"The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity [1 ed.] 9783954895816, 9783954890811

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Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie Zesu

The Sacred and the Profane

Copyright © 2013. Diplomica Verlag. All rights reserved.

Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie: The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity. Hamburg, Anchor Academic Publishing 2014 Buch-ISBN: 978-3-95489-081-1 PDF-eBook-ISBN: 978-3-95489-581-6 Druck/Herstellung: Anchor Academic Publishing, Hamburg, 2014 Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek: Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. Bibliographical Information of the German National Library: The German National Library lists this publication in the German National Bibliography. Detailed bibliographic data can be found at: http://dnb.d-nb.de

All rights reserved. This publication may not be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publishers.

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This study is the result of the efforts and support of many individuals. For that I would like to thank the people of Dagya, Romanat, Adi-Amuaq and Khokholo in the Ìnderta wereda, Ethiopia who opened up their hearts and their lives to me while I stayed in their villages. People in these communities were fully supportive and actively interested in what I was doing and assisted the research by giving of their time.

I want to give special thanks to Dr Wolbert G.C. Smidt (Associate professor in Ethnohistory) and Mr. Alula Ayele (MA in Social Anthropology), who are my advisor and co-advisor respectively for their dedication. They went through my study from title selection to the final work that helped me a lot in shaping the framework of the book and final appearance.

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

Table of Contents 1. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................ 1 1.1. Trends in Biodiversity Conservation .................................................................................................. 1 1.2. Research Questions............................................................................................................................ 5 1.3. Objectives of the Research ................................................................................................................ 5 1.3.1. General Objective ....................................................................................................................... 5 1.3.2. Specific Objectives ...................................................................................................................... 5 1.4. Significance of the Study .................................................................................................................... 6 2. CONCEPTUAL AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ............................................................................... 7 2.1. Conceptual Framework ...................................................................................................................... 7 2.1. 1. Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church...................................................................................... 7 2.1.2. The Sacred and the Profane ........................................................................................................ 8 2.1.3. Biodiversity and Culture .............................................................................................................. 9 2.2. Theorizing Environmental Ethics and Biodiversity Conservation .................................................... 11 2.2.1. Economic and Institutional theorists view ................................................................................ 11 2.2.2. Cultural theorists view .............................................................................................................. 12 2.2.3. Christian Anthropocentrism (human-centered ethics) ............................................................. 13 2.2.4. Christian Deep ecology (Creation-centered ethics) .................................................................. 15 3. FORMER RESEARCHES ON BIODIVERSITY AND ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS ....................................... 19 3.1. Biodiversity and Culture ................................................................................................................... 19

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3.2. Biodiversity and sacred areas in the World and Ethiopia ................................................................ 20 4. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY ....................................................................................... 24 4.1. Description of the Study area .......................................................................................................... 24 4.2. The Study Site: Churches Selected for the Study ............................................................................. 25 4.2.1. Mika‘el Tsellamo Church ........................................................................................................... 25

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

4.2.2. Mika‘el Romanat Church........................................................................................................... 25 4.2.3. Khokholo Yowhannis ................................................................................................................. 26 4.2.4. Mika‘el Dagya Church ............................................................................................................... 26 4.3. Research Methodology and Methods of Data Collection ................................................................ 28 5. BIODIVERSITY AND ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS IN ETHIOPIAN ORTHODOX TEWAHEDO CHURCH ..... 32 5.1. The churches and their Plant composition ...................................................................................... 32 5.2. The churches and their Animal composition ................................................................................... 36 5.3. Community’s View Towards Plants and Animals in the Church ..................................................... 37 5.3.1. Community’s view on plants in the Church .............................................................................. 37 5.3.2. Community’s view on Animals in the Church ........................................................................... 39 5.4. Significance of Church Plants ........................................................................................................... 41 5.5. The Sacred and Profane Dichotomy in the Churches ...................................................................... 43 6. CONCLUDING REMARKS ................................................................................................................. 47

References ......................................................................................................................................... 50 APPENDIX I: LIST OF QUESTIONS: INTERVIEW DISCUSSIONS ............................................................... 56 APPENDIX II: PHOTOS OF CHURCH PLANTS AND THEIR DESCRIPTIONS ....................... 57 APPENDIX III: LIST OF LOCAL AND ENGLISH NAMES OF ANIMALS AND THEIR RESPECTIVE DESCRIPTION ....................................................................................................... 97 List of Figures ................................................................................................................................... 102

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List of photos ................................................................................................................................... 102

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

Copyright © 2013. Diplomica Verlag. All rights reserved. Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

1. INTRODUCTION 1.1. Trends in Biodiversity Conservation The very fast rate of deforestation and killing and hunting of animals in Africa has brought significant decline in biodiversity to the extent that some species are on the verge of local extinction. For Mackinnon, though the available information is limited, it is estimated that twothird of the land that could support habitats for wild plants and animals is being used for other purposes (cited in Biodiversity Support Program, 1993).

According to the Environmental Protection Authority (2003), Ethiopia is one of the richest countries in flora and fauna in Africa. As the Institute of Biodiversity Conservation sited from Tewolde Brehan (1991), there are 6500- 7000 species of higher plants of which 12 percent are believed to be endemic. Besides, the country (Ethiopia) is endowed with 284 wild mammals, 861 birds, 201 reptile, 63 amphibian, 188 fish and 1225 arthropod species of which 10, 2,5, 54, 0.4 and 21 percent respectively are believed to be endemic (Institute of Biodiversity Conservation, 2009). However, due to deforestation which is occurring at an alarming rate, the country is losing much of its unique biodiversity. The findings of Teketay cited in Zewge, (2001), shows that the major reasons for deforestation are the intensive use of land for agriculture and livestock production, and tree cutting for different purposes.

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With a number of factors for deforestation and decline in or loss of biodiversity, the problem is evident in the northern highlands of Ethiopia and more severe in Tigray regional state, where forests are downscaled to few protected areas especially the Orthodox Tewahedo Church compounds. To this end, very little of the natural forest and wild animals remains today. These all are the results of both conscious (a long-term human occupation of the area, accompanied by

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

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sedentary agriculture and extensive cattle husbandry) and unconscious (consecutive civil and national wars) exploitation of the biodiversity. For this reason, the government made different efforts in various sectors of biodiversity conservation. To overcome problems in biodiversity loss, the ministry of agriculture in collaboration with different national and international organizations is working to implement agro forestry and community tree planting programs for the last three decades. However, yet the challenges of minimizing the rate of deforestation, lack of appropriate technologies to improve conservation practices, and imbalance between the forest resource and the demand of the ever increasing population of the country remain unsolved (United Nations, 2002).

In such devastated areas, conserving and maintaining biodiversity has been a very challenging task, and most approaches did not bring significant change. The only areas where one can observe forests/trees in northern Ethiopia are in some protected areas and the church surroundings and hence, these patches of biodiversity in the church compounds are believed to survive as a result of the religion and tradition of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church’s conservation system and protective patronage (Dagnachew, 2001). In line with this Zewge (2001) underlines that;

The sacred church and monastery lands of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo

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Churches have, however, survived for many centuries as islands of natural forest biodiversity in a sea of deforested landscape in much of the Ethiopian Highlands.

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

Having the knowledge of the multi-faced benefits of biodiversity conservation, the Ethiopian government is enhancing the activities and organizational structure of biodiversity conservation from time to time. As part of its enhancement activities, the government upgraded Plant Genetic Resource (PGR) to Institute level which is named as Institute of Biodiversity Conservation and Research (IBCR) by proclamation No. 120/98 and re-established it with the name of Institute of Biodiversity Conservation (IBC) by proclamation No. 381/2004 (FDREEPA, 2004). Yet, few protected areas and church and monastery compounds are the only areas in which biodiversity are conserved (Alemayehu, 2007).

As different writers have agreed, sustainable use of environment depends on two main factors: (1) having appropriate local knowledge and technology to use resources, and (2) the environmental ethics that guides the relationship between human and nature in a sustainable way (cited in Alemayehu, 2007). In the development of human beings (either for misuse or wise use of the environment) institutions can play a significant role. For instance, in states like Ethiopia in which religion has a great value, Orthodox Tewahedo Church plays a prominent role in conserving biodiversity.

The Christian Anthropocentrists believe that God created nature for human’s benefit by using the biblical instruction of Genesis which instructs Adam and Eve to be “fruitful and multiply and fill

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the Earth and subdue it; have dominion over everything that moves upon the Earth.”, which supports the argument of Anthropocentrism: nature should be used as a means (wealth) for the people (Chandran and Ramachandra, 2008). However, the Christian Deep Ecologist, Nash concludes that the massive losses in biodiversity matter morally, not primarily because of the

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

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instrumental value of the other species (other than human beings), but rather because of the intrinsic values of the species that humans ought to respect (Zaleha, 2009). However, although the observation in the Orthodox Church compounds seems in line with the proponents of Deep ecology, there is no research done regarding Orthodox Tewahedo Church values and practices in Ethiopia in general as well as the wereda Ìnderta in particular.

In influencing peoples’ perspectives on biodiversity conservation, the Orthodox Tewahedo Church is believed to play its role in three ways to conserve biodiversity: (1) Based upon and rooted in their own understanding of the relationship between humanity and the rest of nature; (2) They can teach about the environment and natural systems upon which life depends; (3) They can provide active leadership in initiating practical environmental projects. Having Said this, the Church norms and values which are being respected in the Church compound are not applicable in other areas/ outside the Church compound which can be in this case expressed in the form of separation between sacred and profane and levels of sacredness linked with secrecy of spaces,

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from open space to very much closed one.

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

1.2. Research Questions The primary research questions of this book are: 1. What are the value-bases for biodiversity conservation according to bible and other religious traditions of the EOTC? 2. Can the existing biodiversity Conservation practices in and around the church compound be attributed to the space wise dichotomy of the sacred and the profane? Why? And How? 3. How do individuals/ followers of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church behave towards biodiversity while they are in and around churches and in other areas? 4. Do conservation practices in the churches animal and plant type specific? How? 5. How the Church values, which are in favor of biodiversity conservation, can be applicable to other areas?

1.3. Objectives of the Research 1.3.1. General Objective The main objective of the study is to investigate the role of the Orthodox Tewahedo Church in biodiversity conservation. Based on the above general objective the following specific objectives are in order.

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1.3.2. Specific Objectives i.

To find out those religious values (principles and actions) of the EOTC that are in favor of biodiversity conservation.

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

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ii.

To explore the EOTC church values in relation to biodiversity conservation in terms of the sacred and profane; space-wise dichotomy

iii.

To assess the space-based biodiversity conservation attitudes of the followers of the Orthodox Tewahedo Church.

iv.

To identify the cultural bases on what plants and animals are conserved in the Churches while not in other areas.

v.

To explore ways out in expanding the pro-biodiversity conservation church values and principles in the biodiversity conservation efforts.

1.4. Significance of the Study Biodiversity conservation is a top priority issue in the world of both developed and developing countries. For this purpose, literature argues that indigenous knowledge and institutions like church (Orthodox Tewahedo Church) are crucial. But since the church values are not clearly identified and are not in a discourse, the biodiversity conservation in church compounds is not prevalent outside the church compounds. The study is essential to enhance dialogue between policy makers and academic researchers for it aims at understanding the indigenous knowledge and practices in the Orthodox Tewahedo church, which are positively contributing in conserving the biological diversity. It is indispensa-

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ble because it identified the principles and practices of the Church. Besides, as a new research area, in the field of Environmental Anthropology, the research is very important for researchers, as a spring board for further researches on the area.

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

2. CONCEPTUAL AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 2.1. Conceptual Framework 2.1. 1. Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church The Ethiopian Orthodox Church is believed to be the largest of the five non- Chalcedonian Eastern Churches (the Coptic, the Ethiopian, the Syrian, the Indian, and the Armenian), which are by the historian Adrian Fortescue called The Lesser Eastern Churches., but which others prefer to call the Oriental Orthodox Churches, to distinguish them from the Byzantine Orthodox Churches (Getnet, 1998).

The religion, Orthodox Tewahedo Christianity, which is believed as playing an important role in Ethiopian life and that maintained until today, was emerged in Ethiopia in the mid-4th century. The church (Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo) is a unique church deeply based upon Ethiopian history, social life and ethics (Abbink, 2003). Furthermore, the word ‘Tewahedo’ is an Ethiopian term meaning ‘made one’ (Lule, 2008). The church considers this word as the best expression conveying the faith of the church; it emphasizes the inseparable unity of the Godhood and Manhood in the Person of Christ.

The Church, Orthodox Tewahedo Church has over 40 million followers, 500,000 clergies and 35,000 churches in Ethiopia. In addition to its religious activities, EOTC has also a long history Copyright © 2013. Diplomica Verlag. All rights reserved.

of conservation of forest resources, which usually envelop the churches. Although the main purpose of churches is as places for worship, burials and meditating religious festivals, they also provide valuable, often unique, and secured habitats for plants and animals, and green spaces for people (Alemayehu, 2007).

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2.1.2. The Sacred and the Profane According to Durkheim, religion is a system of symbols, beliefs and rituals that are based on the classification of common things into the sacred or the profane which are borne out of a society’s need to maintain some level of social cohesion. The sacred is the socially transcendent and which gives a sense of fundamental identity based on the likeness constructed and sustained by difference or opposition over and against: (1) The alien other (which may be another culture that threatens the maintenance of its identity); (2) The profane i.e. the world of everyday routine, particularly economic activity and its rationality. In addition to this, community is based on symbolic unity, which is an imagined likeness with limits or boundaries that separate it from a different, alien other. Thus, it contrasts with the functionally-specific relations and instrumental rationalities characteristic of societal associations (Allen. J., Pickering. F. and Miller. W., 2002). The sacred icons are more stored and protected from their profane surroundings. Therefore, sacred places were created to contain the sacred icons and these places become some powerful, through a kind of sacred contagion, that they can even serve as refuge for criminals or hunted animals. Furthermore, Eliade (1956) underlines that; Some parts of' space are qualitatively different from others. "Draw not nigh hither," says the Lord to Moses; "put off thy shoes from off thy feet, for the place where on thou standest is holy ground" (Exodus, 3, 5). There is, then, a sacred space, and hence a strong, significant space; there are other spaces that are not sacred and so

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are without structure or consistency, amorphous. Thus, the term sacred is used to describe different contexts, separated from the profane including sacred forest, mountains, lakes and marine areas. For instance, Soutter et al. (2003) used the term to describe the sacred groves and for them sacred forest refers to specific areas

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

recognized by peoples and communities as having special spiritual, religious, cultural and historical significance.

2.1.3. Biodiversity and Culture People may value biodiversity for spiritual, economic, aesthetic, cultural and scientific reasons. Although it has implication at international, national and local levels, biodiversity conservation is directly relevant to the local community, often biological resources represent primary source of livelihood, medicine and spiritual values. However, it can be difficult to reconcile these values. Thus, it is very important to be able to clarify different values that underlie positions taken on various sides of a given issue relevant to biodiversity and to understand how values can affect willingness to adopt different patterns of resource use or to reach compromises (Biodiversity Support Program, 1993). After 1992 (the Convention on Biological Diversity), which realized that many areas of the world that contain high levels of biodiversity are anthropogenic landscapes inhabited by indigenous and local communities, approaches have been refined, linking conservation initiatives with local culture (Maass, 2008 and Cocks and Dold, 2006). Furthermore, in his Anthropological work, Maass (2008) identified that a comprehensive understanding of the cultural context (indigenous knowledge in his case) of a given community is necessary in biodiversity conservation activities. As sustainable biodiversity conservation is a precondition for sustainable development, cultural and biological diversity are necessary and equally important prerequisites for sustainable

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development (UNESCO and UNEP, 2003). Besides, the recognition of the cultural and spiritual values is the very important factor to enhance the biodiversity conservation efforts. I.e. if a people know the cultural significance of wild plants that would have a crucial role to conserve the biodiversity (Dold and m. L. 2006). These there is an “inextricable link” between biological

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

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and cultural diversity. Thus, at policy level the balance of environment, society and economy is necessary for sustainable development (Maffi, 2007).

Dudley et al (2005) reported that the spiritual faiths, which are followed by most people, have impacts on the natural environment: the interaction can be through the form/s of Sacredness of places and/or Influence of faiths. But since the existence of sacred areas within a protected area can create a challenge for managers, decisions whether or not to make a sacred area important to faiths into an official protected area need to be made on a case-by-case basis. Furthermore, they added that such activities of making such areas an explicit part of biodiversity conservation strategies has the additional and very important function of bringing conservation issues into the mainstream thinking of faith groups. However, due to cultural breakdown, pressure on biodiversity and poor governance, the significance of the sacred sites are under threat. Jessup & Peluso (1986) studied common property resources management of minor forest produce in Indonesia. They found that the indigenous forest product collectors do not use all available resources or engage in all possible economic activities at any given time. Rather they switch from one to another or vary the degree of their involvement in response to changing opportunities and problems, including fluctuations in commodity prices and employment as well as environmental variation. These communities develop ownership rights by planting trees or by marking and tending a wild one. Kinship is an important factor underlying the property right.

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Ethnic groups and villages tend to be identified with more or less inclusive kin groups. Residence in a village, with the right to common property that it confers, is established by birth or marriage, and right to tenure. Inheritance is also according to kinship; descendants share equally in the inheritance of rights to land, trees, and other property.

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

2.2. Theorizing Environmental Ethics and Biodiversity Conservation The world today is in search of sustainable biodiversity conservation. As a contribution towards finding a lasting solution, strategies are being drawn up and many ideas are being tested. To address the problem of the biodiversity loss national and international, governmental and nongovernmental institutions and organizations are being made an effort. Although some progress is being made the world still lacks a magic solution or formula. To analyze the existing Orthodox Tewahedo Church practice with regard to biodiversity conservation, I referred my first reflections mainly to four theories as basis of reflections i.e. regarding factors determining biodiversity conservation in commonly owned areas, the Economic and institutional theorists and the Cultural theorists view of biodiversity conservation. Besides, as religion is one of the strong and powerful indigenous institutions, religious perspective towards biodiversity conservation in the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church compound and outside examined using the Christian ethics regarding biodiversity conservation. These are Christian Anthropocentrism (human centered) and Christian Deep ecology (creation centered). 2.2.1. Economic and Institutional theorists view The discussion of the biodiversity conservation in the church compounds started with the analysis of community’s attitude from the perspective of economic, game theory and “rational theory model”, where the individual decision-making or choice making capabilities in relation to the benefit achieved from using the Church biodiversity was analyzed. From this point of view, communities view towards biodiversity in the Church compound and outside became a subject of

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study. These theories mainly focused on the human action and attitude towards biodiversity and the causes for such action.

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Hardin (1968) inferred that most of the time individual interests over rule the collective interest. Therefore the management model of privatisation of state (government) was stressed forth. This initiated discussion on the conservation and management of commonly owned biodiversity. According to Wells (1997) biodiversity conservation activities and increasing net economic benefits should go hand in hand unless all efforts will remain fruitless. Besides, Dasgupta (2000) underlined that market and government failure are not the only factors for biodiversity destruction rather badly functioning of “micro-institutions” like the households are also factors as well. 2.2.2. Cultural theorists view Unlike the “rational choice approach” which concentrated on the rational decision in the conservation of biodiversity owned in common, the findings of many anthropologists and sociologists on small-scale societies showed that commonly owned biodiversity are conserved not only by rational institution created for a purpose economic utilization of resources, but also by various cultural elements like kinship, religion and social organization, which also played vital role in the conservation. They highlighted that the decline in biodiversity of commonly owned natural resources was not only due to institutional frailer but it is also because of external factors like colonization, modernization (changes in culture) and market forces. According to Dudley et al (2005) the spiritual faiths, which are followed by most people, have impacts on the natural environment: the interaction can be through the form/s of Sacredness of

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places and/or Influence of faiths. Since the existence of sacred areas within a protected area can create a challenge for managers, decisions whether or not to make a sacred area important to faiths into an official protected area need to be made on a case-by-case basis. However, no research has been done in the specific research area (Ìnderta woreda).

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

The analysis of Maffi (2007) regarding the relationship between “human and environment” from the perspectives of biocultural diversity, implied that the relationships of human culture with the environment acknowledge the existence of an “inextricable link” between biological and cultural diversity. Moreover, the balance of environment, society and economy is believed to be necessary for sustainable development, which is a paradigm emerged in the 1980s. 2.2.3. Christian Anthropocentrism (human-centered ethics) Anthropocentrism is a theory, which puts human beings as center of the universe: Everything is centered on humans or evaluated by human measures and serves human interests, and starts from human interests. In an anthropocentric ethic nature deserves moral consideration because for its intrinsic value. As Kortenkamp and Moore (2001) cited from Campbell (1983), the term ‘Anthropocentric’ was first coined in the 1860s, amidst the controversy over Darwin’s theory of evolution, to represent the idea that humans are the center of the universe. The theory considers humans to be the most important life forms, and other forms of life to be important only to the extent that they affect humans or can be useful to humans. In an anthropocentric ethics, the moral consideration of nature emanates from the consequence that degradation or preservation of nature could have (Kortenkamp and Moore, 2001). The essential feature of anthropocentrism is the belief that humans are separate from and

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ethically superior to the rest of nature. To this end, humans consider themselves to be rightfully, the master of nature subduing it for their own instrumental value (Beckmann, Kilbourne, Dam and Pardo, 1997).

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In discussing the cause of the environmental crisis, many people believe that the anthropocentric view that humans dominate over and rule nature encouraged human exploitation of nature, and thus was the ideological cause of the environmental crisis. The Christian Anthropocentrists believe that God created nature for human’s benefit by using the biblical instruction of Genesis which instructs Adam and Eve to be “fruitful and multiply and fill the Earth and subdue it; have dominion over everything that moves upon the Earth.”, which supports the argument of Western philosophy: nature should be used as a means (wealth) for the people (Chandran and Ramachandra, 2008). From an anthropocentric point of view, humans have a moral duty only towards one another; any duty they seem to have towards other species or entities is really only an indirect duty towards other people. There is no ethical implication in the relationship between humans and nature (Yang, 2006). According to Lynn White (1974), in absolute contrast to ancient paganism, Christianity established not only dualism of man and nature but also insisted that it is God's will that man exploit nature for his proper ends. Furthermore, he added that;

By gradual stages a loving and all- powerful God had created light and darkness, the heavenly bodies, the earth and all its plants, animals, birds, and fishes. Finally, God had created Adam and, as an afterthought, Eve to keep man from being lonely. Man named all the animals, thus establishing his dominance over them. God planned all of this explicitly for man's benefit and rule: no item in the physical creaCopyright © 2013. Diplomica Verlag. All rights reserved.

tion had any purpose save to serve man's purposes. And, although man's body is made of clay, he is not simply part of nature: he is made in God's image.

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

2.2.4. Christian Deep ecology (Creation-centered ethics) According to Kortenkamp and Moore (2001), the term ‘deep ecology’ was evolved from the term first coined ‘biocentric’ in 1913 by an American biochemist, Lawrence Henderson, to represent the idea that the universe is originator of life (cited from Campbell, 1983). And latter the term was adopted by the so called ‘deep ecologists’ in the 1970s to refer the idea that all life has intrinsic value (cited from Nash, 1989). Thus, the term “Deep ecology” was coined by the philosopher Arne Naess in 1973 and then the notion developed and popularized by the sociologist Bill Devall and philosopher George Sessions. (Gandhi, 2007). Unlike to Anthropocentrists, Deep ecologists advocate for the intrinsic value of nature (creation). For instance, the Christian Deep Ecologist, Nash concludes that the massive losses in biodiversity matter morally, not primarily because of the instrumental value of the other species (other than human beings), but rather because of the intrinsic values of the species that humans ought to respect (Zaleha, 2009). Furthermore, the theorists believe that nature has moral consideration due to its intrinsic value regardless of its use for human beings. For deep ecology ethicists, for instance, one could decide that it is wrong to cut down a tree because it would cause for extinction of diverse of biological resources. Deep ecology fundamentally rejects the dualistic view of humans and nature as separate and different. It holds that humans are intimately a part of the natural environment: they and na-

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ture are one. The view of what a green society should be like stems from a firm belief in bioethics and nature’s intrinsic value. Following Commoner’s (1972) ‘third law of ecology’, that ‘nature knows best’, and his principle that any human-induced change to a natural system is likely to be detrimental to that

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system, deep ecologists propose humble acquiescence to nature’s ways: trying to ‘live with’ and not against natural rhythms. They oppose anthropocentrism, defined as (a) seeing human values as the source of all value, and (b) wanting to manipulate, exploit and destroy nature to satisfy human material desires. The Norwegian philosopher Naess made the famous distinction between the shallow ecology and deep ecology movement in his lecture in 1972. For Naess, deep ecology is a critique to a commonly held doctrine that natural world has value only insofar as it is useful to humans. The political program of deep ecology was formulated in the deep ecology platform formulated by Arne Naess and George Sessions in 1985. A Varity of religious and philosophies can have the function of deep ecology in plate form, but many are probably too anthropocentric. According to Spinoza’s philosophy, every living thing being tries to realize its potential, its power or essence. Unity of nature means that everything is connected to everything else and that therefore the self-realization of one living being is part of the self-realization of all other beings (Andolan, 2005). Deep ecology is founded on two basic principles: one is a scientific insight in to the interrelatedness of all systems of life on earth together with the idea that anthropocentrism is a misguided way of seeing things (Zimmerman, 1982).

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Deep ecology refers to an egalitarian and holistic environmental philosophy founded on phenomenological methodology. Arne Naess, George Sessions and Devid Rothenberg and the Australian Warwick Fox are believed to be the well-known deep ecologist.

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

Although Aldo Leopold recognized the significance of ecology much earlier, calling it "the outstanding discovery of the twentieth century," it was not until the 1960s with the rise of the Age of Ecology that the wider public became aware of the science of ecology and its relevance to environmental matters. During that period the foundations were laid for a religious and philosophical revolution of the first magnitude. As G. Tyler Miller observed: "The ecological revolution will be the most all-encompassing revolution in the history of mankind." Warwick Fox added that deep ecologists were contributing to "a 'paradigm shift' of comparable significance to that associated with Copernicus." That new philosophical challenge was directed at the pervasive metaphysical and ethical anthropocentrism that has dominated Western culture with classical Greek humanism and the Judeo-Christian tradition since its inception (Sessions, 1987). In a nutshell, the use of all the above theories, though each is a general one and has its own universal application, is simply to reflect on their specific applications in the specific case of biodiversity conservation in the cultural community of Ìnderta through church values. Thus, in no way is each theory approached here from the perspective of general validity test and as result neither of them can be considered as proved or disproved one in a conclusive manner. Only that a first time attempt has been made to make a reflection on the theories’ relative explanatory power in the discussion of churches role in biodiversity conservation.

Consequently, it was found that the Economic and institutional theorists and Cultural theorists-

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both dealing with factors determining biodiversity conservation in commonly owned areasconsider the churches as commonly owned resource and hence as key role player institutions in the existing practice of biodiversity conservation. Yet on the other hand, there are the Christian Anthropocentrism and Deep ecology theories which deal with the question of how best the relationship between man and nature is to be guided. In this regard, while the Christian Anthro-

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pocentrists argue that nature must be considered as a means to the wellbeing of mankind –in which case biodiversity conservation might be negatively affected- the Christian deep ecologists, on the other hand, argue that nature must be considered as an end it self- in which biodiversity conservation can be positively served. In a very general sense, therefore, it is this latter line of

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thinking that seems to have enjoyed wider support in this study.

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

3. FORMER RESEARCHES ON BIODIVERSITY AND ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS 3.1. Biodiversity and Culture There are different literatures in different countries, done in the area of biodiversity and culture especially after 1992 (the Convention on Biological Diversity), which realized that many areas of the world that contain high levels of biodiversity are anthropogenic landscapes inhabited by indigenous and local communities, approaches have been refined, linking conservation initiatives with local culture (Maass, 2008 and Cocks and Dold, 2006). The following are some of these; The publication of UNEP (2003) titled “Cultural diversity and Biodiversity for Sustainable development”, which is the result of the high-level roundtable discussion jointly organized by UNESCO and UNEP on 3 September 2002, aimed at furthering the dialogue on cultural diversity and biodiversity, discussed as cultural and biological diversity are necessary and equally important prerequisites for sustainable development and the recognition of cultural and spiritual values is very important factor for biodiversity conservation. Maass (2008) in his ethnographic research “The Cultural context of Biodiversity conservation”, which was a case study among Maya-Q'eqchi' communities living adjacent to protected areas in Alta Verapaz in Guatemala, analyzed the role of indigenous communities in conserving biodi-

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versity along with their particular knowledge systems in the global environmental discourse.

Cocks and Dold (2006) in their article “Cultural Significance of Biodiversity: The Role of Medicinal Plants in Urban African Cultural practices in the Eastern Cape, South Africa” changed the existing trend of using the concept biocultural diversity only in reference to ‘‘indigenous

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people’’ to include urban context, in their case Xhosa people living in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa.

3.2. Biodiversity and sacred areas in the World and Ethiopia The presence of sacred areas in villages and their role in conserving biological resources has been reported in different publications and various disciplines in different parts of the world. Sacredness is believed to be one among the most valuable primitive practices of biodiversity conservation. These are the relict climax areas well conserved by the community for certain beliefs. Such areas are rich in biodiversity and inhibit diverse endangered plant and animal species. Case studies on sacred spaces show that these areas play an important role in biodiversity conservation. Maintenance of these biodiversity does not require government involvement (Manikandan et al, 2011).

Beyond conserving biodiversity sacred areas are crucial in forming an inextricable link between present society and past in terms of biodiversity, culture, religious and ethnic heritage. Sacred areas exist across the globe, and cultures being recognized in different ways; encoding various rules for their protection and hence sacred areas act as an ideal centre for biodiversity conservation. Several threatened plants and animals in the other areas are still well conserved in some of the sacred areas (Khan et al, 2008). As Khan and his colleagues (2008) quoted from Gadgil and

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Vartak (1975) the historical link of sacred areas of biodiversity to the primitive stage of societies in which people were living through hunting and gathering. Furthermore, the findings of Khan and his colleagues (2008) showed as care and respect in parts of Africa and Asia has been influenced by religious beliefs and indigenous practices.

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

The Study of Sacredness And sacred places and objects is a vast one as examples can be found in all countries around the world and in all cultures present and past. The sacred always manifests itself as a reality different from normal realities (Kogel, 2011). Anthwal et al (2006), in their study on “Sacred Groves: Traditional Way of Conserving Plant Diversity in Garhwal Himalaya, Uttaranchal”, mention about the existence of diverse biological resources and their role in the conservation of biodiversity. The unpublished Annual Report of Darwin Initiative for the Survival of Species (1 April 2001 – 31 March 2002), recognized the existence of biodiversity rich sacred church and monastery lands of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, which survived for many centuries as islands of natural forest biodiversity. Similarly, Schachenmann (2006), in his work of “Spiritual Values in Madagascar: The Starting Point for Endogenous Conservation Initiatives” has reported the effectiveness of Ancestral spirituality, local knowledge and traditional practices, which were previously blamed of obstacles for development and conservation, can be an effective tools for biodiversity conservation in partnership with scientific ecological and economic understanding. Virtanen (2002) in his article “The Role of Customary Institutions in the Conservation of Biodiversity: Sacred Forests in Mozambique” studied the prominent role that one of the customary local institutions, traditionally protected forest, play in biodiversity conservation in the specific case of Mozambique.

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The research report of WWF, Equilibrium and Alliance of Religions and Conservation (ARC) (2005), which is believed to be the first to focus specifically on the links between faiths and the World’s growing protected areas network, reported that “Faiths have been involved in some of the earliest forms of habitat protection in existence, both through the preservation of particular

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places as sacred natural sites and through religious-based control systems such as the himas system in Islam”. In Ethiopian context, sacred areas exist in all parts of the country for different reasons and in different religious backgrounds. For instance, in the traditional Oromo’s who traditionally believe in a monotheistic black Celestial Deity in which their politico-religious life centered on eight-year cycle of rituals performed at key sites associated with mountains, trees and natural springs which formed the sacred space. Hence, these areas are protected by the customary laws, which forbade the cutting of important species of indigenous trees in the vicinity. (Gemetchu and Kassam, 2006). Besides, Soutter et al (2003) confirmed as Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church has maintained a long tradition of biodiversity conservation. Furthermore, Aerts (2007), in his article “Church Forests in Ethiopia”, reported the important role the Orthodox Tewahedo Church in northern Ethiopia play in conserving the biological resources due to the protecting tradition of the community. Alemayehu et al (2004) in their research work titled “Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church Forests: Opportunities and Challenges for Restoration”, which was done in Northern Gondar, identified as the churches cover total areas ranging between 1.6 and 100 ha with the species richness of woody species between 22 and 42. Besides, they conclude that existence of these biodiversity is attributed to the commitment of the church based on strong theological thoughts

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and a biblical basis. Generally speaking, the period after 1992 was a call period for the interdependence of cultural and biological diversity. Since then it has been underlined that the recognition of cultural

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

diversity pays a lot for the effectiveness of biodiversity conservation activities. Religious institutions are one of such cultural sites where biological resources are conserved. Most literatures produced from successive researches done in the area of religious institutionsbiodiversity conservation linkages mostly pinpoint the positive contribution of the former on the latter. However, almost all the researches done in the context of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo church were found to have emphasis more on study of the variety, variability of the plants and animals and their regeneration capacity than the values and principles of the church within and outside the church compound that help their conservation. The latter is given virtually little attention. This coupled with the fact that there has so far been no well systematized research done in the specific case (Ìnderta) have then prompted this research to intervene and fill the felt gaps by studying the church values in the specific case using an ethnographic approach and also in light of the general theories of Economic and Institutional theorists view, Cultural theorists view, Christian anthropocentrism, and Christian deep ecology. In essence, thus, this research is

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meant to fill both methodological and theoretical gaps in earlier literatures.

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4. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY 4.1. Description of the Study area The study was undertaken in Ìnderta woreda, Tigray National Regional State, Ethiopia. Its geographical location is between 130-140 North and 390-400 30" East with an altitude range of 500-2300m. Ìnderta woreda has an area of about 3,175.31 km2 characterized by erratic rainfall and frequent droughts. The rainy season is between June and September and the subsistence agricultural production is almost entirely dependent on this timing (wet season) (http://www.dppc.gov.et). The annual average rainfall varies between 500 and 1000mm and the annual average temperature ranges between 16 and 200C. The topography comprises uneven and ragged mountainous highlands, extensive plains and also deep gorges. It is one of the most degraded and eroded areas in the regional state. The common soil types are Arenosols, Calcisols, Cambisols, Kastanozems, Leptosols, Luvisols, Phaozems, Regosols, Vertisols and Fluvisols. The total forest cover in the woreda is 26321.5 ha, comprising 3007 ha of natural forest and 23314.5 ha of man-made plantations (Ìnderta woreda, public relations document, unpublished). The original natural high forests represent only about 0.43% of the entire wereda, which are found in remote and inaccessible areas such as on mountain ranges, the Ethiopian rift escarpment and around churches (Cartei et al., 2008).

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According to the Ethiopian population census undertaken by Central Statistical Authority (CSA, 2007), the population of Ìnderta is 114,277, of which the overwhelming majority (99.32%) practiced Orthodox christianity.

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

4.2. The Study Site: Churches Selected for the Study This study is conducted in some purposefully selected churches from Ìnderta wereda. For the purpose of this research, the age of the churches and location of the churches was taken as a criterion of selection. Thus, According to the Megabe srat of the woreda Béte kìhnet, Ìnderta is a woreda with around 95 churches for the Orthodox Tewahedo believers. Among these, four churches are purposefully selected for the study. These are Mika‘el Tsellamo, Mika‘el Dagya, Khokholo Yowhannis and Mika‘el Romanat. These churches are relatively old aged and two of them (Mika‘el Tsellamo and Mika‘el Romanat) are churches found around water areas while the remaining are not. 4.2.1. Mika‘el Tsellamo Church Mika‘el Tsellamo church is geographically located in a small village named Adi-Amuaq, which is around 6 km far to the south-west of Mekelle city. It is covered with forests, hosting animals of different species are dwelling. In the church compound, there exist the holly water, which is being believed to have a healing power by the believers and hence, people coming from different areas in and outside the region are spending time washing and drinking it to be “blessed”. The Holy water gives spiritual healing service to individuals who come from different localities. 4.2.2. Mika‘el Romanat Church This church is found in the village called Romanat, which is 8 Kms North-West of Mekelle city.

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This church compound has many thick indigenous trees: it is the melody of bird species there. Inside the canopy of the forests there are two springs serving as Holy water to the believers. Both are located to the eastern side of the central church building. The Holly water places are named after Saint Abune Teklehaymanot and Abune Aregawi respectively.

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4.2.3. Khokholo Yowhannis The village Khokholo is located 8 km west of Meklle, is well known for its worth to host the cave of Abune Abraham and Khokholo Yowhannis church. Big indigenous trees observable within the church compound can be taken as witnesses that the village was once covered with forests. According to priests from there, Khokholo Yowhannis is one of the oldest churches in Ethiopia. It was built church which was formerly in the Abune Abraham’s cave. 4.2.4. Mika‘el Dagya Church Dagya Mika‘el church is another church in Tigray, which I select for the purpose of this study. It is located in the village of Dagya, found in around 8 km North-east of Mekelle city. The new building, except to the west of the church is surrounded by indigenous trees, which makes it

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conducive habitat for birds, and other animals.

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

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Figure 1. Sketch map of the study area (prepared by the author)

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4.3. Research Methodology and Methods of Data Collection This study seeks to gain an in-depth understanding of the social values called church ethics with regard to biodiversity conservation and deep understanding of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church tradition, which is at the basis of the practice. This at the end will lead to a better understanding on how traditional knowledge on biodiversity and can be applied to other areas/ outside the Church compounds. Thus, the relevant research methodology is qualitative research design. This research mainly depends on primary data supported by secondary sources. The main emphasis was on the field work, for the nature of the research problem and objective is best addressed by using field work. This is mainly due to the nature of the problem that has been deal with: The role of the Orthodox Tewahedo Church in biodiversity conservation, the space wise dichotomy of the Sacred and the Profane in the Orthodox Tewahedo Church and biodiversity conservation. Thus, with regard to the primary data, fieldwork which is considered as a central activity in anthropological research (Ericsen, H. and Nielsen, S. (2001) was intensively applied.

For the purpose of this research, I made a preliminary field trip (before proposal writing) to the churches of Mikaél Romanat and Mikaél Tsellamo. When I was in the churches the priests asked me letter of cooperation from the Woreda Béte khnet (woreda level church administration). Hence, after a long search I found the office of Béte kìhnet (Ìnderta woreda) in Kwiha, which is

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nearby to Mekelle city. After a long time of appointments, the wereda Béte kìhnet asked me to bring letter of cooperation from the Zone Diocese (south eastern Tigray) and after some appointments I got a letter to the

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

Béte kìhnet. Having the letter of cooperation from the Diocese, they wrote one letter of cooperation to each church and I started field.

According to (Murchison, 2010), the types of methods that a researcher would employ will be determined by the type of research questions and information needed to answer the questions. Accordingly, since the research questions focus on communal events or experiential dimensions (Church ethics with regard to biodiversity conservation), the researcher used participant observation as a primary source of data collection.

To encounter informants in their everyday life, I was living in the churches (which were selected as a focus area for the study) especially, in churches of Mikaél Tsellamo and Mikaél Romanat and use ‘Participant observation’, which is according to Malinowski (Ericsen, H. and Nielsen, S. (2001), the most crucial research method under field work. To have a deep understanding of the followers of the EOTC on the church animals and plants, I involve myself in the church holy water practices and collective preying.

Since, the time of the data collection was a harvesting season, it was challenging to find people in the churches. But fortunately, it was less challenging in the above two Mikaél churches (Tsellamo and Romanat), because people were always available for the purpose of the Holy

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waters.

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Conducting participant observation is challenging for a number of reasons. Among others, it has the challenges of having the difficult tasks of balancing the activities of participation and observation, and time consumption (Murchison, 2010).

For Murchison (2010), an ethnographer probably always feels the role of observer. He adds that a good ethnographer is, however, expected to conduct both participation and observation at the same time in an integrated manner because, the continuous tension of being a practicing insider and an analytical outsider is crucial to put two different types of information and to have a clear, deep and sometimes sudden understanding of a complicated problem.

In order to address the difficulty in balancing the activities of Participation and observation, I conducted preliminary field observation which helped him to have background information on the situations and/or the activities at the ground. In this case, participating and observing the “Holy water” practice was typical.

The study is basically descriptive and employs deductive-inductive research or approach. To have a deep understanding of the attitudes and values of the community in biodiversity conservation and answer the questions that arise after the field participation and observation, I used semistructured and informal interviews. To this end, I conducted semi-structured interviews with 40

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purposefully selected respondents. Accordingly, 30 respondents from Mikaél Romanat and Mikaél Tsellamo (15 from each) and 10 respondents from Khokholo Yowhannis and Mikaél Dagya churches (5 from each) were interviewed.

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

In addition to the method of semi-structured interviews the study also based on in-depth interviews with key informants from the churches. For this purpose, I selected key informants in the first round, during the semi-structured interviews. And then, in-depth interviews were conducted with the key informants.

The main objective of the key informant interview was to obtain information from individuals in the community who show a deep capacity of observation of the relationship between man and nature within and outside the church. For the purposes of the study key informants understood to mean: i.

Political and religious Community leaders,

ii.

Community elders, who have background from theology,

iii.

Community elders who have no background from both science and theology.

With regarding to the secondary sources, I used different Books, Journal articles and other sources previously done in the area (biodiversity conservation). I have been tried to check the

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literatures if there is any influence on local practices.

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5. BIODIVERSITY AND ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS IN ETHIOPIAN ORTHODOX TEWAHEDO CHURCH 5.1. The churches and their Plant composition The churches Mikaél Romanat, Mikaél Tsellamo, Yowhannis Khokholo and Mikaél Dagya are endowed with diverse plant species. In his first trip, to Romanat Mikaél church, the researcher tried to observe the church from distance but it is difficult to see the central building of the church through its three directions (East, North and South). But this is not unique for the Romanat Mikaél church rather it is evident in all the churches of Mikaél Romanat, Mikaél Tsellamo, Yowhannis Khokholo and Mikaél Dagya. Thus, my observation goes in line with the findings of Cartei et al. (2008). Hence, when a traveler sees a patch of indigenous matured trees in the northern highland of Ethiopia, he/she can be sure that there is an orthodox church in the middle. These forests are visible from a great distance, with a majestic appearance and usually built on small hills overlooking the surrounding villages (Cartei et al., 2008). However, there is almost no forest to the western direction of all the churches. This is due to the fact that the area is used for praying. According to my informants (Priests), in the Orthodox Tewahedo Church the believers are expected to pray from west to east; while praying the followers face to the eastern direction Copyright © 2013. Diplomica Verlag. All rights reserved.

through the main Church building. Besides, religious teachings and meetings concerning church issues are held to this direction. Thus, most of the churches in the Orthodox Tewahedo Church are characterized by almost no forest to their west side. Moreover, this trend is practical in the burial and sleeping systems of the followers of the Orthodox Tewahedo Church. 32

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

In the Orthodox Tewahedo Church corpse are buried their legs to the east and head to the west. According the priests, this is done for the reason that “when they awake from death they will see to the east directly”. Besides, this is practical in the sleeping style of the followers. Thus, this practice of having a definite area of praying restrict the followers not to move here and there in the church compounds, which in turn have a positive role in the Church biodiversity conservation.

 Photo1: Romanat Mikaél church western scene ¾ The followers pray from the above open space to the direction of the central Church building. ¾ Church meetings and community Church teachings are done in this open Church area.

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 Photo 2: Romanat Mikaél church, eastern scene. ¾ The Holy waters are found inside this thick forest. ¾ The stone built fence symbolizes for the sacred Church ground. The table below shows the scientific and local names of plants commonly seen in all the churches of

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Mikaél Romanat and Mikaél Tsellamo, Khokholo Yowhannis and Mika‘el Dagya.

R.no Local Name

Scientific Name

1

T`qurberbere

Olea sp.

2

Awli`ì

Olea africana Mill.

3

Atami

Rhus glutinosa Hochst. ex A.Rich.

4

Shafa

F. sur Forssk.

5

Da`ìro

Ficus sycomorus

6

Qont’eft’efe

Pterollobium stellatum (Forssk.) Brenan

7

Selah

Teclea simplicifolia (Engl.) Verdoorn

8

Ch´ìqant’o

Ficus ? thonningii

9

`Ats`ats

Grewia tenax (Forssk.) Fiori

10

Hareg

Rhoicissus ? revoilii

11

Agol

??? Most likely a genus and species of Solanaceae

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

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12

Karets

Osyris quadripartite Decn.

13

Qabqeb

Maytenus senegalensis (Lam.) Exell

14

Liham

??? Most likely a genus and species of Oleaceae

15

Meleglega

Grewia ferruginea Hochst.exA.Rich.

16

Beless

Ficus palmata Forssk.

17

Sesegkuwayra

?????????

18

Hareg

Toddalia asiatica (L.) Lam.

19

Weyni

Vitis vinifera

20

`Awhi

Cordia africana Lam.

21

Senti

Cyperus ? alternifolius

22

Htsawts

Calpurnia aurea (Ait) Benth.

23

Krawih

???

24

Trìngwi

????

25

Hambohambo

Senna sinqueana (Del.)Lock

26

`A lamo

Possibly a species of Solanum subgen. Solanum

27

Gul`i

Ricinus communis

28

Sentisemhal

a species of Lamiaceae, menthe

29

Kuli`aw

Euclea schimperi ( A.DC. ) Dandy

30

Mebt`ì/ Merez

Acokanthera schimperi (A.DC.) Benth.

31

Negernegarit

Possibly a speciaes of Malvaceae

32

`igam

Carissa edulis (Forssk.) Vahl

33

Akacha

Introduced Australian species of Acacia

34

Qotsli`at`aro/ Mayawli`ì

Debregeasia bicolar (Roxb.) Wedd.

35

T’et’a`ìlo

Rhus glutinosa A.Rich.

36

`Am`amgìmel

Heliotropium cinerascens Steud.exDC.

37

Shìmì`ìya

A species of Justicia, possibly Justicia schimperiana, but that is guesswork

38

Hohot

???

39

Ch`ì`a

Acacia sp

40

Tshdi

A species of Cupressaceae, possibly ? Juniperus

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

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procera 41

Seraw

Acacia etbaica Schweinf.

42

Mengolhts

Dovyalis abyssinica (A.Rich.) Warb.

43

Rewey

G. mollis Juss.

Table 1: List of local and scientific names of common church plants. Sources for scientific names: Cartel, M. a. (2008), Leul Kidane et al (2010) and Professor Friis1.

5.2. The churches and their Animal composition According to Cartei et al. (2008), due to the extensive deforestation of the area outside the church compounds, most of the animals in the wereda (Ìnderta) were facing a local extinction while some of them were preserved in the Orthodox Tewahedo churches. Many of my informants also confirm this idea. For instance, according to Abboy Mebrahten2, when he was a child the village (Romanat) was covered with thick forest and different animals were inhabited. However, this days, the church is the only area in which wild animals are inhabit.

In the words of Abboy Mebrahten, “when we were children and looking after our cattle, if we suddenly miss our cattle we were forced to climb to a big tree to look over and go across the forest covered area. But now as you can see (to the researcher) except in the church compound, the remaining area remains with almost no tree and hence, the animals (like hyena) are in local extinction and some are coming to the church forest. For example, if you approach(to the researcher) now to that forest (the forest to the southern side of the church) you would see hyenas there. There are around hundred hyenas living here. ”

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This opinion seems to be true as the researcher’s observation in the entire sample churches confirm easy accessibility to wild animals view that are otherwise uncommon scenario in other public owned forests. For example, in his first visit to Mikaél Tsellamo church the researcher 1

I thank Professor Friis for his help in identifying the scientific names of most of the plants.

2

85 years old, born and grown in Romanat. Currently storekeeper in Romanat Mikaél church.

36

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

saw three hyenas leaving the church forest. It was at 7: 00 AM. The event was surprising for the researcher and caused fear because he had never seen a hyena in such a time. But it is normal for the people around to see different animals, which are unusual in other areas.

Unlike in other areas, wild animals inhabiting in Church forests are living in harmony with the people. In other words there is no wild-life human beings conflict when it is within the Church compounds. For instance, the holy water practitioners in Tsellamo Mikaél church used to share their food with the animals including with the hyenas. More specifically, the researcher was told by priest Gebrihet3, one of his ethnographic respondents at Romanat, that “it is possible to see hyenas even in the daytime and they are also peaceful due to the grace of God,” Different species of birds and reptiles and Leopard are also additional animals most common inside Tsellamo Mikaél Church forest.

5.3. Community’s View Towards Plants and Animals in the Church 5.3.1. Community’s view on plants in the Church Regardless of their benefits, all natural and artificially planted plants in the sacred areas are considered as sacred and are well honored. According to my informants (from all the churches), even though there is no discrimination in all naturally grown plants (edible and non-edible), the edible artificially planted, which deserve a serious follow up shall be planted in distant from the

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Church compound.

3

An old aged priest serving in Mikaél Romanat church.

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

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In line to this, Deacon Dawit4 argues “unlike the naturally grown plants, the edible artificially planted and which deserve a serious follow up shall be planted in distant from the church compound”. In justifying his idea, Deacon Dawit said that if they are kept within the church compound, individuals including children probably who are not pure would contaminate the sacred space by walking through it to collect the fruits. This act according to Deacon Dawit is “against the Church value in relation to the sacred space”. Therefore, in order to keep the sacredness of the compound, they prefer to plant the plants with valuable fruits far away from the Church compound. Hence, this is practical in Romanat, Tsellamo and Gebr`el, which is nearby Tsellamo churches. Thus, this view of the community, considering all in the sacred areas as sacred, which deserve respecting from the followers is one/ if not the only reason to see the current Church forests. Moreover, the attitude of planting the edible plants outside the Church compound minimizes the number of people crossing the Church plants. But regarding to the edible natural plants, since the culture of the community consider eating wild plants as shameful the community does not dare to eat the plants and their fruits. According to Ato Birhane5, “if someone eats wild fruits he/she will be considered as starved, which is shame to one who can engage in life sustaining works”. But, however, the culture allows the children to eat the plants and their fruits, due to the fear of the animals living in the Church forest they have no confidence

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to eat.

4

22 years old, living in Tsellamo Mikaél church since 2007. Currently serving in the “Holy water”, after having been healed by it.

5

A 35 years old man in Tsellamo Mikaél church for holy water practice.

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

Inside church compounds it is prohibited to cut a tree no matter how small a plant is and whatever the purpose is except for church services. For this reason, many people were surprised at a time the researcher was collecting specimen from the church plants. Some even went on as far as being extremely irritated and thus warned me not to do so.

Therefore, due to those cultural and religious values, the churches are endowed with diverse indigenous and non-indigenous species of plants. Besides, since the values (social and cultural) of the community are interlinked to each other the existence of the Church plants is long-lasting.

 Photo2: Church forest Tsellamo Mikaél church, eastern scene. ¾ The Holy water lies inside this thick forest.

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5.3.2. Community’s view on Animals in the Church In all the churches of Mikaél Tsellamo, Mikaél Romanat, Mikaél dagya and Yowhannis Khokholo animals are well preserved. According to my informants (from those churches) every life in the Church compound is living on the will of God. All animals in the Church compounds

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including snake (symbolize devil on the Holy Bible) are believed as the guards of God (the Church). The community believes that if there is someone/group who commit sin and come to the Church they did not allow him to enter to the Church and hence, by the will of God be there in guard to the sacredness of the Church. This is most of the time evident in the holy water areas. For instance, according to Yonas6, “one day a woman was coming to the holy water to be healed and while she was approaching to the church one surprising event was occurred i.e. One big snake come to the entrance of the holy water and closed the way and the women start to whimper loudly by telling her sin to God. From her words, she killed five kids of her neighbor of being midwifery. She killed them immediately after birth and the big snake does not allow her to enter to the holy water and she turned back without being accessed”. From this, people learnt that big snake is not a mere snake rather is considered as God’s messenger that does not allow sinful ones to enter to the holy water. Unlike to the wild animals, keeping domestic animals within the Church compound is forbidden. For instance, the researcher observed an open bid for the grass in Romanat, Mikaél Church compound. Although the followers were ready to compete to graze the grass from the church compound, the Church council has non-negotiable stand, which prohibits cattle intrusion to the church compound, to respect for the sacredness of the church. But the buyers found the bid non

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cost effective. Hence, the Church area is well reserved from domestic animal intrusion. Even though laymen have the same outlook on all wild animals in the churches, the Churchmen have a discriminatory attitude towards some animals for different reasons. For example, the 6

. 18 years old living in Mikaél Tsellamo church since 2009 practicing the holy water.

40

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

priests and deacons have a negative attitude towards animals like Mouse and Snake. According to my respondents (priests and deacons), the reason for this is that Mouse are bad as they eats Church documents and Snake is representing devil in the Holy Bible. Thus, for them (the priests and deacons), those animals could not be respected even if they are in the sacred areas. Even though theoretically the Churchmen have such an attitude, practically they give respect for all the animals in the Church compound. For instance, when the researcher was in Dagya Mikaél church he observed a child trying to kill a Mouse residing in the church compound where one priest prohibit the child not to kill it.

5.4. Significance of Church Plants Although cutting Church plant is believed to be sinful, there are certain conditions in which cutting Church plant can be possible. These are; 1) If the plant is dried out, 2) If it is found to be a challenge for the Church services, 3) If it is demanded for medical purpose and 4) for special purpose, in Church services. To this end, the plants in and around the Church compound have several benefits for the Church and the community around. The main benefits can be broadly categorized under products and services.

Products wise, the dried Church plants can be used in maintaining and reconstructing the Church buildings, for fire wood in the Churches, and/or generate income by selling to the followers at a fair price. For instance, when the researcher was in Romanat Mikaél church, there were plants

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cut down from the Church compound because the plants were affecting the electric cable of the church passing through and was closing the north eastern entrance of the church. Therefore, these plants can be used either for the church internal services or marketed to the followers at faire price.

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Service wise, there are plants used for special purpose for instance, Wine, which is used for communion, in place of the blood of Jesus crest. There are also plants like “Hossa´ìna” and “Senti” used for Church services in case of religious/Church holidays. The name of the plant “Hossa´ìnna” is believed to be emanated from the religious/ Church holiday itself. The leaf of the plant “Hossa´ìna” is used to prepare a finger ring, which is done ones a year in the Church holiday called “Hossa´ìna”. Besides, “Senti” is a long and tick grass used by the followers of the religion in one of the religious holidays called “Qedam sìu`r”, eve of Easter. According to my informant, priest Teklay7, “encircling one’s head using this grass symbolises for giving a message about the incarnation of Jesus crest”.

More than everything, Church plants provide sweet and pleasant smells around the churches, which would create beautiful scenery, impression and contemplation for prayers. Besides, these Church plants give grace and esteem to churches and play a protective role. The Church scholars and followers equate a church without trees with a naked person. The majestic creation of Church forests prompts the followers to fantasize about how more beautiful and graceful their creator, i.e. God, could be. Moreover, the Church plants are serving as rooms for the traditional Church students and the “Holy water” practitioners by providing them with a quite shady environment.

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Since the churches were mostly built in cliffs, the plants protect them from strong wind blow and soil and water erosion. Because the big trees with big branches and roots are very common in the churches. In this case, the plant Fig is to be a typical example.

7

62 years old serving in Dagya Mikaél church.

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

5.5. The Sacred and Profane Dichotomy in the Churches

Outer fence

Middle fence

Inner fence

Entrance (from west side)

Store

Entrance (North east)

Abune Aregawi (Holy water)

Abune Teklehaymanot (holy water)

May hiwot

Figure 2: St. Mikaél church, Romanat

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¾ The strait lines represent to the actually fenced boundaries of the church. ¾ The broken lines represent to the imaginary boundaries of the church.

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According to my informants (priests), in the Orthodox Tewahedo Church site selection is not done by chance rather there are some preconditions among which forest coverage is one. The area for Church construction is first selected by elders and priests from somehow in distance to the residence area and arable land endowed with forests. Thus, the Church land is believed as different from the other areas. Regardless of their size and shape, all the churches have almost the same kinds of borders used for similar purpose. These are: The outer line, which is demarcated with a brown color, represents the entire land of the church. The land and all the plants grown in this area is the property of the church; used either for the Churchmen or for the church service. The second, represented with a yellow color, demarcate the sacred Church land from the other non-sacred Church land. This fence is used to differentiate the pure from the impure ones (sacred from profane). Impure believers like those who made sexual intercourse and females in the menstruation period are expected to pray from outside of this fence. When one approaches to the main Church building the degree of sacredness increases. Hence, the sanctuary is the ultimate sacred, which is allowed only for few priests and one deacon. The third, represented with a white color, is the well built fence nearest to the main Church building from which inwards followers are expected to take off their shoes. Thus, the degree of

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sacredness increases with decreasing in distance to the sanctuary.

Even within the sacred areas, some areas are more sacred than others. For instance, in Mikaél Romanat and Mikaél Tsellamo churches, there are “holy waters” in the sacred compounds of the 44

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

churches. But all the “holy waters” in the sacred areas are not equally sacred. As a rule of the “holy water practitioners”, beginners (for the holy water) shall wash using soap in their home (somewhere outside) and yet they cannot directly enter to the “main holy water” rather they are expected to wash in the second holy water named “May-hiywot” (water of life), which is normally found under the main holy water (resulted after the main holy water). Hence, individuals who come across this process are considered as pure and can be served in the main “holy water” in their turn.

According to Deacon Birhane8, there are certain procedures to be fulfilled by the holy water practitioners before starting to practice. Before starting the practice, the practitioners are expected to form blocks, in two lines (based on sex) and they conduct collective praying for around 30 minutes. Moreover, unless he/she is incapable, it is impossible to be served in the “holy water” without praying. Hence, this practice has contributed allot in respecting the sacred areas of the “holy water” and its surroundings.

Unlike to animals and plants found far away from the church compound, those that are found within the Church compound enjoy more respect. According to my informants (Laymen), the reason for this is that all the plants and animals there (in the Church compound) are living on the spirit of God. Besides, all the animals including Snake (which is represented on the Bible as

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devil) are the guards of God (the Church) in the Church compound. Because, sometimes, if there is someone/group who commit sin and come to the Church they did not allow him to enter to the Church and use its services. This is most of the time evident in the “Holy water” areas.

8

A 29 years old youth serving in Mikaél Tsellamo “Holy water” since 2000, after having been healed by it.

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

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Photo 3: the way to the “Holy water”, Tsellamo Mikaél church. ¾ Shoes can be seen around the board because the board read us to take off our shoes. ¾ This way leads us from the Holy water practitioners’ residence area to eastern direction,

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to the “Holy waters”, which are covered by thick forests.

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

6. CONCLUDING REMARKS Through the presentation of various ethnographic data, I explored different aspects of the Church ethics in biodiversity conservation. The study analyses specific situations and contexts, but it also gives to more general observations regarding the sacred and profane in biodiversity conservation.

The Orthodox Tewahedo Church is playing a prominent role in conserving diverse species of plants and animals which can be observed in Church grounds. The role that the Church is playing in conserving the biodiversity is not because of the Church values and principles on the plants and animals. Rather, it is due to the sacredness of the Church compound; all plants and animals in the Church compound are considered as sacred merely due to the fact that they are within the sacred area. The conservation practices in the churches is not animal and plant type specific except for those edible plants which deserve serious follow up and domestic animals, which are prohibited in the church compound. Hence, the respect that the followers have towards the biodiversity in the Church compounds does not directly intend to give respect for the plants and animals rather it is to give respect to God as the Church is the house of God.

Orthodox Tewahedo Church followers in Ìnderta district respect the plants and animals in Church compound as end by themselves than a means to their economic objectives; they respect

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them not for their economic value rather for their perceived duty; respect to God as Church is the house of God. The people do not consider the plants and animals in the Church as simply normal animals rather they are believed to have a metaphysical divine power. Hence, respect for the plants and animals draws respect to God.

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As to the Economic and Institutional theorist’s perspective, the conservation of biodiversity depends on the economic values of the biological resources: to make the conservation practice sustainable the economic values of the resources has to be enhanced. However, Had this perspective been correct, there would have not been biological resources in the church compounds as the biodiversity in the churches are not perceived by the community to have Economic values either through Carbon trading or tourism. Although the plants and animals in the church compounds have immense values in the locality, they are conserved simply for their virtue of being in that place. But this practice is not evident in the profane world. And hence, the Church values goes in line with the ideas of the cultural theorists in which people respect biodiversity for their cultural values and negate the ideas of the Economic and Institutional theorists in which economic values and Institutional powers are expected to have a greatest impact on biodiversity conservation practices. It is hardly possible to conclude that the Ethiopian Orthodox Twahedo Church is either Anthropocentric or Deep ecological rather it is both Anthropocentristic and deep ecological which can be determined by the nature of the space occupied by the recourses. This clearly indicates the space wise dichotomy of the sacred and the profane. Hence, the tradition of the Orthodox Tewahedo believers in the sacred area goes in line with the Christian Deep-ecologists in which biological resources are believed to be conserved for their own sake. In the profane world in

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contradiction with believer’s ethics in the sacred areas, man is believed to be the center/end while the remaining/other nature is the means for the end (man). The believers consider the plants and animals in the sacred areas as something with special power (metaphysical power), which makes it different from those in the profane areas.

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

Therefore, the Orthodox Tewahedo Christian doctrine in Ethiopian practice has different possibilities: (a) within church compounds the protection of nature (respect of creation), (b) outside the submission of nature, as the Bible demands – both are Christian behaviors! Church is not pro-nature. The Church itself has set up a partition into sacred and profane, with different rule for both spheres; both systems of rules exist parallel.

A central point in this book has been to show the role of the Church in biodiversity conservation in terms of the Sacred and Profane and/or pure and impure dichotomy and hence, the biodiversity conservation in the Church (Orthodox Tewahedo) is the result of the practices of the communi-

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ties, as a result of the sacredness of the Church compounds and holy water areas.

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Zewge, T. (2001). Biodiversity Conservation in Ancient Church and Monastery Yards in Ethiopia.

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Zimmerman, M. E. (1989). Introduction to Deep Ecology: Deep ecology is a new way to think about our relationship to the Earth and thinking is a prelude to action. (A. Atkisson, Interviewer)

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APPENDIX I: LIST OF QUESTIONS: INTERVIEW DISCUSSIONS ͳǤ Name ʹǤ Age ͵Ǥ How long he/she lives in the village and is member of the church? ͶǤ How the church and its surrounding was look like when he/she know the area for the first time? ͷǤ What do you think are the factors for the destruction of biological diversity from the other areas other than in the church and its surrounding? ͸Ǥ What are the plants required to grow in the church and its surrounding and which plants not? ͹Ǥ Who is responsible for the protection of the plants and animals in the church? ͺǤ For what purpose do you think are the biodiversity in the churches can be used? ͻǤ Why you do not cut even for a stick from the church plants while possible in other areas? ͳͲǤ What are the benefits which can be gained from the plants and animals in the church? A.

For the followers

B.

For the church itself

C.

For tourism

ͳͳǤ Rules which prohibit destruction of biodiversity/ advocate biodiversity conservation from the bible and other Orthodox Tewahedo church dogmas? ͳʹǤ Why the plants and animals are more diverse and conserved in the churches than in other

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areas?

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

APPENDIX II: PHOTOS OF CHURCH PLANTS AND THEIR DESCRIPTIONS 1. ™Ž‹Ʈ¿ ¾  –”‡‡ ‘™ ˆ‘” ‹–• Ž‘‰Ǧ–‡” Ž‹ˆ‡ ‡š’‡…–ƒ…›—’–‘‘‡–Š‘—•ƒ†›‡ƒ”•Ǥ ¾ •‡†ˆ‘”ǣ 9 –• ›‘—‰ǡ ˆ”‡•Š ƒ† –Š‹‡” „”ƒ…Š‡• …ƒ—•‡ˆ‘”–‘‘–Š„”—•ŠǤ 9 ”ƒ†‹–‹‘ƒŽ ‡†‹…‹‡ǡ šƒ’Ž‡ǡ Habbi ƒ† ƒ•–”‹…ǡ‹–•Ž‡ƒˆ‹•—•‡†‹–Š‡ˆ‘”‘ˆ …Š‡™‹‰Ǥ 9 ‘‡ —•‡ ‹– ˆ‘” Dzǯ—•ŠDzǤ •’‡…‹ƒŽŽ›ǡ ƒˆ–‡”–Š‡›‰‹˜‡„‹”–ŠǤ ¾ ǯ—•Š‹•–Š‡–”ƒ†‹–‹‘ƒŽ’”ƒ…–‹…‡—•‡†„› ™‘‡Ǥ ‘” –Š‹• ’—”’‘•‡ǡ –Š‡› …‘ŽŽ‡…– –Š‡ „”ƒ…Š‡• ‘ˆ ’Žƒ–• Ž‹‡ ™Ž‹Ʈ¿ ƒ† —Ž‹Ʈƒ™–Š‡–Š‡›ˆ‹”‡†‹–ȋ‹‘•–…ƒ•‡• ‹ƒ•‡Žˆ’”‡’ƒ”‡†Š‘Ž‡Ȍƒ†–Š‡›ƒ‡ –Š‡‹”„‘†›–‘‰‡––Š‡•‘‡„›…Ž‘•‹‰ƒ „Žƒ‡–ǡ –Š‡ •‘‡ –‘ ”‡ƒ‹ ‹ –Š‡‹” „‘†› ’ƒ”–•Ǥ ‡…‡ǡ ‹– ‹• „‡Ž‹‡˜‡† –Šƒ– ƒ ™‘ƒ™Š‘†‹†–Š‹•™‹ŽŽ„‡Š‡ƒŽ–Š›ƒ† Ž‘‘‹…‡Ǥ ¾ Š‹• ‹• ‘ˆ–‡ ’”ƒ…–‹…‡† „› ™‘‡ ™Š‘

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‰‹˜‡„‹”–Šƒ†”‹†‡Ǥ 9 Š‡ ‘•–”—…–‹‘ ‘ˆ –”ƒ†‹–‹‘ƒŽ Š‘—•‡• ȋHidmoȌǤ —‡ –‘ ‹–• ”‡•‹•–ƒ…‡ǡ ‘ˆ–‡ —•‡†ˆ‘”’‹ŽŽƒ”Ǥ

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2. T`qurberbere ¾ •‡†ˆ‘”ǣ ¾ ”ƒ†‹–‹‘ƒŽ ‡†‹…‹‡Ǣ ˆ‘” –Š‹• ’—”’‘•‡ǡ„›…‘ŽŽ‡…–‹‰Ž‡ƒˆ•ƒ† …Š‘’’‹‰ †‘™ „› ƒ††‹‰ †”‘’• ‘ˆ ™ƒ–‡” ȋ–‘ ‰ƒ–‡ Ž‹“—‹† ‘—–‘ˆ‹–Ȍǡ–Š‡Ž‹“—‹†ȋˆ‘”‡†‘—– ‘ˆ ‹–Ȍ ‹• –ƒ‡ ‹ –Š‡ ˆ‘” ‘ˆ †”‹‹‰ –‘ …—”‡ ˆ‘” ƒ„Ǧ †‘‹ƒŽ †‹•‡ƒ•‡ǡ ™Š‹…Š ‹• ƒ‡†„›–Š‡’‡‘’Ž‡DzSraydzǤ 9 ‘ˆˆ‡‡ …‡”‡‘›Ǣ –‘ ƒ‡ –Š‡ …‡”‡‘› ƒ’’‡ƒŽ‹‰ǡ ‹–• ›‘—‰ǡ ˆ”‡•Š ƒ† –Š‹‡” „”ƒ…Š‡• ™‹–Š ‰”‡‡ Ž‡ƒˆ ƒ”‡ ’—– ‘ –Š‡ ‰”‘—† ™Š‹Ž‡ –Š‡ …‘ˆˆ‡‡ …‡”‡Ǧ ‘›‹•‰‘‹‰‘Ǥ

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9 ‘‘–Š „”—•ŠǢ ‹–• ›‘—‰ǡ ˆ”‡•Š ƒ† –Š‹‡” „”ƒ…Š‡• …ƒ —•‡ ˆ‘”–‘‘–Š„”—•ŠǤ

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

3. Atami ¾ •‡†ˆ‘”ǣ 9 ‡ƒˆ›„”ƒ…Š‡•‘ˆ–Š‡’Žƒ– ƒ”‡—•‡†ˆ‘”™ƒ•Š‹‰–Š‡’‘– —•‡†ˆ‘”‹ŽǤŠ‹•‹•—•‡†ƒ• ƒ„”—•Š–‘…Ž‡ƒ–Š‡‹Ž’‘– ™Š‹Ž‡™ƒ•Š‹‰‹–„›™ƒ–‡”Ǥ Š—•ǡ™Š‡‘‡‹•†”‹‹‰ ‹Žˆ”‘–Š‡‹Ž’‘– ™ƒ•Š‡†„›–Š‡Ž‡ƒˆ›„”ƒ…Š‡• ‘ˆ–Š‡’Žƒ––Š‡‹Ž•‡ŽŽ ‰‘‘†ȋMyesȌǤ 9 ‘‘–Š„”—•ŠǢ‹–•›‘—‰ǡˆ”‡•Š ƒ†–Š‹‡”„”ƒ…Š‡•ƒ”‡ —•‡†Ǥ 9 ‘•–”—…–‹‘

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9 ‘”–”ƒ†‹–‹‘ƒŽƒ‰”‹…—Ž–—”ƒŽ †‡˜‹…‡•Ǥ

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4. Shafa ¾ ‹‰–”‡‡™‹–Šƒˆ”—‹––Šƒ– …Š‹Ž†”‡…ƒ‡ƒ–Ǥ ¾ –…”‡ƒ–‡•ƒ•Šƒ†›‡˜‹”‘Ǧ ‡–ǡ™Š‹…Š…ƒ„‡—•‡†ƒ•ƒ •Š‡Ž–‡”ˆ‘”Ž‘™‡”’Žƒ–•ƒ† ƒ‹ƒŽ•Ǥ ¾ ‘…ƒŽ‡‡–‹‰•…ƒ„‡ƒŽ•‘ Š‡Ž†—†‡”–Š‡•Šƒ†›‰”‘—†• ‘ˆ–Š‡’Žƒ–Ǥ

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¾ ƒ„‡ƒŽ•‘—•‡†ˆ‘”…‘•–”—…Ǧ –‹‘ƒ–‡”‹ƒŽ•ƒ†ˆ‹”‡™‘‘†Ǥ

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

5. Da`ìro ¾ „‹‰–”‡‡™‹–Šƒˆ”—‹–•–Šƒ– …ƒ„‡‡ƒ–‡„›…Š‹Ž†”‡Ǥ ¾ –•”‘‘–•…‘˜‡”ƒ˜ƒ•–ƒ”‡ƒ ƒ†Š‡…‡‹–Šƒ•ƒ’‘•‹–‹˜‡ …‘–”‹„—–‹‘‘•‘‹Ž…‘•‡”˜ƒǦ –‹‘Ǥ •‡†ˆ‘”ǣ 9 ”‡’ƒ”‹‰ƒ„”ƒ†Ž‹‡ˆ‘‘† …ƒŽŽ‡†“HbshtidzǤHbshti ‹•ƒ –”ƒ†‹–‹‘ƒŽˆ‘‘†’”‡’ƒ”‡†„› Š‡ƒ–‹‰™Š‹Ž‡…‘˜‡”‡†„›–Š‡•‡ Ž‡ƒ˜‡•Ǥ 9 Š‡Ž–‡”‹…ƒ•‡•‘ˆŽ‘…ƒŽ ‡‡–‹‰•ƒ†ˆ‘”Ž‘™‡”’Žƒ–• ƒ†ƒ‹ƒŽ•Ǥ 9 ‘•–”—…–‹‘ 9 ‹”‡™‘‘† 

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

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6. Qont’eft’efe ’Žƒ–…Šƒ”ƒ…–‡”‹œ‡†„›•ƒŽŽ ‹–‡”Ž‹‡†–Š‘”•Ǥ ¾ —‡–‘‹–•ƒ–—”‡ǡ‹–’”‘Ǧ –‡…–•‹–•‡Žˆƒ†‘–Š‡” ’Žƒ–•„›‡ƒ”ˆ”‘†‡Ǧ •–”—…–‹‘Ǥ ¾ ›…—––‹‰‹–ǡ™‹–Š‡•’‡Ǧ …‹ƒŽ…ƒ”‡ǡ‹–…ƒ„‡—•‡† ˆ‘”ˆ‡…‡Ǥ 

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

7. ‡ŽƒŠ ¾ „‹‰–”‡‡—•‡†ˆ‘”ǣ 9 ‡˜‹…‡•—•‡†‹–”ƒ†‹Ǧ –‹‘ƒŽˆƒ”‹‰Ǥ 9 ‘•–”—…–‹‘ 9 Š‡Ž–‡”ˆ‘”Ž‘™‡” ’Žƒ–•ƒ†ƒ‹ƒŽ•Ǥ

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9 ‹”‡™‘‘†

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

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8. Ch´ìqant’o ¾ ƒ•ƒ•ƒŽŽ•‡‡†•–Šƒ– …ƒ„‡‡ƒ–‡„›…Š‹Ž†”‡Ǥ ¾ ƒ„‡’Žƒ–‡†ƒ† ‰”‘™„›…—––‹‰ˆ”‘‹–• „”ƒ…Š‡•Ǥ •‡†ˆ‘”ǣ 9 ‘•–”—…–‹‘ 9 ‡˜‹…‡•—•‡†‹–”ƒ†‹Ǧ –‹‘ƒŽˆƒ”‹‰ƒ…–‹˜‹–‹‡• 

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

9. `Ats`ats „‹‰–”‡‡—•‡†ˆ‘”ǣ 9 –‹…ȋBetriȌ 9 ‡…‡ 9 ‘•–”—…–‹‘ 9 Š‡Ž–‡” 9 ”ƒ†‹–‹‘ƒŽˆƒ”‹‰†‡Ǧ ˜‹…‡•

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10. Hareg ¾ ’Žƒ–™Š‹…ŠŽ‹•ƒŽŽ –Š‡’Žƒ•ƒ”‘—†ƒ† ƒ‡•ƒ›’Žƒ–•ƒ• ‘‡Ǥ ¾ ‘”–Š‡ƒ„‘˜‡ƒ–—”‡ ‘ˆ–Š‡’Žƒ–ǡŽ‹‡‘ˆƒ ˆƒ‹Ž›‹‹‰”‹›ƒ‹• …ƒŽŽ‡†HaregǤ ¾ –ˆ‘”•ƒ…ƒ‘’› ƒ”‘—†–Š‡…Š—”…Š‡• ƒ†Š‡…‡ǡ–Š‡•Šƒ†› ƒ”‡ƒˆ‘”‡†„›–Š‹• ’Žƒ–‹•—•‡†ˆ‘””‡•‹Ǧ †‡…‡‘ˆ†‹ˆˆ‡”‡–ƒǦ

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‹ƒŽ•ƒ†•ƒŽŽ’Žƒ–•Ǥ

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

11. Agol 9 Its root and leafs are used for traditional medicine. 2. To heal an individual from the disease locally called “Mchi”, He/she is expected to get the heat and moisture of evaporation either by collecting the fresh roots of the plant alone or by mixing the leafs of Agol, `Awhiƒ† eucalyptusand boiling it in a device with a medium opening (not to evaporate more to outside). 

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3. ‘”–Š‡†‹•‡ƒ•‡ǡ “`Atsereshnti”,‹–‹•–ƒ‡‹ –Š‡ˆ‘”‘ˆ†”‹‹‰„› „”‡ƒ‹‰Ǧ†‘™‹–•ˆ”‡•Š Ž‡ƒˆ•ƒ†‰‡––‹‰–Š‡Ž‹“—‹† ‘—–‘ˆ‹–ˆ‘”†”‹‹‰Ǥ

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12. karets „‹‰–”‡‡ǡ™Š‹…Š…ƒ„‡—•‡†ǣ ¾ ‘”…Šƒ”…‘ƒŽ’”‡’ƒ”ƒ–‹‘ǡ ‹–•…Šƒ”…‘ƒŽ‹••‘Šƒ”†ǡ ™Š‹…Š…ƒ‡ƒ•‹Ž›‡Ž–‹”‘Ǥ ‡…‡ǡƒ•‡”‹‘—•…ƒ”‡‹• ‡…‡••ƒ”›™Š‹Ž‡—•‹‰–Š‡ …Šƒ”…‘ƒŽ‘ˆ–Š‹•’Žƒ–Ǥ ¾ ‘ƒ‡Ž‡ƒ–Š‡”˜‡”›ƒ–Ǧ –”ƒ…–‹˜‡ƒ†„‡ƒ—–‹ˆ—ŽǤ ‘” –Š‹•’—”’‘•‡ǡˆ‹”•–ǡ„›…‘ŽǦ Ž‡…–‹‰Ž‡ƒˆ‘ˆ–Š‡’Žƒ–‹• ƒ††‡†–‘ƒ’‘–™‹–ŠƒŽ‹––Ž‡ ƒ‘—–‘ˆ™ƒ–‡”ƒ†ƒˆ–‡” •‘‡–‹‡ǡ–Š‡•‹™‹ŽŽ„‡ ƒ††‡†–‘–Š‡’‘–ǡ™Š‹…Š …‘–ƒ‹•–Š‡Ž‡ƒˆƒ†™ƒ–‡” ƒ†ƒ‡–‘•–ƒ›‹•‹†‡ˆ‘” •‘‡–‹‡ƒ†–Š‡ƒˆ–‡” •‘‡–‹‡ǡ–Š‡•‹™‹ŽŽ„‡ ƒ––”ƒ…–‹˜‡ƒ†”‡††‹•Šǡ ™Š‹…Š–”ƒ†‹–‹‘ƒŽŽ›—•‡†‹ ’‹‰‰‹‰„ƒ…ƒ…Š‹Ž† (“Mahzel”).

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¾  –ƒŽ•‘—•‡†‹’”‡’ƒ”‹‰ “Hamham”ˆ‘”—•‡ǤŠ‹•‹• ƒ†‡˜‹…‡—•‡†ˆ‘”‡ŽŽƒǡ ‹Žƒ†‘–Š‡”•Ǥ

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

13. Qabqeb ¾ „‹‰–”‡‡ǡ™Š‹…ŠŠƒ˜‡ƒ •ƒŽŽƒ††‹•’‡”•‡† –Š‘”‹‹–•„”ƒ…Š‡•Ǥ ¾ ‹‡Ž‡ƒˆ•‘ˆ`Awhiƒ† Da`ìroǡ–Š‡ˆ”‡•ŠŽ‡ƒˆ•‘ˆ –Š‹•’Žƒ–…ƒ„‡—•‡†ˆ‘” „ƒ‹‰Hbshti. ¾ ‘”†‡˜‹…‡•—•‡†‹–”ƒ†‹Ǧ –‹‘ƒŽˆƒ”‹‰ƒ…–‹˜‹–‹‡•Ǥ ¾ –…ƒƒŽ•‘„‡—•‡†ˆ‘” …‘•–”—…–‹‘ƒ–‡”‹ƒŽ•Ǥ ¾ ‘”ˆ‡…‡ƒ†•Š‡Ž–‡”ˆ‘”

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Ž‘™‡”’Žƒ–•ƒ†ƒ‹ƒŽ•Ǥ

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14. Liham ¾ „‹‰–”‡‡ǡ™Š‹…ŠŠƒ˜‡ƒ •™‡‡–ˆ”—‹–›–Šƒ–…ƒ„‡ ‡ƒ–‡„›…Š‹Ž†”‡Ǥ ¾ –•‡”˜‡†ƒ•Ǣ 9 •Š‡Ž–‡”ˆ‘”†‹ˆˆ‡”‡– ƒ‹ƒŽ•ƒ†Ž‘™‡”’Žƒ–•Ǥ 9 –ˆ‘”•ƒ•Šƒ†›‡˜‹”‘Ǧ ‡–ǡ™Š‹…Š‹•…‘†—…‹˜‡ ˆ‘”‡‡–‹‰•ƒ†…Š—”…Š •–—†‡–•–‘”‡ƒ†‹Ǥ 9 •‡†‹–Š‡–”ƒ†‹–‹‘ƒŽ …‘•–”—…–‹‘Ǥ

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9 ‹”‡™‘‘†Ǥ

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

15. Meleglega ƒ„‡—•‡†ˆ‘”ǣ 9 …‘•–”—…–‹‘‘ˆ–”ƒ†‹–‹‘Ǧ ƒŽŠ‘—•‡•ǡ 9 †‡˜‹…‡•—•‡†ˆ‘”–”ƒ†‹Ǧ –‹‘ƒŽˆƒ”‹‰ǡ 9 •–‹…ȋBetriȌ

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9 ˆ‹”‡™‘‘†

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

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16. Belles ¾  „‹‰ ™Š‹–‡ „Ž‘‘†‡† ’Žƒ–Ǥ Š‹Ž†”‡ —•‡ –Š‹• ™Š‹–‡ „Ž‘‘† ‘ˆ –Š‡ ’Žƒ– ˆ‘” …‘†‡•‹‰ ‹ŽǢ ƒˆ–‡” –Š‡› ‹Ž‡† ˆ”‘ –Š‡‹” ƒ‹ƒŽ• –Š‡› ƒ†† ƒ †”‘’ ‘ˆ „Ž‘‘† ˆ”‘ –Š‡ ’Žƒ– –‘ –Š‡ ‹Ž ƒ†–Š‡‹Ž™‹ŽŽ‹‡†‹ƒ–‡Ǧ Ž› …‘†‡•‡† ™‹–Š‘—– ƒ› —•‡‘ˆ…‘†‡•‡”Ǥ ¾ –ƒŽ•‘Šƒ•ƒˆ”—‹–ǡ™Š‹…Š …ƒ„‡‡ƒ–‡„›…Š‹Ž†”‡Ǥ

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¾ – …”‡ƒ–‡• ƒ •Šƒ†› ‡˜‹”‘‡– …‘†—…‹˜‡ ˆ‘” Ž‘™‡” ’Žƒ–• ƒ† ƒ‹ƒŽ• –‘ „‡•Šƒ†‡†—†‡”Ǥ

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

18. Hareg See number 10, page 71.

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sees

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19. Weyni ¾ •ƒ•’‡…‹ƒŽ’Žƒ– ‡‡†‡†ˆ‘”…Š—”…Š•‡”˜‹…‡•ǡ ™Š‹…Š‹•—•‡†ˆ‘”…‘—Ǧ ‹‘ǡ…‘•‹†‡”‡†ƒ•ƒ„Ž‘‘†‘ˆ

‡•—•…”‡•–Ǥ ‘”–Š‹•’—”’‘•‡ǡ –Š‡•‡‡†•ƒ”‡…‘ŽŽ‡…–‡†ƒ† ƒ‡–‘†”›–Š‡‹–‹• ‰”ƒ‹‡†ƒ†–Š‡’‘™†‡” ˆ‘”‡†‘—–‘ˆ‹–™‹ŽŽ„‡ ‹š‡†™‹–Š™ƒ–‡”ƒ†—•‡†Ǥ ¾ –••‡‡†…ƒ„‡‡ƒ–‡ „›Š—ƒ„‡‹‰•™‹–Š‘ †‹•–‹…–‹‘„›ƒ‰‡ǡ•‘…‹ƒŽ •–ƒ–—‡•ƒ†•‡šǤ

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20. `Awhi ¾ „‹‰–”‡‡ǡ™Š‹…Š…ƒ„‡—•‡† ˆ‘”ǣ 9 ‡†‹…‹‡ˆ‘”†‹ˆˆ‡”‡–†‹‡•‡•Ǥ Š‘•‡ƒ”‡Ǣ ͳǤ ‘”DzMchidzǡ‹–•ˆ”‡•Šƒ†›‘—‰ Ž‡ƒˆ•ƒ”‡—•‡†ǤŠ‹•‹•—•‡†„› ‰‡––‹‰Š‡ƒ–‡†–Š”‘—‰Š‡˜ƒ’‘”ƒǦ –‹‘ˆ‘”‡†„›„‘‹Ž‹‰Ž‡ƒˆ•‘ˆ –Š‡’Žƒ–ƒŽ‘‡‘”™‹–ŠŽ‡ƒˆ•‘ˆ DzAgoldzƒ†—…ƒŽ›’–—•Ǥ

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ʹǤ ‘”ƒ„†‘‹ƒŽ†‹•‡ƒ•‡ǡŽ‡ƒˆ•…ƒ „‡—•‡†„›…Š‘’’‹‰†‘™–Š‡ ƒ††‹‰ƒ†”‘’‘ˆ™ƒ–‡”ƒ† †”‹‹‰–Š‡Ž‹“—‹†ˆ‘”‡†‘—–‘ˆ ‹–Ǥ•’‡…‹ƒŽŽ›ǡ‹–‹•„‡Ž‹‡˜‡†ƒ• —•‡ˆ—Žˆ‘”–Š‡†‹•‡ƒ•‡–Š‡›…ƒŽŽ‹– DzSray”. 

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

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21. Senti ¾ •Ž‘‰ƒ†–Š‹…‰”ƒ••Ǥ ¾ •‡†„›–Š‡”–Š‘†‘š‡™ƒŠ‡†‘ ˆ‘ŽŽ‘™‡”•‹‘‡‘ˆ–Š‡”‡Ž‹‰‹‘—• Š‘Ž‹†ƒ›•…ƒŽŽ‡†DzQedam s`ìur”, ‡˜‡‘ˆƒ•–‡”Ǥ…‹”…Ž‹‰‘‡ǯ• Š‡ƒ†—•‹‰–Š‹•‰”ƒ•••›„‘Ž‹•Ǧ ‡•ˆ‘”‰‹˜‹‰ƒ‡••ƒ‰‡ƒ„‘—– –Š‡‹…ƒ”ƒ–‹‘‘ˆ ‡•—•…”‡•–Ǥ

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9 •‡†‹•‘…‹ƒŽƒ†”‡Ž‹‰‹‘—• …‡”‡‘‹‡•Ǣsenti ‹• ˆ—”‹•Š‡† ‘–Š‡‰”‘—†™Š‹Ž‡–Š‡…‡”‡Ǧ ‘›‹•‰‘‹‰‘Ǥ –ƒ‡•ƒ …‡”‡‘›–‘„‡•‡ŽŽ‹‰‰‘‘† ƒ†•‡•ƒ–‹‘ƒŽǤ ‘”‹•–ƒ…‡ǡ‹– ‹•…‘‘‹…‘ˆˆ‡‡…‡”‡‘Ǧ ‹‡•‡˜‡‹–Š‡—”„ƒƒ”‡ƒ•Ǥ

76

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

22. Htsawts •‡†ˆ‘”ǣ 9 –‹…ȋ‡–”‹Ȍǡ 9 –”ƒ†‹–‹‘ƒŽ…‘•–”—…–‹‘ ƒ–‡”‹ƒŽ•ǡ 9 ‹”‡™‘‘†ƒ†

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9 ”ƒ†‹–‹‘ƒŽˆƒ”‹‰†‡Ǧ ˜‹…‡•Ǥ

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77

23. Krawih •‡†ˆ‘”ǣ 9 –Š‡…‘•–”—…–‹‘‘ˆŽ‘…ƒŽ –”ƒ†‹–‹‘ƒŽŠ‘—•‡• 9 •Š‡Ž–‡”ˆ‘”Ž‘™‡”’Žƒ–• ƒ†ƒ‹ƒŽ•

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9 –”ƒ†‹–‹‘ƒŽˆƒ”‹‰†‡˜‹•Ǧ ‡•Ǥ

78

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

24. Trìngwi ƒ„‹‰ˆ”—‹–‡†’Žƒ–ǡ™Š‹…Š…ƒ„‡ ‡ƒ–‡„›ƒŽŽŠ—ƒ„‡‹‰•ƒ† ‹•ƒ”‡–‹‰–‘–Š‡”‡•‹†‡–• –‘‘Ǥ

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

79

25. Hambohambo •‡†ˆ‘”ǣ 9 ‘•–”—…–‹‘ 9 –‹…ȋ‡–”‹Ȍ 9 Š‡Ž–‡”ˆ‘”ƒ‹ƒŽ•ƒ† Ž‘™‡”’Žƒ–•Ǥ

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9 ˆ‹”‡™‘‘†

80

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

26. `Alamo –‹•ƒ•ƒŽŽ’Žƒ–™‹–Š•ƒŽŽ ‡†‹„Ž‡ˆ”—‹–•Ǥ –•”‘‘–…ƒ„‡—•‡†‹…ƒ•‡•‘ˆ ƒ„†‘‹ƒŽ†‹•‡ƒ•‡ǡ„›•™ƒŽŽ‘™Ǧ ‹‰–Š‡Ž‹“—‹†ˆ‘”‡†‘—–‘ˆ …Š‡™‹‰–Š‡”‘‘–•Ǥ

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

81

27. Gul`i Š‡•‡‡†‹•—•‡†ˆ‘”„”—•Š‹‰ Mogogoȋ–Š‡–”ƒ†‹–‹‘ƒŽ†‡˜‹…‡ —•‡†ˆ‘”„ƒ‡”›ȌǤ ‘”–Š‹• ’—”’‘•‡ǡ–Š‡•‡‡†‹•…‘ŽŽ‡…–‡† ƒ†ƒ‡–‘†”›ƒ†ƒˆ–‡”‹–‰‘– †”‹‡†‹–™‹ŽŽ„‡…”ƒ•Š‡†ƒ†–Š‡ ˆƒ–Ž‹‡’ƒ”–‘ˆ–Š‡•‡‡†‹•—•‡† ˆ‘”„”—•Š‹‰–Š‡‘‰‘‰‘„›

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Šƒ†‹‰‹–™‹–Šƒ•ƒŽŽ–‡š–‹Ž‡Ǥ

82

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

28. Sentisemhal •ƒŽŽ’Žƒ–™‹–Šƒ‰‘‘†‘†‘—”ǡ …‘‘‹•ƒŽŽ”‡•‡”˜‘‹”•ƒ† –Š‡’‡‘’Ž‡Ž‹‡–‘Šƒ˜‡‹–Ǥ –‹•—•‡†‹…‡”‡‘‹‡•ƒŽ‘‰ ™‹–ŠSenti, †‘‡‹–Š‡‰”‘—† ™Š‹Ž‡–Š‡…‡”‡‘›‹•‰‘‹‰‘ ƒ†Š‡…‡ǡƒ…‡”‡‘›™‹–Š–Š‹•

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’Žƒ–™‹ŽŽ„‡…‘‡‹–‡”‡•–‹‰Ǥ

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

83

30. Mebt`ì (Merez) •‡†ˆ‘”ǣ 9 ‘•–”—…–‹‘ 9 ƒ”‹‰†‡˜‹…‡• 9 Š‡Ž–‡”ˆ‘”Ž‘™‡”’Žƒ–• ƒ†ƒ‹ƒŽ•

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9 ˆ‹”‡™‘‘†

84

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

31. Neger-negarit –•Ž‡ƒˆ‹•—•‡†ˆ‘”…Š‹Ž†”‡ƒ• ‡†‹…‹‡ˆ‘”ƒ„†‘‹ƒŽ †ƒ‹•‡•ǡ„›ƒ‹‰–‘†”‹–Š‡

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Ž‡ƒˆ•Ǥ

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

85

32. `igam 9 –••ƒŽŽƒ†„Žƒ…•‡‡†• ƒ”‡‡†‹„Ž‡Ǥ 9 —‡–‘‹–•–Š‘”ǡ‹–‘ˆ–‡ —•‡†ˆ‘”ˆ‡…‡Ǥ 9 ‘”ˆ‹”‡™‘‘†Ǥ  

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86

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

33. Akacha •‡†ˆ‘”ˆ‹”‡™‘‘†ƒ†‹–• ˆŽ‘™‡”•ƒ”‡—•‡ˆ—Žˆ‘”„‡‡•Ǥ Š‡…‘—‹–›…ƒ–‡‰‘”‹œ‡†–Š‹• ’Žƒ–—†‡”–Š‘•‡’Žƒ–• „”‘—‰Š–„›‰‘˜‡”‡–Ǥ Ǥ‡Ǥ ’Žƒ–•’Žƒ–‡†ƒˆ–‡”–Š‡…‘‹‰ –‘’‘™‡”‘ˆ–Š‡…—””‡–”‡‰‹‡Ǥ

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•‡†ˆ‘”…‘•–”—…–‹‘Ǥ•’‡…‹ƒŽŽ› ˆ‘”–”ƒ†‹–‹‘ƒŽŠ‘—•‡•Ǥ

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

87

34. Qotsli`at`aro (May awli`ì) –‹•…‘‘ƒ”‘—†”‹˜‡” „ƒ•Ǥ‹…‡‹–•‘†‘—”‹•…‘•‹†Ǧ ‡”‡†ƒ•‰‘‘†–Š‡’‡‘’Ž‡„”‹‰‹– ™‹–Š–Š‡‹”…Ž‘•‡•™Š‹Ž‡–Š‡›‰‘

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–‘–Š‡”‹˜‡”•ˆ‘”™ƒ•Š‹‰Ǥ

88

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

35. T’et’a`ìlo 9 ‹…‡‹–••‡‡†–‡•– •ƒŽ–›ǡ…Š‹Ž†”‡‹•‡”– ‹––‘–Š‡‹”‘—–ŠǤ 9 •‡†ƒ••Š‡Ž–‡”ˆ‘” Ž‘™‡”’Žƒ–•ƒ†ƒǦ ‹ƒŽ•Ǥ 9 •‡†ˆ‘”ˆ‹”‡™‘‘†Ǥ 9 ‘•–”—…–‹‘ƒ† •–‹…ȋBetriȌǤ 9 

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

89

36. `Am`amgìmel –‹•ƒ•ƒŽŽ’Žƒ–Ǥ

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‘•–‘ˆ–Š‡–‹‡…ƒ‡Ž•‡ƒ– –Š‹•’Žƒ–Ǥ

90

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

37. Shìmì`ìya Is a plant which covers a wide space in the churches. •‡†ˆ‘”Š‘—•‡•–‘’”‘–‡…– ˆ”‘–‡”‹–‡•Ǥ –‹•„‡Ž‹‡˜‡† –Šƒ–‹ˆ–Š‡Ž‡ƒˆ•‘ˆ–Š‹•’Žƒ– ƒ”‡’—–‹–Š‡ƒ”‡ƒ•‘ˆˆ‡ƒ” ˆ‘”–‡”‹–‡•‹–™‹ŽŽ‹ŽŽ–Š‡ „›‹–•‘††‡”Ǥ 

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Is ap

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

91

38. Hohot •‡†ˆ‘”ˆ‹”‡™‘‘†Ǥ ‘”…‘•–”—…–‹‘‘ˆ–”ƒ†‹Ǧ –‹‘ƒŽŠ‘—•‡Ǥ ‘‡–‹‡•—•‡†–‘™ƒ•Š

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†‡˜‹•‡•Ǥ

92

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

39. Ch`ì`a ˆ–‡—•‡†ˆ‘”ˆ‡…‡ǡ ‹”‡™‘‘†ǡ

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‘•–”—…–‹‘

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

93

40. Tshdi •‡†ˆ‘”ˆ‹”‡™‘‘†ǡ ‘•–”—…–‹‘Ǥ –‹•„‡Ž‹‡˜‡†–Šƒ––Š‡’Žƒ–Tshdi ‹•”‡•‹•–ƒ––‘–‡”‹–‡•ƒ†Š‡…‡‹• —•‡†ˆ‘”…‘•–”—…–‹‘’—”’‘•‡Ǥ

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94

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

41. Seraw •‡ˆ—Žˆ‘”T’ush ƒŽ‘‰™‹–Š ™Ž‹‡ƒ†—Ž‹ƒ™Ǥ

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•‡†ˆ‘”…‘•–”—…–‹‘ǡ ˆ‡…‡ƒ†ˆ‹”‡™‘‘†Ǥ

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

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42. Mengolhats •‡†ˆ‘”…‘•–”—…–‹‘ǡ ˆ‡…‡ǡ…‘•–”—…–‹‘ƒ† ˆ‹”‡™‘‘†Ǥ

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Used

96

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

APPENDIX III:

LIST OF LOCAL AND ENGLISH NAMES OF ANIMALS AND

THEIR RESPECTIVE DESCRIPTION Ǥ‘

‘…ƒŽƒ‡

‰Ž‹•Šƒ‡

‡•…”‹’–‹‘

ͳ

”¿Ó¿Š

•‘”–‘ˆŽ‘‰

‘™ˆ‘”‹–•Ž‘‰‡…Ǥ

‡…‡†„‹”† ʹ

ƒ‰”ƒ

…Š‹…‡•‹œ‡†

–…ƒ„‡‡ƒ–‡„›„‘–Š–Š‡Š—”…Š‡ƒ†Žƒ›‡Ž‹‡

„‹”†™‹–Š†ƒ”

ƒ…Š‹…‡™‹–Š‘†‹•–‹…–‹‘

ƒ†™Š‹–‡…‘Ž‘” ͵

‘“™ƒŠ

†ƒ”…‘Ž‘”‡†

–…ƒ„‡‡ƒ–‡„›„‘–Š–Š‡Š—”…Š‡ƒ†Žƒ›‡Ž‹‡

ƒ†…Š‹…‡•‹œ‡†

ƒ…Š‹…‡™‹–Š‘†‹•–‹…–‹‘Ǥ

„‹”† Ͷ

Ʈ‹ˆ

‹ˆˆ‡”‡–‹†•Ȁ

‘…‹ƒŽŽ›‘–ƒŽŽ‘™‡†–‘‡ƒ–ǤŠ‡›ƒ”‡„‡Ž‹‡˜‡†–‘„‡

•ƒŽŽ„‹”†•

•›„‘Ž•‘ˆ‰‘‘†ˆ‘”–—‡Ǣ‹ˆƒ„‹”††”‘’•Š‹•ȀŠ‡”•Š‡‡–‘ ƒ›’ƒ”–‘ˆŠ‹•„‘†›Š‡Ȁ•Š‡™‹ŽŽˆ‡‡Žˆ‘”–—ƒ–‡Ǥ

ͷ

¿‰¿„‹–

‹‰‡‘

•„‡Ž‹‡˜‡†–‘‹†Ǥ˜‡ƒ‹†’‡”•‘‹••›„‘Ž‹œ‡†„› –Š‹•ƒ‹ƒŽǤ

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͸

͹

ƒ”‹ȀƒŽ‘

…ŠƮ¿™ƒ

ƒ•‘”–‘ˆ„‹‰Ž‘‰

–‹•‘™ˆ‘”‹–•Ž‘—†ƒ††‹•–—”„‹‰•‘—†ƒ†Š‡…‡ǡ

–ƒ‹Ž‡†

ƒ–ƒŽƒ–‹˜‡’‡”•‘‹••›„‘Ž‹œ‡†„›–Š‹•ƒ‹ƒŽǤ

‘—•‡

Ž‹‡ƒ––Š‹•ƒ‹ƒŽŽ‹˜‡•‘—–•‹†‡Š‘—•‡•Ǥ

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

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„‡”‡ƒ ͺ

…ŠƮ¿™ƒ

ƒ–

‰‡œƒ

ƒ–†‹ˆˆ‡”‡–†‘…—‡–•ƒ†‹•ƒ•›„‘Žˆ‘”ƒ‡‡‹‡• ‘ˆƒ’‡”•‘Ȁˆƒ‹Ž›Ǥ‹ˆ–Š‡•‡ƒ‹ƒŽ•‡š‹•–‹‘‡ǯ•Š‘—•‡ –‹•„‡Ž‹‡˜‡†–Šƒ––Š‡ƒȀˆƒ‹Ž›ƒ›ˆƒ…‡ƒ’”‘„Ž‡ ˆ”‘•‘‡„‘†›

ͺ

‹Š‡

‘”–‘ˆ„‹‰ —‹‡ƒ

Š‡’‡‘’Ž‡Šƒ˜‡ƒ‡—–”ƒŽƒ––‹–—†‡–‘™ƒ”†•–Š‹•ƒ‹ƒŽǤ

’‹‰ ͻ

ǯ‡„‡“

‹œƒ”†

•…‘•‹†‡”‡†ƒ•„ƒ†ƒ‹ƒŽ„›–Š‡’‡‘’Ž‡ǤŠ‡…Š‹Ž†”‡ ™‘—Ž†Ž‹‡–‘‹ŽŽ–Š‡ƒ‹ƒŽ„‡…ƒ—•‡–Š‡›„‡Ž‹‡˜‡–Šƒ– ‹ŽŽ‹‰–Š‹•ƒ‹ƒŽ‹•”‡™ƒ”†‹‰„› ‘†Ǥ•’‡…‹ƒŽŽ›ǡ‹–Š‡ †ƒ›•‘ˆƒ–—”†ƒ›ƒ†—†ƒ›Ǥ‡•‹†‡•ǡŠ‹•ƒ‹ƒŽ‹•ƒ …ŠƒŽŽ‡‰‡ˆ‘”‡‡‡‡’‹‰Ǣ ˆ‹–‡š‹•–•‹–Š‡ƒ”‡ƒ•‘ˆ‡‡ ‹–™‘—Ž†‡ƒ––Š‡Ǥ

ͳͲ

‡‡

ƒ‡

—–•‹†‡–Š‡Š—”…Š–Š‹•ƒ‹ƒŽ‹••›„‘Ž‹œ‡†„›†‡˜‹Ž „—–‘–‹–Š‡Š—”…Š…‘’‘—†•ǤŠ‡’‡‘’Ž‡•›„‘Ž‹œ‡ „›–Š‹•ƒ‹ƒŽˆ‘”ƒ’‡”•‘™Š‘–Š‘—‰Š–ƒ‰ƒ‹•–•‘‡Ǧ ‘‡Ǥ

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ͳͳ

‡„‡ŽŽ

‹‰ƒ‡ȋ’›Ǧ

›„‘Ž‹œ‡ˆ‘” ‘†ȋ‡ŽƒȌƒ†‹•™‡ŽŽ”‡•’‡…–‡†Ǥ

–Š‘Ȍ ͳʹ

¿„Ʋ‹

›‡ƒ

Š‡’‡‘’Ž‡„‡Ž‹‡˜‡–Šƒ––Š‹•ƒ‹ƒŽ‹•’‡ƒ…‡ˆ—Žˆ‘”

98

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Š—ƒ„‡‹‰•ƒ•ˆƒ”ƒ•–Š‡›”‡•’‡…–Š‹Ǥ ‘”‹•–ƒ…‡ǡ‹ˆ ›‘—ˆƒ…‡ƒŠ›‡ƒ‹›‘—”™ƒ›ƒ†›‘—ƒ•‡†Š‹ˆ‘” ’‡”‹••‹‘Š‡™‘—Ž†Ž‡–›‘—’ƒ••–Š”‘—‰Š›‘—”™ƒ› ’‡ƒ…‡ˆ—ŽŽ›Ǥ ͳ͵

Ʈ”Ʈƒ”‡„”‹

‡‘’ƒ”†

Š‡’‡‘’Ž‡…ƒŽŽ‹–NebriȀDz‹‰‡”dzǤ –‹•˜‹•‹„Ž‡ˆ‘”‘Ž›ˆ‡™ †ƒ›•„‡…ƒ—•‡‹–†‘‡•‘–…‘‡‘—–‘ˆ–Š‡–Š‹…ˆ‘”‡•–‘ –Š‡†ƒ›–‹‡Ǥ

ͳͶ

Šǯ‡…Šǯ‡”ƒ



–Ž‡ƒ˜‡•‹•‡ŽˆǦ’”‡’ƒ”‹‰Š‘Ž‡™‹–Š•ƒŽŽ‘’‡‹‰ǤŠ‡ ’‡‘’Ž‡Šƒ–‡–Š‹•ƒ‹ƒŽ„‡…ƒ—•‡‹–†‹‰•„—”‹ƒŽ•ƒ†‡ƒ– †‹ˆˆ‡”‡–•‡”‹ƒŽ•Ǥ

ͳͷ

—…Šǯ‹

ˆŽ‡‡

–ˆ‡‡†•–Š‡„Ž‘‘†‘ˆŠ—ƒ„‡‹‰•„›•—…‹‰Ǥ –‹•˜‡”› †‹ˆˆ‹…—Ž––‘…‘–”‘Ž†—‡–‘‹–•ƒ…–‹˜‡Ž›ˆŽ›‹‰ƒ–—”‡„—–‹ˆ –Š‡›Šƒ†‹––Š‡›‹‡†‹ƒ–‡Ž›‹ŽŽ‹–Ǥ

ͳ͸

¿…Š™ƒ

‡†„—‰

•ƒŽŽƒ‹ƒŽ™‹–Š”‡†…‘Ž‘”ˆ‡‡†„›•—…‹‰„Ž‘‘†Ǥ ˆ ›‘—‹ŽŽ–Š‹•ƒ‹ƒŽ‹–•‡ŽŽ„ƒ†ƒ†–Š‡’‡‘’Ž‡„‡Ž‹‡˜‡ –Šƒ–‹ˆ›‘—‹ŽŽ–Š‹•ƒ‹ƒŽ‹•‹†‡›‘—”Š‘‡‹–™‹ŽŽ ”‡’”‘†—…‡‘”‡Ǥ‡…‡ǡ–Š‡›†‘‘–™ƒ––‘‹ŽŽ–Š‡

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‹•‹†‡–Š‡‹”Š‘—•‡Ǥ ͳ͹

ǯƒ–ǯ—

‘•“—‹–‘

–•—…•„Ž‘‘†‘ˆŠ—ƒ„‡‹‰•ǤŠ‡’‡‘’Ž‡”‡…‘‰‹œ‡ –Š‡’”‡•‡…‡‘ˆ–Š‹•‹•‡…–ƒ–‹‰Š––‹‡Ǥ

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

99

ͳͺ

•ƒ–•‡

–

Š‡’‡‘’Ž‡Šƒ˜‡ƒ‡—–”ƒŽƒ––‹–—†‡–‘™ƒ”†•–Š‹•‹•‡…–Ǥ ‘”‹•–ƒ…‡ǡ‹ˆƒ–‡–‡”•‹–‘ƒŽ‹“—‹†™Š‹Ž‡•‘‡Ǧ ‘‡‹•†”‹‹‰Š‡Ȁ•Š‡™‘—Ž†ǯ–•–‘’–‘†”‹‹–”ƒ–Š‡” Š‡Ȁ•Š‡™‹ŽŽ…‘–‹—‡–‘†”‹„›ƒ˜‘‹†‹‰–Šƒ–‹•‡…–Ǥ

ͳͻ

ƒ‡ƒ

Ž›

Š‡’‡‘’Ž‡Šƒ˜‡ƒ‡‰ƒ–‹˜‡˜‹‡™–‘™ƒ”†•–Š‹•‹•‡…– „‡…ƒ—•‡–Š‡›„‡Ž‹‡˜‡–Šƒ––Š‹•‹•‡…–ƒŽ™ƒ›•‡š‹•–•‹ ™ƒ•–‡•Ž‹‡–‘‹Ž‡–Ǥ‡…‡ǡ‹ˆƒ Ž›‡–‡”•‹–‘ƒŽ‹“—‹†ˆ‘” †”‹‹‰–Š‡›™‘—Ž†ǯ–†”‹‹–”ƒ–Š‡”–Š‡›™‹ŽŽƒ˜‘‹†‹– ƒŽŽ™‹–Š–Šƒ–‹•‡…–Ǥ

ʹͲ

„‡–ǯƒ

ʹͳ

•¿„¿ŽƒŽ‡Ʈ¿

‘…—•–ǡ ”ƒ••Š‘’Ǧ

Š‡’‡‘’Ž‡Šƒ˜‡ƒ‡‰ƒ–‹˜‡ƒ––‹–—†‡–‘™ƒ”†•–Š‹•‹•‡…–

’‡”ǡ›‰ƒŽ‡

„‡…ƒ—•‡‹–ˆ‡‡†•‡”‹ƒŽ•Ǥ

—––‡”ˆŽ›

Š‡•‡‹•‡…–•ƒŽ™ƒ›•ˆŽ›–‘™ƒ”†•–Š‡•‘—”…‡‘ˆŽ‹‰Š–ƒ† –”›–‘•™‹–…Š‘ˆˆŽ‹‰Š–‘ˆƒ’•ƒ†ˆ‘”–Š‹•”‡ƒ•‘–Š‡ ’‡‘’Ž‡Šƒ–‡–Š‹•‹•‡…–Ǥ

ʹʹ

ǯ¿“—”„ƒƮ¿

”‘‰

Š‡’‡‘’Ž‡Šƒ˜‡ƒ’‘•‹–‹˜‡ƒ––‹–—†‡–‘™ƒ”†•–Š‹•ƒ‹ƒŽǤ

ʹ͵

„„‘‰—Ǧ

”‘—†ǦŠ‘”„‹ŽŽ

›„‘Ž‹œ‡•ˆ‘”ƒ’Š›•‹…ƒŽŽ›Š—‰‡‹ƒ…–‹˜‡’‡”•‘Ǥ

‹Ž†…ƒ–

Š‹•‹•ƒ„‹‰ƒŽ‡…ƒ–‰”‘™—’™‹–Š‘—–„‡‹‰…ƒ•–”ƒ–‡†Ǣ

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„ƒŠ ʹͶ

ƒŽ‹†——

 

‹ˆƒƒŽ‡…ƒ–‹•‘–…ƒ•–”ƒ–‡†™Š‹Ž‡‰”‘™‹‰‹–™‹ŽŽ„‡ …Šƒ‰‡†‹–‘ƒ™‹Ž†…ƒ–ƒ†•–ƒ”––‘‡ƒ–…Š‹…‡ƒ†

100

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox



•ƒŽŽ…ƒ–•Ǥ‡…‡ǡ–Š‡’‡‘’Ž‡Šƒ˜‡ƒ‡‰ƒ–‹˜‡ƒ––‹–—†‡ˆ‘” –Š‹•ƒ‹ƒŽǤ

ʹͷ

ǯ¿ˆ¿¿“

‡…‘

Š‡’‡‘’Ž‡Šƒ˜‡ƒ‡‰ƒ–‹˜‡ƒ––‹–—†‡–‘™ƒ”†•–Š‹•ƒ‹ƒŽ „‡…ƒ—•‡‹–…ƒ‡–‡”–‘‘•‡‘ˆŠ—ƒ„‡‹‰•Ǥ‡•‹†‡•ǡ‹– ‹•„‡Ž‹‡˜‡†–Šƒ–‹ŽŽ‹‰–Š‡ƒ‹ƒŽ‹•”‡™ƒ”†‹‰„› ‘†Ǥ •’‡…‹ƒŽŽ›ǡ‹–Š‡†ƒ›•‘ˆƒ–—”†ƒ›ƒ†—†ƒ›Ǥ

ʹ͸

…ŠǯŽ“™¿–



Š‡’‡‘’Ž‡Šƒ˜‡ƒ’‘•‹–‹˜‡ƒ––‹–—†‡–‘™ƒ”†•–Š‹•ƒ‹ƒŽǤ Š‡›—•‡†‹––‘•›„‘Ž‹œ‡ˆ‘”–ƒ””›ƒ†Š‡…‡ǡ‹ŽŽ‹‰ –Š‹•ƒ‹ƒŽ‹•„‡Ž‹‡˜‡†–‘„‡•‹ˆ—ŽǤ

ʹ͹

™ƒ

‘‘

Š‡’‡‘’Ž‡Šƒ˜‡ƒ‡‰ƒ–‹˜‡ƒ––‹–—†‡–‘™ƒ”†•–Š‹•ƒ‹ƒŽǤ Š‡›„‡Ž‹‡˜‡–Šƒ––Š‹•ƒ‹ƒŽ•›„‘Ž‹œ‡•ˆ‘”†‡˜‹Žƒ†‹ˆ •‘‡‘‡•‡‡–Š‹•ƒ‹ƒŽ”‘ƒ”‹‰ƒ”‘—†–Šƒ–‹’Ž‹‡• –Šƒ–•‘‡‘‡™‹ŽŽ†‹‡•‘‘Ǥ

ŠŽƒ

ƒ‰Ž‡

Š‹•„‹”†‹•‘™‘ˆ‡ƒ–‹‰…Š‹…‡ƒ†•ƒ‡Ǥ

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ʹͺ

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

101

List of Figures ͳǤ ‹‰—”‡ͳǦ‡–…Šƒ’‘ˆ–Š‡•–—†›ƒ”‡ƒ ʹǤ ‹‰—”‡ʹǣ‘ƒƒ–‹ƒ±Ž…Š—”…Š

List of photos ͳǤ Photo 1: Western and eastern scene of Mikaél church, Romanat. ʹǤ Š‘–‘ʹǣ…Š—”…Šˆ‘”‡•–•‡ŽŽƒ‘‹ƒ±Ž…Š—”…ŠǤ

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͵Ǥ Š‘–‘͵ǣ–Š‡™ƒ›–‘–Š‡Dz‘Ž›™ƒ–‡”dzǡ•‡ŽŽƒ‘‹ƒ±Ž…Š—”…ŠǤ

102

Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox

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Zesu, Gebrehiwot Gebreslassie. "The Sacred and the Profane - Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity" : Environmental Anthropology of Ethiopian Orthodox