h rate s o f youn g blac k me n i n Harlem . An d a searc h for answer s t o horrifi c question s (lik e wh y ar e blac k fol k wher e the y ar e i n America now? ) answer s becom e a s horrifyin g a s th e questions . An d Snapple , Reebok, o r som e othe r commodit y cu m traito r i s a s reasonabl e a culpri t a s an y other. I me t Damo n an d hi s homeboy , Thomas , o n a n earl y Saturda y mornin g i n January. Thoma s i s a blac k Hebre w Israelit e an d abou t twenty-fiv e year s old . The youn g fol k i n th e neighborhoo d don' t hav e n o beef , n o static , wit h hi s as s cause they kno w h e is , as one perso n pu t it , "al l about som e seriou s shit , bein g a black Hebre w Israelit e an d all. " Thi s da y h e laughe d an d sai d tha t I was tryin g to loo k lik e a n Israelite . I ha d no t trimme d m y bear d fo r a while, an d th e Blac k Israelites believe , base d o n thei r biblica l teachings , tha t on e shouldn't . Thoma s tells me that h e wants m e to rea d with them , t o g o to som e meeting s with them . He wante d t o conver t a "niggah" t o th e truth , h e said . "Black fol k gott a realize , the y ain' t African, " h e tell s m e a s we par t company . "We ar e fro m th e twelv e tribe s o f Israel . Al l tha t Egypt , Afric a shi t i s bullshit . But don' t worry , I' m gonn a sho w you th e light. " HOLLYWOOD

"Yo, com e here, " Thoma s says , "chec k thi s commercia l out. " Th e T V i s o n i n the apartmen t tha t Thoma s share s wit h a frien d o f his , anothe r Blac k Hebre w Israelite, Bigs . I t i s a McDonald's commercia l se t i n a n apartmen t buildin g ful l of black folks . "Yo, you kno w I been t o Hamburge r University? " I mutter ove r th e televisio n advertisement. "McDonald' s colleg e fo r Hamburgerology. " "Where th e fuc k i s that?" Bigs asks. "Near Chicago, " I answer , m y eye s stil l glue d t o th e commercial . Big s nod s and continue s pourin g Frui t Loop s int o a glass bowl . The commercia l i s a trip an d a half. Th e bag s o f McDonald' s foo d giv e off a mist/vapor tha t circulate s throug h th e buildin g an d force s othe r tenant s t o crav e 188

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the "twoallbeefpattiesspecialsaucelettucecheesepicklesonion s o n a sesame-see d bun." Th e tenant s don' t see m t o kno w wh y the y suddenl y crav e McDonald's . They can' t se e th e whit e mis t (visibl e t o th e T V audience ) flowing throug h th e building. The y jus t wan t McDonald' s an d don' t see m t o kno w why . An d wh y should they ? The y ar e no t smellin g th e food , no t usin g thei r nostrils . The y ar e getting hypnotize d b y th e ver y powe r o f th e food . I thin k o f Marx' s notio n o f commodity fetishism , abou t ho w th e magi c o f th e McDonald' s foo d i s bein g played u p i n thi s commercial . Big s tell s u s tha t h e think s McDonald' s foo d sucks, bu t Thoma s beg s t o differ . Ou r collectiv e interes t i n th e televisio n commerical lead s t o a discussio n o f T V show s an d movies . Whe n th e focu s o f our conversatio n land s o n films, Thoma s decide s t o "schoo l me " o n Holly wood. "It i s actuall y th e woo d tha t witche s an d warlock s use d i n th e olde n day s t o make magi c wands an d broo m sticks . Straigh t up. " "How yo u kno w that? " I ask . "Man, w e go t ma d inf o o n thes e folk . The y b e tellin ' o n themselve s lef t an d right. Yo u ca n ge t tha t shi t fro m the y ow n books . Lik e I tol d yo u before , thi s shit i s abou t wars . Abou t goo d an d evil . Abou t Go d an d th e Devi l an d whic h side you choose . Th e foundin g father s an d shi t wa s Masons. Ever y on e o f them . Washington o n down . Yo u hear d o f th e skul l an d cros s bone s shi t tha t Bus h was a membe r o f a t Yal e o r Harvar d o r som e shit . Tha t shi t i s al l tie d t o th e same thing. I t i s about Satanism . These motherfucker s ar e about th e Devil , man . They cas t spells ! You thin k thi s shi t ain' t rea l you bette r d o you r ow n research . It i s lik e I don e tol d you , i t i s no t abou t convertin g an d shi t t o a particula r religion o r bein g a n African. Go d ha s a chosen people , Jacob's seed . Us . And h e has people s h e hates : Esau's offspring , th e childre n o f Edom , whit e people . An d he describe s wh o i s wh o i n th e Bible . An d Go d i s gonn a destro y thes e Sata n worshippers. Bu t fo r no w the y trying t o fortif y the y rank s an d shit . To cas t thei r spells o n th e masses . Kee p the m stupi d an d ignorant . Hollywoo d i s straight-u p about castin g spells . D o yo u notic e tha t ever y tim e som e shi t come s ou t i n movies i t i s only some tim e late r an d i t i s out i n rea l life. They b e usin g that shi t to ge t u s read y fo r wha t the y gonn a d o t o us . They wan t t o ge t u s prepare d fo r what i s t o come , fo r th e way s the y ar e gonn a com e ou t o f th e close t wit h the y wicked shit . Man , don' t slee p o n thes e motherfuckers . Thi s shi t i s real . The y want u s to accep t anythin g a s okay. You b e watching thos e tal k show s an d seein ' how the y ar e gettin ' u s read y fo r a Sodo m an d Gomorra h o f blasphem y agains t God. I t use d t o b e tha t jus t bein g homosexua l wa s wrong . No w tha t shi t i s accepted, an d the y got ya'll acceptin g tha t shi t a s normal s o they doin ' mor e an d more craz y shit . Gerald o go t shi t lik e lesbia n sister s i n love , o r me n wh o tur n into wome n an d shit , 'caus e the y wan t yo u read y fo r th e perverte d worl d o f 189

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chaos the y ar e gonn a institute , thei r ne w world o f chaos . Tha t i s the ne w worl d order the y lookin' for. " Thomas promise s t o brin g m e th e documentatio n fo r hi s Hollywoo d stuff . And h e stand s b y it s authenticity . H e claim s tha t h e ca n bac k i t up , tha t h e ca n back i t al l up. He say s that th e Blac k Hebrew Israelite s understan d wha t i s going on wit h blac k fol k i n America , abou t thi s ver y litera l castin g o f spell s o n th e populace. H e talk s a littl e mor e abou t tal k show s an d motio n pictures , abou t the country' s to p grossin g movi e a t tha t time , Stargate. Jaye Davidson , th e mal e actor wh o playe d a man wh o foole d th e audienc e int o thinkin g h e was a woman in The Crying Game, i s R a here , a go d o f ancien t Egyptia n fame . Th e movi e makes R a a n alie n fro m oute r spac e wit h a raspy , coars e ("devilish, " say s Thomas) voic e an d glowin g eyes . No t a god , bu t a spac e alien . Thoma s finds this alteratio n particularl y meaningful . "They wan t u s t o kno w the y go t fol k comin ' fro m oute r spac e fo r ou r asses . And al l day , man , al l day , wit h thei r movies , thei r televisio n an d thei r music , they ar e trying t o fatte n u s u p fo r th e slaughter. " NOTES

1. Friedric h Nietzsche , Twilight of the Idols; and the Anti-Christ (Baltimore : Pen guin, 1968) , 45. 2. Ralp h Ellison , " A Very Stern Discipline, " Harpers Magazine, March 1967 . 3. Helen e Cixous , "W e Who Ar e Free , Are We Free? " in Freedom and Interpretation, ed. Barbara Johnson (Ne w York: Basic Books, 1993) .

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11 FELICIA A . KORNBLU H WHY GINGRICH ? WELFARE RIGHT S AN D RACIA L POLITICS , 1 9 6 5 - 1 9 9 5

Briefly, let me explain how I arrived at the topic o f this essay. I am writing a study of the welfare right s movemen t o f the 1960 s and 1970 s and lega l efforts to codif y a right to welfare in the United States. The movement for welfare rights was a loosely federated organizing effor t amon g recipient s o f Ai d t o Familie s wit h Dependen t Childre n (sinc e 1935, AFDC ha s bee n th e primar y welfar e progra m fo r unmarried , divorced, or sepa rated mother s an d thei r children ) an d othe r publi c assistanc e programs. 1 Mos t o f th e activists wer e African-American o r Puert o Rican ; about hal f live d i n Ne w York City. 2 I n an effor t tha t peake d betwee n 196 8 an d 1970 , thes e low-incom e activist s worke d closely with a mostly white cohort of poverty lawyers, many of whose salaries were paid by the federal government's Office of Economi c Opportunit y (OEO) . Together, the activists and lawyers sought to change the legal status of poo r peopl e in the Unite d States,

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both b y expandin g poo r people' s acces s t o quotidia n lega l service s an d b y raisin g constitutional question s i n highe r court s abou t povert y a s a sourc e o f discriminatio n comparable to race or ethnicity. 3 In my background readin g for this project, I found that there are three main ways that the welfar e right s movemen t ha s bee n discusse d i n th e literature : a s a movemen t o f black women , b y blac k women' s historians; 4 a s a radica l movemen t o f th e poor , b y scholars o f U.S . socia l movements; 5 an d a s a terribl e disaster , b y peopl e wh o writ e about the Democrati c Part y and the rise of conservatism i n recent U.S . politics . I found that I was comfortabl e wit h th e approac h o f the blac k women' s historian s an d that o f the socia l movemen t scholars , bu t profoundl y uncomfortabl e wit h th e wa y writer s o n the rise of conservatism presente d the facts about welfare rights and interpreted them. I was also impresse d b y the great distanc e betwee n the first two schools of interpreta tion and the third, and by the degree to which different communities of scholars seemed to b e writing pas t on e anothe r o n this issue . I decided t o begi n locatin g mysel f withi n the literatur e o n welfar e right s b y explicatin g som e o f th e assumption s o f th e thir d school (which has, of the three, by far the most political cachet an d largest readership) , and unravelling some of the myths on which it appears to be based. Distorted memorie s o f th e welfar e right s movemen t lik e thos e tha t appea r i n th e literature o n th e ris e o f conservatism—whic h present s welfar e right s a s a n out-of control excrescence o f blac k politic s i n the late 1960s—are significan t i n part becaus e they ar e ofte n calle d int o servic e i n argument s ove r welfar e retrenchment . I n Januar y 1995, the conservative politica l scientis t Lawrenc e Mea d drew o n fears o f a renascent welfare right s movemen t to argue in favor of tight control s over the behavior o f welfar e recipients, bu t agains t th e Republica n congressiona l leadership' s pla n t o redistribut e authority ove r AFDC to the states. The welfare rights movement, Mea d said, "has been in retrea t fo r twent y years. I f anythin g coul d retir e it , i t woul d b e the abandonmen t o f national welfar e standards. 6 I n a majo r magazin e profil e tha t emphasize d hi s nationa l leadership o n cuttin g welfare , Governo r Tomm y Thompso n o f Wisconsi n remembere d that his conversion to the antiwelfare faith occurred on the day in September 196 9 when the Milwauke e welfare rights group demonstrated for highe r benefits on the floor of the Wisconsin statehouse. 7 Recent journalistic an d scholarly writin g o n the rise of conservatis m i s important no t only becaus e of the way i t distorts the histor y o f welfare rights. Although I have a high estimate of the powe r o f this writing—which largel y hold s African Americans and their white libera l allie s responsibl e fo r th e enmit y tha t pervade s U.S . politics , an d see s a n excessive emphasi s o n rac e a s th e centra l problemati c o f ou r times—eve n I wa s surprised t o se e ho w frequentl y it s centra l argumen t wa s invoke d i n publi c debat e between the time I began thinking about this essay and the time I completed it . To take only on e example : i n a n Apri l 3 , 1995 , cove r story , Richar d Kahlenber g o f th e New Republic calle d for affirmative action based on "class, not race." Like the authors of the 194

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books on conservatism discusse d below , Kahlenber g implicitl y contraste d the supposedly race-blin d policie s of the Ne w Dea l with the racia l specificity o f the Great Society , and explicitl y contraste d th e "morall y unassailabl e underpinning s an d . . . relativel y inexpensive agenda " o f th e civi l right s movemen t prio r t o 196 4 wit h th e suppose d excesses tha t cam e later. 8 H e twiste d Marti n Luthe r King , Jr.' s word s fro m Why We Can't Wait t o dra w Kin g into suppor t fo r hi s ow n polic y o f obliteratin g race-base d affirmative action . In fact, Kin g wrote, "Whenever this issu e of compensatory o r prefer ential treatment fo r the Negr o i s raised, some o f ou r friends recoi l in horror. The Negr o should be granted equality, they agree; but he should ask nothing more. On the surface, this appears reasonable, but it is not realistic." 9 Followin g Kahlenberg's logic, the Board of Regent s o f th e Universit y o f Californi a syste m vote d i n July 199 5 t o obliterat e rac e and ethnicit y (an d gender ) a s criteri a fo r admittin g student s t o thei r colleges , bu t t o preserve economic backgroun d as a criterion for admissions. I do not know where these very powerful interpretations of recent history will lead, but I do know that they are too important for race-conscious scholars to ignore.

In 1969 , i n a book dedicate d t o Presiden t Richar d Nixo n an d Attorne y Genera l John Mitchell , a youn g politica l analys t pu t fort h wha t was the n a nove l argument. "Th e principa l forc e whic h brok e u p th e Democrati c (Ne w Deal ) coalition," wrot e Kevi n Phillip s o n th e mornin g afte r Nixon' s histori c presiden tial victory , "i s th e Negr o socioeconomi c revolutio n an d libera l Democrati c ideological inabilit y t o cop e with it. " H e continued : "The Negro problem, havin g become a nationa l rathe r tha n a loca l one , i s th e principa l caus e o f th e breaku p of the Ne w Dea l coalition." 10 This argument , whic h seeme d s o original , an d s o conservativ e i n it s implica tions, whe n Phillip s first committe d i t t o paper , ha s no w becom e th e standard . Commentators fro m acros s th e left-righ t politica l spectrum—fro m self-de scribed socia l democrat s lik e Newsdays Ji m Sleeper , t o centris t liberal s lik e th e independent journalist/historia n Nichola s Leman n an d th e Washington Post's Thomas Edsall , t o arden t conservative s lik e th e thin k tan k intellectua l Charle s Murray—now shar e essentiall y th e sam e understandin g o f why th e Democrati c Party's nationa l electora l coalitio n ha s collapse d an d wh y politician s lik e Nixo n in 1968 , and Gingric h i n 1994 , hav e com e t o power. 11 What I wil l cal l th e "Negr o Problem " thesi s o r th e Phillip s thesi s blame s a n alliance of militant African American s an d misunderstandin g o r pernicious whit e reformers fo r makin g rac e a central issu e i n U.S . politics . Th e "Negr o Problem " thesis suggest s tha t blac k civi l an d socia l right s claim s wen t to o fa r i n th e mid and lat e 1960s , an d tha t whit e liberal s an d radical s wer e a t faul t fo r indulgin g those claims . Whit e working - an d middle-clas s voters , especiall y men , departe d 195

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from a nationa l Democrati c Part y supposedl y dominate d b y African American s and thei r whit e supporters . This argumen t ha s bee n inestimabl y important . Beyon d formin g th e basi s o f Republican strateg y i n presidentia l elections , th e logi c o f th e Phillip s thesi s ha s also driven Democratic strategizing sinc e at least th e Reaga n ascendanc y i n 1981 , and certainl y includin g th e Clinto n presidentia l rac e o f 1992 . Becaus e o f it s emergence a s consensu s commo n sens e i n Washington , th e Phillip s thesi s ha s become on e o f th e mos t powerfu l historica l argument s i n th e contemporar y United States . But i t i s not entirel y coherent . Counter t o th e claim s o f th e "Negr o Problem " school , rac e di d not meaning fully ente r nationa l politic s i n th e Unite d State s onl y i n th e mid-1960s . Politic s in th e Unite d State s ha s bee n racialize d sinc e it s inception . Certainly , th e Ne w Deal state—t o whic h adherent s o f th e "Negr o Problem " thesi s loo k bac k with suc h nostalgia—wa s raciall y specific . I t disproportionatel y favore d white Americans. Politic s i n th e Ne w Dea l perio d relie d o n raciall y exclusiv e citizen ship; th e three-quarter s o f African American s stil l livin g i n th e Sout h wer e no t represented, an d th e unde r one-quarte r wh o wer e recen t migrant s t o Norther n cities coul d no t ye t mak e substantia l demand s o n eithe r nationa l politica l party . At th e very least, a study o f the historica l recor d suggest s tha t Phillips' s phras e "Negro problem " i s a misnome r fo r th e strain s tha t ultimatel y undermine d th e Democratic Party' s abilit y t o wi n presidentia l elections . S o a n interestin g riddl e emerges: How t o explai n th e ga p between th e credibilit y o f the Phillip s thesis , a t least t o thi s historian , an d it s importanc e i n muc h recen t thinkin g o n U.S . politics? I wil l procee d i n thre e ways . First , I will describ e th e contour s o f th e "Negr o Problem" thesis , gleane d fro m a number o f importan t recen t text s b y historian s and politica l journalists . I will tak e a short detou r t o underlin e treatment s o f th e National Welfar e Right s Organizatio n o f 1967-7 3 i n thi s thesis . Second , I wil l explain wh y th e argumen t lack s coherence , an d I wil l sugges t a n alternative . Third, I wil l sugges t som e reason s fo r th e strengt h o f thi s interpretatio n despit e its incoherence . Takin g a methodologica l hin t fro m Nel l Irvi n Painter' s recen t work o n distortion s i n especiall y whit e feminis t remembrance s o f Sojourne r Truth, I wil l explor e th e "work " th e Phillip s thesi s doe s ideologicall y fo r a n interpretive communit y o f extremel y influentia l writer s o f th e left , center , an d right. 12 THE "NEGR O PROBLEM "

The "Negr o Problem " thesi s i s structured a s a narrative o f decline. I t claim s tha t national politics—a t leas t liberal politics—used t o b e abou t class , th e appro 196

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priate sourc e o f political identitie s an d coalitions . Beginnin g durin g th e Depres sion, Democrat s represente d th e majorit y o f voters , wh o wer e thos e a t th e bottom o f th e incom e ladde r an d i n th e middle . Sinc e th e mid-1960s , politic s has bee n mostl y abou t race , purportedl y a n inappropriat e sourc e o f politica l identities an d coalitions . Republican s represen t th e majorit y o f voters , wh o ar e white, bu t als o ar e eithe r o n th e to p o r i n th e middl e o f th e incom e ladder . A s Thomas an d Mar y Edsal l summariz e th e thesis , race a s a nationa l issu e ove r th e pas t twenty-fiv e year s ha s broke n th e Democratic New Deal "bottom-up" coalition. . . . The fracturing o f the Democrats' "bottom-up " coalitio n permitted , i n turn , thos e a t th e to p of th e "top-down " conservativ e coalitio n t o encourag e an d t o nurture . . . . th e mos t accelerate d upward s redistributio n o f incom e i n th e na tion's history. 13 The Edsall s an d other s hol d race , an d thos e wh o brough t racia l issue s forwar d in th e 1960 s an d beyond , responsibl e no t onl y fo r popula r racia l enmity , bu t also fo r recen t shift s i n th e clas s bases o f electora l politics . The centralit y o f rac e has kep t Democrat s fro m th e presidency , an d harme d ordinar y citizen s b y facilitating th e aggrandizemen t o f th e rich . The Democrati c Part y dominate d nationa l politic s fro m Roosevelt' s electio n in 193 2 throug h Johnson' s i n 1964 . The party' s electora l victories were buil t o n the join t allegianc e t o th e Democrat s o f whit e urba n ethni c voter s i n th e Northeast an d Midwest , rura l an d urba n white s i n th e Southeas t an d Southwest , and, afte r 1936 , African-American voter s i n th e majo r citie s outside th e South. 14 Sometime afte r 1964 , Souther n an d Norther n whites , especiall y Catholics , fled from th e part y o f Roosevelt . Th e Nixo n victorie s o f 196 8 an d 197 2 ar e sai d t o have proved th e power o f a new political arithmeti c tha t worked uninterruptedl y until a t leas t th e 199 2 presidentia l campaign : Souther n white s + Norther n middle- and working-class whites H - the rich = presidentia l victory for Republi cans. 15 What drov e th e white Southerner s an d urba n Northerner s away ? Left an d righ t analyst s o f the demis e o f the New Dea l coalitio n hav e coalesce d in th e term s wit h whic h the y describ e thi s transformation . The y conced e tha t Southern white s becam e Republican s mostl y becaus e o f thei r racism . Bu t th e analysts insis t tha t Norther n white s were no t jus t racist ; the y were respondin g t o black claims that ha d gotte n ou t o f control, particularl y afte r passag e of the Civi l Rights Act o f 1964 . The literatur e mention s thre e changes : 1. A change in th e geographic character of the civil rights movement, fro m a "Southern " movemen t t o a "national " one . Alternately, rac e itsel f i s 197

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seen t o hav e shifte d fro m a specificall y Souther n problemati c t o a "national" one. 2. A shift i n th e content of black or civil rights movement demands , from , for example , a suppose d emphasi s i n th e earl y 1960 s o n "equalit y o f opportunity" an d politica l participatio n t o demand s fo r "equalit y o f result" in th e later 1960s . 3. A chang e i n th e relationship to the state of blac k movement s fo r socia l change. Wha t seem s particularl y t o dam n th e Blac k Panther s an d th e National Welfar e Right s Organization , amon g othe r group s tha t emerged afte r 1964 , is their engagemen t with th e national government . Whereas th e civi l right s movemen t o f th e earl y 1960s , represente d b y the Souther n Christia n Leadershi p Conferenc e an d Marti n Luthe r King, Jr., i s seen to have been wholly autonomous o f state agencies, the Panthers an d NWR O ar e tarre d b y thei r occasiona l receip t o f publi c funds an d suppose d "dependence " o n assistanc e fro m laxl y managed federal agencies . But i f blac k militant s wer e illicitl y takin g succo r an d cas h fro m Democrati cally controlled stat e agencies , why didn' t someon e d o somethin g abou t it ? Ho w could th e Democrat s themselves , wh o controlle d bot h house s o f Congres s an d the presidenc y fro m 196 1 t o 1968 , hav e drive n awa y thei r loya l whit e voters ? Members o f th e "Negr o Problem " schoo l answe r b y tellin g storie s o f "unin tended consequences. " Fo r th e journalis t Nichola s Leman n an d th e historia n Allen Matusow , th e Democrati c Part y suffere d fro m th e "unintende d conse quences" o f it s Wa r o n Poverty , particularl y Communit y Actio n Program s (CAP) spawne d b y th e Economi c Opportunit y Ac t o f 1964 . Unbeknowns t t o President Johnso n an d hi s wis e me n i n Congress , Communit y Actio n was a time bom b lobbe d int o th e Wa r o n Povert y b y thos e Matuso w term s "close t radicals who would infiltrat e th e [government ] an d attemp t t o us e it for promot ing socia l change." 16 I n a n extraordinar y passage , Leman n write s o f th e anti juvenile delinquenc y program s tha t wer e model s fo r th e Communit y Actio n Programs: Today i t i s possibl e t o vie w [th e programs ] i n th e sam e spiri t wit h which th e her o o f Delmor e Schwartz' s story , "I n Dream s Begi n Re sponsibilities" looked a t a n imagine d movi e o f his quarrelsome parents ' courtship while shouting, "Don' t d o it!" Here was a Democratic admin istration, understandabl y heedles s o f th e ful l consequences , embarkin g on th e disastrou s cours e o f . . . helpin g t o fun d organization s tha t opened fissures i n th e urba n politica l coalition s o n whic h th e Demo 198

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cratic part y completel y depended . A t th e tim e non e o f thi s mus t hav e been apparent. 17 What Leman n call s "organization s tha t opene d fissures i n th e urba n politica l coalitions" a t th e cente r o f Democrati c Part y politic s were , a t leas t i n part , organizations o f th e poo r an d nonwhite , som e o f the m inten t o n changin g th e status qu o ante . Somewhat mor e obscurely , Charle s Murra y claim s tha t th e Democrat s drov e away bas e Democrati c voter s throug h th e "unintende d consequences " o f socia l policy expansions , especiall y th e hig h percentag e growt h i n cas h welfar e receip t in th e lat e 1960s . "Gettin g ri d o f th e stigm a o f welfare wa s a deliberate goal " o f federal polic y i n thi s period , accordin g t o Murray , "bu t th e unintende d conse quence was n o on e coul d disqualif y himsel f o n mora l ground s fro m eligibilit y for publi c assistance—whethe r o r no t h e was read y t o hel p himself." 18 Th e Edsalls argue similarly, claimin g tha t oppositio n t o racis m amon g Democrat s le d to a kin d o f intellectua l dee p freeze , whic h ultimatel y drov e whit e voter s away . "The repudiatio n o f racis t expressio n ha d a n unintende d consequence, " the y claim, generatin g "a n almos t censoriou s se t o f prohibitions " agains t talkin g about th e suppose d mora l failing s o f th e blac k poor—specificall y thei r "absen t fathers, crime , lac k o f labor-forc e participation , welfar e dependency , [and ] ille gitimacy.

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RACIAL T E N S I O N A N D WELFAR E RIGHT S

Briefly, le t m e underlin e th e plac e o f th e Nationa l Welfar e Right s Organizatio n in th e literatur e o n th e fal l o f the Democrati c majority . T o severa l o f the author s who writ e abou t th e Democrats ' decline , th e welfar e right s movemen t i s take n as perhaps th e mos t extrem e o f the man y socia l movement s tha t flowered amon g African American s i n th e perio d afte r 196 5 an d tha t foun d a hearin g amon g liberal Democrat s an d som e member s o f the white left . Welfare right s effort s starte d wit h th e organizin g wor k o f blac k wome n i n Watts i n 1963 , an d wit h meeting s betwee n whit e student s an d blac k wome n under th e auspice s o f th e urba n Economi c Researc h an d Actio n Project s o f Students fo r a Democratic Societ y i n citie s such a s Cleveland, Newark , Chicago , and Boston. 20 However , t o th e "Negr o Problem " school , whic h i s s o inten t o n blaming th e federal governmen t fo r th e defectio n o f whites fro m th e Democrati c Party, impoverishe d blac k wome n ar e relativel y invisibl e an d withou t agenc y i n the histor y o f thi s socia l movement ; instead , welfar e right s effort s appea r a s th e end produc t o f federal polic y itself, or of white radica l manipulation o f credulou s African Americans . Typically , th e onl y blac k participan t i n th e welfar e right s movement wh o earn s a mention i s George Wiley, a onetime chemistr y professo r 199

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who serve d a s executiv e directo r o f th e Nationa l Welfar e Right s Organizatio n from 196 7 t o 1972 . To Charle s Murray , th e ide a fo r a welfar e right s campaig n cam e fro m bureaucrats fro m th e Wa r o n Poverty , wh o "[a] s earl y a s 1965 , [were ] sendin g emissaries t o sprea d th e wor d tha t i t was morall y permissibl e t o b e o n welfare . O E O "Communit y Actio n grants, " h e claims , "provide d th e wherewitha l fo r booklets, speeches , an d one-on-on e evangelizin g b y staf f workers . Welfar e was to b e considere d a right , no t charity. " H e adds , almos t a s a coda, "Th e govern ment's effort s wer e reinforce d b y th e Nationa l Welfar e Right s Organization , founded i n 196 6 an d le d b y George Wiley." 21 Fo r th e journalist Jim Sleepe r th e National Welfar e Right s effor t was founde d i n "196 5 b y th e radica l whit e professors France s Fo x Pive n an d Richar d Cloward"—theoretician s allie d wit h the movement , bu t no t it s founders—"an d b y th e vetera n blac k civi l right s activist Georg e Wiley." 22 Sleeper, wh o studie s th e en d o f th e Democrati c coalitio n o n th e relativel y small stag e o f Ne w Yor k City , identifie s th e welfar e right s movemen t a s a n outstanding culpri t i n insertin g divisiv e question s o f distributiv e justic e acros s racial line s int o a n otherwis e halcyo n politica l landscape . H e grant s prid e o f place t o th e welfar e right s movemen t i n hi s chapte r title d "Th e Politic s o f Polarization," i n it s first subsection , title d "Th e Elevatio n o f Race. " H e blame s welfare right s activist s fo r makin g "rac e th e pivo t o f thei r strategy. " Accordin g to Sleeper , a self-described socia l democrat an d sometime s contributo r t o Dissent magazine, welfar e activist s erre d whe n the y "characterize d municipa l an d othe r unions a s racis t an d therefor e par t o f th e proble m o f minorit y unemployment. " Acknowledging tha t th e charg e of union racis m was "[v]ali d a s a generalization, " Sleeper insist s tha t "thi s assertio n overlooke d . . . th e fac t tha t publi c union s were certai n t o chang e racially , anyway , a s urba n minoritie s gre w i n number s and electora l strength." 23 Thomas an d Mar y Edsal l discus s welfar e right s prominentl y i n thei r chapte r on "Th e Frayin g Consensus " afte r 1964 . The y includ e th e movemen t i n a catalogue o f excesse s tha t drov e white s awa y fro m th e Democrats , includin g "The riots , th e welfar e right s movement , th e blac k powe r movement , studen t disorders, th e sexua l revolution , radica l feminism , recreationa l us e o f drug s such a s marijuan a an d LSD , pornographi c magazine s an d movies , an d highe r taxes.

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HOLES I N TH E FABRI C

The mos t problemati c assumptio n o f th e "Negr o Problem " schoo l i s that "race " entered U.S . politic s powerfull y onl y i n th e mid-1960s . O n th e contrary , i t i s easy to argu e that , fro m th e first arriva l o f slave ships i n th e seventeent h centur y 200

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through th e writin g o f th e Declaratio n o f Independenc e an d th e Constitution , and fro m th e reinventio n o f the nationa l stat e i n th e Civi l War throug h it s Ne w Deal reformation , race-base d powe r ha s bee n constitutiv e o f U.S. politics . If w e loo k onl y a t th e stat e syste m bor n i n th e Ne w Deal—th e suppose d high poin t fo r class-base d politic s an d lo w poin t fo r race-base d politics— a pattern o f racia l specificit y emerge s clearly . Th e hallmar k legislatio n o f th e Ne w Deal, th e Social Securit y Ac t o f 1935 , whic h offere d man y worker s insuranc e against povert y i n ol d ag e an d durin g period s o f unemployment , deliberatel y excluded th e job s mos t frequentl y hel d b y Africa n Americans . Agricultura l an d domestic workers , laundr y workers , an d thos e employe d sporadicall y wer e no t eligible fo r old-ag e o r unemploymen t insurance . Furthermore , th e unemploy ment insuranc e an d Ai d t o Dependen t Childre n (A.D.C. , late r Ai d t o Familie s with Dependen t Children ) component s o f the Socia l Securit y Act were designe d to b e administere d b y individual states , not the federa l government . Thi s featur e allowed Souther n state s t o den y benefit s t o applicant s durin g th e agricultura l harvest season , or , i n th e cas e o f A.D.C. , a t an y tim e whe n a whit e woma n wanted a black housekeeper . In hi s magisterial study , An American Dilemma (1944) , Gunna r Myrda l note d that Souther n state s use d thei r loca l powe r ove r welfar e program s systematicall y to den y blac k familie s acces s t o Aid t o Dependen t Children . H e foun d a sizabl e gap betwee n blac k povert y level s an d th e number s o f blac k A.D.C . clients , an d pointed t o stat e regulation s demandin g "suitabl e homes " fo r th e recipient s o f public benefit s (regulation s th e federa l la w allowed ) a s particular instrument s o f discrimination. 25 I n a n ora l histor y o f whit e textil e mil l workers , on e working class woman remarke d o n welfar e i n th e 1930s , There was always plenty o f help i n Greenvill e becaus e ther e was lots o f colored peopl e an d lot s o f them wer e o n welfare . I went t o th e welfar e office lot s o f time s an d aske d fo r somebod y t o d o th e housewor k an d keep m y child . They' d tel l the m tha t they' d hav e t o work o r they' d b e took off the welfare. 26 The patter n o f rac e specificit y tha t i s eviden t i n th e histor y o f A.(F.)D.C . extends acros s the range of New Dea l socia l programs—to agricultura l subsidies , mortgage assistance , housing construction , labo r la w reform, an d publi c employ ment. Democrats i n th e 1930 s occupie d a uniqu e historica l position . The y wer e able t o buil d a race-specifi c stat e syste m an d thereb y maintai n th e fealt y o f Southern whites , whil e als o gainin g suppor t fro m recen t blac k migrant s t o th e 201

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urban North . Th e balanc e worke d (electorally , no t morally ) becaus e o f th e relatively small number s o f black voters i n th e Nort h i n th e 1930s . Four millio n African American s lef t th e Sout h betwee n 194 0 an d 1970 . Mos t of them ultimatel y voted Democratic . However , the y continue d t o lac k politica l power proportiona l t o thei r numbers . Thei r vote s di d no t resul t i n th e sam e kinds o f gains fo r blac k communitie s tha t whit e communitie s receive d fo r whit e votes: patronag e jobs , infrastructura l improvemen t fo r thei r urba n neighbor hoods, employmen t wit h constructio n firms an d other s unde r publi c contract, 27 and socia l insuranc e benefit s lik e thos e offere d t o som e worker s b y th e Socia l Security Act. If w e kee p i n min d th e exclusio n o f black s fro m effectiv e participatio n i n Northern urba n politica l machines , i t i s possibl e t o begi n constructin g a n alternative t o th e Phillip s thesis . Th e "Negr o Problem " writer s se e 196 4 a s a watershed yea r tha t mark s th e en d o f a black politics tha t Norther n white s coul d abide, an d eve n vot e fo r i n som e nationa l elections . The y clai m tha t blac k politics change d i n thei r geographi c location , thei r content , an d thei r relation ship t o th e state . First, geographically , the y hav e a point—althoug h rathe r tha n callin g th e change on e fro m a "Southern " t o a "national " locatio n fo r blac k politica l struggle, w e migh t mor e accuratel y ter m i t a chang e fro m a Souther n t o a specifically Norther n focus . Moreover , whe n i t cam e North , th e movemen t fo r black civi l right s an d socia l advancemen t encountere d hostilitie s amon g urba n Northern white s an d politica l elite s tha t wer e perfectl y comparabl e t o th e hostilities encountere d i n Birmingha m an d Montgomer y i n th e earl y 1960s . Second, whe n w e examin e th e suppose d chang e i n th e conten t o f blac k demands afte r 1964 , wha t appear s i s mor e continuit y tha n change . Le t m e tak e up jus t th e charg e tha t blac k claim s switche d fro m a n emphasi s o n "equalit y o f opportunity" t o on e o n "equalit y of result" (o f course, thi s is code for affirmativ e action). I n fact , blac k activist s an d politician s i n th e Nort h ha d bee n seekin g equal acces s t o jobs , apprenticeships , an d othe r jo b trainin g fo r decade s befor e the civi l right s movemen t cam e Nort h i n th e mid-1960s . Whit e workers , including thos e i n th e municipa l union s fo r whic h Ji m Sleepe r ha s suc h kin d words, refuse d t o admi t blacks . The y refuse d Africa n American s acces s t o apprenticeship program s i n th e skille d trade s an d kep t the m ou t o f constructio n unions. I n th e urba n North , gainin g "equalit y o f opportunity " mean t break ing th e hol d o f racis t union s o n publi c contract s an d apprenticeships ; af firmative actio n was one , albei t politicall y divisive , metho d fo r accomplishin g that end . Third, whe n w e examin e th e relationshi p o f African-America n socia l move ments t o th e nationa l state , wha t appear s i s les s a transformatio n o f blac k 202

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demands tha n a n effor t t o overcom e th e anomalou s lac k o f powe r tha t black s had i n citie s wher e the y forme d a n ever-increasin g portio n o f th e potentia l voting public . T o tak e jus t th e Communit y Actio n Program s an d th e African American communit y organization s tha t receive d mone y o r othe r hel p fro m them: Th e CAP s offere d som e communit y group s suppor t outsid e th e big-cit y political machines , drawin g the m int o direc t relationship s wit h th e federa l government. Whe n th e proces s was successful , i t coul d mak e th e machin e politicians ver y angry . Bu t was thi s a n "unintende d consequence" ? T o para phrase Alle n Matuso w an d Nichola s Lemann , wa s i t a tragic , decisiv e momen t in th e histor y o f America n liberalism ? Probabl y not , give n wha t w e kno w about th e likelihoo d tha t th e politica l machine s woul d incorporat e thei r blac k constituents withou t som e proddin g fro m th e federa l government . Prior t o 1965 , Africa n American s livin g i n th e Sout h lacke d politica l powe r because o f effectiv e disfranchisement ; thos e i n th e Nort h lacke d powe r becaus e of the exclusionar y practices o f political machine s i n th e citie s t o which the y ha d migrated. Norther n black s wer e no t a s badl y of f a s thei r Souther n counterpart s prior t o th e mid-1960s , bu t the y to o neede d somethin g lik e a votin g right s campaign—not t o ensur e thei r righ t t o registe r t o vote , bu t t o ensur e tha t thei r votes, onc e cast , woul d resul t i n th e sam e gain s tha t whit e Democrat s ha d already receive d fo r thei r electora l loyalty . Communit y Actio n Program s i n a t least a few localitie s ca n b e seen a s part o f that votin g right s effort . Even i f we acknowledge—a s th e literatur e o n th e ris e o f conservatis m woul d ask its readers t o do—tha t a major transformatio n occurre d i n th e teno r o f U.S. politics afte r 1964 , an d i n th e leve l of distributional conflic t betwee n white s an d blacks, w e migh t loo k elsewher e fo r explanation s tha n solel y t o th e fault s o f black activist s an d thei r whit e libera l allies . A s suggeste d above , w e mus t loo k first a t th e behavio r an d attitude s o f working- an d middle-clas s whites who were, after all , th e one s wh o lef t th e Democrati c Part y whe n i t becam e incrementall y more responsiv e t o blac k demand s i n th e 1960 s tha n i t ha d bee n previously . Second, w e migh t loo k a t th e wa r i n Vietnam , th e effect s o f which ar e strangel y understated i n th e "Negr o Problem " literature . Th e Gul f o f Tonki n Resolutio n passed Congres s i n Augus t 1964 , an d U.S . groun d troop s officiall y arrive d i n Vietnam i n 1965 . The "ho t war " i n Southeas t Asi a generate d politica l conflict s that di d thei r ow n destructiv e wor k o n Democrati c majorities . Th e wa r als o drained resource s fro m th e Wa r o n Povert y an d supporte d zero-su m federa l domestic policie s (lik e th e "Philadelphi a Plan " fo r affirmativ e actio n tha t Presi dent Nixo n supporte d expressl y becaus e h e wante d t o se t organize d labo r an d African American s agains t on e another) 28 tha t sometime s helpe d black s gai n access t o job s traditionall y hel d b y white s bu t di d no t creat e mor e high-wag e jobs fo r black s and white s who neede d them . 203

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THE IDEOLOGICA L WOR K O F PROBLEMATI C NEGROE S

There ar e eviden t hole s i n th e fabri c o f th e "Negr o Problem " thesis . Why ha s i t nevertheless bee n s o powerfu l i n U.S . politica l thinking ? Becaus e thi s historica l interpretation perform s valuabl e ideologica l work fo r writer s who describ e them selves as on th e right , i n th e center , an d o n th e left . For thos e o n th e right , th e argumen t o f th e "Negr o Problem " schoo l under girds a n argumen t fo r th e abandonmen t o f th e Democrat s i n favo r o f th e Republicans. B y focusin g o n whit e liberal s an d activis t black s a s th e culprit s in racializin g U.S . politic s i n th e 1960s , th e Phillip s thesi s take s th e burde n o f responsibility awa y fro m th e whit e voter s wh o switche d partie s fro m th e con servative politicians , beginnin g wit h Barr y Goldwate r i n 196 4 an d Nixo n i n 1968, wh o exploite d racia l tension s amon g Democrat s i n orde r t o wi n a t th e polls. For thos e i n th e center , th e "Negr o Problem " thesi s removes responsibilit y fo r Democratic defeat s fro m th e shoulder s o f thos e Democrati c centrist s wh o sup ported th e Vietna m War . I t focuse s attentio n o n th e African-America n activist s and whit e reformer s wh o oppose d th e exclusionar y practice s o f whit e urba n political machines , an d diverts attention fro m Democrati c regular s who coexiste d easily wit h thos e politica l machines . Fo r centrists , th e lesso n o f th e suppose d debacle o f th e Wa r o n Povert y i s tha t i t i s a mistak e t o transcen d accepte d channels, an d tha t to o muc h democrac y (fo r example , th e direc t participatio n o f communities o f colo r unde r th e Communit y Actio n Programs ) i s a dangerou s thing. The Phillip s argumen t underwrite s 1990 s claims that th e Democrat s mus t become mor e conservativ e i f the y ar e t o b e politicall y effective—especiall y o n issues lik e affirmativ e action , crime , welfare , feminism , an d ga y rights . Finally , the "Negr o Problem " thesis , wit h it s fictive constructio n o f a class-base d Ne w Deal, contraste d wit h a race-based Grea t Society , allow s centris t writer s t o cove r their ow n reluctanc e t o tak e racia l powe r seriousl y i n U.S . politic s b y makin g a purely rhetorica l stan d i n favo r o f a politics o f class. For som e analyst s fro m a left-of-cente r perspective , th e "Negr o Problem " thesis remove s responsibilit y fo r th e dissolutio n o f Democrati c electora l majorit ies fro m th e shoulder s o f whit e mal e labo r union s an d member s o f th e whit e working class . Writers lik e Jim Sleepe r woul d rathe r no t kno w abou t th e easil y demonstrable effort s o f white-dominate d (especiall y AFL) union s i n th e 1930s , 1940s, 1950s , an d 1960 s t o kee p blac k worker s out . A s wit h th e centrists , a n argument tha t value s th e suppose d clas s focu s o f th e Ne w Dea l ove r th e supposed racia l focu s o f the Grea t Societ y serve s th e interest s o f leftists wh o stil l refuse t o tak e racia l powe r seriously . Self-proclaime d intellectual s o f the lef t wh o can se e onl y on e vecto r o f power—tha t o f class—ca n tak e comfor t fro m th e 204

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"Negro Problem " thesi s becaus e i t make s race-consciou s reformer s fro m th e 1960s loo k ba d and , b y extension , devalue s race-consciou s o r multicultura l political wor k o f the 1990s . Kevin Phillips , circ a 1969 , was a n excellen t Republica n strategist . Bu t h e was not a good historian. A more honest, historicall y salient, an d politically meaning ful analysi s o f rac e an d recen t politic s ca n emerg e onl y i f analyst s depar t fro m Phillips's precedent , ceas e pretending tha t ther e was a time befor e rac e mattere d in th e Unite d States , an d sto p dreamin g o f th e momen t whe n problemati c "Negroes" might disappear . Man y voters, especially white heterosexual men , ha d reached a pitch o f ange r an d frustratio n b y th e lat e 1980 s an d earl y 1990s ; the y felt lef t ou t o f the majo r socia l movement s o f the tim e an d sa w themselves a s o n the losin g en d o f social polic y solution s t o distributiona l inequality . Rathe r tha n taking thei r frustratio n a s th e startin g poin t o f analysis , scholar s migh t mor e appropriately trea t i t a s merel y on e ingredien t i n a complicate d politica l mix . Such scholarshi p woul d no t satisf y mainstrea m pundits , bu t i t migh t la y th e groundwork fo r a political arithmeti c tha t counte d th e res t o f us. NOTES

Thanks t o Hendri k Hartog , Danie l Rodgers , and Elizabet h Kis s for thei r thoughtfu l comments. 1. Whe n originall y include d i n th e Socia l Securit y Act o f 1935 , the progra m wa s known a s Aid to Dependen t Children . I n 1962 , mothers were added a s explicit beneficiaries, an d th e titl e of the progra m wa s changed t o Aid t o Familie s wit h Dependent Children . 2. I n fact , member s o f the welfare right s movemen t ra n th e gamu t o f ethni c an d racial identities, ages, and geographi c regions . They include d Nativ e Americans on reservation s who sought reforms i n welfare program s targeted at them; IrishAmerican senio r citizen s fro m Bosto n wh o sough t improvement s i n Old-Ag e Assistance, th e federa l progra m fo r th e age d poor ; Appalachia n white s wh o sought bette r benefit s unde r th e Ai d t o th e Totall y Disable d program ; an d many others . However , th e mode l welfar e right s activis t wa s a blac k femal e AFDC recipien t fro m on e of a handful o f Northeastern cities . 3. Fo r th e lawyers ' perspective , se e Edwar d Sparer , "Th e Righ t t o Welfare, " i n The Rights of Americans: What They Are, What They Should Be, ed. Norma n Dorsen (Ne w York: Vintage Press , 1970) , 65-93; an d Ran d Rosenblatt , "Lega l Entitlement an d Welfar e Benefits, " i n The Politics of Law: A Progressive Critique, ed. David Kairy s (Ne w York: Pantheon, 1982) , 262-78. For an overvie w of the lawyers' engagement wit h welfar e rights , see Martha Davis , Brutal Need: Lawyers and the Welfare Rights Movement, 1960-1973 (Ne w Haven : Yal e University Press, 1993) . 4. Se e Paul a Giddings , When and Where L Enter: The Lmpact of Black Women on Race and Sex in America (Ne w York : Banta m Press , 1984) , 312-13 ; an d 205

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Jacqueline Jones, Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow: Black Women, Work, and the Family, from Slavery to the Present (New York : Vintag e Press , 1985) , 306-7 . Deborah Gra y White' s forthcomin g wor k o n blac k women' s organizin g wil l begin with a discussion o f late nineteenth-century women' s club s and en d wit h welfare rights . 5. See , for example , France s Fo x Piven an d Richar d Cloward , Poor Peoples Movement: How They Succeed, Why They Fail (Ne w York : Pantheon , 1978) ; Guid a West, The National Welfare Rights Movement: The Social Protest of Poor Women (New York: Praeger , 1981) ; Susan Handle y Hertz , The Welfare Mothers Movement: A Decade of Change for Poor Women? (Washington, D.C. : Universit y Press o f America, 1981) ; an d Lawrenc e Nei l Bailis , Bread or Justice: Grassroots Organizing in the Welfare Rights Movement (Lexington , MA : Lexingto n Books , 1974). 6. Lawrenc e Mead , "Republica n Welfar e Reform, " testimon y befor e th e U.S . Senate, Committee o n Governmenta l Affairs, January 25, 1995 , 9. 7. Norma n Atkins , "Governo r Get-a-Job : Tomm y Thompson, " New York Times Magazine, January 15 , 1995 , 24. 8. Richar d Kahlenberg , "Class , Not Race, " New Republic, April 3, 1995 , 27. 9. Marti n Luthe r King , Jr., Why We Can't Wait (New York: Penguin, 1964) , 134 . King called for a "Bill of Rights for th e Disadvantaged" modele d o n th e G I bil l of right s afte r Worl d Wa r II , whic h woul d no t hav e bee n a t al l inexpensive . While Kin g wanted t o reac h som e whites a s well a s blacks with program s tha t were no t explicitl y race-based , h e als o assume d tha t th e vas t majorit y o f recipients o f the programs funde d unde r suc h a bill of rights would b e African American. 10. Kevi n Phillips , The Emerging Republican Majority (Ne w Rochelle, NY: Armonk Publishing, 1969) , 37, 39. 11. Althoug h h e i s no t s o eas y to plac e o n a left-center-right spectrum , I mea n t o include als o th e historia n Alle n Matusow , i n The Unraveling of America: A History of Liberalism in the 1960s (New York: Harper Torchbooks , 1984) . 12. Nel l Irvi n Painter , "Representin g Truth : Sojourne r Truth' s Knowin g an d Be coming Known, " Journal of American History 81 , no . 2 (Septembe r 1994) : 461-92. 13. Thoma s Edsall , wit h Mar y Edsall , Chain Reaction: The Impact of Race, Rights, and Taxes on American Politics (New York: Norton, 1992) , 5-6 . 14. O n th e shif t i n blac k politica l allegiance s i n th e 1930s , se e Nanc y J . Weiss , Farewell to the Party of Lincoln: Black Politics in the Age of FDR (Princeton : Princeton Universit y Press , 1983) . 15. Jimm y Carter's electio n i n 197 6 is seen as an anomaly, a result of Watergate o n the on e han d an d Carter' s Souther n evangelica l Christia n backgroun d o n th e other. 16. Matusow , The Unraveling, 243 . 17. Nichola s Lemann , The Promised Land: The Great Black Migration and How It 206

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Changed America (Ne w York : Knopf , 1991) , 129 . "I n Dream s Begi n Respon sibilities" was a landmark o f the modernis t shor t fiction o f the interwa r period , and wa s publishe d i n th e first issu e o f th e magazin e Partisan Review. O n Delmore Schwart z an d hi s shor t fiction, se e In Dreams Begin Responsibilities (Norfolk, CT : New Directions , 1938) ; James Atlas, Delmore Schwartz: The Life of an American Poet (Ne w York : Farra r Strau s an d Giroux , 1977) ; an d Sau l Bellow's novel Humboldt s Gift (New York: Viking Press, 1975) . 18. Charle s Murray, Losing Ground: American Social Policy, 1950-1980 (Ne w York: Basic Books, 1984) , 181-82 . 19. Edsal l and Edsall , Chain Reaction, 15. 20. Se e Sar a Evans , Personal Politics: The Roots of Women's Liberation in the Civil Rights Movement and the New Left (Ne w York: Vintage Press , 1980) , 142-47 ; and Jennifer Frost , "Communit y an d Consciousness : Women's Welfar e Right s Organizing i n Cleveland , 1964-1966 " (unpublishe d paper , Berkshir e Confer ence on th e History of Women, Douglas s College , New Jersey, June 1990) . 21. Murray , Losing Ground, 181 . 22. Ji m Sleeper , The Closest of Strangers: Liberalism and the Politics of Race in New York (New York: Norton, 1990) , 91. 23. Sleeper , The Closest of Strangers, 93-94 . 24. Edsal l and Edsall , Chain Reaction, 72 . 25. Gunna r Myrdal , An American Dilemma (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Brothers , 1944), 359-60. Winifred Bel l found th e same thing twenty years later. See Aid to Dependent Children (New York: Columbi a Universit y Press , 1965) . O n th e legislative debate s tha t produce d thi s versio n o f Socia l Security , se e Lind a Gordon, Pitied but Not Entitled: Single Mothers and the History of Welfare (New York: Free Press, 1994) , 253-85. 26. Jacquelin e Hal l e t al. , Like a Family: The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill World (Chapel Hill : University of North Carolin a Press , 1987) , 157 . 27. Notwithstandin g Sleeper' s clai m tha t municipa l union s were changing o n thei r own volition, som e of the workers who were most resistan t t o racia l integratio n in the 1960 s were those working under publi c contract. Se e Jill Quadagno, The Color of Welfare: How Racism Undermined the War on Poverty (Ne w York : Oxford Universit y Press , 1994) , chap. 3. 28. O n this , se e H . R . Haldeman , The Haldeman Diaries: Inside the Nixon White House (New York: G. P . Putnam's Sons , 1994) .

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One hundre d year s ago , racia l separation , stratification , an d whit e suprem acy were th e d e jur e an d d e fact o law s an d custom s o f th e land . Th e struggl e t o undo thes e laws and enac t ne w legislation towar d th e promis e o f greater equalit y has bee n on e o f th e majo r politica l project s o f th e twentiet h century . Th e significance o f recent , implicitl y pro-whit e federa l an d stat e legislatio n suc h a s California's Proposition s 18 4 an d 187 , th e variou s federa l crim e bills , soarin g allocations t o th e Immigratio n an d Naturalizatio n Service' s Borde r Patrol , an d the "Wa r o n Drugs " lie s i n thei r impac t i n sustainin g an d reinscribin g limit s t o citizenship an d statu s i n th e Unite d States . Fo r th e ful l threa t o f recen t pro white legislatio n t o b e understood , w e nee d t o analyz e th e cultura l an d politica l logics tha t triggere d th e launching o f these torpedoes i n th e first place. We argu e

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that th e foundationa l logi c i s a thinl y veiled , hydra-headed , an d well-organize d resurgence o f white nationalism . METHODOLOGY

Our collaboratio n i s a n attemp t t o critiqu e whit e nationalis m an d t o ope n u p a space of dialogue betwee n peopl e o f color. I n working together , w e have realize d the limitation s o f theorizin g fro m a singl e identit y politic . Anthropologist s Paulla Ebro n an d Ann a Tsin g i n thei r groundbreakin g essay , "I n Dialogue ? Writing acros s Minorit y Discourses, " demonstrat e tha t i n man y writing s fro m marginalized groups , there ha s bee n littl e preceden t . . . fo r doin g anythin g othe r tha n restating the forms o f marginalization wit h which on e side or th e othe r is th e mos t familiar—a s i f attemptin g t o bu y one' s wa y t o th e mora l high groun d o f "mos t oppressed. " I n thi s practice , othe r marginalize d groups ar e collapse d int o th e dominan t cente r becaus e the y d o no t share the particular for m o f marginalization abou t which one is writing. (Ebron an d Tsing 1995 , 2) In ou r collaboratio n a s a n Asian-America n woma n an d a n African-America n woman wh o belon g t o group s ofte n pitte d agains t eac h other , th e "mode l minority" opposin g th e "immora l minority, " we have created a space of dialogu e that decenter s th e primar y whit e referent . Thi s spac e provide s a vie w o f th e workings o f a whit e hegemon y tha t i s abl e t o deplo y Asia n American s "i n a n eminently programmati c wa y agains t othe r groups " (Palumbo-Li u 1994 , 341) . With Asian s an d black s fighting eac h other , what i s missing in th e narrativ e . . . i s any inquir y int o th e structur e o f an economi c syste m tha t historicall y pit s Asian s agains t black s an d Latinos, an d whic h exploit s thi s antagonis m i n orde r t o construc t a displaced rehearsa l o f a simplifie d white/black , purel y "racial " antago nism. (370 ) With white s convenientl y missin g fro m th e picture , th e strateg y o f whit e su premacy an d it s concret e ramification s ar e remove d fro m th e scen e o f the crime . To closel y interrogat e th e categorie s an d hierarchie s tha t hav e define d certai n people as problematic, a s well as the unreflexiv e us e of dominant, whit e commu nity standard s a s normative , w e argu e tha t researc h o n America n cultur e an d public polic y mus t mov e towar d greate r analysis o f th e dominan t an d powerful ; 209

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dominated o r les s powerfu l communitie s shoul d no t b e the sol e subjec t o f our research. Thus , i t i s critical t o analyz e ho w hierarchies o f power ar e embedde d in th e way s w e theoriz e race/ethnicity/nationality . I n othe r words , w e nee d t o ask no t onl y wha t constitute s criminality , illegitimacy , illegality , an d savagery , but als o why and how the powerful hav e categorize d thes e issue s as problematic. In radica l scholars ' attempt s t o denaturaliz e an d expos e th e oppressiv e context s that transfor m blac k me n int o criminals , blac k wome n int o welfar e mothers , Asians an d Chicanos int o illegals , the y ar e often i n dange r o f accepting th e very categories of criminal, illegal , and so forth tha t th e dominant societ y has decided are problems . Description s o f thes e sociologicall y "deviant " context s tacitl y accept th e logic of dominant whiteness . As James Baldwi n write s in "Many Thousand s Gone " (1951) , "Th e American image o f the Negr o live s also in the Negro's heart ; an d when h e has surrendered to thi s image , lif e ha s n o othe r possibl e reality " (38) . B y incorporatin g thes e terms o f negativel y marke d referenc e an d by not questionin g wha t problemati cally lie s i n ou r ow n hearts , w e complicitl y believ e i n an d protec t a dominan t white America n valu e syste m tha t ha s define d thes e othere d realitie s a s anti American an d antiwhite . W e uphol d th e notio n tha t fo r peopl e o f colo r t o b e truly huma n an d acceptable , the y mus t refut e th e "welfar e queen " labe l an d search instea d fo r a dominant "self. " Rather tha n incorporatin g powerfu l whit e Wester n notion s o f wh o w e are, instead o f acceptin g thes e negativ e marking s a s vali d an d apologeticall y ex plaining why we are not in fact savage s contaminating an d bleeding the resources of whit e America , w e must explor e th e root s o f savager y i n th e constitutio n o f whiteness itself . Followin g Ton i Morrison' s wor k Playing in the Dark: Whiteness and the Literary Imagination, w e shoul d rejec t a scholarshi p founde d o n th e objectification o f people o f color an d use our insights t o carefull y scrutiniz e th e dominant. Accordin g t o Morrison , wh o speaks i n thi s quotatio n o f white mal e authors, The fabricatio n o f the Africanist person a i s reflexive; a n extraordinar y meditation o n the self; a powerful exploratio n o f the fears an d desires that resid e i n th e writerly consciousness . . .. I t wa s thi s Africanism , deployed a s rawnes s an d savagery , tha t provide d th e stagin g groun d and aren a fo r th e elaboratio n o f the quintessential America n identity . (Morrison 1992 , 17, 44) Retaining whitenes s a s the dominant positio n o f normativity reinscribe s white ness a s the subject positio n i n knowledg e productio n o f race. As Richard Dye r observes, 210

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This propert y o f whiteness, t o b e everything an d nothing , i s the sourc e of its representational power . . . . [W]hit e dominatio n i s reproduced b y the wa y tha t whit e peopl e "coloniz e th e definitio n o f normal. " Pau l Gilroy similarl y spell s ou t th e politica l consequences , i n th e Britis h context, o f th e wa y tha t whitenes s bot h disappear s behin d an d i s subsumed int o othe r identities . H e discusse s th e way that th e languag e of "th e nation " aim s t o b e unifyin g . . . bu t goe s o n t o observ e that : "there i s a proble m i n thes e plura l forms : wh y d o the y include , or , more precisel y fo r ou r purposes , d o the y hel p reproduc e blacknes s an d Englishness a s mutually exclusiv e categories? . . . why are contemporar y appeals t o 'th e people ' i n dange r o f transmittin g themselve s a s appeal s to the white people?" (Dyer 1988 , 45-46 ) Making whiteness a n unbounde d an d ill-define d cultura l spac e limits ou r under standing o f ho w it s performanc e an d productio n ar e implicate d i n th e (re)pro duction o f whit e supremacy . Whe n whit e i s invisible , a critica l interrogatio n o f cultural an d institutiona l whit e powe r become s nearl y impossible . It i s importan t t o note , however , tha t ou r strateg y i s no t entirel y simila r t o that o f Ruth Frankenber g i n White Women, Race Matters: The Social Construction of Whiteness (1993), a work tha t challenge s a framework o f Western scholarshi p that ha s ignore d th e whit e racia l being . Thoug h he r critica l "inventor y o f whiteness a s a subjectiv e terrain " throug h a n examinatio n o f th e live s o f whit e women challenge s th e "colonia l constructio n o f whiteness a s an 'empty ' cultura l space, in part b y refiguring i t as constructed an d dominan t rathe r tha n a s norm, " she make s th e mistak e o f preservin g th e centralit y o f a white poin t o f view. Fo r example, i n illustratin g tha t dominan t whit e discours e i s characterized b y color blind an d power-evasiv e language , Frankenber g write s tha t "a t thi s tim e i n U.S . history" onl y th e "fa r right " "explicitl y articulates " "whitenes s a s a marke d identity . . . mainl y i n term s o f 'whit e pride' " (232) . O n th e contrary , w e argue tha t colore d Americans , growin g u p i n household s wher e whitenes s was constantly named , critiqued , an d challenged , clearl y articulat e whitenes s a s a marked identity . Frankenberg' s failur e t o acknowledg e tha t peopl e o f colo r ar e engaged i n knowledg e productio n abou t whitenes s refuse s t o legitimiz e peopl e of colo r a s authors , no t objects , o f knowledg e an d implicitl y normalize s th e white poin t o f view. Another poin t o f ou r collaboratio n her e i s als o t o reinstat e agency i n Othe r point s o f view. Using th e spac e opene d u p b y ou r collaboration , w e wan t t o identif y th e intersections o f seemingl y disparat e discourse s surroundin g crime , poverty , drugs, an d immigration . Rathe r tha n isolatin g thes e issue s accordin g t o thei r effects o n specifi c identit y group s o r geographi c areas , we ar e viewing the m a s a 211

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unified attac k o n "Others " i n th e productio n o f what w e cal l th e White Nation . In usin g th e conceptio n o f Whit e Natio n a s a cornerston e o f ou r project , we attemp t t o dislodg e whitenes s fro m panoptica l centrality/domination . W e recognize, however , tha t i n usin g th e crud e an d monolithi c ter m "Whit e Na tion" w e evad e a nuance d renderin g o f th e agonisti c field o n whic h a heteroge neous assortmen t o f constituencie s jocke y fo r position . W e als o recogniz e tha t in focusin g o n thi s "unifie d attac k o n 'Others, ' " w e ar e i n dange r o f deletin g the varyin g powe r differential s an d privilege s o f thes e "Others. " However , there is a serie s o f strategie s whos e ai m i s t o reclai m whit e power/privileg e an d the symboli c an d institutiona l structure s tha t sustai n it , althoug h over t whit e supremacist rhetori c i s often veiled . Our namin g o f th e Whit e Natio n i s a n alternative , a strateg y t o subver t th e view tha t whitenes s i s invisible , normative , an d blameless . I t challenge s th e scholarship o n rac e relation s i n th e Unite d State s tha t define s "differently " racialized bodie s a s judicial an d polic y problems , who, havin g create d thei r mes s through individua l lack , ar e deviants , incapabl e o f "self-determination " an d shameless enoug h t o continuall y whin e t o an d shi t o n th e whit e han d tha t kindly feed s them . Th e deliberatel y provocativ e ter m "Whit e Nation " i s mean t to poin t clearl y t o th e thinl y veile d attempt s b y polic y maker s an d legislator s t o reclaim whit e privileg e an d maintai n whit e power . Whe n th e medi a discours e on crim e an d citizenshi p focuse s strictl y on th e crimina l an d th e "alien, " i t elide s the multipl e structure s o f global capital , militarization , an d terro r use d t o bolste r the Whit e Nation . I n usin g th e conceptio n "Whit e Nation " w e hop e t o evok e and analyz e th e image s o f Newt Gingric h o n th e Capito l steps , Charle s Murra y in th e academy , whit e mal e Lo s Angele s polic e officer s beatin g Rodne y King , Pete Wilson' s rallyin g cr y o f "Sav e Ou r State, " To m Ridge' s signatur e o n th e death warran t o f Mumi a Abu-Jamal , th e si x whit e mal e Greenwich , Connecti cut, hig h schoo l student s codin g "kil l al l niggers " i n thei r hig h schoo l year book, an d th e media' s shameles s assumptio n tha t Middl e Easter n rathe r tha n Midwestern terrorist s wer e responsibl e fo r th e Apri l 199 5 bombin g o f th e federal buildin g i n Oklahom a City . W e hop e tha t "Whit e Nation " wil l carr y a tropic loa d a s potent a s the standar d incantation s "blac k underclass " an d "illega l alien." It i s als o importan t t o situat e ou r theorizin g abou t th e Whit e Natio n i n a transnational an d comparativ e context , fo r th e strategie s o f th e Whit e Natio n carry globa l ramifications , an d w e ca n lear n muc h abou t whit e nationalis m b y studying th e logic of other nationalisms . I n thi s regard , th e recen t anthropologi cal literatur e o n nationa l cultur e making , althoug h rarel y applie d t o th e West , offers a clea r an d usefu l mode l fo r analysi s o f th e Whit e Nation' s culture - an d power-making process . Thi s literatur e analyze s th e processe s o f cultura l produc 212

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tion an d th e technologie s o f exclusio n o n whic h suc h concept s a s "nation " an d "state" ar e grounded . I t explore s th e plasticit y o f bounde d entitie s suc h a s rac e and ethnicit y and th e contestory field of national imaginings . The anthropologis t Richard Fox' s essa y "Hind u Nationalis m i n th e Making ; or , th e Ris e o f th e Hindian" (Fo x 1990 ) explore s th e Hind u nationa l culture-makin g proces s i n India. Significantly , fo r ou r purposes , Fo x analyzes th e "ideologica l hijacking " o f Gandhism, a competing nationa l ideolog y tha t emphasize s toleranc e an d plural ity. Hind u nationalis m redefine s an d appropriate s wha t Gandh i spok e o f as Go d and Trut h an d make s i t a Hind u trut h alone . Hidde n b y th e veil s o f centrality , Hindu nationalis m i s invisible ; Hind u i s conflate d wit h Indian . Thes e kind s o f analyses o f nationalis m i n th e "developing " worl d provid e u s wit h a usefu l approach t o th e Unite d State s precisel y becaus e th e proces s her e ha s becom e s o transparent. I f w e selectivel y appl y th e methodologie s o f th e anthropolog y o f national cultur e makin g t o th e Unite d States , w e ca n begi n t o discer n th e production o f th e Whit e Nation . Lik e th e "hijackin g o f Gandhism, " th e repro ducing White Natio n cloak s its white racis t ideolog y i n th e rhetori c of patriotis m and saf e streets , lawfulness an d self-determination . And , lik e Hind u nationalists , many whit e nationalist s ar e workin g t o achiev e consensu s an d promot e a singl e version o f culture, citizen , an d truth . From a n anthropologica l perspective , we recognize tha t ou r implicatio n o f th e active actor s bolsterin g th e Whit e Natio n an d ou r correspondin g attentio n t o the perspectiv e o f Other s challenge s no t onl y U.S . scholarshi p o n rac e relation s but als o ou r discipline . Sinc e ou r ver y theoretica l tool s ar e founde d o n human s and place s wh o supposedl y fundamentall y lac k agenc y compare d t o "us, " w e have foun d i t difficul t t o portra y th e weaver s o f culture , t o theoriz e abou t human agency , eve n th e agenc y o f th e relativel y powerful . I n focusin g o n th e strategies o f whit e nationalists , w e ar e rejectin g th e whit e hegemoni c viewpoin t that denie s it s own agenc y in destructivel y reproducin g itself—especiall y i n ligh t of recen t socia l theorists ' tendencie s t o giv e gran d agenc y t o "big " institution s and phenomena . Fo r example , man y postcolonia l critics , i n attemptin g t o tal k about th e scop e o f "globa l capitalism " an d "worl d colonization, " hav e use d models i n whic h powe r an d domination s emanat e fro m th e Wes t an d onto "th e rest." I n thi s model , globa l capitalis m an d Wester n state s ar e gran d institution s set o n autopilo t withou t rea l actors . Also , ou r implicatin g th e Whit e Natio n i s an attemp t t o avoi d th e viciou s tra p o f concludin g tha t nonhegemoni c group s and peopl e ar e simpl y dominated , trapped , inferio r Other s acte d o n b y grea t white powe r structures . The White Nation , however , i s neither simpl y a conspiracy no r a n institution . Rather, i t i s a serie s o f strategie s an d actor s deploye d fro m multipl e site s wit h manifold objectives , alway s teste d b y numerou s counterstrategies . Th e Whit e 213

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Nation i s not a right-wing militi a grou p o r th e far-righ t win g o f th e Republica n Party; it s compositio n i s a dynami c networ k o f decentralize d web s tha t deplo y multiple processes—judicial , economic , linguistic , military/paramilitary—fro m varied site s t o achiev e a n alway s conteste d hegemony . Miche l Foucault' s notio n of powe r provide s valuabl e insigh t int o th e architectonic s o f th e Whit e Nation . According t o Foucault , neither th e cast e tha t governs , no r th e group s whic h contro l th e stat e apparatus, no r thos e who make the most importan t economi c decision s direct th e entire network o f power that function s i n society (an d make s it function); th e rationalit y o f power i s characterized b y tactics tha t ar e often quit e explici t a t th e restricte d leve l wher e the y ar e inscribed , tactics which , becomin g connecte d t o on e another , bu t finding thei r base of support and their conditions elsewhere, end by forming compre hensive systems. (Foucaul t 1978 , 95) This Foucauldia n notio n o f powe r leave s roo m fo r th e complicate d realit y o f multiracial, multiethni c suppor t o f strategies tha t buttres s th e White Nation . THE WHIT E NATIO N I N ACTIO N

Having se t th e theoretica l framin g o f ou r analysis , we wan t t o focu s directl y o n the ver y tangibl e technologie s o f th e Whit e Nation . Sinc e par t o f the strateg y o f (re)producing th e White Natio n i s precisely to rende r invisibl e it s own working s of maintainin g supremac y an d t o focu s it s len s o n problemati c Other s wh o ar e balkanizing an d depletin g th e nation , ou r counterstrateg y i s twofold . First , w e hope t o rende r visibl e an d precisel y demonstrat e ho w th e ver y action s an d idea s of Whit e Natio n actor s maintai n thei r ow n privileg e b y spreadin g pai n ont o others. W e hop e t o illustrat e tha t onl y b y upholdin g th e ver y system s o f whit e entitlements, protectio n o f white property , an d whit e segregatio n (t o nam e jus t a few ) ar e problemati c categorie s suc h a s crimina l an d illega l constructe d an d made sensible . W e hop e t o explor e ho w notion s o f criminality , stealing , an d looting would no t b e possible without th e accompanyin g ideologie s of individua l property ownershi p an d self-mad e prosperity . Onl y fro m th e perspectiv e o f th e White Nation' s protectio n o f it s ownershi p o f propert y an d belongingnes s a s citizens woul d suc h oppressiv e system s a s ghettoize d segregatio n an d Proposi tions 18 7 an d 18 4 b e necessary . Ironically , whit e nationalist s ar e s o ben t o n keeping th e ver y systems/categorie s tha t mak e the m whol e tha t the y ar e unabl e to diverg e fro m them , eve n i f they entra p the m a s well. Second, w e hop e t o demonstrat e tha t maintenanc e o f th e Whit e Natio n i s achieved most profitabl y throug h th e criminalizing , medicalizing , o r reterritorial 214

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izing o f thos e wh o undermin e it . W e hop e t o sho w wha t i s actuall y happenin g to thes e "problemati c Others" : criminal s an d alien s ar e thos e who, practicall y o r existentially,l pos e a threat t o white hegemon y an d mus t therefor e b e contained , restrained, o r eliminate d b y deat h o r deportation . Robert Fitch , i n a n articl e calle d "Sprea d th e Pain ? Ta x th e Gain! " (1995) , demonstrates ho w whit e nationalist s suc h a s Ne w Yor k Cit y mayo r Rudolp h Giuliani an d Ne w Yor k governo r Georg e Patak i ar e "energeticall y engage d i n redistributing incom e upward " (630) . Legitimate d b y conservativ e whit e thin k tanks an d usin g th e strateg y o f "spreadin g th e pain " an d "there' s n o mor e money," Giulian i an d Patak i ar e hopin g t o cu t cit y spendin g fo r Medicai d an d child welfar e programs , clos e dow n cit y publi c hospitals , la y of f thousand s o f workers, shrin k benefit s t o th e blin d an d homeless , "eliminat e schoo l loan s fo r most poo r student s an d al l graduat e students , doubl e tuitio n a t Cit y Universit y of Ne w Yor k an d la y of f 1,00 0 tenure d faculty , eliminatin g 15,00 0 courses " (629, 620) . A t th e sam e time , the y hop e t o us e thi s mone y t o offe r multiyea r tax cut s t o th e rich , subsidiz e downtow n propert y owners , developers , an d multinational corporations , an d giv e big investment ta x credits. Obviously, then , elite whit e actors—eve n a t th e expens e o f th e cit y an d state' s "economi c an d fiscal mudslide"—ar e hoardin g much-neede d fund s i n orde r t o suppor t a nar row version o f th e Whit e Nation : th e ric h an d thei r growin g "economi c mono culture—excessive relianc e o n th e finance, insurance , an d rea l estat e industries " (628). 2 This freneti c protectio n o f elit e whit e propert y come s t o th e forefron t i n th e 1992 Lo s Angele s Rebellion . Davi d Palumbo-Li u (1994 ) demonstrate s tha t i n media an d dominan t portrayal s o f th e Lo s Angeles debacle , Korean-Americans , who wer e see n a s "whit e surrogates " becaus e o f thei r mode l ownershi p o f property, wer e depicte d i n Newsweek a s gun-carrying defender s o f th e America n dream agains t blac k an d Latin o "looters. " Jus t a s thei r gu n carryin g was legiti mized i n a sense , fo r the y wer e protectin g sacre d property , thos e wh o di d no t have propert y wer e constructe d a s self-stabbing , selfis h criminals . A t th e sam e time, however , whe n Korean-American s i n Sout h Centra l an d Koreatow n calle d the Lo s Angeles Polic e Departmen t fo r protectio n agains t th e fire an d lootin g o f their propert y an d homes , n o polic e responde d t o thei r 91 1 call s fo r help . The y were al l bus y protectin g Beverl y Hill s an d Westwoo d (Ch o 1993 , 196) . I n thi s light, Korean-Americans ' machin e gu n stanc e was bot h a n upholdin g o f elit e white propert y standard s an d evidenc e tha t th e White Natio n woul d no t protec t them. As Elaine Ki m writes , th e thre e day s o f the rebellio n wer e a "baptism int o what i t mean s fo r a Korea n t o 'becom e American ' i n th e 1990s " (1993 , 219) . Not onl y ar e the y sacrifice d i n favo r o f Westwood , fo r thei r "stolen " propert y does no t carr y th e signatur e o f whit e entitlement , bu t the y ar e convenientl y 215

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scapegoated b y the White Natio n i n orde r t o fragmen t an d polariz e th e ange r o f other peopl e o f color . This redirectin g o f th e root s o f th e Whit e Nation' s racis m an d classis m t o marginalized people s an d communitie s an d no t towar d corporate , government , and militar y stronghold s i s nowher e mor e recentl y eviden t tha n i n th e media' s short-lived coverag e o f the Oklahom a Cit y traged y compare d t o it s racist lov e o f the O . J . Simpso n trial . A s a write r i n th e Militant observes , becaus e th e Oklahoma Cit y debacl e s o obviousl y mad e th e connectio n fo r th e publi c be tween recen t right-win g government actions , the military, an d th e reinvigoratio n of white supremacy , Whit e Natio n actor s i n th e medi a quickl y shifte d th e hea t away from themselve s an d ont o th e O . J . Simpso n trial . The retur n focu s t o th e trial i s a master' s strok e t o reinstil l racis t fear s i n th e country , fo r th e entir e drama revolve s no t aroun d whit e skinhead s bu t th e fea r o f wha t happen s t o white folk s whe n the y get to o clos e to blac k folks. With th e nationa l ey e focuse d on th e O . J . Simpso n trial , viewer s ge t thei r dail y dos e o f "fea r o f a blac k planet." The syste m o f whit e segregatio n i s a n excellen t exampl e o f ho w th e Whit e Nation activel y fear s a blac k plane t an d maintain s it s privileg e b y delineatin g racial hierarchies . Fo r example , Jame s Loewen' s 197 1 stud y o f th e Mississipp i Chinese wh o wer e recruite d b y Souther n planter s t o exploi t a s sharecroppers i n the Delt a explain s ho w th e white syste m o f segregation first, allowe d th e Chines e to ope n u p grocer y businesse s an d thu s mov e i n statu s fro m Negr o t o nearly white-but-not-white status , an d second , kep t black s an d white s i n thei r hier archized positions . Becaus e whit e segregatio n associate d blacknes s wit h subhu man-ness, al l white s an d man y blacks , fo r reason s o f status , woul d no t sho p i n black-owned stores, 3 no t t o mentio n tha t lender s woul d no t len d mone y t o blacks. Similarly, mos t whites, excep t lower-clas s ones , would no t ope n u p store s in blac k o r poo r neighborhoods , fo r tha t mean t sellin g to , associatin g with , an d being courteou s t o blacks . The y wer e no t abou t t o b e dubbe d "nigge r lovers " (Loewen 1971 , 50). Thus, wit h thi s critica l openin g cause d b y white oppressio n of black s wher e n o on e wante d t o bu y fro m o r sel l t o blacks , Chines e immi grants, a s foreigners comin g fro m "outside, " were abl e t o sel l t o blacks . "White s probably woul d no t hav e tolerate d Chines e competitio n i n othe r fields" (50) . Thus, i t wa s a whit e syste m o f segregatio n tha t define s black s a s incapabl e o f buying, selling , o r ownin g propert y t o other s an d t o themselves . I t i s this syste m of segregation tha t put s black s a t th e botto m an d white s o n top , an d sandwiche s the Chines e somewher e i n between , dependin g o n ho w an d wher e the y (th e Chinese) ca n b e th e mos t usefu l fo r whit e nationalis t needs . Loewe n als o observes tha t thi s syste m o f segregatio n tha t bolster s th e Whit e Natio n i s no t always for th e complet e bes t interest s o f whites: 216

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Whites ar e clearl y o n top , ye t the y canno t tak e ful l advantag e o f thei r situation, becaus e the system of rationalizations with which they bolster their positio n an d b y whic h the y defen d thei r action s interferes . I f a different ideolog y ha d develope d (an d alternative s ca n b e imagined) , not dependen t upo n dehumanizin g th e Negro , the n white s migh t no t have bee n shackle d wit h th e corollar y denigratio n o f wor k itsel f o r o f avoidance of Negro-oriented trade . (54 ) The Whit e Nation , then , i s no t shatterproof . Th e syste m o f whit e segregation , for example , also entraps whites, for the y cannot transgres s th e very tight "syste m of rationalizations " tha t make s thei r positionin g possible . I n thi s sense , al l transgressions agains t white property , whit e citizenship , eve n fro m whit e people , must b e contained . A t thi s point , afte r havin g explore d som e o f th e logic s behind th e constructio n o f suc h categorie s a s crimina l an d illegitimate , w e wil l now tur n t o ou r exploratio n o f how people o f "lower" colo r and clas s are define d and convicte d a s "criminals " an d "illegals " fo r th e surviva l o f th e Whit e Na tion. In 1980 , th e electio n o f Ronal d Reaga n wa s a victory tha t allowe d a viciou s politics o f whit e resentment , whit e discontent , an d whit e insecurit y t o openl y flourish. Ideologie s tha t wer e perfectl y legitimat e i n th e 1950 s bu t wer e margin alized i n th e 1970 s (exemplifie d b y Georg e Wallace ) cam e t o th e surfac e again . Now, disciplined , well-organized , an d well-financed , th e vanguar d o f th e WTiit e Nation ha s pushe d a polic y agend a whos e majo r focu s i s th e restrictio n o r excision o f nonwhit e role s an d power . I n th e symbolic s o f th e WTiit e Nation , "black welfar e mothers, " "crac k addicts, " an d roamin g "wolf-packs " o f jade d black teenager s figure a s prominen t symbol s o f a falle n America , whil e job stealing sweatsho p an d migran t laborers , tax-cheatin g "aliens, " an d speaker s o f "foreign" tongue s represen t th e threa t t o it s redemption. As the political scientis t Noel Ken t ha s noted , sinc e th e restoratio n o f untrammele d whit e supremac y i s unfeasible, th e WTiite Nation exerte d it s energie s towar d blockin g th e legitimac y of grou p (versu s individual ) right s an d redefinin g th e meanin g o f socia l an d racial equality . It s prominenc e i n th e Republica n an d Democrati c partie s an d i n a phalan x o f thin k tanks , lobbyin g organizations , an d churche s guarantee s enormous influenc e (Ken t 1993 , 65). We mus t abando n th e ide a o f powe r a s somethin g possesse d b y on e grou p and levele d agains t a powerless Other ; th e network s o f actors , practices , institu tions, an d technologie s tha t mak e u p th e Whit e Natio n mus t b e rea d together . The passag e o f a n assortmen t o f federa l crim e bills , California' s Thre e Strike s Proposition 18 4 an d Anti-Immigran t Propositio n 18 7 need s t o b e rea d a s a comprehensive strateg y fo r delimitin g ran k an d citizenshi p i n th e Unite d States . 217

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In California , th e Thre e Strike s an d You'r e Ou t Initiativ e was package d a s punishing violen t criminal s (rea d blac k an d Latino) , an d Propositio n 18 7 was packaged a s saving ou r stat e fro m undeservin g need y illegal s (rea d Mexica n an d Asian). Sinc e the y wer e frame d a s separat e proposition s an d viewe d a s tacklin g two separat e problems , th e fac t tha t the y implicate a unified attac k o n th e Whit e Nation's Other s wa s obscured . In th e campaig n fo r th e passag e o f California' s Propositio n 187 , peopl e o f color wer e pitted , an d pitte d themselves , agains t eac h other . Twenty-thre e percent o f Latina s an d A7 percen t o f Asian-America n an d African-America n voters supporte d th e passag e o f Propositio n 187 , (Adam s 1995 , 21) , whic h attempts t o den y healt h care , education , an d othe r socia l service s t o undocu mented immigrants. 4 Bot h th e "sanctioned " immigrant s wh o hav e just obtaine d their "legal " status , perhap s b y provin g tha t the y ar e highl y assimilabl e t o whit e mainstream America n culture , an d man y peopl e o f colo r supporte d th e passag e of Propositio n 187 . Believin g i n th e ideolog y o f economi c scarcity , the y wer e not abou t t o le t ne w immigrant s compet e fo r thei r hard-earne d spac e a t th e bottom. One o f the man y argument s use d b y progressives fighting agains t Propositio n 187 wa s tha t immigrant s ar e no t "burdens " o n th e Unite d State s sinc e the y contribute positivel y t o th e econom y an d d o no t abus e scarc e resources . Th e seemingly innocen t logi c tha t immigrant s ar e useful , meage r peopl e who d o no t detract fro m whit e spac e attempt s t o differentiat e immigrant s fro m African Americans, who hav e traditionally bee n see n a s "welfare cheats " and "unemploy ables." 5 Thi s imag e o f th e hardworkin g immigran t i s constructe d agains t th e image o f Africa n American s see n a s immoral , lazy , crimina l bodie s heavil y dependent o n stat e largesse . Man y o f thos e fighting agains t Propositio n 18 7 focus o n th e oustin g o f Latino s an d Asian s bu t d o no t connec t thi s wit h th e throwing o f blacks , Latinos , an d Nativ e American s int o priso n throug h th e passage o f Proposition 184 . The passag e o f Propositio n 18 4 occurre d i n California , a state wit h th e thir d largest pena l syste m i n th e world , followin g Chin a an d th e res t o f th e Unite d States. In 199 5 th e officia l Californi a prisone r coun t was 125,842 , 66 percen t o f whom ar e Latin o o r blac k (Davi s 1995 , 229 , 230). 6 Th e Novembe r 199 4 passage o f thi s propositio n require s th e sentence s fo r secon d felonie s t o b e doubled, whil e third-tim e offender s receiv e minimu m sentence s o f twent y year s to life . A felon y convictio n cover s crime s rangin g fro m murde r t o burglar y an d shoplifting. Althoug h a spate of studies refutes th e notion tha t high incarceratio n rates reduc e crime, 7 th e passag e o f Propositio n 18 4 follow s th e enactmen t o f more tha n a thousan d bill s designe d t o toughe n misdemeano r an d felon y sentencing standard s betwee n 198 4 an d 1992 . Propositio n 18 4 ha s alread y ha d 218

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a disproportionat e impac t o n Africa n Americans . Accordin g t o urba n studie s scholar Mik e Davis , th e ne w la w promises a dramati c escalatio n i n racia l disparities. I n th e first si x months o f prosecutio n unde r th e . . . law, African American s (1 0 per cent of the population) mad e up 5 7 percent o f the "three strikes" filings in LA . County . Thi s i s seventeen time s th e rat e fo r whites , sa y publi c defenders here , although other studies have shown that white men commit at least 60 percent of all the rape, robberies and assault in the state. (Davis 1994, 234, emphasis added) According t o professo r Sylvi a Wynte r (1992) , th e Lo s Angele s Polic e Depart ment cod e wor d fo r crime s involvin g blac k me n wa s "n o human s involved. " During Dary l Gates' s tenur e a s commissioner o f th e Lo s Angeles Polic e Depart ment, polic e officer s routinel y referre d t o blac k drug dealer s a s Vietcong (Rayne r 1995, 50) . Thi s double-edge d referenc e t o th e U.S . occupatio n o f Vietna m during th e wa r ther e point s t o th e escalatin g militarizatio n o f neighborhood s like Sout h Centra l an d th e oppressiv e conflation o f African American s a s foreig n enemies. Ne w federa l crim e law s an d th e "Wa r o n Drugs " hav e virtuall y place d the nation' s ghetto s unde r paramilitar y occupation . Th e manufactur e o f crim e hysteria, despit e dat a showin g significan t decrease s i n violen t an d propert y crimes ove r th e las t tw o decades , has provided a convenient cove r fo r a dramati c expansion o f coerciv e governmen t power , limitin g th e right s o f citizen s i n area s under occupatio n an d monopolizin g technologie s o f violenc e in th e hand s o f the stat e (Davi s 1990 , 267-322) . Recen t legislatio n ha s allocate d fund s t o increase th e number s o f polic e officers , construc t ne w stat e an d loca l prisons , raise tim e requirement s fo r sentencin g an d incarceration , an d increas e th e num ber o f crimes punishabl e b y death. 8 Other measure s allo w the prosecutio n o f children a s adults an d allocat e fund s to school s fo r meta l detector s an d vide o surveillance . Latin o childre n ar e th e special focu s o f polic e i n California' s Orang e County , th e birthplac e o f th e Proposition 18 7 campaign . Despit e th e ris e i n violen t hat e crime s perpetrate d by middle-clas s whit e youths , Latin o youth s ar e systematicall y targete d b y th e police, wh o photograp h an d classif y the m a s gan g member s "withou t probabl e cause, arrest , o r permission. " I n response , a coalitio n o f Latino , African-Ameri can, Asian-American, an d Nativ e American organization s have begun document ing th e county' s "low-intensit y rac e war " an d it s failur e t o full y investigat e an d prosecute white hat e crimes . Despit e th e repeate d attack s o n Africa n Americans , migrant workers , an d Southeas t Asian s b y youn g whit e skinheads , Orang e 219

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County ha s faile d t o moun t a n attac k o n th e whit e yout h perpetratin g hat e crimes (Davi s 1994 , 488-90) . Parallel t o th e escalatio n o f paramilitar y operation s i n urba n ghetto s i s th e intense militarizatio n o f th e U.S.-Mexic o borde r an d th e surroundin g South western states . Progressives fighting agains t Propositio n 187—Taxpayer s Unite d against Propositio n 187 , led by Latino state-electe d officials—hav e als o use d th e U.S.-Mexico borde r a s a scapegoat . The y blame d th e immigran t "problem " o n the lac k o f adequat e policin g o f th e U.S.-Mexic o border . The y playe d u p vote r fears tha t th e passag e o f 18 7 woul d lea d t o "rampagin g gang s o f (brown ) children pushe d ou t o f schools ; [and ] th e sprea d o f tuberculosi s b y untreate d 'illegals'" an d henc e shifte d th e locu s o f California' s socia l problem s ont o th e border. Th e Borde r Patrol , th e militar y wing of the Immigratio n an d Naturaliza tion Service , receive d $345. 5 millio n i n federa l fund s i n 1995 , a sixfold increas e in th e pas t fifteen years . Nearly five thousand Borde r Patro l agent s ar e statione d along U.S . border s (includin g th e Canadia n border , Puert o Rico , Mississippi , New Orleans , an d th e Gul f Coas t o f Florida) , arme d wit h semiautomati c weapons, radar , nigh t scopes , an d helicopters . Th e Immigratio n La w Enforce ment Monitorin g Projec t (ILEMP) , a watchdo g group , ha s charge d tha t th e Border Patro l lack s "officia l mechanism s fo r accountabilit y an d oversight. " Th e ILEMP regularl y document s incident s o f illega l search , documen t destruction , and vehicl e seizure , alon g wit h th e detentio n o f children , th e rap e o f women , and shootin g t o kill . ILEM P staf f hav e als o documente d th e Borde r Patrol' s us e of hollow-poin t bullets , " a kin d o f ammunitio n tha t explode s insid e th e bod y . . . which [is ] outlawe d b y international law " (Le e 1995 , 16) . The destructiv e pat h o f th e Borde r Patro l reache s dee p int o th e live s o f U.S . citizens livin g i n th e borde r states . Autho r Lesli e Marmo n Silko , wh o gre w u p on th e Lagun a Puebl o reservation , remember s freel y travelin g th e highway s o f Arizona an d Ne w Mexico . Bu t th e ris e in anti-immigran t hysteria , couple d wit h the increase d budge t fo r Borde r Patro l an d th e greatl y expandin g numbe r o f checkpoints, som e a s fa r a s ninety-fiv e mile s fro m th e border , ha s hindere d th e right o f U.S . citizens , n o doub t usuall y Latino s an d Asian s wh o loo k an d spea k "foreign," t o freel y travel . Silk o writes, I was detained a t Truth o r Consequences [checkpoints] , despite my and my companion' s Arizon a driver' s license . Tw o men , bot h Chicano s were detained a t the same time, despite th e fact tha t the y too presente d ID an d spok e Englis h withou t th e thic k Texa s accent s o f th e Borde r Patrol agents . While w e were stopped , w e watched a s other vehicles — whose occupant s wer e white—wer e wave d throug h th e checkpoint . White peopl e travelin g wit h brow n people , however , ca n expec t t o b e 220

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stopped o n suspicio n the y wor k wit h th e sanctuar y movement , whic h shelters refugees . . . . Alleged increase s i n illega l immigratio n b y peopl e of Asian ancestr y mean s tha t th e Borde r Patro l no w routinel y detain s anyone who appears to be Asian o r part Asian. (1994 , 412-16 ) In Silko' s view , sinc e th e 1980s , th e southwester n Unite d State s ha s becom e a "police state. " Although th e principal target s of federal crim e bills are U.S. citizens (primaril y young me n o f color) , th e tex t o f a bill recentl y passe d b y Congres s include s tw o significant provisions : th e first, contingen t o n longe r sentence s an d les s parole , allocates mor e federa l dollar s fo r th e buildin g o f state prisons . I n addition , thes e guidelines propos e th e eliminatio n o f prisone r sport s facilitie s an d th e abridg ment o f th e right s o f prisoner s t o institut e litigatio n t o challeng e priso n condi tions. Th e secon d provisio n obviousl y demonstrate s th e doubl e criminalit y o f the undocumente d illegal . Th e ne w bil l woul d provid e fo r th e immediat e deportation o f "th e undocumented " onl y afte r the y hav e serve d a sentenc e (Seelyel995,Al). The "Wa r o n Drugs " i s a particula r nexu s o f policie s an d law s tha t suppor t the Whit e Nation . Muc h o f th e Borde r Patrol' s technologica l equipmen t wa s funded i n th e lat e 1980 s durin g th e escalatio n o f the "Wa r o n Drugs. " Also, th e logic o f th e wa r drive s muc h o f th e frenz y fo r ne w priso n construction , a s wel l as the militar y occupatio n o f th e nation' s urba n communitie s o f color. Clarenc e Lusane, a n analys t o f th e dru g war , describe d th e policie s first implemente d b y the Bus h administratio n a s a declaration o f wa r o n user s an d dealer s [which ] threaten s thei r civi l liberties an d ha s ha d virtuall y n o impac t o n th e root s o f th e dru g problem, eithe r internationall y o r domestically . Mas s wave s o f polic e actions agains t stree t sale s int o inne r cit y communitie s hav e move d drug market s indoors . Drug sales and us e in th e suites an d boardroom s of America' s larg e an d smal l corporation s hav e remaine d largel y un touched. . . . I n numerou s Blac k communities, police departments hav e launched what ar e essentially full-scale militar y assaults . With th e logistics o f th e kin d usuall y reserve d fo r invasion s o f othe r nations , polic e raid Blac k neighborhood s weekly . . . . No t a single Whit e communit y has bee n th e targe t o f thes e assaults . . .. B y mainl y goin g afte r street level dealers , dru g enforcement officer s perpetuat e th e myt h tha t th e majority o f traffickers an d user s are people o f color. I n 1988 , however , the FB I an d th e Nationa l Institut e o n Dru g Abus e conclude d tha t Blacks constitut e onl y 1 2 percen t o f th e nation' s dru g users . White s 221

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comprise 8 0 percen t o f al l illega l dru g users . . . . Whites ar e no t onl y the majority o f drug users; they are also the mos t commo n dru g sellers. . . . Whites dominat e th e dru g traffickin g industry . White s als o ge t th e lion's shar e o f th e profits , a s the y dea l narcotic s wholesal e an d behin d the security of closed corporate doors . (Lusan e 1991 , 5, 46, 45 ) One o f th e dru g war' s mos t egregiou s tactic s i s the 198 6 Controlle d Substance s Act, on e o f th e mos t plainl y racis t piece s o f la w enforcemen t legislatio n i n U.S . history. Althoug h crac k cocain e an d powde r cocain e ar e chemicall y identical , crack cocain e us e i s mor e prevalen t i n urba n area s (althoug h th e Nationa l Institute o n Dru g Abuse' s 199 0 figures estimate d tha t white s comprise d 77 percent o f America' s crac k user s [Lusan e 1991 , 45]) . Unde r th e federa l crac k law, however, conviction s fo r possessio n o f small amount s o f crack carr y manda tory minimu m sentencin g requirements , whil e possessio n o f muc h large r amounts o f cocaine carries probation (Washingto n 1995 , 1 , 22). Seventy percen t of federa l inmate s ar e doin g tim e o n dru g charges , a t a cos t o f $6. 1 billio n (Lusane 1995 , 39) . Ninety-thre e percen t o f thos e convicte d fo r us e and/o r sal e of crac k i n federa l court s ar e African American . I n 1992 , 7 8 percen t o f Africa n Americans convicte d unde r th e federa l dru g kingpi n statut e wer e sentence d t o death. An d i n Nebraska , wher e th e African-America n populatio n i s 3. 6 percen t of the total , black s were 92. 3 percen t o f those convicte d o f crack offenses durin g a six-mont h perio d i n 199 2 (Washingto n 1995 , 1) . Davi d Dudley , a Californi a attorney wh o represent s client s convicte d o f crac k offenses , was quote d i n a recent newspape r articl e analyzin g th e racis m o f the federa l crac k law : Today, yo u don' t find peopl e usin g racis t languag e unles s the y ar e Skinheads. . . . No on e say s the y wan t t o "loc k th e nigger s up. " The y use cod e word s lik e "criminal. " Thes e prosecutors , judges , an d Con gressmen will den y racis m t o thei r graves . (Cite d i n Washington 1995 , 23) As a blueprin t fo r delimitin g rights , thes e law s an d policie s ar e concentrate d at significan t points : th e massiv e constructio n o f pena l facilitie s fo r interna l exiles, couple d wit h a n intensifie d mechanis m fo r deportation ; an d th e militari zation o f urba n ghetto s an d th e borde r area s o f th e southwester n Unite d States , including th e abridgmen t o f th e right s o f resident s o f thes e areas . Thi s metho d of attacking communitie s o f color throug h anticrim e an d anti-immigran t legisla tion i s a centra l albei t conteste d strategy . Bringin g th e discourse s o n crim e an d citizenship int o th e analyti c fram e o f white nationalis m provide s a view markin g the heterogeneou s degree s o f statu s tha t ar e accorde d "Americans " alon g th e 222

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racial, ethnic , an d clas s divides . Wha t emerge s i s a vie w o f th e interconnecte d technologies tha t strictl y limit citizenshi p an d enforc e rank . While th e discourse s are neatl y segmente d an d "marketed " a s separate arena s o f polic y makin g affect ing separate geographi c an d demographi c groups , together the y define th e Whit e Nation's interna l enem y Other . In ou r project , w e hop e w e hav e demonstrate d tha t th e Whit e Natio n i s no t a "fixed , natura l unit " wit h "monoracia l representation " b y showin g ho w whit e nationalists constantl y wor k t o creat e it s idea l community , deman d "exclusiv e political allegianc e fro m it s citizens," an d suppres s th e multipl e Other s tha t stra y from it s hegemon y (Yanagisak o 1995 , 292) . Ou r strateg y i s obviousl y ver y different fro m tha t o f white supremacist s themselves , who believ e that th e Whit e Nation i s indee d a n ideal , fixed, an d natura l unit . W e en d b y imaginin g the launchin g o f counterstrategie s an d th e formatio n o f counterhegemoni c concatenations, thoug h w e d o no t se e evidence o f such a cluster o f counterforce s at thi s historica l juncture . Bot h Asia n American s an d Africa n American s i n California favore d th e passag e o f 18 4 an d 187 , oppositio n t o th e crim e bill s i s noticeably lacking , an d sinc e th e victor y o f Propositio n 18 7 an d despit e cour t challenges blockin g it s implementation , pro-18 7 activist s hav e bee n assistin g similar campaign s i n Florida , Arizona , an d Washington . I n California , pro-18 7 activists hav e launche d a campaig n fo r a ballo t initiativ e abolishin g affirmativ e action, an d som e pro-18 7 organization s hav e propose d a constitutiona l amend ment tha t woul d restric t citizenshi p t o thos e "bor n o f a n American " an d stri p foreign national s o f mos t civi l right s (McDonnel l 1995 , B3) . Bu t thing s ca n change, a s dreams s o egregiousl y deferre d hav e bee n know n t o explode .

NOTES

1. Peopl e of color ar e nearly a quarter o f the U.S . population an d will number 3 0 percent b y th e tur n o f th e century . Th e majorit y o f schoolchildre n wil l b e nonwhite (Youn g 1993 , 5). 2. O f cours e ther e i s rampan t resistanc e t o thes e elit e whit e nationalists . Fo r example, respondin g t o Giulian i an d hi s administration' s assumptio n tha t CUNY student s d o no t nee d t o g o t o colleg e bu t ca n "d o cleve r thing s wit h their hand s an d thei r bodies, " an d tha t the y shoul d ge t a jo b whe n man y already work mor e tha n twenty-fiv e hour s a week, fourtee n thousan d student s left clas s on Marc h 24 , 1995 , to protes t thes e cuts i n fron t o f Cit y Hal l (Fitc h 1995, 630). 3. Black s wh o coul d o r wante d t o "d o better " di d no t wan t t o sho p i n black owned stores. 4. Accordin g t o a n analysi s of the vote o n Propositio n 187 , although Californi a i s on th e brin k o f a nonwhit e majority , th e registere d electorat e remain s 76 223

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percent white. Propositio n 18 7 "appealed t o th e racia l anxieties o f Californian s . . . [and ] serve d a s the perfec t vehicl e fo r [this ] overwhelmin g whit e electorat e to expres s it s unease. " Exi t poll s o n th e da y o f th e electio n documente d 6 3 percent o f whites voting in support o f 18 7 (Adams 1995 , 1-3) . 5. I n general, the discourse on th e United State s as a "nation o f immigrants" lacks any historical contex t o r analysis of power. It becomes a weightless signifier tha t any politician ca n appropriate fo r he r own use . If immigrants ar e understood as those wh o "voluntarily " cam e t o th e Unite d State s i n searc h o f a bette r life , then Nativ e Americans , wh o wer e alread y here , an d Africa n Americans , wh o were enslaved, a s well as all other "immigrants " forced her e by the trajectory o f Euro-American colonialis m an d economi c exploitation, ar e omitted . 6. Nationally , ove r on e millio n U.S . citizens ar e in prison . Th e incarceratio n rat e in the United States, at 426 per 100,000 , is the highest in the world (LaFranier e 1991, A3). 7. Althoug h ther e i s muc h hysterica l rhetori c creatin g th e perceptio n tha t crim e rates hav e rise n dramatically , th e U.S . Departmen t o f Justice Unifor m Crim e Reports reporte d a 3 percen t decreas e i n crim e inde x offense s fo r th e first si x months o f 1994 . This declin e was preceded b y annual decline s o f 2 percen t i n 1993 and 3 percent i n 1992 . The Justice Department' s researc h indicate d tha t the larges t dro p i n crim e rate s occurre d i n U.S . citie s wit h population s ex ceeding 500,000 , includin g Lo s Angeles, wher e th e 199 4 annua l crim e inde x declined 1 4 percent , befor e th e passag e o f Propositio n 184 . Crim e inde x offenses includ e murder , forcibl e rape , aggravate d assault , burglary , larceny theft, motor-vehicl e theft , an d arson . (Unite d State s Departmen t o f Justice , Federal Bureau o f Investigation, 1994. ) 8. On e respons e to ou r pape r aske d whether ou r discussio n coul d b e construed a s denying th e fear s o f crim e an d th e call s fo r mor e polic e articulate d b y Africa n Americans an d others . Certainly , communitie s hav e expresse d bot h th e "long ing fo r crime-fre e neighborhood s an d a n equall y stron g drea m o f a n account able polic e force " (Anne r 1995 , 19) . Ro d Hampton , th e executiv e directo r o f the Nationa l Blac k Polic e Association, ha s argue d tha t peopl e alway s say, "W e need mor e police, " whe n aske d wha t shoul d b e don e abou t crime . However , when the y are pushed further , you find out tha t thei r experiences with th e police are usually terrible. They say , "Whe n w e call th e cops , the y neve r come . And whe n the y do come , the y trea t u s disrespectfully , cal l u s names , an d sometim e beat u s up. " . . . Hampton point s t o a convenient blin d spo t amon g those currently defining th e terms of the debate over crime and safety : Solutions proposed t o combat th e problems inevitably call for puttin g more polic e o n th e streets , withou t lookin g a t wha t thes e polic e officers d o onc e they get there. But a s the Rodne y Kin g riots demon strated i n th e cleares t possibl e terms , ange r ove r polic e brutalit y and disrespectfu l behavio r run s a t leas t a s dee p i n man y part s o f 224

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the countr y a s th e fea r o f bein g a victi m o f violen t crime . (Anne r 1995, 1 ) With suc h a racis t polic e system , recruitin g peopl e o f colo r a s polic e ca n b e read a s a hegemoni c strateg y o f th e Whit e Natio n t o pacif y oppositio n t o police brutality . Neighborhoo d activist s i n citie s suc h a s Providence, Oakland , Denver, an d Orangeburg , Sout h Carolina , hav e begu n t o develo p organizin g strategies t o lowe r bot h crim e rate s an d polic e misconduct , whic h clearl y distinguish betwee n sociall y responsibl e solution s an d th e race-base d attack s currently pursued b y national la w enforcement agencies . REFERENCES

Adams, Jan. 1995 . "Proposition 187 : What's T o B e Learned?" Unpublishe d manu script, January 25. Anner, John. 1995 . "Making th e Connectio n betwee n Crim e an d Polic e Brutality. " Third Force : Issues and Actions in Communitie s o f Color 22 (6) . Baldwin, James. 1951 . "Many Thousands Gone. " I n Notes of a Native Son. Boston: Beacon Press , 1984 . Cho, Sumi . 1993 . "Korea n American s vs . Africa n Americans : Conflic t an d Con struction." I n Reading Rodney King, Reading Urban Uprising, edited b y Rober t Gooding-Williams. Ne w York: Routledge . Davis, Mike . 1990 . "Th e Hamme r an d th e Rock. " I n City of Quartz. London : Verso. . 1994 . "Behin d th e Orang e Curtain : Lega l Lynchin g i n Sa n Clemente. " Nation 25 6 (14) , October 31. . 1995 . " A Prison-Industria l Complex : Hel l Factorie s i n th e Field. " Nation 260 (7) , February 20. Dyer, Richard . 1988 . "White." Screen 29 (4) , Autumn. Ebron, Paulla , an d Ann a Tsing . 1995 . "I n Dialogue ? Readin g acros s Minorit y Discourses." I n Women Writing Culture, edited b y Rut h Beha r an d Debora h A . Gordon. Berkele y and Lo s Angeles: University of California Press . Fitch, Robert . 1995 . "Spread th e Pain? Tax the Gain!" Nation 26 0 (18) , May 8 . Foucault, Michel . 1978 . The History of Sexuality: An Introduction. Vol. 1 . New York: Vintage Books. Fox, Richard, ed. 1990 . Nationalist Ideologies and the Production of NationalCultures. American Ethnologica l Societ y Monograp h Series , no . 2 . Washington , D.C. : American Anthropological Association . Frankenburg, Ruth . 1993 . White Women, Race Matters: The Social Construction of Whiteness. Minneapolis : University of Minnesota Press . Kent, Noe l Jacob . 1993 . "T o Polariz e a Nation : Racism , Labo r Markets , an d th e State in U.S. Political Economy. " I n The Rising Tide of Cultural Pluralism, edited by Crawford Young . Madison: University of Wisconsin Press . Kim, Elaine. 1993 . "Home I s Where th e Han Is : A Korean American Perspectiv e o n 225

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the Lo s Angele s Upheavals. " I n Reading Rodney King, Reading Urban Uprising, edited by Robert Gooding-Williams . New York: Routledge. LaFraniere, Sharon . 1991 . "U.S . Ha s Mos t Prisoner s Pe r Capit a i n th e World. " Washington Post, January 5. Lee, Elisa. 1995 . "Watching the Border Watchers." Third Force: Issues and Actions in Communities of Color 2 (6) , January-February. Loewen, Jame s W . 1971 . The Mississippi Chinese: Between Black and White. Cam bridge: Harvard Universit y Press. Lusane, Clarence . 1991 . Pipe Dream Blues: Racism and the War on Drugs. Boston: South En d Press . . 1995 . " A Radical Approac h t o th e Continuin g Dru g Crisis. " Third Force: Issues and Actions in Communities of Color 2 (6) , January-February. McDonnell, Patric k J. 1995 . "Proposition 18 7 Backers Take Aim a t Other Targets. " los Angeles Times, January 31, Washington edition . Morrison, Toni . 1992 . Playing in the Dark: Whiteness and the Literary Imagination. Cambridge: Harvard Universit y Press. Palumbo-Liu, David . 1994 . "Lo s Angeles, Asians, an d Pervers e Ventriloquisms: O n the Function s o f Asia n American s i n th e Recen t America n Imaginary. " Public Culture 6. Rayner, Richard . 1995 . "Wanted: A Kinder, Gentle r Cop. " New York Times Magazine, January 22. Seelye, Katherin e Q . 1995 . "Tw o Anti-Crim e Bill s Cleare d b y Hous e b y Larg e Margins." New York Times, February 11. Silko, Lesli e Marmon . 1994 . "Th e Borde r Patro l State : America' s Iro n Curtain. " Nation 25 9 (12) , October 17 . United State s Departmen t o f Justice, Federa l Burea u o f Investigation . 1994 . "Uni form Crim e Reports, January—June, 1994, " December 4 . Washington, Linn . 1995 . "America n Rac e War : Black s Bashe d b y Biase d Crac k Law." Philadelphia New Observer 29 (24) , June 14 . Wynter, Sylvia . 1992 . "N o Human s Involved : An Ope n Lette r t o M y Colleagues. " In Voices of the African Diaspora: Aesthetics, Vision, and Urban America 8 (2) , Fall. Center fo r Afroamerican an d American Studie s Research an d Review . Yanagisako, Sylvia . 1995 . "Transformin g Orientalism : Gender , Nationality , an d Class i n Asia n America n Studies. " I n Naturalizing Power: Essays in Feminist Cultural Analysis, edite d b y Sylvi a Yanagisak o an d Caro l Delaney . Ne w York : Routledge. Young, Crawford . 1993 . "Th e Dialectic s o f Cultura l Pluralism : Concep t an d Real ity." I n The Rising Tide of Cultural Pluralism, edited b y Crawfor d Young . Madi son: University of Wisconsin Press .

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We ar e betraying a tendenc y t o swagge r unde r th e "whit e man' s burden, " sometime s i n th e gar b o f commercialism, sometimes in the raiment of science. —James LeRoy , "Race Prejudice in the Philippines"

In 1901 , William Free r lande d a t th e por t o f Manil a o n th e arm y transpor t Meade, read y t o begi n servic e a s a school instructo r i n th e newes t outpos t o f th e United States . "Th e sound s o f th e rive r an d stree t life , th e peculia r odors , th e strange sights , wer e bewildering, " h e wrot e i n 1906 . "Th e cloute d Chines e coolies laborin g o n th e water-front , th e Filipin o boy s swimmin g . . . th e od d vehicles an d emaciate d ponie s drawin g them , Sikhs , Cingalese,—al l thes e mad e up th e mos t interestin g medle y I ha d eve r seen . Tha t da y an d th e fe w immedi ately followin g I looke d an d lingered , an d looke d again , hel d b y a fascinatio n I could no t resist. " l Free r was no t alon e i n grapplin g wit h th e diversit y o f th e Philippines. Throughou t th e U.S . occupatio n o f th e Philippines , America n colonialists face d th e tas k o f makin g racia l sens e o f th e populatio n o f th e newl y

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acquired territory , a s both a symbol an d practica l instrumen t o f colonial control . Seeking tool s i n thi s effort , the y ofte n dre w deepl y o n th e racia l idea s an d structures o f lat e nineteenth-centur y society , specifically , th e debat e o n th e "Negro Problem. " Bu t whil e racia l thinkin g saturate d debate s ove r colonialis m and it s institutions , th e politic s o f empire was to o contentiou s fo r racia l though t to settl e neatl y int o an y on e channel . Rather , "race " i n th e Philippine s cam e t o have meanin g onl y i n th e contex t o f argument s ove r America' s imperia l role , a concept buil t an d rebuil t withi n specifi c politica l climate s an d institution s o f authority. I t i s th e goa l o f thi s pape r t o sketc h th e competin g rendition s o f th e imperial "Negr o Problem " tha t too k shap e durin g th e earl y year s o f th e U.S . occupation. 2 A s i t wil l show , durin g th e Philippine-America n War , politica l alignments fostere d a n associatio n betwee n Filipino s an d blac k Americans , in cluding thos e mad e b y blac k soldier s questionin g thei r participatio n i n a ra cialized war o f conquest. I n th e postwar period , th e analog y between th e "Negr o Problem" an d th e U.S . rol e i n th e Philippine s continue d t o impac t colonia l policy and th e behavio r o f American elites . Efforts wer e mad e t o tempe r it s mos t violent aspects , t o find mor e scientifi c categories , an d wher e useful , t o tur n i t toward th e consolidation o f a paternalistic civilia n governmen t an d th e establish ment o f network s o f collaboration . Fo r al l thei r elasticity , however , paternalis t associations betwee n Filipino s an d black s provoke d th e resentmen t o f influentia l Filipinos an d wer e occasionall y stretche d int o mor e radica l interpretation s b y American officials . Afte r 1907 , the political advance s of nationalists, institutiona l changes i n colonia l science , an d th e respons e o f America n imperialist s cam e together i n shapin g th e wor k o f Rober t Bennet t Bean , whos e scientifi c researc h formally joine d togethe r th e "Negr o problem " an d th e imperia l project .

During th e Philippine-America n War , th e ide a o f a resemblance betwee n black s and Filipino s emerge d o n a number o f fronts, fitting th e "rac e question" an d th e debates ove r colonialis m int o on e another . Bu t whil e i t was ofte n invoked , th e political meanin g o f th e metaphor , th e prope r articulatio n o f th e tw o debates , remained th e subjec t o f intens e argument . Withi n anti-imperialis t forces , th e metaphor cam e fro m tw o competin g directions . Th e largel y Northeastern Anti Imperialist Leagu e ha d draw n som e o f it s suppor t an d leadershi p fro m falterin g abolitionist circle s i n th e lat e nineteent h century ; thes e members , ofte n th e children o f midcentur y abolitionists , brough t wit h the m a powerfu l denuncia tion o f imperialis m a s slavery , linkin g Filipino s an d black s a s victims o f oppres sion. 3 A t th e sam e time , anti-imperialist s base d i n th e Souther n Democrati c Party playe d o n racia l fear s t o argu e tha t foreig n conques t i n th e Pacifi c woul d bring wave s o f Filipino s t o America n shore s an d ballo t boxes , contributin g t o 228

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yet anothe r unsolvabl e "Negr o Problem. " Bu t th e rol e o f white-blac k racia l division i n debate s o n imperialis m ca n perhap s bes t b e see n i n th e experience s of blac k soldier s fighting i n th e Pacifi c a s bot h agent s an d critic s o f th e "whit e man's burden, " an d i n subsequen t discussion s o f th e propose d colonizatio n o f the Philippine s b y blacks. The contour s o f a n imperia l "Negr o Problem " change d wit h th e recruitmen t of black regiment s fo r th e war with Spai n i n 1898 . Whil e som e black s reasone d that Cuba' s liberatio n shoul d no t b e undertake n befor e th e Unite d State s ha d fully free d it s ow n neglecte d citizens , other s sa w th e wa r a s a chance t o demon strate th e patriotis m an d manhoo d o f th e rac e a t th e darkes t hour s o f Jim Cro w and th e lynch mob . Optimist s lik e Theophilus Steward , chaplai n o f the Twenty fifth U.S . Colore d Infantry , hel d tha t th e wa r woul d "greatl y hel p th e America n colored ma n o f th e South , an d resul t i n a furthe r clearin g o f th e nationa l atmosphere." 5 Other s wer e fa r mor e skeptical . T . Thoma s Fortune , edito r o f the New York Age, ha d hel d tha t n o possibl e advancemen t fo r black s coul d b e carried ou t throug h th e military , a s the U.S . Militar y Academy was "th e rankes t charity cesspool o f snobbery an d colorphobia , outsid e th e Universit y o f Virginia, in th e Republic." 6 Blac k unit s tha t wer e recruited , a s Fortune ha d warned , face d prejudice fro m bot h insid e an d outsid e th e army . Denie d officer s o f thei r rac e despite repeate d demands , blac k troop s statione d i n tens e encampment s i n Florida face d hostilit y fro m surroundin g whites , whic h erupte d severa l time s i n armed conflict . I n spit e of the harsh condition s o f the camps an d thei r relegatio n to cooking , hauling , an d diggin g duties , mos t blac k soldier s retaine d thei r tentative optimis m fo r th e wa r i n Cuba . Whe n wa r brok e ou t agains t th e Philippine Republi c i n 1899 , however , blac k troop s statione d ther e ofte n wrot e home comparin g th e drawn-ou t campaig n t o th e savager y o f whit e violenc e against black s a t home . Facin g racis m withi n thei r ow n rank s an d a "colored " enemy, som e black s reporte d war m socia l contact s wit h th e Filipin o peopl e an d made hig h assessment s o f Philippin e society . Filipin o strategist s too k advantag e of racia l division s withi n th e army , callin g o n blac k troop s t o joi n the m a s a n army o f colo r agains t whit e imperialists . Whil e fe w chos e t o switc h sides , man y black troop s returne d t o th e Unite d State s deepl y trouble d abou t bot h th e imperial projec t an d narrowin g avenue s fo r blac k advancement. 7 Steward , up holder o f the U.S . military a s the archetypa l avenu e o f black uplift , was nonethe less appalle d b y th e racis m h e witnesse d b y whit e troop s i n th e Philippines , particularly th e us e o f antiblac k racia l stereotyp e an d insul t agains t Filipinos . Against McKinley' s hope s fo r a peacefu l proces s o f "benevolen t assimilation " that woul d accompan y America n captur e o f th e Philippines , Stewar d warne d that " a dee p revulsio n wil l se t i n a s soo n a s th e Filipino s com e t o understan d what th e word 'nigger ' means." 8 229

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With Aguinaldo' s force s i n retrea t an d eventua l contro l o f th e island s b y American force s almos t assured , politician s bega n t o debat e th e prope r racia l outlines o f th e ne w possessions . Senato r Joh n Tyle r Morga n o f Alabama, senio r member o f the Senat e Foreig n Relation s Committe e an d a n arden t expansionist , stood agains t muc h o f his ow n Democrati c Part y i n rejectin g fear s tha t a Pacifi c colony woul d sen d torrent s o f "Negroes " t o th e Unite d States . Rather , h e argued, whit e supremac y migh t b e aide d b y empire , an d propose d t o secretar y of war Elih u Roo t tha t blac k veterans b e encourage d t o sta y in th e island s a s th e core o f wha t h e hope d woul d becom e a government-sponsore d mas s coloniza tion b y blac k Americans. 9 Claiming , accordin g t o a critic , tha t "[th e 'Negroes' ] are th e aborigina l inhabitant s o f th e Philippines," 10 Morga n promise d prospec tive blac k migrant s th e protectio n o f th e U.S . army , "a s man y busines s advan tages a s possible, " an d "twent y acre s o f lan d t o eac h person. " Reactio n t o Morgan's solutio n t o th e "Negr o Problem " i n th e blac k communit y wa s mixed . In 1901 , the War Departmen t appointe d T . Thoma s Fortun e a special commis sioner t o Hawai i an d th e Philippine s t o investigat e th e feasibilit y o f th e Morga n proposal. Fortun e approve d o f th e plan : black s wer e les s abusiv e an d harder working tha n whit e Americans , h e concluded , an d b y migratin g coul d escap e the oppressio n o f th e South , an d i n th e island s b e virtuou s model s fo r white s and bringer s o f a "rejuvenation o f blood" t o th e Filipinos. 11 O n th e othe r hand , R. B . Lemus , a vetera n o f th e Philippin e War , blaste d th e proposa l i n th e Colored American Magazine o n a number o f levels. Questionin g th e reliabilit y o f Morgan's promise s an d affirmin g th e Philippin e revolutionar y struggle , h e als o questioned th e applicabilit y o f Morgan' s racia l scheme , claimin g tha t i n earl y Philippine history , "th e archipelag o ha d bee n people d b y tribe s know n a s Negritos, simila r t o th e Africa n tribes , i n th e hu e o f hi s ski n only , an d havin g no mor e affinit y wit h th e twent y African slave s landed a t Jamestown, Va. , i n th e seventeenth century , tha n wit h Senato r Morgan." 12 Lemu s conclude d o n a not e of irony : " I a m positiv e tha t white s . . . would rathe r hav e th e Negr o taxpaye r living amon g the m a s a t present , tha n t o pa y taxe s fo r hi m t o liv e somewher e else." 13 Face d wit h bot h domesti c an d colonia l oppositio n t o th e plan , Morga n was persuade d t o abando n it . Th e acquisitio n o f th e Philippine s woul d no t b e the answe r t o th e "Negr o Problem, " an d th e island s woul d no t becom e th e Ji m Crow ca r o f th e nationa l territory . Bu t th e instanc e demonstrate s ho w white black racia l conflic t organize d th e quarrel s an d experience s o f empir e amon g imperialism's blac k supporter s an d dissenters , a s wel l a s whit e abolitionis t an d white supremacis t anti-imperialists .

The en d o f th e wa r inaugurate d th e forma l transfe r o f powe r fro m militar y t o civilian force s i n th e Philippines . Unde r th e direction o f the Philippin e Commis 230

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sion, th e architectur e o f colonia l governmen t was establishe d ove r th e nex t several years, with th e formation o f municipal governments , court s an d constab ulary forces, road-buildin g efforts , an d schoo l systems. 14 Durin g th e earl y perio d of th e civilia n regime , th e necessit y o f consolidatin g an d extendin g contro l t o new area s an d buildin g collaborativ e link s t o Manil a an d regiona l elite s worke d against som e o f the racia l analogie s tha t ha d bee n forge d durin g th e war. Wher e earlier use s of blackness ha d emphasize d star k division s i n orde r t o creat e a racial foe fo r wartime , newe r model s attempte d t o attenuat e racia l hostilit y int o a warmer an d more elastic paternalism suitabl e to the machinery of formal colonia l rule. I n spit e o f ope n antagonis m b y Americans, a pattern o f racia l paternalism , built o n America n tradition s an d closel y tie d t o th e working s o f collaboration , took roo t i n th e projects o f the civilia n government , mos t visibly in it s anthropo logical researche s an d publi c schoo l system . Fueled b y th e growt h o f th e America n populatio n i n th e Philippine s an d postwar recriminations , racia l prejudic e amon g civilia n personne l persisted . While form s o f lega l segregatio n appea r t o hav e bee n absent , a s Jame s LeRoy , secretary t o th e Taf t Commission , relate d i n th e Atlantic Monthly i n 1902 , i n everyday practice, Americans i n th e island s attempted t o build a segregated socia l order simila r t o tha t o f man y Souther n citie s a t th e tur n o f the century. 15 "Tha t the colo r lin e woul d b e draw n b y som e American s wh o ha d t o d o wit h th e islands coul d readil y hav e bee n predicted, " h e wrote. 16 "Rac e feeling " agains t Filipinos b y American s i n Manil a ha d begu n earl y on . A t a bal l hel d b y th e Philippine Commissio n i n 1899 , fo r instance , "officer s whos e wive s ha d joine d them di d no t thin k o f meetin g an y resident s bu t som e o f th e wealth y Spanis h left-overs' o n anythin g lik e term s o f socia l equality." 17 Whil e th e "polic y o f attraction" mute d som e conflicts , th e socia l atmospher e o f the capital s was tens e with tolerance . Filipino s wer e kep t of f th e callin g list s o f American matrons ; i n the province s whit e teacher s wer e warne d befor e issuin g fort h "agains t minglin g with th e peopl e o f thei r towns." 18 Element s o f Jim Cro w ha d foun d thei r wa y into th e ne w publi c infrastructur e o f Manila . LeRo y reporte d tha t attempt s ha d been mad e t o exclud e bot h Filipin o patient s an d financial patron s fro m th e ne w Woman's Hospital . A t th e completio n o f th e America n Library , buil t i n par t with fund s fro m th e Philippin e treasury , it s builder s "mad e ver y strenuou s protests agains t havin g i t als o throw n ope n t o th e Filipino s fo r a shar e i n it s management an d use, " claiming i t a s a monument t o th e American soldier s wh o had die d fighting agains t Filipino s i n th e recen t war. 19 While LeRoy' s piec e chronicle d th e forc e o f American racia l prejudice , i t als o demonstrated th e desir e withi n som e administrativ e circle s t o lesse n it s impact . With a degre e o f outrage , LeRo y attacke d th e conceptua l lin k betwee n black s and Filipino s tha t ha d bee n forge d b y American imperialist s durin g th e war . "I t is th e usua l thin g amon g American s wh o hav e bee n i n th e Philippine s an d 231

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imbibed a contemp t o r dislik e fo r th e people, " h e wrote , "t o betra y i n thei r conversation th e fact [that ] thei r theorie s o f the situation ar e based upo n popula r understandings a t hom e a s t o Negr o shortcoming s an d incapacity." 20 LeRoy' s frustration was primaril y aime d a t th e fixity o f America n categorie s an d th e incapacity o f colonialist s t o distinguis h wealth y Filipino s fro m th e rabble . I n exchange fo r wha t h e believe d a ridiculou s racia l metaphor , h e calle d fo r a ne w and mor e subtl e se t o f categorie s tha t woul d enabl e American s t o gree t respect able, cosmopolita n Filipino s wit h th e dignit y an d patronag e the y deserved . "Without i n th e leas t justifyin g th e prejudic e agains t negroe s i n th e Unite d States, wha t possibl e excus e doe s tha t affor d fo r proceedin g o n th e 'nigger ' theory amon g a people largel y Malayan?" 21 As th e civilia n governmen t buil t link s t o th e Filipin o politica l class , thos e categories were supplie d b y some o f the ne w scientifi c an d administrativ e organ s established b y th e Philippin e Commission . Thes e ne w categorie s woul d giv e a more precis e an d authoritativ e understandin g o f th e Filipin o populatio n tha t would allo w easier alliances t o b e struck i n region s still independent o f American control, bu t on e tha t woul d als o supply a rationale fo r continue d American rule . Within th e government , thes e task s wer e take n u p b y th e Burea u o f Non Christian Tribes , whose wor k represente d th e fusio n o f research , administrative , and reformis t goal s withi n th e umbrell a o f th e ne w collaborationis t politics. 22 Established i n 190 1 b y th e Philippin e Commission , th e Burea u o f Non-Chris tian Tribe s joine d a Spanis h colonia l categor y t o th e institutiona l model s o f th e Bureau o f America n Ethnolog y an d th e Burea u o f India n Affair s i n a n effor t "[f]irst, t o investigat e th e actua l conditio n o f thes e paga n an d Mohammeda n tribes, an d t o recommen d legislatio n fo r thei r civi l government ; an d second , t o conduct scientifi c investigatio n i n th e ethnolog y o f th e Philippines." 23 Consis tent wit h th e extensio n o f governmenta l contro l int o highlan d region s an d th e emerging politic s o f collaboration , th e wor k o f th e Burea u o f Non-Christia n Tribes replace d earlie r racia l generalizatio n tha t joine d Filipino s t o blac k Americans, seekin g throug h fieldwork an d publicatio n a more scientifi c an d authorita tive racia l enumeratio n o f differen t non-Christia n group s an d thei r relativ e levels o f cooperatio n an d "advancement. " Gathere d b y America n an d Filipin o provincial official s an d a fe w amateu r researcher s a t th e outpost s o f America n control, knowledg e o f non-Christians produce d b y the burea u was aimed towar d the dua l project s o f highland diplomac y an d militar y conquest , dealin g with th e specifics o f individua l tribe s an d thei r racial , cultural , an d politica l connection s with others . As well a s aiding diplomacy , th e burea u brough t mor e intens e cultura l atten tion t o th e Philippines ' "non-Christian " peoples . Th e highlan d population s o f the island s ha d bee n relativel y obscur e t o earlie r America n traveler s i n th e 232

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Philippines, wh o seldo m straye d beyon d coasta l areas . With th e fieldwork o f th e bureau, Secretar y Worcester' s annua l visitation s an d photographi c zeal , an d th e Louisiana Purchas e Expositio n (St . Loui s World' s Fai r o f 1904) , however , th e non-Christian tribe s i n thi s perio d becam e a ke y elemen t i n th e structur e o f American colonia l justification. 24 Bu t thei r symboli c us e embodie d th e tension s between th e racia l though t o f imperialist s an d anti-imperialist s i n th e postwa r period. I n officia l renditions , th e balance s o f paternalis m require d tha t th e Filipinos b e savag e enough t o requir e American tutelag e an d control , bu t no t s o backward a s to mak e American effort s pointless . Th e tension s withi n paternalis t representation emerge d durin g th e 190 4 St . Loui s Expo , wher e afte r muc h debate, tableau x o f warlike tribesmen accompanie d display s of marching Filipin o constabularymen an d dutifu l childre n i n schools. 25 But withi n th e proliferatio n o f tribe s studie d b y Burea u researcher s an d officials, th e Negrit o population , whos e lin k t o blac k Americans survive d earlie r debates, too k o n a specia l importance , receivin g th e first monograp h publishe d by th e Burea u i n 190 4 (se e figure l). 2 6 Withi n th e large r racia l arra y tha t colonialists fel t la y befor e them , Negrito s presente d specia l opportunitie s an d conundrums. "Th e numbe r o f problem s presente d t o th e ethnologis t b y thes e little black s i s almos t bewildering, " wrot e Davi d Barrows , first directo r o f th e Bureau o f Non-Christian Tribes , i n hi s 190 2 report. 27 Th e dra w of the Negrito s was i n par t narrowl y disciplinary : historical-minde d anthropologist s wer e com pelled b y th e opportunit y t o stud y what the y believe d th e primitiv e ancesto r (o r forebear) o f mankind . Bu t interes t ma y hav e als o derive d fro m broade r racia l concerns. I n 1906 , Georg e Dorse y o f th e Fiel d Museu m i n Chicag o explaine d to a n expeditio n sponso r tha t th e goa l o f th e Philippin e project , th e first o f it s kind mounte d b y a private museum i n the United States , was "the determinatio n of th e relationshi p o f thes e scattere d Black s throug h thi s are a . . . abov e al l t o what exten t the y hav e influence d an d hav e bee n influence d b y th e lighte r ski n tribes wit h who m the y hav e com e i n contact." 28 Dorsey' s sketch , whil e consis tent wit h academi c question s o f migratio n an d cultura l diffusion , overlappe d with preoccupation s ove r racia l hybridit y an d miscegenation . Perhap s i n a world so diverse , i n whic h th e dream s o f whit e purit y an d contro l wer e undermine d by th e realitie s o f arme d resistance , collaborativ e tension , an d mutua l accultura tion, th e border-groun d betwee n race s itsel f was t o becom e th e objec t o f stud y and reordering . Bu t fo r al l th e question s o f huma n ancestr y an d racia l purit y scholars believe d th e Negrito s woul d answer , researc h o n the m appear s t o hav e flagged afte r th e initia l study . T o th e frustratio n o f official s an d researchers , Negrito population s move d uplan d whe n confronte d b y partie s o f scholar s an d constabularymen, an d anthropologist s foun d littl e i n thei r materia l cultur e suitable t o th e American museu m economy. 29 233

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Figure 1. This bust of a Negrito "type" was produced for the Louisiana Purchase Exposition (St. Louis World's Fair) of 1904. Courtesy Department of Library Services, American Museum of Natural History.

In polic y makin g a s well a s research, American colonialist s continue d t o dra w some directio n fro m paternalis t approache s t o th e "Negr o Problem " a t home . I n search o f a model fo r th e Philippin e educationa l system , Frederic k Atkinson, th e regime's first superintenden t o f education , seize d o n th e ide a o f industria l 234

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education, whic h ha d com e t o dominat e th e educatio n o f black s i n th e Unite d States. I n Apri l 190 0 h e wrot e Booke r T . Washington , industria l education' s leading advocate , tha t "[e]ducatio n i n th e Philippine s mus t b e alon g industria l lines an d an y an d al l suggestion s fro m yo u an d you r wor k wil l b e invaluable." 30 The lette r was followe d b y a May tou r o f Tuskegee an d th e Hampto n Institute , the tw o cor e institution s o f blac k industria l education ; i n hi s repor t t o th e Philippine Commission , Atkinso n conclude d tha t "th e Filipino s ma y b e taugh t those thing s fo r whic h the y hav e a capacity , tha t is , industria l an d mechanica l pursuits. . . . These instructor s shoul d follo w th e pla n o f work o f Hampto n an d Tuskegee." 31 I n warnin g agains t a progra m o f highe r educatio n i n th e colony , he presente d hi s caution s b y historica l an d racia l analogy : "W e shoul d hee d th e lesson taugh t u s i n ou r reconstructio n perio d whe n w e starte d t o educat e th e negro." 32 I n a lette r t o Governor-Genera l Taf t tha t sam e year , hi s brothe r Horace agreed . "Won' t yo u g o i n fo r industria l educatio n fo r th e Philippines? " he asked . "Certainl y ther e i s n o othe r educatio n fo r a race lik e th e Negroe s tha t compares wit h tha t i n it s effect upo n characte r an d rac e deficiency." 33 The politica l us e o f non-Christian s an d th e applicatio n o f America n model s of paternalism, whil e the y balance d argument s fo r bot h contro l an d benevolenc e and suggeste d model s fro m th e American "Negr o Problem, " occasionall y opene d holes i n network s o f collaboration . I n 1904 , fo r example , th e emphasi s give n t o non-Christian people s i n America n advertisement s fo r empir e sparke d conflict s between th e America n governmen t an d it s Filipin o clients . Eage r t o promot e their civilizatio n an d "fitness " fo r self-rule , Filipin o politician s criticize d connec tions mad e b y America n official s an d anthropologist s betwee n Filipin o elites , non-Christians, an d America' s racia l minoritie s a t th e 190 4 St . Loui s Expo . Filipino collaborator s attendin g th e Exp o t o cemen t politica l relation s an d survey th e non-Christia n tribe s pu t o n displa y ther e expresse d frustratio n a t th e Expo's large r message . As Vicente Nepomuceno , a Filipino official , claimed , th e Republican administratio n ha d feature d th e "lowes t types " o f Filipino s "i n a n attempt t o justif y thei r paterna l gri p o n th e islands. " A s a result , h e reported , "the impressio n ha s gon e abroa d tha t w e ar e barbarians ; tha t w e ea t do g an d al l that sor t o f thing , an d n o matte r ho w lon g w e [th e Honorar y Board ] sta y her e we canno t convinc e th e publi c t o th e contrary." 3 Even withi n th e colonia l regime , th e tension s expresse d i n th e rhetori c o f paternalism, it s volatil e blen d o f rigi d hierarch y an d potentia l uplift , coul d lea d in unexpecte d directions . I n certai n contexts , th e uplif t element s o f colonia l paternalism draw n fro m contemporar y discussion s o f th e "Negr o Problem " could fus e wit h anti-imperialis t antislaver y rhetori c i n condemnation s o f th e hierarchical Philippin e socia l structur e o n whic h America n rul e wa s built . I n December 1901 , Dalla s Henderson , a n officia l i n Sa n Fernando , Pampanga , 235

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reported t o Barrow s tha t hi s commissione d investigatio n o f loca l Negrito s ha d stirred hi m t o d o furthe r wor k tha t migh t "liberat e them." 33 Agains t racia l expectation, h e ha d foun d th e Negrito s i n hi s province brigh t an d educable , an d was shocke d t o find the m oppresse d b y wealth y planters , ofte n capture d an d sold a s a mobil e an d tractabl e labo r force . "The y ar e scattere d al l ove r th e northern par t o f thi s Island, " h e wrote , "an d ar e slave s a s much a s ou r Negroe s were i n th e South." 36 Th e abolitionis t impuls e presen t i n som e colonia l pater nalism wa s als o foun d i n Denzi l Taylor , a young civi l enginee r i n th e earl y years of the occupation . Arriving i n th e island s in Septembe r 1900 , he had se t to wor k energetically a s a provincial superviso r o f public works projects i n Iloco s Norte. 37 Within weeks , however, h e bega n t o encounte r th e seamie r side s of colonial life : decadent landowners , corrup t America n officials , an d poverty-stricke n peasants . Taylor wa s particularl y angere d b y th e oppressiv e tributar y syste m i n plac e i n the province s an d th e force d labo r draft s customar y unde r bot h Spanis h an d American regimes . Travelin g widel y wit h a n "unrestraine d intercours e wit h al l classes," Taylo r learne d Spanis h an d Ilocan o an d earne d th e enmit y o f loca l elites fo r hi s interruptio n o f tribut e collectio n an d insistenc e o n pai d labor. 38 "This i s slavery," h e wrote o f price-fixing, "th e thin g mus t go." 3 9 O n hi s travel s through th e regio n h e demande d tha t Americans sto p pressurin g loca l leader s t o intimidate villager s int o formin g unpai d labo r gangs . I n a diar y entr y fo r October 31 , 1901 , h e wrote , "Hav e bee n ove r t o Sa n Nicolas , wher e a n American school-teache r ha d persuade d th e President e t o tak e some natives fro m their wor k i n th e ric e paddie s t o buil d som e schoo l house s fo r him . I stoppe d it—picked int o th e school-teacher heavy—tol d hi m t o wait ti l there was mone y to pa y fo r buildin g schoo l houses— I wa s mad." 40 Strugglin g t o complet e underfunded publi c work s project s an d educat e Filipino s i n irrigatio n an d agricultural improvemen t befor e th e rain y seaso n o f 1902 , Taylo r contracte d cholera i n th e epidemi c tha t swep t th e island s an d die d Augus t 14 , just unde r a year afte r hi s arrival . Taylo r ha d name d hi s targe t "slavery, " an d Reveren d W. H . Branigan , i n deliverin g th e memoria l sermon , mad e explici t th e connec tions betwee n Taylor' s activis m an d earlie r abolitionism : "Her e was a n iniqui tous syste m o f slaver y whic h enable d ric h an d officia l classe s t o oppres s th e poorer an d les s fortunate. An d t o th e work o f righting tha t wrong—wit h al l th e zeal an d determinatio n whic h i n th e day s o f th e anti-slaver y crusad e character ized a youthfu l Garriso n o r Parke r o r Wendel l Phillips , h e gav e himsel f wit h heart an d min d an d strength." 41 Imperial abolitionis m o f thi s sor t face d har d limit s i n th e colonia l context . While the y inherite d earlie r connection s betwee n enslave d black s an d colonize d Filipinos mad e b y th e abolitionis t rank s o f th e anti-imperialis t movement , would-be abolitionist s within th e American empir e coul d als o denounce Filipin o 236

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elites a s a corollary t o justification s o f American intervention . Oppressio n o f th e native poor , althoug h fundamentall y responsibl e fo r th e "backwardness " o f rura l Filipinos, was also made int o evidenc e that neithe r clas s was capable of governin g itself.42 I n thi s way , colonia l paternalis m an d it s analogie s t o white-blac k rela tions prove d resilient . Mirrore d t o som e exten t i n th e hierarchica l socia l evolu tionism o f burea u anthropologists , suc h paternalis m lai d conceptua l groun d rules fo r th e buildin g o f th e colonia l state , makin g roo m fo r Filipin o "advance ment" onl y throug h carefu l "tutelage " an d collaboratio n fro m below . I n thei r insistence tha t pave d road s an d ope n markets , moder n school s an d remunerate d labor woul d "elevate " th e Filipin o masse s fro m thei r condition s o f degradation , critics suc h a s Taylor accepte d man y o f imperialism' s tenets , underestimate d th e economic powe r o f Filipin o landowners , an d overestimate d th e benevolenc e of American-owne d expor t agriculture , commercia l ventures , an d th e politica l institutions tha t cam e wit h them . Bu t critica l assessment s o f Filipin o societ y under America n rule—emergin g fro m bot h th e Philippin e revolutionar y strug gle an d th e battere d memorie s o f radica l Republicanism—reveale d th e tension s within paternalis m tha t lef t spac e fo r Filipin o nationalist s an d interna l colonia l dissenters.

In 1906 , th e yea r o f th e first electio n o f th e Philippin e Assembly, a young racia l anatomist i n Michiga n lai d ou t hi s professiona l visio n o f th e field. "Th e rac e question i n Americ a ha s bee n treate d recently, " wrot e Rober t Bennet t Bea n i n the Century, "fro m th e standpoin t o f a forme r slave-owner , i n th e ligh t o f th e Reconstruction period , i n a mathematician's statistica l way , an d a s an economi c problem." 43 Fro m severa l of these perspectives, Bea n was well suited t o approac h the questio n an d it s implication s i n th e latte r year s o f th e Philippines ' Taf t era . Confronting a risin g oppositio n withi n th e Philippines , th e America n govern ment slowl y opened municipa l office s an d election s t o Filipino s an d inaugurate d the Philippin e Assembl y a s the legislature' s lowe r hous e i n 1907 . These politica l changes altere d th e fac e o f colonial scholarl y institutions . Face d with a budgetar y crisis, th e Philippin e Commissio n eliminate d th e appropriatio n fo r th e Burea u of Non-Christia n Tribe s i n 1905 , first transferrin g i t a s a divisio n t o th e Bureau o f Education, the n t o th e Burea u o f Science, befor e turnin g ethnologica l researches t o privat e enterpris e entirel y i n 1914 . Nationalis m an d institutiona l change mad e fo r ne w articulation s o f th e "Negr o Problem " i n th e Philippines , represented b y Bean's imperia l career . Born i n 1874 , Bea n wa s th e so n o f tw o ol d an d venerabl e Virgini a families ; his fathe r ha d courte d hi s mothe r whe n h e was a lieutenan t i n th e Baltimor e Light Artiller y o f th e Arm y o f Norther n Virginia. 44 Durin g hi s earl y years , 237

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Bean's famil y apparentl y face d "tryin g circumstance s o f economic distres s i n th e backwash o f th e Reconstructio n period/ ' an d h e wa s educate d a t hom e b y a devout aunt . Whe n h e wa s thirtee n hi s hom e schoolin g ceased , an d fo r th e nex t nine year s h e too k u p a series o f od d jobs , includin g wor k a s a guard o f convic t labor gangs . Afte r graduatin g fro m Virgini a Polytechni c Institut e i n 1900 , h e entered th e John s Hopkin s Medica l Schoo l an d too k a n interes t i n anatomy , graduating i n 190 4 an d receivin g a n appointmen t there . Fro m 190 5 t o 190 7 Bean continue d hi s researc h a s assistan t professo r o f anatom y a t th e Universit y of Michigan . During thi s period , Bean' s wor k centere d o n th e comparativ e analysi s o f white an d blac k brai n tissu e an d a n attemp t t o explai n intellectua l an d mora l development. Reflectin g th e racia l pessimism o f the New South , filtered throug h contemporary neurologica l theory , Bean' s wor k shore d u p argument s fo r th e permanent incapacit y o f blacks . I n a 190 6 articl e i n th e Century, "Th e Negr o Brain," h e lai d ou t a popular accoun t o f his research , citin g "observation s mad e on thousand s o f negroe s throughou t th e Middl e Atlanti c an d Middl e Wester n States." 45 After breakin g th e blac k populatio n int o a thicke t o f subcategories — from th e lowes t "Hottentots " o f the Sout h t o th e relativel y "advanced " mulatto s of the North—Bea n presente d hi s dat a tha t blac k brain s bot h weighe d les s tha n white brain s an d ha d les s develope d fron t ends , signalin g permanen t difference s in ability , includin g "sexua l instability " an d "bumptiousness. " Havin g reveale d through advance d scienc e wha t wa s b y the n whit e Souther n commo n sense , Bean conclude d tha t "th e white an d Blac k race s ar e anti-podal, then , i n cardina l points . . . the on e very advanced, th e othe r a very backward one . The Caucasia n and th e negr o ar e fundamentall y oppose d extreme s i n evolution." 46 Late r tha t same year, Bea n followe d wit h a second article , "Th e Trainin g o f the Negro, " i n which h e extende d th e list o f black menta l shortcoming s bu t concluded , perhap s referring t o hi s ow n wor k a s a convict labo r guar d an d recen t debate s ove r blac k officers i n th e Spanish-America n War , tha t unde r th e prope r control s blac k capacities migh t b e directe d towar d positiv e ends : "Th e negr o i s a good labore r under compulsion , o r a good soldie r with whit e officers , wher e hi s on e ide a i s t o work an d obey." 47 I n spit e o f hi s limite d hope s fo r racia l refor m throug h industrial education , Bea n chos e t o en d o n a n ominou s an d impatien t not e o f warning: "Th e negr o mus t wor k ou t hi s ow n salvatio n wit h fea r an d trembling ; for h e i s a t th e ba r o f publi c opinion , an d i f trie d an d foun d wanting , i s i n imminent dange r o f losing all." 48 In 1907 , Bea n receive d a n appointmen t throug h Michiga n patronag e net works t o th e colonia l civi l servic e i n th e Philippines ; h e travele d t o Manil a tha t year t o tak e u p th e pos t o f assistant professo r an d directo r o f the anatom y la b o f the Philippin e Medica l School . Probabl y hi s growin g notoriet y a s a schola r of racia l differenc e contribute d t o hi s selection ; havin g convince d Michiga n 238

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counterparts o f hi s skil l a t anatomica l interpretatio n a t th e ver y cor e o f th e "Negro Problem, " h e coul d surel y dea l wit h th e vexin g difficultie s o f th e maturing civilia n regim e i n th e colony . Wit h scientifi c resource s availabl e through th e medica l schoo l an d th e researc h subject s h e required—fro m Manil a normal schools , villager s encountere d o n travels , hospita l patients , o r studie s a t the Maleco n morgue—h e eventuall y publishe d seventee n article s base d o n hi s Philippine researches. 49 But Bean' s positio n i n Manil a brough t t o th e foregroun d th e problem s inherent i n Jim Crow' s encounte r wit h th e racia l complexit y o f th e Philippines . Whereas hi s subject s i n th e Unite d State s ha d bee n divide d int o tw o easil y discernible groups—black s visitin g th e John s Hopkin s dispensar y an d whit e University o f Michigan students—i n th e Philippine s th e prope r racia l categorie s for hi s subject s ha d t o b e mad e th e groun d o f researc h itself . Th e traditiona l markers o f race tha t ha d undergirde d hi s prio r researc h n o longe r hel d u p i n th e colony, an d ne w one s woul d hav e t o b e developed . "Colo r marking s hav e bee n of n o valu e i n th e differentiatio n o f Filipin o types, " h e wrote . "Hai r for m ha s been o f littl e avai l i n th e stud y o f th e Filipinos , becaus e the y al l hav e straigh t black hair , wit h a n occasiona l wave . The cephali c inde x ha s bee n foun d unrelia ble becaus e o f possibl e distortion s o f th e head." 50 A s a result , Bean' s work , which culminate d i n The Racial Anatomy of the Philippine Islanders in 1910 , was self-consciously innovative . Wherea s hi s earlie r wor k ha d bee n th e comparativ e study o f dea d tissue s betwee n definit e rac e groupings , thi s ne w wor k was primarily a "racia l anatom y o f th e living " betwee n group s whos e boundarie s were yet unclear. 51 I n describin g th e book' s objective , "t o find th e exac t compo sition o f a mixe d population," 52 h e emphasize d th e thorn y proble m o f typ e recognition: "Th e objec t o f thi s boo k i s t o establis h definit e type s o f ma n tha t may b e recognize d b y ea r form , cephali c index , nasa l index , an d othe r factors , that suc h type s ma y b e studie d i n familie s throug h severa l generation s t o establish thei r hereditar y characteristics." 53 To d o this , Bea n joine d Germa n racia l scienc e an d Mendelia n genetic s t o enumerate seve n racia l type s whos e average qualitie s wer e alread y established. 54 By measurin g individua l Filipin o subject s an d correlatin g th e dat a wit h figures from hi s idea l types , Bea n wa s abl e t o brea k dow n eac h subjec t int o hi s o r he r constitutive racia l types , tracin g th e Philippin e racia l constitutio n a s a whol e back t o it s pure source s b y separating ou t geneti c influences ; puttin g a new ter m in Mendelia n genetic s t o doubl e use , Bea n calle d thi s proces s "segregation." 55 To conclude , Bea n presente d hi s visio n o f Philippin e racia l history , i n whic h successive wave s o f immigratio n intermixe d th e "thre e fundamenta l unit s o f mankind," 56 th e ol d Iberian , Australoid, an d Primitiv e races , into bot h "Blends " and a n entirel y distinc t racia l type , whic h h e calle d "Hom o Philippinensis." 57 Behind th e protectio n o f statistic s an d scientifi c jargon , Bea n ha d take n hi s 239

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readers int o th e hear t o f a n America n prima l scen e a t th e tur n o f th e century , where race s crosse d an d recrossed . Th e work' s las t line , however , sounde d a contradictory not e o f segregationis t confidence . Eve n miscegenatio n ove r th e course of centuries coul d no t obscur e th e underlyin g racia l divisions o f mankind : "Continual interminglin g ha s faile d t o eradicate , o r fuse , o r blen d th e thre e fundamental types , Iberian , Primitiv e an d Australoid , whic h continu e i n com parative purit y throughou t th e Philippin e Islands, " he concluded. 58 As th e first scientis t i n th e Philippine s whos e researc h ha d focuse d primaril y on blac k Americans, Bean' s own professiona l pat h demonstrate d th e continuitie s between earlie r an d late r conception s o f th e Philippin e empir e a s a "Negr o Problem." Bu t his scholarship, as colonial scienc e and racia l thought, represente d a degre e o f departur e fro m earlie r wor k i n severa l areas . Wherea s th e Bureau' s primary metho d was fieldwork, tangle d i n th e politic s o f highland collaboration , Bean's researc h represente d th e ris e o f metropolita n scientifi c institutions . Th e change in sit e had importan t intellectua l consequences : where Burea u researcher s had ha d t o dea l wit h Filipino s a s politica l an d diplomati c units , an d t o thei r frustration, a s interpreters , guides , an d assistant s wh o mad e trave l possible , th e medical cas e stud y model , an d Bean' s read y acces s t o urba n patient s an d remains, allowe d hi m t o measur e individua l Filipino s alon g categorie s o f hi s own devising , one s h e ha d sharpene d i n researc h o n black s i n th e Unite d States.59 Thi s methodologica l shif t was aide d b y th e transfe r o f ethnologica l research fro m it s origina l reformis t an d socia l evolutionis t home s t o th e Burea u of Science , wher e th e quantitativ e method s o f biological , agricultural , an d commercial researc h hel d greate r sway . Even a s Bean' s researc h was shape d b y institutiona l chang e i n science , hi s application o f racia l categorie s ma y hav e bee n a respons e t o nationalis t politics . With th e passin g o f th e provincia l government s tha t ha d studie d an d oversee n non-Christians int o Filipin o hands , th e increasin g volume o f Philippin e nation alists, an d th e ris e o f th e Assembly , powerfu l claim s ha d bee n se t fort h fo r th e reality o f a Philippin e natio n unite d b y histori c struggle . Bean' s volume , i n contrast, was a powerfu l testamen t bot h t o Filipin o racia l divisio n an d th e exclusive authorit y o f American scienc e t o "segregate " it s subject s int o compre hensible parts . Wher e t o som e exten t a "Hom o Philippinensis " wa s discovere d by bot h Bea n an d th e nationalist s i n th e lat e 1900s , Bean' s was th e backwar d subject draw n fro m hi s earlier racia l imagining s o f Baltimor e black s in th e worl d of Jim Crow , i n shar p contras t t o th e heroic patrio t o f nationalist oratory .

"If th e Constitutio n doe s no t follo w th e flag," wrot e R . B . Lemu s i n 1903 , "sentiment does , an d a s th e sentimen t o f th e Star s an d Stripe s no w [seems ] t o 240

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be 'Whit e Supremacy, ' i t woul d b e th e sam e i n th e far-of f islands." 60 A s Americans labore d t o mak e sens e o f Philippin e societ y unde r America n control , the extende d pattern s o f the "Negr o Problem, " while commonl y employed , wer e never completel y agree d upon . Th e politic s o f empire wer e turbulen t enoug h t o call o n conflictin g account s o f race , makin g th e "Negr o Problem " malleabl e t o many politica l ends . Durin g th e conduc t o f th e war , th e metapho r fire d th e hatreds o f American soldiers , rallie d anti-imperialists , an d raise d troublin g ques tions fo r th e army' s blac k soldiers . I n th e earl y occupation , ne w variant s emerged, borrowin g o n th e paternalisti c model s o f evolutionar y scienc e an d industrial education . Consisten t wit h form s o f Jim Cro w i n th e colony , Bean' s eugenics hitche d togethe r researche s o n black s an d Filipinos , fracturin g Filipin o society into a n anti-natio n o f distinct racia l types . These colonia l revision s o f th e "Negro Problem " i n th e Philippine s the n returne d t o domesti c soi l i n a variet y of forms. Blac k soldiers, disillusioned wit h th e American struggl e fo r empir e an d the pressures i t had place d o n them , wrot e o f their experience s a s correspondent s for hometow n newspapers . Denzi l Taylor , lik e many American colonialists , die d in th e islands , leavin g onl y a memorial echo . Rober t Bennet t Bean , returnin g t o the Unite d State s i n 1910 , too k a positio n a s professo r a t Tulan e an d i n 191 6 was appointed hea d o f anatomy a t th e Universit y o f Virginia. 61

NOTES

The autho r woul d lik e t o than k Danie l Rodgers , Cynthi a Petrites , Kevi n Gaines , and Stephen Kantrowit z for thei r critical comments o n early drafts o f this paper, an d Eileen Scully , Arcadio Diaz-Quinones , Pau l Taylor , Patrici a Afable, Judith Kramer , and Osca r Kramer , fo r thei r continua l suppor t an d encouragement . 1. Willia m B . Freer , The Philippine Experiences of an American Teacher (New York: Charles Scribner' s Sons , 1906) , p. 5. 2. Th e theme s o f rac e an d America n empire , whic h I tak e u p here , hav e bee n explored repeatedl y by historians, with a variety of conclusions. The Wisconsi n School's work, with it s emphasis o n th e search fo r Asian market s a s the drivin g force o f imperialism , sa w "socia l Darwinist " an d "Anglo-Saxonist " rhetori c a s an instrumen t o f cynica l politica l manipulation , eithe r a distractio n fro m th e true economi c base s o f imperialis m o r a n intellectua l reflectio n o f materia l imperatives. Se e Walter LaFeber , The New Empire: An Interpretation of American Expansionism, 1860-1898 (Ithaca : Cornel l Universit y Press , 1963) . Mor e recent accounting s se e racia l idea s a s a causativ e elemen t i n imperialism , an d focus o n th e congruenc e o f racis m an d imperialism . Se e Nel l Painter , "Th e White Man' s Burden, " i n Standing at Armageddon: The United States, 1877— 1919 (Ne w York : Norton , 1987) . Thi s piec e set s ou t wit h th e assumptio n o f the latte r work—tha t rac e figured prominentl y i n th e working s o f imperial ism—but unlik e thi s work , I wis h t o undermin e th e ide a tha t racis m an d 241

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imperialism marche d alway s together . A t n o poin t i n America n histor y ha s "race" eve r ha d on e stabl e o r homogeneou s meaning ; rather , i t ha s bee n a site of tremendous conflict . W e should expec t no less of this conflict fo r it s imperial setting. America n imperialism , fa r fro m a consensua l arrangement , too k plac e through a contes t ove r whic h racia l idea s wer e t o matte r an d how , ove r wha t "race" itself was to mean . I n th e colonia l setting , inheritance , experimentation , and transformatio n wer e presen t i n equa l parts : establishe d racia l idea s an d institutions, man y o f the m draw n fro m th e "Negr o Problem, " wer e applied , fought over , reworked, an d sometime s abandone d i n ne w contexts. 3. Jame s McPherson, "Women' s Right s and Anti-imperialism," i n The Abolitionist Legacy: From Reconstruction to the NAACP (Princeton : Princeto n Universit y Press, 1975) . Fo r a n accoun t o f anti-imperialism , se e Richard Welch , Response to Imperialism: The United States and the Philippine-American War, 1899—1902 (Chapel Hill : Universit y o f North Carolin a Press , 1979) . Fo r profile s o f mem bers o f th e anti-imperialis t movement , se e Rober t Beisner , Twelve against Empire: The Anti-Imperialists, 1898—1900 (Chicago: Universit y o f Chicag o Press, 1985) . Fo r example s o f anti-imperialis t argument , se e Phili p S . Fone r and Richard C . Winchester, The Anti-imperialist Reader: A Documentary History of Anti-imperialism in the United States (New York: Holmes an d Meier , 1984) . 4. Th e bes t treatmen t o f blac k soldiers ' conflicte d experienc e i n th e Spanish American an d Philippine-America n War s remain s Willar d Gatewood , Black Americans and the White Man's Burden (Urbana : Universit y o f Illinoi s Press , 1975). Fo r writte n testimonie s b y blac k soldiers , se e Willar d Gatewood , "Smoked Yankees" and the Struggle for Empire: Letters fromNegroSoldiers, 18981902 (Urbana : Universit y of Illinois Press, 1971) . See also Amy Kaplan, "Blac k and Blu e o n Sa n Juan Hill, " i n Cultures of United States Imperialism, ed. Amy Kaplan an d Donal d Peas e (Durham , N.C. : Duke Universit y Press , 1993) . 5. Theophilu s Steward , Cleveland Gazette, May 18 , 1898, as quoted i n Gatewood , "Smoked Yankees, "p. 26. For a broader descriptio n o f black uplif t ideology , see Kevin Gaines , Uplifting the Race: Black Leadership, Politics, and Culture in the Twentieth Century (Chapel Hill : University of North Carolin a Press , 1996) . 6. T . Thoma s Fortune , "Unjus t Treatmen t o f Afro-American Soldier, " New York Age, editorial, Februar y 13 , 1892 , p . 2. , cite d i n Willia m Seraile , "Theophilu s Steward, Intellectua l Chaplain , 25t h U.S . Colore d Infantry, " Nebraska History 66, no . 3 (1985) , p. 278. 7. Whil e th e solidarit y o f blac k soldier s with Filipino s wa s ofte n limite d b y thei r own tenuou s positio n an d wartim e suspicion , i n a fe w notabl e cases , blac k soldiers rejecte d imperia l conques t an d side d wit h Filipin o force s resistin g th e American army . Fo r on e suc h case , se e Michae l C . Robinso n an d Fran k N . Schubert, "Davi d Fagen : A n Afro-America n Rebe l i n th e Philippines , 1899 1901," Pacific Historical Review 44, no. 1 (February 1975) , pp. 68-83 . 8. Theophilu s Steward , Cleveland Gazette, April 21 , 1900 , cite d i n Gatewood , "Smoked Yankees, "p. 262-63. 242

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9. Josep h O . Bayle n an d Joh n Hammon d Moore , "Senato r Joh n Tyle r Morga n and Negr o Colonizatio n i n th e Philippines , 190 1 t o 1902, " Phylon 29 (sprin g 1968), pp. 65-69. 10. R . B . Lemus, "Th e Negr o an d th e Philippines, " Colored American Magazine 6 (February 1903) , p. 314. 11. T . Thoma s Fortune , "Th e Filipinos : Som e Incident s o f a Tri p throug h th e Island of Luzon," Voice of the Negro 1 (June 1901) , pp. 240-45. 12. Lemus , p. 314. 13. Lemus , p. 317. 14. Fo r a detailed accoun t o f th e American colonia l projec t an d relation s betwee n the U.S. government an d th e Federalista an d Nacionalista parties, see Glenn A. May, Social Engineering in the Philippines: The Aims, Execution and Impact of American Colonial Policy, 1900-1913 (Westport , CT : Greenwood, 1980) ; Peter Stanley, A Nation in the Making: The Philippines and the United States, 18991921 (Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press , 1974) ; Pete r Stanley , ed. , Reappraising an Empire: New Perspectives on Philippine-American History (Cam bridge: Harvard Universit y Press, 1984) ; Ruby Paredes, ed., Philippine Colonial Democracy (New Haven: Yale University Southeast Asia Studies, 1988) . 15. Whil e ther e appea r t o hav e bee n n o lega l barriers , segregatio n a s a mean s o f institutionally definin g colonia l ruler s an d subject s seem s t o hav e bee n com mon. I t ma y not b e too far-fetched t o us e the term "Ji m Crow " to describe thi s process. In usin g the term "Ji m Crow," I refer t o the racial segregation o f public facilities, b y both la w and custom , whic h transforme d relation s betwee n black s and whites in Souther n state s at the turn o f the century. The classi c text on Jim Crow remain s C . Van n Woodward , The Strange Career of Jim Crow (Ne w York: Oxford Universit y Press , 1965) . 16. Jame s LeRoy, "Rac e Prejudice i n th e Philippines," Atlantic Monthly, July 1902 , p. 101 . 17. LeRoy , p. 101. 18. LeRoy , p. 102 . 19. LeRoy , p. 102 . 20. LeRoy , p. 101. 21. LeRoy , p. 101. 22. Th e practice of American anthropologica l scienc e and its relationship t o admin istration i n th e highlan d Philippine s i s th e large r subjec t o f m y work . Fo r existing research , se e Kar l Hutterer , "Dea n Worceste r an d Philippin e Anthro pology," Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society 6 (1978) , pp . 125—56 ; Frank Jenista , The White Apos: American Governors on the Cordillera Central (Quezon City : New Day Publishers, 1987) . 23. Davi d P . Barrows, "Report o f the Chief of the Burea u o f Non-Christian Tribe s for th e Year Endin g August 31 , 1902, " in Reports of the Philippine Commission (Washington, D.C. : Governmen t Printin g Office , 1902) , p . 679 . As I hop e t o demonstrate i n m y large r work , interwove n wit h extension s o f th e "Negr o 243

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Problem" t o th e Philippine s wer e th e institution s o f India n polic y an d ethno logical research . Fo r a n interestin g discussio n o f legal categorie s brough t t o th e Pacific fro m th e experience of Western expansio n an d India n policy , see Walter Williams, "Unite d State s India n Polic y and th e Debat e over Philippin e Annexation: Implications for th e Origins of American Imperialism, " Journal of American History 66, no . 4 (Marc h 1980) , pp. 810-31 . 24. Th e rol e playe d b y Philippin e non-Christian s i n colonia l rational e ha s bee n explored i n Rober t Rydell , "Th e Louisian a Purchas e Exposition , Sain t Louis , 1904: 'Th e Coronatio n o f Civilization, ' " i n All the Worlds a Fair: Visions of Empire at American International Expositions, 1876-1916 (Chicago : Universit y of Chicago Press, 1984) ; Vicente Rafael, "Whit e Love: Surveillance and Nation alist Resistanc e i n th e U.S . Colonizatio n o f th e Philippines, " i n Cultures of United States Imperialism, ed. Amy Kapla n an d Donal d Peas e (Durham , N.C. : Duke Universit y Press , 1993) ; Renat o Rosaldo , "Utte r Savage s o f Scientifi c Value," i n Politics and History in Band Societies, ed. Eleano r Leacoc k an d Richard Le e (Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1982) . Worcester's rol e as showman o f primitivism i s central: see Rodney Sullivan , Exemplar of Americanism: The Philippine Career of Dean C Worcester (An n Arbor : Universit y o f Michigan Press , 1991) . Fo r a discussion o f th e rol e o f "slavery " i n discussion s of non-Christians an d Filipin o "fitness " fo r self-rule , se e Michael Salman , "Th e United State s an d th e En d o f Slaver y i n th e Philippines , 1898-1914 : A Stud y of Imperialism , Ideolog y an d Nationalism, " 2 vols . (Ph.D . diss. , Stanfor d University, 1993) , chaps. 10-18 . 25. Rydell , pp. 171-77 . 26. Willia m Alla n Reed , Negritos of Zambales, Department o f th e Interior , Ethno logical Surve y Publications , vol . 2 , pt . 1 (Manila : Burea u o f Publi c Printing , 1904). Fo r a discussio n o f earl y researc h interes t i n th e Negrito s fro m a disciplinary perspective, se e Rudolf Rahmann , "Th e Philippin e Negrito s i n th e Context o f Researc h o n Food-Gatherer s durin g Thi s Century, " Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society 3 (1975) , pp. 204—36. 27. Barrows , p . 680 . Barrows' s ow n comple x politica l though t require s greate r discussion tha n i s possibl e here . A s th e Philippines ' secon d superintenden t o f education, h e bega n a campaig n o f literar y an d practica l educatio n tha t h e hoped woul d liberat e th e enslave d Philippin e peasantr y fro m th e gri p o f th e cacique system . Hi s though t joine d critique s o f Ne w Sout h politica l econom y to a n attac k o n India n polic y a s he ha d encountere d i t a s a California anthro pologist, al l withi n th e rubri c o f a defens e o f America n prerogativ e i n th e Philippines. Fo r a discussio n o f Barrows , se e Kento n Clymer , "Humanitaria n Imperialism: Davi d Prescot t Barrow s an d th e Whit e Man' s Burde n i n th e Philippines," Pacific Historical Review 45, no . 4 (Novembe r 1976) , pp . 4 9 5 517; and May, chap. 6. 28. Lette r fro m Georg e Dorse y t o R . F . Cummings , June 2 , 1906 , Record s o f th e Cummings Expedition , Fiel d Museum o f Natural Histor y Archives, Chicago. 244

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29. Ofte n ignore d i n studie s o f anthropology an d colonia l ideology , a s much fro m the difficultie s o f sourc e material s a s from theoretica l orientation , i s the reluc tance o r ope n resistanc e b y colonized people s t o becomin g assemble d piece s o f colonial expression . T o understan d bette r th e politic s o f colonia l science , re searchers mus t tr y t o rea d aroun d th e edge s o f imperialis t narrative s mor e carefully t o se e the limit s place d o n thei r projects , includin g anthropology , b y the responses of studied peoples . 30. May , p. 92. 31. May , p. 92. 32. May , p. 93. 33. May , p. 92. 34. St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Jul y 18 , 1904 , cited i n Sharr a Vostral, "Imperialis m o n Display: Th e Philippin e Expositio n a t th e 190 4 World's Fair, " Gateway Heritage (Spring 1993) , pp. 29-30 . 35. Dalla s Henderson , Repor t t o Davi d P . Barrows , Decembe r 7 , 1901 , Beye r Collection o f Origina l Source s i n Philippin e Ethnography , Tozze r Library , Harvard University . 36. Henderson . 37. "Biography, " i n In Memory ofDenzil Hollis Taylor, 1877-1902 (Boston : n.p. , [1902?]), pp. 7-8 . 38. "Biography, " p. 11. 39. Quote d i n Reveren d W. H . Branigan , " A Memorial Sermon, " i n In Memory of Denzil Hollis Taylor, 1877-1902, p . 32. 40. "Extract s fro m Denzil' s Letters, " i n In Memory ofDenzil Hollis Taylor, 18771902, p . 143. 41. Branigan , pp. 31-32 . 42. Salma n trace s i n grea t detai l th e evolutio n o f antislaver y discours e fro m th e language o f anti-imperialism t o a "hegemonic ideology " an d on e o f the centra l justifications fo r American retention . 43. Rober t Bennet t Bean , "Th e Negr o Brain, " Century, Septembe r 1906 , p . 778. 44. Willia m Bennet t Bean , "Obituary , Rober t Bennet t Bean , 1874-1944, " Science 101, no . 2623 (Apri l 6, 1945) , p. 346. 45. Bean , "Negr o Brain, " p. 779. 46. Bean , "Negro Brain, " p. 784. For a criticism o f Bean's scientific procedures , see Stephen Jay Gould, The Mismeasure of Man(Ne w York: Norton, 1981) . 47. Rober t Bennet t Bean , "Th e Trainin g o f the Negro, " Century, December 1906 , p. 949 . 48. Bean , "Training of the Negro," p. 953. 49. Mos t of Bean's work was published first in th e Philippine Journal of Science, th e organ o f th e colonia l government' s Burea u o f Science , althoug h severa l o f hi s pieces appeare d i n mor e popula r journal s lik e American Anthropologist and Science. 245

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50. Rober t Bennet t Bean , The Racial Anatomy of the Philippine Islanders (Philadel phia: J. B . Lippincott, 1910) , p. 219. 51. Bean , Racial Anatomy, p. 7. 52. Bean , Racial Anatomy, p. 207. 53. Bean , Racial Anatomy, pp. 8-9 . 54. Bean' s us e o f thes e method s an d theorie s ca n b e locate d i n th e institution s o f his training . Founde d i n th e lat e 1870s , Johns Hopkin s wa s the first American university establishe d alon g th e line s o f th e Germa n researc h university , an d intellectual connection s an d trave l betwee n Hopkin s an d Germa n universitie s were common. Fo r a detailed accoun t o f the intellectual curren t o f "polygenet icism" tha t Bea n inherite d an d i n tur n base d hi s innovation s on , se e Georg e Stocking, "Th e Persistenc e o f Polygenetic Thought i n Post-Darwinia n Anthro pology," i n Race, Culture and Evolution: Essays in the History of Anthropology (Chicago: Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1968) . O n th e retrea t o f Lamarckia n thought an d the rise of genetics, see Carl Degler, The Search for Human Nature: The Decline and Revival of Darwinism in American Social Thought (New York : Oxford Universit y Press, 1991) . 55. Th e Oxford English Dictionary records th e first use of the term "segregation " t o refer t o th e differentiatio n o f organi c cel l material s i n 1902 . Bean' s us e o f th e term t o mea n th e divisio n o f individua l organisms—rathe r tha n cells—int o their hereditary components ma y have been a new application o f the term . 56. Bean , Racial Anatomy, p. 221. 57. Bean , Racial Anatomy, pp. 227-29. 58. Bean , Racial Anatomy, p. 224. 59. Warwic k Anderson ha s stressed th e emergenc e o f the laboratory an d it s impac t on colonia l medicin e i n th e Philippines i n " 'Where Ever y Prospect Please s and Only Ma n I s Vile' : Laborator y Medicin e a s Colonia l Discourse, " Critical Inquiry 1 8 (Sprin g 1992) , pp. 502-29 ; idem , "Colonia l Pathologies : American Medicine in the Philippines, 1898-1921 " (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1992) . 60. Lemus , p. 317. 61. Bean , "Obituary, " p . 347.

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14 RUSTY L . MONHOLLO N B L A C K P O W E R , W H I T E FEA R THE "NEGR O PROBLEM " I N LAWRENCE , KANSAS, 1 9 6 0 - 1 9 7 0

Throughout th e 1960s , Lawrence , a small communit y o f forty-fiv e thousan d in northeas t Kansa s an d hom e t o th e Universit y o f Kansa s (KU) , was racke d b y protests an d demonstration s b y students an d civi l right s activists . Fo r mor e tha n a decade , Lawrencian s agitatin g fo r civi l rights , fo r mor e contro l ove r thei r personal lives , an d agains t th e wa r i n Vietna m clashe d wit h th e rigi d an d a t times hostil e respons e o f thos e oppose d t o thei r desires , creatin g tensio n i n th e town. Throug h thei r frequen t sit-ins , marches , an d vigils , many youn g Kansans , like thei r peer s acros s th e country , expresse d thei r disenchantmen t wit h Ameri can society . Respondin g t o thes e demonstrations , othe r resident s o f Lawrenc e expressed thei r ow n concern s abou t th e ne w activism—the y sa w a breakdow n of la w and order , a flippant disregar d fo r mora l value s an d standards ; the y fel t a

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creeping fear o f a communist takeove r o f society. These conflictin g view s divide d Lawrence, limitin g cooperation , sharpenin g differences , hardenin g conflict , an d hindering effort s a t reconciliation . B y 197 0 th e threa t o f violence , whic h ha d loomed sinc e th e beginnin g o f th e decade , ha d becom e a reality . Bombing s throughout th e community, racia l fights at Lawrence High School , a devastating, multimillion-dollar arso n a t th e Universit y Memoria l Union , an d a three-da y curfew thrus t Lawrenc e int o th e nationa l spotligh t an d create d confusio n fo r it s residents. Thi s chao s culminate d i n th e shootin g death s o f tw o youn g men — one black , on e white—by Lawrenc e polic e during on e week i n July 1970 . Rick "Tiger " Dowdell , a nineteen-year-old nativ e o f Lawrenc e an d a membe r of Lawrence' s militan t blac k community , die d o n Jul y 16 , 1970 , fro m a bulle t wound t o th e head , fired b y Office r Willia m Garret t o f th e Lawrenc e Polic e Department (LPD) , afte r a ca r chas e involvin g Dowdell . I n 196 8 Dowdel l ha d participated i n a protest a t Lawrenc e Hig h School , an d late r becam e a membe r of th e Blac k Studen t Unio n (BSU ) whil e a student a t th e Universit y o f Kansas . After th e shootin g Garret t claime d Dowdel l ha d fired shot s a t him , an d a gu n was foun d nea r th e body . Th e slai n tee n ha d ha d man y altercation s wit h Lawrence police , an d previousl y ha d complaine d o f polic e harassment. 1 Dow dell's brothe r claime d tha t Garret t ha d threatene d t o "ge t on e o f yo u Dowdell s yet" when h e stoppe d Ric k fo r a broken tailligh t th e nigh t befor e th e shooting. 2 At Dowdell' s funera l servic e a t St . Luke' s Africa n Methodis t Episcopa l Church, th e Reveren d A . N . Larki n implore d th e congregatio n t o emplo y nonviolence i n thei r struggl e fo r civi l rights . "Violenc e afte r violenc e solve d nothing," th e lea n preache r extolled , evokin g th e nonviolen t spiri t o f Marti n Luther King , "Freedo m was neve r gaine d wit h a gun i n th e han d o r violenc e i n the heart. " Conversely , th e Reveren d Oquis a Benefe e o f th e McKissic k Libera tion Schoo l i n Milwaukee , i n attendanc e a t th e funeral , spok e o f centurie s o f black struggl e "a s relate d i n th e Bibl e . . . an d o f th e lifestyl e o f a youn g revolutionary" lik e Dowdell . "Suc h a person's life, " h e said , "doe s no t belon g t o the individua l bu t t o th e struggle , an d i n thi s contex t Ric k Dowdel l died." 3 Despite thi s rhetoric , Hele n Kimball , a 196 6 Lawrenc e Hig h graduate , believe d that Dowdel l die d no t a s a marty r no r a s a revolutionary , bu t "i n self-defense. " At "tha t particula r instant " an d "wit h th e particula r office r tha t was in volved," Kimbal l claimed , an y blac k i n Lawrenc e migh t hav e die d i n Dowdell' s place.4 An all-whit e pane l a t a coroner' s inques t exonerate d Garret t i n th e shooting . The blac k communit y largel y rejected th e verdict; it s militan t factio n threatene d retaliation. Th e Blac k Studen t Unio n a t th e Universit y o f Kansa s vowe d tha t Garrett "shal l rea p wha t h e ha s sown." 5 A lette r t o cit y official s purportedl y written b y Leonar d Harrison , th e directo r o f th e Ballar d recreatio n cente r i n 248

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North Lawrence , promise d tha t th e blac k communit y woul d "n o longe r allo w Black peopl e t o b e brutalized " b y whites an d tha t i t would "aveng e th e deat h o f our beautifu l brothe r b y an y mean s necessary . W e ar e sayin g i f i t i s necessary , we will kil l . . . any othe r muthafuck a tha t get s i n th e way o f the tota l liberatio n of ou r people . . . . Lawrence wil l becom e a polic e stat e i f justice i s denie d us." 6 White radicals , who , lik e black s i n Lawrence , believe d the y wer e denigrate d b y the mainstrea m whit e communit y an d harasse d b y th e police , als o condemne d Dowdell's death . The undergroun d newspape r Vortex published Garrett' s photo graph abov e th e captio n "Wante d fo r Murder, " whic h outrage d man y loca l residents.7 Th e nigh t o f th e shootin g an d th e followin g night , sniper s sho t ou t car window s an d stree t lights , an d fire d a t polic e officer s an d firefighter s re sponding t o calls. A n LP D office r was wounde d i n a gu n battl e wit h black s "employing guerill a tactics " nea r th e Afro-House , a blac k cultura l cente r estab lished b y the BSU. 8 The violenc e se t th e stag e fo r ye t anothe r death . Th e followin g tw o day s remained quiet , wit h onl y mino r incidents , mostl y i n a sectio n o f tow n calle d Oread, a n are a adjacen t t o th e universit y an d hom e t o man y o f th e so-calle d street people . There , o n Jul y 20 , fire hydrant s wer e opene d an d car s wer e overturned an d se t afire . Polic e attempte d t o dispers e th e peopl e gathere d ther e by firing abov e th e crowd . I n th e confusion , Nic k Rice , a teenage d whit e mal e who ha d just finished hi s first year a t KU , la y dying i n th e street . B y all account s Rice was a n innocen t victim ; h e was no t a radical , no r ha d h e ha d previou s encounters wit h th e police , no r ha d h e bee n involve d i n th e infraction s tha t le d to th e police' s bein g called t o th e area . Followin g Rice' s death , Kansa s Governo r Robert B . Dockin g place d th e cit y unde r a n emergenc y curfe w an d sen t Kansa s Highway Patro l trooper s t o reliev e wear y Lawrenc e polic e officer s fro m routin e traffic duty. 9 Outrage cam e exclusivel y fro m th e blac k communit y o r th e radica l fring e when Dowdel l wa s killed . Som e white s eve n justifie d th e shooting . A busines s owner circulate d a petitio n tha t expresse d "ou r gratitud e an d sympathy " t o police wounde d b y snipe r fire, an d praise d th e "courageou s actio n o f th e polic e officer wh o fired th e sho t tha t kille d Dowdell." 10 Th e stat e senato r fro m Lawrence remarke d tha t Lawrenc e "hadn' t los t a thing " whe n Dowdel l died , which th e blac k communit y decrie d a s symptomati c o f whites' genera l indiffer ence t o blacks. 11 Some whit e resident s o f Lawrenc e ha d als o becom e radicalized . A grou p calling itsel f th e Loya l America n White s (LAW ) demande d $50 0 billio n fro m the "Negr o race, " t o pa y fo r th e "expens e o f educatin g the m fro m slaver y int o the American mainstream." 12 Raymon d Vandevente r claime d h e headed a secret vigilante organizatio n tha t include d "30 0 member s i n Lawrenc e an d 160 0 back 249

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up people. " Vandevente r promise d t o us e "guerill a warfare " t o hal t th e "nigge r and hippi e militants." 13 How ha d Lawrenc e becom e s o polarized , an d wh y di d suc h tragi c event s happen there ? Th e source s o f th e violenc e wer e many , bu t the y al l stemme d from th e nation' s encounter s wit h contemporar y socia l issues : racism , th e Viet nam War , campu s unrest , women' s liberation , th e counterculture . Althoug h Lawrence witnesse d conflict s ove r al l thes e socia l issues , it s problem s wer e mos t deeply entrenche d i n th e extan t racia l tensions . Th e bloodshe d i n Lawrenc e wa s primarily th e consequenc e o f th e reactions , fro m bot h black s an d whites , t o th e emergence o f blac k militancy , an d specificall y th e Blac k Powe r movemen t i n Lawrence, a s an alternativ e t o mainstrea m civi l right s activism . "The proble m o f th e twentiet h centur y i s th e proble m o f th e colo r lin e . . . the relatio n o f th e darke r t o th e lighte r race s o f men, " W . E . B . D u Boi s wrot e in 1903. 14 Whit e Americans , D u Boi s argued , define d th e existenc e o f Africa n Americans an d thei r failur e t o assimilat e int o whit e America n societ y a s th e "Negro Problem. " African American s hav e had t o fight agains t no t onl y virulen t racism an d structura l barriers , bu t als o whit e indifferenc e t o tha t struggle . Bu t since white American s hav e dictate d th e term s o f th e debate , a s D u Boi s noted , and wit h littl e compellin g reaso n fo r white s t o refor m al l o f America n society , responsibility fo r finding a solutio n ha s historicall y falle n t o blac k Americans . This ha s create d a paradox fo r blacks : how fa r coul d the y g o i n demandin g thei r legitimate right s a s America n citizen s befor e white s claime d the y wer e movin g too fa r an d to o fast ? I f black s di d no t pus h a t al l fo r racia l an d socia l equality , they remaine d confine d t o second-clas s citizenship . I f they pushe d to o har d an d threatened th e statu s quo , whit e societ y resiste d eve n thei r mos t legitimat e o f claims. This was as true in Lawrence as anywhere. I n 1965 , Lawrence Pape r Compan y president Justi n D . Hil l complaine d abou t a recent civi l right s demonstratio n a t the Universit y o f Kansas . "Befor e Negroe s wil l b e accepte d b y whites a s equals," he wrote, "the y will hav e t o rais e their standar d o f living t o th e accepte d leve l o f the community. " Thi s conviction , share d b y man y white s i n Lawrence , hel d that Africa n American s alread y ha d a n equalit y o f opportunity—protecte d b y law—with whites . Socia l inequalit y wa s du e t o blacks ' failur e t o exploi t thei r opportunities; therefor e i t was th e responsibilit y o f blac k Americans—no t whites—to resolv e th e problem . I t was , Hil l claimed , "u p t o th e Negr o an d Negro leader s t o rais e th e standard s o f thei r race." 15 Therefore , man y whit e Lawrencians wer e eithe r vehementl y hostil e t o th e blac k freedo m struggl e or , more commonly , completel y indifferen t t o th e cause , arguin g tha t th e move ment's moderat e goal s of legal, political, an d socia l equalit y alread y existed . Thi s constructed vie w o f America n societ y ignore d th e ver y rea l indignitie s black s 250

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suffered an d th e institutiona l an d economi c obstacle s the y encountered . Hill , like mos t othe r white s i n Lawrence , refuse d t o acknowledg e tha t hi s antipath y was a n impedimen t t o blacks ' exercisin g thei r equalit y o f opportunity . Despit e the ongoin g effort s o f civi l right s activists , black s i n Lawrenc e confronte d segregated facilities , clustere d substandar d housing , limite d educationa l an d employment opportunities , an d th e indignitie s o f racia l slur s an d socia l exclu sion. With th e passag e o f th e Civi l Right s Ac t o f 196 4 an d th e Votin g Right s Ac t of 1965 , i t seeme d tha t th e civi l right s movemen t wa s redeemin g it s promis e o f racial equality . Bu t a s th e historia n Harvar d Sitkof f notes , "th e movemen t created aspiration s i t coul d no t fulfill, " whic h pushe d man y youn g activist s toward th e nascen t visio n o f Blac k Power. 16 I n 1966 , Stokel y Carmichael' s cr y for "Blac k Power " quickl y becam e a n exhilaratin g ideologica l alternativ e t o th e traditional civi l right s movement . A yea r later , Carmichae l an d Charle s Hamil ton define d th e inchoat e concep t a s a cal l fo r black s t o "unite , recogniz e thei r heritage, an d buil d a sense o f community, " an d "t o defin e thei r ow n goals " an d "lead thei r ow n organizations." 17 Th e historia n Clayborn e Carso n write s tha t Black Powe r "formulat e [d] a politica l vocabular y tha t expresse d th e previousl y unarticulated ange r o f man y blacks , particularl y th e youn g an d urba n poor." 18 Many Africa n American s i n Lawrence , lure d b y Blac k Power' s emphasi s o n cultural an d racia l self-identification , an d arme d wit h a vocabulary tha t allowe d them t o releas e their ow n anger , quickl y embrace d it s ideology an d reshape d th e terms o f the debat e o n th e "Negr o Problem " i n Lawrence . A youn g African-America n protesto r remarke d i n Apri l 197 0 tha t white s i n Lawrence wer e unconcerne d wit h socia l issue s unti l the y personall y affecte d them. "Whe n i t come s throug h you r fron t door , yo u worr y abou t it, " h e explained.19 Wha t youn g black s i n Lawrenc e wante d wa s t o b e treate d wit h respect an d t o b e allowe d t o expres s thei r prid e i n bein g black . Th e impressiv e record o f victorie s i n th e court s an d civi l right s legislatio n neithe r raise d th e economic o r socia l statu s o f Africa n American s i n Lawrenc e no r significantl y contributed t o a sense o f racia l prid e o r self-identity . Threatenin g t o overthro w the whit e powe r structure—howeve r futil e tha t exercis e ma y hav e seeme d t o whites—was psychologicall y liberatin g an d produce d a sens e o f cultura l prid e and identit y fo r African Americans. 20 Whites literall y ha d t o b e shake n ou t o f thei r complacency . Th e whit e community's perceive d threa t o f violence b y black s initiall y was a powerful spu r to progres s towar d racia l equalit y i n Lawrence . Th e historia n Steve n F . Lawso n has note d tha t "burgeonin g racia l prid e amon g Africa n American s was instru mental fo r blac k politica l mobilization." 21 Traditiona l civi l right s effort s i n Lawrence, simila r t o th e nonviolent , direc t actio n employe d b y Marti n Luthe r 251

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King, wer e b y themselve s insufficien t t o eliminat e segregation , comba t inade quate housing , an d enhanc e employmen t opportunitie s i n th e city . A s th e sociologist Herber t H . Haine s ha s suggested , Blac k Powe r "generate d a crisi s i n American institution s whic h mad e th e legislativ e agend a o f 'polite , realistic , and businesslike ' mainstrea m organization s mor e attractiv e t o societa l decisio n makers." Rathe r tha n "hinderin g th e caus e o f civi l rights, " thes e "striden t voices" instea d "enhance d th e moderates ' bargainin g power, " a proposition tha t Lawrence's exampl e substantiates. 22

Despite havin g bee n a have n fo r runawa y slave s i n th e nineteent h century , Lawrence i n th e twentiet h centur y was a segregated town . Grassroot s civi l right s organizations struggle d fo r racia l justic e ther e a t leas t a s far bac k a s World Wa r II. I n th e 1940s , th e liberal , predominantl y whit e Lawrenc e Leagu e fo r th e Practice o f Democrac y (LLPD ) an d th e Lawrence-Dougla s Count y chapte r o f the Nationa l Associatio n fo r th e Advancemen t o f Colore d Peopl e (LDC NAACP) fough t t o pas s loca l antidiscriminatio n laws . Betwee n 195 1 an d 1960 , University o f Kansa s chancello r Frankli n D . Murphy , b y threatenin g t o sho w first-run movie s and ope n barbe r shop s and cafe s o n campu s tha t would compet e with Lawrence' s segregate d businesses , convince d man y businesspeopl e t o ope n their door s t o blacks. 23 Murphy' s ques t wa s aide d b y th e towerin g presenc e o f Wilt Chamberlain , th e seven-foo t K U basketbal l star , wh o claime d h e "single handedly integrate d . . . every damn plac e within 4 0 mile s o f Lawrence." 24 But eve n thi s apparen t progres s was illusory . I n 1960—afte r Murph y an d Chamberlain ha d lef t Lawrence—whit e Lawrenc e busines s owner s an d cit y officials ignore d antidiscriminatio n laws , an d Africa n American s agai n wer e denied servic e in restaurants , skatin g rinks , bowlin g alleys , and swimmin g pools . Although black s ha d vote d freel y i n Lawrenc e sinc e th e en d o f th e Civi l War , they coul d bu y o r ren t onl y substandar d housin g i n clustere d neighborhood s scattered aroun d th e town . The y typicall y earne d a thir d les s tha n di d whites — mainly fro m job s confine d t o domesti c service—bu t stil l suffered highe r rate s o f unemployment an d underemployment , an d limite d educationa l an d employ ment opportunities. 25 Lik e othe r Africa n American s i n th e North , thos e i n Lawrence had al l the trappings o f equality but were not afforde d th e opportunit y and respec t o f first-class citizenship . The 195 4 Brown v. Board of Education decisio n an d th e Greensbor o sit-in s i n 1960 inspire d Lawrenc e freedo m fighters, bot h blac k an d white , t o continu e t o press fo r equalit y i n thei r town . Continuin g a fifteen-year struggl e t o integrat e Lawrence's swimmin g pools , i n 196 0 th e LLP D unsuccessfull y challenge d th e racially exclusiv e policie s o f th e Jayhaw k Plunge , a privatel y owne d swi m club . 252

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The K U student-base d Civi l Right s Counci l i n 196 1 tried—again , unsuccess fully—to compe l loca l businesse s t o compl y with th e Kansa s Publi c Accommo dations Law . Throughou t th e decade , th e LDC-NAACP , alon g wit h loca l churches an d th e LLPD , lobbie d fo r fai r housin g legislatio n an d t o improv e employment opportunitie s fo r black s in Lawrence, with onl y moderate success. 26 Hindering thes e effort s wa s a prevailin g attitud e o f apath y an d hostility . E d Abels, th e conservativ e edito r o f the weekly Lawrence Outlook, disapprove d o f all civil right s protests . H e claime d tha t racia l tensio n woul d persis t "a s long a s th e principal appeal " o f civi l right s activist s continue d "t o b e th e emotio n o f th e Negroes a s the y ar e induce d t o for m mob s i n whic h ther e i s singing , praying , cheering an d resistanc e t o la w an d order. " Accordin g t o Abels , communis t agitators wer e exploitin g "th e economi c situation, " whic h wa s "th e idea l situa tion fo r th e troubl e maker s t o fa n th e flames o f hatre d an d t o pla y o n th e emotions o f th e Negro , an d man y whites." 27 Justi n Hil l agreed , incredulou s that black s wer e "demandin g housin g i n suburb s develope d b y whites , job s i n companies develope d b y whites, th e righ t t o ea t i n restaurant s an d g o t o store s owned an d develope d b y whites . . . . white peopl e mus t ear n th e righ t t o thes e things, i t i s no t give n t o them . Th e colored s shoul d ear n th e righ t t o thes e things." 28 Because o f whit e antipathy , eve n successfu l civi l right s demonstrations — typically measure d b y favorabl e cour t decision s o r legislation—wer e limite d i n what the y could accomplish . Fo r example, after a student-led sit-i n i n Chancello r Clarke Wescoe's offic e i n March 1965 , the University o f Kansas removed raciall y discriminatory advertisin g fro m campu s publications , remove d racis t landlord s from university-approve d housing , agree d no t t o wor k wit h schoo l district s tha t would no t hir e blac k teachers , force d al l campu s organization s t o affir m tha t race was no t a consideratio n fo r membership , establishe d a huma n relation s committee t o redres s raciall y motivate d grievances , an d restate d th e university' s commitment t o equa l opportunit y fo r all. 29 Unfortunately, thes e gains were onl y a hollo w victory . Becaus e o f legislatio n an d cour t victories , fo r decade s civi l rights ha d bee n perceived—b y white s an d black s alike—a s improving . Racis m in Lawrenc e persisted , however , an d althoug h th e sit-i n i n Wescoe's offic e coul d be calle d a legislativ e an d administrativ e success , i t stil l di d not , o r coul d not , break dow n racis t attitudes . On e yea r afte r th e sit-in , a protestor , Norm a Norman, was calle d "nigger " b y a grou p o f whit e fraternit y me n dresse d i n blackface an d wearin g bone s i n thei r wigge d hair . Indeed , Norma n believe d a "backlash" agains t black s resulte d fro m th e protest. 30 Believin g tha t black s ha d been give n equalit y rathe r tha n earnin g it , white s i n Lawrenc e hardene d thei r opposition t o what the y perceive d a s a disruption o f society and a threat t o thei r own securit y an d status . 253

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It wa s thi s kin d o f "success " tha t contribute d t o th e disillusionmen t o f man y blacks, whic h pushe d the m t o othe r mean s o f protest . Norma n state d tha t "b y the tim e i t ha d filtere d down " t o th e nex t generatio n o f African Americans , "al l this othe r stuff ha d bee n tried . The y sa w our generatio n strugglin g with it , [and ] made n o gains. " Militanc y was "th e nex t logica l alternative." 31 Blac k Powe r advocate Charle s V . Hamilto n wrot e i n 196 8 tha t "ther e come s a point beyon d which peopl e canno t b e expecte d t o endur e prejudice , oppression , an d depriva tion, an d the y ^///explode." 3 2 B y 196 7 i t appeare d tha t man y youn g Africa n Americans i n Lawrenc e ha d reache d tha t poin t an d wer e read y t o conside r othe r ways o f achieving equality . Frustrations amon g an d tensio n betwee n black s an d white s wer e apparen t across th e Unite d State s i n 1967 , whe n almos t tw o doze n America n citie s experienced racia l violence . Enrage d ove r th e continue d lac k o f summe r recre ational an d employmen t opportunitie s an d th e apatheti c attitud e o f Lawrence' s city official s an d white s i n rectifyin g th e situation , earl y i n August 1967 , a large group o f teenag e black s gathere d downtow n and , accordin g t o th e Lawrenc e teacher an d civi l right s leade r Jess e Milan , threatene d t o bur n th e town. 33 Lawrence escape d violenc e tha t summer , bu t th e Lawrenc e Huma n Relation s Commission an d othe r white s perceive d a threat , whethe r o r no t i t wa s a s serious a s Mila n remembers . Lawrenc e Polic e Chie f Bil l Troelstru p scoffe d a t suggestions tha t th e cit y ha d bee n o n th e threshol d o f a rac e riot , claimin g tha t his departmen t di d no t "ac t o n rumors." 3 Thi s commen t diminishe s Milan' s claim tha t a riot was imminent , bu t i t reinforce s th e notio n tha t man y peopl e i n Lawrence feare d suc h a n event . Milan , th e first blac k teache r hire d i n th e integrated, post-Brown Lawrenc e schools , kne w mos t o f th e youn g blacks , having taugh t the m i n school , and sincerel y believe d tha t th e youths "wer e read y to riot." 35 Moreover , Milan' s concern s were shared b y many whites i n Lawrence , their fear s intensifie d b y account s o f urba n riotin g i n Newark , Detroit , an d Wichita, Kansas . That summer , th e Lawrence Daily Journal-World ran disturbin g headlines: "Negr o Outburs t Follow s Orde r Settin g Curfew, " "Wichit a Feel s More Violenc e durin g Curfew, " an d "Gang s o f Negroe s Shak e U.S . Capital. " This gatherin g o f youn g black s s o concerne d a par t o f th e communit y tha t a special meetin g was arranged betwee n th e Lawrenc e Huma n Relation s Commis sion an d youn g African American s o n August 8 , 1967 . An importan t aspec t o f thi s LHR C meetin g wa s th e foru m i t provide d fo r African-American youth s t o expres s thei r views . John Spearman , Jr. , a senior a t Lawrence Hig h School , wa s no t presen t amon g th e throng s o f blac k student s gathered o n Massachusett s Street . Lik e mos t o f his peers, however, h e was angr y at th e lac k o f progres s i n rac e relation s i n Lawrence . Moreover , Spearma n was now willin g t o expres s tha t anger , whic h h e di d a t th e LHR C meeting . H e ha d 254

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reached a point i n hi s life wher e h e was weighing alternative s t o th e mainstrea m civil right s movement , whic h h e believe d "ha d faile d t o ge t i t done." 3 6 Within a year, Spearma n was a committe d an d radica l proponen t o f Blac k Power , usin g his rage t o tr y t o unit e th e blac k communit y an d gai n politica l powe r fo r blacks . The meetin g als o produce d som e immediat e results . Civi l right s activist s ha d been tryin g sinc e th e 1940 s t o integrat e Lawrence' s swimmin g club s an d t o build a municipa l poo l ope n t o al l residents . Th e Lawrenc e Cit y Commissio n agreed t o leas e temporaril y a n unuse d swimmin g poo l ope n t o al l Lawrenc e citizens, regardles s o f race . Late r tha t fall , Lawrenc e voter s agree d t o finance th e construction o f a n integrate d municipa l swimmin g pool , whic h was complete d in 1970. 37 Black ange r becam e a crucia l facto r i n th e decisio n t o leas e th e temporar y pool an d th e passag e o f th e poo l bon d issue . Th e threa t o f violence—actual o r perceived—by angr y young African American s helpe d brin g abou t change . Th e LHRC's willingnes s t o hol d a specia l meetin g t o hea r th e blac k youths ' griev ances attests t o this . Even i f all that actuall y happened was that a group o f young African American s congregate d i n th e downtow n area , th e nee d fo r a publi c meeting t o discus s tha t noneven t i s a powerful testamen t t o th e dept h o f whit e fears, exacerbate d b y th e growin g unres t an d militanc y amon g urba n Africa n Americans elsewhere . Th e threa t o f violence compelle d loca l official s t o provid e temporary swimmin g facilitie s accessibl e t o th e entir e community , an d th e residual effect s o f tha t threa t contribute d t o th e passag e o f bond s t o finance a permanent municipa l swimmin g poo l i n November . Additionally , th e LHR C began holdin g weekl y rathe r tha n monthl y meetings . Withou t th e threa t o f violence, i t i s doubtfu l tha t thi s sudde n activit y woul d hav e occurre d whe n i t did. Blac k youth s i n Lawrenc e ha d tappe d int o th e dynami c forc e o f Blac k Power, whic h wa s reshapin g civi l right s activism . This wa s apparen t th e followin g yea r a t Lawrenc e Hig h Schoo l (LHS) . I n May 1968 , about fifty blac k student s an d thei r parent s me t wit h Lawrenc e Hig h principal Willia m Medle y an d si x counselor s an d teachers . Th e student s raise d several issues : discrimination b y the facult y an d staff , th e raciall y biased selectio n process fo r athleti c team s an d cheerleaders , th e lac k o f communicatio n betwee n black student s an d officials , an d th e possibilit y o f addin g blac k histor y an d cultural studie s course s t o th e curriculum . Additionally , blac k student s objecte d to th e insensitivit y o f whit e student s an d teachers . On e blac k studen t reporte d that a teache r ha d curse d her , afte r sh e was unabl e t o finish a n assignmen t properly b y saying , "Yo u nigger s can' t d o anythin g right. " Medle y excuse d th e teacher's behavio r a s " a sli p o f th e tongu e tha t doesn' t necessaril y indicat e prejudice." Joh n Spearma n tol d schoo l official s tha t onl y anothe r blac k woul d understand th e feeling o f being oppressed. 38 Medle y rejected th e students' claim s 255

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of oppression , remarkin g tha t "al l peopl e wer e oppressed" ; h e personall y ha d experienced i t becaus e h e wa s "redheaded." 39 Nothin g cam e o f thi s meetin g except a promis e fro m Medle y t o wor k wit h blac k student s i n improvin g rac e relations a t th e school . Medley believed condition s a t LHS were improving; man y African Americans , however, disagreed . O n Septembe r 25 , 1968 , thirty-seve n blac k student s de manded o f schoo l official s assure d blac k representatio n o n th e cheerleadin g squad, a black homecoming queen , additiona l blac k teacher s an d administrators , black histor y an d cultur e courses , an d a blac k studen t union—th e sam e item s discussed a t th e Ma y meeting . The y the n walke d ou t o f schoo l i n protest . Medley suspende d them , sayin g tha t the y woul d no t b e reinstate d unti l eac h student an d hi s o r he r parent s ha d me t wit h him . The student s wer e inspire d b y th e Blac k Powe r movement . Th e nationa l movement ha d a n intangibl e qualit y tha t appeale d t o man y young blacks , an d i t exuded a certai n excitement . Whil e thi s di d no t stimulat e al l blac k student s t o action—the protestin g student s constitute d onl y about one-thir d o f all blacks a t LHS—the cultura l aspect s o f th e movement , eviden t i n thei r demands , wer e persuasive t o thos e wh o di d wal k out . Th e influenc e o f th e Blac k Powe r movement wa s apparen t i n th e militanc y o f th e students ' protest . The y refuse d the hel p o f whit e K U students , statin g tha t white s "shoul d worr y abou t thei r own problem s a s whit e member s o f th e community." 40 Th e student s insiste d that the y woul d "no t retur n to " schoo l unti l official s agree d t o thei r terms , an d that the y were "no t jus t askin g fo r thes e things " bu t wer e "demandin g them. " I f their condition s wer e no t met , the y woul d resor t t o "othe r means." 41 Thi s implied threa t concerne d man y whites, fifteen o f whom wrot e t o superintenden t Carl Knox , urgin g hi m t o giv e the m a chanc e t o b e heard , fearin g tha t "killin g their spiri t . . . ma y incit e violence." 42 Thi s effor t a t reconciliatio n clearl y wa s not th e dominan t view . Moreover , i t i s no t clea r whethe r thes e writer s wer e motivated b y altruism o r merel y wished t o avoi d violence . The respons e o f schoo l administrator s mor e accuratel y reflecte d th e moo d o f the white community . Selectin g cheerleaders "accordin g t o rac e i s not consisten t with th e principle s o f ou r America n wa y o f life, " Medle y said . "W e don' t discriminate neithe r d o w e g o ou t o f ou r wa y t o han d pic k fo r specia l consider ation becaus e o f race , colo r o r creed." 43 Othe r comment s wer e les s tactful . A typical complain t read , "th e demand s o f Negr o student s a t Lawrenc e Hig h School, a s well a s the demand s o f national Negr o leaders , have reache d a state o f unbelievable irrationalit y . . . the y ar e demandin g tha t ther e b e racia l quota s established. The y wan t Negroe s assigne d t o thes e position s fo r reason s o f thei r 44 race." Kno x receive d petition s signe d b y ove r si x hundre d "tire d ta x payers " approving o f th e suspension s an d condemnin g th e walkout . Accordin g t o LH S 256

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student presiden t Mik e Roark , "mos t whit e student s disapproved " o f the protest . If their demand s wer e granted , Roar k said , th e blac k student s woul d wan t mor e and woul d neve r b e "satisfied]." 45 E d Abel s claime d th e protestor s wer e merel y imitating "radica l an d ignoran t colleg e students, " an d tha t th e walkou t "place d renewed emphasi s o n th e nee d fo r mor e industria l an d practica l course s i n th e high school s fo r thos e wh o d o no t wan t t o g o t o college, " whic h presumabl y referred t o African Americans. 46 Even a s i t enrage d whites , th e walkou t helpe d unif y th e blac k community . Fifty blac k students , thei r parents , an d othe r Africa n American s forme d a "symbolic blac k school, " whic h include d blac k "voluntee r teachers , som e par ents, an d som e [accredited ] teachers." 47 Th e K U Blac k Studen t Unio n (BSU ) sent advisors. 48 Thi s unit y was mos t eviden t a t th e Octobe r 7 , 1968 , schoo l board meeting , devote d entirel y t o a discussio n o f th e walkout . Th e students ' parents sai d the y wer e "proud " tha t thei r childre n ha d "th e awareness , th e pride an d th e determinatio n t o mak e th e effor t throug h traditiona l democrati c processes t o fight agains t racis m an d discrimination. " Th e students , "afte r havin g exhausted al l orderl y an d conventiona l mean s o f protest, " ha d n o othe r choic e but t o walk out. 49 The walkou t abruptl y ende d o n Septembe r 29 , whe n th e blac k students , without explanation , returne d t o classe s according t o th e administration' s condi tions. Administrator s mad e n o guarante e o f blac k representatio n o n th e cheer leading squad , althoug h the y di d agre e t o amen d th e selectio n proces s s o tha t ability, an d no t solel y popularity , woul d b e a factor . Official s als o agree d t o increase effort s t o hir e mor e blac k teachers , coaches , an d administrator s an d t o consider creatin g a blac k histor y course. 50 Whil e mos t white s believe d tha t th e "concessions" give n t o th e blac k student s wer e mor e tha n adequate , the y clearl y fell shor t o f their demands . The protes t ha d mad e clea r th e chang e i n attitud e amon g man y youn g African American s i n Lawrence , first apparen t i n Augus t 1967 , an d eve n mor e so i n Septembe r 1968 . Th e blac k student s ha d take n direc t actio n i n pursui t o f their demand s throug h a militant attitude . The student s demande d change , were less polit e an d respectfu l towar d authority , an d wer e contemptuou s o f th e labe l "Negro." Thei r demand s reflecte d a n identificatio n wit h Blac k Power , a displa y of prid e i n bein g black , an d a n effor t t o wor k togethe r t o tak e contro l o f thei r own lives . The protes t als o illustrate d th e antipath y o f whites t o blac k militancy . Although th e 196 8 protes t produce d n o immediat e results , i t establishe d a foundation fo r futur e actio n an d empowere d bot h student s an d parent s i n th e black communit y b y infusin g the m wit h a sense of self-identity an d racia l pride . This was th e rea l strengt h o f Blac k Power . A s a n ideology , i t wa s a s muc h a cultural an d psychologica l movemen t a s i t was political , an d i n thi s sens e th e 257

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walkout wa s successful . Th e student s ha d force d schoo l official s an d white s i n Lawrence t o tak e notic e o f thei r demands , an d thei r action s ha d unifie d a larg e portion o f the blac k community . This essa y paints a pessimistic pictur e o f rac e relation s an d progres s i n Lawrenc e during th e 1960s . While progres s towar d racia l equalit y coul d b e claime d i n th e post-World Wa r I I era , tha t progres s wa s no t tha t o f Marti n Luthe r King' s dream o f complet e racia l integratio n an d th e acceptanc e o f Africa n American s by white s a s socia l equals . Betwee n 196 0 an d 1967 , ther e wa s a clear transitio n in Lawrenc e fro m th e traditional , liberal , integrationalist/assimilationis t ap proach t o civi l right s t o a n increasingl y separatist , confrontational , an d some times violent movemen t le d primarily b y young African Americans . Man y black s in Lawrence , althoug h no t all , move d awa y fro m a desir e fo r integratio n int o white societ y an d embrace d th e Blac k Powe r movement . Traditiona l civi l right s activity i n Lawrenc e continued , bu t th e emergenc e o f activist s committe d t o Black Power , an d th e accompanyin g fearfu l reaction s fro m th e whit e commu nity, escalate d long-standin g racia l tension s an d contribute d t o th e bloodshed . This i s no t t o sa y tha t Blac k Power , o r blacks , bor e all , o r eve n principal , responsibility fo r th e violence . Ther e wa s a tensio n an d ambivalenc e t o Blac k Power; i t mean t differen t thing s t o differen t group s an d individuals . Mos t whit e Lawrencians were utterl y hostile t o Blac k Power. Becaus e th e prevailing attitude s and institutiona l structur e o f white, middle-clas s societ y were indifferen t eve n t o modest blac k demands , thi s shoul d no t b e surprising . Th e apath y an d antipath y of whit e societ y wer e perhap s th e mos t onerou s barrie r confrontin g Africa n Americans i n thei r ques t fo r equality . Th e combinatio n o f indifferenc e an d hostility wa s a powerful forc e t o overcome . Moreover , Blac k Power' s sometime s inflammatory rhetori c would hav e been impoten t i f the hea t o f racial oppressio n were absent ; th e crucibl e o f white racis m i n Lawrenc e mad e militan t word s ver y relevant t o young blacks . Moreover, a s Lawrence' s Africa n American s embrace d Blac k Power , the y redefined th e "Negr o Problem " o n thei r ow n terms . Th e results , lik e America n race relation s i n general , wer e paradoxical . Whil e i t was empowerin g fo r blacks , it als o contribute d t o a polarizatio n o f th e entir e communit y alon g racia l lines . Most white s coul d no t understan d th e rhetori c an d action s o f Blac k Power , no r could the y understan d wh y som e Africa n American s wer e dissatisfie d wit h th e civil right s "progress " tha t ha d bee n made . Mor e important , however , mos t whites refuse d t o acknowledg e tha t an y problem ha d eve r existed , o r i f they did , they charge d black s fo r creatin g thei r ow n problems . A whit e servic e statio n attendant i n Lawrence unwittingl y expresse d th e essence of the "Negr o Problem " in 197 0 whe n h e proclaimed , "Wha t I don' t understan d i s they cal l me a racist . 258

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Hell I don' t eve n kno w wha t a racis t is . I d o a lo t o f busines s wit h niggers." 51 William Va n Deber g suggest s tha t th e Blac k Powe r movemen t was necessar y because "ther e were too man y barrier s o f too man y kind s an d the y were topplin g too slowly . Blac k peopl e . . . wante d t o kno w th e tim e an d th e plac e o f thei r own triump h ove r bot h institutiona l racis m an d th e burde n o f everyda y in sults." 52 Wa s ther e a nee d fo r a Blac k Powe r movemen t i n Lawrence ? Th e answer i s a resounding yes. African American s i n Lawrenc e als o wanted t o kno w the tim e an d th e plac e o f thei r triumph , an d usin g Blac k Powe r a s thei r guide , they struggle d fo r tha t goa l o n thei r ow n terms . Blac k Power , eve n befor e i t was articulated nationally , wa s i n Lawrenc e a semina l elemen t i n th e blac k freedo m struggle, an d contribute d t o significan t politica l an d civi l right s victories . Thos e gains, however , wer e no t withou t costs . I n Lawrence , Kansas , Blac k Powe r an d white fea r prove d a deadly combination . Although Blac k Powe r was psychologicall y empowerin g fo r Africa n Ameri cans, fo r mos t white s i t generate d fea r an d distrust . Thi s ambivalenc e suggest s that th e stud y o f rac e relations , rathe r tha n a narro w focu s o n Blac k Studies , might b e a more usefu l approac h i n examinin g th e past , especiall y the civi l right s movement. Blac k Powe r was no t onl y wha t black s claime d i t t o be , bu t als o what white s believe d i t t o be , a constructio n o f th e socia l boundarie s an d limit s prescribed b y bot h black s an d whites . Considerin g rac e relation s i n thi s wa y allows u s t o bette r understan d th e issu e o f rac e i n America , th e natur e o f th e struggle fo r socia l equality , an d wha t i t mean s an d ha s mean t t o b e black , an d white, i n America . Additionally , black s an d white s i n Americ a confron t eac h other i n a societ y the y hav e constructe d togethe r an d i n whic h the y shar e a commo n history , a s wel l a s simila r religions , values , ideals , an d cultures . Understanding th e reaction s t o th e civi l right s movemen t fro m al l side s allow s for blac k an d whit e American s t o bette r understan d th e limit s o f bot h peacefu l and militan t protest , an d th e consequence s o f apath y t o th e legitimat e claim s o f citizenship o f minority populations. 53

NOTES

1. Cite d i n Bil l Moyers , Listening to America: A Traveller Rediscovers His Country (New York: Harper's Magazin e Press , 1971) , 96. 2. Kansa s Attorne y Genera l Ken t Frizzell , "Lawrenc e Investigativ e Report, " Au gust 21 , 197 0 (hereafter , "A G Report , 1970") , i n Rober t B . Dockin g Paper s (hereafter, RB D Papers) , box 41, folder 10 , Kansas Collection (hereafter , KC) , Spencer Researc h Library , Universit y o f Kansas . Man y black s claime d tha t a revolver wa s plante d o n Dowdell' s body , althoug h paraffi n test s conducte d b y the Kansas Bureau of Investigation confirme d tha t Dowdel l ha d recentl y fired a weapon. 259

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3. "Respectfu l Silenc e for Slai n Youth," Kansas City Star, July 24, 1970 . 4. Hele n Kimball , intervie w transcript , Dougla s Count y Historica l Societ y (here after, DCHS) , Lawrence , Kansas. 5. Harambee, July 19 , 1970 . Bot h th e Kansa s Collectio n an d th e Universit y o f Kansas Archives have copies of Harambee. 6. Type d statement , attache d t o Governor' s Offic e Mem o t o Rober t B . Docking, July 22, 1970 , RBD Papers , box 41, folder 10 , KC. 7. Vortex, n.d., n.p . (probabl y Jul y 1970) , KC ; "Courthous e Scen e o f Trouble, " Lawrence Daily Journal-World, July 22, 1970 . 8. "A G Report, 1970. " 9. "A G Report, 1970. " 10. "Massiv e Ideological Chas m Apparent i n Lawrence," Topeka Daily Capital, July 22, 1970 ; "Petition Back s Officer Garrett, " Lawrence Daily Journal-World, July 22, 1970 . 11. "Schult z Statement Repudiated, " University Daily Kansan, September 23 , 1970. 12. "Kansa s Highway Patrol Report," September 18 , 1970 (hereafter , "KH P Repor t 1970"), RBD Papers , box 41, folder 10 , KC. 13. "Fea r Form s i n Kansa s Community, " San Francisco Chronicle, December 26 , 1970. 14. W . E . B . D u Bois , The Souls of Black Folk, with a n introductio n b y Henr y Louis Gates (1903 ; New York: Bantam Books , 1989) , 10 . 15. "Cit y Moves to Desegregation," University Daily Kansan, January 20, 1961. 16. Harvar d Sitkoff , The Black Struggle for Equality, 1954-1980 (Ne w York : Hil l and Wang, 1981) , 167 . 17. Stokel y Carmichae l an d Charle s V . Hamilton , Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America (New York: Vintage Books, 1974) , 44. 18. Clayborn e Carson , Ln Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s (Cambridge: Harvard Universit y Press, 1981) , 244. 19. Denni s Embr y an d John Miller , "Racia l an d Studen t Disturbances : Documen tary, Lawrence, Kansas, 1970 " (audi o tapes) , tape 5 , side A, KC. 20. Willia m L . Van Deberg , New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press , 1992) , 26. 21. Steve n F . Lawson , Running for Freedom: Civil Rights and Black Politics Since 1941 (Philadelphia : Temple Universit y Press, 1991) , 121. 22. Herber t H . Haines , Black Radicals and the Civil Rights Mainstream, 1954-1970 (Knoxville: Universit y o f Tennessee Press , 1988) , quote d i n Va n Deberg , New Day in Babylon, 306. 23. Fo r mor e o n civi l right s durin g thi s period , se e Kristine M . McCusker , " 'The Forgotten Years ' o f America' s Civi l Right s Movement : Th e Universit y o f Kansas, 1939-1961 " (Master's thesis , University of Kansas, 1993) , chap. 5 and epilogue. 24. Wil t Chamberlai n an d Davi d Shaw , Wilt: Just Like Any Other Seven-Foot Black Millionaire Who Lives Next Door (New York: Macmillan, 1973) , 51. 260

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25. Fo r mor e o n th e socioeconomi c statu s o f black s i n Lawrence , se e Rust y L . Monhollon, " 'Away from th e Dream': The Root s of Black Power in Lawrence, Kansas, 1960-1970 " (Master' s thesis , University of Kansas, 1994) , 22-41 . 26. O n th e Jayhaw k Plung e picket , se e Monhollon , " 'Away fro m th e Dream, ' " 42-65; fo r th e CRC' s activities , see 66-92; o n fai r housin g legislation, se e 9 4 105. 27. "Comment s o n Loca l Affairs," Lawrence Outlook, June 20, 1963 . 28. Justi n D . Hil l t o W . Clark e Wescoe , Marc h 10 , 1965 . Chancellor' s Office , Executive Secretary , Cas e Files , 1959-65 , "Easto n Dismissal , Bookstor e Peti tion, Civi l Right s Demonstrations, " serie s 2/01/1/ , bo x 9 , "Hate " folder , Uni versity Archives, University of Kansas (hereafter , UA) . 29. Fo r details of the sit-in, see Monhollon, " 'Away from th e Dream,' "111-45 . 30. Norm a Norman , intervie w with author , Topeka , Kansas , May 25, 1994 . 31. Norman , interview . 32. Charle s V . Hamilton , "A n Advocat e o f Blac k Powe r Define s It, " i n Black Protest in the Sixties: Articles from the New York Times, ed. August Meier , Ellio t Rudwick, an d John Bracey , Jr. (Ne w York: Markus Wiener, 1991) , 155 . 33. Jess e Milan, intervie w with author , Kansa s City, Kansas , May 27, 1994 . 34. "Polic e Policies Topic o f Meet o f Rights Body, " Lawrence Daily journal-World, August 24 , 1967 . 35. Milan , interview . 36. Joh n Spearman , Jr., telephon e intervie w with author , Octobe r 9 , 1994 . 37. Se e Monhollon, " 'Away from th e Dream,' " 146-62 . 38. "Negroe s at LHS Air Concerns," Lawrence Daily Journal-World, May 22, 1968 . 39. Spearman , interview . 40. "K U Grou p Meet s t o Discus s LHS, " University Daily Kansan, September 27 , 1968. 41. "Blac k Student s Wal k Ou t t o Protes t LH S Policies, " Lawrence Daily journalWorld, Septembe r 25 , 1968 . 42. "Whit e Grou p Voice s Ple a t o Schoolmen, " Lawrence Daily Journal-World, September 26 , 1968 . 43. "Negroe s Wil l Mee t wit h LH S Officials, " University Daily Kansan, Septembe r 27, 1968 ; "Black Students Walk Ou t t o Protes t LH S Policies. " 44. Lette r to editor, Lawrence Daily Journal-World, September 28 , 1968 . 45. "Whit e Studen t Reaction : LH S Blac k Walkout Hur t Cause, " University Daily Kansan, October 2 , 1968 . 46. "O n th e Street, " Lawrence Outlook, September 26 , 1968 ; "Ed Abels' Column, " Lawrence Outlook, September 30 , 1968 . 47. "Negroe s Se t Up School : Blacks Leave LHS," University Daily Kansan, September 26, 1968 . 48. Spearman , interview . 49. Statemen t rea d b y June Walker , Unifie d Schoo l Distric t 49 7 boar d meeting , October 7 , 1968 , in "Blac k Walkout 1968 " folder, DCHS . 261

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50. Lawrenc e Huma n Relation s Council , "Stud y o f th e Lawrenc e Hig h Schoo l Confrontation i n April , 1970, " Decembe r 1970 , Lawrenc e Publi c Library , Lawrence, Kansas; Ephemeral material , "Blac k Walkout 1968 " folder, DCHS . 51. Quote d i n Moyers, Listening to America, 92. 52. Va n Deberg, New Day in Babylon, 31 . 53. Socia l constructionis m emphasize s th e "way s i n whic h ethni c o r racia l bound aries, identities , an d culture s ar e negotiated , defined , an d produce d throug h social interaction " amon g group s an d individual s insid e an d outsid e ethni c communities. Se e Joane Nagel, "Constructin g Ethnicity : Creatin g and Recreat ing Ethni c Identit y an d Culture, " Social Problems 41, no. 1 (Februar y 1994) : 152-76; th e quot e i s fro m Nagel , "Constructin g Ethnicity, " 152 . Fo r recen t assessments o f socia l constructionism , se e James A . Holstei n an d Gal e Miller, Reconsidering Social Constructionism: Debates in Social Problems Theory (New York: Aldine d e Gruyter , 1993) ; o r Gal e Mille r an d Jame s A . Holstein , Constructionist Controversies: Issues in Social Problems Theory (New York: Aldine d e Gruyter, 1993) .

262

INDEX

Abu-Jamal, Mumia , 21 2 African Americans : an d America n identity , 121; an d Asia n Americans , 209 , 215 , 2 1 6 - 1 7 , 2 1 8 - 2 1 , 223 ; celebrit y of , xiii xv; an d Christianity , 126-30 , 162 , 1 6 3 64, 169 ; an d la w enforcement , 1 7 9 - 8 5 ; and Latinos , 209 , 2 1 8 - 2 1 , 223 ; an d mas s media, 188-90 ; nationalis m of , 116 , 119 , 125-32; politic s of , 116 , 119 , 194 ; patho logical representation s of , 210 , 21 7

AIDS, 18 7 Allen, Willia m Francis , Slave Songs of the United States, 2 0 - 2 2 , 2 8 ambivalence: abou t racia l difference , xiii — xvi; i n relatio n t o slaver y an d trauma , 99 ; about whiteness , 4 0 An Art Commentary on Lynching, 153-7 4 Anderson, Benedict , 12 9 Ashe, Arthur , xii i

African-American Studies : an d antiessen tialism, 8-12 ; histor y of , ix-xii , 5 , 6 ; stat e of, 1-1 6 Afrocentrism, 188 ; a s "Africology"o r "Africo logical thought, " 4 - 8

Bacon, Peggy , 156 , 17 2 Baldwin, James , 21 0 Bangs, Lester , 5 3 Barry, Marion , xii i Barthe, Richmond , 168-6 9

INDEX

Bay, Mia , 4 6 Bean, Rober t Bennett , 228 , 2 3 7 - 4 0 , 24 1 behavior modification , i n relatio n t o race , 13-15 Bell, Catherine , 12 4 Bellamy, Edward , Looking Backward, 1 Bellows, George , 162 , 1 6 6 - 6 8 , 17 0 Benton, Thoma s Hart , 157 , 159-60 , 162 , 170 Bercovitch, Sacvan , 116-2 5 Bhabha, Homi , 24 , 3 7 Birth of a Nation, 4 6 black colleges , 7 , 13 , 1 4 black conservatives , 1 2 - 1 5 , 1 3 6 - 3 7 . See also Schuyler, Georg e S . black English , 19 , 2 3 , 3 0 black language , 19 , 22 ; Africanism s in , 20 , 2 1 , 27 ; inheren t ambiguit y of , 22 , 24 ; pre sumed inferiorit y of , 2 3 . See also counter language black masculinity : artisti c representation s of , 153-54, 156 , 159 , 168 ; an d "manhood, " 168; sexualit y and , 157 , 1 6 4 - 6 8 , 170-74 ; in wor k o f Jim i Hendrix , 5 1 , 57 , 58 . See also masculinit y black migration , post-Worl d Wa r II , 2 0 1 3 blackness: definitio n of , x-xii ; interrelat edness t o whitenes s throug h language , 19 , 25, 30 , 3 1 ; i n relatio n t o constructio n o f whiteness, xiv , 3 7 - 3 8 , 4 0 - 4 1 , 42 ; i n rela tion t o Jim i Hendrix , 5 9 - 6 0 black newspapers : Freedom's Journal, 1 2 8 30; Messenger, 138 ; Pittsburgh Courier, 138, 144 , 145-4 6 Black Panthe r Party , 19 8 Black Powe r movement , x , 2 5 1 , 2 5 4 - 5 9 . See also Lawrence , Kansa s black speech : 2 1 - 2 2 , 2 4 - 2 5 ; a s "inarticu late," 25 ; a s sourc e o f whit e souther n speech, 22 , 24 ; a s subordinate , 2 2 Blanchot, Maurice , 10 4 blues, i n relatio n t o trauma , 96 , 102 , 10 5 bodies, blac k female , xi , 7 1 , 8 3 - 8 4 , 8 8 Brand, Stewart , 7 9 Brawley, Benjamin , The Negro Genius, 5 , 6 , 10 Brown, James , 5 1 , 5 2 Brown, Samue l J. , Jr. , 159 , 1 6 1 - 6 2 , 163 , 168 Brown v. Board of Education (1954) , 25 2

Buck, Pearl , 156-5 7 Butler, Judith , 8 4 Cable, Georg e Washington , 2 9 Cadmus, Paul , 1 6 4 - 6 6 , 16 8 Cahan, Abraham , 2 5 n . 3 4 Campbell, E . Simms , 16 3 Carby, Hazel , 9 , 9 3 , 10 3 Carmichael, Stokely , 25 1 Carson, Clayborne , 25 1 Caruth, Cathy , 9 4 - 9 5 , 99 , 1 0 4 - 5 Carver, Georg e Washington , 14 4 Chamberlain, Wilt , 25 2 Chandler, Chas , 5 6 Civil Right s Ac t (1964) , 25 1 civil right s movement , 195 . See also welfar e rights movemen t Cixous, Helene , 17 9 Clarke, Joh n Henrik , 13 9 Clinton, Bill , 19 6 Cloward, Richard , 20 0 C O I N T E L P R O , 18 4 College Ar t Association , 15 4 color line , xv-xvi , 20 , 2 3 ; i n relatio n t o lan guage, 20 , 22 , 24 , 2 9 commodification, i n relatio n t o th e commer cial, 69 , 7 1 , 76 , 8 3 conspiracy theories , 184-90 , 21 3 Corregidora, 9 3 - 1 1 2 counterlanguage, 22 . See also blac k languag e Cox, Oliver , 1 0 "crime problem, " xv i Crisis, 13 8 Crogman, W . H. , The Progress of a Race, 5 Crown Heights , Brooklyn , 1 7 7 - 9 0 Cruse, Harold , Crisis of the Negro Intellectual, 5 Cullen, Charles , 16 9 Cullen, Countee , 10 , 16 9 Cultural Studies , xi , 9 , 15 ; blac k Britis h school, 9 Curry, Joh n Steuart , 155 , 162 , 17 0 deCerteau, Michel , 7 5 , 8 6 Delille, Henriette , 69 , 72 , 85 , 8 8 Democratic Party , 194 , 1 9 5 - 2 0 5 . See also Republican Part y dialect, African-American , 2 1 dialect, whit e Southern , 2 1 , 22 ; interrelat edness t o blac k dialect , 2 1 dialect, writin g of , 2 3 , 2 4

264

INDEX

Dillard, J . L. , 2 2 Dixon, Melvin , 94 , 10 1 Dixon, Thomas , 3 5 - 4 9 ; The Clansman, 3 7 38, 42 , AG; The Leopard's Spots, 3 7 - 3 8 ; The Traitor, 3 7 - 4 1 , 4 3 - 4 8 Dubey, Madhu , 94 , 95 , 98 , 99 , 10 1 D u Bois , W . E . B. , 9 , 10 , 139 , 142-44 , 148, 250 ; doubl e consciousness , 20 , 26 , 2 8 - 3 0 , 140 ; The Souls of Black Folk, x v xvi, 19—31 . Se e als o The Souls of Black Folk duCille, Ann , 10 6 n . 3 , 10 7 n . 6 , 10 8 n . 14 , 110 n . 3 3 Duffy, Edmund , 17 2 Dunbar, Pau l Laurence , 18 5 Dyer, Richard , 2 1 0 - 1 1 Ebron, Paulla , 20 9 Eco, Umberto , 7 8 - 7 9 Economic Researc h an d Actio n Project s (ERAP), 19 9 Edmundson, William , 16 3 Elam, Willia m Cecil , 2 3 Elders, Joycelyn , xii i Ellison, Ralph , 178-79 ; a s "Ellisonia n proj ect," 19 , 28 ; Invisible Man, 4 2 Enlightenment, 120 , 121 , 12 2 essentialism, racial , 6 , 7 ; a s antiessentialis t thought, 8-12 ; i n America n music , 56 , 57 Ethnic Studies , 1 5 Exodus, 1 1 5 - 1 6 , 1 1 9 - 2 3 ; African-America n uses of , 125-3 2 Fanon, Frantz , 4 0 Farrakhan, Louis , xii i Felman, Shoshana , 100 , 10 5 Ferguson, Colin , xiii , 1 8 5 - 8 6 Fitch, Robert , 21 5 Fortune, T . Thomas , 2 2 9 - 3 0 Foster, Henry , xii i Foucault, Michel , 21 4 Fox, Richard , 21 3 Frankenberg, Ruth , 21 1 Franklin, Benjamin , 11 7 Franklin, Joh n Hope , x , 5 , 1 6 Franklin, V . P. , Black Self-Determination, 6 Freelon, Allan , 16 2 Freer, William , 22 7 Fresco, Nadine , 10 0 Freud, Sigmund , 9 5

265

Fricke, David , 5 8 Fry, Gladys-Marie , 36 , 4 6 Garvey, Am y Jacques , 1 0 Garvey, Marcus , 142 , 1 4 3 - 4 4 , 14 5 Gates, Henr y Louis , Jr. , 140 , 14 4 Gay an d Lesbia n Studies , xi . See also gende r gender: i n relatio n t o African-America n Studies, xi ; i n relatio n t o whitenes s an d sexuality, 40 , 45 . See also masculinity ; Women's Studies , Blac k Genet, Jean , 18 5 Gilroy, Paul , 9 , 7 5 Gingrich, Newt , 11 , 195 , 212 . See also Re publican Part y Giuliani, Rudolph , 21 5 Goodleman, Aaron , 16 6 Great Society , 195 , 20 4 Guinier, Lani , xii i Gullah, 20 ; a s origina l an d derivativ e dia lect, 2 1 , 2 2 G u n n , Giles , 124-2 5 Gwaltney, Joh n Langston , Drylongso, 6 Haines, Herber t H. , 25 2 Hamilton, Charle s V. , 25 4 Haraway, Donna , 14 6 Harding, Vincent , 11 9 Harlem, 1 7 8 - 7 9 , 18 8 Harlem Renaissance , 17 2 Harper, Michael , 10 5 Harris, Joe l Chandler , 2 3 , 3 7 Harrison, Jame s A. , 2 1 , 3 0 Heavy meta l rock , 5 1 - 5 3 , 5 8 - 5 9 ; bands , 53 , 54; i n relatio n t o rac e an d Jim i Hendrix , 5 1 - 6 1 ; soun d an d look , 53 , 5 8 - 5 9 Henderson, David , 5 6 Hendrix, Jimi , 5 0 - 6 3 ; a s artis t o f Are You Experienced?, Electric Ladyland, Axis: Bold as Love, Smash Hits, Stone Free, Voodoo Soup, "Purpl e Haze, " an d "Sligh t Re prise," 52 , 57 , 5 9 - 6 0 ; a s "th e blac k Elvis," 5 1 ; a s "electri c Satan, " 54 ; formin g "Band o f Gypsys, " 59 ; a s raciall y "audi ble" o r "visible, " 5 1 , 52 , 54 , 56 , 5 8 - 6 1 ; sexuality o f i n performance , 5 1 , 55 , 5 7 58 Higginson, Thoma s Wentworth , 1 6 n . 3 3 Hill, Anita , xiii , 17 2 Hill, Rober t A. , 145 , 14 6 Holder, Geoffrey , 17 2

INDEX

Hughes, Langston , 138 , 142 , 16 9 Hurston, Zor a Neale , 9 , 1 0 hyphenation, cultura l an d racial , 30 , 3 1 identity politics , 10-1 2 Immigration an d Naturalizatio n Servic e (INS), 20 8 impossibility, i n relatio n t o trauma , 10 5 Jackson, Michael , xii i James, C . L . R. , 1 0 Jameson, Fredric , 7 8 Jefferson, Thomas , 11 7 Jennings, Wilmer , 16 3 Johnson, Magic , xii i Johnson, Malvi n Gray , 16 3 Johnston, Mary , 16 6 Jones, Gayl , Corregidora, 9 3 - 1 1 2 Jordan, Michael , xii i Julien, Isaac , 9 Kafka, Franz , 18 5 Keenan, T o m , 10 4 Kent, Noel , 21 7 Kim, Elaine , 21 5 King, Grace , 8 2 King, Rev . Dr . Marti n Luther , Jr. , 139 , 195, 2 5 1 - 5 2 , 25 8 King, Rodney , xiii-xiv , 94 , 183 , 185 , 21 2 KRS-One, 184 , 18 7 Ku Klu x Klan , 3 5 - 4 9 , 142 , 148 , 186-88 ; iconography of , 4 1 ; literar y representatio n of, 37 , 3 9 - 4 8 ; parod y of , 142 ; racis t rhet oric of , 36 ; robe s of , 3 6 - 3 7 , 3 9 - 4 1 , 4 3 48 Laub, Dori , 10 4 Lawrence, Kansas : blac k powe r in , 2 5 1 , 2 5 4 - 5 9 ; Lawrenc e Hig h Schoo l walkout , 2 5 5 - 5 8 ; Lawrenc e H u m a n Relation s Commission, 254 ; Lawrenc e Leagu e fo r the Practic e o f Democracy , 252 ; an d NAACP, 252 ; race-relate d death s in , 248—49; segregatio n in , 252—53 ; Univer sity o f Kansas , 252 ; whit e antipath y in , 2 4 9 - 5 1 , 2 5 3 , 2 5 5 - 5 9 . See also Blac k Power movemen t Lawson, Steve n F. , 25 1 Lemann, Nicholas , 195 , 198-99 , 20 3 Lemus, R . B. , 230 , 2 4 0 - 4 1 LeRoy, James , 231—3 2

Lewis, Julian , The Biology of the Negro, 6 Lewis, Theophilus , 13 8 Lincoln, Abraham , 3 8 Little Richard , 5 1 , 5 2 Loewen, James , 2 1 6 - 1 7 Los Angele s uprising , 21 5 Lusane, Clarence , 22 1 lynching: 153-57 , 166 ; representation s of , 157-74 Madhabuti, Hak i (a.k.a . D o n L . Lee) , 18 3 Malcolm X , 13 9 Marsh, Reginald , 160 , 1 6 2 - 6 3 Marx, Karl , 18 9 masculinity: white , o f K u Klu x Klan , 39—41 , 4 7 - 4 8 . See also blac k masculinit y McCarthy, Josep h R. , 13 9 McDowell, Deborah , 93 , 10 3 Mencken, H . L. , 13 8 Menthe, Frank , 7 1 , 7 3 - 7 4 , 7 6 - 7 7 , 8 7 Mercer, Kobena , 17 2 Michaels, Walte r Benn , 4 0 Michelangelo, 16 8 Miller, Jame s A. , 14 1 miscegenation, 147 . See also K u Klu x Klan ; quadroon ball s Monterey Po p Festiva l (1967) , 5 1 , 57 , 5 8 Morrison, Toni , 140 , 21 0 Morthland, John , 5 8 Mosby, William , 16 3 Mullen, Harryette , 4 2 Murray, Albert , The Omni-Americans, 9—1 0 Murray, Charles , 195 , 199 , 200 , 21 2 Murray, Charle s Shaar , 5 3 Myrdal, Gunnar , 20 1 National Associatio n fo r th e Advancemen t of Colore d Peopl e (NAACP) : an d anti lynching advocacy , 154—56 , 163 , 164 ; Lawrence-Douglas Count y chapte r of , 252; parodie s of , 143 , 14 8 National Welfar e Right s Organizatio n ( N W R O ) , 196 , 199-200 . See also welfar e rights movemen t "Negro Problem, " xv-xvi , 15 , 29 , 140 , 258 . See also Phillips , Kevi n New Deal , 1 9 5 - 9 8 , 2 0 0 - 2 0 1 , 20 4 New Masses, 163-6 4 New Orleans : architectura l histor y of , 7 9 80; Bourbo n Orlean s Hotel , 68 , 69 , 70 , 7 2 - 7 3 , 7 5 - 7 8 , 80 , 88 ; colonia l pas t of ,

266

INDEX

68; Creol e societ y in , 68 , 8 1 - 8 3 , 85 , 86 ; French Quarter , 6 7 - 9 2 ; nostalgi a about , 68, 7 5 - 7 6 , 78 ; Orlean s Ballroom , o r Qua droon Ballroom , a s sit e fo r quadroo n balls, 6 8 - 7 1 , 75 , 78 , 80 , 8 2 - 8 3 , 85 ; ra cial histor y of , 6 7 - 9 2 ; hom e o f Sister s o f the Hol y Family , 69 , 70 , 72 , 74, 76 , 85 ; home o f St . Mary' s Academy , 86 ; touris m in, 6 7 - 6 8 , 75 , 7 8 - 7 9 Nietzsche, Friedrich , 17 8 Nixon, Richard , 195 , 19 7 Noguchi, Isamu , 157-5 9 N.W.A. (Nigga s Wit h Attitudes) , 18 1 Office o f Economic Opportunit y ( O E O ) , 19 3 Oklahoma City , 212 , 21 6 Omi, Michael , 14 8 Outlaw, Lucius , 147-4 8 Owen, Chandler , 13 8 Padmore, George , 13 9 Page, Thoma s Nelson , 2 3 , 3 7 Painter, Nel l Irvin , 19 6 Palumbo-Liu, David , 21 5 Pan-Africanism, 144-4 6 Pataki, George , 21 5 Philippines: America n imperialis m in , 2 3 0 37; anti-imperialis m in , 2 3 5 - 3 7 ; blac k American soldier s in , 228 , 229 ; Negrit o population of , 2 3 3 - 3 4 ; racia l generaliza tions in , 2 3 1 - 3 7 , 2 4 1 ; racia l scienc e in , 2 3 8 - 4 0 ; wa r versu s Unite d States , 227 , 228-30 Phillips, Kevin , 195 , 205 ; "Negr o Problem " thesis, 195-99 , 2 0 3 , 2 0 4 - 5 Pielke, Robert , 5 3 Pippin, Horace , 16 3 Piven, France s Fox , 20 0 placage, 68 , 8 1 - 8 7 . See also Ne w Orleans ; quadroon ball s Plessy v. Ferguson decisio n (1896) , x v Popular music , o n Jim i Hendrix , 5 0 - 6 3 Postcolonial Studies , x i Powell, Ada m Clayton , 13 9 Powell, Colin , xii i Public Work s o f Ar t Project , 159 , 16 2 Puritans, 116-1 7 quadroon balls , 6 7 - 9 2 ; proximit y t o slav e auction block , 70 , 7 1 ; i n relatio n t o placage, concubinag e system , 69 , 8 1 - 8 6 ; rela -

267

tion betwee n quadroo n concubin e an d quadroon nun , 69 , 8 5 - 8 7 . See also Ne w Orleans race, 120 ; an d African-America n identity , 125-32, 1 4 7 - 4 8 ; an d America n politics , 196, 197 , 2 0 0 - 2 0 1 ; avoidanc e of , 120 , 154; constructio n of , x-xii ; a s "cultura l schizophrenia," xiv-xvi ; scientifi c bank ruptcy of , 1 4 0 - 4 2 , 147 ; an d socia l order , 116, 123 , 131 , 208 , 2 5 0 - 5 1 racial segregation , i n music , 55 , 5 6 racial transcendence : i n musi c o f Jim i Hen drix, 5 1 , 52 , 56 , 5 7 - 6 1 ; rhetori c of , xv i racial transgression : i n musi c o f Jim i Hen drix, 5 9 - 6 0 ; i n Ne w Orlean s quadroo n balls, 75 . See also quadroo n ball s racial violence , 3 6 racism, 120 , 123 , 125 , 127 , 140 , 168 ; i n la bor unions , 202 , 2 0 4 - 5 Randolph, A . Philip , 13 8 Rasmussen, R . Kent , 145 , 14 6 Rayson, Ann , 13 9 Reagan, Ronald , 196 , 21 7 Reilly, Joh n M. , 14 3 repetition: o f experienc e o f slavery , 93 , 94 , 99, 100 ; i n relatio n t o traum a an d testi mony, 96 , 9 9 - 1 0 2 Republican Party , ascendanc y of , 1 9 3 - 2 0 5 . See also Democrati c Part y rhythm an d blue s music , 52 , 54 , 5 5 Roach, Joseph , 69 , 8 8 Roberts, Ronal d Suresh , 1 3 6 - 3 7 , 14 0 Robinson, Cedric , 1 0 Robinson, Desmond , 181 , 18 5 Robinson, Sally , 9 8 - 1 0 0 Roediger, David , 3 6 Rogin, Michael , 4 6 Roman, C . V. , The Negro in American Civilization, 5 Scheie d e Vere , Maximilian , 2 2 "school choice, " xv i Schuyler, Georg e S. : anti-communis m of , 138; Black Empire, 138 , 1 4 4 - 4 6 ; Black No More, 138 , 142-44 ; earl y lif e of , 137 ; as journalist , 138 ; politica l conservatis m of, 138 ; an d race , 1 4 0 - 4 2 , 147 ; a s Sam uel I . Brooks , 138 , 140 , 145-4 6 science, 143 ; objectivit y and , 137 , 146 ; o f races, 2 3 8 - 4 0

INDEX

"Scottsboro Boys, " 13 9 segregation, racial , xiii . See also Lawrence , Kansas sexuality: i n blac k community , xi , 9 ; blac k female, i n Ne w Orleans , 8 3 - 8 4 ; i n perfor mance o f Jim i Hendrix , 5 1 , 55 , 5 7 - 5 8 . See also quadroo n ball s Shaw, Arnold , Dictionary of American Pop/ Rock, 5 0 - 5 2 Shklar, Judith , 12 3 Silko, Lesli e Marmon , 22 0 Simpson, O . J. , xiii , 21 6 Sitkoff, Harvard , 25 1 slavery: xiii , 11 , 12 , 7 1 , 79 , 8 1 , 9 3 - 1 1 2 , 127, 252 ; Brazilian , 9 3 - 1 1 2 ; an d history , 1 0 3 - 6 ; an d slav e trade , 187 , 20 0 Sleeper, Jim , 195 , 200 , 202 , 20 4 Souls of Black Folk, The, 1 9 - 3 1 ; o n "double consciousness", 20 , 26 , 2 8 - 3 0 , 140 ; o n the "Sorro w Songs, " 20 , 24 , 26 , 28 , 29 ; on th e "Veil " an d relatio n t o linguisti c di vision an d socia l segregation , 25 , 29 , 3 1 . See also D u Bois , W . E . B . Southern Christia n Leadershi p Conferenc e (SCLC), 19 8 spectacle, o r th e "spectacular " o f Jim i Hen drix, 52 , 5 6 - 5 9 Sternberg, Harry , 170 , 17 1 Stewart, Theophilus , 22 9 Stowe, Harrie t Beecher , Uncle Tom's Cabin, 37 Students fo r a Democratic Societ y (SDS) , 19 9 Sundquist, Eric , 19 , 3 0 surrogation, 69 , 8 8 Tate, Claudia , 9 4 Taylor, Denzil , 2 3 6 - 3 7 , 24 1 testimony: i n relatio n t o trauma , 9 6 - 9 8 , 99 , 101, 103-6 ; i n relatio n t o Holocaus t sur vivors, 100 , 103 , 10 4 Thomas, Clarence , xiii , 17 2 transvestism, i n K u Klu x Klan , 40 , 4 1 trauma, 9 3 - 1 1 2 ; definitio n of , 95 , 96 ; i n re lation t o testimony , 9 6 - 9 9 ; Ne w Worl d history as history of, 94 , 96, 9 7 , 1 0 1 , 1 0 3 - 6 Tsing, Anna , 20 9 Tuskegee syphili s experiments , 18 7

underclass, black , 1 2 - 1 4 United State s o f America , 123 ; America n Revolution, 116 ; Declaratio n o f Indepen dence, 120 ; Frenc h an d India n War , 117 ; and ideology , 1 1 8 - 1 9 , 1 2 1 - 2 5 ; Manifes t Destiny, 117 ; nationalis m in , 1 1 6 - 1 9 , 123-25 Van Vechten , Carl , 172 , 17 3 vernacular language , 22 , 2 4 Vietnam War , 20 3 Voting Right s Ac t (1965) , xvi , 25 1 "War o n Drugs, " 208 , 219 , 2 2 1 - 2 3 Washington, Booke r T. , 144 , 23 5 Waters, Muddy , 5 1 , 5 2 welfare debate , solution s to , 1 3 - 1 5 . See also behavio r modification , i n relatio n t o race "welfare reform, " xv i welfare right s movement , 193-20 5 West, Cornel , 13 7 White, Walter , 1 5 4 - 5 6 , 166 , 17 4 "white backlash, " 1 9 5 - 9 9 , 20 5 "White Nation, " 2 1 1 - 2 3 whiteness: constructednes s o f i n America n culture, 36 , 39 , 4 1 - 4 2 , 4 6 - 4 8 ; a s decon struction o f Americanness , 27 ; expressio n in robe s o f K u Klu x Klan , 3 6 - 3 7 , 3 9 - 4 8 ; and la w enforcement , 179-84 , 215 , 219 ; in Ne w Orlean s racia l culture , 8 3 - 8 4 , 8 7 - 8 8 ; i n postbellu m er a i n relatio n t o de graded sens e o f identity , 4 7 - 4 8 ; a s unde fined, 2 1 0 - 1 2 white supremacy : 208 , 209 , 2 1 9 - 2 0 ; i n th e Philippines, 2 4 0 - 4 1 Wiegman, Robyn , 156 , 16 8 Wiley, George , 199-20 0 Williams, C . D. , 4 3 , 4 4 Williams, Eric , 1 0 Wilson, Pete , 21 2 Wilson, Woodrow , 16 6 Winant, Howard , 14 8 Women's Studies , Black , xi . See also gende r Woodruff, Hale , 16 3 Young, Jame s O. , 13 9

268